A New VOYAGE to the LEVANT    

A New Voyage TO THE LEVANT: CONTAINING An Account of the most Remarkable Curiosities in Germany, France, Italy, Malta, and Turkey; With Historical Observations relating to the Present and Ancient State of those Countries.  
By the Sieur du Montalto  
Done into ENGLISH; and Adorned with FIGURES.  
LONDON, Printed by T. H. for M. Gillyflower, in Westminster-Hall; T. Goodwin, at the Queen's-Head, and M. Wotton, at the Three Daggers in Fleetstreet; J. Walthoe, under the Cloisters in the Middle-Temple; and R. Parker, at the Unicorn under the Royal Exchange, 1696.   

To Monsieur William de Schuylenburg, LORD of Dukenburg, Counsellor, and Clerk of the Council TO HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY.  
SIR,  
I Have taken the Liberty to offer you a Present which perhaps will surprise you; for we are generally possessed with an Opinion that 'tis impossible for the same Person to manage both a Sword and a Pen. If I had the least Inclination to pretend to the Quality of an Author, I would endeavour to demonstrate the unreasonableness of that Prejudice; nor do I believe that I should find it a very difficult Task to perform. I could easily transcribe the Stories of so many famous Captains who were equally remarkable for their Wit and for their Valour; and displayed the former in their Writings with as much Honour and Success as they signalised the latter in the most dangerous Battles: And from these Instances I would conclude that the nearest and most direct Way to Glory is to follow the bright Tracts of those Illustrious Heroes. But since the Prosecution of so noble an Attempt would require a larger Stock of Merit and Abilities than ever I could boast of, I will not be guilty of so much Vanity as to allege those Examples in my own Vindication. Nor will I trouble You with any studied or formal Apology, since I'm confident You will be easily persuaded to forgive my Boldness in presenting You with the Observations I made during my Travels, which I thought I might communicate to the Public without invading the Province, or provoking the Jealousy of Men of Letters. I made it my Recreation for some Weeks to prepare 'em for the Press, and shall be satisfied if they can furnish You with any tolerable Entertainment for some Hours. Your Approbation is all the Glory, and the highest Recompense I desire. 'Tis true, I cannot ask so noble a Reward without discovering the Boldness of my Ambition; for you have so nice a Taste, and so exact a Judgement, that you never bestow that Favour but on such as merit Applause from all the World. But I encourage myself with reflecting on that Goodness which is so natural and peculiar to You, and even presume to hope that the Sweetness of Your Temper will put a favourable Bias upon Your Judgement, and incline You to excuse, or at least to overlook my Errors. This, SIR, is the only Favour I beg leave to desire; for I never entertained a Thought of courting Your Protection on the Score of so mean a Present. I know that must be obtained by a very different Method; nor do I hope to procure it by any other Way than that by which all Good Men who have the Happiness to be known to you, may pretend to it. 'Tis from Your Generosity alone that I expect so glorious an Advantage, and from that compassionate and bountiful Inclination, which has rendered You the Support of so many Illustrious Exiles, whom the Tempest of the Age has cast upon the Shores of Holland, where, by Your Favour, they have found not only a Safe but a Peaceful and Convenient Retreat, and are enabled to outlive the Loss of all their Hopes and Fortunes. Since then a Man of Honour may assure himself of Your Protection without being obliged to bribe Your Favour, I might be justly accused both of Folly and Injustice if I should endeavour to obtain it by indirect Methods. No, Sir, I never harboured so criminal a Thought; and the only reason why I make bold to consecrate the Fruit of my Travels to You, is because this Dedication will furnish me with an Opportunity to acknowledge the vast Debt I owe You. The Iniquity of Fortune made me incapable of expressing the Sense I have of Your Goodness; and I can assure You, that Consideration alone sat heavier upon me than all the rest of my Disasters. And is it not natural for a Man in such a Condition to embrace the first Occasion he can meet with of satisfying in some Measure the extreme Desire he has to express his Gratitude? Permit me then to acknowledge that I have received very considerable Favours from You, that You bestowed 'em in the most obliging Manner imaginable, that I never merited 'em, that You could not have the least Reason to believe that ever I could requite 'em, and consequently that You were only acted by a Principle of doing Good, without the least hope of a Return. This, Sir, is what I desire to publish to all the World; this is the only Motive that incited me to prefix this Letter to those which You will find in the Body of the Treatise; and to convince You that I had no other Design in my View, I shall pnrposely avoid the usual Strain of Dedications, and save You the trouble of reading those Praises which Your Merit challenges from all the World, and Your Modesty will not receive even from Your best Friends. 'Tis not without extreme Reluctancy that I decline so inviting a Subject; and I had almost made bold to tell You, that You were obliged to me for my Silence. You know what a vast Field lies before me, and with how much Pleasure and Satisfaction I would have made Use of this Opportunity to acquaint the World with Your unalterable Love to Your Country, Your inviolable Fidelity to the State, Your Zeal and Affection to His Majesty's Service, Your extraordinary Abilities and Capacity for the Management of those important Affairs that are entrusted to Your Care; the Clearness and Quickness of Your Apprehension, the Solidity of Your Judgement, Your uncommon Generosity, the charming Sweetness of Your Temper, Your incorruptible Probity, and all the other eminent Virtues and Endowments, which hath gained You the Esteem and Admiration of all the World. 'Twould be an endless Task to mention all those rare and noble Qualities which have so justly entitled You to the Favour of the greatest King in the World. But I must not forget my Promise, and therefore shall content myself with admiring you in Silence, after I have begged Leave to assure You that I am, and shall ever remain, with a profound Respect,  
SIR, Your most Humble and most Obedient Servant, Du Mont.   

THE PREFACE.  
THE Custom of Writing Prefaces has been so long established, and is grown so common, that what was formerly looked upon as a Courtesy, is now reckoned a Duty: and if the Reader be not coaxed into good Humour, he thinks himself engaged in Honour to resent the Affront, and the Book must be damned for the Clownishness of the Author. But tho' I dare not venture to send this Treatise abroad without so necessary an Ornament, I must confess I'm somewhat puzzled how to begin my Address. 'Tis true, I might pretend a Right (and perhaps as justly too as many others) to that threadbare Excuse of common Scribblers; that neither my Humour, nor Profession inclines me to set up for an Author, that this Treatise was composed and designed for my own private Use, that I happened to show it to some Friends, and was at last constrained by their perpetual and resistless Importunities, to consent to its Publication. But tho' I should spoil my Compliment to the Reader, I will neither endeavour to court his Favour, nor save my Credit by a Lie: that is, I will not pretend that I was either forced or persuaded to a thing which I chose for a Diversion in my Winter-Quarters, where I spent my time in revising and putting in Order the Notes I had taken during my Travels. As to the Method I have observed in communicating my Observations, besides other Advantages 'tis certainly most convenient for a Man of my Profession. One that is not accustomed to Writing, expresses his Thoughts more easily in familiar Letters than in a continued Discourse: for he is neither acquainted with the Niceties of a correct Style, nor able to preserve an exact Uniformity and Connexion in so great a Variety of Matter.  
'Twou'd be a difficult and laborious Task to answer all the Objections that may be made against this Work: And therefore since I am not naturally overfond of making Apologies, I'm resolved to let it go at a venture, and take its Fate among the Critics, without giving myself the Trouble to consider, much less to prevent or confute their Censures. However it must be acknowledged, that 'tis the Design of all Authors, and mine in particular, to please, and therefore it will not be improper to be speak the Reader's Favour, since he must shortly become my Judge: and I may justly desire to be heard before my Doom be pronounced.  
In the first place, I expect to be censured for writing on a Subject which has been already handled by so many Learned and Inquisitive Travellers, and seems to be quite exhausted by the vast Number of Relations with which they have obliged the Public. In Answer to this Objection, I might content myself with desiring the Reader to consult the Prefaces of those Authors who have treated on the same Subject; but without giving him the Trouble of perusing their Reasons, I can assure him, that in the following Letters he will meet with several Observations that are omitted by other Travellers. I made it my principal Business to observe the Manners and Customs of the People, which are subject to frequent and considerable Alterations; and consequently I may, without Vanity, affirm, that my Remarks will furnish the Reader with a fresher, and more diverting Entertainment, than the dry Relations of a mere Antiquary or Geographer. Neither is the Subject so barren nor so much exhausted, as the Objection supposes, and we commonly imagine it to be. A hundred Authors have handled it before me, and in all Probability a hundred more will treat of it after me. But almost every Writer pursues a different Method, and takes Notice of some Things that were neglected by others: and tho' I have related nothing but what I have seen or heard, I shall be always glad to peruse the Writings of succeeding Travellers, and may perhaps find several considerable Remarks in their Relations that had escaped my own Observation.  
'Tis true there are some Things so particularly described in the Relations of other Travellers, that I chose rather to omit many beauful Descriptions with which I might have embellished my Work, than to transcribe or repeat the Observations that are already communicated to the Public. As for Example; what could I have added to the exact Account of the Roman Pantheon, Capitol, Colliseum, etc. of the Palace of S. Mark at Venice, of the Great Council, and a thousand other Things of that Nature? 'Twill perhaps be objected, that for the same Reason I ought to have omitted several other Descriptions, which I have taken care to insert in my Letters; but to remove that Prejudice 'twill be sufficient to put the Reader in mind that there is so necessary a Connexion between my Old and New Observations, that I could not possibly mention the latter, without taking Notice of the former. 'Tis true, I cannot pretend the same Excuse for that part of my Book, where I treat of the Egyptian Pyramids, of Cairo, and the Ruins of Alexandria: But there is something so wonderful and surprising in those Celebrated Monuments of Antiquity, that I concluded the curious Reader would be glad of an Opportunity to refresh his Memory by Reading the Two Letters I have written on that Subject: and as for those who are already so well acquainted with these Curiosities, that they cannot employ their Time with Pleasure in Reading a New Account of 'em, they may easily save themselves that Trouble, by skipping over Ten or Twelve Leaves.  
The same Answer may serve for those who win 〈◊〉 apt to censure me for inserting in my Two first Letters, an Abridgement of the Campagne in Germany in 1689. and of the Barbarities that were committed by the French in that Country. And besides, I must beg Leave to tell those Gentlemen, that several Men of Sense are of a very different Opinion, and esteem that an Ornament, which they perhaps may reckon a Fault.  
I could easily dispatch such nibbling Critics if I were not afraid of being attacked by more formidable Adversaries, who will absolutely condemn all those little Stories which I thought fit to insert in my Work; either to give the Reader a clearer and more comprehensive Idea of the Genius and Customs of the People of whom I have occasion to discourse, or for some other Reasons that need not be mentioned. Since I must expect to be treated with the utmost Rigour and Spite by such peevish and merciless Censurers; I do not think myself obliged either to submit to their Judgement, or to appease their Anger. And therefore I shall content myself with telling 'em plainly, that they may lay aside my Book, when they meet with any Thing in it that offends 'em, and that I shall be equally unconcerned whether they approve or condemn it.  
The Reader may easily perceive, that I designed not to have ended my Relation at Venice. I thought, in a Second Part, to have given an Account of Germany, Holland, and Flanders: but the time of Staying in our Winter-Quarters being expired, I was obliged to quit my Closet for the Field, before I had finished my intended Work. In the mean time, if the First Part meet with an encouraging Reception, the Second shall be completed next Winter; if not, I must even take my Rest, or find out some other Employment; for I never was, nor will be of an Humour to cloy the Public with my Writings.   

THE CONTENTS.  

LETTER I. THE Design of the two first Letters. Description of Spire. The Bone of a Man who was Twenty five Foot high. Of the Burning of the City, and the Consternation of the Inhabitants. Of the Plundering of the Town, and the Sacrileges that were Committed on that Occasion. Treasure found in the Jesuits House. Description of Manheim. Of the razing of that City. Several other Towns demolished. 1  
LETTER II. Relation of the Campaign in Germany. The Elector of Brandenburg takes Keiserwaert, and sits down before Bonn. Mentz besieged by the Dukes of Bavaria and Lorraine. Heidelberg invested by the Marshal de Duras, who is forced to raise the Siege Seven Days after. Description of the City. The same Marshal burns Wiselock and Sinsennes. Disorders committed by his Army. Wingarten and Bruchsal taken. Cocheim stormed by Monsieur de Boufflers, who afterwards makes himself Master of several other Places. The Marshal de Duras continues his March, and burns Baden, Durlach, and all Wirtemberg. Description of Baden. Description of Durlach. The Author Arrested. Mentz reduced. Description and History of Strasburg. 19  
LETTER III. Description and History of Metz. Description if Nanci and Langres. History and Description of Dijon. 25  
LETTER IV. The Author travels in Company with a Priest, who pretends to be acquainted with Charms. Description of Lions. The Marshal de Feuillade's pleasant Repartees to the Archbishop of that Place. Account of the Vaudois, 32  
LETTER V. History and Antiquity of Vienne in Dauphiné. Story of a Beggar. Description and History of Grenoble. Description of a Cistertian Monastery. Description of Chamberi, Montmelian, S. John de Morienne, and Mount Cennis. Description of Tunis, 42  
LETTER VI Description of Pignerol. Of the dangerous Passage over Mount Geneure. The Author stopped at Sisteron. Description of that Town. Description of Aix in Provenc●. History of Provence. Mildness of its Climate. Advantages of its Soil. Description of the Turfe's or Earth-Apples that are found there, 57  
LETTER VII. History of Marseilles. The strange Aversion of the Inbitants against the French. Description of the City. Of the New Town. Of the Abbey of S. Victor. Of the Galleys. The Deplorable Condition of the Galleyslaves. Of the Arsenal, 70  
LETTER VIII. Description of S. Baume. The unusual Stature of Mary Magdalen. By what Accident she came to Provence. Of the Relic of that Saint at S. Maximin. Of the Amphitheatre at Arles. Of the Obelisk. Of the Foundation of Nismes. The Temple of Diana. The Tower Magne. The Square House. The Civil and Free Temper of the People of Languedoc. History of two unfortunate Lovers. Another of S. Anthony's Ghost at Marseilles 81  
LETTER IX. Of the Isles of If. Of the Bravery of the People of Provence. Of the Republio of Genoa. Ways to prevent the dangerous Effects of Bombs and Granades. General Remarks on Italy. Of the Courtesans. Of the Luxury that reigns under the Pontificate of Alexander VIII. Compared with that of Innocent XI. Abuses occasioned by the Privileges granted to Churches as places of Refuge. Of the unusual Dexterity of a certain Florentine in avoiding a Musket-Bullet. 100  
LETTER X. Of a furious Tempest, in which a little Boy was carried from one End of the Ship to the other. A Story of another Accident almost of the same Nature, which happened during a Storm of Lightning at the Castle of Guernsey. The Author's Arrival at Malta. The quick Return of a Messenger that was sent from Malta to Provence. Abridgement of the History of Malta. How it was besieged by Sinan Bassa. The Strength and Beauty of the City Valette. Of the Arsenal. of S. John's Church. Ceremonies observed at Malta in the performing of Divine Service. The Antiquity and Institution of the Order. It's present Condition. Of the Hospital, and how diseased Persons are entertained in it. 115  
LETTER XI. Of the Dryness and Barrenness of Malta. The extraorordinary Heat of the Climate. The Manners and Customs of the Inhabitants. Two Stories on that Subject. Of the great Number of Courtesans in the Island. The Habit of the Women. Of the Bonnes Vogues. Tyrannical Proceedings of the Inquisition. S. Paul's Grotto. Of the common Opinion that there are no Serpents in Malta. 131  
LETTER XII. The Ruins of Troy. The two Castles at the Mouth of the Hellespont. The admirable Prospect of Constantinople from the Sea Marmora. The Character of Monsieur de Chasteauneuf, the French Ambassador at the Port. History of Constantinople. The Purity of the Air. The Extent of the City. Of its Strength and Buildings. Of the Besestin and Hippodrome. Fabulous Traditions concerning the Emperor Leo Isaurus. Description of Santa Sophia. History of its Foundation. Description of the Mosque built by the Sultaness Validé. 142  
LETTER XIII. Arsenal of Constantinople. Description of the Hans and Karavanserai. Inconveniencies of Travelling in Turkey. The French Ambassador sends his Secretary to Poland; and for what Reasons. Description of the Seraglio. Sultan Amurat's Severity. Monsieur de Chasteauneuf receives an Audience from the Caimacan. Their Compliments and Discourse. Ceremonies observed at the Audience. Description of the Caimacan's House. 160  
LETTER XIV. The Sultan's magnificent Entry into Constantinople. The Order of the Cavalcade. The French Ambassador expresses a great deal of Joy on this Occasion. The Way how Moneys are transmitted to him for Secret Service. Story of two French Engeneers. The French come over to the Turks in great Numbers. A remarkable Story of a Spy sent by the Emperor. 175  
LETTER XV. Of the Liberty which the Greeks enjoy in Scio. Of the City of Scio. Of the Mastic that grows in the Island. A pleasant Story of S. Anthony's Image. Turks and Christians join in some superstitious Rites. Of the Schools of Homer. Of the free Way of living in Scio. The Habit of the Inhabitants. 185  
LETTER XVI. Of the Island of Stanchio, where Hypocrates and Appelles were born. Abridgement of the History of Rhodes. Description of the City. The Head of a Dragon. Of the Rhodian Colossus. The Author's Arrival at Cyprus, where he sees a Man with four Arms. Arrival at Alexandria. Description of that City. Pompey's Pillar. Remarks upon that Column. Catacombs near Alexandria. Manner of Divining among the Arabs. A Story on that Subject. An Account of the Arabs, and their manner of living. 194  
LETTER XVII. The Egyptian Pyramids. An Idol Twenty six Foot high. Catacombs, or Subterraneous Vaults, in which the Mummy is found. Ruins of M●●phis. Abridgement of the History of Cairo. Description of that City. The Castle of Cairo, Joseph's Palace, and Well. Of Maltharea, where there is a Spring of Water. A Story of the Blessed Virgin. 211  
LETTER XVIII. Of Smyrna. Of the Ancient and Present State of that City. Relation of an Earthquake. Authority of the Consuls of the Franks. The Author puts himself ●●der the Protection of Holland, and receives a Thousand Civilities from the Consy of that Nation. 223  
LETTER XIX. The Aritrarness of the Turk is Government. The Dignity and Authority of the Grand Visier. Of the Bassa's and Grandees of the Empire. The Weakness of the Government is the Cause of those frequent Disorders that disturb the Quiet of the Empire. Of the Administration of Justice. Of the Cadi's, Bassa's, and Vaivods. Of the other Officers, and their Jurisdictions. Story of a Judge who was bribed to acquit a Malefactor. Several kinds of Punishment in Turkey. Pleasant Stories which the Magistrates tell of each other. 232  
LETTER XX. The Turks believe there were Four Prophets sent by GOD, Enoch, Moses, Christ, and Mahomet. Their fondness for Predestination. Of the White and Black Angels. Their Opinion concerning the Union of the Soul and Body. Their Ablutions and Devotions. Their Lent. Their Charity. Their Kindness to Dogs. A Dog Arraigned, Condemned, and Executed. A Battle between the Dogs and Jaccals. Turkish Conceits about the Plague. 249  
LETTER XXI. Turkish Genius opposite to ours. Their lazy Manner of Living. Their Skill in Horsemanship. Of Servants Wages. Habit of the Men. Of Marriage, and keeping of Concubines. Punishment of Whores. Of the Way which the Women take to declare an amorous Passion. A Story on that Subject. Severity of Husbands. Another Story. Habit of the Women. Their Way of Painting. Their Beauty and Neatness. Their frequent Bathing. The Turkish Music. Several Kind's of Dances. Puppet-Shows. Of the Turkish Salutations and Civility. Of Persons of Quality in Turkey. A blunt Repartee. 261  
LETTER XXII. The Slavery of the Greeks. Their Habit. Dances. Opinion concerning the Marks of Virginity. Salutation on Easter-Day. Their Separation from the Romish Church, and the Reasons they give for it. The Points of Doctrine in which they differ from the Romanists. Of the Procession of the Holy Ghost. Of Purgatory. Of Communion under both Kind's. Of leavened Bread. Of the Celibacy of the Clergy. The Habit of the Priests and Religious Persons. The Structure of their Churches. They believe Transubstantiation. And worship Images. Their Manner of Painting. A short Account of the Armenians. Opinion of the Greeks concerning Bodies that remain uncorrupted in the Grave. Funeral Ceremonies. Weeping-Women. Jewish Impostors. Character of the Jews. Their Superstition, Jealousy, and Habit. 381  
LETTER XXIII. Arrival of Five Barbary Ships: A particular Account of the Disorders committed by those Barbarians about a Year ago. The French Consul quarrels with the Capuchins. He is governed by the Jesuits. Character of the Jesuits. Ignorance of the Turks, and their surprising Neglect of the Public Interest. Arabian Divination. A Story on that Subject. The Turks much addicted to the Study of the Philosopher's Stone. 301  
LETTER XXIV. History of Mahomet IV. Emperor of the Turks. He loses the Battle of Hersan. The Army revolts against him. He is deposed by the Grandees of the Empire. His Brother Soliman advanced to the Throne. The Caimacan endeavours to make his Escape in a French Vessel. He flies towards the Black Sea: is taken and Beheaded. A new Insurrection against Soliman, in which the City and Galleys are set on Fire. The Emperor retires to Adrianople. The Duke of Bavaria takes Belgrade. The Prince of Baden obtains three great Victories: and makes himself Master of several Places. The Visier Ishmael deposed. The Bassa Kopergli Oglon put in his Place: He is killed at the Battle of Salankemen. Proposals of Peace. Story of a Venetian Captain, who put himself under the Protection of France. Death of the Emperor Soliman. Advancement of his Brother Achmet. Tragical End of Mustapha Aga. 314  
LETTER XXV. The French Ambassador comes to Adrianople: And breaks the Treaty of Peace. Death of the English Ambassador. Count Marsigli assassinated. An Italian turns Turk. Ceremonies observed at the Receiving of a Renegado. The Bones of a Man Twenty Foot high, found at Thessalonica. The Author prepares for his Departure. News of Count Marsigli's Recovery. 331  
LETTER XXVI. Death of Signior Stephano. The Ship's Company take him for a Sorcerer. Description of the Isle of Millo. Of Argentiere. Of Zant. A pleasant Story of the Prince of Brunswick's Amours with a Courtesan. Description of Ragusa. Of the Government of that Republic. Prospect of Venice, Description of the New Lazaretto. Orders observed there. Of the Inquisition of State. Spies entertained by that Tribunal. The Author in Danger of feeling their Severity. 339  
LETTER XXVII. Of the E●tent of Venice. Of its Strength. Whether it be impregnable. Reason's why it is not fortified. Observations on the Canals. Of the Streets. Of S. Mark's Place. The Broglio. The Procuraties. The Palace of S. Mark. S. Mark's Church. The Arsenal. Beauty of the Venetian Palaces. Of the Ridotti or Gaming-Houses. 354  
LETTER XXVIII. Degrees of the Venetian Nobility. Advantages of the poor Nobles. Extravagant Ceremonies observed by the Venetians in their Salutations: In Discourse and Letters. Titles given to Persons according to their several Ranks. The Doge a gaudy Slave. History of Francis Moresini, the present Doge. The Procurator Moresini's public Entry. Edicts against Luxury. Of the Knights of S. Mark. Of the Forces of the Republic. Of the Condition of the Officers and Soldiers. Of the Ships that belong to the Republic. S. Mark, represented under the Figure of a Lyon. History of that Lyon. The Venetian Nobleses extremely civil to Strangers. Of the Bravoes. Habit of the Nobles. 372  
LETTER XXIX. Of the Gondola's, and of the Dexterity of the Gondoliers. Festival after Ascension-Day. Of the Venetian Ladies, and the Liberty they enjoy. Of the Pleasure and Advantage of Marsquerades. Of the Venetian Astrologers. Of Girls that come to the Fair. Of their Dress. Of the Way of Buying 'em. Opinion of the Italians concerning the Marks of Virginity. Of the Courtesans. A pleasant Story. Of the Operas and Comedies. History of Pope Alexander VIII. Ridiculous Opinion of the Italians concerning the French Customs. 394   
The END of the Contents.   

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A New Voyage TO THE LEVANT.  

LETTER I.  
SIR,  
I must beg leave to complain of the hardness of the Task you impose upon me, by requiring me to give you an exact Relation of our present Campaign, with the Description of those Cities in Germany which I shall have occasion to visit; but neither the Troublesomeness of such a Correspondence, nor the Sense of my own Unfitness to Manage it, shall make me decline an Undertaking by which I may convince you of my extreme desire to obtain the honour of your Friendship, and to secure myself in the Possession of it beyond the danger or fear of any future Alteration.  
I shall begin, then, with acquainting you, that we were about eight Days ago quartered in a City called Spire, which is now a heap of Stones: The Inhabitants have been threatened these three Months, with the execution of that fatal Design of reducing the City to Ashes, and during that time lived in a cruel Uncertainty, and perpetual Fear of their impending Ruin. Spire was situated in the Palatinate of the Rhine, called of old Nimetum, and its Inhabitants Nimetes; it was the Seat of the Imperial Chamber, composed of two Precedents, one a Catholic, and the other a Protestant; and fifteen Counsellors, eight of the Romish, and seven of the other Persuasion. The Elector of Triers held the Bishopric of that City, the Sovereignty of which is extended over several fine Territories; and among the rest, Philipsburg, which the Emperor was obliged to restore to that Prelate, by the Treaty concluded with France at Triers, in 1685. The Cathedral was a large and fine Structure, well furnished with Lights, and adorned with great Pyramidal Towers at the four Corners. On the Rightside of the Church stood the Episcopal Palace, famous for its Architecture, and enriched on the Inside with a great variety of fine Pictures; and on the other side was the House of the Canons, with a very ancient Cloister, in the middle of which there was a Mount of Olives cut in the Rock, esteemed to be a Masterpiece of Sculpture. Before the Church there was a great Court or void Space, capable of containing 10000 Men drawn up in Battalia. All the Houses that surrounded it were well built, especially that of the Jesuits, which fronted the Bishop's Palace, where those Fathers had a very curious Library of above 6000 Volumes, which was consumed in the general Conflagration of the City; with five or six others belonging to private Persons that were no less considerable. The Inhabitants of Spire were Rich, and lovers of Pleasure: The City was surrounded with a great number of Gardens abundantly furnished with every thing that might contribute to the Advantage and Pleasure of the Owners; for besides the Beauty of the Orange-Trees which were preserved there notwithstanding the Coldness of the Climate; and the various Ornaments of covered and opened Walks, Flowers, Waterworks, and Statues; there was a great abundance of all sorts of Fruit-Trees. Every Garden had also the convenience of a Pleasure-House, very handsomely built, and all over Painted and Gilt after the Germane Fashion, in which the Gentlemen of Spire passed the time with a great deal of Satisfaction, some in Drinking, and others in more charming Diversions. The Town-House was famous for its Antiquity, which was said to amount to above twelve Ages since its first Foundation, but had nothing else to recommend it to the Observation of Travellers. Before the Gate there hung on an Iron-Ring, a Bone of an Arm, which equalled a Thigh-Bone in bigness, and was proportionably long. 'Tis affirmed in the Records of the City, that the Man to whom that Bone belonged, whose Name was Olps, was twenty five Foot high, and that he was killed about 1300 Years ago in a Siege against the Town, the Ladder breaking under him as he was scaling the Walls; which gave a fair Opportunity to the Besieged to rid themselves of so formidable an Enemy, by pouring whole Hogsheads of boiling Pitch upon him. His Hipbone was also preserved in the great Hall, which I have often seen, without giving much credit to the Story; for 'tis hard to conceive, that a Man of such a Gigantine Stature could have escaped the Obsrvation of Historians.  
To return to Spire; The City was taken by the Dauphin about the end of the last Year, (when he made himself Master of Philipsburg) and was immediately put under Contribution; and besides, 6000 Men were quartered in it during the Winter, which made the Inhabitants believe they had already suffered the severest Effects of their Enemy's Fury. But they were extremely surprised, when in the last Spring they were commanded to raise 60000 Crowns, under pain of Burning. This rigorous Order could not be executed without reducing 'em to Beggary; for Money was already very scarce in the City, and yet those Wretches put themselves to the utmost stretch to raise the Sum; which they had no sooner paid, but the Baron de Monclair caused a Proclamation to be published with Sound of Trumpet, commanding all the Inhabitants to retire with their Goods, because the Town was to be burnt on the 5 th'. Day after the publishing of the Order. And to add to the Cruelty of their Punishment, they were not suffered to pass the Rhine, where they might have found some Assistance among their Friends and Relations, but were forced to retire to Alsace, among the French, who treated them like so many Beasts, without the least Mark of Humanity or Compassion. After all these Severities, they might have found some Consolation even in the extremity of their Affliction, if they had been furnished with Wagons for the Transportation of their Goods; but they were not to expect the least Favour, and were obliged to hire Wagons of the Peasants and Sutler's, who, taking Advantage of their Necessity, made 'em pay such excessive Rates, that they were forced to leave the greatest part of their Goods for want of Carriage. In that time of Extremity I heard some of those miserable Creatures offer fifteen Crowns a-day for the use of a Horse, that might have been bought for a smaller Summ. Never any Man beheld so touching an Object as was occasioned by the Grief and Consternation that covered every Face in this unfortunate City, at the publishing of the Burning-Order. Our Eyes and Ears were every where saluted with Tears and Lamentations; the Women especially moved the hardest Hearts with Compassion, their Despair making 'em tear their Hair, and strike their Heads against the Wall.  
At last the fatal Term being expired, they were forced to bid a lasting Farewell to the City, and with it to almost all their Goods and Possessions. Then their Lamentations began afresh, and their Despair appeared more visibly than ever; nor was it possible for any Heart that was not entirely divested of all sense of Humanity, to resist the Motions of Compassion that were excited at the sight of so deplorable an Object. Noblemen, Tradesmen, the Poor and the Rich, began their doleful March, without any Mark of Distinction, all equally Miserable; with this only difference, that the Rich were more sensible of their Misfortunes than those whose Poverty secured 'em from the danger of considerable Losses. I'm still filled with Horror as often as I reflect on that dismal Spectacle; and I'm confident you would not be less deeply touched with a sense of the irrecoverable Ruin of so many innocent Persons, if you had been an Eye-Witness of it. You could not have beheld, without feeling almost the same Transports of Sorrow, two or three hundred Noble-women and Citizens Wives walking on foot in the midst of an Infinite Crowd of People, and most of 'em followed by five or six small Children, some of 'em hanging at the Mother's Breast, not knowing where to shelter themselves during the Night, nor where to find necessary Refreshment and Sustenance for their wearied Bodies; for the excessive Contributions that were exacted from 'em, had so drained their Purses, that three quarters of 'em were not Masters of one Penny; and those who had the happiness to preserve the Remainders of their Money, had hid it underground, for fear of being robbed by the Soldiers on the Road, as several of 'em were who had not used that Precaution.  
After their Departure, the Town was abandoned for two Days to the Mercy of the Soldiers, who committed a Thousand Sacrileges; for hoping to find some hidden Treasures, they threw down the Altars, digged up dead Bodies, and rif●●d the most Ancient and Venerable Tombs, without sparing those of an Emperor, and several great Princes and Prelates that were in the Cathedral, which they turned to a Stable.  
Places burnt by the French  
While we are busied in demolishing Spire, the Queen's Regiment, and some others, are employed in the same Exercise at Manheim, a small City built by Charles Lewis, Elector Palatine, who had the conveniency of contriving the Fortifications as he pleased. All the Houses were exactly uniform, and the four Gates might be seen at once from the Place of Arms in the midst of the Town. This was so important and advantageous a Post, that Monsieur Vauban said one Day to the King, That whatever Prince was Master of Manheim and Philipsburg, might at once maintain a War against his Majesty and the Emperor. The Baroness of Aiguenfeld, the second Wife, or (if you will) the Mistress of that Elector, was buried in this City: And our Soldiers not only broke open her Tomb, but threw her Bones without the Walls. The Duchess of Orleans pretends to have received several ill Offices from that Lady; but I'm the less inclinable to think that she was accessary to such an inhuman Action, when I consider her Kindness to the Rhograves, that Barone●s's Children. Worms, Frankendal, Ladenburg, Openheim, and Keidiscum, are under the same Sentence that has been executed on Manheim and Spire: But since I never was in any of those Places, I cannot gratify your Curiosity with an exact Description of 'em, only I can inform you that they were considerable Towns, and that they are either already demolished, or will be quickly reduced to such a Condition, that all that can be henceforth said of 'em is, Here stood Worms, Spire, Manheim, etc.  
These, Sir, are all the remarkable Transactions with which I can at present acquaint you;  
I am, SIR, Your &c. From the Camp at Spire, June 1689.   

LETTER II.  
SIR,  
I Hope this Letter will in some measure atone for my long Silence, and convince you that my Neglect was not the only Cause of my not writing to you once every Month, according to your Desire: For I concluded that a complete Relation of the Compaign would be a more acceptable Present to you, than if I had sent you from time to time some interrupted and ill-connected Accounts of it. Besides, I was so little Master of my Time during the whole Month of August, that you cannot with Justice refuse to put a less severe Construction on my Silence: And I'm confident that after you have read the Account of my Misfortunes in the beginning of this Month, you will esteem me a fitter Object of your Compassion than Anger. Perhaps you little expected to hear of my Confinement to a close Prison for fifteen Days; but I can assure you, that if the Marquis D'Efiat had not vouchsafed me his Protection, and cleared me of all my suspected Crimes, in a Letter to Monsieur de Chamilly, for aught I know, I might have been still in the same Condition. But before I give you a particular Account of that Accident, the Order of time obliges me to entertain you with a Relation of our Warlike Expeditions.  
While our Army, in July, lay quiet, the Elector of Brandenburg attacked and took Keiserwaert: And we were afterwards informed, that, not content with that Success, he sat down before Bonner; and that Mentz was invested by the Dukes of Bavaria and Lorraine, with an Army of Seventy thousand Men, which obliged us to make a Diversion in the Palatinate: And that Design was executed with so much Fury and Cruelty, that Posterity will hardly ever give credit to that part of the History of our Age. We passed the Rhine at Philips●urg on a Bridge of Boats, in the beginning of August. I need not tell you that this City was surrendered to the Dauphin on his Birthday (Novemb. 1.) which he rendered famous by his first Conquest: But I cannot forbear doing Justice to the Bravery and Greatness of Mind which he showed on that Occasion. For he was everywhere present, and neither gave his Orders by Proxy, nor suffered any thing to be done without his Knowledge. Philipsburg is a very inconsiderable Town, scarce able to contain a numerous Garrison, nor can it boast of one remarkable House, but that which belongs to the Governor. But, notwithstanding those Defects, 'tis a place of great importance, both by reason of its Situation between the Rhine and a large and deep Marsh, and its numerous Fortifications. There was a Redoubt on the other side of the Rhine to defend the Passage of the River, which the Dauphin took in two Days: But there are so many new Works added, that it may be called more properly a considerable Fort than a simple Redoubt. The next Day we encamped before Heydelberg, which we invested on the side next the Rhine. This City was part of our last Year's Conquests, and had paid Contributions two or three times. Some of our Troops had their Winter-Quarters in it, and possessed it without the least Disturbance till the Spring, when by an unaccountable sort of Policy, we blew up the Castle, and left the Town (I think) on purpose that we might have the pleasure of Besieging it two Months after: For you must not imagine because the Trenches were not opened, that the Siege was never really intended, since 'tis plain from reason that we sat down before it with that design, because we could not have chosen a more probable way to divert the Imperial Forces: And besides, 'tis certain that Monsieur de Duras had given Orders for a general Assault the Day on which the Place was relieved by a Detachment of 3000 Men, who entered the Town with several Boats laden with Ammunition, and all sorts of necessary Provisions. However, our Army, consisting of 25000 Men, with 45 Pieces of Cannon, lay seven Days before it, during which time we lost 8 or 900 good Soldiers, besides several Officers; and were at last forced to leave a defenceless Town, that might have been stormed with Sword in Hand the first Night we sat down before it: For we had already ruined those inconsiderable Fortifications that defended it, before we left it in the Spring: And at the same time we blew up the Castle, or at least the best part of it, in which alone the strength of the Place consisted. Nevertheless all its Defects might have been corrected by an industrious Master: And besides, it must be acknowledged to be a Place of great Importance, if we consider the Advantages of its Situation; for it would have opened a Passage on the Neckar, and made us Masters of the whole Country as far as Franckfort.  
Heydelberg is the Chief City of the Palatinate of the Rhine, seated on the Neckar, in a Bottom betwixt two Hills. The Castle where the Electors formerly resided, stands on a Hillock that commands the Town, and has the Advantage of a lovely, but of late neglected Garden. The Strangers that passed through this City never failed to pay a Visit to the famous Tun, of above a hundred Years standing, and were usually received with the ●●llkom▪ which is a Glass containing about two Quarts. The French, who quartered here during the Winter, were so sensible of the Charms of that hospitable Vessel, that they left not one Drop in it, tho' it contained above 300 Hogsheads of Wine. Near the City there is a fair Church, consisting of three several Vaults, under which the Catholics, Lutherans, and Calvinists perform Divine Service. It was built by Charles Lewis, Elector Palatine, who named it The Temple of Concord, to put his Subjects in mind that their Temporal Safety depended on their Union; and that a diversity of Interests was not a necessary Consequence of Difference in Religion. This City was formerly Mistress of one of the finest Libraries in the World, which she possessed till the Year 1622, when Count Tilly having taken the City, sent part of the Books to Rome, while the rest were dispersed like those of Alexandria, to the irreparable Loss of the learned World; since no other Library contained so numerous a Collection of rare Manuscripts.  
The City being secured by a seasonable Relief from our intended Assault, we decamped on the 9 th'. before Day, and having marched two Leagues, arriv●d about eight a-clock at the little Town of Wiseloch, which we burned in our Passage, after we had thrust out the Inhabitants. Sinsennes, and several other Villages, met with the same Treatment from our Dragoons, who were always entrusted with these fiery Commissions. These Ministers of our Fury allowed no longer respite to the Places they were ordered to destroy, than what might give 'em leisure to plunder the best Effects of the Inhabitants, ravish their Wives and Daughters, and commit a thousand other Disorders. The Fame of our Cruelties was quickly spread over the Countries of Wirtemberg and Baden, and drove away all the Inhabitants of the Towns and Villages to which we approached; who fled from us as from the Enemies and Destroyer's of Mankind, endeavouring to save their Lives in the Woods and Forests, where many of 'em seeking to avoid one kind of Death, met with another no less terrible, and chose rather to be starved than killed; so that from henceforward during our whole March, we found not one Person, either in the Towns or Country through which we passed. Only Weingarten and Bruchsal pretended to stop our Career; but two Days after they were constrained to Surrender, and both the Garrisons and Inhabitants were made Prisoners of War, and the Towns were treated with the same Severity with those that were formerly mentioned, by the Troops that entered into 'em. At the same time Monsieur de Boufflers, who commanded a Flying Camp, came before a little Town called Cocheim, in which there was a Garrison of 600 Men, and fearing least the Place should be relieved, immediately gave Orders for an Assault, which was carried on and received with equal Vigour and Bravery. The Action lasted two Hours, after which our Men were obliged to retire; but the Major, who commanded in the Town, contenting himself with so remarkable a Success, and concluding that the Courage of the French Troops was so well cooled, that they would hardly venture to return to a place where they had met with so rough a Treatment, instead of taking Measures to prevent a Surprise, went to recruit his Spirits after so hot an Action, with a Glass of his beloved Wine: In the mean time Monsieur de Boufflers, upon a Signal which was made to him by some Traitors in the Town, commanded his Dragoons to renew the Attack, which they did with greater Vigour than before, and storming the Town, ran to the place of Arms, with their Swords in their Hands, where they found the Garrison drawn up in Battalia, whom they put to the Sword, not allowing them the benefit of Quarter. The Slaughter lasted three Hours, during which, Men, Women, and Children were killed without Mercy: Nor could the Fury of the Soldiers be stopped till the General had by repeated Orders commanded 'em to put an end to the Massacre. They were Masters of the Art of squeezing Money even out of those who had none, which they had learned in France, at the expense of the poor Protestants; and here they displayed all their Skill, using the Inhabitants with the utmost Barbarity, to make 'em discover their Treasures. From thence Monsieur de Boufflers, continuing his March and his Cruelties, burnt entirely the Towns of Keyseresch, Dhonu, Hellesheim, Meyem, Ulman, Kerpen, and all the other Cities and Villages of that Country, which obliged the Elector of Brandenburg to detach 10000 Men, under the command of General Schonen, to give him Battle; but that Unfaithful Officer communicated the Orders he had received to the Marquis de Boufflers, who immediately retired to Philipsburg.  
In the mean time we were no less careful than Boufflers' Dragoons to act the part of brave Incendiaries, and continued our March from Bruchsal to ●aden and Durlach, where we found the Warehouses, Shops, and Houses full of Commodities and Furniture, but altogether void of Inhabitants, who were taught by the Misfortunes of their Neighbours, not to expect our Visit. The Pillage lasted two Days; after which the Cities were set on Fire, after the laudable Custom of this Campaign.  
Baden is situated in Suabia, and gives the Title of Marquis to a Family, the Head of which is a Prince of the Empire on a double Account, both by his Birth, which is Ancient and Illustrious, and by his Principality, which gives him a Voice in the Diets of the Empire. The Town was Rich, embellished with fine Houses, fair Streets, and lovely Gardens; and besides had the Advantage of the most remarkable Baths in Europe. The Princess of Baden left no means on her side to preserve their City; she solicited the General and the King himself, and offered to demolish the Walls; but all her Endeavours could not procure the least Mitigation of its Doom, and Baden was laid in Ashes, as well as its Neighbouring Towns.  
Four Leagues from hence lay Durlach, called in Latin, Durlacum, which gives some Title of Honour, to the Younger Branch of the House of Baden, who have also a Voice in the Diets. It was in my Opinion a larger and fairer Town than Baden, inhabited by several rich Merchants, and a considerable number of Persons of Quality, and adorned with many magnificent Structures, which I had not time to consider at leisure, before the fatal Sentence was executed upon 'em. The Castle particularly was a stately Edifice; a magnificent Portal opened a Passage into a vast Court; from whence we ascended by a broad Staircase, to a large Hall, out of which you might pass into the Apartments appointed for Winter and Summer, and all the other Seasons. The Furniture of all these Apartments was very rich, and well-contrived, at least as far as I could judge by what was left; for the most precious Part of it, with all the Plate, was removed; only there remained several Pieces of very fine Tapestry richly Wrought, Embroidered Silk Beds of great Value, and some of Gold and Silver; Tables and Cabinets of China-Work, Looking-Glasses, magnificent Lamps of Crystal, and several other Ornaments of the same Nature; which inspired the Beholder with a great Idea of the Richness of that part of the Furniture which was removed. The Platfond of the Library was enriched with Gild and very curious Paintings, and it contained between four and five thousand Volumes; adjoining to this were two Cabinets full of Papers ranked from top to bottom in very good Order. The dispositions of the Gardens were suitable to the Beauty of the House, and the Eye was every where saluted with Objects of Pleasure; but all those Beauties were consumed by the merciless Fire, and reduced to a few Heaps of Ashes, and dismal Ruins. During our abode here, the Germans, who had made a Detachment of Two or Three thousand Men to disturb us, took some of our Men, with Two hundred Horses that were Foraging in the Country. They had done the same at Sinsennes, and besides a terrible Sickness made such a prodigious Havoc among our Troops, that when we arrived at Strasburg we were forced to send above Six thousand Men to the Hospital, which lessened our Army to such a Degree, that the Number of those who were rendered useless by the Sickness, with those who were killed at Heydelberg, Bruch●al, and Weingarten amounted to 11000 Men, of which there were at least 5000 dead, without reckoning above 1000 Horses, that were either taken from us, or died by the Way; for the ill Wether that had lasted during the whole Campaign, had so weakened and spoiled 'em, that only such who were very well mounted were Masters of a Horse fit for Service.  
To return to our March; We decamped from Durlach, and leaving Fort-Lewis on our Right-hand, which is a strong and well-fortifyed Place, built by the King's Order, we arrived before Stolof, the only Town that escaped the utmost Marks of our Fury; for the Magistrates, to appease Monsieur de Duras, presented him with the Sum of 50000 Crowns, which prevailed so far on his good Nature, that he contented himself with ordering the Town to be pillaged, and the Walls to be demolished. Two days after we arrived near Strasburg, where I was constrained to leave the Army, in a manner that was not very agreeable to my Humour. I was struck with so much Horror, when I reflected on the Barbarities, and the Desolation of so many Towns of which I had been an Eye-witness, and sometimes an Instrument, that I could not forbear expressing my Indignation, and was therefore looked upon as a suspicious Person by some of our most resolute Burners. It happened one day, that being engaged in a pretty warm Dispute with some Officers that were none of my best Friends, at the General's Quarters, I handled those nice Points with a great deal of Freedom, and plainly told 'em my Opinion of the Revolution in England, and of the Difference between King William's Way of making War, and that which was in Fashion among us. So bold a Declaration of my Sentiments, procured me the Title of the Prince of Orange's Spy; and Complaints were made against me to the Count de Marsin, Commander of the Brigade, who ordered me to be apprehended, and carried to Strasburg; tho' I must own myself obliged to him, that he forbore putting me in the Mercy of a Council of War, till he should receive a clearer Information of my Crime; in order to which he commanded my Trunks to be seized, where he found nothing to confirm his Suspicions, but a Book of Psalms, which was a sufficient Demonstration (of what I did not deny) that I had been a Huguenot. But the Marquis d' Efiat had the Generosity (as I told you before) to give me so favourable a Character in a Letter which he wrote to Monsieur de Chamilly on this Occasion, that I was set at Liberty after an Imprisonment of fifteen Days, without any other Punishment, than that I was obliged to hear the tedious Exhortations of certain Jesuits and Capuchins, to whom I promised to be a Good Catholic for the future.  
We are informed that Mentz was surrendered on the 8 th'. instant, notwithstanding the brave Resistance made by the Marquis d' Uxelles, Governor of the Place, who performed on this occasion, all that could be expected from a Man of Courage and an experienced Captain; and defended a Place which is not very considerable for its Strength, against a numerous Army commanded by two Princes, on whom, without running the hazard of being accused of Flattery, I may bestow the glorious Title of Heroes. 'Tis true he lost a great number of Men; but none that are acquainted with Affairs of this Nature, will be surprised at the lessening of the Numbers of a Garrison that turn the War upon their Besiegers, and make three vigorous Sallies in one Day. The most considerable Loss they sustained, was occasioned by the general Assault of the Counterscarp, on the 7 th'. instant in the Evening, which lasted five Hours, and was both carried on, and received with such an obstinate Fury, that few old Soldiers can pretend to have seen so warm a Dispute. But at last the Besieged were forced to retire, their Powder failing, and most of their Muskets being split; and the Imperialists lodged themselves on the Counterscarp, and began to fill up the Ditch, in order to assault the Town, which obliged the Governor to beat a Parley, and Capitulate. The Garrison marched out with their Arms and Baggage, Drums beating, Colours flying, Matches lighted, and their Bullets in their Mouths, with six Pieces of Cannon, and two Mortars. I hear the King was so well satisfied with the Marquis d' Uxelles' Conduct on this Occasion, that he thought he owed him no less a Recompense for making so brave a Defence, than the Government of Luxemburg, which is one of the most important Places in his Dominions, besides a Gratuity of 1200 Crowns, which he has already received. Nor could his Majesty have chosen a more deserving Object of his Favour; for the Marquis d' Uxelles is not only an excellent Captain, but in all other respects a well-accomplished Person. I never heard that he was accused of any other Crimes, but Haughtiness to his Inferior Officers, and an Inclination to certain Pleasures that were brought into Fashion about 20 or 30 Years ago: but I am so far from pretending to warrant the Truth of these Accusations, that I must confess I believe 'em to be mere malicious Aspersions.  
We have also received Advice, That Bonner is very much straitened; so that if the King lose that Place, he will only retain Philipsburg, of all the Conquests his Son made last Year.  
In the mean time I must tell you, with all the sincerity of a Friend, that my late unjust Imprisonment has mightily cooled my Affection to the French Service; and besides, as young as I am, my Thoughts aspire sometimes to more solid Objects than bare Pleasure. I'm even resolved then in good earnest to increase the number of the Refugees; and I'm not a little confirmed in that Resolution, by a seasonable supply of Money I have just now received. I have no other Business at present, than to put things in Order for my Departure; intending to begin my Journey in few Days, on the only Horse I'm now Master of, for my Servant carried away the other two, which was my whole Equipage. I design in the first place to visit Geneva, and there to expect a fresh Recruit of Money, before I begin my remoter Travels.  
I remember I have heard you express a desire to be more particularly acquainted with Strasburg, than the Accounts you have hitherto received of it could make you; and therefore I shall take this Occasion to satisfy your Curiosity before I finish my Letter.  
Strasburg is a large City, very well built, after the Germane Fashion, seated at the end of a vast and fertile Field, extremely smooth and level, so that you may discover the City from the Mountains of Sauerne, which are eight Leagues distant from it. 'Tis washed by the River Ill, and divided into the Old and and New City by the Beusche; and both these Rivers fall into the Rhine, which is but a quarter of a League distant from the Town. The Bishop of this place is Suffragan to the Elector of Mentz; and at present the Cardinal of Furstemberg is Bishop of Strasburg by the Mercy of God, and of the Crown of France. The Count of Chamilly, Lieutenant-General of his Majesty's Armies, is Governor, and Monsieur de Labadie formerly Major, was made the King's Lieutenant since I came to the City. 'Tis a very ancient City, but was never acknowledged for a Republic till the time of Luther, whose Doctrine it received: And its Rights were never since disputed till the Year 1682, when the King made himself Master of it, as a Dependence, or rather the Capital City of Alsace, which belongs to him by Virtue of the Treaty of Munster. You are not unacquainted with the Methods that were taken to justify his Pretensions. The Eyes of some of the principal Burgomasters were so well enlightened with the Sum of 100000 Crowns, that all their Doubts were cleared in a Moment; and those Conscientious Magistrates put his Majesty in possession of a Place to which he had asserted his Right by such convincing Arguments, with all the Self-denial and Disinteressedness that could be desired. But this Restauration was not made with the Unanimous Consent of the Citizens, the greatest part of whom bewailed, and continue still to bewail the Loss of their Liberty, which, next the Sovereign Good, aught to be the dearest Blessing to all generous Minds. Nor are their Complaints ill-grounded; for they have been extremely harras'd of late, and even their Religion could not escape the Fury of their new Masters. I know not what Excuse can be pretended for so manifest a Violation of the Rights of a free City, that submitted on Condition that its Liberty, and all its other Privileges, should be preserved entire. Besides, if they be only considered as Natives of Alsace, what plausible Reason can be alleged why they should be treated with greater Severity than the rest of their Neighbours? Has not the King an equal Right to the whole Province? and why should Strasburg be singled out for the Object of his Indignation, since there are several less considerable Places in Alsace, whose Privileges are suffered to remain untouched? Thus, for Example, the Inhabitants of St. Marry aux Mines, in the Germane part of Lorraine, continue still in the enjoyment of their ancient Rights; the River separates the Precinct of the Protestants from that of the Catholics: The same Privileges are common both to the Priests and Ministers, and they live in a peaceful Union without encroaching upon one another. I was informed by the Guardian of the Co●deliers in that place, that when the Queen came thither, in her Journey to receive the Dauphiness, she resolved to build a Chapel, in performance of a Vow she had made, and appointed the Place where it should be erected in the Territory of the Protestants, who immediately came to beg her Majesty not to violate their Privileges, which they showed her; and she was so well satisfied with the Justice of their Desire, that she was easily prevailed with to countermand her former Orders. And I can assure you, that the Privileges of that paltry Village are still preserved with so little innovation, that I have seen with my own Eyes the Catholics and Protestants perform Divine Service by Turns in the Parochial Church. But it seems the People of Strasburg were not thought worthy of so favourable a Treatment. The Protestants, who were sole Masters of the Cathedral, were compelled to give place to the Catholics, who are at present possessed both of that and most other Churches in the City, tho' about twelve Years ago they could only pretend a Right to a Chapel that belongs to the Order of Malta. This is certainly one of the fairest Churches in Europe; and I may venture to say, that its Steeple cannot be parralleled in the whole World: This magnificent Tower is contrived with wonderful Art, and the Stones are all exactly cut into several Figures, which charm the Eye of the Spectator: Its heights amounts to 560 Foot, and its breadth to 52; the Doors are of Brass, and proportionable to the largeness of the Building. Since the Catholics became Masters of it, they have built a great Altar, according to the Modern way, in the Floor of the Nave, which is of a Triangular Figure, with large Marble Columns at the Angles, supporting a Dome adorned with many Basso-relievo's, and fine Paintings. The Tabernacle is in the middle of the Altar, enriched with excellent Sculptures; and all the other Ornaments are Beautiful beyond the possibility of Improvement. But all the Charms of so rare a Piece of Workmanship cannot long detain the Spectator from satisfying his Curiosity with a View of that admirable Clock built by the Chapter, which marks the Minutes, Hours, Days of the Month and Week, the Age of the Moon, Signs of the Zodiac, and the Centuries or Ages of the World, by a Wheel that performs only one Round in the space of a hundred Years. If you would have the pleasure to behold all the Beauties of the Clock, you must wait till Noon, when the twelve Apostles appear, and each knocks with a Hammer on the Bell. The striking of this, as well as of all the rest of the Hours, is preceded by the crowing of a Cock, who claps ' his Wings, stretches out his Neck, and Crows so naturally, that if your Eyes did not convince you that he is made of Copper, you would certainly conclude him to be really that which he represents. Immediately after the History of the Annunciation appears, the Door of the Virgin's Chamber opens, and the Angel Gabriel comes to intimate her Conception; the Virgin, who is on her Knees at Prayer, turns to hear his Message; and at the same time the Holy Ghost descends upon her Head in form of a Dove: And all these Motions are performed with an admirable Exactness.  
This beautiful Church is not the only Ornament of Strasburg: The rest of its Buildings deserve an attentive Consideration, especially the Fortifications, on which the King has bestowed such prodigious Sums: The Citadel has its peculiar Beauties, where the King entertains a Company of Cadets. But the City is so extremely large, and lies so open, that all the Works with which it is surrounded, could hardly resist the Attacks of a powerful Enemy, if it were not covered on all sides by the impregnable Forts erected by his Majesty's Order, on the Bridge over the Rhine; for all the Advantage an Army could propose by taking the City while those Forts remain in the Hands of the French, would amount to no more than the Possession of a large and strong Prison.  
'Twou'd be needless to describe the Manners and Customs of the Inhabitants, since they are so observant of all the Fashions of their New Masters, that a mere Stranger would imagine 'em to be natural Frenchmen.  
I'm persuaded, Sir, you'll be as weary in Reading as I am in Writing this Letter; however, I'm resolved that neither of these Considerations shall discourage me from pursuing my Design of presenting you from Time to Time, with Relations of my Travels, which I intent to begin to 〈◊〉.  
I am, SIR, Your &c. Strasburg, Sept. 1689.   

LETTER III.  
SIR,  
I Left Strasburg about the end of the last Month, and passing by Sauerne, Phalsburg, and Marsal, (which is much different from what it was heretofore) arrived at Metz in Lorraine, from whence the Cardinal of Furstemburg was gone some Days before. He retired to this place in the beginning of the Year, not thinking himself secure at Bonner: And he was even so sensible of the Danger with which that place was threatened, that he brought along with him the very Bolts of the Doors of the Episcopal Palace. In the mean time he put on a seeming Confidence, and talked of nothing but Conquests and Electorates, promising great things to all his Friends; and even levied two Companies of Soldiers for his Guard, whom he was afterwards forced to disband for want of Money to pay 'em. I stayed two Days at Metz, to consider all its Rarities. The City is pretty large, and tolerably well Fortified. There is a Company of Cadets in the Citadel, which has four Bastions, with good Ditches full of Water. The Cathedral, which is dedicated to S. Stephen, is built on the declivity of a Hillock; so that whereas we usually ascend to other Churches, we must go down seven or eight Steps to this. It is a large Building, tho' there is nothing remarkable in it but the Baptismal Font, consisting of one piece of Porphyry, about ten Foot long, which is a Rarity in this Country. The Bishop assumes the Title of a Prince of the Holy Empire; and is a Suffragan of the Elector of Triers. This City was formerly the Metropolis of the Kingdom of Austrasia, which Clovis I. gave to his Natural Son Thierry, creating him the first King of it: Afterwards it purchased its Liberty for the Sum of 100000 Crowns, of Godfrey of Bovillon, at his departure for the Holy Land, and maintained the Character of a Republic till the Year 1552, in which it was treacherously seized by the Constable de Montmorenci, in the Name of Henry II. For pretending to go to the assistance of the Protestants in Germany, he asked permission to enter the City, under pretext that he had fallen sick by the Way; and the next Morning sent to acquaint the Mayor and Echevins of the Town, that he was desirous to communicate an Affair of great importance to 'em before his Death. When he saw 'em all met together in his Chamber, he started up, and thrust his Poniard into the Mayor's Breast, for a Signal to his Followers to stab the rest of the Magistrates: And immediately after the Execution of that cruel Treason, the French run about the Streets, crying, Vive le Roy, and made themselves Masters of the Gates, and afterwards of the whole City. About the end of the same Year, it was in vain besieged by Charles V. who was forced to make a shameful Retreat by the Duke of Guise, who defended the place. Since that unsuccessful Attempt, Metz remained still under the Dominion or rather Protection of our Kings: For the Inhabitants carried all their Appeals before the Imperial Chamber at Spire, till Lewis XIII. established a Parliament in this place, extending its Jurisdiction over Toul, Verdun, and the Country of Messin. The Emperor complained of this Innovation; nor was the Contest that happened on this Occasion entirely decided, till the Peace that was concluded in 1648. Besides the Parliament, the King erected a new Court of Judicature here some Years ago, which has had the Impudence (if I may use that Expression without exposing myself to the same Censure) to cite before it Kings and Sovereign Princes, to yield Homage and Fealty for some Territories over which they pretend to have a Right of Superiority, as the Counties of Chini and Alost, the Duchy of Deux-Ponts, and several others.  
This is the only City in France where Jews are permitted to settle; and there are even some Towns in Alsace where they dare not lodge one Night. At Strasburg they are forced to pay thirty Sous at the Gate, before they are suffered to enter the City; and I have been often surprised at the extraordinary dexterity of the Toll-gatherers in discovering a Man of that Nation.  
From Metz I came to Nanci, the chief City of Lorraine, and Residence of the Dukes of that Name. 'Tis hardly possible that a Town which has changed its Masters so often, should be remarkable for its Riches: However, 'tis very well fortified; and the same Prince by whose Orders 'twas almost entirely ruined in 1661., was afterwards pleased to repair it. The River Meurte passes by the Walls, and fills the Ditches, which are of a considerable Depth. The City is divided into the High and Low Town; and the Ducal Palace, which is seated in the former, is a very large Structure, of an admirable Architecture, and adorned with many fine Pictures. Among its other Rarities, there is a Humane Figure of Wood, consisting of several Pieces, fitted together with so much Exactness and Art, that it may be made to imitate all the Motions and Gestures of a living Man. S. George's Church is particularly remarkable for the Magnificent Tombs of the Dukes that lie inter●d there. About seven or eight Years ago this City was deprived of two of its noblest Ornaments; the famous Culverin, that shot a Bullet to S. Nicholas, a Village two large Leagues from Nanci; and the Brazen Horse, that carried the Statue of one of the Dukes of Lorraine. These are certainly the finest cast Pieces in France, and were always thought too heavy for Carriage, till a certain Engineer undertook to remove 'em, and succeeded in the Attempt. The latter was designed to support the King's Statue in the Place of Conquests at Paris, but was found to be of too small a size; and the other was carried to Dunkirk. The Inhabitants of this City, and, in general, all the Third State (or Commons) of Lorraine, are still extremely devoted to the Interest of their true and natural Prince; and scruple not to express their Affection to him on all Occasions, with a certain innocent Frankness, which together with their Clownish way of Speaking, is esteemed by the French rather worthy of Laughter than Anger. But the Nobility are so dazzled with the glaring Prospect of Court-Preferment, that they seem to have quite forgot the loss of their ancient Privileges, which were so great under the Government of their Dukes, that they were in a manner Sovereign Princes; whereas at present they are reduced to an equal Level with the rest of the Gentlemen of the Kingdom.  
I stayed not at Nanci, but continuing my Journey towards Dijon, arrived at Langres in Champagne. This City is seated on a Mountain almost inaccessible on all sides: but the Inhabitants have no reason to be proud of the strength of its Situation, which makes it a kind of Prison; for the Descent from the Town is extremely uneasy, and a Man may without Vanity boast of his Lungs, if he can climb from the bottom of the Hill to the Gate, without losing his Breath. The People of the Country call this the Maiden-City, both because it has not been taken for several Ages, and by reason of its Fidelity to the Crown: The Bishop is both a Spiritual and Temporal Lord, and has the Title of Duke and Peer of France.  
The next Day I passed through one of the most charming and fertile Plains in France, and arrived at Dijon. The City begins to appear at a considerable distance, and presents a Traveller with the pleasant Prospect of 100 Spires that overtop the Houses; for which reason Dijon is usually called the Town of Steeples. 'Tis seated on the Banks of the O●che and Suson, and was founded by the Emperor Aurelian, tho' some affirm that 'tis much more ancient, and that he only repaired it. But not to invade the Province of Antiquaries, I shall content myself with assuring you that 'tis a very fine City: The Streets are large and fair, the Courts spacious, the Buildings very beautiful, and the Churches extremely magnificent. Among the rest I cannot forbear taking notice of the famous Abbey of S. Benign, which was built by Gregory, Bishop of Langres, after he had miraculously found the Body of that Saint. 'Tis one of the largest, and highest Structures that are anywhere to be seen, adorned with three Stone-Spires, the height of which is suitable to the rest of the Building. The Abbey-Church of S. Stephen is on the other Side of the City, and is no less remarkable for its Beauty. The Front of Our Lady's Church surpasses all the rest, consisting of a large Clock-Tower all over wrought, rising between two others smaller, but no less curiously adorned, which charm the Eyes of the Beholder. S. John's Church, the Holy Chapel, the Convents of the Jesuits, and Cordeliers, and generally all the rest of the Churches and Convents deserve particular Observation, especially that of the Carthusians, without the City, towards the Red Gate, which is one of the richest Monasteries in the Kingdom. There are a hundred Monks in it, who observe with so religious a Strictness, their Vows of Solitude and Silence, that a Stranger visiting the Place would be tempted to think it were uninhabited. And I may venture to add, that perhaps they may make a better use of their Revenues than any other Convent in the Kingdom: for besides a considerable Sum which they give to the Hospital of the Holy Ghost, they distribute every Week five or six hundred Loaves to the Poor. They have a very fine Cloister, and a finer Church, where the Dukes of Burgundy, and a King of Poland lie interred in magnificent Tombs.  
On a Hillock, on the other Side of the City, there is a Convent of one of the Orders of Mendicant Friars, said to be the House of S. Bernard's Father, who was Lord of the Place that still retains the Name of Bourg-fontaines. The Room where he was born, which is a very little and low Hall, of a square Figure, is turned to a Chapel, with this Inscription over the Door: Come, my Children, and I will bring you into the House of my Father, and into the Chamber where my Mother brought me forth.  
Dijon is the Capital City of the Duchy of Burgundy: 'tis the Seat of a Parliament, Generality or general Receipt of the Finances, Chamber of Accounts, and a Court that takes Cognizance of Affairs relating to the Coining and Value of Money; and besides the States of the Province meet here once in three Years: so that it wants only the Dignity of an Episcopal See, being under the Jurisdiction of the Bishop of Langres. It had formerly very considerable Privileges; and our Kings at their Accession to the Crown, and as often as they entered into the City, were obliged to swear to preserve 'em. But that Custom was abolished by the present King, when he passed this way to receive the Queen at her Arrival from Spain. For when the Mayor accompanied with the rest of the Magistrates, presented the Keys of the City, together with a Copy of their Privileges to his Majesty, humbly beseeching him that he would swear to preserve 'em, after the Example of all his Predecessors, and even of the late King of Glorious Memory; Cardinal Mazarin replied, Are you so insolent as to impose an Oath upon your King? The Magistrates surprised at so severe a Reprimand, answered with a great deal of Respect, that they pretended not to impose any thing, but only begged and hoped to obtain that Favour from his Majesty's Justice and Goodness. I understand your Meaning, replied the Cardinal, you would be a Free City and Commonwealth. And I assure you, in his Majesty's Name, that, without taking an Oath, he considers you as such, but prepare yourselves to become his Conquest. This Threatening was quickly executed, for the next Day 8000 Men entered the City, and the Cardinal made a general Alteration in the Magistracy. The Mayoralty of Dijon was the best Place of that Nature in France; for besides the Title of a Viscount, the Government of the City, and of all the Third Estate or Commonalty of Burgundy was annexed to it. The Inhabitants of this City are generally of a very free and sociable Temper, and the Women enjoy all the Advantages of an honest Liberty. So charming a Society puts a kind of easy Constraint upon Strangers, and makes 'em break all their Resolutions of hastening their Departure: for 'tis impossible to stay here four and twenty Hours without making some agreeable Acquaintance, which may afterwards prove the Source of a great deal of Pleasure. The narrow Compass of a Letter will not allow me to insert the Relation of a very pleasant Adventure that I met with in this place; but I'm resolved to make you my Confident at our first Meeting. To morrow I intent to depart for Lions, where I shall have time to give you an Account of my Journey. In the mean time,  
I am, SIR, Your &c. Dijon, Octob. 1689.   

LETTER IU.  
SIR,  
chaalon's is a considerable City, honoured with the Title of a County, and is the same with the ancient Cabilonum mentioned in Caesar's Commentaries. It appears by the Ruins of an old Amphitheatre, that this place was formerly possessed by the Romans. I lodged at the Pelican, where I had the good Fortune to meet with three Merchants of Lions, who were returning thither, and promised to show me all the Rarities of that City. We had scarce travelled a Mile, when we met with a Priest walking afoot, in a pretty genteel Garb: He was a Man of a very serious Mien, but talked wittily. He accepted the Civility of one of our Company, who offered him the Conveniency of riding behind him half a League of bad way, through which we were obliged to pass. This Accident gave us occasion to discourse of the Uneasiness of travelling on Foot, and of the Happiness of those who by Virtue of certain Charms, can ride 30 or 40 Leagues a day. I was never fond of believing what I cannot comprehend, and I must confess my Reason was too hard for my Faith on this Occasion. However I know not whether I should have been able to withstand the Opposition of some of my Fellow-Travellers, if he who had the Priest behind him had not vigorously undertaken my Defence. The Dispute continued for some time pretty warm on both sides, till our mutual Weariness rather than Want of Arguments, made us at last consent to choose the Priest, who had not yet sided with either Party, to be Judge of our Difference. He very gravely told us, that the controverted Story was a certain Truth, and that he knew some Persons who were Masters of that Secret; I could not forbear laughing at the serious Tone with which he pronounced Sentence against me; and he was so vexed at my Incredulity, that he began to maintain his Assertion with a great deal of heat. Immediately his Fellow-Horseman took up the Cudgels, and they engaged in a Debate which lasted about a Quarter of an Hour; till at last the Priest perceiving that 'twas in vain to contend longer with so obstinate an Adversary, told us plainly that he himself could do the Feat, tho' he never used to put it in Practice; and that if his Opponent had a Mind to see the Experiment, he would make his Horse carry him to Mascon in two Hours. The Merchant took him at his word, and summoned him to perform his Promise, to which he consented, and immediately the Horse galloped away with so prodigious a Swiftness, that we lost sight of 'em in a Moment. This Accident did not much surprise us at first; for we thought the Priest had a Spur concealed in his hand, with which he pricked the Horse: in the mean time we road on, but could neither see, nor hear the least News of our Gallopers till we arrived at Mascon on the morrow, where we found the Merchand very melancholic. He told us that he was carried to Mascon exactly in two Hours after he left us, with so much Ease, that he imagined all the while he was riding at a Hand-Gallop; but that his Horse fell dead assoon as he entered the Stable. He concluded that the Priest was a Wizard, and was so firmly persuaded of the Truth of his Opinion, by the concurring Testimony of our Landlord, who knew the Man, that he entered an Accusation against him, and procured him to be apprehended the same day. I was obliged to give Evidence with the rest, and to declare all that I had seen him do, which, in my Opinion, could not amount to a convincing Proof of his Gild. I know no Reason that should hinder us from supposing that a good English Horse, such as the Merchant's was, might with a good Spur be made to gallop eight Leagues in two hours, and without any Enchantment fall dead at his Journey's End. Yet this Accident made a great Noise, and the Poor Devil was sent to Prison, where I left him. I had almost forgot to tell you that they found in his Pockets a Piece of Parchment four fingers breadth long, and two broad, with this Sentence in Red Letters, Adjutor meus, & Protector meus, tu Domine, nè derelinquas me, with four small Crosses, one at each End, one above, and another below, which they fancied to be a certain Charm or Character.  
From Mascon we proceeded on our Journey to Lions, where I was forced to sell my Horse, who was galled under the Saddlebow. I resolved to spend some Days in this Place, that I might have time to take a full View of a City that is esteemed the Largest and most Considerable in the Kingdom, next to Paris, and is certainly worthy of all the Curiosity of a Traveller. 'Tis seated at the Confluence of the Rhone and the Saône, in a Bottom between two Hills. The Houses equal, or rather exceed those of Paris in Height, some of 'em amounting to six Stories; which makes the Streets somewhat Dark, by reason of their Narrowness. There are many fine Courts in the City, but none of 'em are comparable to Belle-Cour, which is embellished with Rows of Trees; tho' its principal Ornament consists in the Company that resort to it; for 'tis the general Rendezvous of all the People of Quality and good Breeding; and since the Ladies here are no less Generous than Charming, and cannot justly be accused of Inhumanity to their Captives, there are many Intrigues formed in this Place, which are carried on with all the Tenderness and Pleasure that a reciprocal Passion can inspire.  
To give you a compendious Account of the public Edifices in Lions, in which respect it holds the first Rank, without Controversy, among all the Cities of France; I shall begin with the Metropolitan Church, dedicated to S. John, and founded by John King of Burgundy, on the Ruins of a Temple formerly consecrated to Augustus. There is a Clock near the Choir, which surpasses that of Strasburg in the fineness of its Contrivance and Workmanship; for, besides all the Rarities mentioned in the Description of that famous Machine, the Clock of Lions has several peculiar Beauties; among which I shall only take notice of the Angel that Chants the Hymn of S. John with all the exactness imaginable. The Needle that marks the Hours, and grows longer or shorter according to the various dimensions of the Oval Dial, and the Days of the Week marked by Figures that appear every Morning in a Nich on the top of the Clock, in the room of those that possessed the same place the Day before.  
The King of France by Virtue of his Crown, is the first Canon of this Church; and all the rest have the Title of Counts; and must prove their Nobility before they can be received.  
There are several other Magnificent Churches in Lions. That of Nôtre-dame de Forvieres is one of the most ancient, which was formerly dedicated to Venus. Every curious Traveller ought to view the City from the Steeple of this Church, where he may have a distinct Prospect of its Extent and Situation. Adjoining to this are the Ruins of the Palace of Augustus, and of a Neighbouring Amphitheatre, where Learned and Inquisitive Antiquaries may find an excellent Opportunity to display their Skill in the Examination of an infinite Number of Inscriptions, Statues, Tombs, Urns, Medals, and other rich Monuments of the Roman Grandeur. But my unacquaintedness with those Studies makes me purposely decline entering upon this Subject; since I'm confident you'll be better pleased with my Silence, than if I should send you an imperfect or erroneous Account, under the specious Title of A Description of the Antiquities of Lions.  
The Town-House is a Masterpiece of Art, completely furnished with all the Advantages and Ornaments of Beauty, Situation, Extent, Height, Architecture, Marbles, Paintings, Gardens, Fountains, Antiquities, and every thing else that may recommend a Building to the Observation of a Curious and Knowing Traveller. It's Front regards the Place des Terreaux, which is one of the most pleasant Courts in in the City; and before it there is a lovely Fountain, which is none of its least Considerable Ornaments. In the first place I took notice of a large Clock-Tower, rising between two high Pavilions, under which is the Entry to the Palace adorned with large Columns of a precious kind of Marble. Then I went up some Steps, and coming under the Pavilions, observed two Tables of Brass, where I found engraved in Ancient Characters, the Patent granted by the Emperor Cla●dius to the Inhabitants of Lions, when he bestowed the Privileges of Roman Citizens upon 'em. From thence I entered into the First, and afterwards into the Second Court, where I considered with a great deal of Pleasure and Attention, the Structure and Design of that Majestic Mass of Building, which is of a Square Figure, and bounded at the four Corners with as many large and very high Pavilions. Afterwards I went down to the Garden, which is embellished with Gravel Walks, Beds of Flowers, Fountains, and a hundred other Ornaments. After I had satisfied my Curiosity with a View of the external Beauties of this Noble Structure, I returned to admire the inside of it. I went up a pair of winding Stairs, of a very excellent Contrivance, to the Hall, where I was agreeably surprised with its Largeness, Gild, Paintings, and especially a great number of Pictures of the Kings of France, which are all finished Pieces: And in the the other Apartments I observed a vast variety of different Beauties, which I dare not undertake to describe. I spent the whole Morning in this House, and employed the Afternoon with a great deal of Satisfaction, in visiting the Hospitals, which may be reckoned among the most considerable Foundations of that Nature in France. Hòtel Dieu is a spacious Structure, well built, and very rich: All sorts of diseased Persons are received into it; so that 'tis always very full, and would hardly be able to maintain so vast a Charge, notwithstanding the greatness of its Revenues, if the Archbishop did not bestow upon it the Profits accrueing from the Dispensation of eating Eggs, Milk, Flesh, etc. The Hospital de la Charite is a Modern Foundation; and tho' 'tis not near so large as the former, it may be justly reckoned equal to it in other respects. On the top of a great Portal, that serves for an Entry to the Building, there is the Figure of a Pelican, tearing her Breast, to feed her young ones; the true Emblem of Charity I observed one thing at Lions which I had not seen in any other part of France, I mean the Place of Refuge for Criminals, which is neither a Church nor Royal Palace, but a House appointed for that Purpose, and usually called the Sanctuary. Towards the Gate des Trions, I saw the Aqueducts that were built by the Romans for the Conveyance of Water into the City; and not far from thence there is a Cave, called the Grotto, which is also said to be one of their Works. The Country about the City is embellished with a vast number of lovely Seats, among which lafoy Duchere and la Claire deserve a particular Observation. The City has six Gates, three Bridges, about two hundred Streets, and above a hundred Churches, Convents, or Chapels. The Archbishop is the chief Prelate of the Gauls, and by Virtue of his Primacy receives Appeals from all the parts of France in Ecclesiastical Cases. Monsieur de Villeroy is the present Archbishop, and Lieutenant-General of the whole Province. He is descended of a very honourable Family, but is certainly one of the roughest and least Complaisant Men in the World. I cannot forbear relating to you, upon this occasion, a very pleasant Discourse that passed between this Prelate and Monsieur de la Fevillade.  
That Marshal, says the Story, riding Post to Turin, in a very mean Garb, to dispatch some Affairs of Importance, stopped at Lion's to deliver a Packet from the King to the Archbishop, who taking the Bearer for an Ordinary Courier, because he pretended to no higher Quality, asked him, Whether there were any News at Paris. Green Pease, my Lord, replied the Marshal. You mistake my meaning, Friend, said the Archbishop; I would know what People were saying when you left Paris? My Lord, answered the Marshal, they were saying Vespers. Then the Prelate perceiving that the pretended Courier abused him, fell into a Passion, saying, How, Friend? where were you taught to speak thus to Persons of my Quality and Character? What are you?— What do People use to call you? Why, my Lord, replied the Marshal, some are pleased to call me Friend, others Monsieur, and the King calls me Cousin. These Words surprised the Archbishop, who, considering the Marshal more attentively, at last knew him, and made an Apology for his incivility. Nevertheless I can hardly be induced to believe that a Man of his Quality would have stooped to such punning Wit, which is only graceful in the Mouth of a true Courier: Tho' 'tis well known that Monsieur de la Fevillade was a Person of a very odd and singular Humour. You have doubtless read what an Author of great Reputation relates concerning his Discourse to the King about the Archbishop of Rheims; and if you can believe that Story, you will not think this incredible.  
Lion's is a very ancient City, known to Titus Livius and Plutarch by the Name of The Island. The Name which it still retains was given to it by Anthony, (who obtained Celtica Gallia for his part of the Empire) when he entered the City on a Triumphant Chariot drawn by twelve Lions; and he afterwards caused Money to be coined in the same place, of which I have seen some Pieces, bearing his Figure on one side, and on the other a Lion, with the Word Lugduni. The Town itself neither is, nor can be made very strong; but 'tis commanded by three good Castles which defend its Avenues. The first is the famous Fort of Peter Ancise, built on the top of a steep Mountain, with the rare Advantage of an excellent Spring of Water; the second is that of S. Sebastian; and the third has the Name of S. Clair.  
I intended to have gone directly from Lions to Geneva; but I soon found that I could not prosecute that Design without throwing myself into unavoidable Dangers; for the Protestants are so narrowly watched every where, that 'tis absolutely impossible to travel thither without a Passport, unless a Man were Master of the Invention of flying through the Air. Nor is it very safe to demand a Passport of the Archbishop; for very lately he ordered two Merchants to be apprehended, for no other reason than that they were going to Geneva. That Name alone is sufficient to make any Man pass for a Heretic that dares venture to pronounce it; and he may reckon himself favourably treated if his Crime be not immediately judged worthy of the Gallows. You cannot imagine with what care I avoid the mentioning of so dangerous a Word; and, I assure you, I'm so much in Love with the Principle of Self-preservation, that I talk of nothing but Rome; and pretend that the only Design of my Travels is to wait upon the Duke de Chaûnes.  
All this Caution, and the Commotions that at present disturb this Country, are occasioned by the return of the Vaudois, who arming themselves in the Canton of Bern in Switzerland, with a Secrecy that prevented even the Suspicions of their Enemies, formed two Bodies, one of 1200, and the other of 3000 Men; and embarking on the Lake of Geneva, forced their way through Savoy to their own Country, in spite of the united Forces of France and Savoy, who opposed their Passage, and obliged 'em to five or six Battles, or rather Skirmishes, in which the Vaudois had still the Advantage; but all those who were caught straggling were made to pay for their Fellows, and immediately hanged without Mercy. 'Tis impossible for a considering Person to reflect without amazement, on the Success of that Enterprise. The first Body of those poor Exiles had so little Experience in the Management of Warlike Expeditions, that there was not one Officer among 'em to conduct the rest; for they had no other Commanders but one Monsieur Arnaud, a Minister, and under him a Mason, named Turel, for their Lieutenant-General. Judge, Sir, whether such doughty Captains were fitted for the Achievement of an Attempt, which a Triple number of regulated Troops durst not have undertaken. This Consideration makes me very inclinable to believe that the Duke of Savoy not only knew and allowed, but was the Promoter, and even the Author of their Design; especially since 'tis plain that he might have easily prevented the Execution of it, by cutting off their Passage, and making 'em perish in the Mountains.  
I have said enough to convince you, that 'tis not safe for me to prosecute my intended Journey to Geneva; however I'll leave no means unessayed, to get out of the limits of France, and to break through all the Difficulties that lie in my Way. In pursuance of that Design, which I confess seems in a manner impracticable, I'm resolved at all Adventures to go to Grenoble, that I may at least draw nearer the Confines of the Kingdom, in expectation of a more favourable Opportunity to get beyond 'em. I am,  
SIR, Your &c. Lions, Nou. 1689.   

LETTER V.  
SIR,  
I Acquainted you in my last with my Resolutition to continue my Journey to Grenoble. At my departure from Lions I hired a Post-Ass at S. Siforins', out of pure Curiosity to try so rare an Experiment: Tho' I must confess this way of Travelling is not altogether without its Advantages; for the Rider may boldly venture a Fall, without running the hazard of breaking his Neck. I passed through Vienne, a very Ancient City, and of Old much esteemed by the Romans, notwithstanding its disadvantageous Situation at the bottom of two great Mountains, which darken the Place extremely. Pilate, the Governor of Jerusalem, and our Saviour's Judge, was afterwards sent hither; and they still show the Praetorium, or Hall of Justice, where he was wont to pronounce Judgement. There is a round Stone in the Wall with this Inscription, This is the Globe of Pilat's Sceptre; tho' its unfitness for such an Use makes me rather inclinable to believe, that the Inscription speaks of the House, which might be called The Globe of a Sceptre, by way of Figure or Allusion. They also make Strangers take notice of a square Tower, where they pretend he ended his Days, after an Imprisonment of Seven Years. The City is full of suchlike Antiquities, which are the only things in it that deserve a Traveller's Observation; for the Buildings are very inconsiderable. S. Severus' Church stands in a Place where formerly the Heathens adored a Hundred Gods, under a great Tree, that was afterwards cut down and rooted up by that Saints Order, as appears by this Inscription on a Column: Arborem Deos Severus evertit 
 Centum Deorum.  
There goes a Story, that under that Tree there was found a Death's-Head, full of Gold and Silver, with which the Church was built. I will not pretend to demonstrate the falseness of this Tradition; but I think I may venture to conclude, that either the Head was very big, or the Wages of Workmen in those Days very low; for such a Structure could not now be erected for sixty thousand Crowns.  
Without the City, in a place called The Field de l' Aguillé, there is an high Pyramid, consisting of several Stones joined together without Mortar or Cement, and supported by an Ancient Vault of the same kind of Architecture, resembling a little Chapel. The Inhabitants of Vienne pretend that this Pyramid was erected by an Emperor, with a Design that his Ashes should be placed in an Urn on the top of it, that his Tomb might be nearer Heaven. The Archiepiscopal Church is consecrated to S. Maurice, whose Head is preserved in it. The Archbishop assumes the Quality of Primate of the Primates of the Gauls; pretending a right to that Title, in opposition to the Archbishop of Lions, against whom he has a Suit on this Occasion, that (if we we may judge by Appearances) will not be soon decided. Vienne was the Capital City of Dauphiné, before the erection of a Parliament at Grenoble; and therefore the Kings of France, among the rest of their Titles, style themselves Dauphins of Viennois.  
From thence continuing my Journey, mounted as before, at the rate of five Sous by the Stage, which is the ordinary Price; I and my Ass had the Fortune to meet with a Couple of Fellow-Travellers. Immediately I accosted my Companion, and finding nothing either in his Mien or Discourse that deserved Contempt, I concluded that he was a Merchant of Lions or Grenoble. About two Hours after our Meeting, perceiving at a considerable distance a Coach drawn by Six Horses, and attended with some Horsemen, coming towards us, he presently alighted, and turned his Ass lose: Then shrinking up one of his Arms, and turning it awry, as if he had been Lame, he walked bareheaded to the Boot of the Coach, and begged Charity of the Passengers. I was extremely surprised at so odd and unexpected an Action, nor could I divine the Meaning of it; for I thought it almost impossible that a Man, who, I imagined, was neither Poor nor Sick, could be guilty of so much Baseness: However, since my Beast had already carried me so far, that I could not observe distinctly what he said or did, I resolved to suspend my Judgement till I should learn the reason of it from his own Mouth. Assoon as he came up, I asked what he went to do at the Coach; Somewhat, replied he, that will doubtless surprise you: Perhaps you did not believe me to be a professed Beggar; yet I assure you I have no other Trade; and if you stay at Grenoble, you may be a Witness of my Diligence in that Vocation. I'm going to the Hospital in that City, where I'm sure of a Lodging, for three Days, during which I hope to get three Pistoles. I was no less astonished at what I heard him say, than at what I had already seen him do: But he went on with the same Frankness, and told me the whole History of his Life. He said he was born at Avignon, of a considerable Family in that City, and that he had actually a Revenue of above 200 Livres; that during his Infancy he had so strong an Inclination to Begging, that he usually stole away from his Father and Mother to ask Alms on the Highways; where he sometimes picked up twenty or thirty Sous a Day, which made him so fond of that Course of Life, that he could never afterwards leave it. He assured me, that the Trade of Begging was attended at least with as much Pleasure as Pain; and that he was so accustomed to it, that he was resolved to make it the only Business of his Life. In the mean time I harkened to him with an Admiration that would not suffer me to interrupt him; and he scrupled not to acquaint me with most of the usual Tricks of his Fellow-Vagabonds. They spend their whole Lives in wand'ring from one Hospital to another, and know exactly all the Customs of those Places, and the various Offices of Charity that were appointed by the Founders to be performed in 'em. Some of 'em cover themselves with Rags, and putting their Arms or Legs out of Joint, take up their Post at a Church Door from Morning to Night, while others go about in a pretty decent Garb, and pretending to be poor Officers who have been robbed of their Money, and are at a great distance from their Friends and Relations, beg the Charitable Assistance of those whom they meet, with a certain Bashfulness, and mournful Tone, that deceives many well-disposed Persons. He that instructed me in all these Mysteries, was of the Second Order, and contemned the others as a sort of Puny Mumpers, who had neither Courage nor Ambition: Adding, that he got more in a Day that the best of them could do in a whole Month. Nevertheless these Strolers depend not wholly on Charity; they have another Trade which is no less Gainful than Begging, I mean the selling of Passports to Travellers. My Companion perceiving that I had none, desired me to buy one of him; and at the first Inn where we alighted, showed me at least a Hundred. I asked him the Price of One: There are some, answered he, of all Prices, as well as other Commodities; for some are Authentic, others forged; some of an old, others of a fresh Date; and if you will be satisfied with such as are Counterfeit, you shall have 'em for fifteen Sous apiece. I thanked him for his Ingenuity; but told him, that I could not trust to a false Passport. Yet they are as sure as the rest, answered he, for they are never called in Question; and all the Authentic Passports I have, are procured on the Credit of such as I wrote with my own Hand, for otherwise they would not give me any: However, you may please yourself both in the Choice and Goodness of your Commodity; for I have some for all Places. Then I asked him one for Geneva; but he told me, that to his great Sorrow and Loss, 'twas impossible to obtain one for that Place; assuring me, that if he had a Hundred of 'em, he could dispose of 'em all at the Rate of Ten Pistoles apiece. At last I gave him two Pistoles for a Passport to Rome, pretended to be granted by the Archbishop of Lions to one Bidault, and afterwards ratified and approved at Vienne. He swore and protested that 'twould infallibly procure me an unquestioned Passage; but the extreme desire I had to make my Escape out of France rather than any Credit I gave to his Asseverations, made me willing to run the Hazard; tho', after all, I apprehended the Danger to be greater than it really was: For assoon as I presented my counterfeit Passport to the Marquis de S. André, he granted me another without the least Difficulty, appointing me to pass through Chambery, S. John de Morienne, and Turin.  
Grenoble became the Capital City of Dauphiné, when Charles VII. established a Parliament in it, and has ever since continued in the possession of that Dignity. This Country was bequeathed to King Philip de Valois, by Humbert, the last Prince of Dauphine, on condition that from thenceforth the Presumptive Heir of the Crown of France, should be styled Dauphin of Viennois; and bear in his Coat-Armorial the Arms of France quartered with those of Dauphiné, which are, Or, a Dolphin Azure, Crested, Finned, and Eared Gules. The Tomb of Andrew, Humbert's Son, is in the Church of the Dominicans that fronts the Place de Grenette, which is the finest in Grenoble, both for its Largeness, and the Magnificence of the Building with which 'tis adorned, especially the Parliament-House, to which you enter through a Court, bordered with Shops full of all sorts of Commodities: 'Tis of an Antique Structure, and the Chambers are very well furnished. The governor's House is large, and has the Advantage of a very pleasant Prospect. The Episcopal Church of Nôtre-Dame is another Piece of Architecture remarkable for its Antiquity. But after all, 'tis certain that the principal Glory of Grenoble consists not in its Buildings; and they who would have the pleasure to be acquainted with all its Beauty, must not expect to gratify their Curiosity by a Transient View of it. For it has the Honour to be the Seat of several Noble Families, who are so far above the Clownishness that might be expected in so remote a Province, that their Conversation and Deportment may be justly reckoned the Standard of Civility and good Breeding: So that a Stranger is amazed to find the most refined Politeness of the Court in the midst of those wild Mountains. 'Tis seated on the Banks of Issere, in a Valley, which my Natural aversion to all Hilly Countries will not suffer me to call Pleasant. Yet at my departure from the City, I saw some places that must be acknowledged to have a kind of dismal Beauty, especially the Monastery of the Carthusians. The very Ascent to it is a Journey of six Hours, through Ways that are almost only passable for Mules, which are very common and extremely fine in this Country: At least I can assure you, that those who live in it may for ever despair of seeing any Coach or Wagon near their Habitation, unless it be made upon the Place. These Mountains, that seem to have been appointed by Nature as a wild Retreat for Wolves and Boars, are nevertheless inhabited by Humane Creatures, if I may give that Name to Animals that seem to have a nearer resemblance to Bears than Men. Their Habit consists of so Coarse a Cloth, that they never wear above one Suit of Clothes during their whole Life, tho' it should last an hundred Years. 'Tis a certain reddish Stuff, of the thickness of two Crown Pieces, and every Thread in it is at least as big as Packthread. These miserable Wretches are perfect Strangers to all manner of Pleasure: Their main or only Happiness consists in filling their Stomaches with a sort of Bread that none of our Dogs would taste; and even that is a Rarity among 'em: They drink Water, and live Night and Day in Huts of Straw in the midst of their Oxen, Cows, and Hogs, which are their usual Companions, and are utterly unacquainted with the Transactions of the rest of Mankind.  
'Tis impossible to approach the Monastery without feeling an over-bearing Melancholy that damps the gayest Spirits: 'tis seated between two high and rugged Mountains or rather perpendicular Rocks, and the Ghastliness of the Prospect is heightened by the Pine-Trees, that cast a dismal Shade upon the jutting Cliffs. And to complete the Horror of the Place, the Ears are stunned with the amazing Din of a Torrent that rolls impetuously through the Bottom which separates the Mountains. The Monks have spared no Pains to cut a Way through those naturally impassable Precipices; and 'tis certain that so laborious a Work could not be performed without a vast Expense of Treasure. However they cannot be accused of throwing away their Money upon useless Projects; for, if you except the trouble of ascending and descending, a Man may walk pretty easily to the Convent from the Bridges that are built at the two Ends, and in the narrowest Places at the Bottom, especially that next Grenoble, which joins the opposite Mountains with a little Arch that overlooks the Torrent, and is commanded by a House at the End of the Bridge, which Ten Men might defend against a Hundred thousand. Nor is the Passage to the Convent less difficult on the other side, so that it might be justly esteemed a very considerable Post, if it were as important as 'tis strong: but in my Opinion the Uselessness of the Conquest secures it as effectually against the Attacks of an Enemy, as the Strength of its Situation. These Passages end in a sort of Meadow or little Valley, containing a hundred Paces in breadth, and a large quarter of a League in length, where the Monastery is seated. The Monks have made several successless Attempts to cultivate and embellish their solitary Abode; which are so many convincing Proofs of the Badness of the Soil, that makes it incapable of Improvement. However, they still continue to increase their Buildings, for they have the Advantage of Wood, Stones, and Iron upon the Spot, besides the Conveniency of Mills, that are turned by a small Torrent which passes by the Convent, and furnishes 'em plentifully with Water. I'm persuaded they cannot eat one half of their Yearly Revenue, which amounts to 300000 Livres: tho' Gentlemen of their Orders are seldom guilty of pinching their Bellies, and tho' they are at a vast Charge in bringing every thing from Grenoble.  
Assoon as I arrived, the Father, who is appointed to take Care of Strangers, brought me into the Chamber called the Inn, or Place of Entertainment, where they immediately kindled a great Fire, which was a very seasonable piece of Hospitality, for I was almost frozen with Cold. Not long after the the Father-Prior came to make me a Compliment, and left a Monk to keep me Company during my Abode in that Place. The Earliness of my Arrival gave me an Opportunity to visit the whole House, after I had enjoyed for some time the comfortable Warmth of the Fire. In the first place, my Father-Companion showed me the Church, which is long and narrow for want of Room: the Walls are lined with Wood, as in all the other Apartments, by reason of the Moisture of the Place, that not only spoils the Paintings and Ornaments, but occasions violent Distempers. Afterwards we visited the Ha● of the Chapter-General, which is wainscotted like the Church, and adorned with some Pictures; an● among the rest I took particular notice of a ver● fine Piece, representing the Martyrdom of certain Fathers of the Order in England. From thence 〈◊〉 went to the King's and Bishop's Apartments, whe●● they usually receive Persons of great Quality; fo● others are generally entertained in the Room where 〈◊〉 was lodged: the Furniture of these Apartments is ne●● without Magnificence. The Chapel of the Novices is, in my Opinion, the principal Ornament of th● Monastery: for 'tis wholly built of Marble, ver● curiously wrought with Basso-relievo's, and excellent Paintings; and besides the Altar is adorned with 〈◊〉 Tabernacle of Amber, which is a valuable Piec● and was presented to 'em by a Polander. Since th● usual Contrivance of this kind of Structures w●● impracticable in this place, instead of a Square Cloister, they were forced to build a Row of Cells, above 300 Paces in length. After I had taken a View of all the Apartments, my Guide brought me back to my Chamber, where we supped on Fish; for there is no Flesh eaten in the House; after which he left me to repose.  
Next Morning about Nine a-clock he returned, to conduct me to the Place where S. Bruno performed his Penance, which is not accessible without great difficulty, being on the Top of the Mountain, and so extremely Cold, that I cannot imagine it was ever inhabited by Men. Nevertheless these Fathers assured me, that 'twas the constant Habitation of that Saint, with his Six Companions; and showed me certain Caves or Grottoes cut out of the Rock, where they spent their Days in the Exercise of Religious Austerities. Since that time the Monks erected a very fine Chapel, enriched with several Pictures; among which that of the Saint himself is particularly remarkable for its finished Beauty. They forget not to make Strangers take notice of their Rock, on which, if you can believe their Tradition, an Angel appeared to him every Day, and brought him his necessary Food. But it seems his Companions were not so much in love with Mortification; for after his Death they left the Hermitage, and descended half a League lower, to the place where the Monastery is now seated, with the permission of S Peter himself; who did 'em the favour to appear in Person on that Occasion, and promised 'em the Virgin's Assistance, on condition they should rehearse her Office once every Day:  
It must be acknowledged that these Fathers do not content themselves with a bare verbal Renunciation of the World and of Themselves; for their Practice is suitable to the Austerity of their Profession. The Solitude of their Recess is certainly worthy of Admiration; they live in a perpetual Confinement among those almost inaccessible Mountains, where they spend their Lives in Prayer, Contemplation, and the Severities of Repentance; and are so little acquainted with the rest of the World, that they are ignorant even of the most Remarkable Occurrences that are transacted in it. They never eat Flesh, fast three quarters of the Year, submit to the rigour of Monastical Discipline twice every Week, wear Sackcloth, spend nine Hours in the Church every Day, observe a perpetual Silence, and undergo voluntary and frequent Acts of Mortification: So that if those Persons be damned at last, I may venture to say that they buy Hell at as dear a rate as the Saints purchase Paradise. To make you less apt to suspect the Truth of this Relation, 'twill be sufficient to tell you, that the very sight of the place inspired me with so resistless a Melancholy, that I spent the whole Night in making serious Reflections on the Vanity of the World. But, after all, you must not have so favourable an Opinion of the force of this Religious Charm, as to imagine it sufficient to imprint an indelible Character of Sanctity; for I assure you, a little of the Air of the World soon dissipated all my additional Devotion, and I began to recover my wont Gaiety by degrees, as I approached Chambery. The Way thither is a remarkable Monument of the Grandeur and Magnificence of Charles Emmanuel, Duke of Savoy, by whose Orders it was cut out of the Rock, for the Conveniency of his Trading-Subjects; as it appears by an Inscription fastened to the Rock, and accompanied with the Arms of that Prince. The Road for a considerable distance from the Monastery, is bordered with Precipices, and rugged Cliffs, that cast forth an almost innumerable Multitude of impetuous Torrents, which roll along with a horrid Din. But afterwards the Traveller has time to recover his Senses, when at the end of this frightful Passage, he meets with a pleasant Road, that brings him insensibly to Chambery.  
Chambery is the principal City of the Duchy of Savoy, seated among the Mountains on the little Rivers of Orbane and Esse. As for Spiritual Affairs, 'tis under the Jurisdiction of the Bishop of Grenoble; and for its Temporal Government, there is a Senate, or Court of Justice, resembling a French Parliament, which takes Cognizance of all Civil and Criminal Suits; and its Authority is extended over the whole Duchy. This is all the Account I can give you of Chambery; only I can assure you 'tis neither large, strong, nor beautiful. I took a Passport of the Precedent, and proceeding on my Journey, passed by Montmelian, about two Leagues distant from Chambery, and seated on the Top of a little Hill, that rises like a Sugar-Loaf in the midst of a Valley: It may be reckoned almost impregnable; for it seems to be placed out of the reach of all other Enemies but Famine, and want of Provisions: But the Town, that is seated below, is a Place of no Defence, and much less considerable than a Thousand Villages in France. S. John de Morienne, where I arrived the next Day, deserves no better Character, tho' it be honoured with a Bishop's See. Here I took another Passport of the great Vicar, which I may reckon cheap, tho' it cost me very dear; for it brought me safe to this place, without being at the Charge of renewing it.  
Two Days after I arrived at the Village of Laneburg, seated directly at the Foot of Mount Cennis. This remarkable Hill is famous both for its height, in which respect it exceeds the tallest Mountains of the Alps; and for a Bottomless Lake, situated in the middle of its Surface. I ascended a League and a half before I arrived at the Lake; after which I found a Plain; extending about a large League; and in that an Inn, where I was accommodated with the most desirable Entertainment in these Mountains, I mean the warmth of a good Fire; for the Way is lined on both sides with vast Hills of Snow; and the Wind is so cold and piercing, that the poor Traveller is hardly able to support himself on his numbed Limbs. After I had rested an Hour, I mounted my Mule, for there are no other Beasts of Carriage able to pass the Mountain; and found the Descent on the other side as troublesome and uneasy as the Ascent, which I have already described.  
The same Evening I arrived at Suza, a little City in the Frontiers of Piedmont, seated at the Foot of a Mountain, and separated from Turin by a vast and fertile Plain: It has the Advantage of a pure and healthy Air, pleasant Meadows, good Wine, and beautiful Houses. The warmth of the Climate exceeds that of France, but the Heat is not so intolerable as at Rome; so that the Traveller finds as great an Alteration at his Descent from the Mountains of Savoy, as if he were transported in an Instant from Norway to Italy; and is agreeably ravished at the sudden Change of a stormy Winter into a Mild and Temperate Spring.  
The City of Turin is seated at the other end of this charming Plain, between the Po and the Loire, which furnish it abundantly with all the Necessaries and Conveniences of Life. 'Tis enclosed with strong Walls, and surrounded with broad, deep, and well-lined Ditches. The Citadel is a Masterpiece of Fortification; for the Duke has spared no Cost to make it Strong and Magnificent; and if the Goodness of the Soil had been suitable to the Care he has taken to improve it, I'm confident 'twould have been absolutely impregnable. The Town is all glorious within, and adorned with a Thousand Beauties: The Public Places are spacious, all newly built with an admirable Regularity: The Streets are broad, and straight as a Line: The noblest improvements of Architecture are magnificently displayed in the Palaces; the Gild, Paintings, and other Ornaments of the Churches are suitable to the Beauty of the Buildings; the Shops are full of all sorts of rich and fine Stuffs; and the Academies for riding the Great Horse, Dancing, and Martial Exercises, deserve a particular Observation. And to complete the Glories of the Place, there is a Court, that, notwithstanding its smallness, may be justly reckoned the Seat of Gallantry and Politeness; 'Tis composed of a Society of both Sexes, that are equally Admirable; the Ladies for their resistless Charms; and the Men for a Nobleness of Mien, and Magnificence of Garb, that seems peculiar to themselves.  
Thus, Sir, I have endeavoured to give you in few Words, a just Idea of this Charming City; for it would be an endless Labour to undertake the particular Description of every fine Church, and beautiful Palace, in a place where such Structures are no Rarities. All the Ornaments of this City are Modern; at least I could not, upon the strictest Enquiry, discover any other Antiquities than those in the Duke's Gallery, which is full of all sorts of fine Paintings, rare Munuscripts, Medals, Vases, and other Curiosities of that Nature. The Gate of the Palace is defended with two Culverins, admirable for their Largeness and Workmanship; and a Mortar of a prodigious bigness. The Metropolitan Church is dedicated to S. John, and exceeds all the rest in Magnificence: 'Tis a stately Dome, enriched on the Inside with Paintings, of a finished Regularity and Fineness: And to all the other Ornaments, there was lately added a Chapel of a surprising Beauty and Richness. This admirable Structure is of an excellent Architecture, and seems in a manner to be overlaid with a glittering Cover of Gold and Silver: 'Twas built on purpose for the Holy Handkerchief, which is kept there at present. You cannot imagine with what Devotion the People of this Place adorn that Relic; which is a little Sheet, with the Image of our Saviour painted very imperfectly in the middle, of a yellowish Colour. I need not tell you that this is commonly pretended to be the same Cloth in which Christ's Face was wrapped at his Burial, and that his Image was miraculously stamped upon it: But there are so many other Pretenders to the same Dignity, that I will not undertake to decide so doubtful a Controversy.  
According to all Appearance, the Duke of Sav●y will not remain long in the King's Interests; for he has already given out Commissions for the levying of two Regiments of Foot, and one of Dragoons, with an express Order, not to receive a Frenchman into 'em; and besides, 'tis certain that he did not oppose the Passage of the Barbets, as he might have easily done: For all the Motions of his Troops, were only in Order to their Encampment at Verecil; and I'm persuaded the only reason why he suffered the French to act on that Occasion, was because he could not hinder 'em.  
I have met with another Obstacle, that will retard my Journey to Isaly for some time; for the whole Country is full of Spaniards, who Infest all the Roads, and commit a Thousand Robberies. The People here are daily alarmed with fresh Accounts of these Disorders; so that I have been at last prevailed with to alter my Resolution, and am going to take Journey for Marseilles, where I'm certainly informed I may find daily Opportunities of embarking for Genoa or Leghorn.  
I am, SIR, Your &c. Turin, Nou. 1689.   

LETTER VI.  
SIR,  
DUring my short stay at Turin after the Wriing of my last Letter, I had not the Opportunity of making any remarkable Observation that I had not taken notice of before; and therefore all that I shall add to the Account I gave you of that City, is, that the People have an extraordinary Love to their Sovereign. You'll perhaps tell me, that this is not a very uncommon Observation, since 'tis natural for all Men to respect their Governors: But I hope you'll acknowledge, that there are various Degrees in this kind of Affection, as well as in all others; and that I cannot be accused of Trifling, when I assure you, that never was the Breast of any Subject filled with a more ardent and respectful Love to his Prince, than that which the Inhabitants of Piedmont have for the Duke of Savoy. Nor is their Zeal for his Interest, and Affection to his Person, the Effect of a blind Inclination: For 'tis no wonder that those who owe their Happiness to the mild Influences of his Government are charmed with the Greatness of his Courage and Magnamity, and a Thousand other rare Perfections, of which he is certainly Master in a very eminent Degree.  
The Duchess is an illustrious Example of Conjugal Affection: 'tis true, she is not unmindful of the Blood that fills her Veins; nor will ever forget that Natural Inclination to the place of her Nativity, that obliges her to be the declared Protectress of the French: But her Love to her Country is not strong enough to lessen that which she owes to her Lord, and puts not the least Bias on her Mind when it comes in Competition with his Interest.  
I forgot to tell you in my last, that it Rains almost perpetually at Turin; and, (whatever you may think on't) this is a very important Remark for Persons of my Humour and Fortune. I cannot forbear complaining of the Unkindness of my Destiny, that exposes me to be drenched with every Shower for want of a Coach, and even envying the Happiness of those who are better provided; for, if God had thought fit to intrust me with the Management of 10000 Livres a Year, I would not have denied myself the Pleasure of Travelling in a portable House.  
From Turin I came in seven Hours to Pignerol. The Town is very well fortified; and the Citadel, as now it stands, after so many Additions and Alterations, may be justly reckoned one of the strongest places in his Majesty's Possession, and a terrible Thorn in the Duke of Savoy's Foot, which may one Day make him halt, if he do not take care to pluck it out. Here the unfortunate Monsieur Fouquet spent the last part of his Life, and (as 'tis generally believed) composed that admirable Treatise, entitled, The Counsels of Wisdom. If that Report be true, even his Enemies must acknowledge, that the Confinement of his Body disturbed not the Freedom and Tranquillity of his Mind, and that he was entirely disengaged from the Allurements of this World. Nevertheless, I'm certainly informed by Persons of unsuspected Credit, that he attempted to make his Escape by cutting the Sheets of his Bed; and that he was afterwards put under a Guard of four Sentinels instead of one, as well as the Count de Lausun, who about four Years ago had little reason to flatter himself with the hopes of a Release. The Marquis d'Herville, the present Governor of Pignerol, is a Man of a large and comely Stature, brave, and well acquainted with the Duties of his Office.  
Leaving Pignerol I proceeded on my Journey through the long Valley of Sestriere to Guillestre, and from thence by the Way of Briançon to Ambrun, a little City on the Frontiers of Dauphiné, inaccessible on one side, by reason of the Steepness of the Rock on which 'tis built, but only defended on the other with a weak and single Wall. The Archbishopric of this Place is at present possessed by Monsieur de Genlis, Nephew to the Marquis de Genlis, Lieutenant-General of his Majesty's Forces, and Captain-Lieutenant of the Duke of Anjou's Company of Geudarms. This Prelate signalised his Courage and Zeal in the late Campaign against the Vaudois; for he remained in the Camp all the Summer, and was personally engaged in the Battle of Salbertrand: And this unusual Bravery in a Man of his Character, has procured him so much Honour and Authority in the Country, that when I produced his Passport at Gap, the Major, who commanded in the Place, told me that if it had been signed by the King himself it would not have been so much respected. 'Tis true he gave me a very favourable Character, for he was not ignorant that I had the Honour to be very well known to his Uncle: and 'twas also on that Score that he kept me two days at Ambrun, and entertained me with a great deal of Kindness.  
You must give me leave to detain you a while with an Account of my fatiguing Passage over Mount Geneure: for tho' it be neither so large nor so high as Cenis, the crossing of that Mountain put me to more Trouble and Pain than ever I suffered in any one day of my Life. I was mounted on a Horse that was not worth sixpence, which I hired of a Peasant at Briançon, and accompanied with a Guide who was utterly unacquainted with the Roads, and carried me quite out of the Way. But that was not my greatest Misfortune, for my Horse stuck so fast in the Snow, which reached above his Belly, that I could not make him go one Step farther, and was at last forced to alight and endeavour to open a Passage for him to the Highway; for I perceived certain Sticks at a considerable distance, which (I knew) were set up as Marks to keep Travellers from wand'ring out of the Road. But I quickly found my Design impracticable, for both I and my Horse were so benumned with the Cold, that we could hardly stir a Leg; and besides the Wind drove the Snow upon me faster than I could rake it away: so that I was beginning to give over my useless Labour, and to reflect in good earnest on a Death that seemed unavoidable, when I discovered certain black Spots, that gave me some hope of finding a Village not far the place where I thought to have ended my days. Immediately I left my Guide, Horse and Baggage, and, feeble as I was, ventured into the midst of the Snow, in quest of those Houses, where at last, by God's Assistance, I arrived, and was received with all imaginable Marks of Kindness by those Hospitable Wretches, who brought me into one of their Huts, which I found stuffed with Oxen, Cows, Sheep, Cats, Dogs, and (the most miserable Part of the Family) Men and Women. Nevertheless I assure you that the Sight of this Place, which perhaps at another time would have turned my Stomach, seemed more charming to me in that Extremity, than the most glorious Palace that ever I beheld: I fancied myself restored from Death to Life assoon as I entered that Resemblance of a Hog's Sty, which was as hot as a Stove. In the mean time I begged some of my kind Hosts to complete their Charity, by going to relieve the Poor Creature, whom I had left with my Horse in the midst of the Snow: and their Assistance came very seasonably, for he had certainly perished if they had stayed half a quarter of an hour longer. After I had the Satisfaction of seeing him alive, I stretched my wearied Body on a Heap of Straw, where I enjoyed the most comfortable Night's Rest that ever I had in my Life. The next day I feasted on a Piece of Bread exactly of the Colour of Soot, and a little dry and salt Cheese; and was in the mean time entertained with an Account of their Way of Living in this Place. They told me that they were imprisoned in their dismal Habitations, and almost buried in the Snow for the Space of seven Months, every Year; during which time they linger out a miserable Life in the midst of Stench and Nastiness.  
After my Arrival at Gap, I sent back my Horse, and hired another, which I found there by chance, to Sisteron. But to complete the Misfortunes of my disastrous Journey, as I was crossing a very rapid Torrent about a League from the last of these Places, having occasion to blow my Nose, I pulled my Handkerchief out of my Pocket, and with that the Box with my Passports, which fell into the Stream, and was in an instant carried quite out of my Sight. If my Purse with all the Money I was Master of, had been irrecoverably lost, I could not have been more sensibly vexed: for when I considered with what Rigour I had been every where examined notwithstanding my Passports, I concluded that Imprisonment was the mildest Treatment I could expect to receive at Sisteron. These Reflections kept me for some time in an Irresolution, whether I should go forwards; but since the Danger was equal either Way, I resolved to proceed on my Journey, tho' I should be forced to take up my Lodging in a Gaol. I found, to my Cost, the Accomplishment of those Melancholic Presages; for the Governor laughed at my Excuses, and told me that I must needs have a very mean Opinion of his Judgement, if I thought to put him off with such an ill-contrived Story. Confess the Truth, added he, you are one of the Barbets, and are going to Languedoc and Dauphiné, to persuade the new Converts in those Provinces to join with your Party: I answered, That I was too Loyal a Subject to his Majesty, and too zealous a Catholic to undertake such a Commission; that I was a mere Stranger to the Barbets; that I came from Turin, and was going to Rome. What, Sir, replied he, you came from Turin? Morbleau, you came with the Barbets: I'm better acquainted with your Tricks than you imagine; I say you did come with 'em, and I'll show you presently some of your own Friends, who will maintain it to your Face. Immediately he ordered two of those unhappy Wretches that were fallen into his Hands, to be brought before him, and assoon as they appeared, Here is one of your Officers, said he to 'em, whom we have caught straggling. He would have us believe that he has deserted your Party, and left you with a Design to submit to the King; but we have Reason to suspect his Sincerity. Confess the Truth ingenuously, and declare all that you know concerning him, as the only way you can take to obtain the King's Mercy. If I had been guilty of entertaining a Correspondence with these People, I would have immediately said something to undeceive 'em, and prevent their biting the Hook: but since I was altogether unacquainted with 'em, I was glad of that Occasion to justify my Innocency, and expected their Answer with a Silence that confuted all my Accusers: and besides, the Prisoners affirmed that they did not know me. Then the Governor began to examine me more particularly, and with less Prejudice than before: he asked me which way I came, where I received Passports, and who had any Knowledge of me. In answer to the last Question, having named several Persons, and among the rest the Archbishop of Ambrun, the Governor assured me, that I might conclude myself out of Danger, if that Prelate would undertake to answer for me; and I replied, that I hoped he would not deny me his Testimony. Then the Governor desir d me to write to him, telling me that he would accompany my Letter with another, and that in the mean time I should be confined to the Citadel, where I was lodged with two Lieutenants, from whom and the rest of the Officers, I received all imaginable Marks of. Civility. Four days after, the Governor having received a very favourable Answer from the Archbishop of Ambrun, sent for me, and told me that I was at Liberty to depart when I pleased. I returned him my very humble Thanks for the Justice he did me, and entreated him to grant me a Passport, since without that I should certainly be stopped, and perhaps also abused by the first Corpse de Garde of Peasants on the Road. But he assured me that there was no need of a Passport, and that all the Roads were free, from Sisteron to Marseilles.  
Since I have had occasion to mention the Barbets so often, I believe it will not be an unwelcome Gratification of your Curiosity, to give you an Account of the Original of that Name, which the Piedmontois and Savoyards give to the Protestants that inhabit their Valleys. The Word Barbe in their Language signifies Uncle; and besides, an Ancient and Venerable Person; so that in several Places 'tis the usual Custom to express a more than ordinary Respect to a Person by prefixing this Word before his proper Name, as Barbe Peter, Barbe John, etc. And even by degrees it grew in such Esteem among 'em, that they thought they could not give a more honourable Title to their Ministers, whom for that Reason they called Barbe du Plessis, Barbe du Menil, etc. From hence the Protestants in this Country were nicknamed Barbets, as in France they are called Hugonots, and in Flanders, Gueux.  
Sisteron is seated on the Durance, and is so inconsiderable a Town, that 'twould be an useless Waste of Time and Paper to undertake the Description of it. The Citadel stands on a very steep Mountain, and is consequently strong, but so small that 'tis scarce capable of Lodging three hundred Soldiers.  
The Marquis de Vallevoir, the present Governor of this Place, is an old Officer, very well known, and much esteemed by the Soldiers. The double Meaning of his Name had once almost cost him his Life; for as he was walking at Night on the Ramparts of a Town of which he was Governor, a new Soldier who was then on the Watch, not knowing him, saluted him with the usual Question on such Occasions, Qui va là, Who comes there? to which he answered, Vallevoir. But the Centinel imagining he had said in a slighting manner, Va le voir, Go see, and taking it either as an Affront, or as a Refusal to discover his Name and Quality, discharged his Musket, and shot him into the Belly so dangerously, that he had almost died of the Wound.  
From Sisteron I came in a Day and a half to Aix, which is but five Leagues distant from hence, and was founded by Caius Sextius, a Roman Consul, who called it by his own Name, in Memory of the Hot Baths he had built there, which are still to be seen without the Walls. 'Tis neither large nor strong, but it may be justly said to be a very pleasant City, for 'tis seated in a lovely Plain, that produces Store of good Wine; and besides, 'tis adorned with a considerable Number of new Houses, which are very fine, and built after the Italian Fashion. The Nobility of Provence are, without dispute, the greatest Lovers of Building in France, and are at the greatest Charge in gratifying their Inclinations to Architecture; and there are in this Country a great Number of admirably well-contrived Structures that may pass for little Palaces. The Metropolitan Church, called S. Saviour's, is particularly remarkable for the Tombs of four Counts of Provence, a small subterraneous Chapel, where 'tis said S. Mary Magdalen ended her Days, and especially the Baptismal Font of white Marble, adorned with Reliefs that are much esteemed by the best Judges, and covered with a little Marble Dome, supported with Columns of the same, making all together a very valuable Piece. The Place des Prêcheurs is the finest of all the spacious Courts or Squares in the City, both for its Neatness and Largeness, and for the Beauty of the Structures that surround it, among which the ancient Palace of Justice deserves a particular Observation. In one of its Apartments, where the Counts of Provence kept their Residence, there is a very fine Room, at present called, The King's Chamber, richly gilded, and hung round with the Pictures of our Kings. After the Traveller has satisfied his Curiosity in this Place, he may visit the Cours, or public Walking-Place and Rendezvous of Coaches, which is 800 Paces long, and 15 broad, without reckoning the paved Streets on both Sides for the Coaches. 'Tis enclosed with Balisters of Wood, and all overshadowed with tufty Trees, whose spreading Boughs cast such an agreeable Coolness in the Heat of Summer, that one may walk in this lovely Place without the least incommodity, at Three a Clock in the Afternoon: and besides, at convenient Intervals, there are Benches of Stone, where those who are weary may rest themselves. The Houses that environ it are all very fine, and inhabited by Persons of Quality, who choose to live there for the Pleasure of the Prospect, and the Conveniency of walking without losing Sight of their Houses. This is the general Rendezvous of the genteeler part of the Inhabitants of the Town, who flock hither every Evening, and increase the Pleasures of the Place with their agreeable Society and Conversation. You will be easily persuaded to believe that there are some handsome Women to be found among so much good Company: but I'm afraid you'll stand in need of all your Faith to give Credit to another Observation I made in this City. 'Tis perhaps the peculiar Advantage of the Gentlemen of Aix, that they are possessed of the dearest and most distinguishing Privilege of the Beautiful Sex; Ten or Twelve of 'em especially, who are so many Adolphus' and Jucundus', and outvie the most charming Ladies that ever were admired for the delicate Mixture of Roses and Lilies in their Complexion, the Lustre of their Eyes, and the incomparable Graces of their Mouth. These wondrous Youths are so many convincing Proofs of the Reasonableness of the first Part of that common Saying in this Country, which ascribes the Preeminence in Beauty to the Men of Aix, and the Women of Marseilles.  
The whole Country of Provence is under the Authority of the Parliament, which was established here by Lewis XII. Ann. 1501. The Archbishopric of this Place is remarkable for its Antiquity, and the Extent of its Jurisdiction: for 'tis the Metropolitan See of a very large Ecclesiastical Province, and the first Bishop was S. Maximin, a Disciple of S. Lazarus.  
Since the County of Provence was dismembered from the Roman Empire, it has had the Misfortune to change its Masters very often: but instead of presenting you with a Catalogue of all its Sovereigns, I shall content myself with observing that it was annexed to the Crown of France, under the Reig● of Lewis XI. by René, Count of Provence, and King of Naples and Sicily; and that the Privileges reserved to the Inhabitants, by the Conditions of that Donation, were involved in the same Fate with those of Languedoc, Dauphiné, Burgundy, Bretaign, etc. For you know the King has a notable Faculty of Judging in his own Cause, and is furnished on all Occasions, with irresistible Arguments to demonstrate, That his Will and Pleasure are the only Limits of his Royal Authority.  
The Air of this Province is so mild, that 'tis seldom or never observed to be subject to Frosts: but the Advantages of its Climate are considerably lessened by the Boisterousness of the Winds that reign in it. And besides, the Country is generally so mountainous, that one half of it is not cultivated; and the little fertile Ground that remains, is so full of Stones, that a Man would be tempted to think they had been purposely brought thither. The Labourers take care to remove those that lie in their way, and, instead of Hedges, surround their Fields with Stonewalls, which are almost every where three Foot high: so that if ever this Country be made the Seat of a War, 'twill not be an easy Task to open a Passage through it for the Cavalry.  
But, to make amends for the Inconveniency of the Soil, which is neither proper for Corn nor Pasturage, it produces very good Wine, and great Store of such excellent Olives, that the Oil of 'em is esteemed the best and sweetest in Europe. The Wine is of several Sorts; for, besides the Red, which is most common, and not inferior to Burgundy, there is the Pale-Red, Red, White, and delicious Muscadin. The best grows at Ciotat, a little Town between Marseilles and Toulon; but 'twould be needless to describe its Excellencies to you, who have tasted it so often at Paris. There is also a mixed Sort of Wine, called Malmsey, much esteemed by the People of this Country, who make it, by boiling Red Muscadin with Cinnamon, Cloves, and the best Aquavitae. They have also abundance of Ortolans, (which are delicate, and very beautiful Birds, of the Bigness of a Lark) good Quails, Red-legged Partridges, and some Francolins, which are a Sort of the immediately preceding Species of Birds, for they have both the same Cry, and Colour of Feathers; only the Wings of the latter are spotted, black and white, their Legs are somewhat smaller, and they are thought to exceed the others very considerably in their Agreeableness to the Taste. But all these Marks are not sufficient to distinguish 'em when they are dressed, and therefore the Cooks usually stick one of the Feathers of the Wings into the Body of a Francolin, that it may not be taken for a Red Partridge. 'Tis not so hard a Task to know the delicious Earth-Apples or Swine-bread, that are so cheap in this Country: for tho' they are brought to the Table covered with a Napkin to keep 'em warm, the whole Chamber is immediately perfumed with their odoriferous Scent. You must not imagine yourself to be a competent Judge of this excellent subterraneous Fruit, because you commonly eat 'em dried in Ragou's at Paris: for they are incomparably more pleasant, when the fresh Pulp is eaten like an Apple, without any other Preparation than peeling off the Rind. 'Tis certain, that Maids have reason to complain of the Tyrannical Custom that restrains 'em from tasting a Dish which all the World admires, under Pretext that 'tis too powerful an Incentive to Amorous Inclinations.  
This kind of Earth-Apple is neither a Plant, Herb, nor Mushroom: it grows in a very little time, sometimes equalling a Man's Fist in Bigness; and is always found at the depth of half a Foot under the Surface of the Ground. 'Twou'd be impossible to discover these admirable Productions of the Earth, without the Assistance of the Hogs, who smell 'em out: The Country People follow these Animals, especially when they perceive 'em busied in digging up the Ground; and when they have gathered so many, that the Weight of 'em may amount to five or six Pounds, they carry 'em to the Market, where they sell 'em for 7 or 8 Sous a Pound. Next these you cannot imagine any thing of a more delicious Taste than the large Grapes of Provence, which the People of the Country have the Secret to preserve till May, as fresh as if they were newly picked from the Tree, bringing Baskets full of 'em every Day to the Market. But this is not the only Reason why Provence may boast of an Autumn in the midst of Winter; for the Arbute-Trees are not only ever green, like Bays, but continue to bear Fruit till Carnaval-time. This Fru●● resembles a very large strawberry; but its Goodness is not answerable to its Beauty, for 'tis full of small Seeds like Sand. These, with the excellent Figs that are so common in this Country, and some Peaches, are, I think, all the Kind's of Fruit that are to be found in it. But I must except the Canton of Hieres, which may justly dispute with Blois the Title of The Garden of France: For Orange, Citron, and Pomegranate-Trees grow as naturally there, and are brought up with as little Care as Oaks and Chestnut-trees in other Places. These Advantages are owing to the peculiar Advantages of its Situation; for it seems to engross all the Heat and fruitful Influences of the Sun, and to be wholly exempted from all the Inconveniencies of even the sharpest Winters.  
You may expect in my next an Account of the City of Marseilles, and of S. Baume; In the mean time I am, with a great deal of Zeal and Affection,  
SIR, Your &c. Marseilles, Dec. 1689.   

LETTER VII.  
SIR,  
MArseilles is one of the most ancient Cities in France; and though it was famous in all Ages, 'tis not an easy Task to trace its Original, notwithstanding the Opinion of some Writers, who pretend that 'twas founded by the Greek Exiles, who were driven out of their Country by Cyrus the Great. 'Twas formerly the seat of an Illustrious Assembly of learned Senators, and of an Academy, which was the general Rendezvous of Studious Persons from all the Corners of the World. These glorious Advantages made it in a manner the Metropolis of the Commonwealth of Learning; and inspired the Romans with so high an Esteem for it, that they courted the Friendship of the Citizens of Marseilles, while the rest of the Inhabitants of Provence were their Conquered Vassals. After the Fall of the Roman Empire, 'twas governed as a Republic by four Counts; till at last the Inhabitants, finding themselves unable to withstand the united force of their Neighbours, put themselves under the Authority and Protection of the Kings of France. But the Conditions of this Voluntary Submission were very Honourable and Advantageous for 'twas concluded, that the City and its Territory, which comprehends two Leagues round, should be exempted from all manner of Taxes, Charges, and Impositions; that the King should not pretend a Right to any Customs or Duties for Goods Exported or Imported; That the City should be governed by Four Consuls, who should hold their Office for Life, and be elected by the Citizens; only 'twas agreed, That one Judge or Magistrate might be sent by the King, with the Title of Viguier: That they should not be obliged to receive any Garrison, or be commanded by any Citadel but that of Nôtre-Dame de la Garde: Besides several other Articles of the same Nature, which remained in force till the King's Voyage thither; when he took the occasion of a Mutiny that was raised against the Duke of Guise, General of his Galleys, to abolish all the Privileges of Marseilles. You may imagine with what Consternation and inward Rage they heard of their Sovereign's Approach in a Hostile manner, with an Army at his Heels; and afterwards beheld him enter the Breach as into a conquered City: However they set a good Face on't, and resolving to make the best they could of a desperate Game, received the Destroyer of their Liberty with all imaginable Marks of Love and Respect. In the mean time he ordered ten thousand Men to march into the City, who seized on the principal Posts, and were lodged in the Citizen's Houses; and afterwards told 'em, that he had observed a great Number of pretty Buildings in their Territory, and was so well pleased with 'em, that he was resolved to build one more. This Design was quickly put in execution; for the Citadel was erected at the Mouth of the Port on the Rightside, and Fort S. John on the other. The People of Marseilles perceiving that Reason was too feeble a Defence against Violence, very tamely submitted to the new Yoke that was imposed upon 'em: And their forced Complaisance on this Occasion, was made the Subject of a Song; of which these are two Stanza's: 

He told'em he would build a Fort,  
And swore 'twas merely to protect 'em:  
They swore again they thanked him for't,  
Because they durst not contradict him.   

They vowed they were his loyal Slaves,  
With Lives and Fortunes to assist him;  
Ready to serve him to their Graves,  
Because unable to resist him.    
Whatever were the Sentiments of these unfortunate People at that time, I can assure you that most of the old Inhabitants are struck with so much Horror at the remembrance of that. Disaster, that they never relate the Story of it without the deepest Marks of a lively Sorrow. And they still retain such an inconceivable Abhorrence against the French, that they scarce ever mention 'em but in the most reproachful Terms that Spite or Disdain can invent. They look upon all those of that Nation to be contemptible Wretches; and you cannot do 'em a more provoking Injury than to call 'em Frenchmen. I cannot give you a more lively Representation of their implacable Hatred against our Nation, than by relating a Story which I heard t'other Day: When the King concluded the last Peace with Algiers, Commissioners were sent on board all the Galleys, and into the Baths, to release all the French Slaves they could find: Some of these Officers perceiving a Man, whom they took to be one of their own Nation, standing in a careless manner, without showing the least desire to be Enrolled in their List, asked him, Whether he was a Frenchman: No, answered he: What Countryman art thou then? said one of the Commissioners: I'm a Native of Marseilles, replied the Slave: Very well, said the Commssioners; write to thy King of Marseilles, that he may set thee at liberty. This is no contrived Story, but so certain and well-attested a Truth, that I know some Persons who were present when the Accident happened: Nor will the credibleness of this Relation be questioned by any who have had occasion to converse with the Inhabitants of this City, or to be Witnesses of their extreme Aversion against our Countrymen. If any of 'em gives his Daughter in Marriage to a Frenchman, or makes a Man of that Nation his particular Friend, he exposes himself infallibly to the Hatred and Scorn of all his Neighbours: And if a Maid should receive a Visit from a Frenchman, she might for ever despair of finding a Husband in her own Country. To conclude; The People of Marseilles are in all respects diametrically opposite to us; only I must except from this general Rule, the Nobility of this City, and of the Country in which 'tis seated, than whom there are none of their Quality in France that can lay a juster Claim to Antiquity of Descent, and Politeness of Manners; nor any that are better affected to his Majesty's Service.  
The Language of Provence is extremely harsh and unpleasant, especially in Marseilles, and the Territory that belongs to it, where the Pronunciation is as Guttural as in Arabia. You can hardly imagine what a vast Alteration the very Sound or Accent makes in a Language: There is scarce any difference at all between the Words of the Dialects that are used in Provence and Languedoc, and nevertheless this is as amorous and agreeable as that is rough and uncouth. A Stranger is never more sensible of the Truth of this Observation, than at his first Arrival: And I remember that the very Day on which I came to this City, I was astonished at the intolerable Clownishness with which a handsome young Lady pronounced these Words, to dissuade one of her Kinsmen from quarrelling with an ordinary Woman: Hai, mon Cousin, said she, laché stata quelle femme, non sabais pas qua cau à la teste dau Diable. This made me tell a Gentleman, who, some Days after, asked my Opinion of the Women of Marseilles, That I admired their Beauty, but could wish they were dumb, because their Speech was such a Bugbear, that all the Charms of their Countenance could never retain a French Lover. If you were acquainted with their Humour, replied he, you would be easily convinced, that the very Reason you allege would make 'em in love with their Pronounciation.  
Marseilles is one of the most populous Cities in France; but the third part of those who reside in it are Strangers. The old part of the Town is neither very large nor fair: The Streets are narrow, crooked, and uneven, by reason of its Situation on a Hillock; but 'tis at lest double of what it was thirty Years ago. The Cours, or Public Place for taking the Air, is exactly in the middle of a long and very straight Street, that reaches from the Gate of Aix to that of Rome, and separates the Old from the New Town. 'Tis 1000 Paces long, (which is only the third part of the length of the Street) and in all other respects is like to that of Aix. Four Men are hired by the City, to Water it twice a Day in Summer, that the Dust may not offend the Gentlemen and Citizens, who flock thither every Evening in such Multitudes, that a Man can hardly turn himself in the Crowd. The Houses that Border it are built pretty regularly, but are not so fine as at Aix.  
The New City is well built; the Streets are broad, straight, and light; and besides, 'tis considerable for the Quality of its Inhabitants; for all the Officers of the Galleys, the Gentry, and the richer part of the Citizens choose to live in it. The Extent of the Walls of the City has been considerably augmented within these three Years; for besides what they contained before, there is a large Space enclosed behind the Arsenal for a ●lace of Arms, which (when finished) will be 300 Paces square. The King bestows the Ground about this Place on those who will build Houses on it, provided they observe the Lines marked out for that purpose. By means of this new Addition, the Abbey of S. Victor is advanced further within the Town, being a Monastery of unreform'd Benedictines, who acknowledge no other Superior but the Pope, in Ecclesiastical Cases. There are 50000 Livres a Year annexed to this House, for the Maintenance of eighteen or twenty Monks, who know very well how to enjoy all the comforts of so plentiful a Revenue. The Neighbourhood of these Independent Gentlemen is so great an Eyesore to the Bishop of Marseilles, that he has several times endeavoured to make 'em consent to the Reunion of their Monastery with the Chapter of the Cathedral, offering 'em all the Privileges of the Canons, with the Coadjutorship of the Bishopric for their Prior: But they have hitherto kept themselves from being dazzled with the seeming Advantageousness of these Proposals. The present Bishop is of the Family of Vintimille, descended from the Counts of Marseilles, and Nephew of Cardinal Fourbain Janson, his Predecessor in the Bishopric. He is well-shaped, handsome, not above thirty Years old, has very much the Air of the Court, and might be reckoned a very handsome Man, if his Teeth were somewhat smaller, and more evenly set. He is a Man of Sense and good Breeding, of a pleasant Wit and agreeable Conversation. He is none of those morose Censurers, who affect a certain Surliness and ill Humour on all Occasions. His Life is a convincing Argument that the Pleasures of this World are not altogether inconsistent with Devotion. He plays, hears Operas, visits Ladies, and if we may believe the common Report, is not hated by 'em: Yet all these must be acknowledged to be innocent Liberties, since he always preserves a due regard to the Laws of Decency, and never seems to be guilty of any Criminal Design. I know a Person who took the liberey to desire the use of his Purple Habit and Golden Cross, for a Masque: The Prelate replied, That these Accoutrements were Sacred; but very civilly accommodated him with his Cassock, short Cloak, and Periwig. He has a Niece who is admitted into the Nunnery of S. Ursula, at Marseilles, and is certainly the most amiable Girl in the World: His Affection to her is suitable to her Merit; and since she is yet too young to bear the Austerities of a Religious Life, he suffers her to live with her Father, the Marquis de Fourbain: In the mean time he visits her daily, and instructs her in all the Duties of her Profession. Let us leave 'em in this Holy Occupation, and take a View of the Port of Marseilles.  
'Tis enclosed within the City, which secures it on all sides from the Violence of the Winds; and its Mouth that before was not above thirty Paces broad, is streighten'd by two Moles, leaving a very narrow Passage for the Galleys, which is shut up with a Chain every Night, and opened at Seven in the Morning. The Harbour by the largest Computation is not above twelve hundred Paces long, and three hundred broad; and besides, 'tis so shallow that a Man of War cannot enter into it. However 'tis the Station of all the King's Galleys, of which there are forty five, including the old Patronne, which at present serves only for a Show, and for an Instance of the late prodigious Increase of the French Grandeur. All the rest of the Galleys are magnificently Painted and Gilt, especially the new Patronne, which is adorned with the finest Basso-Relievo's that are made in this Age: Besides the Flags, Banners, Streamers, and Pendants, which are all incredibly Rich. All these Ornaments are of the best and finest red Damask, with Flower-de-luces', Devices, and Coats of Arms embroidered with Gold: The principal Flag is above forty Foot long, and ten broad; and all the rest are proportionably large: The Poop, where the General has his Chamber, is covered with the same Stuff, enriched with a Fringe of Gold and Silk.  
All the other Galleys are adorned after the same manner, only instead of Gold they have Yellowish Silk, which is no less agreeable to the Sight, especially at a Distance. 'Tis impossible to behold a more stately Prospect than those Galleys when they appear in all their Magnificence on Sundays and Holydays. But notwithstanding all these external Beauties, they are only splendid Prisons to the most miserable Wretches in the World; the poor Slaves are chained together, eaten up with Vermin and Scabs, beaten from Morning to Night, and exposed to all the Injuries of Cold. Their only Habit is a sort of wide and short Jacket, without Shoes or Stockings, without a Shirt for Change, without Straw to lie upon, without any other Food than a little Bread as black as Soot; and to crown their Misery, without the least hope of a Deliverance from this deplorable Captivity, more insupportable than that of the Turks. There comes not a Person of Quality to Marseilles whom the Intendant does not regale with this sight on board the new Patronne, which on these Occasions is embellished with all its Ornaments. The Galleyslaves perform their Exercise by the Sound of a Fisquet: First they salute the Intendant and those that are with him, bellowing out thrice How, how, how, as if they were Bears in a Humane Form: In the next place they stretch a Rope from one side of the Galley to the other, and then a Sailyard; this done, they set up the Tent and take it down again; after which comes the most necessary part of their Exercise, they pull off their Jackets and Shirts, shaking off the Lice into the Sea, and sweeping 'em away with their Hands: Then they put on their Clothes, and the Hautbois entertain their Company; who at their Departure receive the same howling Salutation as at first. I know not what Pleasure some Persons may take in beholding so dismal a Spectacle, but I assure you it had a quite contrary Effect upon me: I was altogether unable to resist the Motions of a most tender Compassion, mixed with Horror; and I'm persuaded you could not preserve the usual Tranquillity of your Mind at the reading of a lively Recital of the Reflections I made on this Occasion: I shall therefore leave this melancholy Subject, and proceed to entertain you with something more diverting.  
These Galleys are Manned with a Regiment, composed of as many Companies as there are Vessels, each Company consisting of one hundred and twenty Men, who exceed all the Soldiers in the King's Service, in Comeliness of Person, and Largeness of Stature; for the Captains never grudge to advance Ten Lovis d' Or's when they meet with a Man that pleases 'em: And besides, there are two considerable Encouragements that invite Men to enter into this Service; for they have a Sous a Day more than in the Land-Army; and the Campaign, or time of Action, never lasts above two Months. There is also a distinct Company, called the Guards of the Standard, who are clothed in Red, with a Gold Galoon, and trained up to be Ensigns of the Galleys: This Company consisted formerly of fifty Men, but their Number was doubled this Winter, and 'twas ordered that no Person henceforth should be admitted into it, without a Brevet.  
The Duke of Maine is at present General of the Galleys; but since that Office is purely Honorary, all the Duties of it are executed by the Lieutenant-General, the Chevalier de Noailles, Brother to the Duke of that Name. This Officer is much envied, if not hated, by some old Commanders of Squadrons, who grumbled extremely to see him advanced before 'em; yet since he is a very brave Man, and possessed of his Master's Favour, his Court is always pretty numerous. Some days ago he visited the Arsenal, and I took hold of that Occasion to satisfy my Curiosity, which I could hardly have done at another time; for Monsieur de Montmor, the Intendant, keeps the Keys of the most considerable Places, and never parts with 'em out of his Custody, but when there is something to be done that requires the opening of the Doors. Tho' this Arsenal was not begun to be built till about Thirty Years ago, it may be divided into the Old and the New; since the Additions that have been made within these four Years, make it at least double of what it was before. The Length of the Old Arsenal is equal to the Breadth of the Port which it fronts; It contains particular Magazines for all the Galleys, marked with their respective Names, with large Round Doors. This is the Lower Story on one Side; the other contains Magazines of Cannon, Bombs, Carcases, and Gunpowder, in which 'tis said there are Two thousand Pieces of Cannon, and Five hundred Bombs. The Upper Story is divided into Rooms, where the Flags, Pendants, Sails, and the rest of the Tackling are kept; but most of 'em are empty. Here is also a fair Hall of Arms, the Walls of which are hung with Six thousand Muskets, and as many Sabres, all kept in very good Order: And near this is another, where there are Five hundred Suits of Armour, all entire and bright as Silver. The whole Arsenal is one single Mass of Building, in the Middle of which there is a Dome with a Clock: and tho' in the general it may be reckoned a fine Building, there is nothing in it that deserves to be admired. The New Arsenal begins where the other ends, and stretches along the Port almost to the Citadel: 'Tis larger than the Old Arsenal, tho' not so well built, but when 'tis finished 'twill exceed the other, not only in Vastness of Extent, but in the Beauty and Conveniency of a fine Canal, through which the Galleys may come to the Doors of their respective Magazines. 'Tis also said that there will be Stoves built there for the Galleyslaves, to lessen the Miseries they usually suffer in the Winter. This is the Place where the Galleys are built, in a certain dry Ditch or Dock, into which they can let as much Water as they please, by a Sluice; so that the Galley is immediately set afloat, without the least Trouble in Launching it. The Place of Arms, of which I took notice before, will be behind the Arsenal.  
There is not one fine Church in Marseilles, but there are some very ancient. That of Nôtre-Dame des Accoules was formerly consecrated to Pallas, that of S. Saviour to Apollo, and the Cathedral or Church de la Major, is said to have been a Temple of Diana. In the last the Body of S. Lazarus, the first Bishop of this City, is kept in a Silver Shrine; and there are several other Holy Rarities both in this and S. Victor's Church; where, besides the Head of that Saint, they preserve the True Cross of S. Andrew, which is seven Foot long, and consists of two Joists joined cross-ways, after the Figure of an X. Here is also a Grotto, where Mary Magdalen did Penance for some time. The whole City is full of such Places, but none of 'em is so much respected as S. Baume, where 'tis said she lived 33 Years. Notwithstanding all the Difficulties and discouraging Rubs I met with in my Passage through the Mountains, my Curiosity was still strong enough to oblige me to undertake a Pilgrimage to that Place; and in my next you may expect an Account of the Observations I made there.  
I am, SIR, Your &c. Marseilles, Feb. 1690.   

LETTER VIII.  
SIR,  
S. Baume is a Cave in the midst of a Rock, which is so extremely high and steep, that by taking a distant View of this Place, you would think it impossible to ascend to it. And certainly the Ascent was very difficult at first, since at present, tho' there are Steps very industriously cut out of the Rock, it requires a Man's whole Skill and Agility to mount these artificial Stairs, holding his Horse by the Bri●le; and the Pleasure of arriving at the Top of 'em is very considerably increased by the need one has of Rest. This Rock is the Top of the highest Mountain of Provence, between Marseilles and Toulon; and you must ascend continually for the space of two Hours, before you can arrive at the Rock: The Cave is possessed by certain Jacobin Friars, sent thither by the Prior of S. Maximin, who allows each of 'em a Thousand Livres a Year for their Maintenance, without reckoning their Masses: And I'm confident they cannot spare much out of so considerable a Revenue, since they are obliged to be at a vast and almost daily Charge for the Carriage of such things as are necessary for their Subsistence, the Situation of the Place not permitting 'em to lay up great store of Provisions. On the right side of the Entrance into the Cave, they have taken Advantage of a piece of the Rock that jutts out beyond the rest of it, to contrive a little Convent, consisting of seventeen Cells, and three double Chambers, which are appointed for the King, the Bishop, and the Governor of the Province, or at least are called by their Names. On the other side of the Entry there is an Inn, where we paid dear for what we eat, besides the Chaplets and Medals with which my Companions loaded themselves. 'Tis Morally impossible that ever any Person could have lived in this Cave as many Days as Mary Magdalen, according to the Tradition, lived Years in it, by reason of the extreme Coldness and Moistness of the place, occasioned by the continual dropping of Water from the impending Rock, which falls in such abundance, that it fills a kind of Well or Cistern below. The Monks pretend that this perpetual dropping is a miraculous Emblem of the Tears which that Saint shed in this place; and that 'tis naturally impossible for Water to spring out of so high a Rock. This is a Philosophical Question, which you may determine at your leisure; for I'm resolved to say nothing on this Subject that may prepossess your Judgement.  
In the bottom of the Cave there is a little Rock, about three Foot high, which I vehemently suspect to be Artificial; for 'tis exactly contrived like a Bed, with the resemblance of a Bolster, as if it had been made on purpose for that use. 'Tis enclosed with a great Iron Grate, which the Monks open, that the Spectators may have a full View of the Saints Image of Marble, painted and gilt: She is laid at her full length, her Head leaning on her Right-hand, and in her other holding the Pix, in which she kept consecrated Wafers or Hosts. This Image is much bigger than the Life, being seven Foot long; and yet they pretend that 'tis an exact imitation both of her Face and Stature. 'Tis strange that the Scripture should neither mention her unusual Bigness, her Quality, (for they say she was a Princess) nor her Voyage: And 'tis still more surprising, that a Woman of her Stature could charm such a Crowd of Lovers: I know not whether the Men of her Age had a particular Inclination to Court Giantesses; but I question very much whether such a Bouncing Girl would find so many Admirers among us.  
After a Traveller has satisfied his Curiosity with a View of all these Rarities, it is the usual Custom to go up to the Top of the Rock, called S. Pilon, whither that Saint was carried seven times a Day by the Angels, that she might have the Convenience of saying her Prayers at that Place. I will not detain you with the particular Relation of the rest of her Adventures: But since, perhaps, you may not be unwilling to know how, and by what odd Accident she came to this Place, I shall give you a short Account of that part of her History. After our Saviour's Ascension, there arose a violent Persecution against his Disciples, as you may see at length in the Acts of the Apostles: Among the rest, the Family of S. Lazarus was involved in the common Calamity; but the Jews, unwilling to make Persons of Quality suffer the utmost Severities that were usually inflicted on others, instead of putting 'em to Death, placed Lazarus and his Sister, S. Maximin, and some others, whose Names I do not remember, in a Bark, without Oars, Rudder, or Sails, abandoning 'em to the Mercy of the Winds, which by the Providence of God, brought 'em into the Port of Marseilles, where they spent several Years in Preaching the Gospel: Their Memory is preserved to this Day, by a great number of Chapels erected in the places where 'tis pretended the He and She Saints usually pronounced their Sermons; which had such a prevailing Influence on their Hearers, that the whole City was converted. After such happy Success, S. Lazarus was made Bishop, and Mary Magdalen went to do Penance in the horrid Cave of S. Baume. Her Head, and one of her Arms are kept at S. Maximin, amongst a great number of fine Relics: Her Head is enchased in a kind of Bust of Gold, ending a little below her Shoulders, and enriched with a great number of very fine Jewels, among which there is an admirable Ruby, equalling a Man's Thumb both in Length and Breadth: This Bust was presented by Charles II. King of Switzerland, Count of Provence. The whole Face of this Head is exposed to view, contrary to the Custom of other Places, where the Shrine is only showed, and the Spectator must employ his Faith, if it be strong enough, to discover the Relics: But here one may distinctly perceive a Death's-Head of so vast a size, that if it be Mary Magdalen's, we cannot justly refuse our Assent to the Tradition, that assures us of the unusual Bulkiness of the rest of her Body. Our Guide made us observe a little dry Scurf about the middle of her Forehead, somewhat towards her Left Eye, and told us, that this was the place where our Saviour put his Finger, when, after his Resurrection, he said to her, 
* John 20. 17.  Touch me not, etc. But since I had never observed in the Scripture, that Christ put his Finger on her Forehead, when he spoke these Words, I asked a Father where I might find that Passage: He told me that it was a Holy Tradition of the Church, which I was obliged to believe, under pain of Heresy; adding, upon the Authority of the same Tradition, That during the Forty Days which Christ spent with his Disciples after his Resurrection 
† This is a direct Contradiction to the last Chapter of S. Matthew's Gospel, where 'tis said of the two Maries, that as they were going from the Sepulchre, Jesus met 'em, and that they came and held him by the Feet, and worshipped him. , he never touched any thing but this part of Mary Magdalen's Forehead, and S. Thomas' Hand, both which remain entire to this Day.  
This Head is preserved in a Subterraneous Cave, closed with four Iron Doors; and we were told, that the Bodies of S. Magdalen, S. Maximin, S. Marcellus, and S. Sidonius, were put into four Marble Sepulchers, that are still to be seen in this Cave, which was contrived on purpose for their Burying-place; but that these Holy Bodies were afterwards more honourably lodged. In the same Cave, or Subterraneous Chapel, they show also a little Glass Vial, containing certain small Flints that were moistened with the Blood that our Saviour shed upon the Cross; endeavouring to make the Spectators believe that the Blood is still visible; but whatever care I took to consider these Flints with all imaginable Attention, I could not perceive the least Tincture of Blood. Coming up from hence, we were desired to take Notice of a Shrine of Porphyry, which contains the rest of that Saints Bones, except one of her Arms, which is enchased in Silver, and suitable in bigness to the Head: Her Flaxen Hair is in another Reliquary: And there are in the same place many other Rarities of this Nature, which 'twould be too tedious to enumerate.  
The Church that belongs to this Convent, is large, well lighted, and very much esteemed for its Architecture. The Inside is adorned with several fine Marble Columns, especially the great Altar, which was built by Lewis XIII. in performance of a Vow; and is reckoned one of the largest, and most magnificent Altars in France. All the rest of the Church is covered with Paintings, by the most celebrated Hands, which are also the Effects of Vows: And every Altar is enriched with all sorts of Vessels, Candlesticks, Lamps, and other Ornaments of Gold and Silver, in great abundance. This Church was built by Charles, Duke of Anjou, King of Sicily, who endowed it with a very plentiful Revenue; and the Foundation being since increased by the Piety of our Kings, there is a very honourable Maintenance for Fifty Monks who live here.  
I'm afraid the Holiness of the Place will scarce make amends for my detaining you so long at S. Baume; and therefore since a change of Entertainment is always very acceptable to a cloyed Appetite, I hope you will have the less Reluctancy to accompany me in a little Journey to Arles and Nismes, where you might divert yourself with a View of those Admirable Antiquities, and Illustrious Monuments of the Roman Grandeur that are to be seen in those places.  
Arles is a City of Provence, and was formerly the Metropolis of a Kingdom of the same Name. 'Twas adorned by its old Masters, the Romans, with Temples, Palaces, Amphitheatres, and other magnificent Works, most of which were ruined in the succeeding Revolutions. The Amphitheatre, commonly called les Arrenes, has escaped the Fate of the rest, tho' not so well as that of Nîmes; for 'tis impossible to walk on the Top from one end to the other; so that I could not measure its Length and Breadth.  
The Town-House is very remarkable, both for its Structure and Antiquities: Among the rest there is a Marble Statue of Diana, which formerly pronounced Oracles to those who came to consult her in her Temple, which was seated in the same place where the Town-House stands at present, as appears by the Foundations that are under the Clock-Tower. All the Walls of the City are full of pieces of Statues, Cornices, and Columns, which give the Spectator a great Idea of the Number and Beauty of its Ancient Ornaments. Among its finest Antiquities, I may justly reckon that admirable Obelisk which some Years ago was found entire in the Ground, and was since erected to the Glory of Lewis the Great, by the Care and Contrivance of the Gentlemen of the Royal Academy, with very beautiful Inscriptions on the Pedestal, both in Latin and French; and a Golden Sun on the Top, which you know is the King's Emblem, and the Soul of his Device. This Obelisk wants the usual Ornament of Monuments of that Nature, and, at least in this respect may be justly esteemed a Rarity. But tho' there are no Hieroglyphical Figures upon it, to determine its Age, and discover its first Contrivers, 'tis generally reputed a Work of the Egyptians. I know not whether the same Opinion will prevail in After-Ages; for perhaps Posterity viewing the Inscriptions that have been lately added to it, will do our Age the Honour to believe that 'twas capable of Undertaking and Finishing such Works; if they be not kept from falling into that Error, by the Consideration of the Granite of which 'tis built.  
This City is the Seat of an Archbishop, and of an Academy of Ingenious Persons, under the Name of the Royal Academy of Arles; to whom the Public must own itself obliged for many Curious and Learned Treatises. 'Tis situated on the Rhône, at the distance of seven Leagues from its Mouth: But no Ship, nor great Bark, can come up to the City, by reason of the Banks of Sand with which that River is pestered.  
Having satisfied my Curiosity at Arles, I resolved to visit Nismes, one of the most remarkable Cities in Languedoc, for its Trade, Antiquity, and I may also add, for its Largeness, tho' 'tis at present much less considerable in that respect than when (if we may give credit to History) 'twas founded by Marius, who chose this for the place of his Residence, and built it in imitation of Rome, observing an exact Equality in the Dimensions of the New City, as well as in its Public Places and Buildings. But Time, that impartial Destroyer of all things, has made so many Alterations in both these Illustrious Cities, that at present there is not the least Resemblance between 'em.  
The principal Monument of Antiquity at Nismes, is its Amphitheatre, the largest and most entire Structure of that Nature that is at present to be seen in any part of the World. I cannot forbear complaining that Private Persons are suffered to fill it with Houses, which quite take away the Prospect of it, and consequently all its Beauty; whereas if it were still empty, as when 'twas possessed by the Romans, all the Curious part of the World would come to admire the Magnificence of its Structure. 'Tis of a perfectly round or circular Figure, having only one Door, with a Tower on each side of it: It contains 150 Paces in Diameter, and its Circumference amounts to 460. The Inside of the Circle is Pyramidal, in form of Stairs, where the People sat to behold the Fights of Beasts, and other Public Sights; and below there are very fair vaulted Galleries, where the Spectators might walk till the Shows began. This lower Story is adorned with fine Columns, with their Cornices; and from place to place there are Heads of Animals, Eagles and Fasces in Relief. The whole Amphitheatre is built of large Free-Stones, some of which are three Foot square on all sides; and particularly those on the Top of the Building.  
We went out at the Gate la Bouquerie, to see the famous Temple of Diana, where that Goddess pronounced her Oracles. 'Tis an exact Square, the length of each side amounting to Seventy Paces: The Door is round, ten Foot broad, and fifteen high. This is a very Massive Edifice, according to the ancient manner of Building, and consists of Stones as large as those of the Amphitheatre; so that it might serve for a Fort in Case of Necessity, and even might hold out for some time against Cannon.  
Not far from thence there is another no less remarkable Structure, called, lafoy Tour Magne, which we may reasonably conclude to have been designed for a Mausolaeum, and built in imitation, tho' not after the Model, of the Egyptian Monuments. 'Tis a high and solid Pyramidal Tower, without any Vault or Concavity; and there are Steps made round it, by which one may ascend to the Top, tho' not without Danger; for they are extremely worn and broken in several places; so that I chose rather to content myself with viewing it from below, than to run the hazard of going up. From thence I returned to the City, and went to see an old Palace, called, The Square House, which at present is the Dwellinghouse of a Private Person. 'Tis much longer than broad, built with great Free-Stones, and adorned on the Outside with several fine Columns, with their Bases and Cornices. Some think this House was formerly the Praetorium, or Hall of Judgement; but others are of opinion that 'twas the Capitol of Nismes.  
This City is full of People of Quality and Breeding; and tho' there is so small a distance between it and Provence, I can assure you, that their Customs are not only different but opposite; and instead of that Scorn and Contempt with which Frenchmen are treated at Marseilles, here they are entertained with all imaginable Civility, and with the highest Marks of Love and Friendship. You would hardly give Credit to some Instances of this Nature which I could relate to you: The Ladies take pleasure to accost a Stranger whom they find walking alone; Their Conversation is accompanied with all the Sprightliness and innocent Freedom that can be desired. For tho' they have as tender a Regard to their Honour as any of their Sex in France; their Virtue is not barbarous and inhuman; and provided a Man have an Inclination to Love, and be Master of a competent Stock of Merit, joined with some external Accomplishments, he may venture to engage with those favourable Enemies with almost certain Hopes of Success. I have heard a hundred Relations of such amorous Adventures of Strangers, who taking Fire at first sight, were afterwards blessed with the Possession of the Object of their Flames; and preserving their Love after Marriage, had never any Reason to repent of the Suddenness of their Choice. For if I might depend upon the Character I have received of the Ladies of Languedoc, and 'tis almost impossible for one who has conversed with 'em to doubt of the Truth of it; a Man cannot trust his Heart in better Hands, nor make a more advantageous Resignation of his Liberty. They are naturally Loving, Complaisant, and Constant even to Death; and besides they are generally of a very pleasant Humour, and all their Actions are accompanied with a certain Amorous Air that seems always to demand a Heart, and puts it out of the Owner's Power to refuse it. 'Tis not without an extreme Displeasure that I must content myself with relating what I heard on this Occasion, and that I cannot add my own Experience to the Testimony of others; but I cannot pretend to the Happiness of those who find Fortune ready to compliment 'em with a Mistress at their first Arrival: and since the main Design of my Travels would not suffer me to stay long in this Place, I saw myself deprived of a Pleasure of which I had conceived so agreeable an Idea, and left with an extreme Reluctancy, that lovely Country, where the Customs and Manner of Living are so suitable to my Genius and Inclinations. But at my Return to this Place I was somewhat comforted by a late Instance of the Misfortunes of Love, and my Grief was in some measure abated, when I reflected on all the Troubles and Disasters that usually attend a Passion from which we expect nothing but the Enjoyment of undisturbed Delight and Satisfaction.  
Two Young Pilgrims betwixt the Age of Twenty and Twenty two Years, passed through this City about three Months ago, and like the rest of those miserable Wanderers, who rove about the World under the Protection of a Pilgrim's Staff, were constrained to take up their Lodging at the Hospital de la Charité, where one of 'em, not longer able to endure the Fatigues, Cold, Hunger, and perpetual Want of every thing that is necessary for Life, sunk at last under such an insupportable Load of Misery, and fell into a Fever, accompanied with so great a Weakness, that the Surgeons began to despair of his Recovery. His Companion seeing him in this Condition, was so overwhelmed with Sorrow, that the very Servants of the Hospital, who were wont to be unconcerned Spectators of such Accidents, were touched with Compassion: He never stirred from his sick Friend's Bedside, gave him his Broth, served him with a wonderful Zeal and Assiduity, and would not suffer any other to come near him. The sick Person, on the other side, was not pleased with any thing but what came from the Hands of his belov'd Companion, and received his Services with all the Marks of Gratitude, and of a most tender Affection. In the mean time the Sickness of the one, and the Grief of the other were daily and equally augmented: The disconsolate Mourner embraced his dying Friend every Moment, and bathed his Face with Tears. At last, on the Ninth Day, the Fever was succeeded by a violent Crisis, and the sick Pilgrim, after some Convulsions, fell into a Swoon, and was thought to be dead. His Friend then losing all Patience, gave himself up entirely to the Excess of his Grief, and throwing himself upon the dear Body, with the Transports of a Despair, that melted the Hearts of all the Assistants, burst forth into Lamentations, which discovered his secret, and made 'em know that the Person whom they hitherto treated as a poor Pilgrim, was a young Lady: Alas! my dear N ... cried he, Thou art no more! Thy fair Eyes are shut for ever! 'Tis done— Thou hast lost thy dear Life, and 'tis I who have robbed thee of it. Ah! my Love! my Soul! continued he, thou hast paid dear for thy Love to me, who am the wretched occasion of thy Death in thy most blooming Age. Ah! fatal Love! cruel Parents! unfortunate, and too-loving Daughter! These, and suchlike Exclamations he uttered with unconceivable Despair, for the space of a quarter of an Hour; after which, perceiving that she showed some Signs of Life, he sent immediately for a Physician, and throwing himself at his Feet, Sir, said he, I conjure you by all that is dear to you in the World, refuse not your Assistance to this young Maid: She is a Person of Quality, and deserves your utmost Care for her Preservation: Leave no Means unattempted; spare no Cost, Sir, I beseech you, and be confident that you shall not lose your Labour; you shall have whatever you please to demand; take my promise, and you shall find me to be a Man of Honour. The Physician being moved with Compassion, assured him that the sick Person should not Perish by his Neglect: And after he had administered such Remedies as were most necessary in her present Condition, he begged her Lover to inform him who they were, and by what Accident they fell into such deplorable Circumstances. The young Man told him, that he was a Native of Lorraine, and born a Gentleman, tho' with a very small Fortune; That he fell in Love with this young Lady, who was of a very Rich and Honourable Family; That She requited his Love with a Reciprocal Affection, notwithstanding the Opposition made by her Father, and all the rest of her Family, who designing to settle her Advantageously in the World, would never be persuaded to accept of so poor a Son-in-Law; That, nevertheless, they kept a Correspendence for two Years, giving and receiving all the Marks of an unexpressible Tenderness, and confirming by mutual and repeated Oaths, their resolution to die, rather than to be guilty of the least Infidelity; That her Father having provided a considerable Match for her, would have forced her to comply with his Inclinations; That She rejected the Proposal with great Constancy, and was very rigorously treated by her Father on that Occasion; and, That when she could not resist any longer, they resolved to make their Escape, choosing rather to live poorly and miserably together, than to purchase the Enjoyment of a plentiful Fortune at the rate of being for ever separated. In pursuance of that Design, as he informed the Physician, he seized on one of her Father's Horses, and after she had disguised herself in a Man's Habit, he brought her to Paris, where their Money failing, they were forced to sell their Horse; and that little Stock being also exhausted, they were reduced to the miserable Condition in which he found 'em: ‛ Yet, added he, we were firmly resolved to spend the Remainder of our Lives like wretched Vagabonds, rather than to submit to the Tyranny of our Relations, if this fatal Sickness had not made me alter my Resolution. I cannot longer bear, continued he, the sight of so dismal an Object: My Constancy is overcome by her Sufferings; and if God would vouchsafe to restore her Health, I design to carry her back to her Father; tho' considering the extreme Violence of his Humour, I cannot expect a milder Punishment than Death, for the Injury he pretends I have done him.  
The Physician, who is a very Humane Person, was struck with Compassion at the Recital of their Misfortunes, and promised to assist 'em not only as a Physician, but as a Friend. Immediately he ordered the young Lady to be taken out of the nasty Couch where she lay, and to be carried to a convenient Chamber; where she was laid in a good Bed, and carefully attended till her Recovery, which happened not long after. In the mean time, he made their Condition known to the Bishop, who, as I told you in my last, is none of those morose Censurers, who exclaim against the least Breach of the Rules of Decency; and indeed, he was sensibly touched with the disastrous Condition of these sorrowful Lovers; and admiring the odd Effects of Love and Fortune, he looked upon 'em as Objects of Compassion, and assured 'em, that it should not be his Fault, if their Sufferings were not crowned with the Happiness they deserved. They were soon sensible of the Sincerity of his Kindness; for he joined 'em together in Marriage, Clothed 'em, and entertained 'em; till having written to their Relations, and obtained their pardon, he sent them back to their own Country. To keep you from suspecting the Truth of this Relation, 'twill be sufficient to acquaint you, that 'tis not above Fifteen Days since that admirable pair of Lovers departed from this Place. I am so much in Love with the Bishop's Generosity on this Occasion, and even I think myself so extremely obliged to him for it, that I know nothing so difficult, which I would not undertake for his Service: And I'm confident that a Man who is capable of performing an Action of that Nature, must infallibly be Master of all the Cardinal Virtues.  
And to convince you that he is no less remarkable for his Prudence, and the solidity of his Judgement, I shall add one Story more before I finish my Letter.  
The Ghost of St. Antony of Mar 〈…〉 P. 〈…〉  
I shall conclude this Letter with telling you, That there are so many Occasions of going to Turkey to be met with in this place, that I●m fully resolved to undertake a Voyage thither. I may perhaps find some English or Dutch Vessels there, and without any considerable Charge satisfy my Curiosity with the View of a Country of which I have heard so many Wonders. I'm just going to embark on the S. Anthony of Ciotat, bound first for Genoa, and then for L●ghorn, and commanded by Captain Marin, who designs to stay so long in the last of these places, that I shall have an Opportunity to see part of Italy, before we set sail for Constantinople, from whence you may expect a farther Account of my Travels.  
I am, SIR, Your &c. Marseilles, March 1690.   

LETTER IX.  
SIR,  
AFter I have told you that we set sail from Marseilles on the 25 th'. of March, you must not expect to hear more News of us till our Landing; for I cannot imagine what pleasure you could take in reading, that on such a Day the South or East Winds were contrary to us, or that we were forced to tack about to the North or West. I'm so far from looking upon the Sea as my Element, that I never found the least Inclination to be acquainted with it. Besides, Sir, I must confess I'm naturally apt to judge of others by myself; and therefore when I remember how often I have skip'd over such Passages in the Relations of Travellers, I cannot forbear concluding that you would be as little pleased with so dull an Entertainment. Since than you will have the Advantage of passing from one Port to another, without feeling the Inconveniencies of bad Wether, or being troubled with the Noisy Hurry of the Mariners, I hope you will be the more easily persuaded to stop a while with me at the Isles of If, where we spent a whole Day at Anchor, after we came out of the Port of Marseilles.  
The Isles of If are three small Islands about three Miles distant from Marseilles, forming a very safe Harbour against any sorts of Wind, which is defended by two strong Castles, where the King keeps a Garrison. These Islands are of great Importance to secure the Trade of Marseilles; for without the Advantage of their Neighbourhood, that City would be a kind of Prison, since 'twould be impossible for any Vessels to go out of the Port, without exposing themselves to the Insults of their Enemies: And besides, the Storms that are so frequent in the Mediterranean, would drive many Ships upon the Shoar, if they had not the Conveniency of standing into this Harbour. But notwithstanding the Advantageous Situation of these Islands, and the great Importance of the Harbour for the Security of Trade, they were mortgaged by one of our Kings to the Duke of Florence, for six hundred thousand Crowns. Whilst the Princes of that Family enjoyed the possession of this Post, the Spaniards left no means unessayed to make himself Master of it; but they were either resolved to keep it in their own Power, or afraid to incur the Anger of the French, since 'tis certain that they rejected all the Proposals that were made to 'em upon this Occasion. These Islands were afterwards reunited to the Crown, by the Marriage of Mary de Medicis with Henry the Fourth. And the Success of that Negotiation was in a great measure owing to the Marquis de Pile, who was then Governor of the Place; for he made Duke Francis sensible, that 'twas better to comply with the Desires of that Monarch, than to engage himself in a War with so potent an Enemy. In consideration of so acceptable a piece of Service, the Marquis was continued in his former Post, and the Reversion of his Office was bestowed on his Son, who died there, leaving two Sons, the elder of whom, who enjoys his Grandfather's Title, succeeded in the Government of these Islands; and the younger, called the Count de Forville, was made Governor Viguier of Marseilles, and Captain of one of the King's Galleys; the yearly Revenue of these two Places amounting to 20000 Livres.  
To make amends for the less favourable part of the Character I gave you of the Natives of Prov●nce, I shall take this Occasion to acquaint you with some of their better Qualities: For I love to do Justice to all Men; and besides, I would willingly make my Peace with the Inhabitants, before I leave their Country: They are very good Mariners, and are famous over all Europe for their Industry and Diligence: Nor are they less remarkable for their Courage and Bravery; for they are so little capable of Fear, that they would reckon it a piece of Cowardice to turn their Backs to ten times their Number of Enemies. Not very long ago, our Captain's Uncle, called Blaise Marin, in a Ship of Forty Guns, maintained a Fight for three Days together, during a Calm, against five Tripolin Men of War, with so much Resolution and Success, that they were forced at last to leave him. And a small Bark of thirty Men, was about a Year ago snatched out of the very Jaws of the Algerines, by the Prudence and Bravery of the Pilot. She was chased by one of the largest of the Enemy's Ships, in which there were four hundred Men, till seeing no possibility of escaping, that Handful of Men resolved to board the Ship that pursued 'em, without lowering their Sails, or grappling the Vessels together: And the Pilot leaping on board the Enemy's Ship, with his Curtelas in his Hand, cut the Rope that sustained their Mainsail, which they could not hoist again in above three Hours. In the mean time the Pilot jumped into his own Bark, and Crying, Courage, my Boys, we're saved, steered away from the Enemy, who could never afterwards come up with him. The Merchants at his Return, presented him with a Gold Medal; nor could they in Justice do less Honour to so rare a Merit. But they will not be so kind to a Captain, called Curet, who had the Misfortune to be taken by the Galleys of Naples about three Months ago: For tho' he had only 24 Guns mounted, and 100 Men on board, to resist seven Galleys that attacked him; his Countrymen exclaim against him as the basest of Cowards; and I know not whether 'twill ever be safe for him to show his Face at Marseilles. But after all, this seems to be a Rodomontade, rather than an effect of true Courage; since it must be acknowledged that seven Galleys are a very unequal Match for the strongest Merchant-Ship in the World.  
Three Days after our departure from If, we arrived at Genoa, which you know is usually called Genoa the Proud, tho' in my Opinion it cannot pretend the least Right to that Title: 'Tis the Capital City of Liguria, and had its Name from Janus the first, King of Italy; or according to others, from double-faced Janus. Some make this Janus King of the Toïans; and others deduce the Etymology of the Word from Janua, a Gate, or Door; because Genoa is as it were the Gate of Italy. Authors are generally much divided concerning the true Name of this City: Luitprand, Tircin, and some others, call it Janua; Titus Livius, Ptolemy, and Strabo, give it the Name of Genua; and the latter Opinion seems to be better grounded than the former, especially since 'tis confirmed by a small Copperplate, which is to be seen in this Place, and was found Ann. 1507. by a Peasant, as he was Tilling the Ground. The Inscription is engraved in very small, but pretty distinct, Roman Characters; and in it the Genoese are called Genuates.  
The time of its Foundation is unknown, at least I never had the Fortune to meet with a satisfactory Account of it in any Author, either Ancient or Modern. 'Tis seated at the bottom of a little Gulf, on the Declivity, and at the Foot of a Hill, seeming to consist of several Stories. The Port lies very open towards the Sea, and therefore cannot afford safe Anchorage for Ships. The City contains five and thirty Parishes; the Streets are uneven, and very narrow, tho' the Houses are extremely high. In the middle of the Public Place, there is a Marble Statue of an unusual bigness, representing Andrew Doria, the Deliverer of the Republic, trampling on three Turks Heads, in Memory of the signal Victories he obtained over these Infidels. The Palaces of Genoa are very much admired; and it must be acknowledged that some of 'em are very fine Structures; but the principal Beauty of those few that deserve that Title, consists in the Marble of which they are built.  
Marble is no Rarity in this Country; all the Churches are adorned with it, as well as the Palace Royal, where his Serenity keeps his Residence: But after all, you must not imagine that the Streets are paved with it. Since we stayed but two Days in the City, I could not find an Opportunity to see the Inside of any of the Palaces, and therefore I cannot satisfy your Curiosity with a Description of 'em. You are so well acquainted with the nature of the Government, that 'twould be needless to give you any farther Account of it; only I cannot forbear taking notice of the extreme Decrease of the Power and Grandeur of this Republic since those glorious Days, when they extended their Conquests to the Tanais, and made themselves Masters of all the Coasts of Asia, and the Islands of Cyprus, Scio, Lesbos, etc. They still retain a little Island, with the Title of a Kingdom, and are extremely proud of it, tho', in my Opinion, without any reason. The Habits of the Nobles resemble those of the Counsellors in France; they dare not wear Gold or Silver when they come abroad; but in their Houses they have very rich Vests, and costly Night-Gowns.  
Since the late Bombardment of the City, they cannot endure those of our Nation. They showed me a Convent of Nuns, into which there fell not one Bomb, tho' there were above a hundred shot at it; and told me, that there was a Hand seen in the Air, which diverted their Course, and threw 'em another way. The Jews, who are detested by all the World, were in great Favour here during those terrible Disorders, because they found out a way to quench the Bombs with Ox Hides: Yet this is not a new Invention; for the same was practised long before by the Inhabitants of Groningen, when they were besieged by the Bishop of Munster in 1672: And since that time the Algerines made use of the same Secret; besides the covering of their Streets with Sand. Nor is there any thing wonderful in the Success of this Stratagem; for one may easily and infallibly smother a Bomb if he can come in time to stop the Hole before the Fusee be spent. At the Assault of the Horn-Work at Philipsburg, I saw a Soldier take the same way to prevent the Effect of the Granades, which the Germans threw among us: For he gathered 'em as they fell, and stopping the Touchhole with his Hand, either smothered 'em immediately, or threw 'em back upon the Enemies. But tho' this may be easily done, it cannot be attempted without Danger; for the Fusee is always made as short as possible; and if the Fire should happen to reach the Powder when the Man throws himself upon the Bomb, the shutting out of the Air would only 〈◊〉 it burst the sooner.  
But tho' the shortness of our stay at Genoa would not permit me to gratify your Curiosity with an Account of the Beauties and Rarities of that City; I confess I cannot pretend the same Excuse for declining to undertake the Description of Rome, Florence, and the place where I am at present. I have spent two whole Months in examining and admiring that infinite Number of Wonders that seem to have been brought from all the parts of the World, and shut up in this Country, as in a vast Repository. I have even wallowed in Delight, and been kept in a continual Rapture with the amazing View of so many noble Structures, august Monuments of Antiquity, inestimable Libraries, Statues, Pictures, Works of Marble and Porphyry, and a Thousand other Curiosities, of which there is a prodigious and even incredible Abundance in these places. I have seen all these magnificent Rarities; I have viewed 'em with all imaginable Pleasure and Attention, and my Mind is still full of their agreeable Ideas; but tho' I have not forgot what I promised you, neither the Consideration of your Satisfaction, nor of my own Engagement, can make me willing to keep my Promise with respect to Italy. You must even give me leave to claim the Privilege of a Norman once in my Life; and you will easily dispense with the Account you expected from me, if you peruse the Relations of so many Travellers, who have visited this lovely Country from one end to the other, especially the late Work of Monsieur Misson: For what can be added to so exact a Description? Is there any Corner in Italy, that has escaped his inquisitive Curiosity, or any thing remarkable in it which he has not illustrated with Learned and Judicious Reflections? He is a complete Traveller; he has forgot nothing that deserves to be taken notice of, and has so entirely exhausted his Subject, that there is nothing left for future Observers. And therefore, instead of describing Italy, I shall only desire you to consult his Book, by the Assistance of which, you may make one of the pleasantest Voyages in the World without going out of your Closet. But since you will perhaps expect that I should at least add something to convince you that I have seen these celebrated Places, I shall adventure to tell you, that among so many admirable Rarities that filled me with Wonder and Amazement, there is nothing, in my Opinion, more extraordinary and surprising than the Pomp and Magnificence of the Court of Rome. I know not whether this Remark will make amends for my Silence in other Respects: You'll perhaps tell me, that 'tis a stale and trivial Observation: However, you must give me leave to assure you, that 'tis not an easy Task to represent all its Wonders; and I must confess, that hitherto I had never any Idea of it, that did not come short of the Truth. The Court of Rome is no less Numerous and Magnificent than that of France; and perhaps I might venture to say, that the latter is exceeded by the former. Every Cardinal is a Prince, who receives daily all the Marks of Honour and Respect from a Thousand Prelates, and other ecclesiastics, that look upon him as their Sovereign, and place their whole Felicity in his Favour. Nothing is wanting to complete the Splendour of their Dignity: Magnificent Palaces, rich Furnitures, delicious Tables, Pleasure-Houses, Gardens, Grottoes, Fountains, numerous Trains of Servants, and, to crown all, the Conversation and Society of the handsomest Ladies in Europe; for you must not imagine that their Character confines 'em to all the Austerities of a Monastic Life; and, excepting only some Gray-Bearded Dotards, that pretend to the Popedom, the rest are as Gay and Amorous as any young French Prince. 'Twou'd be needless to apply this Character particularly to all the Members of the Sacred College; and therefore I shall content myself with assuring you, that none deserves it more justly than the Cardinal Patron, who has acquired so Universal a Reputation of an accomplished Gallant, that 'tis generally reckoned the most effectual way to obtain a Favour of him, to make use of the Intercession of a Lady; and even he scruples not to declare, that he has not the Force to refuse any thing to a fair Petitioner.  
Those who love Pleasure and Luxury, cannot desire a more favourable Treatment than they meet with under the present Pontificate. The Holy Father encourages 'em by his own Example; his Table and Furniture are Magnificent, and his Nephews resemble so many Sovereigns. The Prince Mark is attended with a Train of forty Lackeys, all clad in a Livery of Cloth of Gold, and his Stable is furnished with sixty of the finest Horses in Rome; tho' all this is a manifest Violation of the Edicts that were published to regulate the Affairs of the Nepotism. 'Tis true, the People grumble extremely to see their Substance exhausted, and the very Blood drained out of their Bodies, to maintain the extravagant Vanity of those Upstart Favourites, who about a Year ago were as poor as themselves. But among so many Marks of Splendour, there is nothing more surprising, than the Magnificent Gondola's, built by the Pope's Orders, which are the first that ever graced the Tiber. His Holiness goes thither very often to take the Air, accompanied with those that have the greatest Share in his Favour; and 'tis thought he designs to bring the Venetian Fresco into Fashion at Rome, which in my Opinion is a Project that may be easily accomplished, since the Roman Ladies love to be seen, as well as the rest of the Fair Sex.  
In the mean time the Luxury and Vanity of the present Pope, gives occasion to several well-disposed Persons, to make Comparisons between his Conduct, and that of his Predecessor, which you may reasonably conclude are not in the least Advantageous to his Holiness: For there is certainly a very remarkable Difference between these two Pontiffs: He who at present fills the Chair, makes it his only business to gratify his Inclination to Pleasure, and to Aggrandise his Family; whereas the good Pope Innocent applied himself only to the performance of the Duties of his Office, reforming the Abuses that had crept into Rome, visiting the Hospitals, and assisting the Poor. And besides, he left no Means unessayed, to restore Peace to Christendom: And when an unjust Power endeavoured to extend its Usurpations to the Church itself, we had the Pleasure to see that generous Prelate oppose the encroaching Tyranny, with a Resolution and Piety worthy of a Common Father. His Private Life, and Domestic Occupations, were no less Edifying: He was easy of Access to all Men, and harkened favourably to the Poor when they came to represent their Grievances to him, or to beg his Assistance. His external Deportment was very simple, and so free from the least Appearance of Worldly Pomp, that he might be called the Model of Humility. I'm assured by several Persons of unquestioned Credit, that the Expense of his Table was fixed at 
* One Shilling.  Two Julio's a Day, and that the whole Charge of his Provisions did not exceed Fifty Crowns a Year. I cannot without Astonishment reflect on the admirable Sobriety of a Person who might be justly ranked among the most Potent Princes in the World; and am not at all surprised that most Persons here esteem him a Saint. 'Tis said that Miracles are wrought at his Tomb; and if that Report continue a while longer, he will certainly be the only Object of the People's Devotion. I know not whether the Zeal of his Adorers may not one Day procure the deceased Pope a place among the Canonised Saints: But considering the Reputation of his Successor, I may venture to assure you, that he will never be enroled among that Number.  
Under this Pontificat the Courtesans have resumed their expiring Courage, and begin to appear with the same Haughtiness and Insolency that seemed to be in some Measure curbed under the Government of Innocent XI. That Jovial Society, which may be reckoned a Fourth Order in the State, and no less considerable than any of the rest, will, in all probability, maintain its Privileges and Liberties as long as the Supreme Power is lodged in the Clergy, who will never deprive themselves of so necessary a Diversion. And truly, I know not how so many young Persons that are engaged in a Vow which they are not able to perform, could subsist, without the comfortable Assistance of those Communicative Ladies. Honest Matrons are daily affronted by those domineering Strumpets, whose Insolence they must suffer patiently, since 'twould be in vain to contend with the Mistresses of their Masters. I'm not in the least surprised at their Haughtiness and Pride; but I confess I could never have believed, without the Testimony of my own Eyes, that they had so much Liberty, and so little Shame. We had no sooner dropped Anchor before Leghorn, but we were immediately boarded by a Dozen of these Female Pirates, who, in spite of the Captain, carried off an equal Number of Prizes; for Mariners look upon this Port as a privileged Place, where they may ramble without control. 'Tis true, they find Pleasure is not a cheap Commodity in this place; for these Ladies are not so Hospitable as to entertain Travellers Gratis, and they usually set a very high price on their Favours, especially at Rome, which may be called the Centre of Whores. I will not pretend to warrant the Truth of their Opinion, who say, That at Rome Whores may sue a Man for their Hire: But I can assure you, that they may and do demand the Assistance of the Corte, or Watch, who have Orders to protect 'em, and see 'em paid, according to the Quality of the Person. The Corte is a Band of Sbirri's, who walk the Rounds every Night, to prevent Disorders; but their Authority is so small, and the care they take to suppress Abuses so ineffectual, that I know not whether the City receives any Benefit by 'em: For since they are not permitted to Fire at any Person, 'tis easy for any Man that has the Advantage of a Nimble Pair of Heels, to avoid falling into their Clutches; and there are some roaring Hectors, who not only make Head against 'em, but even keep 'em in Awe. I might reckon up a Thousand Instances of such insolent Villainies; but I shall content myself with mentioning one that happened very lately: The City was never plagued with a more desperate Villain than a certain Neapolitan Lord, called, The Prince de la Matrice, who was Ringleader of Fifty Bandits that were fit Companions for such a Master: He and his Gang made all the Sbirri's in Rome quake, and continued their Insolences above a Year, till at last the Pope having issued out an Order to take him alive or dead, he took Sanctuary in a Church, where he Capitulated with his Holiness, and was permitted to depart with Bag and Baggage, he and all his Companions. 'Tis certainly a very great Abuse, that Churches should serve as places of Retreat for Villains; and so long as these Privileges remain, the abolishing of the Franchises will never put a Stop to the reigning Disorders. But, which is still more intolerable, the Churches are not only so many Sanctuaries to secure Malefactors from Punishment, but the Theatres where they act their Villainies. The other Day, when the People were met to hear Vesper's at the Church of S. Lewis, and were busy at their Devotion, Fifteen or Twenty Persons cried out on a sudden, Fly, fly, the Church is falling; and immediately run towards the Door, with so many signs of Fear, that the People were almost persuaded that the Church was tumbling about their Ears. And since on such Occasions 'tis natural for a Man to think of saving himself, before he consider the greatness or probability of the Danger, the People in the Church followed those whom they saw running out, with so much haste and confusion, that several Persons were trodden under Foot, and so hurt that they were forced to keep their Beds. In the mean time the Rogues were not idle Spectators of the Fright they had occasioned; and some began to miss their Purses, and others their Silver-hilted Swords, assoon as the Tumult was appeased, and the Cheat discovered.  
During my abode at Rome, I had the fortune to meet with the same Priest, who, as I told you in one of my preceding Letters, was imprisoned at Mascon on suspicion of Witchcraft: He makes his Court to Cardinal Chigi, whom he solicits very earnestly, and expects to obtain a Benefice from him; but he is certainly an incorrigible Fool, as you may perceive by the Account he gave me of himself. He assured me, that he entertained a most intimate Fellowship and Correspondence with certain imaginary Inhabitants of the Air, by whose Assistance he pretends that one may easily surmount all Difficulties, and would have persuaded me, that these Spirits opened the Doors of the Prison when he was in danger of being condemned as a Sorcerer. I was so surprised at the Novelty and Oddness of his Opinion, that I resolved to discourse seriously with him about it, and asked him how he came acquainted with that Airy People, and why they would not discover themselves to the rest of Mankind. He replied, that they communicated their Favours only to those who are willing to hearken to 'em, and to enter into a Society with 'em; adding, that they have many Correspondents in the World who live unknown, and conceal themselves with all possible Care, to avoid the Fate of so many Honest Persons, that have been burnt alive for Witchcraft in several places of the Kingdom. He denied positively that there were any Witches, saying, That God was too Just and Good to give so much Power to the Devil, who, according to his Opinion, lies bound in Hell, from whence he shall never be released. But I soon perceived that there was as much Confusion in his Brain as in his Discourse, and that he was a mere Fantastical Enthusiast.  
I know not what Credit ye will give to this Man's Relation concerning his imaginary Acquaintances in the Air; but you may firmly believe the Story with which I am going to conclude my Letter, since I was an Eye-witness of all that passed. A certain Florentine Soldier in this City, without pretending to be invulnerable, undertook for a Wager of a Crown to stand as a Mark till four Bullets were successively shot at him, and performed his Undertaking without receiving the least hurt, tho' the Man who discharged the Gun stood but fifty Paces from him, and could neither be suspected of Collusion, nor want of Skill, since all the four Bullets pierced the Door against which the Florentin stood. You will doubtless look upon this as a very odd and surprising Accident: I was so amazed at it, that I know not whether I could have believed it if I had not seen it: Yet I can assure you, that the Florentin is no Magician, and that his Secret only consists in shifting his place assoon as he perceives the flashing of the Powder: And the Account he gave me of the easiness of his Undertaking, has considerably lessened my Surprisal at the Success of it: However, I would not for 10000 Pistols try the Experiment any otherwise than by shooting a Bullet into the Sea. The Soldier found out this way to give me some Satisfaction; and I observed that the Bullet remained so long in the Air, that a Man might easily have avoided it.  
Our Captain having taken in all his Lading, expects only a fair Wind; and by good fortune, the third part of the Cargo belongs to Malta; so that I shall have the pleasure of spending at the least Fifteen Days in that celebrated Island.  
I am, SIR, Your &c. Leghorn, May 1690.   

LETTER X.  
SIR,  
THo' I promised in my last to excuse you from sharing with us in the Inconveniencies of the Sea, and to bring you from France to Turkey, without meeting with one Storm; I cannot forbear giving you account of one that overtook us in the height of Sardinia. And I have even the confidence to think that you will not complain of my breach of Promise, since we had all the Trouble, and you will only have the Pleasure; if there be any truth in the common Observation, That Men usually take delight in hearing a Relation of distant Misfortunes.  
The pleasure of our Voyage was not disturbed for the first two Days, tho' we made no great Progress; but on the Third, about seven in the Morning, there arose on the sudden a most furious North-East Wind, which burst our Sails as if they had been made of Paper; and between the Wind on one side, and the South-West Surges on the other, our Ship was so violently tossed, that our Mariners durst not stir from the Sides of the Ship, for fear of being washed off by the Waves. Never was there any Object more capable of striking Terror into the Spectator; never any Noise more frightful and amazing than that which was occasioned by the tumbling of the Casks and Boxes, the Wind, Thunder, and Sea, the cracking of the Ship, and the howling of some Women that were on board. A horrid Gloom turned the Day into Night, and was succeeded by a Flash of Lightning that covered our Ship for above a Minute, and was accompanied with a terrible and stupefying Crack. I know not what we did in the mean time, nor was there one among my Fellow-Passengers that could inform me what was done in that dreadful Minute: For we were all so stunned, that there were hardly any Signs of Life left in us. All the Account I can give you is, that when we recovered our senses, we perceived that the Lightning had left a thick and black Smoke, accompanied with a sulphureous and noisome Stench, that would have killed us if it had lasted a quarter of an Hour; but it was dissipated in a Moment. We found also that we were removed from the places where we were when the Lightning fell; which Change, doubtless, proceeded from the violent Motion and Agitation of the Ship. Among the rest, one of the Ship-Boys who lay skulking in the Forecastle, was thrown upon the Hatches in the other end of the Ship, and so bruised, and black with Contusions, (tho' I may say more properly, that there was only one Contusion, which covered his whole Body) that we have still reason to doubt of his Recovery. The Mariners concluded that the Devil was the Author of all these Disorders, and that there was some Person in the Company under a Sentence of Excommunication: For (you know) extraordinary Accidents are usually esteemed Miracles by the superstitious Vulgar. 'Tis true, the throwing of the Boy so far may at the first View seem to be above the Power of Nature; but an attentive Considerer will not be much surprised at this Effect of the Tempest, since this is not the first time that a Hurricane has snatched up Men, and even whole Ships. This puts me in mind of a Story almost of the same Nature, which I heard at Guernsey, a little Island, subject to the Crown of England. It happened one Day, that during a violent Storm, a Flash of Lightning set fire to the Powder in the Castle, and blew it up, with the whole Garrison. Only Ten or Twelve Persons escaped, among whom the Governor had the good fortune to be preserved in a very singular manner: They assured me that he was carried through the Air in his Bed, and laid down upon the Castle Wall, the Foot of which is bathed by the Sea; and that not knowing how to get down, because the Wall was equally steep on both sides, he remained there till the Wether began to grow calm, and then made signs to the People of the Town, who came to his Assistance.  
This furious Tempest was succeeded by pretty fair Wether, which we enjoyed during the rest of our Voyage to Malta, where we arrived six Days after, and in nine Days from Leghorn; so that we made above a hundred Miles a Day, for the distance betwixt these two Places amounts to about a Thousand Miles. We had no reason to complain of the slowness of our Passage, though ' we might have performed the Voyage much sooner if the Wind had been constantly favourable: For the Captain assured me, that the Great Master of Malta, having sent an express to Aix in Provence, the Ship on which the Messenger embarked, met with so strong an Easterly Wind, that she was carried nine hundred Miles in three Days, and arrived at the Port of Marseilles, where finding another Ship ready to set sail for Malta, he took Post for Aix, and having dispatched his Business, returned the same Night to Marseilles, where he embarked in that Vessel, which immediately set sail with a most favourable Westerly Gale, and in three Days arrived at Malta: So that in Seven Days he performed a Voyage of eighteen hundred Miles, travelled ten Leagues by Land, and dispatched his Affairs. I must confess few Travellers are so fortunate; but that which happens rarely may happen sometimes.  
This Island was of old called Melita; and its present Name is an Abbreviation or Corruption of the former: It lies in the thirty fourth Degree of North Latitude, being seventy Miles in compass, twenty five long, and ten broad. Under the Reign of Augustus, and long before, 'twas governed by its own Kings, from whom it was taken by the Saracens, who afterwards lost it to the Christians. In the Year 1530, Charles V. erected it into a Sovereignty, which he bestowed on the Knights of S. John, who eight Years before were driven out of Rhodes by the Turks, and had till then ●rov'd as Pirates upon the Sea. The Conditions of the Donation were, That the Nomination of the Bishop should belong to him; That the Knights should present him Yearly with a Falcon, as a Mark of Homage; and that they should not receive into their Ports any Ships or Vessels at Enmity with the Crown of Spain, which they punctually observe to this Day. But the Spaniard has no reason to boast of this Custom as a peculiar Mark of Honour or Acknowledgement, since his Ships meet with the same Treatment with those of other Princes, and are never admitted into the Harbours of this Island. I'm so loath to send you an imperfect Account of this Place, that I cannot forbear taking notice of the famous Siege which it suffered Ann. 1565. tho' I cannot reasonably suppose you to be ignorant of a Transaction that made so great a Noise in the World. Sultan Solyman, resolving to extirpate the whole Order, sent a formidable Army against 'em, under the command of Sinan Bassa, who possessed himself of the Island, burned the Villages, made the Inhabitants Slaves, and destroyed the whole Country with Fire and Sword. But the Castle of S. Angelo put a Stop to his Fury, and resisted all his Attacks, till upon the News of the approach of the powerful Aids sent by the Christian Princes, he was forced to make a disorderly Retreat, leaving two great pieces of Cannon, one of which lies at the bottom of the Water in the Port; and the other under the Baraque of Italy, commonly call d, The great Basilisk, and carrying 120 pound Ball. The next Year the Great Master, de la Valette, laid the Foundation of the New City, and called it by his own Name. I may venture to say, without an Hyperbole, that this is the strongest City in the World: I never saw so many, nor better contrived Works; and besides, the Strength of the Place is very considerably augmented by the Advantages of its Situation; for all the Halfmoons and Bastions are cut out of the Rock, as well as the Counterscarp that defends 'em; and the Ditches, which in some places are sixty Foot deep, and proportionably broad.  
The Castle of S. Angelo is in the Old City, which is separated from the other by a double Port, consisting of two Harbours, divided by a Neck of Land, which have but one Mouth. At the end of this Isthmus stands the Castle of S. Elm, defending the Entry of both Ports, in one of which the Ships that arrive are obliged to perform their Quarantain, having the conveniency of a little Island, which serves as a Lazaretto for the Passengers and their Goods. On the other side is the great Harbour, frequented by those who are permitted to converse with the Inhabitants. Both these Harbours are safe and convenient; but the Entry is extremely dangerous, by reason of the Rocks that lie hid under the Water.  
The New City, called Valette, is seated partly on the Top, and partly on the Declivity of a rising Ground, descending to the Shoar. The Streets are straight, running in parallel Lines both through the Length and Breadth of the City, and are so contriv●d, that the Ascent is only discernible in four or five, the rest being exactly level. The Houses are generally fair, built after the Italian Fashion, with Platforms on the Top; so that the Sketch of the New City resembles perfectly a Rectilinear Amphitheatre. The Old City is not so beautiful, and is at present only inhabited by the Common People; yet 'tis the Seat of the Bishop and his Chapter, which may vie with any Society of that Nature in Italy, being composed of four and twenty Canons, who wear the Episcopal Habit, and have each a Thousand Crowns a Year.  
There is but one public Place or Square in the City Valette, which is considerable for its Beauty, adorned with a Fountain in the middle, the Water of which falling into a Basket of Stone so artificially cut, that it seems to be transparent, makes one of the pleasantest Cascades in the World. The Front of the Great Master's Palace makes one entire side of the Square. There is nothing admirable either in the Inside or Outside of this Structure; 'tis of a Square Figure, and separated from the Neighbouring Buildings by four Streets. 'Tis divided into the Winter and Summer Apartments: The first, which is the most ancient and least beautiful, is painted throughout with the Representations of Victories obtained over the Turks, and particularly the raising of the Siege of Malta, accompanied with Explanatory Inscriptions. The Summer Apartment was built by the late Great Master, Vignacourt, who beautify●d Malta with so many Ornaments, and would have certainly made this a very Magnificent Palace, if Death had not interrupted his Designs. That which is chiefly remarkable in it is the Hall of Arms, where there are 30000 Muskets, as many Bandeliers, 10000 Cuirasses and Helmets, with a proportionable Number of Swords, Pikes, Pistols, and Scimitars, all ranked in the finest Order imaginable. There is an incredible number of cast Pieces of Cannon in this City; for tho' I never reckoned 'em myself, I'm assured by Persons of unquestioned Credit, that there are 1060, and all of a considerable bigness.  
The Churches of Malta are incomparably beautiful, the Italian Neatness reigns throughout, and they are every where adorned with Painting and Gild. The principal Church is dedicated to S. John Baptist, the Patron of the Order: The Prospect of it is not very pleasant; but to make amends for the Defects of the Outside, I never saw any thing that could with Justice be compared to the Richness and Beauty of the Inside. 'Tis as light as an open Field, and all its Ornaments appear with so unclouded a Lustre, and so charm the Eye of the Spectator, that I believe never any Man came out of it without Reluctancy. 'Tis paved throughout with large pieces of black and white Marble: The Walls and Columns are lined to the very Cornices, with curious Wainscotting, which hardly obstructs the Sight; and the Life of S. John is painted in Fresco, on the Vault, by the Hand of the Chevalier Mathias. But the finest Work of that Nature in the Church is the beheading of the Holy Baptist, represented in a Chapel of the same Name, by the Hand of Michael Angelo; this Picture was presented to the Order by one of the Dukes of Florence, and may be reckoned a very considerable Compliment, since the Princes of that Family are seldom wont to part with such rare and beautiful Pieces.  
The many and magnificent Epitaphs of the Great Masters, and Grand Crosses, with their Scutcheons, are none of the least remarkable Ornaments of this Church; and among the rest, the Great Master Vignacourt's Epitaph is extremely beautiful.  
Every one of the Seven Languages has a peculiar Chapel in this Church, which they strive to adorn in Emulation of one another. There is not a Church in the World where Vessels of Gold and Silver are more common than in this. Among other curious Works, there are two Angels of the last of these Metals, as big as the Life: But the most finished Piece is a golden Sun of Filagram-Work, to receive the Holy Sacrament, of which the Workmanship alone cost 2000 Crowns. The Treasury is so full of Relics, that 'twould be an endless Labour to describe ●em; and therefore I shall only tell you, that the finest Piece I saw in it is the Bishop's Mitre, set all over with the richest Jewels.  
The Great Altar in the Nave is esteemed one of the most magnificent Works of that Nature in Europe: It stands by itself, after the Modern Fashion, like that of Strasburg, which it exceeds both in Largeness and Richness. I saw the Grand Prior of the Order say Mass here in Ceremony, and after the same manner as the Pope does at Rome. His Habit is not different from that of a Bishop; but he is served by eight Deacons and Subdeacons, with a great deal of State and Ceremony. The place where he sits while the Epistles and Gospels are read, is on the Right-hand as you go to the Altar, and directly opposite to the Great Master, who sits in an armed Chair on the Lefthand, unde a Canopy, two Pages standing behind to serve him. The Grand Crosses are seated in the middle of the Nave, on a double Row of Benches, with Rails or Backs, which enclose the place. The Bailiffs and Commanders are placed on the Seats behind; and the rest of the Knights sit either in the Chapels belonging to their Language, or in any other part of the Church. To return to their manner of Officiating; I observed two Ceremonies I had never seen before, since they are Marks of Respect that are only showed to the Pope: For there are two Clerks who fan the Grand Prior's Head and Face all the while he says Mass, with two large Fans of Ostrich Feathers; and after he has done, he sits down in his Chair, and the same Clerks coming in their Surplices, undress him from Head to Foot, pulling off even his Slippers. The Prior is one of the most considerable Officers of the Order, and is ranked before the Grand Crosses, and immediately after the Bishop and Great Master, who only preceded him, tho' he is not chosen out of the Classis of Noble Knights. The present Possessor of this Dignity is a Native of Aix in Provence, and is a Person of Merit, tho' of mean Birth.  
Since I have insensibly entered upon this Subject, I shall take this occasion to acquaint you with the various Degrees and Dignities of these Knights; but you must only expect a general Idea of the Order, and I believe you desire no more.  
The usual Title of these Knights is of no older date than their Settlement in this Island; for according to their Institution they ought to be called Knights of S. John of Jerusalem. The Design of the Foundation was for Hospitality, and for the Relief and Assistance of the poor Pilgrims who came from all the parts of the World to visit the Holy Places. At first the Order was composed of Persons of mean Rank or Quality, living under a Superior, called Gerard, a Frenchman by birth, who had built a Hospital in the same Place where they pretend Zacharias used to perform his Devotions, and dedicated it to S. John Baptist. This Gerard, who may be reckoned the Founder of the Order, was a Man of a very Holy Life, and spent his time in doing all the Offices of Hospitality, according to his Profession. 'Tis said, that he carried Bread every Night to the Christian Army, when Jerusalem was besieged by Godfrey of Bovillon; and that being suspected, he was narrowly observed, and at last surprised in the very act. Immediately he was seized, and carried before the Governor, with a Burden of Loaves, which were miraculously changed into Stones when his Accusers began to take 'em out of the Bag; so that he was fully acquitted.  
Sometime after, Godfrey having taken the Town, was not unmindful of his Benefactor; he caressed him, and wrote in his Favour to Pope Paschal II. who confirmed him and his Religious Company in the Exercise of their Pious Occupations, by a Bu● I granted for that purpose, and dated Octob. 19 1113, ordaining that after Gerard's Death, the Rectors should be elected by the Members of the Society. By Virtue of this Bull, they made choice of one Roger for their second Rector, whom they afterwards honoured with the Title of Master: ' I was he who contrived and establish d the Statutes of the Order, and made his Society take up Arms against the Infidels: He order d 'em to wear black Mantles of Camel's Skin, in imitation of S. John●s Habit in the Wilderness; to which he added a white Cross with eight Points, to denote the Eight Beatitudes. This Habit is clos d at the Neck, and has two Sleeves ending in a Point, which are thrown backwards, that the Knights may more conveniently serve and assist sick Persons. 'Tis not much different from that with which Esculap●us is clothed, in Ancient Paintings. This Institution was confirm d by the Popes, Gelasius, Calixtus II. and Honorius II. and afterwards, Ann. 1130. by Innocent II. who gave 'em for Arms, Gules, a Cross Argent. Under Pope Honorius the Pl●beian Knights were not only separated from the Nobles, but almost excluded out of the Order, since they were only suffered to remain in it in the Quality of Chaplains or Servants. This is as properly a Religious Order as that of the Carmelites, or Augustine Friars; and when the Great Master writes to any of the Knights, he directs his Letters thus; For our Dear and Wellbeloved, the Religious Brother N ... Knight of the Order of S. John. And they are qualify d with the same Title in all Public Writings at Malta.  
On the Day of their Profession, they must brandish a Sword thrice, as it were to defy the Enemies of the Name of Christ: Afterwards they take the Vows of Poverty, Chastity, and Obedience. In performance of the First, they live in the Inns of their respective Languages, enjoying all things in Common, and the Order inherits their Estates: The Second hinders 'em from Marrying; and the Third obliges 'em to come to Malta as often as their Appearance is required by the Great Master, and to obey all his Orders by Virtue of their Holy Obedience. Thus they content themselves with a seeming Performance of these Vows, but their Practice is not in the least answerable to their Profession: For, in the first place, their Poverty would satisfy my largest Desires, since most of 'em receive considerable Pensions from their Relations, besides Eighty Crowns a Year from their respective Inns, which may be reckoned a very comfortable Maintenance. Nor are they more religious Observers of their Second Vow; they are just as chaste as myself, and I know not what they can pretend to enjoy in Common but Women, whom they have so well accustomed to that way of living, that a Faithful Wife is a very scarce Commodity in Malta. And as for the last Vow, if Obedience consist in Grimaces, they are certainly the most Obedient Gentlemen in the World; but if, for Example, the Great Master should take a Fancy to recall the Chevalier de Noailles, I question very much whether he would obey the Summons. To conclude, I cannot give you a juster Character of 'em, than in their own Words; They are only Poor when a Courtesan demands her Fees; Obedient at Table, where they are always invited to Eat and Drink heartily; and chaste at Church, which is their greatest Penance.  
The Order is composed of four different Classes; or rather there is only one, which tolerates the rest out of Charity. The first is that of the Noble Knights, who before their Admission must prove their Nobility in the presence of certain Commissioners, who are sent to examine their Pedigree upon the Place. They wear a Cross of Gold enamell'd, hanging at one of their Button-Holes, as you have doubtless observed in France. The Second is the Class of Priests, who for the most part are not noble, yet wear a Cross, as the first. The Third is that of the Serving Knights, who are not Noble, and only wear a Cross of white Satin sowed upon their justaucor, and of a different Figure from that of the Nobles. The Fourth and last is composed of the Great Master's Menial Servants, or of some indigent Persons, to whom he grants that Favour, which brings 'em no other Advantage than the usual Salary of fourscore Crowns; and their Cross is like that of the Serving Knights. Of all the Four Classes, the first only can aspire to the Dignities of the Order, that is, to the Title and Office of Commanders, Grand Crosses, and Great Master. The two first are given in Order, according to their Seniority; for the oldest Knights are in Course promoted to be Commanders, and the oldest Commanders to be Grand Crosses. But the Office of Great Master is only obtain d by Election, without the least regard to Seniority; so that frequently a simple Commander is preferred before all the Grand Crosses.  
The Grand Crosses are so called from a large Cross of white Satin, that covers their whole Breast, from their first Button-Hole to the Belly. 'Tis sewed upon a kind of Sleeveless Vest, meeting on the side, which in Winter is made of black Cloth, and in Summer of Silk. All the rest of the Knights wear a red Vest of the same Fashion when they go to War, but the Cross is white, and of the same Figure with that which they wear at their Button-Holes; but the Cross of the Serving Knights is of a Circular Figure.  
All the Employments and Offices of Honour and Profit are at the Disposal of the Great Master, who is obliged to choose one of the Nobles: But there are few even of that Classis who dare aspire to the Dignity of Captain of the Galleys, by reason of the vast Charge that attends it, since the Order only allows him a Set of Plate, which he must restore when he quits that Employment. But to make amends for that Inconveniency, the Captains of the Galleys are soon after promoted to a Commandery; for tho' I told you that these Places are usually given to the Signior Knights, yet there are a considerable Number of 'em at the Great Masters' disposal, who bestows 'em on his Favourites. These are called Commanderies of Grace, or Favour, which exclude not the Possessors of 'em from enjoying the Commanderies that fall to 'em by right of Seniority: And besides, there are certain particular Offices belonging to each Language, such as that of Treasurer, Master of the Artillery, etc. The Three Sovereign Jurisdictions of Malta belong to the College of the Grand Crosses. The First is the Great Council, composed of all the Members of the College: The Second is the Council of the Treasury; and the Third of the Marine, or Admiralty; consisting each of three Members. Besides, the Great Master chooses every Year a Captain of the Verga, who must be a Native of Malta, and consequently no Knight: His Office is to administer Justice to the Inhabitants of the City and Country. This right of Seniority which gives a Title to the Offices of Commanders and Grand Crosses, is a great Mortification to those who are not made Knights in their Youth: And therefore they who design to obtain that Dignity for their Children, procure 'em to be received into the Order as soon as they are born, that they may not wait too long for Preferrment. In the mean time, those who have no Estates live in their respective Inns, of which every Language has one. The Seven Languages are those of Provence, Auvergne, France, Italy, Arragon, Germany, and Castille. Over every Language there is a Grand Cross, to whom the Order allows eighty Crowns for each Man.  
The Members of the Second Class serve at the Altar, and are only capable of Ecclesiastical Preferment: Thus they may obtain the Offices of Vicars, Canons, and Grand Prior, which is the highest Dignity within the reach of their Ambition.  
The Serving Knights are incapable of being promoted to the Dignity of a Grand Cross, or of enjoying a Commandery by right of Seniority; but they may possess Commanderies of Grace, which the Great Master sometimes bestows on 'em, either as a particular Mark of his Kindness, or as a Reward of their Valour. They may rig out Privateers under the Banner of the Order; but none of this Classis can be made Captain of the Galleys, since the Noble Knights would not submit to his Authority.  
As for the Great Master's Knights, who compose the Fourth Class, they receive no other Honour or Advantage by their Admission into the Order, but a Salary of Eighty Crowns a Year, and the Title of Knights of S. John.  
To these Four Classes I might add a Fifth, I mean the Knights of the Holy Sepulchre, who wear a Cross of Gold Potency; but since they are not acknowledged by the Knights of Malta, and have no other Patents than what they receive from the Father's Observants, who are at present Guardians of the Sepulchre, I will not trouble you with a farther Account of 'em.  
Having given you a general Idea of the Four Classes, and of all the inferior Offices, I shall in the next place proceed to consider the Supreme Dignity of the Order. The Great, Master is very careful to preserve the Respect due to his Character, and seldom Converses familiarly with the Knights, nor even with the Grand Crosses. When he goes to Church, all the Knights whom he meets in the Square, and by the Way, join in his Train; and when he returns they make a double File, through which he passes. All the Officers of his Household are Noble Knights, even the very Pages, of whom he entertains twenty four. His principal Officers are the Master of the Horse, the Major Domo, and the High Chamberlain. The present Great Master is descended from the Illustrious House of Caraffa: He is a large and thick Man, of a good Mien, but very old: He keeps a Table for a hundred Knights, whom he chooses to be partakers of his Bounty, and who by that means may save the Pension they receive from the Order.  
The Habits of the Knights are very different at Malta: The French, Italians, and Spaniards retaining the Modes of their respective Nations. The Garb of the last is so odd, that I cannot forbear giving you some Account of it: They wear a Doublet slit before and behind, and the Sleeves are also slit, and close at the Wrists; an old-fashioned Collar, narrow Breeches fastened with Buttons; and, in a Word, I could not choose a more Comical Habit if I were going to act the Spaniard in a Mask. The Italians are dressed exactly like so many Scaramouchi●s.  
The Order takes care to preserve some external Marks of Hospitality, which, as I told you, was the Design of their Institution: They keep a Magnificent Hospital, endowed with a Revenue of 50000 Livres. The Commandery of it belongs to the French Language, and is one of the principal Offices of the Order: The Magnificence of the Structure does not appear on the Outside, but the Apartments are very fine. There are five Halls, capable of containing four hundred sick Persons, who are served by the Knights when they Eat or Drink, the Servants of the Hospital taking care of the rest. The Vessels are generally of Silver; the Beds are good, and the Linen is changed pretty often. And besides, the diseased are so plentifully furnished with all things that are proper for their Entertainment and Cure, that the Knights themselves scruple not to lodge here when they are sick. 'Tis true, they are not laid in the same Rooms with so many dead and dying Persons, whose Company alone would infect the soundest Man in the World with their Distempers: For they lie in separate Halls, and are served apart. Catholics of all Nations, without exception, are received into the Hospital; but these Acts of Charity are not very Chargeable to the Order, since their Guests are seldom very Numerous.  
These few Observations may suffice to give you an Idea of the Order of Malta. My next shall contain an Account of the Island in general, and of the Manners and Customs of its Inhabitants: In the mean time I wish you good Night, and am,  
SIR, Your &c. Malta, June 1690.   

LETTER XI.  
SIR,  
MAlta is so low an Island that 'tis scarce discernible above twenty Miles off at Sea, even in the clearest Wether; so that many Ships pass by without perceiving it. There are no Woods in it by reason of the shallowness of the Ground; for the whole Island is only a dry Rock, which, with much ado, may be made to produce something. And the scarcity of Earth makes it so precious, that if a Man were found stealing it out of his Neighbours Grounds, he would be punished with the utmost Severity. The only Trees that grow there are Oranges, Citrons, Apricocks, Peaches, and Pomegranates, which require no great depth of Earth; and even these grow only in certain parts of the Island, the rest being planted with Vines, which bear a very delicious Grape: There are also Strawberries, Pastaiques, and excellent Figs, and a prodigious quantity of the best Melons in the World, which we eat as often as we please: They are almost all white, but sweet as Sugar, and melt in the Mouth. The Pastaique is a Fruit very much resembling a Citrul, but not quite so big. 'Tis eaten raw like a Melon, and melts in the Mouth. Tho' it be exposed a whole Day to the Sunbeams, it remains as fresh as if it had been kept in Snow. There are two sorts of it, one red, and the other white: The first is the best; but the Buyer must take 'em at a venture, as well as Melons. 'Tis the usual Custom when five or six Citizens meet on the public Place, to open a Score of 'em, and those who have the fortune to meet with none but white ones, are obliged to pay for the rest; which they call playing at Pastaiques.  
Malta is hotter than Rome, or any other place in Europe; and the stifling Heat of the Climate is so much the more insupportable, because there are no cool Breezes to temper it; and the Brow of the Hill is exposed directly to the South. The Peasants are as black as Egyptians; for they take no care to preserve themselves from the Sun; and the most scorching Heat is not able to drive 'em into their Houses, or even make 'em leave off working. This is an evident Demonstration of the Power of Nature in performing things that seem to be impossible: For there are few things which a Man may not suffer if he be accustomed to 'em from his Infancy, as the Maltese are in this case, who inure the Bodies of their Children to Heat, by making 'em go stark naked, without Shirt, Drawers, or Cap, as soon as they are taken from their Mother s Breast, to the Age of Ten Years; so that their Skin grows as hard as Leather. You will easily perceive that I speak of the Peasants, and Meaner sort of the Inhabitants; for all the rest cloth their Children as they do in other Countries: Only to preserve themselves from the Heat, they never go abroad during the hottest part of the Day; and besides, they cloth themselves very slightly, and sleep from Noon till four a-clock. The richer sort make use of a kind of Fans, which are very much in fashion among Persons of Quality in Italy, I mean certain Machine's hung at the Ceiling, about three Foot broad and usually made of some Silk Stuff, stretched upon small and very thin Laths, surrounded with Ostrich-Feathers. There is also a small silken Cord fastened to it, and drawn through a Hole into the Antichamber, where a Servant is placed to keep the Machine playing by pulling the Cord. These Fans are usually hung over a Couch, or Bed of Repose, where a Man may lie and enjoy the Pleasure of Fanning as long as he pleases: And sometimes one of 'em is placed on the Table, both for Coolness, and to drive away the Flies. If you consider also the Sorbet, Strawberries, Raspherries, and all the cooling Waters used in Italy, you will not blame me for affirming that a Rich Man may live comfortably in any Climate, and easily avoid all the Inconveniencies of excessive Heat or Cold. I need not go farther than Malta for a convincing Proof of this Assertion; since the violent Heat that reigns here serves only to increase the Pleasure of being fanned, and of drinking cold Liquors, with which this Island is always furnish d, tho' the Winter produces neither Snow nor Ice: For the Great Master takes care to supply that defect, by letting out the Sale of these Commodities by way of Farm, to a Man, who sends every Winter to Sicily for a sufficient quantity to fill the Ice-Houses, and is oblige d to furnish the Island all the Summer, under pain of paying a Fine of Ten Crowns a Day, in case of failure.  
The Island of Malta is very populous, and reckoned to contain 15000 Men, who are all divided into Companies. They are obliged to wear Swords, but forbidden to draw 'em under such rigorous Penalties, that the natural Malice of the Inhabitants is very effectually kerbed by their Fear of Punishment: Yet they sometimes venture to execute their Fury with a little Poniard or Stiletto, after the Italian fashion. I cannot better express the barbarity of their Temper and Inclinations, than by telling you, that their Humour is not different from that of the Sicilians, that, like them, they are Treacherous and Bloody, Jealous even to Madness, and capable of attempting the most horrid Villainies when they are animated by that cruel Passion. To convince you of the Justness of this Character, 'twill be sufficient to relate two Accidents that happened very lately; for the two Principle Actors are still alive, and remain in the Churches of St. Lewis and St. John, whither they f●ed, to avoid the just Punishment of their Crimes.  
The first had a young, handsome, and loving Wife, yet (according to the Custom of all his Countrymen, both Bachelors and married Men,) he kept a Whore, who possessed his Heart and Soul, and was so absolutely the Mistress of his Affection, that without regarding his Duty to his Wife, he lay every Night at her House. This malicious Woman made use of the Power she had over him to irritate him against his injured Wife, telling him, that he had reason to suspect her Virtue, since he gave her so many inviting Opportunities of repaying him in his own Coin; and his guilty Conscience prompting him to conclude that the might be as vicious as himself, he resolved to bring her along with him every Night, and made her lie in the same Bed with him and his Concubine, since there was not another in the Lodging. Judge, Sir, with what Grief and Horror this poor Creature could behold her due Benevolence squandered away upon an impudent Doxy in her presence; and whether ever any Woman was so barbarously treated. 'Tis certainly the highest and most cruel Indignity that could be put upon a Wife; and there is no Crime so inhuman which such a Husband would not dare to commit. Thus she lived for above a Year, till at last her Patience being entirely exhausted, she was not able any longer to bear the insupportable Torment of being made the Spectator of her own Shame and Misery; and therefore advised her Husband, since he could not overcome his Passion, to bring the Cu●t●san home to his House, where he might enjoy his Pleasure with more Conveniency and less Charge. This Advice was so agreeable to his Humour, that he resolved once in his Life to comply with her Desires: But she had little reason to be satisfied with the Success of her Proposal, for she lived in a perpetual Hell with her pitiless Tormentor, and his insolent Strumpet. But instead of making a tedious Relation of all the Affronts they put upon her, I shall only acquaint you with the Tragical Conclusion of the Story. He had a Son, about nine Years old, who having seen his Mother at Church speaking to one of her Brothers, who was newly come from Italy, and whom the Boy did not know, went immediately to tell his Father, that his Mother was discoursing with a Stranger: And that inhuman Villain, without enquiring farther into the Matter, or so much as accusing her of her Crime, stabbed her with his Poniard as soon as she came home.  
The other, who retired to the Church of S. Lewis, was as unmerciful to his Whore as the former was to his Wife. He knew that she intended to Marry, and had often with horrible threatenings forbidden her to prosecute that Design. But she was so weary of her infamous way of Living, that she resolved, notwithstanding his repeated Menaces, to provide herself a Husband, and was even actually engaged with a certain Tradesman. Her Gallant hearing of this new Intrigue, and having seen her two or three times talking with the young Man's Sister, ran to her House in a Transport of Fury, and immediately told her, that he was come to kill her. She being ignorant of the cause of his Rage, and imagining that he only intended to laugh at her Fear, threw her Arms about his Neck, and embracing him, And why, my Heart, said she, wouldst thou kill me? Because thou art an impudent Where, replied he, and wouldst Marry in spite of me; but I sh●ll quickly cure thy Longing: Immediately he stabbed her in the Breast with his Poniard, and repeated the Blow four times, till he laid her dead upon the Spot. The Barbarity of these Murderers is so prodigiously inhuman, that these two Instances will give you a livelier Idea of the Humour of this People, than the most pathetic Description I cou●d make of it.  
The Number of the Courtesans is extremely great; their Trade is not at all reputed scandalous; and when they have earned a little Money, they may Marry, and are esteemed as honest Women as if they had kept their Maidenhead for their Husbands. No Person whatsoever dares offer 'em the least indignity; for they are looked upon as Public Persons that ought to be Sacred; and there are even some Ladies of Honour who disdain not their Acquaintance and Society; so that 'tis not an easy Task to distinguish those Prostitutes from Vertueus Women. The Courtesans of Rome and Mal●● are beholding to the same Cause for the Advantageous Privileges they enjoy: There the Priests govern, and here the Authority is lodged in the Knights. Both of 'em have sworn Chastity, and neither of 'em are able to keep their Vows. 〈◊〉 cannot forbear taking notice of a pretty odd Custom in this Place, for the conveniency of Strangers, who having no Acquaintance, and for the most part staying but two or three Days in the Island, might be sometimes obliged to leave it without tasting its most delicious Fruit: For 'tis not the Fashion here to visit Strangers in their Ships, as at Leghorn. Malta is a Land of Liberty, where Pleasure is not forced upon any Man: But they who have a mind to divert themselves, may easily find a Playfellow by walking about the Streets with a Sequin in their Hand, holding it so that it may be seen; for this is a never-failing Signal, which will procure 'em twenty Invitations in a Moment.  
The Habit of the Women in this Place is as Melancholic and Dismal when they go abroad, as 'tis Wanton and Lascivious when they are at home. In the Streets you see nothing but a long black Veil instead of a Woman, which covers 'em so entirely from Head to Foot, that such a sight would cost a Low Briton at least twenty Signs of the Cross: for the Women in this City look just like so many Ghosts wrapped in Shrowds, stalking about the Streets. But if they are Ghosts in the Street, they are Angels at home; for tho' the Peasants are tawny, the Women who live in the City have the fairest Complexions in the World. I can only give you an Account of their Summer Dress, since I never had occasion to see 'em in the Winter. They wear a fine White Smock, plaited at the Neck like a Man's Shirt; but the Opening is so wide, that it leaves their Shoulders and Breasts entirely exposed to the View of the ravished Beholder: the Sleeves are very large, and tucked up to the Neck-band of the Smock to which they are fastened with a Pin, so that one may see their whole Arms. This Smock is almost their entire Habit, for they wear nothing above it but a very little Pair of Boddice about their Waste under their Breasts, which being not above a Span long, serves only to set off the Fineness of their Shape, and rather exposes than conceals those alluring Charms that strike the Eyes and Hearts of the Spectator with a sweet but irresistible Violence. The men's Habit is not different from ours, at least they endeavour as much as they can, to imitate it.  
Almost all the Maltese are served by Slaves, who are suffered to walk freely about the Streets all day, as well as those who belong to the Order; but they are all obliged to retire in the Evening to the public Baths, as at Leghorn, and if any of 'em should fail to come at the time appointed, he would be put to death as a Fugitive. The Galleyslaves are the most miserable Wretches in the World; yet there are some Persons here who have so little regard to their own Happiness, as to sell themselves for a hundred Crowns to the Order: they continue Slaves during their whole Life without any Pay, rowing naked and chained as the rest, without any other Mark of Distinction than the Title of Bonne Vogue, whereas the Turks are called Slaves. I know there are also some of these voluntary Slaves at Venice, where they are called Gallioti, and even the Republic finds less Difficulty in levying 'em than in raising Soldiers: but they are only engaged to serve three Years on the Galleys, whereas the Bonne Vogue at Malta are perpetual Slaves, without the least hope of recovering their Liberty.  
There are only seven Galleys belonging to the Order, which are sent every Year under the Command of a General to assist the Venetians. The Government is constantly employed about raising new Funds, without which they cannot increase the Number of their Galleys.  
There are Three Languages spoken in the City; the French, Spanish, and Italian. The last of these is authorised by the Government, and used in public Writings. The Peasants in the Country speak a corrupt Dialect of the Arabic: and 'twould not be an easy Task to make 'em leave it.  
The Holy Office of the Inquisition, that dreadful Tribunal, famous for its Injustice and Cruelty, reigns more Tyrannically here than at Rome itself. I have heard a hundred remarkable Stories of its Barbarity; but I'm too much your Friend to disturb the Tranquillity of your Mind with such dismal Relations. And therefore instead of entering on so Melancholic a Subject, I shall only observe that Confessors, who in any other Country would be burnt if they should divulge the Secrets with which they are entrusted, are obliged here to reveal 'em, as often as the Inquisition is concerned in the Discovery. 'Tis true, they do not own this Maxim, for fear of spoiling their Trade; but the Truth of it is too well known to be called in question: In the mean time, to prevent Suspicion, they are sometimes silent for a Year or two, after which the Inquisitor sends for the Party accused, and asks him whether he knows the reason why he is brought before him. Then must the poor Wretch call to mind all that ever he said; and if he has either forgot his Fault, or refuses to own it, confiding in the Secrecy and Fidelity of his Confessor, whom he knows to be his only Confident, he's a dead Man, and must not entertain the least hope of Mercy: For they strangle him in Prison, and some time after tell his Relations that they may forbear sending him Provisions. Happy are they who are not subject to this Yoke!  
I saw a Church, t'other day, in which there is a little Grotto, where 'tis said S. Paul lived three Months: But 'tis so small, and contrived in such a manner, that I'm much inclined to suspect the Truth of this Tradition. However, every one that comes, carries away a piece of it, as a Preservative against the biting of Serpents: And they pretend that by a perpetual Miracle, the Rock is never diminished. I will not dispute the Truth of the Matter of Fact, tho' I can assure you that there are visible Gaps or Notches in the Rock, and that they still continue to break off Pieces of it: But supposing it to be as big as ever, I see no reason why we should have recourse to a Miracle on this Occasion, since 'tis generally acknowledged, that there are some Rocks which grow naturally till they be separated from their Roots: And our Mariners, who are no very able Philosophers, showed me one in our Voyage hither, which is commonly called the Brothers; and why may not S. Paul●s Grotto be of the same Nature. But this is not the only Miracle in Malta: They tell us, that there are no Serpents in the Island, and would have us believe that this Privilege was the Effect of a Viper's biting the same Apostle, as you may read in the Acts of the Apostles. For my part, I must confess, I'm as little satisfied with this Sotry as with the other; for some Persons assure me that there are Serpents in Malta: But supposing there were none, I had occasion to mention another Island in my last, which may boast of the same Advantage; and why should the Miracle be greater here than at Guernsey, where 'tis certain there is neither Toad, Scorpion, nor any other Venomous Creature: And, which adds to the Wonder, I know that the Governor, who is a Curious Person, having ordered some of those Animals to be brought to the Island, they dy●d immediately. I'm confident if the roman-catholics were Masters of that Island, they wou●d make some Saint the Author of this Privilege, which might perhaps be pretended with less improbability, to be the effect of a supernatural Cause, than at Malta, since the Island of Jersey, which is but seven Leagues distant from Guernsey, is so extremely pestered with Serpents and Toads, that the Houses are full of 'em, and none of the Peasants dare lie upon the Ground. This, I doubt not will seem strange to you; but you will be stil● more surprised when I have told you that it reins Toads in this Island: If you suspect the Truth of this odd Phaenomenon, you may receive a Confirmation of it from any Man that has been upon the Place.  
Nature is so Mysterious and Unsearchable in her Operations, and Men are generally so apt to admire what they cannot comprehend, that their Inclination to ascribe surprising Events to supernatural Causes, may be justly reckoned an effect of their Ignorance. I'm so fully persuaded of this Truth, that I seldom or never take Notice of those Miracles that make so great a Noise in the Countries through which I have occasion to pass: And besides, since I have reason to believe that such Stories would not contribute much to your Diversion: I'm resolved to trouble you with none of 'em, unless they be either very extraordinary, or extremely ridiculous.  
I hope my next Letter shall be dated from Constantinople, for we intent to set sail to Morrow.  
I am, SIR, Your &c. Malta, June 1690.   

LETTER XII.  
SIR,  
WE sailed from Malta, June ..., and leaving Sicily on our Lefthand, entered the Archipelago. After a Voyage of fifteen Days, without any remarkable Disturbance, we arrived at the Height of Troy, and our Vessel standing in to Tenedos, both by reason of the contrary Wind, and to take in some fresh Provisions, I took this Occasion to visit the Ruins of that famous City, which are at present so obscure and inconsiderable, that unless a Man's Mind were full of the Idea of it, he might view it all over without perceiving the least reason to conclude that ever any Town stood in that place. Yet by a Curious Search, an inquisitive Traveller may find enough to convince him, that 'twas formerly of a prodigious Extent: And I observed some Marks of it in four or five different Places, two of which were about twenty Miles distant. The next Day we set sail with a favourable Wind, and entered the Canal of Constantinople, otherwise called the Hellespont, at the Mouth of which we found two Castles, one in Europe, and the other in Asia, separated by the Canal or Strait, which is about a Mile and a half broad in this Place, and retains the same breadth almost throughout. The European Castle is a Mass composed of three great Towers, surrounded with a weak and inconsiderable Wall, after the manner of a False-bray, at the Foot of which there are twenty Pieces of Cannon level with the Water. 'Tis said that they carry a fifty Pound Ball of Stone; and indeed their Mouths are so wide, that the very sight of 'em is terrible: Nevertheless, I'm apt to believe that they are not fit for Service, and even that they could not bear above one discharge, both by reason of their thinness, and because they are not mounted on Carriages. There is a Mountain behind the Castle that overlooks and commands it.  
The other Castle, which is seated upon the Asian Shore, is of a Square Figure, according to the Ancient manner of Building, defended only with some small Towers joined to the Wall; and without there is a Battery of Cannons behind a Wall, as in the other. The Captain was obliged to stop at this place, and one of the Officers of the Customhouse came on board our Ship, and accompanied us to Constantinople. Having passed the Canal, we entered into the Sea formerly called the Propontis, and at present Marmora, from the Name of an Island which contains a great quantity of very fine Marble. Twenty Miles from thence we discovered Constantinople, and had the pleasure of viewing the finest Landscape that ever I beheld; for it strikes all those who look upon it with Wonder and Astonishment. Imagine you see a great City stretched along the Shore for above six Miles, and so situated sloping towards the Sea, that you perceive at once an infinite Number of Mosques, adorned with little Domes covered with Lead, and high Turrets, which altogether make one of the most lovely Prospects in the World: Whilst the Eye is busied in contemplating this charming Variety of Objects, 'tis agreeably diverted with the sight of the Castle of the Seven Towers, and of the Seraglio, which are particularly remarkable not only for their largeness, but for a vast Number of gilt Globes and Spires, resembling little Steeples. The nearer I approached, I still discovered new Ornaments; and after I had considered at leisure so many Wonders, I was at last agreeably surprised with the Beauty of the Port: 'Tis three Miles long, and almost one broad, clean and deep throughout, even to the Shoar, the largest Ships coming up close to the Land, so that one may go on board without making use of a Boat. 'Tis strange that the Harbour is never filled up, especially near the Shore, since all the Filth of the City is cast into it, without the Advantage of a Tide to carry it away. At the Entrance into the Port there is a high square Tower, commonly called The Tower of Leander, from a Person of that Name, who, according to the Story, used to swim thither every Night to see his Mistress, who was imprisoned in the Tower. There is a Fountain on the Rock, with some Pieces of Cannon, which might defend the Entry in case of Necessity.  
As soon as we arrived, I went with the Captain to salute the Baron de Chasteauneuf, Ambassador of France, who received me very civilly. He has a good Mien, and is Master of a great deal of Wit: He was formerly Councillor in the Parliament of Paris, and was sent to the Port about the end of the last Year, in the room of Monsieur de Girardin, who died here. He is a Savoyard by birth, but a very zealous Promoter of the Interests of Franee: He spares nothing to gain the Turks; he endeavours to win 'em with Presents, Caresses, and Entertainments; his Table is always full of 'em; but his principal Care is to oblige those whom he knows to be the Favourites of the great Officers. I know one among the rest, called Soliman Aga, who is extremely debauched, and since he always finds excellent Win● at the Ambassador●s Table, he goes thither very often, and is still received with all imaginable Demonstrations of Love and Kindness. After I had the Honour to Sup with the Ambassador, I went to lodge at a Tavern, or Victualling-House. If I had resolved to have stayed long in the Country, I would have boarded in some Family, for Strangers are very ill accommodated in these Publick-Houses. Every Nation is permitted to have three; so that there would be nine in all, if the English and Dutch thought fit to make use of their Privilege: 'Tis still more difficult to obtain a Permission to keep an Oven: One must procure a special Mandamus from the Sultan for that effect, and pay a Thousand Avanies to the Bassa and Cadi; and there is only one allowed for the use of each Nation in every Town; for the Turks are so extremely afraid of Fire, that they suffer very few Ovens to be kept in their Cities. They are also very careful to prevent the Exportation of Corn; for 'tis a Capital Crime to carry it out of the Country, or even to sell it to private Families: And for the more effectual Execution of these Orders, there are certain Officers appointed to oversee the Markets, who suffer no Man to buy above 
* Somewhat more than 20 Quarters.  Four Muids at a time, nor even the least quantity, without a Licence from the Nais. Offences of this Nature are punished with so much Rigour, that if a Peasant were convicted of selling his Corn to a Christian, 'twould cost him more than 500 Bastinadoes. But before I proceed to describe the Manners and Customs of the Inhabitants, I shall give you a short Account of the City of Constantinople.  
'Tis seated in Europe, on a Point or Tongue of Land that juts out into the Sea of Marmora, in a Triangular Figure, six Miles long, and fourteen in compass, two of its sides being washed by the Sea. 'Twas founded by Pausanias, King of Sparta, who gave it the Name of Byzantium, which it retained till Constantine the Great, resolving to make it the Metropolis of the World, ordered it to be rebuilt with all imaginable Magnificence; after which it took the Name of Constantinople, or Constantine's Town; but the Turks call it Stambol. The French, in Conjunction with the Venetians, took it in 1203. and fifty Years after▪ 'twas retaken by the Greeks, who remained Masters of it till the Year 1453, when it fell into the Hands of Mahomet II. 'Tis at present the Capital City of the Ottoman Empire, as it appears by the Grand Signior's Titles, who styles himself, The Ruler of Kings, Distributer of Crowns, Lord of the White and Black Seas, of Bagdat, Grand Cairo, Aleppo, etc. and particularly of the fain City of Stambol the well-defended, which is the Desire of the Kings and Princes of the Earth.  
The Air is extremely pure, and so wholesome, that the Inhabitants are never subject to any reigning Disease but the Plague, which visits 'em every Year, and makes a dreadful Havoc among 'em. I'm apt to think that they would live till they dropped into their Graves through mere Age and Weakness, if their Days were not shortened by this Infectious Malady; and they are so little acquainted with any other mortal Distemper, that when a Frenchman assures 'em that the Plague is hardly known in his Country, they usually cry, What d'ye die of then? The Climate is so Temperate, that the Winters are never excessively Cold, and the Summer-Heats are usually allayed with a pleasant Breeze, besides the drinking of cool Liquors, which, in my Opinion, is one of the greatest Pleasures of this Life.  
In the Account I have given you of the Situation and Bigness of Constantinople, I speak only of the City which properly bears that Name; for there are four other Towns joined together, called Cassum Pacha, Galata, Pera, and Tophana, which may be considered as a part, or rather as the Suburbs of the City, since they are only separated from it by the breadth of the Port, which is so small a distance, that a Man who cries aloud, tho' without extending his Voice to the utmost, may be easily heard on the other side. In these Towns, and particularly in Pera, the Ambassadors and all the Franks live; for they are not permitted to reside at Constantinople. And 'tis to be observed, that the Name of Franks is given indifferently to Men of all Nations who wear Hats. These four Cities are about eight Miles in compass; so that if they, together with the Village of Scutaret, and some other Suburbs, be added to the City of Constantinople, and all joined together to make one vast Town, Constantinople, in this sense, would be found to be double of Paris. But there is a great variety of Opinions in this Case: Some comprehend all the abovementioned places under the Name of Constantinople, others cut off the four Cities; and there are some who include the City within the compass of its own Walls; so that almost every Traveller gives a different Account of its Extent from all others.  
The Walls with which 'tis at present surrounded, are the same that were built by Constanstine the Great, except in some places where they have been repaired. They are double on the side next the Land, with Battlements, after the Oriental fashion, and Towers from place to place; and besides, they are defended with a lined but shallow Ditch: These, with the Castle of the Seven Towers, are all the Strength of Constantinople; for the Number of its Inhabitants deserves not to be reckoned among its Advantages, since those Turks who are never accustomed to War, are so unfit to resist an Enemy, that they would only serve to consume the Provisions, and hasten a Famine: And besides, I'm persuaded that Bombs would do more execution here than in any other City in the World; for the Houses are generally of Wood, and the Streets so narrow, that in the greatest part of 'em two loaded Horses cannot go abreast. But this is not the greatest inconvenience of their manner of Building; for their Houses jut out so far near the Top, that in several places one may step from one Window to another, and cross the Street without going down from his Chamber. This Contrivance of their Houses does not proceed from want of Room, for the City is full of Gardens, and large Courts, that are perfectly useless. But tho' I cannot acquaint you with the reason that makes 'em so fond of this manner of Building, I can assure you that it exposes 'em to all those fatal Inconveniencies that are occasioned by Fire, which breaks out very frequently, and proceeds with irresistible Fury, till it meets with some Garden, or empty Place, where there are no Houses to be burnt. Among so many Instances of this Nature, I shall only take notice of one that happened in the Year 88, which made so terrible a Havoc in the City, that there were above 3000 Houses laid in Ashes. But besides the dangerous Consequences of this kind of Architecture, 'tis also very offensive to the Eye; for the Streets are extremely disfigured by this Irregularity: Nor are there any external Ornaments on the Houses to make amends for this Defect, since they are only daubed over with a nasty red Paint, laid upon the rough Wood, which is neither planed, nor cut with any other Instrument than an Axe or Saw; so that the Houses are all very ugly. Judge, Sir, what reason I had to be surprised, when after I had viewed with Amazement the magnificent Prospect of the City from the Sea of Marmora, I saw all my Expectations balked, and instead of so many Wonders, found only some Mosques, and a few Monuments of Antiquity. Not that I wou●d discourage any Curious Person from undertaking this Voyage; for tho' the Manners and Customs of the Inhabitants ought never to be proposed for Imitation, they are so odd and singular, that an Inquisitive Traveller may employ his Time and Curiosity with a great deal of Pleasure in observing 'em. The Turks are opposite to us in almost all respects: We content ourselves with one Wife, They marry several Wives; Our Habit is short, Theirs long; We wear our Hair long, and our Beards shaved, They shave their Hair, and suffer their Beards to grow; We write in a straight Line from Left to Right, and They in a crooked from Right to Left. I could easily add several other Instances of the same Nature, since the Opposition reaches even to the meanest Actions, such as the easing of Nature; for they crouch down to Piss, like Women, and when they have done, rub their Privities on a Wall, which they think purifies 'em.  
Two Days after our Arrival at Galata, the Captain and I went to see Constantinople, with the French Interpreter, who accompanied us on purpose to show us all the Curiosities. There are always so many Boats passing from one side to another, that the Port is usually covered with 'em, and their Fare is only an Asper. We took Boat at the Customhouse, and entered the City at the Gate of Galata, or the next Gate to the Seraglio, which we kept on our Lefthand, and went straight to the Besestin, which is a distinct Canton of the City, enclosed with Gates and Walls, where all the Merchants keep Shops. This is the finest and most regular place in Constantinople, not unlike to the places that are appointed for the keeping of Fairs among us, such as that of S. german at Paris: The Streets are divided after the same manner, and covered above with Planks joined together upon Rafters, which form a kind of Roof, sufficient to secure the place against all the Inconveniences of bad Wether, tho' there are Holes left to let in the Light. Here all the finest and most precious Wares of Constantinople are to be seen; for every Merchant keeps a Shop in this Place, as it were for a Pattern of all the Goods contained in his Warehouse; and the Shops are ranked and disposed in such excellent Order, that the Buyer may dispatch his Business in less than a quarter of an Hour; for all the Trades are separated, and confined to their proper places. Thus one part of the Besestin is possessed by the goldsmiths, whose Work, indeed, is not so fine, nor their Shops so well furnished as in France or England; but I only speak here of their Order and Regularity: Another place is set apart for the Drapers, or those who sell Dutch, French, and English Cloth: Not far from thence are the Sellers of Silk Stuffs, and Gold and Silver Brocado's; the Makers of Talpo, or Head-Dresses for Women, which are very magnificent; the Babouchi, or Shoemakers, the Tailors, Grocers, and all sort of Shopkeepers, have also their distinct Streets. The Gates are shut every Evening at Ten a Clock, by Persons who are hired for that purpose, and those who have occasion to pass this way later, must give two or three Pence to the Porters, who wait constantly at the Gates. This is the only place in Constantinople where there are Shops; for the rest of the City consists only of little and narrow Streets, which for the most part are so desolate that one may pass through the Town without meeting so many Persons as Streets, unless in the Public Places, such as the Hyppodrome, whither we went after we had viewed the Besestin. This spacious Place was built by the Emperor Constantine, for Exercises on Horseback, and is still called by the Turks, the Place of Horses. 'Tis an Oblong Square, 400 Paces long, and about 200 broad. Towards the End opposite to the Seraglio, there are two Obelisks; the first consisting of one Stone, is seventy Foot high, adorned with several Hieroglyphical Figures in Relief, and placed on a square Marble Pedestal. On one of the Faces of the Pedestal, there is a Latin Inscription, so ancient and worn, that all that can be learned by it is, that it was built by Theodosius: The second contains a like Inscription in Greek: The third is adorned with the Figure of the Emperor seated on a Throne, and accompanied with his great Officers; and in the fourth there is a Representation of a Battle, in Memory of some Victory obtained over that Prince's Enemies. The other Obelisk is a sharp pointed Pyramid, built of Free-Stones, without any Inscription, and begins to decay extremely. Near these Obelisks there is a Brazen Pillar of a considerable height, commonly called the Serpentine Column, because it consists of three Serpents wreathed and twisted together, with their Tails fastened in the Ground, and ending at the Top in three gaping Heads, which seem to hiss, and threaten the three parts of the World that were known in that Age. Some pretend that this Column is a Hieroglyphical Representation of the united Empires of the East and West, extending their Dominion over the whole Universe: But the most common Opinion is, that in the time of the Emperor Leo Isaurus, who was a great Magician, there were three Monstruous Serpents, who made so prodigious a Havoc in the Country about Constantinople, that the People were forced to abandon their Habitations; and that the Emperor drew these Serpents by Enchantment into a large Ditch, which he made in the middle of the Hippodrome, where they were killed, and covered with Earth. The Story adds, that to prevent a like Misfortune for the future, this Column was erected by the same Prince, as a Talisman against Serpents, of which there are at present very few in the Country. One of these Heads wants the the Nether-Jaw, and 'tis said that Sultan Morat broke it off with his Hand. The Turks boast much of the wonderful Strength of that Emperor, as a Memorial of which, they preserve in the Castle of Grand Cairo, ten great Bucklers pierced with a Stake, or Wooden Javelin, which they pretend he darted at 'em; the Stake sticking still in the Bucklers, and keeping 'em all joyn●d together.  
The Story of the Serpentine Column is not the only fabulous Tradition concerning the Emperor Leo. The Greeks, especially, who are without Contradiction the most superstitious People in the World, and most addicted to Miracles, take pleasure in relating a Thousand Wonders of the Life of that Prince. For Example: They tell us that he made two Tortoises, by Art Magic, of a surprising bigness, which drew his Chariot, and both Eat and Drank, tho' they were not natural Animals; adding, that these Tertois●s are still to be seen in the Grand Signior's Garden, but that they have remained immovable ever since his Death. They pretend also that the same Emperor made a Tree with its Franches and Leaves so artificially contriv●d, that they seemed to be perfectly Natural, and that the Boughs were filled with a hundred Magical Birds of different kinds, who upon the least breath of Wind, warbled out their various Notes, and all together made a most charming Melody. These are some of the Tales with which the Greeks are wont to talk Men asleep.  
There are two other Columns in Constantinople, one called the Historical, and the other the Burnt Column; for the last was actually burnt. Adjoining to these we saw a large Court, appointed for the use of Archers: The Master of the Sport presented us with a Bow, and we had the Pleasure to shoot some Arrows at the Mark, which was fastened on a Wall, and contained several lesser Marks, gradually decreasing, so that the least was not bigger than a Dutch Skelling; and yet I saw several Persons who hit at every Shoot, tho' they stood 100 Paces off.  
In our return to Galata we passed by Sancta Sophia, which is at present the principal Mosque of the City. There are several Doors that lead into a Portico, which brought us immediately into the Mosque. 'Tis 120 Paces long, and 80 broad: The Walls are Square, but the Vault or Roof is Round, and so artificially contrived, that so large a Structure is supported without any Columns; for those Rows of Columns that form the two lower Porticoes, serve only for Ornament, and are so placed that they cannot be supposed to carry any other weight than that of two Galleries; and even the greatest part of these Columns are so old, that they are forced to bind 'em about with great Iron Hoops, to prevent their falling. I know not what could occasion all those Chinks that are observed in 'em, for they are built of a very hard and polished Stone, which some think is a kind of Marble, tho' others believe it to be the Serpentine Stone. There are thirty on each side, about sixteen Foot high, with very fine Cornices: The Vault of the Mosque retains almost all its ancient Beauty; 'tis enriched with a very fine Mosaic Work, consisting of little gilt Stones so exactly joined together, that they remain almost perfectly entire after so many Ages.  
At the four Corners of the Building where the Vault begins to be round, the four Beasts mentioned in the Apocalypse, are painted in Mosaic; only the Turks have disfigured their Faces, as they have also done to an Image of Our Saviour, which is over the principal Door, represented after the Greek Fashion, upon a Throne, with his Hand lifted, and two of his Fingers stretched out, to bless a Saint, who lies prostrate before him, with his Face on the Ground, the Virgin appearing on the other side. Over the same Door there is also a Basso-Relievo, representing the Holy Ghost in the form of a Dove, which the Turks have not in the least disfigured. The Tomb of Constantine remains also entire, which the Turks hold in great Veneration; as well as the Stone on which the Virgin washed Our Saviour's Linen. This Temple is paved with very fine Marble, and the Floor is covered with Mats; not to keep it from being foiled, for they always put off their Babouche's, or Shoes, before they enter; but by reason of the coldness of the Marble, which might incommode those who come to perform their Devotions in this place, especially since they kneel or crouch down, almost after the same manner as they sit upon their Sopha's. The Keeper of the Temple was easily bribed to permit me to satisfy my Curiosity with a distinct view of all the Curiosities I have described: But these Officers are not always in so good a Humour; for sometimes they are very civil, and soon prevailed with to admit a Stranger into the Temple; but at other times they are so Surly and Obstinate, that one can hardly procure that Satisfaction at the rate of ten Pistoles. 'Tis true, indeed, they are expressly forbidden to grant that favour to Christians; and the permission which is sometimes given to Franks, is only an effect of their Indulgence: For if a Greek or jew were found in the Mosque, he would either be immediately put to Death, or constrained to save his Life by renouncing his Religion.  
Sophia is a Greek Word, signifying Wisdom, and this Temple was so called by the Emperor Justinian, who consecrated it to the Sovereign Wisdom. I shall briefly acquaint you with the History of its Foundation, as I had it from the Greeks. You may depend upon the fidelity of my Relation; but I dare not undertake to justify the Credit of my Authors.  
The Emperor justinian being dangerously sick, his Physician, called Samson, whose Mind was no less enlightened by the Inspirations of the Holy Ghost, than by the Knowledge of Philosophy, and of the Art which he professed, told him, that his Distemper was of such a Nature, that it could not be cured by the Precepts of Physic, and that he must depend wholly upon the Assistance of Heaven, advising him to make some Religious Vows, and encouraging him with some Assurances that God would hear his Prayer. The Devout Prince cheerfully embraced his Counsel, and vowed to build a Temple which should surpass all the Churches of the World in Magnificence. God was pleased with the sincerity of his Devotion; he rewarded his Faith, and rescued him from the Jaws of Death: Nor was justinian unmindful of his Duty to his Gracious Deliverer. In order to the performance of his Vow, he framed the Model of the Church of Sancta Sophia, such as 'tis at present, and employed a vast Number of Workmen on the intended Building: But he had the Misfortune to see all his Treasures exhausted before the third part of the Work was completed; so that he could neither prosecute his Design, nor so much as pay 50 Days Wages which he owed to the Workmen; for Christian Emperors had not then assumed the power of imposing Taxes on their Subjects, without an indispensable Necessity. He was so overcome with Sorrow when he saw that he could neither finish so pious a Work, nor, do Justice to the poor Men whom he had employed, that he burst forth into Tears, and retired to his Closet, where he was breathing out his Complaints in the presence of his God; when a sudden Light shone through the Room, and discovered a Youth of incomparable Beauty, who assured the sorrowful Emperor that God had seen his Tears, and heard his Prayers, and told him that he might quickly be happy if he would send some of his Servants and 50 Camels along with him. Justinian's Heart was filled with Joy at the hearing of such welcome and unexpected Tidings: He commanded twenty of his Servants, with fifty Camels, to attend the bright Messenger, who carried 'em out of Constantinople to a Field, where they found a stately Palace, tho' there was never any Building seen in that place either before or since. The Beauteous Youth, or rather Angel, (for so it seems he was) opened the Gates of this Magnificent Structure, and led 'em to a Hall, where they saw vast Heaps of Gold, Silver, and all sorts of Jewels: He ordered 'em to load their Camels; and then both he and the Palace disappeared, only the Treasure remained, which the Emperor received with all the Marks of a joyful Gratitude, and employed it in building and adorning the Church of Sancta Sophia in so admirable a manner, that the Temple of Solomon in its highest Glory, was neither more Beautiful nor Magnificent. He built also with the same Money a large and stately Hospital, where Persons of all Nations were charitably entertained. And since there was still a great quantity of Treasure left, which the Emperor's Piety would not suffer him to employ in profane Uses, he ordered the Jewels to be samped to Powder, and the Gold and Silver to be melted, and mixing 'em all together, he made the most precious Table that ever adorned a Temple, and placed it on the High Altar, to serve at the daily Consecration of the Sacrament, where it remained till the Venetians carried it away with those admirable Brazen Gates, which are at present to be seen at S. Mark's. But God would not suffer so Holy a Piece to become a Prey to those who could not pretend any right to it; the Galley that carried it opened miraculously at the Mouth of the Canal, in the Sea of Marmora, where it sunk, and was never afterwards found.  
This, Sir, (if you have Faith enough to believe it) is the Original of Sancta Sophia, which was formerly a Christian Church, and is now a Turkish Mosque. 'Tis at present the only Ancient Structure of that Nature in Constantinople; for all the rest were built in this and the last Age, by the Sultan's or Sultanesses, whose Names they bear. There are seven or eight particularly remarkable, I mean those of the Sultan's Mahomet, Achmet, Solyman, and Selim, with those of Chazadet, and Validé, and some others, built after the same Model, and differing only in the largeness of the Structure, the Number of the Fountains, and variety of the Painting; so that the Description of one will give a just Idea of all the rest, and therefore I shall make choice of that of Valide, which is the newest and most beautiful Mosque I have yet seen: 'Twas built by the Sultaness Validé, Mother of Sultan Mahomet IU. and is seated in the midst of a large square Court, resembling a vast Cloister, because of the arched Roofs that environ it in form of Porticoes; under which there are many Fountains with Cocks, where those who are polluted may wash themselves before they enter the Mosque. It has but one Gate, surrounded with a Portico of a considerable height, paved with white and black Marble, and supported by sixty four Columns of red Marble, eight of which are of Porphyry, placed near the Entry, but of no very regular Design, because the bigness of the Pieces is preserved entire: The Plafond is adorned with Painting and Figures, after the Turkish manner, of which afterwards you may expect a more particular Account. The Portico is covered with little Domes, with a very large one in the middle, over-topping the rest; the whole Structure consisting of Mason's-Work covered with Lead. At the four Corners of the Building there are four Turrets, called Minarets, built of Freestone, and so small that there is just room enough within for a little Winding-Stair-case, reaching to three fourth parts of the Height, which the Muezans, or Marabouds, ascend every Morning and Evening, to give the People notice of the appointed times of Prayer, shouting till they are out of Breath, with an extremely harsh and disagreeable Tone; for they begin with a very low Voice, and raising it by degrees, end in a very loud Shriek, so that 'twould be impossible to understand 'em, if the People were not already acquainted with what they say. As they cry, they clap their Hands upon their Ears, and go round the Turret in a little Balcony, that their Voice may be heard through the whole Town, repeating these Words; Allah ekber, allah ekber, allah ekber, eschadou in la illah, illallah, high alle salla, high alle salla, allah ekber, allah ekber, allah ekber, la illah, illallah. God is Great, God is Great, God is Great; give testimony that there is but One God: Come yield yourselves up to his Mercy, and pray him to forgive you your Sins. God is Great, God is Great, God is Great, there is no other God but God. These Turrets are very high, and for the most part end in a Globe or Crescent, which is sometimes Gilt. This is a brief Representation of the external Architecture of Valid●, and consequently of the other Mosques. Within they are either vaulted, or covered with a Plafond: That of Validé is vaulted, and adorned with a great Number of Lamps, and Globes of Glass. When they say Prayers, they turn their Face towards a large Frame at the end of the Mosque, in the same place where the High-Altar stands in Roman-Catholick Churches. There is no Figure represented on this Frame or Table, only the Name of GOD is written on it in Arabic Characters; and over-against it stands two Brazen Candlesticks, with a Taper of Virgin-Wax in each, bigger than a Man's Thigh. In the Mosques that are founded by Emperôrs, there is usually a Turbé, or little Chapel, in which they are buried. Some Sultan's have built Turbe's apart, resembling little Mosques. Those of Amurat and Solyman I. are thè finest: The Body of the last lies in a Coffin, like those that are used in France, covered with a large piece of Tapestry, with a Turban on his Head, in which there are two fine Aigrets. In the Turbé of Amurat there are Eleven of his Children placed round him, with two of his Wives; and at the Head of the Coffin there is a little Cupboard or Press, where his Prayer-Books are kept, which, are adorned with Gold and Precious-Stones, appearing through a Latin Grate, and all Mussulmen are permitted to read there, for the Repose of the Souls of the deceased. The Keepers of the Turbé are also obliged to pray for 'em at certain Hours of the Day. This Sepulchre is not very magnificent.  
Having seen all the abovementioned places, we returned to Galata, resolving to spend another Day in visiting the rest of the Curiosities at Constantinople, which will furnish me with Matter for another Letter. In the mean time I am,  
SIR, Your. etc. Constantinople; July, 1690.   

LETTER XIII.  
SIR,  
THere are so few Palaces or other remarkable Buildings in Constantinople, that in two Days I completed my Walk through the City; and the Observations I made are so inconsiderable, that I shall easily be able to finish, in this Letter, the Description which I began in the last.  
The Grand Signior▪ s Arsenal is at the End of the Port, beyond Cassum Pacha and Galata. I found the Building better than I expected, after what I had seen in the rest of the City; and besides, it contains a considerable extent of Ground: The Galleys are laid up under 120 Arches, and 'tis said there are Arms in it for 60000 Men. But the Magazines are inaccessible to Christians, and they are only permitted to see the Baths where the Sultan's Slaves are shut up; the Number of these Wretch's amounts to several Thousands; and their Lodgings are so miserable, that I repented the Curiosity that engaged me in so unpleasant a Visit. The Captain Bassa lives in the Arsenal, with all the Officers of the Admiralty, that they may be always ready upon the Spot to receive his Orders.  
Constantinople is full of certain Houses, which the Poverty and ill Customs of the place have rendered necessary, I mean the Hans and Karavanseraïs'. The Hans consist of four Sides of Building, enclosing a large square Court, in which there is always a Fountain, either in the midst, or in some other part of it. The Walls are very strong, and the Windows well barred, to secure the Goods that are laid in the Warehouses. The Roof consists of little Domes covered with Lead, like those of the Mosques. These Houses are appointed for the Entertainment of Foreign Merchants: They contain only two Stories, divided into Rooms, which have not the least Communication with one another. The lower Story is composed of Warehouses for the Goods, and the upper is divided into little Chambers, where the Merchant's Lodge, but they must take care to furnish themselves with Beds, Pots, Dishes, etc. for they are only accommodated here with four bare Walls; and after they have provided their Furniture, they must buy their Meat at the Market or Bazar, and Dress it themselves, since otherwise they might starve with their Pockets full of Money. And, in the general, the way of Travelling in this Country is so inconvenient and troublesome, that this Consideration alone may serve to discourage any Man that loves his Ease from visiting it out of pure Curiosity. For in the first place you must neither expect Coach, Wagon, Boat, Horses, nor any other convenient Carriage. If your Affairs oblige you to undertake a Journey, tho' not above 100 Leagues, you must wait three Months for a Caravan, which, after all, will not Travel above four Leagues a day, and carry no other Provisions but Rice, Biscuit, and Salt Beef, on which you must make a shift to live, and encamp every Night till you arrive at your Journeys end, where, if you have not the conveniency of Lodging with a particular Friend, 'twill be in vain to inquire for the King's-Head, the White-Cross, or the Golden-Lyon: You must even creep into a Han with a hundred Wretches, whose Brutishness is altogether insupportable, and reckon yourself happy when ye can find such a Lodging, which, after all, is better than Encamping with the Caravan.  
You will, perhaps, think it impossible to represent a more frightful Idea of Travelling; but I can assure you, that all these Inconveniencies are not comparable to those which they who Travel to Persia, or cross the Deserts of Arabia, must resolve to undergo. They must Travel six Months together exposed to all the Inconveniencies of bad Wether, and for the most part in burning Sand, where there is neither a Stalk of Grass, nor a Spring to quench their Thirst. Besides, they are perpetually in danger of being surprised by the Arabs, who rob and kill all that come in their way. But all these Incommodities may be either more easily avoided or supported than those terrible Distempers that usually seize European Travellers, who are not accustomed to such hot Climates and fatiguing Journeys. I shall take this occasion to relate a Story of one of my Friends who returned, not long ago, from Poland, whither he went about the beginning of the last Year by the King's Order, in the quality of an Interpreter with Monsieur de Chateauneuf's Chancellor, called Beauchesne. He was seized by the way with a violent Fever and Looseness, which brought him so low, and made him so troublesome to the Caravan-Bachi, or Captain of the Caravan, that his Companions would have left him to perish without assistance, if that Officer had not been afraid to run the hazard of offending the Ambassador; yet he assured me that all their respect to Monsieur Chateauneuf could not have protected him, if the Fever had seized on his Head, and so made him incapable of sitting on Horseback. But these are not the only disadvantages which Travellers suffer in this Country; they are exposed to a thousand other vexatious Accidents, and are constantly plagued with the Brutish Humours of the Camel-drivers. We are wont to complain of the Sauciness of Carriers and Coachmen; but I assure you they would be reckoned very mild and tractable in this Country, where every Camel-driver is as haughty as a Lord, and the poor Traveller must keep in his Post under pain of a Bastanado, which he must take very patiently, for if he should offer to return the Blow, I would not ensure his Life for all the Money in the Caravan.  
I thought myself obliged to give you a faithful Account of all these Inconveniencies, which most Travellers study to conceal; that, if any of your Friends have a mind to undertake the same Voyage, they may at least have the advantage of knowing what they are to expect, which they could not have done if I had only given you a view of the pleasant and bright side of a Traveller's Entertainment. For my part, I must confess I had so strong an Inclination to Travelling, that I know not whether I should have stopped on this side China, if I had not met with so many discouraging Rubs: But my Curiosity is wonderfully abated of late, and I'm so perfectly cured of my gadding Humour, that I'm resolved to confine myself hereafter to Europe, and to Travel only in such Places where I may find, at least, a piece of Beef, and a pair of clean Sheets at Night.  
Since I had occasion to mention Beauchesne's Journey to Poland, 'twill not be improper to give you a short account of the cause of it.  
The Turks being informed of the great Losses which the French sustained during the Campaign of 1689. and of the ill-fortune that attended His Majesty's Arms in Flanders, where the Marshal D' Humiere was unsuccessful in the only attempt he made, began to give less credit to the French Ambassador's smooth Harangues, and to desire a Peace with the Emperor. The Grand Visier spoke of it several times to Sir William Trumbal and Monsieur Collier, the English and Dutch Ambassadors, and sent Orders to His Master's Envoys at Vienna to hasten the desired Accommodation. And certainly the Grand Signior had reason to wish for a Peace, for his Affairs were in a very hopeless condition. At the beginning of the Campaign his Troops suffered a considerable disadvantage in Croatia, where they lost above 2000 Men, with several Ensigns, and the Bassa who Commanded 'em. The Prince of Baden afterwards Routed 'em thrice in three memorable Battles, and they saw themselves exposed to all the Insults of the Imperialists, who talked of nothing less than of Besieging Constantinople. Temeswaer, Canissa, and Waradin, the only places they possessed in Hungary, were closely Blocked up without any hope of Relief. Thus 'twas plainly the Interest of the Turks to accept of the Proposals that were made by their Victorious Enemies: But the King's Interest was on this occasion directly opposite to that of his Allies. He dreaded the fatal consequences of such a Resolution and left no means unessayed to prevent its taking effect. He cajoled the Grand Signior more than ever, and flattered him with the hope of making a separate Peace with the Polanders, since they had already entered into a Negotiation with the Tartars, and had sent Deputies for that effect to Count Tekeli, who was to perform the Office of a Mediator between 'em. This Stratagem produced the desired effect, and the Turk was the more easily deluded, because he knew that not long before there happened a sort of Quarrel between the Courts of Poland and Vienna. For the Emperor had granted his Protection to the Moldavians, and on that score was to receive the same Tribute which they formerly paid to the Turks. The King of Poland pretended a right to that Province, as an ancient Fief of his Crown: But the Emperor would not give him any satisfaction, and even refused to answer the Polish Ambassador's Remonstrances on that subject. In the mean time the French and Turkish Ambassadors at the Court of Poland, were not idle Spectators of so favourable a Juncture, they endeavoured to foment the difference, and Beauchesne was dispatched thither with several Instructions both from the King his Master, and from the Grand Visier. But all their Negotiations were unsuccessful, for they could not prevail with the King of Poland to break his Confederacy with the Emperor.  
I will not trouble you with an Apology for the length of this digression, into which the way of Travelling in Turkey has insensibly engaged me. For since at the beginning of our Correspondence I resolved to entertain you from time to time with a familiar account, not only of my own Observations, but of what I should learn from others; I see no reason why the prosecution of that design should oblige me to a nice observance of an exact and regular Method.  
I have already told you, that there are two sorts of Public Houses in Constantinople; the Hans, and the Karavanseraïs': And I shall take this occasion to add a short description of the Second to the larger account I gave you of the First.  
They are both built after the same manner, only the Hans are enclosed with good thick Walls, whereas the Stonework in the Karavanseraïs' reaches no higher than the first or lower Story, the second being built of Wood, and covered with Bricks. They have only one Gate, as well as the Hans, and serve to lodge poor Strangers, and the Servants of the Caravans; for which reason they are called Karavanseraï, or the Houses of the Caravans. All Indigent Persons resort to 'em, paying from half a Crown, to a Crown a Month, according to the fineness of the House, or the advantages of its Situation.  
After we had taken a slight view of several of these Houses, we went to the Grand Signior's Seraglio, which I cannot describe exactly, since I was not suffered to go further than the second Court, tho' I was accompanied by an Aga of the Janissaries, to whom I had been effectually recommended, and without whose assistance I must have contented myself with a view of the first. The Seraglio is built on a Point of Land that juts out into the Sea, which I had occasion to mention when I described the situation of the City. 'Tis surrounded with high Walls of a greyish Stone, with a Parapet at the top, and Battlements like those of the City. It contains a vast extent of Ground, almost four Miles in compass, the greatest part of which is taken up with Gardens. The Structure is irregular, and very unsuitable to the boasted Magnificence of its Master: For 'tis only a vast heap of Buildings not unlike to some old Castles in Christendom; and you see nothing on the outside but a confused medley of Houses, adorned with those little gilt Spires and Globes I mentioned in my last, in which all its Beauty consists. The rest of the Building is so mean, that a Man would never imagine it to be the Seraglio, that admired Palace of the Grand Signior. The principal Entry is near Sancta Sophia, and exactly resembles the Gate of an old paltry Town, without either Architecture or Ornament: Yet 'tis carefully guarded by the Capigi, who keep their Court of Guard under it, and sit on Benches of Stone. This Gate led us into a large Court, where on the right hand we observed the Apartments for the Sick, with large Matted Sopha's along the Walls, where the Diseased Persons are placed, and lodged as poorly as if they were in a Hospital. On the left hand are Magazines containing Arms for a Thousand Men, that in case of necessity the Grand Signior may arm his Domestic Servants for the security of his Person. But notwithstanding this Precaution, Ibrahim was Strangled, Mahomet dethroned, and Solyman Poisoned, not to mention the Tragical Ends of so many other Princes of the same Line, whose Guards could not protect 'em from the fury of a Seditious Multitude. From this Court we passed into another, bordered with two large Porticoes. The Grand Signior's Kitchens are on one side, which are not kept very hot at present, since he chooses to reside at Adrianople: Yet I observed some Persons preparing Pilo, Pasties, and Fish, for the Women in the old Seraglio. On the other Side are the Stables, where there is Room and Accommodation for a hundred Horses. If your Curiosity be not satisfied with so imperfect an Account of so famous a Place, you must consult those who were permitted to enter farther.  
Very near this Seraglio, and within the same Enclosure, there is another Edifice, commonly called The Old Seraglio. 'Twas erected by one who was no Lover of ill-contrived Structures, I mean Constantine the Great; and yet 'tis certainly a very ugly Mass of Building, surrounded with Walls of an unusual Height, without any Windows on the Outside. I will not undertake to justify the Design of the Founder, tho' we may be allowed to suppose that he had some secret Reasons for contriving it after this Manner. Besides I only saw the Back of it, and perhaps the Front may be more regularly built. Here the reigning Sultan shuts up the Wives of his Predecessors, who at their Entrance into this Place may bid adieu to all the Pleasures of this Life.  
The present Sultan's Wives are lodged in a Third Seraglio, which is joined so close to that of the Grand Signior, that he may pass from one to the other without exposing himself to the Rain. I need not tell you with what severity they are guarded by the white and black Eunuches, who never permit 'em to enjoy the least Shadow of Liberty. All the Relations of Travellers are full of Stories and Reflections on this Subject, and therefore instead of repeating the Observations of others, I shall only add, that 'tis a Capital Crime to look upon one of these Women. I saw a Turk at Galata whose Father was strangled for so dangerous a piece of Curiosity, under the Reign of Amurath, whose Memory will not be easily forgotten in the Places that were subject to his Dominion; for he was certainly one of the severest and most vigilant Princes in the World. 'Twas his daily Custom to walk in Disguise through the City, that he might be an Eye-witness of the Care that was taken to put the Laws in Execution; and he seldom or never walked the Rounds without leaving some headless Monuments of his Justice: besides he frequently observed what was done in the City from his Seraglio, by the help of some excellent Prospective-Glasses, with which the Venetians had presented him. One day as he was making his usual. Observations, he perceived a Man in Pera, who had also a Prospective-Glass, and was viewing the Sultanesses, who were walking in the Garden. Immediately he called a Capigi, and commanded him to go with four Mutes to such a House, and hang a Man, whom he described, at the Window; which the Capigi executed, and Amurath saw him and was satisfied.  
From the Account I have given you of the Sultan's Palace, you may reasonably conclude that the great Officers of the Empire are but meanly lodged. Most of their Houses are enclosed in a kind of Park, which contains a Garden, and a large Court bordered with Stables on one side, and Kitchens on the other. The finest I have yet seen is that of Haly Bassa, Kaimacan of Constantinople, whither I attended the Ambassador, when he received the first Audience of that Minister, which was performed with the following Ceremonies.  
The Audience which the Caimakan of Constantinople gave to Mr. de Chateauneuf the French Ambassador P. 169  
Then putting some odoriferous Matter into a Censer, they perfumed his Head and clothes, holding a large Cloth or Napkin above him to keep the Fumes from evaporating. After this Ceremony was over, they brought Coffee, Sherbet, and at last the usual Presents, consisting of Twenty five Vests, which were laid before the Kaimacan. The first was for the Ambassador, and the rest for his twenty four Attendants, who were called in Order by his Steward.  
According as our Names were called, we stepped forwards to receive the Vests from one of the Kaimacan's Officers, who first spread it before the Ambassador, and then put it on our Shoulders. These Vests are such inconsiderable Trifles, that the presenting of 'em seems rather an Affront than a Mark of Esteem; for they are not worth above three Half-Crowns apiece. They are made of Cotton, branched with a little Silk of several Colours, after a very odd and fantastical Manner. The Ambassadour's was not finer than the rest, only spangled here and there with a little paltry Gold. I'm informed that this Custom of presenting Vests is an usual Ceremony among the Turks, proceeding from their extreme Desire of Presents, which is the usual Foundation of their Kindness and Affection: for 'twould be reckoned as ridiculous, as 'tis in vain, to endeavour to acquire their Friendship, or convince 'em of the Sincerity of our Love by Protestations and other Marks of Affection, if they be not accompanied with Presents. I can assure you that all my Turkish Acquaintances are of the same Humour: and this Custom prevails so universally that every one is obliged to comply with it.  
After we had received our Vests, his Excellency retired with the Kaimacan to a private Chamber, to discourse of secret Affairs. In the mean time we had leisure to view the Apartments of the House, which were all opened to us; tho' we might have contented ourselves with the Sight of one, since there is no difference between 'em; and therefore 'twill be an easy Task to gratify your Curiosity with a Description of 'em. You must not expect a long Catalogue of rare Pictures, magnificent Beds, large Looking-Glasses, silver Tables, curious Hangings, and other rich Furniture: for there are no such Ornaments in the House. Four bare Walls, a Plafond or Ceiling, and a Sopha are all the Riches and all the Beauty of their Rooms. 'Tis true their Plafonds are very fine, and painted all over with Cochineel, Gold, and Azure: their way of designing is peculiar to themselves, but its Oddness does not make it less pleasant; 'Tis a kind of Moresco, the Figures entering into one another, and appearing the same on all sides; and it must be acknowledged that the Turks have very fruitful Inventions, for, I believe, there are a Million of several Sorts of Figures. The middle of the Plafond is usually richer than the rest, both in Gilding and Painting; but 'tis impossible to make you comprehend either of 'em, unless you had seen something of a like Nature, which, I believe, you never did, since there is not one Room in France thus adorned. The Walls are also covered with the same sort of Paint instead of Hangings: and as for the Sopha, I cannot represent it better than as a Bench about two Foot high, reaching from one end of the Chamber to the other, on the Side next the Street, under the Windows, which begin a Foot higher in the Wall: 'tis always between ten and eleven Foot broad, and covered with Turkish or Persian Tapestry; besides which there are Mats laid along the Wall, 4 or 5 foot broad, covered with Cloth or Velvet, and over these there are large Cushions, stuffed with Hair or Wool. These Cushions in great men's Houses are either curiously embroidered, or made of a rich Cloth of Gold: and 'tis here that the Turks sit night and day crosslegged like Tailors, smoking Tobacco, and drinking Coffee, without any other Diversion than playing with Shells, and sometimes a Game at Trictrac, or the Goose. But since I shall have occasion hereafter to speak of their Recreations, I shall at present only give you an Account of their Houses.  
While the Ambassador was discoursing in private with the Kaimacan, I went down to the Garden, which is not above 100 Paces long, and 60 broad: the Walks are graveled, bordered in some places with Orange-Trees, and in others with Fruit-Trees. The square Beds in the Garden are not cut and bordered like our Flower-Plots, but only separated with Divisions, and filled with Flowers, of which the Turks are very curious. In the Middle there is a pretty large Basin of Water, from the Centre of which there rises a little Marble Spire, gilt and painted after the Turkish Manner, and casting forth Water through four Pipes. There are also two other Basins at each End of the Garden, which are more remarkable for the peculiar Oddness of their Structure, than for their Beauty. They are framed almost like Sentinels wooden Boxes, only they are not quite so deep, and there is a kind of Chapter on the Top, adorned with Gild and Figures. The Inside is cut into the Form of Scallop-Shells, on which the Water falling makes a great number of little Cascades that run into a Basin, and form another large Cascade, the Water of which is received into a Sort of Tub or Vat, and from thence through several Holes, runs into little Canals about the Breadth of four Fingers, cut out of a large Marble Pavement that reaches from these Fountains to the Basin in the Middle of the Garden. The Pavement was contrived on purpose for the Conveniency of cutting out these little winding Canals, which forming a vast number of regular and very pleasant Figures, fall at last into the great Basin. This, Sir, is the best Account I can give you of the Kaimacan's Garden, which may serve for all the rest I have hitherto had occasion to see, since there is no great Difference between 'em. As for the House, 'tis a great Mass of Building, the Front consisting of a high and broad Staircase divided by two Galleries that reach from one end of the House to the other; and the whole is daubed over very coarsely with a sort of Red and Green Paint. Under the Staircase there is a large square Gate, that leads into a Court surrounded with Galleries like the first, and supported with wooden Pillars. Here the Kaimacan's Servants lodge, whose number may amount to fifty or sixty, all clothed after the same manner, with a Cafetan or white Coat, that covers 'em from Head to Foot. From thence I went to view the Stables, which in this Country is usually the best furnished part of the House; and in these I observed forty good Horses. After I had satisfied my Curiosity with a View of all that was remarkable below, I went up again to my Companions, and sat drinking Sherbet, till the Ambassador came out. The Kiaia accompanied him to the Foot of the Stairs, where he received him at his coming, with the same Officers that supported him under the Arms; but the Kaimacan came not out of his Chamber, which in my Opinion was a little too stately for a Person of his Character. The Ambassador did not pull off his Hat, either at his coming in or going out: not that he slighted the Kaimacan, but out of pure Compliance to the Manners of the Turks, who never uncover their Heads before Persons for whom they have the least Respect. I had forgot to tell you, that when he entered the Chamber all the Kaimacan's Servants bellowed out thrice, Is alla Malec allec is alla: and at his Departure he was saluted with another Hollow; which is the usual Welcome and Farewell of the Turks to Persons whom they intent to treat with particular Marks of Honour. I am,  
SIR, Your &c. Constantinople, Aug. 1690.   

LETTER XIV.  
SIR,  
MY unexpected stay in this City has procured me the splendid, or rather the mortifying sight of Sultan Solyman's Triumphant Entry into Constantinople, at the end of so successful a Campaign. The Turks are so puffed up with the advantageous Progress of their Arms this Summer, and both their Contempt and Hatred of the Imperialists are so extremely heightened that they look upon 'em as dead Dogs, ripe for destruction, and flatter themselves with the Chimerical Hope of seeing Vienna once again Besieged the next Campaign. The sight of so great a quantity of Booty which was brought from Hungary, and is sold almost for nothing in this City, has swollen their Pride to such a height, that they usually treat Christians with intolerable Insolence, except the French, whom they call their Friends and Allies. When they accidentally meet a Frank, whom they know not, their first Question is, What Countryman are you? and if he answers,  

* I'm a Frenchman.  Sono Francese, immediately they embrace him, and patting him gently on the Shoulder, reply, 
† We are Brothers.  Siamo Fratelli.  
The Inhabitants of this City have not seen these many Years a more Magnificent Ceremony than the late Entry of the Grand Signior, which was made in the following Order: First marched 200 Capigi, or Keepers of the Grand Signior's Gate, with tapering Caps, and a Cone, or sharp-pointed piece of Cloth hanging down to their Noses; they were Commanded by the Capigi-Bachi. After 'em came the Sorlaques, or Foot-Guards of the Body, consisting of, old picked Soldiers who expect Preferment: They wore tucked up Gowns, carrying their Bows in their Lefthand, and Quivers on their Shoulders: Their Caps were of Cloth, like those of the Capigi, but instead of a Cone they were only adorned with Plumes of Feathers. A Thousand Janissaries marched after 'em, Clad in Red, with Zercola's on their Head, made of a large piece of Felt a Foot broad, which falls back on their Shoulders, with a Cone or sharp point like that of the Capigi: Every one of 'em carried a great Reed or Cane, eight foot long and three round, with an Ivory Ball on the top, and their Aga walked before 'em.  
The Janissaries were followed by 500 Chiauox's which are Horse Guards, the last of 'em carrying the Standards and Colours that were taken from the Imperialists. They had large Caps or Turbans above two Foot in circumference: They were very well Mounted, and led by the Chiaoux-Bachi. After 'em marched the Mutefaraca's, who are a sort of Officers that never go to the War, almost like our Reformades. Next came the Kisler Aga, accompanied by the White and Black Eunuches, who walked on each side of him, to Guard the Sultanesses, who road in eight very fine Coaches, but could not be seen by reason of a piece of Silk with which the Glasses were covered.  
After them appeared the unfortunate Prince Mahomet IU. who, with his two Sons, was placed in a Coach close barred like a Prison-Window, and guarded by twelve Chiaouxes. Immediately after came the Sultan's Great Officers, to the number of above 200 Persons, all richly Clothed in Embroidered Vests, and Turbans, enriched with precious Stones: Their Horses were also adorned with Silver Bridles, and very fine Foot clothes, either Embroidered, or of Cloth of Gold, trailing on the Ground.  
The seven Viziers of the Bench brought up the Rear of this Magnificent Troop, and were followed by the Mufti, who was mounted on a white Horse (but not so stately as the rest) and attended by four Officers on Foot. Then came the Selictar carrying the Grand Signior's Sword bare. At last the Sultan himself appeared seated in a triumphal Chariot, open on all Sides, and covered all over with silver-gilt Plates, enriched with counterfeit Jewels, which nevertheless cast a great Splendour. The Chariot was drawn by Eight spotted Horses, covered with Red Velvet, embroidered with Gold, and adorned with gilt Buckles. The Inside of the Chariot was lined with Velvet of the same Colour, embroidered also with Gold; and in it there was a little Sopha, with a large Cushion of a very rich Stuff, on which the Sultan sat. This place of the Chariot was covered with a very rich Canopy, like that of a Coach, and raised so high, that the Grand Signior might be easily seen by the Spectators. He is about fifty Years old, of a severe Aspect, and no very fine Shape. He wore a large Turban, almost like that of the Chiaouxes, adorned with two very magnificent Aigrets, enriched with precious Stones: His Vest was of a very fine Stuff adorned with Pearls, but much inferior to the Coat that cost Fifteen Millions, which the King puts on when he receives Ambassadors. About and after the Chair marched a hundred Aga's on Foot, with their Officers and Commanders; and in the last place came Three hundred spahis.  
At Night there were great Illuminations in the Seraglio and all the Mosques: and the People expressed their Joy by Feasts, Bonfires, and repeated Shouts, crying, without Intermission, Long live our Emperor, the Restorer of Monarchy, and the Prophet's Darling.  
Monsieur de Chateauneuf, who omits no occasion of pleasing the Turks, gave 'em so many and so expensive Marks of the Share he took in their Joy, that his Charge could not be much less than theirs. His Palace was almost covered with Garlands of Myrtle; and at Night almost all the People of Constantinople flocked thither to admire the Beauty of his Fire-Works. The French Ships signalised their Zeal and Affection to the Ottoman Interest, according to the Orders they received from the Ambassador, both by the Illuminations of which their Masts and Ropes were so full, that they seemed at a distance to be on fire, and by repeated Discharges of their Artillery. Besides the Ambassador prepared a splendid Feast for several Turkish Lords; among whom was the Prince of Moldavia: There were two Tables for twenty Persons each, those who sat at one being entertained by himself, and those at the other by his Secretary Pelleran. The Guests were regaled with all imaginable Magnificence both at Dinner and Supper; and two Fountains run Wine in the Court, all the while the Feast lasted, whither all the Renegadoes, Greeks, and Mariners, came to drink the Healths of the Two Glorious Emperors, Lewis and Solyman, ever Great, and ever Victorious, pronouncing the Word Vivat, according to the Custom of the Country, with loud and repeated Acclamations, which is the same thing with the English Huzza.  
But among all those Expressions of Joy, that which scandalised me most, was a Pyramid of Fire, forty Foot high, which burned in the Court till the Morning. For there was an Illumination on the Top of it representing on one Side the Arms of France, and on the other, a Shield charged with Three fiery Crescents. The Turks were extremely pleased to see with how much Ardour the French espoused their Interests; and since that time have looked more favourably upon our Countrymen than before. 'Tis true that they have been of late so much obliged to France, that they might justly be reckoned the most ungrateful People in the World, if they were not sensible of so many good Offices. For without insisting on the powerful Diversion made by our Forces on the Rhine, which has contributed so effectually to the Success of their Arms; they have, to my certain Knowledge, received Supplies of Money from them, which, without pretending to determine the precise Sums, I can assure you amount to a very considerable Value; for it has been observed in Ships that brought 100000 Piastres, there were not 20000 for the use of the Merchants.  
The Ambassador has the most convenient way that could be desired, to receive the Sums that are designed for secret Service: for all the Money that comes over to the Merchants must be carried to his House, where the Owners must afterwards receive it; so that People are not at all surprised, when at the Arrival of a Ship they see Chests of Gold and Silver carried to him. And besides, who knows whether the King sends not over Engineers, Gunners, and Officers: I have seen several Persons of that Character here, and I myself refused a Place which Monsieur de Chateauneuf would have given me in a Company of French Granadiers, consisting of 200 Men, who are publicly levied in this City.  
This puts me in Mind of a remarkable Accident that happened lately at Thessalonica. Two Engineers arrived in that Port, pretending to be French Gentlemen, and that they travelled purely out of Curiosity: the Consul received 'em with the highest Demonstrations of Civility, and invited 'em to lodge at his House; for 'tis the usual Custom of all the Consuls in the Levant to show a great deal of Respect and Kindness to Strangers that seem to be Persons of Note or Quality. But having other concealed Designs, they addressed themselves two Days after their Arrival, to a Greek that wore a I●ruggoman's Cap, and prayed him to carry 'em to the ●assa, and to interpret for 'em, without acquainting the Consul. The Greek, who was glad of any Opportunity to earn Money, embraced their Proposal very cheerfully, and accompanied 'em to the Bassa's House, where they declared their Profession, and offered him their Service, but without intimating in the least that they were willing to renounce their Religion. The Turkish Officer received 'em very favourably, and promised to recommend 'em to some Person at Constantinople, who would quickly procure 'em an Employment suitable to their Inclinations. Thus they returned to the Consul's House very well satisfied with the Bassa's Civility: but the Interpreter's Conscience not permitting him to have a Hand in assisting the declared Enemies of his Religion, he discovered the whole Intrigue to the Consul, without concealing the Arguments and earnest Entreaties they used to oblige him to Secrecy. Immediately the honest Consul believing that 'twould be an acceptable Piece of Service both to God and the King, to prevent the wicked Designs of his Guests, ordered 'em to be apprehended, and sent back to France in Fetters. 'Tis plain that his Intentions were good, and that he could not be justly blamed for taking that Course; but he quickly found, to his Cost, that they had more potent Friends than he imagined, for after they had made their Complaints, he received a severe Reprimand from the Marquis de Seignelay, and was in danger of being turned out of his Office.  
The Number of Deserters that come over to the Turks is almost incredible. There are at present so many of 'em in the Service, that there might be several complete French Regiments in the Ottoman Army. I know that such a Design has been several times proposed to the Ambassador by the Grand Visier, Kopergli Oglou, but the little Regard he still preserves to the external Rules of Decency, has hitherto to restrained him from giving his Consent. Neither do I see any Reason why the Turks should be offended at his seeming Niceness, since 'tis not at all prejudicial to their Interest: For while their main Design is served, they may very well dispense with a needless Piece of Formality, and the French Soldiers fight as well when they are dispersed among the Ottoman Troops, as if they were all united in a distinct Body. That which allures 'em to come over in such vast Numbers, is the favourable Treatment they receive at their Arrival: about eight Days ago I saw a hundred and fifty of 'em march through this City, with Drums beating, and Colours flying, I mean a Piece of White Cloth, which in this Country, as well as upon the Sea, is reckoned the Banner of France. Prisoners of all Nations, except the Germans, enjoy the same Privileges, provided they claim his Majesty's Protection. 'Tis true there are several pretended Deserters, who carry on their hidden Designs under so specious a Disguise: Nor have the Turks yet learned Circumspection, tho' they have been so often deceived. I could tell you twenty Stories of this Nature, but I shall content myself with relating one Instance, to convince you that the Emperor has as good Spies as the King of France.  
About the End of the last Year, immediately after the Death of the Ambassador Girardin, one Vanel came over as a Deserter to the Grand Visier's Army in Hungary, pretending to be a French Gentleman, who was taken Prisoner on the Rhine, and forced to serve as a Volunteer in the Emperor's Army, which he left, assoon as he found a favourable Occasion to make his Escape. But not contenting himself to remain as a Spy in the Army, he had the Confidence to assume the Character of Agent of France, till the Arrival of the Ambassador whom the King had named. The Grand Visier seeing a Man whose very aspect seemed to answer for his Honesty; and besides, perceiving that he made a great Figure, was so far from suspecting him, that he owned him as Agent: So that during the whole Winter he managed the King's Affairs with as much Authority as if he had been empowered with a Commission from Versailles. 'Tis true, he seemed to be very jealous of the Honour and Interest of the Nation; but in private he endeavoured to persuade the Grand Visier that the only way to preserve the Ottoman Empire, was to hasten the conclusion of a Peace with the Emperor; and in the mean time he found out ways to acquaint the Court of Vienna with all the Transactions at the Port.  
This cunning Spy had the Art to play so difficult a Game with so much dexterity and success, that he gained the esteem and affection both of the Grand Visier and Sultan, from whom he received considerable Presents. And even the French had at last so good an Opinion of him, that they scrupled not to address themselves to him on all occasions, as they would have done to an Ambassador. So that he thought his Credit so well established, that he might boldly expect the arrival of Monsieur de Chateauneuf, who was coming to persuade the Visier to continue the War against the Empire. Vanel went to meet him a days Journey beyond Sophia, and told him, that since Fortune had engaged him in the Ottoman Service, during the Vacancy of the Embassy, he thought himself obliged by the Honour he had to be a French Gentleman, to do what Service he could to the Nation, as he had actually done for several Months, and was ready to give him an exact account of all his Proceedings. Afterwards he went with the Ambassador to the Visier, who gave him so favourable a Character, that Monsieur de Chateauneuf either did not, or seemed not to doubt of his Zeal and Affection to the King's Service. However, 'tis probable, that he was not entirely satisfied with his Conduct, and that he wrote to several Places for better Information concerning him. For having one Evening received a Packet in Vanel's Presence, that subtle Spy fearing that the Intelligence might concern him, adventured to peep over the Ambassador's Shoulder, while he was reading the Letters, and perceiving that they gave a very suspicious Account of him, he resolved to prevent the danger that threatened him by a sudden Flight. Next Morning he rose as soon as the day began to appear, and went immediately to one D' Etanchot, a French Captain in Count Teckely's Troops, who was his intimate Friend: He accosted him with a Melancholic Air, and entreated him to carry him to Count. Teckely's Army, where he had some business to dispatch that required all possible expedition. D' Etanchot replied, That he was ready to serve him, and that he would immediately go along with him after he had received the Ambassador's Orders. Vanel, who dreaded nothing more than the discovery of his Design, conjured his Friend not to insist on that piece of Formality; and to engage him the more effectually to comply with his Desires, he offered him 1000 Pistoles, promising to give him as much more at the end of his Journey. D' Etanchot was extremely surprised at his Earnestness and Impatience, and perceived by the great Offers he made him, that the business was of greater Importance than at first he imagined: His Fidelity to his Prince was stronger than his Affection to his Friend, and at last he told him plainly, that he would not go with him unless he would suffer him to ask the Ambassador's Permission before his departure. Then Vanel seeing himself discovered, and fearing Torture more than Death, which he knew was inavoidable, lest he should not be able to endure the extreme violence of the Pain, without divulging his Secret, he resolved to be his own Executioner; and suffering D' Etanchot to walk some paces before him, without speaking a Word, he pulled a Pistol out of his Pocket, charged with three Bullets, and shot himself through the Head. His Friend surprised at the unexpected noise, looked back, and seeing him lie grovelling on the Ground, and wallowing in his own Blood, run immediately to acquaint the Ambassador with the Tragical Accident, who at first could not believe him, but afterwards suspecting him to be the Murderer, ordered him to be secured: Then he went with several of his Servants, to the place where this unfortunate Person lay, and finding him still alive, tho' very weak, he asked him, How he was; Optimé, replied Vanel, for they used to discourse in Latin. Then the Ambassador enquired, who put him in that condition, I did, answered he: What moved you to such an act, replied the Ambassador; Because, said he, I was weary of Life. Afterwards the Ambassador asked him several Questions concerning the place of his Birth, and his design in coming hither, but could not obtain any satisfactory Answer; and (which is hardly credible) he endured the most tightly cruel Torments they could invent, without making the least discovery, and even was so little daunted, that while he lay under the extremity of the Torture, 'Tis in vain, said he to the Ambassador, to torment me thus, you shall never know more than I have already told you. In short, he gave so many Marks of an invincible Courage and Resolution, that I could hardly forbear comparing him to Socrates, or Minutius Scaevola, if I had not a natural reluctancy to praise Men of his Profession. Thus he died of his Wounds, and left no Papers of consequence, that could discover his Intrigue: But the Ambassador and his Men seized on ten or twelve good Horses, and above 25000 Livres in Gold that were found in his Possession.  
I shall conclude this Letter with telling you, that I'm resolved to depart with the first fair Wind for Alexandria, in a Vessel belonging to Ciotad, Commanded by Captain Carbonneau, who is an old Seaman, and perfectly well acquainted with all the parts of the Mediterranean. But I'm afraid he will stand in need of all his Experience to bring us safe to our designed Harbour; for this is the most dangerous season of the Year. However, I have stayed so long in Constantinople, that, tho' the Voyage were more hazardous, I could willingly adventure on't.  
I am, SIR, Your &c. Constantinople, Nou. 1690.   

LETTER XV.  
SIR,  
STorms and Contrary Winds are the main, and almost the only Objects of a Traveller's Fear at Sea: And Yet I reckon myself extremely obliged to the Bad Wether we met with about eight days ago, since it forced our Captain to stop at the famous Island of Scio, where we still continue.  
The Greeks, and in general all the Christian Inhabitants, enjoy so many Privileges, and retain so many Marks of their ancient Liberty, that if I did not sometimes see a Turban, I should almost forget that I am still in Turkey. The whole compass of the Island does not amount to 100 Miles; yet there are above 200 Churches in it, and at least 30 Monasteries belonging to the Greek and Latin Christians, who perform their several Rites without the least disturbance. They are suffered to walk in Procession about the Streets, as in France; tho' there is nothing more odious to the Turks than that Ceremony: And which is still more remarkable, the Greeks, who, in all other parts of the Ottoman Empire are reputed Slaves, live here under the Protection of a Magistrate, who has the Title of Consul. This Happiness, which ought to be so much the dearer to the Greeks of this Island, because 'tis peculiar to themselves, is only a continuation of the Favours bestowed on 'em by Mahomet II. when he made himself Master of Greece. For the Sciots perceiving that 'twould be in vain to resist an Enemy who had lately taken Constantinople from the Palaeologi, and was still Victorious in all his Attempts, resolved to mitigate his Fury by a voluntary submission, and owned themselves his Subjects, perhaps before he thought of Attaking 'em. Mahomet was so well satisfied with this Mark of their Affection, that he granted 'em several advantageous Privileges which they still enjoy. For the Turks are very Religious observers of their Promises to their own Subjects; tho' they scruple not to violate Treaties concluded with Neighbouring Princes, especially Christians, and Heretical Mahometans, such as the Persians, of whom the Turks have almost as bad an Opinion as the Roman Catholics have of Protestants; because the Persians embrace the Doctrine of one Haly, who pretended to reform the Mahometan Religion, as Luther and Calvin have Reformed the Christian.  
At that time the Island was possessed by the Justiniani, with the Title of a Principality, under the Protection of the Genoese, who were then Masters of many fine Countries in Anatolia, as it appears by the Escutcheons and Arms of the Republic, which are still to be seen almost at every end of a Field.  
There is but one City in the Island, and that a very small one, tho' it has eight Gates. The Streets are broad enough for Coaches; and the beauty of the old Houses is a sign of the richness and splendour of their ancient Possessors. The Castle is not much less than the City, and Commands both that and the Port: Yet some Years ago the Marquis Du Quesne had the Courage to attack some Pirates who retired under its Walls, and fired above fifty Broadsides into the City, because the Bassa made a show of resisting him. This attempt caused so great a Consternation among the Inhabitants, that their fears continue even after the Marquis' Death, and they still tremble when they hear his Name mentioned. The French are very proud of this Expedition, tho' 'tis certain they have no great reason to boast of it, since it cost the Nation 100000 Crowns, which Fabre, the French Agent, paid to the Grand Visier. This was, in my Opinion, a sufficient reparation to the Turks; and there was no Honour got by so vigorous an Action, but that which is due to the Memory of the brave Man that performed it.  
'Tis equally difficult to enter the Port, and to get out of it, as our Captain has found to his cost: For the charge of maintaining the Ships Company amounts at least to 60 Livres a day, and I believe he would willingly give 30 Lovis d' Orseolo to be at Sea again.  
The Government of Scio is a very considerable Post, and the Bassa is oftentimes advanced to the Dignity of Grand Visier. 'Tis not above a Year since Kopergli Oglou was removed from this place, and made Visier after the Death of Ishmael. He has under him a Kiaia, a Kady, a Vaivoide, and a Receiver of Customs, as all other Bassa's have. The Last of these Officers has more Employment here than in most other places, by reason of the Mastic that grows in this Island, better and more plentiful than in any other part of the World. There are above a Thousand Chests of it gathered every Year, each of which contains Three Hundred Weight, and the total Value amounts to above 200000 Crowns. But the Inhabitants are not much enriched by so considerable a Trade: For they are not only obliged to pay one half of the Mastic by way of Tribute, but must sell the rest at a very low rate to the Receiver of Customs. 'Tis a white odoriferous Gumm, that runs in the Spring out of little holes which are made in the Bark of a small, weak, and twining Shrub that creeps along the Ground, as Vines would do if they were not supported.  
I have not hitherto had occasion to see any remarkable Church in this Island, but that which is called Niaomai: 'Tis a very ancient Building, and adorned with a piece of Mosaic Work, like that of Sancta Sophia. I will not trouble you with the Story of its Miraculous Image, since all these Legends are only the same Tale, repeated with some small alterations. The Greeks believe and maintain these Impostures with a great deal of Zeal; and even the Turks who abhor the Christian Religion, worse than Magic, are sometimes cheated by 'em: For when they hear that one of the Saints cures such a Distemper, they procure Masses to be said, and present Candles with as much Devotion as the most Superstitious Greek. I shall take this occasion to relate an accident that happened not long ago in this place; and perhaps you will not think your time ill employed in reading so odd and diverting a Story. You have doubtless heard of St. Anthony of Milan, who is the Padrone Singularo of all the Italians, and has acquired so great a Reputation of working Miracles, that tho' he was a declared Papist, and more than that, a Monk of the Order of St. Francis; the Greeks have placed him among their Tutelar Saints, and sing Kyrie Eleison's to him with as much Devotion as to St. Polycarp himself. He has a Magnificent Chapel in this place, and in it a Wooden Image, which is very well painted, gilt, and crowned, and wants neither He nor She Votaries in abundance. His Miracles are the only subject of the common Talk. Some own themselves obliged to him for Husbands, and others for Wives; sometimes he heals a broken Leg, and saves others from Shipwreck; and, in a word, I know not one Person here who has not received some Marks of his Favour. 'Tis true, he's apt to grow sullen, and woe be to the poor Suppliants when little St. Anthony takes the pet, for he'll even let 'em cry their Eyes out, without deigning to take notice of 'em: However, there is no Disease without its Remedy, and a few smart Lashes about the Shoulders usually cures him of the Spleen. But when the Distemper is very stubborn, and the Dose of the Whip proves ineffectual, they either turn him out of his Lodging, and make him lie abroad in the Wind and Rain, or dip him ten or twelve times in Water, with a great Stone at his Neck, which always produces the desired effect, and makes the little Gentleman as Complaisant as they can wish. One of the Turks in the Castle, who had ventured all his Stock on Board a Saique, and was afraid of losing it either by Storm or Piracy, resolved to steal St. Anthony, of whom he had heard so many Wonders, and either by fair or foul means to make him preserve his Goods. He waited some time for a convenient opportunity to put his design in execution; and one day perceiving that there were none in the Church but himself, he hid the miraculous Image under his Vest, and carried it away undiscovered. As soon as he came home he set it in the most honourable Place of his House, adorned it with Flowers, and kept two Wax Candles perpetually burning before it; addreffing himself to it every day with a great deal of Reverence, and humbly acquainting it that his whole Estate was on board the Saique; and that the Loss of that would entirely ruin him and his Family. Thus he continued as long as he might reasonably hope that the Saique was safe; but when the time was expired, in which he expected to hear of its Return, he took away the Flowers and Candles, and began to treat the Image very roughly, beating it every day, and threatening a worse Usage, if he should find that it had neglected his Saique. Thou infamous Christian, said he, think'st thou to mock a Musulman, whose Slave thou art not worthy to be? By Mahomet, if thou dost not restore my Saique, I'll beat thee to Pieces.  
In the mean time both the Greeks and Romanists were extremely grieved for the Loss of their Saint: and their Consternation was the greater, because they could not imagine him to be stolen away, since he was only made of Wood The Cordeliers had not the least Share in the common Affliction; but since they have an admirable Faculty of improving every thing to the best Advantage, they declared publicly that the Saint was not able longer to endure the Coldness of the People's Devotion, and had therefore withdrawn his Presence from among 'em. And even an old Father dreamed that S. Anthony appeared to him, and said, My Son, I have left this City, because I was no longer able to be a Witness of the Crimes that are daily committed in it, and the Want of Love to God, and Zeal to his Service. The good Man related his Dream to the People, and exhorted 'em to recall the Saint by Prayers, Vows, and above all, by a great number of Masses. At last the Turk heard of the safe Arrival of the Saique with his Goods, so that thinking himself obliged in Conscience to release the Saint out of his Prison, he carried him back with a great deal of Honour, and told the whole Story. The Image was very joyfully received by the Christians, who looked upon this as a New Miracle; which re-kindled their Devotion to such a Degree, that it can never be more ardent than 'tis at present: the Turk also gave 100 Piastres, as an● Acknowledgement of the Favour he had received, and the Fathers ordered the Money to be cast into a silver Chain, with which they fastened the Image, to prevent its being stolen hereafter: for they considered that People are always apt to follow a bad Example, and that they might perhaps miss their Saint when they should have most need of him.  
This Accident has convinced me of a Truth I could never believe before, I mean that Superstition may bear such an absolute Sway in the Minds of those who are under its Power, that even Turks and Christians may join together in some Rites of Devotion. I confess I was so far from giving Credit to Relations of this Nature, that I could hardly believe my own Eyes on a like Occasion at Lampedusa, where we touched in our Voyage to Malta. But since I am now of another Opinion, I shall take this Occasion to acquaint you with an Observation I made there, which I durst not mention so long as I thought it impossible.  
There is in that Island a little Chapel dedicated to the Virgin, in which there is an Altar, and a Coffin with a Turban laid upon it, which is usually called Mahomet's Tomb. Both Turks and Christians have so great a Veneration for this Chapel, that they never pass it by without leaving Money, Victuals, or some other Offering. At our Arrival we found two large and fresh Pastaiques, a Sequin of Gold, some silver Asper's, and small Coin of Malta, to which our Captain added a French Piece of Threepences halfpenny. Our Pilot told me that these Offerings were designed for the Relief of poor Slaves, who oftentimes escaped thither from Malta and Afric; adding that the Place was so Sacred and Miraculous that none but Slaves durst take any of these things from the Altar; or, if they did, that they could not possibly get out of the Island. He related also several Instances of these Miracles, but all his Arguments and Stories could not hinder me from eating one of the Pastaiques; for the Wether was very hot, and you know that those who are not accustomed to the Sea are usually very desirous of Fruit. To return to Scio.  
I went t'other day to see a Place called the Schools of Homer, tho' according to all probability there were never any Schools in it. I incline rather to believe that 'twas formerly a Place where Sacrifices were offered to the God Pan, or some other Rural Deity: for I saw nothing but a square Altar cut out of a Rock, on the Shore, with some decayed Basso-Relievo's on the Sides, among which you may distinguish the Representation of an Ox, Wolf, Sbeep, and Rabbit, besides some other Beasts which are less distinct. Not far from thence I saw a paltry Village, where they assured me Homer was born: but Smyrna pretends a better Title to the Honour of being the Birth-place of that great Man.  
I observed nothing else remarkable in this Island, except their Manner of Living, which is extremely free: for they give and receive Visits, make Entertainments, and the Women sit at the Doors of the Houses, and walk with Young Men to the Fields, with as much Liberty as if they were in France. Besides they are of a very sociable Humour, and any Frenchman, who is Master of a tolerable Stock of Wit, may quickly find a Mistress, and even sometimes an advantageous Match in this Place. For 'tis the highest Ambition of the Women of this Island to marry a Frank; both because they are naturally of a freer Temper than the Men of the Country, and are not subject to the Grand Signior, nor consequently pay any Avanies, Taxes, or Imposts; which are two very considerable Advantages.  
This is the only Island in the Levant, where the Custom of wearing long Garments does not prevail: for the Sciots retained the Fashion used by the Franks, after their Subjection to the Turks. They still use Doublets or Waistcoats, Breeches, and Shoes; and besides they wear their Hair long: but we have changed so many Fashions since that time, that they who have still kept that which was then in use appear very ridiculous at present. Their Hats have broad Brims, not cocked up, and tapering Crowns, somewhat resembling a Sugar-Loaf: the Sleeves of their Doublets are wide and open, but close at the Wrist: their Breeches are open below, edged with Ribbons, and their Drawers appear under 'em: their Shoes have large open Ears, and are sharp-pointed at the Toe, as they were usually made in our Country about Twenty Years ago. The women's Habit is not different from that which is used by the Common People in Bretagne, Maine, Normandy, and some other Parts of France. For they wear a kind of short Cassock, fastened with a Lace before, and over that another of Silk Stuff, of which there is a great deal made in the Island. This Cassock, which the Maids of my Country would call a Waistcoat, reaches not below the Middle of the Thigh, and the Sleeves which are not very long, are tied up a little below the Bending of the Arm, for the Conveniency of wearing Silken Gloves, which are also made in Scio, and are not unhandsome. Besides they have a kind of Pettycoat, in which there are (I believe) thirty els of Stuff, for 'tis pleited quite round, except on the Forepart, and these Foldings are all of an equal Depth, and sewed together: this Petticoat is so short, that it hides not above one half of their Legs: and they are always very careful to wear fine and tied Stockings, lest that which appears should give a Man an ill Opinion of what is concealed. In their Head-Dress they differ both from the Franks and Levantines; for it consists only in a Piece of Cloth wrapped about their Heads.  
There are in this Island several Families that pretend to Nobility, and even some that draw their Pedigree from the Justiniani; but their Education, and Way of Living, is so unsuitable to their high Birth, that 'twould seem altogether incredible, if it were not attested by all the Inhabitants of the Island.  
I am, SIR, Your &c. Scio, Decemb. 1690.   

LETTER XVI.  
SIR,  
WE set said from Scio on the 20 th'. of the last Month, and two Days after were in the Height of Stanchio, a little Island, famous for the Birth of Hypocrates, and the celebrated Apelles; and for a Tree of such prodigious Bigness, that its Shadow is large enough to cover 150 Men. I cannot give you a more particular Account of that Island, since we stopped not there, but kept on our Course till we arrived at Rhodes on Christmass-Day: Instead of a large Description of this Island, you must content yourself with an Account of what Observations I could make in the narrow space of half a Day.  
The Island of Rhodes is a hundred Miles in Compass: 'Twas taken from the Saracens by the Knights of S. John of Jerusalem, on the Day of the Virgin's Assumption, Ann. 1309. and retaken by Solyman II. Emperor of the Turks, in the Year 1522. by the Treachery of Andrew d' Amaral, one of the Knights, and Chancellor of the Order; who aspiring to the Dignity of the Great Master; and being disappointed of his Hopes to attain it, by the Election of Monsieur de Villiers l' Ile Adam to that Office, was so enraged, that he shot an Arrow into the Enemy's Camp, with a Letter discovering the only Place where the Town could be successfully attacked.  
The City is little, but extremely strong, both by reason of its Situation on a Rock, and the great number of Bastions and Towers that command one another very advantageously. The Great Master's House, and the Inns of the Seven Languages remain still entire, and the same may be said of the Church of S. John, tho' the Turks have turned it into a Mosque, for they have not so much as defaced the Images of our Saviour and the Virgin, represented over the Door in Bass-Relief. Tho' I had not known that this Island belonged formerly to the Knights of Malta, I should have easily discovered it by the great number of Inscriptions, and Scutcheons of the Order, that are over the Gate of the City, and almost every where else. And besides there are so many other ancient Monuments of the same Nature, that I never saw so vast a number of Inscriptions in so small a Spot of Ground.  
'Tis related in the History of the Order, that this Island was formerly infested by a horrible Dragon, above thirty Foot long, who abode in a Cave not far from the City, and made such a dreadful Havoc all around, that there was no Safety in the Country. The Story adds, that his very Breath infected all the Neighbourhood of his Cave, and that his Skin was so hard, that no Arrow could pierce it, but that he was killed at last by a Knight of Provence, called Dedoat de Goson. I always suspected the Credit of this Relation, but mine Eyes have now convinced me of the Truth of it: for the Monster's Head is on one of the Gates of the City towards the Land, and I had time to take a full View of it. I cannot represent it better than by comparing it to the Head of a Hog; only 'tis longer and bigger, and hath no Ears; the Jaws are very large, and armed with long and sharp Teeth.  
Since I am not overfond of believing any thing that seems strange and unaccountable, I must beg leave to persist in my Incredulity, concerning the Famous Colossus, which was formerly the Glory and Ornament of this Island.  
'Tis true, Strabo, Pliny, and several other Grave Writers, seem to believe this Story: but Authors as well as other Men, take Pleasure in relating Wonders. This was the usual Custom of the Ancients, especially Pliny and Herodotus, who have stuffed their Writings with such lofty Fables, as the Reader may easily perceive by a transient View of their Works. And besides when an Author of any considerable Reputation in the Learned World relates a Matter of Fact, 'tis always confirmed by the Testimony of those who follow him. Nevertheless in this Case, the Opinions of Authors are very different; for Chares according to some, erected the Colossus, whereas others ascribe that Honour to Lacches: some with Strabo relate, that 'twas seventy Cubits high; and others affirm that its Height amounted to Eighty; so that the Story is at the best doubtful and uncertain. But to examine the Matter more narrowly, the largest Computation of the Height of the Colossus will hardly amount to what is required by the Circumstances of the Story: for the Breadth of the Port of Rhodes, between the opposite Shores, where the Feet of the Colossus are said to have been fixed, amounts to 324 measured Feet, so that the whole Figure must have been 500 Foot high. And besides how is it possible to conceive that a Mass of such a Prodigious Bigness could be cast. I know some pretend that 'twas built by Pieces, and that it consisted only of Stone lined with Brass; but this Opinion as well as the other is clogged with unsurmountable Difficulties, as 'twill appear from the following Reflections.  
The tallest of the Egyptian Pyramids, which are justly reckoned among the Wonders of the World, could not be raised above 520 Foot high; and the Tower of Strasburgh, which has not (and perhaps never had) its equal in the World, does not exceed 560 Feet. Now these admirable Buildings have sufficient Bases or Foundations, to support the Weight of the Superstructure; whereas this enormous Figure must have been four times bigger above than below, without reckoning the Arms that hung down, or at least one of 'em which carried a Lantern, and (if the Story be true) could not be made but by the Architects whom Aesop sent to King Nectanebus. I will not insist upon the equal poising of so great a Mass, which was both absolutely necessary, and extremely difficult in this Case; but shall proceed to more obvious Reasons. 'Tis said that after this Colossus was overthrown by an Earthquake, it remained where it fell till the Year 656, or according to others 952, which is a new Controversy; and that the Saracens broke it to pieces, and sold the Brass to a Jew, who carried it to Antioch. And here we meet with another Variation in the Relations of Authors; for tho' most are agreed that 900 Camels were loaded with the Brass, there are some that reduce the Number to 800, but neither of these Opinions is well grounded.  
Now, Sir, I would gladly be informed where the Colossus fell; and they who maintain the Truth of this Story, will perhaps find this to be a more puzzling Question than they imagine. For considering the Situation of its Legs, they cannot pretend that it fell towards the Land, and consequently they must acknowledge that it tumbled into the Sea, where it could not lie without stopping the Mouth of the Harbour; nor could that be done without ruining the Trade of the City, on which all its Riches depended. But these necessary Consequences of this Supposition, are directly contradicted by History, which assures us, that Rhodes was a very flourishing City, and that its Port was as good and as much frequented, as ever, at the Arrival of the Saracens.  
But this is not the only Absurdity that destroys the Credit of the Story. 'tis well known that a Camel's Burden never exceeds five or six hundred Weight, especially when the Journey is considerably long: and how then could 900 of those Animals carry away so prodigious a Quantity of Brass. For you will find by Calculation, that every Foot in the Height of the Colossus, (reckoning 'em one with another) weighed above 3000 Pounds; since 'tis computed that a square Foot of that Metal, containing an Inch in Thickness, weighs above fifty Pounds. Now 'tis plain, that the very encompassing of the ●ody of the Colossus would require much more than sixty such Pieces, which according to the abovementioned Computation, amount to 1500 Pounds, without reckoning the Overplus; and by the same Proportion you may guests at the Quantity of Brass that would have been necessary for lining the whole Figure.  
This Colossus puts me in mind of the extravagant Proposal made to Alexander the Great by an Architect called Dinocrates, who undertook to build a City on Mount Atlas, and to cut it into the Shape of a Man, with a Cup in his Hand disgorging a River. Could ever a more ridiculous Chimaera enter into a distempered Brain? But the Ancients could easily swallow the greatest Absurdity, and there are still too many professed Adorers of those fabulous Writers, who defend all their Lies and Mistakes with a stupid Obstinacy. As for my part, I confess my Faith is so weak on such Occasions, that I cannot forbear suspecting the Truth of the Story of the Rhodian Colossus. At least since I have so much Complaisance to the Authors that attest it, as to keep myself from denying it absolutely; I hope they will give me leave to think that 'twas somewhat smaller, less wonderful, and situated in another Place, than they imagine: for a much less incredible Bulk will suffice, if we suppose that 'twas placed at the Mouth of the Harbour for Galleys. However I dare not venture to assure you that I have seen the Place where the Colossus of the Sun stood, but only where 'tis believed it stood: for thus I shall be sure to keep close to the Truth, which I have always made the Standard of my Relations.  
We stayed part of a Day at Rhodes, and set Sail the same Night with a fair Wind; but a sudden Change of Wether obliged us to stand in to the Road of Cyprus.  
Cyprus is an Island almost of the same Bigness with Rhodes. The Air is so sweet, clear, and temperate, that the Wether is perpetually fair; at least I can assure you, that during the little time we spent in it, I could not perceive the least Sign of Winter. It produces great Abundance of Sugar, Cotton, and delicious Wine: besides 'tis the best Country in the World for Hunting, and Provisions are so incredibly cheap, that, as the French Consul assured me, the greatest Lover of his Belly cannot spend Forty Piastres a Year in Eating and Drinking. The Town is neither large nor neat, inhabited by a Medley of Turks and Christians, as all other Places under the Grand Signior's Dominion. I saw a Man in it that had four Arms, two on each Side, one above the other, but he could only use the lower. The 27 th'. in the Morning we set Sail, and arrived at Alexandria on the 8 th'. instant towards Noon.  
The Land lies so extremely low, that tho' the Sun shone very bright, we could not discover the Coast, till we were very near it. At the same time we perceived a Saique making towards us, with a Pilot and four Officers of the Customhouse. Perhaps most of us would have willingly dispensed with the last of our Visitants; but we stood very much in need of the Pilot's Help, for both the Road and Harbour are extremely dangerous, by reason of the lurking Rocks that can hardly be avoided without the Assistance of a Seaman of the Country. At last having cast Anchor very happily, I went ashore in the Saique. As I passed by the Customhouse, I was somewhat surprised at the unusual Exactness of the Officers; for they searched me all over, and even thrust their Hands into my Breeches, to know whether I had brought any Gold or Silver, which pay a considerable Impost to the Grand Signior, commonly called Gold-Duty. But I was much more surprised at Night, when they came to shut us up like so many Prisoners, as they do every Night in the Week, and on Fridays at Noon; by reason of a foolish Prophecy, that foretells the Conquest of the City by the Franks. For since 'twould be very troublesome to shut as many Doors as there are Franks in the Town, all those who bear that Name are obliged to lodge in certain spacious Hans, called Fondies, which having but one Gate or Door, are quickly secured. The French, English, and Dutch have each a distinct Han, where they live, without meddling in the least with one another's business, either in Peace or War. The Merchants who reside here are for the most part only Factors to answer the Commissions of their Correspondents in Christendom: Nor can this City be reckoned as a place of Commerce, unless by the buy, for no considerable Caravans come hither, and Aleppo is properly the Seat of Trade, and Residence of the Consuls.  
The famous City of Alexandria, admired in former Ages for its Extent and Beauty, is now a wretched heap of Cottages, that seem to have been built on purpose to insult over the deplorable fate of the Ruins on which they are founded. There cannot be a more lively Instance of the frailty of human Grandeur, than those rich Fragments of Marble, Porphyry, and Granite, that are every where to be seen mixed with Earth, Wood, and Stone. The whole City is as it were buried under the Ruins of overturned Palaces; and 'tis impossible to behold that magnificent Rubbish, without reflecting with a certain Melancholic Pleasure on the ancient Splendour of these celebrated Structures. But since I have reason to believe that such general Remarks would not satisfy your Curiosity, I shall proceed to give you a more particular account of the admirable Remains of Alexandria.  
It appears by the Walls (which are not so ruinous as the Houses) that the compass of the City amounted to Ten Miles: But they are infinitely more remarkable for their Beauty and Magnificence, than for the largeness of their Extent. They are 20 Foot thick throughout, and joined with a certain Cement as hard as Stone: From space to space they are flanked with great square Towers, which are so strong and massive that they appear like so many Castles; and within each Tower there are Cisterns, Halls, and a sufficient number of Chambers to lodge at least 100 Men. But, which is still more convenient and useful, there are Casemates under the Walls round the whole City, in which, together with the Towers, there was room enough to lodge 50000 Men, who were always ready either to appear in Arms on the Walls in case of necessity, or to march upon occasion to any place in the City. The Walls are also surrounded with good False-brays, which are still entire; and if you add to these a broad, deep, and well-lined Ditch, I think there could not be more desired in that Age, for the security and defence of any City.  
Among all the ruinous Beauties of Alexandria, there is none more remarkable than Caesar's Palace. 'Twas certainly a very large Building, and if I may be allowed to judge of the rest by the Front which remains still entire, I may venture to assure you that 'twas a noble and complete Work. I observed also several Columns of Pophyry and spotted Green Marble, which heightened the Idea I had already conceived of its Magnificence. Near these stately Ruins there are others equal to 'em in all respects, and no less rich in Porphyry and Granite, which are said to be Fragments of the Ancient Palace of the Ptolemy's: Besides a great number of others as admirable as either of the former. But 'tis so long since the City was demolished, and the confusion is so great at present, that 'tis impossible for the most curious Antiquary to distinguish the Foundations of so many Palaces and Temples. The only entire pieces that have escaped the common Fate of the rest, are the Column of Pompey, and four Obelisks of Granite. 'Tis said the first was erected by Caesar, to the Memory of Pompey: Some think 'tis a kind of Marble, but others incline rather to believe that 'twas built of melted Stone, cast in Moulds upon the place. The latter Opinion seems most probable, for there is not the least piece of that Stone to be found in any part of the World, and the Pillar is so prodigiously big and high, that it could hardly be erected without a Miracle. I know 'tis alleged by those who believe the Story of the Rhodian Colossus, that the Ancients had the advantage of admirable Machine's to raise such bulky Pieces: But I should reckon myself extremely obliged to these Gentlemen, if they would show me any probable reason why among so great a variety of Egyptian Monuments of Antiquity there is not one of Marble, and by what an accountable accident the Stone called Granite, which was then so common, is now grown so scarce, that the most curious Inquirers into the Works of Nature cannot find the least Fragment of it; that was not employed in ancient Structures. And even tho' I should suppose with my Adversaries, that the Quarries out of which this Stone was dug were by degrees so entirely exhausted, that there is not the least Footstep of 'em left; and that Nature herself has lost so much of ancient Vigour and Fecundity, that she is not able to produce new ones: I may still be allowed to ask why Granite was only used in Obelisks or Columns of a prodigious bigness: For if it were really a sort of Stone or Marble, I see no reason why we might not find small pieces of it, as well as of Porphyry, and other precious kinds of Marble. These reflections, in my Opinion, may serve to confirm the Hypothesis of those who believe that all these admirable Monuments were actually cast in a Mould: And if they would take the pains to view this Column attentively, they would soon be convinced by the testimony of their own Eyes, that 'tis only a kind of Cement, composed of Sand and calcined Stone, not unlike to Mortar or Lime, which grew hard by degrees. I will not pretend to determine by what Artifice those ancient Workmen kept the Cement from yielding or sliding till the Pillar was completed; tho' perhaps it might be probably alleged, that they made a Mould of Stone or Wood, besmeared on the Inside with some fat or unctuous Substance, to hinder the Matter from sticking to its cover; and that after the Work was finished, and the Column almost dry, they broke the Mould that preserved the regularity of its Figure, and kept it from falling.  
This Column is 80 Foot high, and 24 in compass: 'Tis placed on a Marble Pedestal eight Foot square, and crowned at the top with a Chapter of the same Granite, of which the Pillar consists. I know not what Opinion you may have of the Ancient Engines, but for my part I must confess, whether I consider the weight or bulk of so vast a Mass, I find it equally impossible to conceive that it could be raised by the strongest and best contrived Machine's that ever were Invented. The four Obelisks are also of Granite, and adorned with Hieroglyphic Figures in Relief, like that at Rome: Some of 'em are standing, and the rest fallen.  
I cannot comprehend the reason that moved the Founders of Alexandria to choose such an uninhabitable Country for the Seat of so stately a City. The Heat is so insupportable in the Summer that it makes all the Inhabitants as Tawny as they can possibly be, without being quite Black. And, which is still more incommodious, they have no Fountains to qualify the scorching Heat of the Climate: For the only Springs in Egypt are two that are at Cairo, of which I may perhaps give you an account, after I have seen 'em. To supply, in some measure, these natural defects, the Natives have contrived subterraneous Buildings, which are no less admirable than the Palaces that formerly adorned Alexandria. For there are vast Cisterns under Ground, Vaulted and under-proped with strong Marble-Pillars that support the weight of the Houses, and of the City, which is wholly built on these Caves. All the Cisterns are bordered with Streets, as if they were Houses, so that they seem to form a subterraneous City.  
This puts me in mind of the Roman Catacombs, tho' they are much inferior in beauty to the Alexandrian Cisterns: For the former are narrow, low, and unadorned; whereas the latter are spacious, enriched with Marble, and in some parts with Porphyry: These Cisterns were filled with Water at the overflowing of the Nile, by a large Canal called Khaalis, which still brings Water from the River, for the use of those few Inhabitants that are left in the City. The Canal is bordered with Gardens, which are not beautiful, tho' they contain a vast number of very large Orange, Citron, and Limon-Trees.  
If you reflect on the usual Custom of the Romans, to imitate the Egyptians in every thing, you will find yourself obliged to acknowledge that 'tis at lest a probable conjecture, that the Catacombs of Rome were built after the Model of certain large Caves, without the Walls of this City towards the Palace. These subterraneous Vaults are fifteen Foot square, and eight or ten Foot high: And there are Tombs in the Walls cut out of the Rock, like those in the Roman Catacombs, but more artificially contrived, and ranked in better Order, in which there are many entire Skeletons, tho' 'tis perhaps above 2000 Years since they were laid there. The Entry of the Caves is very low and narrow, for you must creep into a little hole, and slide several paces downward before you come to the Vaults.  
This Country is Inhabited by a medley of several Nations; natural Turks, Moors, Arabs, Greeks, and Jews. The Arabs are generally Freebooters, infesting the Roads, and rifling all the Passengers without Mercy, so that 'tis extremely dangerous to Travel without a numerous Company. Yet there are some of that Nation who live in the Cities, and are more Civil than their Countrymen in the Fields: But they all pretend to be Magicians, and are so intoxicated with such Chimeras, that one would almost think they were seized with a sort of Epidemical Madness. They have several ways of Divination; for some of 'em pretend to Inspiration, others Prophecy by Visions, and there are some who throw Beans into a Bag, and after they have counted 'em, return answers to those who consult 'em. Among all these Fortune-Tellers, those who Divine by way of Vision, are reckoned the most skilful, and are fewest in number: As for the rest, the Streets are full of 'em. I have heard several Instances of their Predictions, both in Christendom, and in this Country, without giving Credit to any of 'em, because they were for the most part only second-hand Stories: But I'm extremely puzzled what to think of an account I had from the Master of our Ship, for my Author is a Man of Honour, and part of the Matter of fact is attested by all the Frenchmen in Alexandria. The Story is this.  
Captain Carbonneau, Master of the Ship, called St. Augustin, bound for this City, was entrusted at Marseilles with a Bag of 200 Piastres of Sevil, which he received without counting 'em, and obliged himself to make good the Summ. At his Arrival he delivered the Bag to the Person to whom it was directed, who told the Money immediately, and finding 50 Piastres wanting, refused to receive it, and entered an Action against the Captain for the Overplus. In the mean time Carbonneau made a diligent search on Board his Ship, to discover who had stolen the 50 Piastres; for he suspected his Clerk and Surgeon as the only Persons who had entered his Chamber: But finding that all his Inquiries were unsuccessful, he resolved to consult an Arabian Soothsayer, who was of the Visionary Tribe, and reputed very skilful. After some time spent in Ceremonious Grimaces, the Arab told him, that he saw a Man, whose Person he described, tell 150 Piastres into a Bag of stripped Ticking, and afterwards tie it up. The Captain perceived that these Circumstances agreed exactly to the Bag and the Person who gave it him; but not being entirely satisfied, he entreated the Diviner to tell him positively, whether there were only 150 Piastres put into the Bag, or 50 of 'em afterwards taken out. After some new Ceremonies, the Soothsayer told him, that he saw the same Person endeavour to put 200 Piastres into the Bag, which not being large enough to hold them all, there remained 20 that could not be put in for want of room. 'Tis plain then, added he, that the complete Sum neither was nor could be put into the Bag: And if you make the Experiment, you'll be convinced of the truth of what I say. Nor was he mistaken, for 'twas found upon trial, that the Bag was not large enough to contain 200 Piastres, and Carbonneau's Adversary was so honest as to put a stop to the Action. This accident made a great noise among those of our Nation; and the Captain was so extremely surprised at his Fortune-Teller's Skill, that some days before his departure, he went again to consult him concerning the Success of his Voyage. The Arab answered, that he saw neither Fight, Shipwreck, nor Arrival, but only four Mariners, whom he described, carrying Fire in their hands; and therefore advised him to have an Eye upon 'em, and to prevent any accidents that might happen in his Vessel. Six days after the Captain having put out to Sea, and intending to set Sail the next Morning, the four Seamen, whom the Arabian represented, smoking Tobacco between the Decks, set Fire to some Bales of Wool that were part of the Lading, and the Ship was entirely consumed.  
The Arabians were formerly very Learned, especially in Medicine, and our European Surgeons have found very useful Secrets in their Books: But at present they apply themselves wholly to Divination, which, in their Opinion, is the only sublime Science. They are perfect Strangers to the knowledge of Religion, and their only Trade is to Rob Passengers: Nevertheless, it must be acknowledged to their praise, that they kill none but Turks, and these only when they are disobliged by the Grand Signior. They are divided into Tribes, commanded by their particular Captains, who are all subject to a kind of Duke or Prince, whom they call Skeick el Kebir. They Encamp in the Deserts, where they spend their whole Lives; for when they have consumed the Grass in one place they remove to another. They are lean and black; their Aspect is Grim and terrible: They are usually clothed with the Skins of wild Beasts, and feed upon Milk, Butter, Honey, and sometimes a little Camel's Flesh parched in the Sunbeams, or Roasted in the Embers: But when they go out on Parties to Attack Caravans, or private Travellers, they carry no other Provisions but a little Flesh, which they lay under 'em upon their Horse's backs till it grows hot and tender.  
They have the best Horses in the World, for they are incredibly swift, and will ride a whole day without tiring. 'Tis the Custom of the Arabians to Gallop perpetually, without stopping to Dine: At Night they tie their Horses to Stakes, and feed 'em with Milk, Flesh, and Wheat, as they do themselves. They esteem a good Horse above all things in the World; and to prevent Deceits, they keep their Pedigrees in Writing. When they have occasion to sell or exchange a Horse, they produce his Genealogy, proving him to be lineally descended from such a Stallion and Mare of illustrious Memory.  
This wand'ring Nation owes the preservation of its Liberties to the weakness of the Grand Signior, and of the Bassa's of Cairo and Aleppo, who not only connive at 'em, but gratify the Sheck el Kebir with a Pension, which very much resembles Tribute; For upon the least delay of Payment, they burn and pillage the Country in so barbarous a manner, that I cannot give you a livelier Idea of the havoc they make on such occasions, than by putting you in mind of the French Campaign in the Palatinate.  
I have done with the Arabians, and shall in the next place proceed to give you a brief Account of the Turks that live in Egypt, before I finish my Letter. They are so extremely Superstitious, that when they go abroad in the Morning, if the first Person they meet be a Christian, they return immediately, and having washed themselves, stay at home all the rest of the day; for they believe that some great Misfortune would certainly befall 'em, if they should venture to go abroad again.  
Their hatred and scorn to all that profess the Faith of Christ, is extended even to the Franks, who meet with a thousand Indignities, which the Greeks themselves can hardly bear. For not to mention the Custom of Imprisoning us every Night, we are not permitted to appear on Horseback in the City, but are obliged to ride on Asses; and if a Frank were found taking a particular view of a Fortification, 'twould cost him at least 500 Piastres, and he might reckon himself very Fortunate if he escaped with so mild a Correction. 'Tis still a more heinous Crime to enter into a Mosque, and would be punished with greater Severity: And therefore I hope you will not expect that I should acquaint you whether the Egyptian Mosques are different from those of Constantinople.  
I have already told you, that the Men of this Country are very black; but I'm informed, that the Women are not tanned in the least with that Colour, so careful are they to preserve their Complexions, and to keep themselves out of the reach of the Sun. I could tell you some very diverting Stories of the Alexandrian Women, if I were fully convinced of the truth of 'em. 'Tis true, my Authors are very positive, but the Thing is so odd, that I dare hardly venture to relate it upon their Credit; and especially in this case, I should be glad I could speak as an Eye-witness. However, Sir, since the mentioning of the Subject may perhaps raise your Curiosity, 'twould be ill Manners to take leave of you without giving you some account of it.  
I'm informed there are Schools here where Maids learn to give and receive the Pleasures of Love with more than ordinary delight. This pretty Art is taught by Women, who acting the part of Men, make their fair Scholars exercise the most lascivious Postures imaginable. Maids of Quality are instructed at home, and I'm assured that this is an Accomplishment which usually recommends young Ladies to the most advantageous Matches.  
I intent to Embark to morrow on a Tartane of Marseilles, bound for Cairo. I'm extremely afraid of the Mouth of Damieta, for they say 'tis very dangerous.  
I am, SIR, Your &c. Alexandria, Jan. 1691.   

LETTER XVII.  
SIR,  
I Cannot express my Amazement at the sight of those stately Monuments that make Cairo the most admirable City in the World, and convince the Beholder of so many Wonders, that the ancient Kings of Egypt were the most powerful Monarches in the Universe. We are usually filled with a high Idea of the Roman Grandeur, because we view it at a less distance: But how vastly inferior are the Pantheon, Collieseum, Capitol, and all the other celebrated Structures of Rome, to these Magnificent Sepulchers which have for so many Ages stood firm against all the Attacks of Time and Age, and piercing the Sky with their lofty Tops, seem to be Copies of the Tower of Babel. At lest 'tis plain, that the Founders of these Egyptian Monuments were acted by the same Designs that moved Nimrod to erect that famous Tower. They saw that all things were subject to the irresistible Power of Fate, which destroys in a Moment the most illustrious and potent Empires, and annihilates even the Memory of their Grandeur. Their Souls were too elevated to submit to the common Destiny of other Mortals; and the sublimity of their Courage inspired 'em with the noble and glorious Resolution of making themselves Immortal in spite of Death. This was the design of those Egyptian Hero's, and 'tis to their Heroical Ambition that we owe the Possession of these Wonders of the World. How often do I wish you had been an Eye-witness and Partaker of my Happiness, when I stood gazing on so many Beauties that are not to be found any where else, and might justify the Curiosity of a Traveller, tho' he should come from the remotest part of the Universe to admire 'em.  
These Monuments are of several kinds, but there are none so admirably magnificent as the Pyramids, which are so highly celebrated by ancient Historians. Two of the three principal Pyramids are shut, the other which appears biggest is open: 'Tis seated (I mean the last) very near the other two, three Leagues from Cairo, if that name be confined to the New City, or two Leagues and a half, taking in the Old. 'Tis a vast artificial Mountain, composed of Free-Stones of different bigness; for we cannot suppose it possible, that there could have been a sufficient quantity of Stones found exactly of the same Dimensions, for the building of so prodigious a Mass; but the smallest are a Foot thick, and two Foot long; some being three Foot thick, six long, and four broad. It's height amounts to 520 Feet, and the breadth of each Face to 682.  
The Ascent consists of between 200 and 210 Steps. The Top appears like the point of a Spire to those that are below; but when they go up to it, they are surprised to find a Platform 24 Foot square; and their Wonder is still increased, when they observe that so large a space is paved only with 12 Stones; for 'tis hardly conceivable how Stones of that Bulk could be raised to so vast a height. From thence you have the Prospect of Boulac, old and new Cairo, the Ruins of Memphis, the Mountain and the Deserts of Egypt: But he who can look to the bottom of the Steps without Amazement, may justly boast of the strength of his Head; for my part, I must confess I was struck with so much horror when I cast my Eye downward, that I was hardly sensible of any Pleasure in viewing so great a variety of Objects. There were formerly Steps on every side, but Time that consumes all things has so wasted some of the Stones, that in several Parts there are dreadful Precipices; and therefore Strangers dare not venture to ascend without the assistance of Guides that are acquainted with the safest ways. At the bottom of the Pyramid there is a heap of Sand that reaches to the sixteenth step, where there is a little door, through which (after you have drunk a refreshing Cup) you may enter into a sort of descending Alley, 30 paces long, about three Foot and a half high, and of equal breadth, so that a Man cannot walk in it without bowing his Body extremely. At the end of this Alley you must lie down upon your Belly, and creep through a little Wicket, which is even with the Ground, and brings you into another little Alley like the former, only in this you must ascend, whereas you descended in the other. This Alley ends in two others; that on the Right-hand has no inclination, and leads to a little Vaulted Chamber 18 Foot long, and 12 broad. At the entrance into this Alley there is a very deep Pit or Well without Water: Some Travellers go down into it, but I did not follow their Example: For I thought I had already done enough to satisfy my Curiosity, by creeping through those Caves which are darker than Hell itself, and in all respects a fit Habitation for the Dead. Besides, they are so full of Bats that flutter about perpetually, and blow out the Candles, that 'twould be very dangerous to venture in without a Tinderbox. Directly opposite to the last Alley, there is another which begins so high in the Wall, that we were forced to climb up to it; but to make amends for that inconveniency, 'tis much higher and broader than any of the rest. After I had walked 70 Paces, still ascending, I found a sort of Hall 32 Foot long, and 16 broad, paved with nine Stones, the length of which is equal to the breadth of the Room. The Walls are of a very fine and precious kind of Porphyry; and at one end there is an empty Tomb of the same Porphyry, seven Foot long and three broad.  
I went afterwards to take a view of the two other Pyramids, the least (and according to all appearances the most ancient) of which was formerly over-laid with Porphyry. 'Tis only 150 Foot high, and each of its Sides or Faces is 200 Foot broad. The common Opinion is, That 'twas Founded by a Young Woman called Rhodope, who was Aesop's Fellow-Slave in Egypt; and that the Munificence of her Lovers enabled her to build so vast a Work. The other is almost as great as the first; for its height amounts to 510 Feet, and the breadth of each Face to 630. These three Pyramids are of a quadrilateral Figure, and I observed the Ruins of an ancient Temple before each of 'em; for 'tis not at all probable, that there were ever any Palaces in that Place; and the huge Idol of Stone that stands very near those decayed Structures, is, I think, an evident confirmation of the truth of my Conjecture. The People of the Country say, that 'twas heretofore famous for Oracles, and I believe 'tis no fabulous Tradition; for there is a very deep Hole in the Head of the Idol, where the Priests might lie concealed, and return answers to those who came to propose Questions. 'Tis a Colossus cut in the Rock, representing a Woman, and is 26 Foot high, tho' it scarce reaches down to her Bosom, so that 'tis one of the most monstrous Figures in the World.  
Three hours Journey from thence there is a Village called Sacara, in which there are Catacombs or Sepulchral Vaults, but of a different Contrivance from those at Rome and Alexandria. For these are distinct subterraneous Chambers, built of Freestone, without the least Communication between one another: There is an opening above, through which you are either let down with a Rope, as into a Well, or must go down a Ladder, according to the various Depth of the Caves. They were heretofore full of the Bodies of ancient Egyptians, so skilfully embalmed, that they were preserved entire, perhaps above 4000 Years, with their Epitaphs, Coffins, and curious and magnificent Dresses. The Coffins were enriched with Hieroglyphics, and the Figure of the Deceased in Relievo; and sometimes there were Idols and Jewels found in 'em. But the Curiosity of the Franks has at last exhausted 'em; tho' 'tis thought there are some that were never opened, and that the difficulty of finding 'em proceeds from the Avarice of the Moors, who only know where they are, and keep the Price of such Rarities very high. Yet I made 'em let me down into two or three, where I saw some Pieces of Mummy, but so spoiled, that 'twas impossible to preserve any of 'em.  
This Place is so full of Pyramids, that I believe there are above a hundred; but they are not comparable to those I mentioned. Yet I observed one that would be as big as the first, if it were finished: there are also ascending and descending Alleys in it, at the end of which there are three Rooms in different Places. I will not trouble you with a Description of it, since the only remarkable Difference between it and the first, is, that this is only raised to half the intended Height, if I may judge by its Proportion to the rest, whereas that is completely finished.  
On the other Side of the Nile, directly opposite to this Place, are the Ruins of the ancient City of Memphis, extended along the River, till you come overagainst Old Cairo. They are so confused at present, that I spent half a Day in viewing 'em, without finding any thing remarkable.  
I confess, Sir, that in pursuance of the Niceties of an exact Method, I should have made you acquainted with the City of Cairo, before I had carried you to visit the Rarities in its Neighbourhood. But I could not forbear giving the first place to that which I most admired; and besides an Account of Cairo will be as useful and perhaps as acceptable to you at the End, as in the Beginning of my Letter.  
The Observation I made concerning the Variety of Opinions about the Extent of Constantinople, is equally applicable to this City, which is divided into three Parts, Boulac, and Old, and New Cairo. Some Traveller's scruple to comprehend these three Towns under one Name, because they are separated by Gardens and Fields: but if those Gentlemen were to write to an Inhabitant of any of these Divisions, they would certainly direct their Letters to Cairo, and not to Boulac, etc. And 'tis as impertinent a Piece of Nicety to make a Distinction between Places that are divided by so small a Distance; as 'twould be absurd and improper, according to that Opinion, to give the City the Title of Grand Cairo. But not to trouble you with more Arguments, I shall only tell you that I think fit to join all the three Parts together; and that in this Sense Cairo contains four large Hours Journey in Length, and twelve in Compass.  
'Twas taken from the Sultan's of Egypt, Ann. 1517. by Sultan Selim I. who put to death all the Mammelucks with their Sultan: and since that it has been still subject to the Turks, who in all probability will not be soon nor easily driven out of it. 'Tis the Metropolis of Egypt, and the most considerable Bassa-ship in Turkey: and since 'tis a City of a vast Extent, the three Parts that compose it are differently situated. Boulac is the Port of Cairo on the Nile, and is alone as large as Rennes in Bretagne, or the Hague in Holland. The New City lies further in the Country, at the Foot of a great Hill, and the Old Cairo a little beyond it, on the Banks of the Nile. Thus the New City is deprived of the advantageous Neighbourhood of the River, and receives all its Water by a Khaalis or Canal, like that of Alexandria. All the rest of the Cities of Egypt are also furnished with such Aqueducts, without which they wou●d be wholly destitute of Water. This is the Inconveniency, or rather the Misery of the Country; for the Heat is very troublesome during the Summer: and so much the more insupportable, because all the Ground is covered with Sand, which grows burning hot, and makes the Air so sultry, that one can scarce breathe in it. Judge, Sir, what a Pleasure 'twould be in that Season, to drink a Cup of cold and fresh Water; and yet the poor Inhabitants must content themselves with the nasty Puddle that has stood about a Year in the Cisterns, or (which is almost as bad) with the Water that is carried about the Streets to be sold in Pitchers made of Goat's Skins, by the Moors. For the Khaalis is dry for the Space of six Months, and begins not to be filled till the Month of August, when the Nile is almost come to its greatest Height. Then they cut the Dam or Bank, that kept out the Water, which immediately gushes into the Canal, and continues to flow during the Increase of the River, that is, till near the End of October, after which it decreases by degrees. The Day of the Opening of the Khaalis is observed in this City as a Festival, with extraordinary Marks of Joy: but since I have neither seen, nor am like to see that Ceremony, you may consult some other Travellers for an Account of it. The Khaalis passes through the New City, and fills a vast number of Cisterns and Basins for Gardens. The Inundation of the Nile is the only Cause of the Fruitfulness of Egypt; for without that 'twould be one vast Desert, as those Parts are, which are deprived of that Advantage by reason of their Distance from the River. These Floods, which are occasioned by the Melting of the Snow in the Mountains, fatten the Soil more effectually than the best Dung in the World could possibly do: and indeed those Spots of Ground that are washed by the Inundation are admirably fertile. I cannot leave this Subject without taking Notice of the Vulgar Error, That it never reins in this Country; for during the little time I have spent in it, I have observed some Showers; tho' I must confess it reins not so frequently here as in other Countries.  
The Nile is very near as broad as the Rhine: it crosses the whole Country of Egypt; and during the time of its Inundation, it overflows for the space of two Months, all the neighbouring Fields, which only are inhabited, the rest of the Land being covered with dry and burning Sands. It falls into the Mediterranean by two Mouths, about 80 Miles distant. 'Tis famous over all the World for its Crocodiles, and it must be acknowledged that it contains a great number of very large ones, but they are neither venomous, nor so terrible as they are usually represented.  
If I should tell you that there are 23000 Mosques in this City, you'd certainly laugh at my Credulity, that could swallow such a monstrous Fable. However, Sir, 'tis held by all the Inhabitants as a most certain Truth; and they are no less firmly persuaded that there are as many distinct Quarters or Wards, containing several Streets each, according to which Computation there are at least 100000 Streets in the City. 'Tis true, they are extremely small and narrow, but I dare not positively assure you that there is such a prodigious Number of 'em, especially since I never counted 'em. 'Tis also said that when the Plague rages in this Place, it sweeps away 10000 Persons a-day; nor do I think this Story so incredible as the other: for the City is extremely populous, and there is as great a Concourse of People at the Bazar or Market every Thursday, as at the most crowded Fairs in Europe. This Bazar is the only to lerable Street in Cairo, and the Besestin at one of the Ends of it is at least as fine and rich as that of Constantinople. At the other End there is a Market of Slaves, where a Man may be always accommodated with a pretty Girl, at the Rate of 100 or 150 Piastres. All the Houses are of Wood, with Platforms on the Top, after the Turkish Fashion: The Outside is as mean, as the Inside is said to be beautiful. 'Tis true, I never viewed 'em within, and therefore will not desire you to believe that they deserve the last part of that Character; for it depends entirely upon the Testimony of the Franks, who are guilty of an unaccountable Prejudice, in magnifying the Turkish Magnificence. This is certainly a very great and inexcusable Weakness; and I know not whether it is more unreasonable to admire all things or nothing. We ought indeed to do Justice to every thing that is either Good or Beautiful: but I know no Reason that obliges us to extol the most ordinary Beauty, or rather Deformity itself, especially in a Place that may justly boast of so many incomparable Wonders, among which I may venture to reckon the ancient and vast Castle of Cairo. 'Tis true, it may be said to be a mere Heap of inhabited Ruins: but these Ruins are extremely Magnificent, and suitable to the Glory and Power of Pharaoh, who is reputed to be the Founder both of this Structure, and of the great open Pyramid. It stands directly in the Middle of the City, between the Old and New Town, on so large and steep a Rock, that one would think it was purposely framed by Nature to secure and command Grand Cairo. 'Tis above two Miles in Compass, and was formerly surrounded with thick Walls, like those of Alexandria; flanked at the end of every hundred Paces with great and very strong Towers. It has four Gates which lead into a fine open Place, and from thence to several Streets; so that it seems rather to be a Town than a Castle. The Turks have profaned these venerable Monuments, by disfiguring 'em with their Cottages, which look like so many Rats-Nests. Some Parts of Pharaoh's Palace remain still to be seen: The Room called Joseph's Hall, is enriched with Gold and Azure, and adorned with thirty fine Columns of Porphyry. That of his Steward or Intendant, is not so entire, and is only remarkable for twelve Columns of Thebaic Marble, which are not much inferior to the former in Beauty. But the entirest and most admirable Work in this Place, is the celebrated Well of Joseph. 'Tis cut or hollowed in the hard Rock, a hundred and six Foot deep, of a square Figure, each Side containing eleven Feet, without reckn'ning the Staircase, which is seven Foot broad, and cut out of the same Rock. It turns round the Well, and consists of twelve several Windings, six of which contain eighteen Steps apiece, and the other six, nineteen; so that the total Number of the Steps amounts to to Two hundred twenty two. The Stairs are so easy and commodious, that they make two Oxen go down every day to the Bottom of the Well, which is dry, and from thence to a little square Room, where there is a Spring, out of which they draw Water continually, by a certain Contrivance of Wheels hung round with Buckets, that discharge the Water into a Basin or Cistern in the midst of the dry Pit or Well; from whence 'tis raised up in Buckets fastened to Ropes, that are let down and drawn up again by the turning of other Wheels. Round the Staircase on the Inside there are Walls that serve instead of Rails, and secure those that go down from falling. At the Bottom of the Well there is a Door on the Right-hand, and another on the Left, both cut out of the Rock: and 'tis commonly believed that one of 'em leads to the Red-Sea, and the other to the Pyramids. The first is impossible, for the Sea is above thirty Leagues distant: but the second is not at all improbable, considering the great Works that were undertaken and performed by the ancient Egyptians, and the Care they took to dig subterraneous Passages to secure their Retreat in case of Necessity. 'Tis true, the Greatness of the Distance, and Hardness of the Rock could not but make this Attempt very difficult; but after all 'tis not near so vast a Work as the Pyramids, and there must be some Passage that begins at this Place: for tho' the Doors are at present walled up, 'tis plain they were designed for some Use. You will not be surprised at the Magnificence of this Well, nor wonder what made the Egyptians bestow so much Time, Pains and Cost on the digging of it, if you consider how precious and valuable Water is in this Country. For (as I told you in my last) there are but two Springs in all Egypt, This, and That of Maltharea, of which I shall give you some Account before I finish my Letter. And it seems the Egyptian Monarches were afraid that these two Fountains should at last be dried up; for they took care to bring Water from the Nile in a very fine Aqueduct, beginning betwixt Old Cairo and Boulac, and reaching as far as the Castle. Not far from Joseph's Palace there is a dreadful Prison, consisting of several Dungeons cut out of the Rock. It bears the Name of the same Patriarch, because 'twas here, according to the common Opinion, where he interpreted the Dreams of the Bu●ler and Baker: if this Tradition be true, it must be acknowledged, that he was in a lamentable Condition, for this is certainly a very dismal Place.  
Maltharea is a Place about a large League distant from the City, whither the Franks often walk to enjoy the pleasant Shade of its fine Orange-Trees, and refresh themselves with its delicious Water. There is also a little Chapel in the same place, which, 'tis said, the Blessed Virgin chose for her Abode, when she fled to Egypt with her Son Jesus; but the Circumstances of the Story are so improbable, that it seems to be of the same Stamp with other fabulous Legends. For they pretend that while she lived in that little House, perceiving at a great distance the Men whom Herod had sent after her, and, not knowing where to flee, an old Sycamore burst open to receive her and the little Jesus, and closing again secured 'em from the Rage of their Enemies. Assoon as the Danger was over the miraculous Tree let 'em forth, and remained open ever afterwards; but 'tis extremely decayed at present, and part of it is fallen away. However I spent two Hours near it with a great deal of Pleasure; for the Sun shone very bright that Day, and the Verdure of the Myrtle, Orange, and Limon-Trees was extremely agreeable.  
There is another little Chapel in Old Cairo, where the Virgin resided for some time: and near that there are large Storehouses for Corn, which are thought to be the same that Joseph built when he laid up Provisions against the seven Years of Famine.  
Thus, Sir, I have entertained you with an Account of some of the Egyptian Rarities. 'Tis true, there are many other remarkable Monuments in this Country, that are worthy of a Traveller's Curiosity; but the very Sight of those howling Deserts deter me from undertaking a Journey that would expose me to so many Dangers and Inconveniencies. Besides 'twould require a great deal of Money, and I begin already to perceive that I must take more than ordinary care to Husband my Stock. I find also that the same consideration will not suffer me to prosecute my design of visiting the Holy Land, tho' 'tis not without an extreme reluctancy that I'm forced to deprive myself of the fight of a place which the Saviour of the World hallowed with his presence. But the Journey is prodigiously chargeable, and I'm resolved to deny myself that satisfaction rather than to put myself in a condition that might oblige me to return to France. I intent then to Embark on a Greek Saique, which in few days will set Sail for Smyrna, where, I hope, I may easily find an occasion for Venice.  
I am, SIR, Your &c. Cairo, Feb. 1691.   

LETTER XVIII.  
SIR,  
AFter a very troublesome Voyage that lasted a whole Month, I arrived at Smyrna, a City of Anatolia, a hundred Miles from Scio, where you may remember I stayed so long that I found Matter enough for a whole Letter.  
Smyrna was formerly seated on two Mountains, separated by a pleasant Valley that divided the City into two Parts, one of which was not above a quarter of a League distant from the Sea. This Mountain is so high that you could not go up or rather climb the steep ascent in less than a full quarter of an hour: And on the top of it was a large Castle fortified both by Nature and Art; for besides the advantages of its Situation, 'twas surrounded with high and thick Walls, on which there was a Parapet embattled after the Oriental fashion; and certainly 'tis not easily conceivable how so many Stones could be carried up so high. The Gate of the Castle is defended by two round Towers joined to the Wall: And in the Stonework of the Tower that stands on the right hand as you enter, there is a Figure of a Woman's Head and Neck, a Foot and a half high, which is said to represent a certain Amazon called Smyrna, who having Conquered the City, called it by her own Name, and built the Castle. The inside is a mere heap of Ruins, among which I observed a very fair Cistern twenty Paces long and twelve broad, Vaulted and supported by six fine square Pillars which are all entire. Besides, there is a little Chapel built like a Mosque, but it seems not to be very ancient. This Castle commanded the City on one side, and the Port on the other; and from thence you have an unobstructed Prospect of the Sea. 'Tis at present only Inhabited by a Turk with his Wife and Daughter, who is obliged to keep Watch, and give notice to the Merchants when he discovers a Vessel. Descending from thence we saw the Ruins of an Amphitheatre, about which there are Ditches where the Lions were kept; and somewhat higher are the Niches where the Magistrates sat. 'Twas here that S. Polycarp, the first Archbishop of Smyrna was crowned with Martyrdom. He was one of St. John's Disciples, and yet even then the Schism of the Greek Church was begun; for he was sent to the Pope to Negotiate an Accommodation, tho' with very little Success. The City was heretofore very large, as it appears by the compass of its Walls; for if any Man will give himself the trouble to take an exact view of their Ruins, as I have done, he will be quickly convinced, that 'twas above twelve Miles about: And the Error of those who contract its Dimensions, is only an effect of their Carelessness.  
There is a very fine Aqueduct still to be seen, which brought Water to the part of the City next the Sea. It reaches from one Hill to the other, and contains 300 Paces in length. In the same part of the Town there are very ancient Burying-places, which at present belong to the Jews: And adjoining to these are the Burying-places of the English and Dutch, where there are very magnificent Marble Tombs, enriched with fine Relievoes. This Place is called St. Veneranda, from the Name of a Greek Church, near which there is a Spring, famed for curing Fevers miraculously; tho' I'm confident its Virtue consists only in quenching the Thirst, which it does very effectually, for 'tis extremely cold and clear, and may for that reason be reckoned one of the Rarities of Smyrna, where the Water is generally bad.  
This City was ruined in the time of Mark Anthony, who caused it to be rebuilt at the foot of the Hill on the Seaside, where it stands at present, stretching in length about two short Miles, and a little above one Mile in breadth. This situation is more convenient for Trade than the former, and besides, the Heat of the Summer is agreeably tempered by a cool Breeze that blows every day. But these Advantages are counterbalanced by the Earthquakes that happen so frequently in this place, and make such a terrible havoc that the Inhabitants oftentimes wish that their Town were placed again on the Hill, where they think the danger would not be so great. For 'tis generally believed, that the Earthquakes are occasioned by the vast and deep Concavities made by the subterraneous Streams that fall from the Mountain, where the Wind and Vapours being penned up, and endeavouring to break forth impetuously, cause those dreadful Jolts that are felt here so often. However I can assure you, that the Hill is much less subject to Earthquakes than the place where the City stands at present: For since I came hither there happened four in one day, and all of 'em strong and violent enough to strike a Terror into those that are not accustomed to 'em. Nor does their frequency make 'em less dreadful to the Inhabitants of this place; for as soon as they perceive the least shaking of the Earth they run out of their Houses with all the signs of Fear and Amazement, and call upon God, every one according to the Rites of his Religion. Nor can this be justly called a Panic Terror, for they were so roughly handled by an Earthquake three Years ago, that I I wonder how any of 'em durst afterwards venture to repair their ruin'd Habitations. About Noon, when they were all at Dinner, the Earth began to shake so furiously as if the whole Machine of the Universe had been falling to pieces. A thousand Houses were overturned in an Instant with a hideous din, and 3000 Persons were buried under the Ruins. The rest who had the good Fortune to escape, were seized with a terrible Consternation, and ran wildly about, not knowing whither to flee, nor where to hide themselves; for they were still alarmed with repeated Jolts. And besides, the lurking Fires that lay hid among the Ruins were fanned and blown up so violently by a strong Gale, which accompanied the Earthquake, that the Flame could not be extinguished for the space of two days, till the very Rubbish of the Houses was consumed. Add to this dismal Spectacle the howl of those Wretches that were not quite killed by the fall of the Houses, and you'll find yourself obliged to acknowledge, that never any accident produced a more lamentable Scene of Misery. At last the Seamen that were on Board the Vessels in the Port, came ashore, and found above 500 Persons alive under the Ruins, some with broken Legs, and others with broken Arms; some were bruised all over, and all in general were Objects of Pity and Compassion. The Captains of the Ships carried those who were Hurt or Wounded on Board, with the most considerable Persons of their respective Nations: But the rest of the Inhabitants were forced to lie abroad till they had prepared new Lodgings, which were only some paltry Huts of Straw. That part of the City where the Franks live was most violently shaken, so that they were all Sufferers, and most of 'em lost in one day the fruit of many Years Labour. Some that had stripped themselves to the very Shirt to enjoy with greater Pleasure the Coolness of the Wind, were reduced to the necessity of begging Coats to cover their Nakedness. As for the Societies of Merchants, tho' they were considerable Sharers in the common Calamity, the greatness of their Stocks kept 'em from falling into such an excess of Misery. The English and Dutch particularly are so rich, that they can easily support the loss of 50000 Livres: But every Man suffered proportionably to his Estate, and it may be said that the Poor lost more than the Rich, because they were deprived of their All.  
Monsieur Fabre the French Consul perished under the Ruins, notwithstanding all the Endeavours that were used to save him; and several Rich Merchants had the same Fate. Next Year the Plague broke forth among those whom the Fire and the Earthquake had spared; and the last Year may be reckoned as Calamitous as either of the former, by reason of the horrible Disorders that were committed here by the Algerines and Barbarians. Thus, within the compass of Three Years, this City has suffered Four of the severest Judgements that are usually inflicted by Heaven. These Misfortunes would have ruined a poor Town, but there are hardly any Footsteps of 'em left in this; for 'tis almost quite Rebuilt already, and the Street where the Franks live is fairer than 'twas before.  
This is the most considerable seat of Commerce in the Levant, and the Dignity of the Consuls who reside here is next to that of Ambassadors. Their Jurisdiction is extended over Anatolia, Scio, Metelin, and several other Islands of the Archipelago, in which they appoint Vice-Consuls, who govern under their Authority. This is a very Honourable Employment, and those who are possessed of it are much respected, even by the Turks, who have as great a Veneration for Consuls as for Ambassadors, and receive 'em at Audiences with the same Ceremonies. When they go through the Streets, the Turks draw up in Files, and open a Passage for 'em, as for a Bassa: Nor do they ever walk abroad without two Interpreters, and as many Janissaries, who march before 'em, and serve instead of a Lifeguard; and besides, they are accompanied with two or three Merchants, and followed by their Servants in Livery. But on the days of Audience their Train is more numerous and splendid, for they are always preceded by six Interpreters, and a like number of Janissaries, with Zercola's on their Heads; and followed by all the most considerable Persons of the Nation, whose number sometimes amounts to above forty. Nor does the Grandeur of this Post consist merely in external Pomp; for their Power is as considerable as their State, and their Authority over their respective Nations exceeds that of ordinary Governors, so much the more as they are farther distant from the Court. 'Tis true, that in the management of Affairs that merely regard Trade, they are obliged to call a Meeting of the Principal Merchants, who decide the Matter by plurality of Voices, and the Consul is only Precedent of the Assembly. But in all cases that relate to the administration of Justice or the Government of a City, he represents the Person of the Sovereign, and is as exactly obeyed. He is the absolute Judge of all Suits or Actions, whether Criminal or Civil; and has under him a Chancellor, who performs the Office of a Clerk and Notary, a Secretary, and a Treasurer, who receives all the Money that is sent either on the public Account, or by way of private Commission. The Dignity of his Function is also conspicuous in the Church, where he sits in an armed Chair, with a Cushion of Crimson Velvet to kneel upon. But the main advantage of this Office is in my Opinion the largeness of its Revenue, which seldom or never amounts to less than 18000 French Livres. All Franks are obliged at their Arrival to address themselves to their respective Consuls, and desire their Protection, or otherwise must expect to be seized, and sent back to their own Country. Yet, without any regard to that Custom, I have put myself under the Protection of Monsieur de Hochepied, the Dutch Consul: For when I went to see him, and acquainted him with my design, he offered me that Favour with so much Generosity, that I neither could, nor was willing, to refuse it. Nor did his Civility stop there, for he obliged me to accept of a Lodging in his fine House, where I need not be afraid of my Countrymen's Indignation. However, to avoid any accident that might happen, I seldom or never go abroad but in his Company, tho', considering the kindness he expresses to me on all occasions, I believe I might walk alone without any danger. For he is so much honoured, respected, and beloved by all the Nations who reside here, and even by the French themselves, that there is not one Person, small or great, who would not run to Japan, rather than disoblige him. He is usually called, The Consul, without any Addition, as if he were the only Person in Smyrna who could pretend to that Character: The rest of the Consuls are known by the Names of their respective Nations, but he is The Consul by way of Eminency. And, to give you a better Idea of him, I can assure you that so universal a Love and Esteem is purely the effect of his Merit; for he is Master of a vast Wit, his Temper is sweet, civil, and obliging, and in one world he is a complete Person, which I think is the justest and most expressive Account I can give you of him. There are so many Perfections required to make a Man worthy of that Character, that a Complete Man is certainly one of the greatest Rarities of this Age: But all these Qualifications are united in him. He is descended of a Noble and Ancient Family in Holland, which can boast of an uninterrupted Succession for above 300 Years, and is Allied to the Principal Houses in the Netherlands. Among the rest I shall only mention its late Alliance with the most ancient Family of the Collier's, which is originally of Scotland: Their 
* Advance.  Device is the finest that ever I saw, nor do they bear it in vain. For they have upon all occasions signalised their Courage in Military Achievements; and there are at present three of that Family in the King's Service, who seem to make Valour their Favourite Virtue, and are known and esteemed by the whole Army, both for that and a thousand other no less glorious Endowments.  
Madam de Hochepied is the Sister of the present, and Daughter of the late Dutch Ambassador. She's a finished Beauty, and has the Air of a Princess; and besides (which is as true as it seems incredible) she is absolutely Mistress of Seven of the most difficult and opposite Languages in the World. For besides the Dutch, which is her natural Tongue, she speaks the French, Italian, Greek, Russian, Turkish, and Arabian Languages, and speaks 'em all so perfectly well, that I have often heard her explaining to Interpreters the true sense of certain hard Words, of which they were ignorant before. In short, she's in all respects an admirable Person. Judge, Sir, whether I can think the time tedious which I spend in such agreeable Company, and in a House where I'm so kindly entertained; and whether you can blame me for not hastening my departure. I'm resolved to expect an occasion for Venice, and I believe 'twill be a long time before I can find one; because the Venetian Vessels never venture to appear in this part of the Sea, till the Turkish Fleet be laid up, tho' they have no great reason to dread it, since the Grand Signior, for all his Grandeur, is Master only of Eleven Ships of War. 'Tis true, if all his Galleys would put to Sea, their number might at least amount to 200; but as Affairs are managed at present, his Navy makes no great Figure. You may expect a more particular Account of these things in my next. In the mean time,  
I am, SIR, Your &c. Smyrna, Apr. 1691.   

LETTER XIX.  
SIR,  
YOU might justly accuse me of Laziness, or want of Complaisance, if I should not employ the leisure I enjoy at present in recollecting my Observations concerning the Government, Religion, Manners, and Customs of the Turks. I shall endeavour therefore to satisfy your Curiosity, by entertaining you with a short account of these Subjects, avoiding all impertinent Repetitions of those obvious and common Remarks that are to be met with in almost every Book of Voyages. And I hope the Points I propose to handle will furnish me with sufficient Matter for Three Letters; the first of which shall treat of the Government, the second of the Religion, and the third of the Manners and Customs of the Turks.  
The Turkish Empire, according to the primitive and fundamental Constitution of the Government, is absolutely and entirely Despotic; that is, a Supreme and Arbitrary Power is lodged in the Person of the Emperor, whose Will is the only Law by which he Rules, and who acknowledges no other Maxim of Government than Sic volo, sic jubeo. He is not curbed by any written Law or Custom, and those whom he Oppresses have not so much as a right to Complain. He may take away any Man's Estate, and either keep it, or give it to another. Sometimes he passes by the most ancient Bassa's, and in one day advances a simple Chiaux, or even a Cook, to the Dignity of Grand Visier. He sends for the Heads of those whom he has a Mind to be rid of, who are Murdered without any Trial or Form of Justice, and even without knowing the Reason of his Displeasure. In one Word, his Pleasure is the supreme and uncontrollable Law. This unlimited Power of the Sultan is founded on the Mahometan Religion, which enjoins a blind Obedience to all his Commands under Pain of Damnation. But the Turks of late have rendered their Slavery more tolerable; for tho' they have made no Alteration in the Constitution of the Government, their Practices are very different from what they were heretofore.  
The Grand Visier is the Chief Minister of State, and is called King by the Turks, to show how much the Sultan's slight and undervalue that Title, in Imitation of the Old Roman Emperors, who bestowed Kingdoms on their Favourites. This is the Reason why the Grand Signior styles himself The Protector of Persecuted Kings, and the Distributer of Crowns; tho' he wears none himself, not even on the Day of his Public Inauguration, for the only Badge of his Imperial Dignity is a magnificent Sabre, enriched with precious Stones, which the Mufti girds to his Side. The Grand Visier is entrusted with the whole Management of Affairs, and his Power is almost equal to the Sultan's. He is in a great measure the Arbiter of Peace and War, and creates the Fortune of all the Great Officers in the Empire. 'Tis true, he ought not to do any thing without the Advice of a Council, composed of seven Bassa's, called the Viziers of the Bench: but they have only a Shadow of Authority, which scarce deserves to be mentioned.  
The next in Order, are the Bassa's, who are a sort of Vice-Roys in the Provinces. Their Office is to administer Justice exactly, and to keep the People in Subjection to the Government. They are also obliged to pay a yearly Tribute to the Grand Signior, both of Money and Slaves, without reckoning the Carache, Customs, and other Imposts that are usually exacted. This is the utmost Extent of the Legal Authority of the Bassa's; but they commonly abuse their Power, and are more arbitrary Tyrants than the Grand Signior himself. Their principal Aim is to raise their Fortune speedily; and in order to that they rob the Widow and Orphan, and fill the Land with Spoil and Oppression, never scrupling to commit a gainful Crime, tho' attended with the basest Circumstances. The Sultan is forced to dissemble his Knowledge of these Disorders, for want of Power to suppress 'em: for every Bassa maintains some standing Forces at his own Charge, whose Assistance he may command upon all Occasions, if their Payment be not wholly neglected. Whereas the Sultan, who for the most part wants Money to pay his Army, and perhaps does not show himself twice in his Life to the Soldiers, is so far from being Master of 'em, that he is almost always constrained to submit to their Authority. This is the fatal Source of all those Seditions that have so often shaken, and will at last overturn the Empire. For how can we suppose that Subjects will either love or fear a lazy Prince, that takes no Share in the Business of State or War: a Prince, that contents himself with a Chimerical Show of Grandeur and Power, and seems rather to be a Mock-King in a Farce than a Ruler of Kingdoms? 'Tis plain both from Reason and Experience, that a great Monarch, who would be the absolute Master of his Subjects, aught to apply himself to the Execution and Reformation of the Laws, and above all, to gain the Esteem and Affection of his Soldiers, whom he ought to look upon as the surest Prop and Support of his Authority. An Army in a State cannot remain indifferent; they must and will have a Master; and will either continue faithful to the Crown, or espouse the Interest of some designing Subject: And therefore it ought to be the Prince's Care to discover their Inclinations, and to act accordingly. King's are as feeble Creatures as other Men, and as unable to perform any Great Action by their own Power: but when they are at the Head of 100000 Men, all devoted to their Interest, 'tis then they become the Terror of the World, and their Power is almost as boundless as their Ambition. The Fate of Monarches depends on their Armies, and without these neither Alexander, Caesar, nor Lewis XIV. could have gained one Inch of Ground. This is so evident and certain a Truth, that never any Person had the Confidence to controvert it: and I believe the Ottoman Emperors are of the same Opinion, tho' all their Actions seem to be grounded on very different, and even opposite Maxims. A Prince that would secure the Loyalty of his Forces, must take care of 'em himself, visit 'em often, give out all Orders, prefer Men of known Merit, keep both the Officers and Soldiers under an exact Discipline, and pay 'em as punctually as he can. The Grand Signior observes not one of these Maxims, and therefore he may blame himself for the Unruliness of his Army. But the Government is guilty of another Blunder, which, in my Opinion, is no less fatal than the former; I mean the usual way of appeasing Seditions, which break forth oftener than once a Year. For every Tumult that shakes the Sultan's Throne, costs him the Heads of a hundred of his Principal Officers: The Grand Visier is commonly made the first Sacrifice, and afterwards that important Charge is entrusted to some young and unexperienced Person, as if a Minister of State could spring up in a Night like a Mushroom. This Custom is directly opposite to common Sense, which teaches us that no Man ought to be advanced to so high a Post, but one that has been long accustomed to State-Business, and has spent his whole Life in fitting himself for the Management of so great a Trust. These Considerations give me an Idea of the Turkish Empire, which I cannot express better than by comparing it to a Coach drawn by a Sett of ungovernable Horses, each of which pulls a contrary Way.  
If we descend lower, and take a more particular View of the Government, we shall every where find the dismal Effects of these Disorders. The Distempers of the Head are usually communicated to the Inferior Members: And I never saw a Country, where Justice is so often and so impudently perverted, by those who are entrusted with the Execution of it. I know 'tis the Custom of some Travellers to magnify the Turkish way of administering Justice: but such a groundless Conceit is only the Effect of the powerful Inclination most Men have to admire every thing that is unusual or extraordinary. And I'm confident that a bare Account of their Method of Judging Civil and Criminal Causes, will give you a very different Notion of their boasted Justice; You, I say, who are not tainted with those common Prejudices, but are always wont to judge of things as they are in themselves, without considering whether they are rare or common.  
They have no written Laws but what are contained in the Alcoran, which they hold to be the Rule of Faith, and Standard of Justice, and every thing that it forbids is esteemed unlawful and punishable. Nevertheless the Bassa's and Cadi's judge as they please, for the Book is very short, and besides a great deal fuller of Dreams and Absurdities than of Laws or Moral Precepts; and those few it contains are so ambiguously expressed, and delivered in so loose a Manner, that these greedy Officers cannot desire a more favourable Opportunity to satisfy their Avarice. Besides they judge without Appeal, and cause the Sentence to be executed upon the Spot. 'Tis true, some highly injured Persons have recourse to the Grand Signior's Divan; but then the Injustice must be very plain and inexcusable, or 'tis in vain to expect Satisfaction; and that is so seldom obtained, that few prudent Men will venture on so troublesome and expensive a Journey: for since 'tis not the Custom to record either the Plead, or the Sentence, the Judge may easily elude all the Arguments of his Accusers. 'Tis true, the Number of the Plaintiffs is usually so great, and the Informations of other Officers so positive, that the Truth is at last discovered, and the Offenders are punished. But tho' few Cadi's leave the Office with Honour, there is not the least Care taken to repair the Losses of those whom they have ruined. For, besides what I intimated before, that their Proceedings are not registered, the new Cadi is usually as great a Rogue as his Predecessor; so that the poor oppressed People must bear their Misfortunes as patiently as they can, without the least hope of Redress.  
The Cadi's are mere Beggars when they are first advanced to that gainful Post, and their Commission lasts but a Year: yet in less than three Months these tattered Scoundrels exchange their Rags for gaudy Habits, and a magnificent Equipage, and at the End of the Year are Masters of vast Estates. We exclaim against our Lawyers in France, and will not suffer those who have spend 20 or 30 Years in a perpetual Hurry of Business, to enjoy the Fruit of their Labours in Peace, tho' the Fortunes they acquire are for the most part so small, that they can hardly subsist without Employment. But I'm confident a little Acquaintance with the Customs of this Country would quickly stop the Mouths of our Grumblers: for if the Cadi of a considerable City were permitted to hold his Office Ten Years, he would be richer than a Precedent au Mortier. He that went last from Smyrna gained above 40000 Crowns; and you may easily judge how miserably the Inhabitants were oppressed by a Judge that could in one Year heap up so great a Treasure. 'Tis true he durst not expect the Coming of his Successor, but marched off eight days before, without staying to take leave of his Friends, according to the prudent Custom of his Brother-Rogues. For they are obliged to give an Account of their Administration to the succeeding Cadi's, who make a Report to the Grand Signior's Divan, and even secure their Persons when the Comlaints against 'em are very numerous and grievous. But they are too conscious of their Gild, to stand a Trial which they know would infallibly ruin 'em; and therefore to avoid so terrible a Danger, they go immediately to their Patron at the Port, who receives his Share in the Booty, and grants 'em his Protection, without which they would be punished without Mercy. Yet some of 'em choose rather to buy their Peace of the new Cadi, who, for 8 or 10 Purses, which amounts to 12 or 15000 Livres, gives 'em as favourable a Certificate as they can desire.  
All Civil Affairs are judged by the Cadi according to the Deposition of Witnesses, without any regard to Writings. For suppose you had lent 1000 Piastres to a Man upon his Note or Bond, if he can but suborn two Men to affirm that they saw him pay you such a Sum, you must infallibly lose your Money. This Custom gives a fair Opportunity to Men of dishonest Principles to abuse their Creditors; since they may easily find Witnesses to prove any thing, and even without giving themselves the trouble to inquire after 'em. One word, or a Sign to the Cadi is sufficient, who always keeps a Score of Knights of the Post ready to serve him or any of his Friends on such Occasions. After the two contending Parties have pleaded their own Cause as well as they can, for there are no Barristers in Turkey, one of 'em clutches his right Fist, and stretches out one, two, or three of his Fingers, signifying, that he intends to present the Cadi with a like number of Purses: Then his Adversary makes the same Sign, and offers more or less, as he thinks fit. At Night the Cadi sends for the highest Bidder, and having received his Present, requites his Compliment very civilly the next Day, with a favourable Sentence; after which he that is cast must either pay the Debt immediately, or go to Prison. And (which is still more unjust) if you are not able to maintain him, and pay the Fees of those who arrested him, you must resign the third Part of your Debt; in Consideration of which the poor Wretch is kept rotting in the Gaol, till an exact Enquiry be made into his Estate. And if it be found that the Debt exceeds the Value of his Goods and Possessions, the Payment is changed to a Corporal Punishment, and he receives as many Bastinadoes on the Sols of his Feet as he owes Piastres, unless the Sum exceed 500; for they stop there, because the strongest Man could not endure a greater number of Blows without manifest Danger of his Life.  
The Judgement of Criminal Affairs belongs to the Bassa, who proceeds after the same manner: for Money clears the most barbarous Malefactor, and without that, Justice degenerates to Cruelty. The Stake and the Gibbet seem to be only made for poor Villains; nor can there be a greater Sign of Poverty, than when a Man is prosecuted for Murder or Robbery: for since the Bassa and Vaivode are always sure of 40000 Asper's, the usual Price of Blood, which they exact of those before whose Doors the Murder was committed; they seldom or never take care to execute Justice on the Murderer. I have seen a Janisary, who had killed above 30 Men, walk through the Streets unmolested, and with as much Confidence as the most innocent Person in Town. Nor are these corrupt Tribunals less favourable to the Robbers that infest the Country, and commit such frequent Disorders, that no wise Man will venture to travel one day's Journey without being completely armed, and extremely well accompanied. 'Tis true, the Grand Signior from time to time sends superior Bassa's, attended with some Companies of Soldiers, to search after unpunished Malefactors. 'Tis not above two Months since one of 'em came to this City, and put to Death about 20 Criminals: but after all, these Great Inquisitors are only terrible to those who are unable to buy their Favour, and even he whom I mentioned had above fifty Customers of this Sort. Among the rest I shall only take notice of one Instance of his mercenary Clemency; and I hope I shall easily obtain your Pardon for a Digression which will not only divert you, but give you a clearer Idea of the Genius of the Turkish Officers of Justice.  
A Man that used to work in a Dutch Merchant's Garden, was seized for a Murder, which he had committed 7 or 8 Years before, and finding himself to be in a very hopeless Condition, sent to beg the Merchant's Assistance, who was too generous to suffer one that had served him to be hanged for wan● of 2 or 300 Piastres. The poor Man relying upon his Master's promised Kindness, began immediately to treat with the Bassa for his Ransom, which at last was fixed at 100 Turkish Pieces of Gold, commonly called Scherifi, worth 2 1/4 Piastres each. The Bargain being thus concluded, the Merchant gave the hundred Scherifi to the Bassa's Kiaia, who delivered but ninety to the Treasurer, having kept the other ten for himself. Now you must know that there are in Turkey a sort of Men who pretend to be Mahomet's Kinsmen, and are highly reverenced by all Persons: They wear green Turbans, and are called Scherifi, which (you may remember I told you) is the Name of the Pieces of Gold. When the Trial came on, after the Witnesses were examined, the Bassa perceiving that there were Ten Pieces wanting of the promised Sum, and imagining that Defect to be a designed Breach of the Agreement, seemed to be very nice and inexorable, and protested that he could not acquit a Man who was positively charged with Murder by so many Witnesses. But the Secretary, who by good Fortune was acquainted with the whole Transaction, told him, That tho' these Witnesses declared him Guilty, there were 100 Scherifi arrived, who asserted his Innocencey, and that their Testimony was much more convincing. I thought, said the Bassa, I saw but 90; 'Tis true, replied the Secretary, but there were Ten more, who by reason of their great Age, could not come up to your Presence, and therefore stayed below with the Kiaia. The Bassa, who was neither Deaf nor Dull, understood the Meaning of those Expressions, and declared the accused Person innocent.  
There are several sorts of Punishments inflicted on Malefactors in this Country; such as Beheading, Drowning, Hanging, Strangling, Burning, Impaling, and the Strappado. The two last are the most Cruel, and are appointed only for Turks that renounce the Mahometan Faith, or Renegadoes that return to the Profession of the Christian Religion, or for those who are convicted of some very enormous Crimes. Robbers and Murderers are hanged, Women are drowned, those who are found guilty of Rebellion or Sedition are beheaded, and Burning is the Punishment of Christians for blaspheming against Mahomet or the Alcoran, or for lying with a Turkish Woman. Not long ago an English Merchant at Constantinople very narrowly escaped Suffering for the last of these Crimes. He kept a fair Turk with all imaginable Secrecy, and never saw her at his own House. To prevent Suspicion, he procured a very pretty Yacht, in which he went with her almost every day, to take the Air on the Sea of Marmora, or in the Canal of the Black Sea, and usually stayed abroad till Night. But at last the whole Intrigue was discovered by the Indiscretion of a Servant; and they were both apprehended by an Order from the Grand Visier, who at first threatened to burn the Merchant, but was afterwards prevailed with to accept a Fine of 10000 Piastres, which he paid upon the Spot. Several Travellers have particularly described the Punishments called Impaling, and the Strappado, as well as the Manner of giving the Bastonnado; and therefore I shall forbear troubling you with an Account of what I suppose you know already.  
The Government of the Cities is managed by Five Kind's of Officers, the Bassa, Sub-Bassa, Vaivode, Cadi, and Receiver of the Customs. The Bassa is properly the Governor, and judges criminal Causes; and the Sub-Bassa is as it were his Deputy. The Vaivode takes care of regulating Affairs in the City; he walks the Round twice aweek, to examine the Weights and Measures, to observe whether unlicens'd tippling-houses are kept, to punish Drunken Persons, and all those in the general who commit any Disorders in the City. Those who are found guilty of these or any other Abuses, must immediately submit to the Bastonnado, especially Drunkards, who are always very roughly handled. The Function of the Sub-Bassa is not much different. The Cadi is the Judge of all Civil Suits; and the Receiver of the Customs, who in France is only a private Person without any Authority, is in this Country empowered to take Cognizance of all fraudulent Practices relating to Pecuniary Duties, in all which Cases he is both Judge and Party.  
The Jealousy that reigns among these Officers is so furious and extravagant, that they make it their principal Business to discredit and ruin one another. 'Tis a Pleasure to hear the Characters which they mutually give of each other; and assoon as they are acquainted with a Man, they begin to entertain him with a Harangue on that Subject. The Vaivode of this Place, with whom I have contracted a sort of Friendship, has told me a thousand Stories of the Bassa's and Cadi's, which, as diverting as they are, I shall rather choose to relate, than to write to you: and therefore you must even content yourself at present with one, for a Taste of the pleasant Entertainment you may expect at our next Meeting.  
One who had as little Money as Honesty, that is, none at all, was sent in the Quality of a Cadi, to a certain Town, where he hoped the Wranglings of the Inhabitants would quickly supply all his Wants. But, as ill Luck would have it, his Predecessors had quite spoiled his Market; and Oppression, which makes some wise Men mad, had made these Fools, wise. They heard he was a very hungry Devil, and they resolved to starve him outright; wisely considering that 'twas both their Duty and Interest to live in Peace, or at least to refer all their Differences to the Arbitration of honest Friends, rather than by tearing out their own Bowels to feed their Greedy Devourer. And it seems they showed as much Firmness in pursuing, as Wisdom in making so advantageous a Resolution: for the Cadi spent six Weeks or two Months after his Arrival, without any Employment but Fretting, Cursing, and biting his Thumbs out of mere Spite, because he could find nothing else to exercise his Teeth upon. One day as he was walking in the Streets, meditating no doubt on his wretched Fate, he perceived a Baker, who was drawing a good Fat Goose out of his Oven; and the savoury Vapours assaulting his Nose, raised a furious Commotion in his empty Stomach: his Mouth watered at the delicious Object, and his Guts began to rumble with a more than ordinary Violence. In a Word, he was so little Master of himself, that he could not forbear begging a Piece; but the Baker told him that the Goose belonged to one of his Neighbours, who had sent it to him to be baked. Come, replied the Cadi, take my Advice: We'll eat the Goose, and when the Man comes to fetch it, tell him that as thou wert bringing it out to see whether 'twas ready, a Flock of Geese happened to fly by the Door, and that his Goose perceiving its old Companions, would not be persuaded to stay behind 'em. If he will not be satisfied with so fair an Answer, let him even take his Course; for he must bring thee before me, and I'll find a Way to save thee harmless. There was no need of more Arguments, for the Baker's Stomach was on the Cadi's Side, and his Conscience made no long Resistance: and therefore assoon as he had signified his Consent, the Cadi began to bestir his Chaps so vigorously, that by the Assistance of his Friend the Business was dispatched in an Instant. Two Hours after the Man came for his Goose, and the Baker repeated his Lesson very gravely: but the Jest was somewhat too gross, and the Man was so offended at the Baker's Insolency, that he took him immediately by the Neck, and told him that he must either restore his Goose, or go before the Cadi; for there are no Sergeants or Bailiffs in this Country. These threatenings made no great Impression upon the Baker, since he knew that he was to be judged by his Fellow-Rogue; so that he was as free from Fear, as the other was full of Anger and Revenge and walked very peaceably along with his Accuser. But they had not gone far when they were stopped by the Lamentations of a poor Mule-Driver, whose Mule was fallen under her Load, and lay sprawling on the Ground. The Baker was moved with Compassion at the poor Man's Misfortune, who came to beg his Assistance, and took hold of the Mule's Tail, while the Man himself endeavoured t● raise her Head: but the Load was so heavy, tha● the Baker finding more Resistance than he expected, and pulling with all the Force of a Brawny Arm, at last plucked the Tail off at the Root. The Owner of the Mule was so enraged at this unlucky Accident, which made him incapable of following his usual Occupation, that not regarding the Baker's charitable Intention, he seized him by the Collar, and helped the other Man to hale him along, for he was so far from going willingly as before, that considering the Cadi was not at all concerned in this Affair, and not daring to rely too much on his Friendship, lest he should be obliged to pay the Price of the Mule, he made a shift to get loose; and thinking to make his Lscape, ran into a House not far from the place where he met the Mule-Driver. But, as Mischances never come single, it happened that there was a Woman six Months gone with Child, standing in the Court of the House where he thought to secure himself, who was so terrified at the sight of a Man running, with two others pursuing him furiously at his Heels, that she miscarried immediately. Thus the poor Baker had the Mortification to see the Number of his Enemies increased; for the Woman's Husband joined with the other Two, and all together carried him before the Cadi, whom they acquainted with the Reason of their Coming, expressing their several Complaints in a very mournful Tone, to move their Judge to Compassion.  
I'm a very poor Man, said he who had received the first Injury, and all the Town knows that I had but one Goose, which I intended to eat with my Wife and Children, in Peace and Joy, as I hope for the Blessing of the Prophet. But alas! this wicked Man has stolen her from me, and would put me off with a ridiculous Story: he has the Impudence to tell me that ●y Goose after she was baked, spied a Flock of other Geese, and flew away with 'em.  
I had but one Mule, cried the Second, which maintained me and all my Family; I had but one, and now, alas! I may say I have none: for the poor Creature had the Misfortune to fall under her Burden, and this Man happened to pass by as I was endeavouring in vain to relieve her. I entreated him to help me, but instead of raising her up, he plucked off her Tail.  
Ah! Would I had no more Reason to complain than either of the rest, said the Third. I have but one Wife, and that a very bad one. We have been married these three Years, and I have toiled Night and Day to get her with Child: At last, by the Blessing of the Prophet I did the Feat, and in a little time expected to see the Fruit of my Labours. But that Traitor has this Day destroyed what I could hardly get in three Years: he put my Wife into such a Fright, that she miscarried three Months before the Time.  
Judge, Sir, with what Impatience and Fear the Baker expected his Doom, and how the Cadi was puzzled to bring him off in Spite of so many clamorous Accusers. Yet the Difficulty of the Case served only to show the Dexterity of the Judge, as you will easily perceive by his Answers to the Three Plaintiffs.  
I cannot, said he to the First, oblige a Man to restore a Goose, which, he affirms, flew out of his hands. I confess the Story is very surprising and improbable, but we must always give credit to an honest Man's Word: And therefore since thou canst produce no Witnesses to disprove it, thou must even resolve to bear thy Mifortune patiently.  
As for thee, said he to the Second, 'tis another Case: He has plucked off thy Mule's Tail, and made her unfit for Service. And therefore 'tis just that be should be obliged to keep her at his own Charge till her Rump be healed.  
But thou, poor Man, said he, turning to the Third▪ art more to be pitied than either of the rest. Thou sayest (and I believe thee) that it cost thee three Years Labour to get a Child: and after all thy Toil, this Man by an unlucky Accident has made thy Wife cast her Bantling three Months before the Time. I condemn the Rogue to take her home with him, to ●ill her Belly again, and to keep her till she be in the same Condition, and the Child as old as when he made her miscarry.  
I will not ask your Opinion of this Story, till you have heard both Parties: for the Cadi thinks himself as honest a Man, and as worthy of your Audience as the Vaivode; and therefore you must even be satisfied to hear his Tale next.  
A very Rich Man died, and left his Son Heir to his whole Estate, except 1000 Piastres, which he bequeathed to the Tyrant of the Country. Now you must know that the Turks are very religious Observers of the Last-Wills of their Relations: and this Young Man it seems was very nice in that Point. His Ignorance of his Father's Meaning made him extremely uneasy; for he concluded that if he should detain another Man's Right, against his Father's positive Command, 'twould certainly bring the Curse of the Prophet upon him. After he had spent some time in considering where to bestow the Legacy, he resolved to carry it to the Bassa, whom he addressed thus: Sir, My Father ordered me by his Last-Will, to give 1000 Piastres to the Tyrant of the Country, without mentioning the Name of any particular Person. I was extremely troubled at the Obscurity of these Words, and not being able to unriddle the Mystery, I thought myself obliged to bring the Money to you not as to a Tyrant, but as to the most powerful Person in the Country. The Bassa, who by chance was an honest Man, replied very calmly, My Son, I neither am, nor will be a Tyrant, carry the Money to the Cadi, for he has more Right to it than I. The Young Man perceiving that 'twould be in vain to urge him to accept it, went according to his Advice, and made the same Compliment to the Cadi, whom he found to be as generous as the Bassa; for he told him he could not take it without injuring the Person for whom it was designed, and desired him to carry it to the Receiver of the Customs. But that Officer was as jealous of his Honour as either of the rest, and sent the young Heir to the Vaivode, who hearing that he had been with the other three, and what Answers he had received from 'em, told him that as his Conscience obliged him to ease a Neighbour of a Burden that seemed to be so troublesome to him, so it would not permit him to receive it absolutely gratis. Let us, added he, make a feigned Bargain; you shall buy all the Snow in my Court for 1000 Piastres, and then I can take the Money with a safe Conscience. The Young Man, who had been bandied about so often, and was glad to be rid of the Money on any Terms, consented immediately to the Proposal. As soon as the Bargain was concluded, and the Deed of Conveyance written, the Vaivode's Secretary demanded his Fees; for in this Country the Purchaser must always pay for the Contract. The Young Man was both vexed and surprised at the Impudence of these Bloodsuckers, and upbraided 'em with their Injustice and Barbarity; adding, That he did not expect to be troubled with their litigious Tricks after he had freely presented 'em with so considerable a Sum: But neither his Anger nor Arguments could prevail, for he was forced at last to give the Secretary Ten Piastres more; after which he went home with a Resolution to return no more to a place where he had been so ill treated. But three Days after the Vaivode sent to acquaint him that 'twas time for him to remove his Commodity. The Young Man imagining that they intended only to put a Jest upon him for his foolish Bargain, bid the Messenger tell his Master, that he might keep both the Goods and the Money. But he was quickly convinced, that he had bestowed the Legacy on the Man who had the best right to it: For the Vaivode forced him to remove all the Snow that was in his Court.  
I know not whether you can read these Stories without Sleeping: But I durst almost lay a Wager, that if I should add a Third, you would throw away my Letter without staying to hear that  
I am, SIR, Your &c. Smyrna, 1691.   

LETTER XX.  
SIR,  
IN pursuance of the Method I proposed in my last, I shall in this Letter give you a brief Account of the Turkish Religion, which, in the Opinion of those who profess it, is a New Law, Instituted by GOD, in the room of the Christian Religion.  
GOD, they say, has sent Four Prophets to reveal his Will to Mankind, and instruct us in the way to Salvation. The first was Enoch, who Preached and Prophesied, but did not commit his Doctrine to Writing. For, in those Days, GOD communicated Himself to Mankind in so sensible a manner, that there was no need of a Written-Law. After this Prophet had executed his Commission, he was taken up into Heaven, both Soul and Body. In the mean time, GOD seeing that Men perverted their Ways, and made the want of a Written-Law, a Cloak and Pretext for their Transgressions, sent Moses, who brought the Children of Israel out of Egypt, and gave 'em the Law which he had received from GOD. This was the second Prophet, whose Dispensation was to continue till the coming of JESUS CHRIST, whom they call the Breath of God, acknowledging, that he was Conceived by Divine Operation, in the Womb of his Mother, who remained a Virgin, even after his Birth. He altered and reformed the Law, according to the Power with which God had entrusted him, and for that reason incurred the hatred of the Jews, who sought to put him to Death, and hired the Traitor Judas to betray him. But when he came to the Oliv●-Garden, they were seized with so strange an Illusion, that they Crucifi'd Judas instead of his Master, who was, in the mean time, translated to Heaven, where he remains with the two former Prophets. They say, this Opinion serves much better to display the Glory of CHRIST, than the Christian Doctrine; and brand us with Folly and Impiety for believing that He whom we adore as God, was shamefully Crucify'd. The very sight of a Crucifix fills 'em with Anger and Rage, pretending that 'tis a horrid Injury to CHRIST, to represent him in a State of Ignominy and Suffering. They believe also that He will come to judge the World at the last Day; but that He will first Reign upon the Earth, and Marry, and beget Children. They affirm, that He was a Holy Man, and a chosen Vessel; but they will not be persuaded to acknowledge a Trinity of Persons in the Godhead, saying, That such an Opinion would absolutely destroy the Unity of that Sovereign Being, without which He could not be GOD.  
CHRIST was succeeded by Mahomet, after whom there shall come no other Prophet. 'Twou'd be an endless Task to reckon up all the Glorious Titles they bestow upon him.  
They differ not much from us in their Opinions concerning the Divine Attributes. Only they have such a peculiar Fondness for Predestination, that they extend it even to the most Indifferent Actions, yet with some Limitations and Circumstances which 'twould be very difficult to explain, and which they themselves do not well understand. Thus they are firmly persuaded, that under the Reign of such an Emperor, the State will infallibly and perpetually have either a disastrous or happy Fate: And 'tis this Persuasion that makes 'em so inclinable to dethrone their Sultan's.  
They believe, that there is an infinite number of Angels, some Good and others Bad. The first are called White, and the others Black Angels or Devils. They imagine that every Man has two Angels that attend him continually, and that one of 'em writes down all his Good, and the other all his Bad Actions. They address their Prayers to the Black Angels as well as to the White, that they may secure the Friendship both of the Inhabitants of Paradise and Hell, tho', in their Opinion, the Souls of the Damned enter not into the last of these Places till the Day of Judgement. For 'tis an Article of the Turkish Faith, that the Spirits of the Wicked remain in their Graves, where they are tormented by the Black Angels till the last Day, when they shall be sent to Hell, together with their Bodies, and suffer very cruel Punishments, for the space of One or Two Thousand Years, according to the Crimes they committed in this Life; after which they shall be released, and admitted into Paradise, where they shall enjoy the same Happiness that is appointed for the Souls of Good Men. They think 'tis inconsistent with the Divine Goodness, and blame us for believing that GOD will punish a Man Eternally for the Offences of so short a Life: Yet, since they are extremely afraid of Hell, they pray very devoutly to the Black Angels that they would be pleased not to write down all their Ill Actions.  
Since you will doubtless look upon their Opinion, of the Soul's resting in the Grave after Death, to be very Absurd and Ridiculous, I shall endeavour to give you a clearer Idea of their Thoughts on that Subject.  
They differ from us in the account they give of the manner how the Soul Informs and Animates the Body. For whereas we believe, that these two Substances are Hypostatically united, and that Death consists in their Separation; they imagine that the Soul and Body have no dependence on one another, and that the absence of the Spirit (which, for Example, may take a Journey to Paradise) is not necessarily attended with the Destruction of the Corporeal Machine; tho' they acknowledge that the Body is always deprived of Reason, during its Separation from the Soul. Thus they believe, that the only reason why a Fool or Idiot acts and speaks absurdly, is because his Soul (and consequently his Reason) has forsaken him. As for Lunatic and Hypochondriacal Persons, who have some lucid Intervals, and are only deprived of their Reason by Fits, they endeavour to solve the Difficulty, by maintaining, that the Soul leaves her Mansion at certain times, and returns again after a short Absence: And this, they say, is an effect of Providence, either for the Punishment of the Distempered Person, or for some other hidden Design. When a Christian tells 'em, that these Fits of Madness proceed from the Disorder and Indisposition of the Organs, which hinders the Soul from performing her Functions, they upbraid him with the absurdity of his Opinion; for, say they, the Soul of Man is a Spirit, and therefore cannot be stopped or obstructed in the exercise of her Faculties by Matter, which is a Substance of another, and absolutely different Nature. From this Principle they infer, that neither the Presence nor Absence of the Soul can produce any alteration in the Machinal course of the Body, which is only moved by Springs: And that when one of the principal Springs fails, or is spoiled, the Soul cannot prevent the Ruin of the whole Engine. This, they pretend, is an obvious Truth, and confirmed by daily Experience: And therefore we must not be surprised, that a dead Body neither Walks, Breathes, nor performs any Operation, tho' the Soul be still lodged in it: For since she is not the Author of the Machine which she Inhabits, 'tis beyond her Power either to keep it entire, or to repair it after it falls to decay. GOD alone, who made and contrived it, can restore it, and renew its motion, as he will do at the last Day. To confirm this Hypothesis, they cite, with a great deal of Confidence, what Pliny relates of a Man whose Soul and Body were wont to be separated every day, so that the Body remained without any appearance of Life or Motion, till the return of the Soul, which afterwards used to give an Account of all the wonderful things she had seen in the remotest Countries. This, you know, is one of that Author's fabulous Stories, and yet the Turks pretend to draw from thence an evident and irrefutable Proof of their Opinion. Besides, they give the Soul a Figure exactly like that of the Body, and upon this Principle maintain, that the Souls of the Damned are beaten in the Grave, and suffer Torments, which a pure Spirit seems incapable of feeling. They believe also, that the Beasts shall not be deprived of the benefit of the Resurrection, and that at the Day of Judgement they will give an Account before CHRIST, of all the Kindnesses and Injuries they have received from Men. And this Conceit makes 'em so charitable to Irrational Creatures, that some of 'em buy little Birds and live Fishes, that they may afterwards set 'em at liberty.  
They fancy themselves polluted by several Things, such as Sleeping, the touching of a Woman, and of all sorts of Excrements; and therefore after any such Accident, they perform their Ablution or Abdest, washing their Face, Hands, Ears, and Feet, and looking towards Mecca. In the Day they content themselves with washing their Mouth, which they repeat as often as they have occasion to obey the necessities of Nature: But after Copulation their Ablutions are much more Ceremonious, for they wash their whole Body in a Bath, as they do also when a drop of Wine falls upon their Garments. I have seen some of 'em so extremely Superstitious, that they would never afterwards wear a Vest that was pulluted with Wine; tho' there are others of less scrupulous Tempers who never refuse to taste that spirituous Liquor, and even some that continue Tippling till they have quite lost their Senses.  
They Pray five times a Day, in the Morning at the break of Day, at Noon, at Three a Clock in the Afternoon, at Six in the Evening, and an hour after the close of the Evening. But they go only twice to the Mosque, to the Sabah in the Morning, and to the Quindy at Three in the Afternoon: And even many of 'em perform their public Devotions only on Friday, which is their Festival-Day, as Sunday is ours. On that day an Iman, or Priest of the Law, says a Prayer, and delivers a kind of Sermon or Exhortation to the Hearers: But the Men are too jealous to suffer any of the Fair Sex to come to the Public Places of Worship.  
The Turkish Lent is shorter, but much more severe than that which the Catholics observe; for they neither Eat, Drink, nor Smoke Tobacco while the Day lasts; so that this may be justly reckoned a very mortifying Season, especially when it happens to fall out it Summer, considering the violent Heat that reigns throughout all Asia. This Fast is called Ramadan, and lasts Thirty Days, during which time the Turks are obliged by the Koran to begin their Fast every Morning assoon as they can discern a Black Thread from a White, and to continue their Abstinence till the same Hour at Night, which is proclaimed by the Muezins and Marabouts from the top of the Minare●s. Then they let lose the Reins to their wild Desires, spending the whole Night in Gluttony and Drunkenness, and roaming about the Streets: For during this Month they turn the Day into Night, and the Night into Day, and greedily hunt after all sorts of Pleasures, to allay the severity of the Fast, which, notwithstanding all the Pains they take to sweeten it, is very disagreeable to Flesh and Blood. It ends with the Moon, and every one is so impatient to see the New-Moon that releases 'em from this loathed Constraint, that they run up to the Tops of Houses and Mountains to see their Deliverer rise, and assoon as they perceive her gilding the Horizon, they salute her with several Bows, and the Castles proclaim the glad Tidings with repeated Discharges of their Artillery. The Three succeeding Days are spent in Mirth and Jollity; every Man puts on his best clothes, and entertains his Friends. This is properly the Turkish Easter, and is called the Great Bairam, to distinguish it from several Feasts or Bairams of less consequence, such as that of the Birth of Mahomet, etc.  
'Twou'd be needless to tell you, that they neither eat Hog's-Flesh, nor drink Wine, and that they cannot endure Images; for these are things so commonly known, and so often repeated by all the Crowd of Travellers, that I cannot suppose you to be ignoront of 'em. But, perhaps, you have not so distinct an Idea of the Charity that reigns among 'em. Since they believe Alms to be the surest Atonement for Sins, they neglect no occasion of buying their future Peace. 'Tis this Principle that excites 'em to leave considerable Legacies at their Death, which, according to the Will of the Deceased, are employed in repairing public Fountains, building Bridges, or paying the Portions of Indigent Maidens. I have already told you, that their Charity extends even to Beasts; and I shall take this occasion to add, that they are particularly kind to Dogs, tho' naturally they do not love 'em, and keep none in their Houses. Yet the Cities are full of 'em, where they wander about the Streets, and perpetuate their Kind like Wild Beasts. They are so mangy, lean, and miserable, that one would think they could not live a day; and I have seen some of 'em at Constantinople so near Starving, that they would jump into the Sea for some Bits of Carrion which they perceived at the bottom. However, since they could not possibly live on what they find in the Streets, the richer sort of Turks buy Provisions for 'em, and feed 'em every Morning at their Doors with Eleemosinary Bread and Flesh. They reckon it a heinous Crime to kill a Dog, Cat, Horse, or any other Creature that is not appointed for the Food and Nourishment of Mankind: For they pretend that since Man is not the Author of their Life, he ought not to deprive 'em of it.  
I shall take this occasion to relate the Story of an Accident that happened in this place, not above eight days ago. There was a Dog that used always to howl, when he heard the Muezin calling the People to Prayers from the Minaret. The Turks, who are Superstitious, even beyond Imagination, could not behold their most Holy Rites profaned by an Impudent Cur, without an extreme Indignation: Yet they durst not kill him for fear of offending GOD. However, they found out a way to chastise the daring Criminal, without provoking the Wrath of Heaven: For notwithstanding all their Veneration for his Person, they were loath to allow him greater Privileges than they claim for themselves. After mature deliberation on such a weighty and important Case, they ventured at last to seize him, and carry him before the Cadi, where they Indicted him as a Dgiahour, or Christian, who derided the Law of the Prophet. The Evidence was so plain, that after a full Hearing poor Towzer was condemned to be Cudgeled to Death, and the Sentence was immediately executed. Perhaps the oddness of this Relation may make you suspect my Veracity so far as to imagine, that I Invented it on purpose to divert you: But, in short, you must either believe it, or in plain Terms give me the Lye. 'Tis true, I dare not warrant the truth of the Story I'm going to tell you, but since it relates to the same Subject, you must even be content to read it.  
Besides the ordinary Dogs that wander about the Streets, there are others called Jaccals, or Chacaly, that run in the Fields, where they make a hideous noise every Night. They do not Bark like other Dogs, but have a kind of sharp or yelling Cry, peculiar to themselves.  
Now (if you'll believe the Turks) the Chacaly or Wild-Dogs, in ancient Times, Inhabited the Cities, and the other Dogs lived in the Fields. They were perpetual and irreconcilable Enemies to each other, and fought many bloody Battles, in one of which the Chacaly were Victorious, and the Forces of the Dogs were so shattered that they were obliged to beg a Peace, which was granted by their Generous Enemies on these favourable Terms; That the Dogs might stay in the City till their Wounds were healed, during which time the Chacaly should retire to the Country; but that afterwards both Parties should return to their former Habitations. These Conditions were punctually performed by the Chacaly, but the Dogs growing lusty and strong, resolved to maintain their Post, and have ever since remained in the City. 'Tis the remembrance of this Injury that makes the Chacaly call to the Dogs every Night in their yelling Language, and summon 'em to resign a Place which they usurped so unjustly; and they answer as they Bark, crying still, Yock, Yock, which, in the Turkish Language signifies No, no. But, instead of insisting longer on these insipid Fables, I shall return to the Turkish Religion, which is little less absurd and ridiculous.  
They are so besotted with their Conceits about Predestination, that they use no manner of precaution to preserve themselves from Infectious Distempers, and are offended at the Christians for taking care of their Health on such occasions. A Frenchman told me the other Day, that during the time of a very violent Contagion, he perceived at a distance some Turks in the Street, who were carrying the Body of a Man that died of the Plague to his Grave. As he was turning another way on purpose to avoid meeting 'em, one of the Company ran after him, and clasped him in his Arms, rubbing his Body upon him several times; after which opening his Vest, and showing him a large Plague-Sore under his right Pap, Learn, said he, not to forsake dead and dying Men. And indeed, if we reflect seriously on the little care they take to stop that raging Disease, we may reasonably conclude, that none of 'em could escape without a kind of Miracle, if the Distemper were as Contagious as 'tis generally thought to be. For they never avoid the Converse of those who come from an infected Place, and there are few Ports where there are not some Vessels that left the Plague reigning in the Towns from whence they came. Yet this neglect of the Cautions used by other Nations on such occasions, is never attended with the least ill-consequence, unless when the disposition of the Air has a sort of natural tendency to promote and spread the Contagion, for than it bursts forth impetuously like Gunpowder set on Fire. But this is not the Opinion of the Turks, for they absolutely deny that the Infection depends either on the Constitution of the Air, or of humane Bodies, pretending that it proceeds wholly from a supernatural Cause, and that when GOD designs to execute the fury of his Vengeance on obstinate Sinners, he sends an Army of black Angels to destroy 'em. They add, that every Angel receives of Bow and two sorts of Arrows, to inflict either Death or Sickness, with orders to shoot their mortal Arrows at those whom they find under the Power of Sin, and to direct the others at such who are only tainted with some Pollution. 'Tis then that Men stand most in need of the Protection of their White Angels, who intercede for 'em, and do what they can toward the Blows that are aimed against 'em, sometimes covering a Man entirely, when they perceive a great number of Enemies ready to attack him. Yet notwithstanding all their Care, their Assistance proves oftentimes ineffectual; and therefore 'tis the Interest of every Man that regards his own Safety, to secure himself against the Vengeance of those destroying Spirits, by leading a sinless Life. The Turks pretend, that they infallibly perceive the Blow, when the Arrow pierces 'em: And even some Franks who have been two or three times seized with the Plague, assure me, that they felt a certain Pricking in the place where the Carbuncles break forth; which is not at all improbable, since 'tis usual for such a troublesome Sensation to accompany all sorts of Tumours. But to conclude this Subject with my Letter, I shall only add, that the Plague which rages so often in these Oriental Countries, and sweeps away such vast numbers of the Inhabitants, is in some measure necessary for their Preservation. For the number of the People is augmented Yearly by at least a fifth Part, and you will be the less inclined to look upon this as a Paradox, if you consider that they are allowed to marry four Wives, and to keep several Concubines, and that there are 50000 Slaves brought every Year into Turkey. So that the Country would be quickly over-stocked with Inhabitants, and in all probability, the People would be in danger of Starving, if their numbers were not lessened by Pestilential Distempers. And notwithstanding the terrible Havoc it makes, the Land is still so full of People, that a Man would think their own Interest should make 'em forbid the Exportation of Corn, especially since they have none to spare.  
I am, SIR, Your, etc. Smyrna, May, 1691.   

LETTER XXI.  
SIR,  
I Proceed now to give you an account of the Manners and Customs of the Turks, which (you may remember) was the last of the three Subjects I undertook to Discourse of. I told you once before, and I shall take this occasion to repeat it as an undoubted Truth, that they are opposite to us almost in every thing: And this Opposition appears in nothing more plainly, than in their obstinate adhering to their ancient Customs. In our Country we are never at rest till we have Invented some new fashion; and Beauty itself would hardly please us without the Charms of Novelty. Hence the Turks accuse the Franks of Fickleness and Inconstancy, and boast of their own strength of Mind that fixes steadily on solid Enjoyments, without deigning to take notice of Trifles. I confess I was at first somewhat surprised at the difference I observed between their Temper and ours, but after I had taken all possible care to free myself of those Prejudices that are wont in such cases to put a bias upon the Judgement, and seriously considered the Genius of that Nation; I found that what they call Strength of Mind, Constancy, or Solidity, is at the bottom nothing else but a pure insensibility, and a Weakness that is altogether inexcusable in any reasonable Creature. And you will certainly be of the same Opinion when I have told you, that they are so far from studying to improve their Understandings, that in a manner they profess and glory in their Ignorance; and that their Curiosity is confined within so narrow a compass, that they never undertake a Voyage without some covetous or sordid Design. Besides, their Indifference and unconcernedness for the Public Interest; the almost Monastical Solitariness of their Life, and the Laziness of their Temper are convincing Proofs of the truth of my Assertion. 'Tis true indeed, this Character must not be extended so far as to comprehend the Principal Officers of State, or those who are engaged in Court-Intrigues: But as for all the rest, they scarce ever look beyond the Sphere of their own Families: And provided their Wives be handsome, their Horses well Curried, and their Servants Submissive and Respectful, they never give themselves the trouble of enquiring after the Affairs of the rest of the World. Contented with their Lot, they sit whole Days on a Sopha, without any other Occupation than drinking Coffee, smoking Tobacco, or caressing their Wives: So that their whole Life is a continual Revolution of Eating, Drinking, and Sleeping, intermixed with some dull Recreations. Yet they cannot be accused of Luxury in Eating, for a Hen boiled with Rice, Coriander-seed, and Sugar is the best Dish that comes before a Man of 20000 Livres a Year, and 'tis this they call Pilo. The rest of the Meal is made up with a Dish of Fish, and some Sweetmeats, in which there is always more Honey than Sugar. When the Hour of Dinner comes, they lay upon the Sopha an Octangular or Hexagonal Table of Olive-Wood or Walnut-Tree, inlaid with Ivory, etc. and usually not above a Foot and a half in Diameter. Then having laid the Cloth, they serve up all the Dishes one after another: There are no Napkins laid upon the Table, but a Servant spreads 'em on his Master's-Knees ', and stands behind him to cut his Meat; for 'tis beneath the Turkish Grandeur to do any thing for themselves. All their Vessels are of Earth; only the Great Men use Porcelain: For they reckon it a very heinous Sin to eat in Silver, tho' the Trappings of their Horses are usually of that Metal. They never drink at Meals, tho' they are wont to sit a considerable while; but assoon as the Table is removed, the Servants bring a Cup of Sorbet, and then Coffee, and Tobacco, with which they divert themselves all the rest of the Day, unless they take a fancy to go to the Woman's Apartment, or to play at Shells with one of their Servants, who must always suffer himself to be beaten, as he would avoid a worse Beating with a Cudgel. At Night there is a Mat brought, with Sheets and a Coverlet; and they Sleep all Night in the same place where they Eat, Drunk, Played, and Dozed all the Day: For they are altogether ignorant of the use of dark Alcoves, and Beds with double Curtains. This is their constant manner of Living, after they cease to be Youths; for betwixt the Years of Fifteen and Twenty, they spend their Time in Riding, Archery, throwing Darts, and other Exercises of that nature in which they usually attain to a great Perfection. I do not think that we have any Grooms or Jockeys in Europe that exceed 'em, tho' if you saw 'em on Horseback, you would think they could not sit a moment. For their Stirrups are so short, that they must almost bend their Legs as much as when they sit upon a Sopha: Their Boots are of Spanish or Goat's-Leather, so wide and ill-made, that nothing can be more troublesome to a Horseman: and all the Furniture of their Horses is still more incommodious. Their Saddles are as large and high as a Packsaddle, especially before, and fastened on the Horse's back, with a broad Girth or Surcingle drawn over it, without which 'twould be impossible to keep it from falling off, by reason of its weight. Instead of Bridles they use Snaffles that would be thought bad enough for a Carthorse in France, if they were not richly gilded. Judge, Sir, what a Figure a Man can make on the back of a Horse Trapped after such a manner, and what Command he can have over him. Yet I assure you the Turks rule their Horses as they please, without either Spur or Whip, instead of which they only use a Stick or Batoon three Foot long, and as big as a very large Cane, which they hold in the middle, striking the Horse sometimes with one end, and sometimes with the other, according as they would have him turn to either side. I never saw Horses run so fast as these, nor stretch their Bodies to so great a length, for their Belly almost touches the Ground. The Turks have an admirable dexterity at throwing Darts on Horseback; for riding at a full Gallop, they Dart their Sticks at a Turban, which is set up as a Mark, without once missing their Aim. And which is still more surprising, they throw their Batoon as far before 'em as they can, then putting their Horse to the swiftest Gallop they take it up with their Hand without stopping. You will easily perceive the extraordinary difficulty of stooping so low to take the Stick from the Ground, if you remember what I told you of the extraordinary height of their Saddles and lowness of their Stirrups. None but Turks are able to perform this Feat of Activity, for the Franks are so far from being capable of Learning it, that they can hardly ride the Horses of this Country. One of our Merchants, newly come to this place, met with an Accident t'other Day, that confirms the truth of what I was saying; for his Horse ran away with him so furiously, that he could not possibly pull in his Head; and I believe he would have certainly broke his Neck, if he had not been stopped by a Greek who happened to meet him. This proceeded from his Ignorance of the way of stopping a Horse in this Country; for when a Horse runs away with a Man, he must never pull the Bridle, since that would only make him go the faster; but take hold of one of the Reins, and turn his Head to the Right-hand, striking him with the Rod on the other side.  
'Tis none of the least Conveniencies of this Country, that the Keeping of a Horse is so cheap, that the Charge of one does not amount to above 30 Piastres a Year: 'Tis true they must be very carefully tended, and the Turks make it their principal Business to look after 'em. They visit 'em very often, and when they find 'em in a good Condition, the Saïs' is always rewarded with some Caresses; but if there be any thing amiss, he may certainly expect the Bastonnado.  
Nor are their Servants more chargeable to 'em than their Horses. Their Valets de Chambre cost 'em not above 40 Piastres a year, for Wages, besides their Entertainment, which is inconsiderable: and the Servants without the House, such as the Saïs', Porters, and Gardeners, have but 25. As for their Entertainment, the Rate of their Board-Wages is fixed at a Paras a day, besides Bread. The Paras is a small Piece of course Silver, not exceeding the Value of five Dutch Liards: and yet some of 'em are such admirable Husbands, that they make a shift to save part of so poor an Allowance.  
I shall in the next place proceed to give you an Account of the usual Habit of the Men. Their Breeches are long and wide, reaching down to their Heels, and close both behind and before, with leathern Stockings or Socks fastened to the lower part of 'em: and all this is called the Chascir. Their Shirts are of very fine Cotton Cloth, made exactly like a Woman's Smock, only they are much wider, especially at the Sleeves, which are always left open. Over this, instead of a Waistcoat, they wear a Cafetan, which is a kind of a long Cassock with narrow Sleeves, buttoned at the Wrists, like the Sleeves of our Doublets. In the Summer the Cafetans are made of very white Cotton Cloth, and in Winter of Silk Stuff quilted with Cotton. Besides, they are girt about the Waste with a Silken Scarf, resembling Brocard, that serves to hang their Gangiare or Poniard, the Handle of which is pretty large, and oftentimes made of Ivory, the Teeth of a certain Fish, or Silver, and enriched with Jewels either true or counterfeit. They never appear with a Sword or Sabre, but when they go into the Country: nor are the Franks suffered to wear one, except the Ambassadors and Consuls.  
Their upper Habit is a Cloth Gown, which they call a Vest. In Summer 'tis only lined with Taffata; but in Winter 'tis furred with a Skin, called Samour, which is so costly that Great Persons have some that are worth 1000 Crowns a piece. The Hair of it is black, fine, and so long, that one may hide an Egg in it; I speak only of the best sort; for there are some of all Prices. Besides they sometimes furr their Vests with Ermines, or with the Skin of a bluish sort of Weasel, or of the Muscovia Fox; and the poorer sort with Kid, Foin, or Lamb's Skin. They never put any Gold or Silver on their clothes, unless on Days of Ceremony, such as the Grand Signior's public Entry, their Wedding-Day, or some such Solemnity: and even then 'tis the peculiar Privilege of the Bassa's and Grandees of the Port, to wear Ornaments of that Nature. You see what a Difference there is between the Customs of this Place, and of France, where even the Footmen are gilded all over from Head to Foot.  
Beauty is the Object of the reigning Passion of the Turks: and when they speak of a handsome Woman they seem to be all transport and ecstasy. Yet they are obliged to court their Mistresses by Proxy, and even must be contented to take a Character of 'em from Continency, are forced to make use of the Privilege of Keeping Concubines, or buying Slaves. For a Man must not expect to live upon Charity here, tho' the Women are not at all guilty of Cruelty: but want of Opportunity hinders 'em from bestowing their Favours, and 'tis impossible for a Gallant to thrive among such cautious Husbands. There is no Slavery equal to that of the Turkish Women; for a Servant may live Twenty Years in a Family without seeing the Face of his Mistress. The Door of the women's Apartment is a Ne plus ultra for every thing that looks like a Man, and the utmost Limit of the women's Liberty; I mean Women of Quality, who have Baths in their Houses; for the meaner Sort must go to the public Baths at least once a Week. Notwithstanding this close Confinement, I'm informed that they sometimes venture upon a little Recreation; but they are seldom so bold, and the Motion must always proceed from themselves. When they are in the Humour, and have chosen a promising Playfellow, they send him a Declaration of Love by some old Confident. But would you not be surprised instead of a Billet-doux to find nothing but Bits of Charcoal, Scarlet Cloth, Saffron, Ashes, and such like Trash, wrapped up in a Piece of Paper. 'Tis true these are as significant as the most passionate Words; but 'tis a Mystical Language that cannot be understood without a Turkish Interpreter. I know a Frank that once received such an Invitation, and was extremely puzzled to know the Meaning of it. After several successless Trials to unriddle the Mystery, he entrusted the Secret to one of the Ambassadour's Interpreters, who told him that such a Bassa's Wife desired him to visit her such a day, when her Husband would be gone from home, and that the Woman who brought him the Message would introduce him to her Apartment. At the same time he advised him not to go, and used all the Arguments that his Experience or Prudence could suggest to dissuade him from exposing himself to so terrible and unavoidable a Danger. But the Frank had such a longing desire to taste so delicious a Bit as he fancied his Unknown Mistress to be, that he resolved to sacrifice all to the Dear Expectation, and went boldly to the Bassa's House at the time appointed, where he really found a kind and beautiful Lady, who put him in possession of his expected Delight, and entertained him with all the Joys of Love, for two days; at the end of which his Strength being quite exhausted by the laborious Pleasure, and finding himself altogether unfit for the Service, he asked leave to be gone, and was extremely surprised when his Request was denied, in a very harsh and uncivil Manner. Then beginning to reflect on the Interpreter's wise Admonition; he walked about the whole Apartment, searching in every Corner for a place where he might escape unperceived. At last he came to the Laundry or Washing-House, where he found a Woman-Slave, who perceiving his Melancholy, and guessing the Cause of it, began to condole his Misfortune in a manner that made him utterly despair of Relief. For she told him that 'twas her Mistress' constant Practice to secure her own Reputation by the Death of her Lovers; adding, that to her certain Knowledge above Twenty of 'em had been strangled since she came into the Family, and that he could not reasonably expect a milder Treatment than his Predecessors had met with before him. Yet, said she, since we are both Christians, I'll endeavour to save your Life, if you do not force me to hate you by refusing to grant me one Favour. I have been shut up in this place these Twenty Years, and in all that time have not seen the Face of a Man: Oblige me but once, and afterwards I shall find a way to set you at Liberty. The Terms were somewhat hard for a Man in his Condition; but since his Life was at stake, he made a Virtue of Necessity, and performed as well as he could. The poor Woman, who had been a Stranger so long to the Pleasure of Love, was ravished with the unaccustomed Delight; and having given him a thousand Blessings, helped him to make his Escape through the Chimney, which brought him to a Platform, from whence he leaped into the Street, and has never since found the least Inclination to make Love to a Turkish Lady; which is certainly the most dangerous Recreation that a Frank can choose. The Turks require so much Modesty and Discretion in their Wives, that they would never pardon 'em if they should suffer a Man to see 'em, or speak to 'em: and I shall never forget what an Aga once said to Monsieur de Chateauneuf's Secretary. This Gentleman was telling the Aga after the French way, that is very indiscreetly, that he had seen and spoken with one of Mahomet the Fourth's Odalische's, who was turned out of the Seraglio after that Prince's Misfortune. The Turk, who could not hear him longer with Patience, replied very angrily, that she was a base Woman, and unworthy of her former Dignity. Then the Secretary endeavoured to persuade him that she had no ill Design in what she did, and that 'twas only an innocent Curiosity that made her willing to be informed of the French Customs, of the Beauty of the Ladies in that Country, and of their Way of Living. But the Aga, instead of being pacified, continued to rail again the Odalische so vehemently, that the Secretary began to repent his Freedom, and to swear and protest that she was one of the most virtuous Persons in the World, and that she was not guilty of the least criminal Thought. At last the Aga, losing all Patience, replied in a Rage; Sir, All that you have said signifies nothing. If she had been honest, she would never have suffered you to see her, much less to speak to her. If a Man should put his Hand into your Pocket, would you excuse him for saying that he did it out of pure Curiosity.  
Since I have had occasion so often to mention the Turkish Women, 'twill not be improper to give you some Account of their Habit, which is not much different from that of the Men, only 'tis a great deal richer. They wear a Cafetan of Gold-Brocard, fastened before with large Pearls, or little Knots of Diamonds. It covers their Shoulders entirely, but 'tis cut so deep before, that their whole Breasts would remain naked, if their Smock, and a little fort of Waistcoat that comes over it, did not hide a part of 'em. This Waistcoat sits very close to the Body, and keeps up the Breasts, which is a great Conveniency to those whose Breasts are naturally loose and swagging: so that all Defects are concealed, and the most curious Eye can perceive nothing but enchanting Beauties. Above the Cafetan they wear a Leathern Girdle, covered with Plates and Studs of Gold and Silver, and enriched with precious Stones that cast a great Lustre. Their Smock is always of the finest flowered Silk, and hangs over their Chacsir, which in Summer is only made of the same Silk, by reason of the excessive Heat. Every prudent Christian ought to keep his Eyes from glancing that way; if it be possible for any Man to preserve his Reason at the Sight of the enflaming Object, for this Stuff, which is no thicker than Tiffany or Gawze, gives the ravished Beholder an almost unclouded View of all the most charming Beauties that are so carefully concealed by our Ladies. Their upper Vest is either of Cloth or Velvet embroidered, or of some rich sort of Cloth of Gold: In Summer 'tis furred with Ermine, and in Winter with Samour. Their Head-Dress is so magnificent and becoming, that you can hardly form a suitable Idea of it unless you had seen it; tho' the following Description may in some measure satisfy your Curiosity. Their Talpo is a pretty long Velvet-Cap, made of Eight Pieces, the outward Circle being just large enough to receive the Head; but it widens by degrees towards the Top, not unlike to a close Crown. 'Tis adorned with the richest Embroidery of Gold, Silver, and Pearls: and is so long, that it would fall back upon the Shoulders, if it were not very artificially raised above the Head, where they pleit and fold it with as much Care as our Ladies do their Fontanges and Top-Knots. 'Tis also enriched with long Strings of Pearls curiously interwoven, and strewed with Diamonds, Rubies, and all sorts of Jewels, besides one or two Aigrets of Diamonds. To keep it up they bind it about the Head with a Frontlet, about two Finger's breadth broad, and so rich, that it may be fitly called a Diadem; for 'tis covered all over with Gold and Precious Stones. Round this Frontlet there are little Gold Chains, with a Diamond hanging at one, an Emerald at another, etc. which dangle upon the Forehead, and on both sides of the Face. I need not tell you that such magnificent Dresses are only used by Bassa's Wives, for tho' Jewels are cheaper here than in Europe, they are still so chargeable, that it requires a very considerable Estate to make so great a Figure. However I can assure you that every Woman, according to her Ability, decks herself to the best Advantage; and the whole Dowry, or the Money that is given by the Father, is laid out on Ornaments for the Bride. But when a Woman's Portion is not sufficient to purchase so many Jewels, she must content herself with a plain Frontlet of Gold, or Silver-gilt; and some that cannot reach so high, only tie an embroidered Handkerchief about their Talpo's, which is the Dress of the poorest Sort, and even the meanest Cobler's Wife will not appear without it. As for their Hair, they make it up into a long Tress, about the breadth of four Fingers, that falls backward, and sometimes reaches to their Heels; and they whose Hair is not becoming, endeavour to supply that Defect, by mixing false Hair among it. Besides, there is a little Curl on each side of the Forehead, that runs along the Face: And they are very careful to keep these Curls in Order, and to die 'em Black with a certain Composition, that serves also to die their Brows, which are always extremely handsome: For they take care to have 'em shaped with a Razor, and afterwards apply to the shaved Parts a certain Paste, called Pilo, which hinders the Hair from growing.  
In Turkey, as well as in Europe, the Women generally Paint; for tho' they're ashamed to acknowledge it, I met with a Greekish Woman, who scrupled not to confess that few of her Sex abstain from that Custom. Their White Paint is a sort of very thick Grease, which I cannot describe, since I had not the Curiosity to inquire how they make it. But as for their Red Paint, 'tis nothing else but Cochineel, prepared with Cream of Tartar, and boiled so long till there remains only a Tenth Part of the Composition. They use it with so much Success, that I believe it might serve for Spanish Vermilion, and even is, in my Opinion, more natural. They also Paint their Nails Red, but not with Cochineel.  
The Turkish Women are the most charming Creatures in the World: They seem to be made for Love; their Actions, Gestures, Discourse, and Looks are all Amorous, and admirably well fitted to kindle a soft and lasting Passion. Since they have nothing else to do, they make it their only Business to Please; which they do so successfully, and in so natural and easy a Manner, that few Husbands take the benefit of the Law, that allows 'em to divorce their Wives when they please. This seems so strange and surprising, that I cannot forbear reckoning it a sort of Prodigy, when I reflect on the Genius of all other Nations: For Men are usually quite cloyed with the Pleasures of Matrimony in three or four Years; and if a Maid had nothing else but her Person to recommend her to a Husband, she might even despair of ever tasting the lawful Joys of the Bed. Whereas in this Country, instead of enriching or maintaining their Husbands, they put 'em to so prodigious a Charge, that none but Persons of high Quality are able to keep four Wives. The extreme Neatness of the Turkish Women is none of their least considerable Charms; and this extraordinary Cleanness is an effect of their Bathing at least once a Week; for the nicer sort bathe twice. I think I told you before that Women of Quality have the conveniency of Bathing at Home; and that the rest go to the common Baths. I must now add, that the Virtue, and even the Modesty of a Woman is as secure in the Public, as in the Private Baths; for Men are forbidden to enter into these Sacred Places under pain of Death. These Baths are large Halls built of Marble, and covered with vaulted Roofs in form of Domes; on the Top of which there are Glass-Windows to let in the Light, without suffering the Heat to evaporate. There are no Windows in the Walls, that the Women may undress themselves without fear of exposing their Naked Beauties to the Observation of some Curious Enquirer into the Works of Nature; and besides, they take care to cover their Distinguishing Parts with a Cloth wrapped about their Belly, and tied on the Back. Then they Sweat a quarter of an Hour or longer; and for the Conveniency of those who are desirous to bathe in Water, there is in the same Place a Va● or Bathing-Tub, which they fill with hot Water by turning a Cock, tempering and allaying it when 'tis excessively hot, by turning another Cock that lets in cold Water. There are Waiting-Women always ready to attend those who come to bathe, who for a small Reward crack all the Joints of their Arms, Legs, and Thighs. At the same time they anoint the hairy Parts of the Body with Pilo, which makes the Hair fall off, and leaves the Skin extremely white and smooth. The Men have their Baths apart, and are served after the same manner.  
There are three sorts of Recreations used by the Turks; Gaming, Music, and Dancing. You may perceive by the Account I gave you of their Games, that they are neither Pleasant nor Ingenious: And I shall take this occasion to tell you, that their Music is rather a hideous Din than a regular Harmony, and resembles exactly the howling Shrieks of a tortured Wretch. The first time I heard a Turk sing, I could not forbear stopping to look upon him, concluding that he was certainly Mad: For I could not imagine that a Man who had the use of his Reason, would take pleasure in distorting his Body, and rolling his Eyes in so odd and extravagant a manner; tho' they pretend that all those unusual Motions are only the Marks and Effects of a tender and violent Passion. Their Musical Instruments are extremely suitable to the Nature of their Harmony: For they have a kind of Violin with three Strings, a Neck as long as a Man's Arm, and a great Belly like the Block of a Hat; some ill-contrived Flutes; little Timbrels about the bigness of one's Fist, a Drum, some paltry Hautbois, and several little Brazen Targets, which they hold in their Hands, and knock against one another. Judge, Sir, what a mad Consort they make with the confused jangling of so many inharmonious Instruments. The only tolerable Instrument they have is the Psalterion, which is covered with Latin Strings, stretched as upon a Harpsical; and they strike upon 'em with little Sticks, which they hold betwixt their two Fingers. All the Women play admirably well on this Instrument, for 'tis their usual Diversion in their Chambers, especially the Greeks, whose Music may be heard with Pleasure, since 'tis a great deal more agreeable than that of the Turks. I shall only add on this Subject, that neither of 'em sing the Notes without the Words; and our way of singing Tunes seems so ridiculous to 'em, that they usually laugh at the Franks, and ask 'em what their Tartara lera signifies.  
The Turkish Dancing P. 276  
Dancing is most in use among the Peasants, who without pretending to Art, or learning any regular Steps, put their Bodies into such odd and extravagant Postures, that the nimblest Dancing-Master would be extremely puzzled to imitate. They seem to be actually possessed with a Devil, and from Time to Time break forth into such loud and furious Shouts, that one would certainly conclude 'em to be acted by some Daemon, if he did not know that all these Motions are only feigned Transports. They usually hold a great Stick in their Hands, with which they beat the Walls and Ground in a furious and terrible Manner, and continue those violent Agitations of their Feet, Hands, and Head, till their Weariness and want of Strength oblige them to give over; and even sometimes they Dance till they fall down in a sort of Ecstasy or Fit of Dizziness. I had the Pleasure to see all those various kinds of Dances at Constantinople, in Monsieur de Chateauneuf's House, on the Day appointed to solemnize the Public Joy for the advantageous Success of the Campagne against the Christians. And these Diversions were succeeded by a certain odd kind of Show, performed by the Jews. Since all sorts of Figures are an abomination to the Turks, there were Puppets represented in Shadows on the Wall, which Danced and Sung to the Satisfaction of all the Company, as it appeared by their Laughing and pleasant Humour. I could not understand the Words of their Songs, but if I may be allowed to judge of their Expressions by their Postures, they were certainly very obscene; for I never saw any thing so brutish as the Representations of those Shadows. Nor will this appear strange to those who consider that the Turks are more addicted to that infamous Vice for which Sodom and Gomorrha were destroyed, than any other Nation in the World; and that the Advancement of one half of the great Officers in the Empire, is an Effect of their base Complaisance to their beastly Patrons. Thus the Turkish Songs are doubly naufeous to the Franks, who are not accustomed to such horrid Impurities.  
The Puppet-Show was followed by another of almost the same Nature. Four Jews tied certain Sticks crosswise to their Wrists and Feet, and clothing them like Men and Women, placed themselves all under one Covering; then the first stretching out one of his Arms, made the half Figures Dance and Sing; after him came another; then a third; and at last the eight Arms of the four Jews performed several extravagant Motions on the Covering, accompanied with a confused Din; after which they stood upon their Heads, and discovering eight larger Figures that were fastened to their Feet, entertained the Company with another Show exactly like the former.  
I had occasion in some of my former Letters to mention the rest of the Turkish Customs; and you may conclude that what I have omitted is either inconsiderable, or very particularly described by other Travellers. And therefore I shall conclude this Subject after I have added one or two Observations concerning their Civility. They seldom make any Visits, but when they come to treat of Business; and those who do are always entertained with Perfumes, Coffee, and Sherbet, as in the Account I gave you of Monsieur de Chasteauneuf's Reception at the Caimacan's House. The Lefthand is reckoned the Place of Honour, because 'tis next the Heart; and when they salute, instead of pulling off their Turbans, they lay their Hands upon their Breast, and at the same time bow their Bodies, which they repeat several times when they would express a more than ordinary Affection to the Person whom they salute. This is the whole Ceremony of a simple Salutation; but when they intent to show a profound Respect, they must not only lay their Hand upon their Breast, but make several low Bows, and with all the signs of Humility kiss the lower part of the Person's Vest; after which they stand upright, and continue still to keep their Hand upon their Breast, or even sometimes both Hands, while they are in the presence of him whom they would respect. When he goes abroad, they must make a Lane for him, as they see his Servants do, and salute him with a low Bow as he passes by. Besides, in the Absence of the Servants, they usually present their Hands to hold him under the Arms when he goes up or down Stairs, or Mounts his Horse, and on some other Occasions of the same Nature; But when his Servants are present, 'tis their Office to offer their Assistance to their Master. When a Frank makes a Visit to his Turkish Friends, they still present him with a Pipe after his Coffee; which is a very troublesome piece of Civility to those who have so strong an Aversion to Tobacco as I have, especially considering the peremptory Stiffness of the Turks, who will not admit of the most reasonable Excuse. Some great Persons smoak a sort of perfumed Tobacco, like that of which Spanish Snuff is made; but our Franks never use any of that kind.  
I have had occasion five or six times to speak of their Persons of Quality, without acquainting you with the Nature of their Grandeur and Nobility; and therefore I shall conclude this Letter with a short Account of it. You must not imagine that these are Persons of an Ancient and Noble Extraction; for tho' there may be some of 'em that are honourably descended, the greatest part of 'em owe their Advancement merely to Fortune, or are the Creatures of some Bassa; and their first Preferments are only the Rewards of their Service. Thus we frequently see that a poor Slave is advanced by degrees to the highest Dignities in the Empire; and it may be said in the general, that Riches are the Fountain of Honour in Turkey. This Reflection puts me in Mind of a blunt Repartee that was made to the Marquis de la Marzelliere by one of these Pretenders to Nobility. This Marquis was descended of one of the most illustrious Families in Bretaigne, and yet scrupled not to marry a Citizen's Daughter of St. Malo's, who brought him a Portion of Two hundred thousand Pounds. However, it seems, her Brother, whose Fortune was equal to hers, did not think himself much honoured by this Alliance; for imagining that the Lustre of his Gold was bright enough to make amends for the Obscurity of his Birth, he would never be persuaded to show the least respect to his Brother-in-Law. One Day as they were disputing about some Points of Honour, after several angry Replies, he told the Marquis he knew no Reason why he should be so proud of a Title, and at last added, that he was as good a Marquis as himself. Marquess of what? said Monsieur de la Marzelliere; Of what? replied he, I'm Marquis of Two Hundred Thousand Crowns in good Lewis d'Ors.  
I have made it my Business to be acquainted with the Archbishop of this Place, who is a Person of Wit and Merit, and has given me a particular Account of the principal Differences between the Grecian and Romish Religions; which I intent shall be the Subject of my next Letter.  
I am, SIR, Your &c. Smyrna, June 1691.   

LETTER XXII.  
SIR,  
AFter the general Idea I have given you of the Religion and Customs of the Turks, you will perhaps expect an Account of their Christian Subjects, the Greeks, and read with pleasure some Remarks on a Subject of which I have often observed that even the more inquisitive part of our European World have but a very slight and confused Notion.  
The present Condition of this Nation is so miserable, and so apt to produce all the most tender Motions of Compassion in those who seriously reflect upon it, that 'twould be needless to heighten the Gloominess of the Prospect by comparing it with their former Glory, which after a long and fatal Eclipse, was restored to its ancient Splendour by Constantine the Great, whose Memory will last till the final Period of the World. But the Empire of the East, which he founded, and united to that of the West, was divided again after his Death, and continued in a declining Condition till the final Overthrow of the Palaeologi by the Turks, in the Fifteenth Age; since which time the Greeks have still been Slaves in a Country of which they were formerly Sovereigns; and to redeem themselves from the Yoke under which they are born, they are forced to pay a yearly Tribute, called the Carache, which is only imposed upon them, and their Fellow-Slaves the Jews. The Carache is a perpetual Poll-Tax, and exceeds not four Piastres a Man; and yet since 'tis a Mark of their Bondage, they have left no Means unessayed to deliver themselves from it, and have even offered to raise more considerable Sums another way. Besides, there are oftentimes large Avanies imposed upon 'em, which they levy among themselves, according to the proportion of their Estates. All their Patriarches, Bishops, and Abbots are also obliged to pay for their Patents; and the Prices that are exacted of 'em cannot but amount to a very considerable Sum, since there are above five Thousand Arch-Bishops and Bishops in the Turkish Empire, who, reckoning one with another, pay above two Thousand Piastres apiece, as a Fine to the Grand Signior. The Greeks are naturally Proud, and lovers of Pomp and Magnificence: Most of 'em spend higher than their Estates will bear, and are very fond of the Title of Chelety or Lord. Yet even the richest of 'em, of which there is a considerable Number, are looked upon as Objects of Scorn and Contempt by the Turks. 'Tis true, they are not insensible of their Slavery, and perhaps would willingly shake off the insupportable Yoke of their Domineering Masters; but the Natural Impatience of their Temper is more than sufficiently curbed by their Weakness, and want of Power; and they must even content themselves with repining in secret at the resistless Tyranny of their Oppressors: For they are seldom or never able to obtain Satisfaction for the Injuries they receive from the Turks, if the Offenders are not wholly destitute both of Friends and Money.  
The Habit of the Greeks is very different from that of the Turks. They are not permitted to wear a white Turban; nor must their Turbans be of the same bigness with those that are used by the Turks, nor folded after the same manner: For they only wrap a little piece of Course Cloth, either blue or stripped with blue, two or three times about their Caps; and even usually they wear none at all, but content themselves with a little red Cap which is not large enough to cover their Ears. Instead of a Vest they have only a plain Waistcoat, which is very short, and open before; and over that they wear another that meets on the side. Neither ought they to wear a Chacsir after the Turkish Fashion; for their Breeches are very short, and reach not below the Knee. And besides, they are distinguished from the Turks by their red Babouches; for those that are used by the Turks are yellow. Thus I have given you a short Account of the Habit of the Greeks; but tho' most of 'em do, and all of 'em are obliged to wear it, some of the richer sort are so far from observing these Regulations, that they can scarce be distinguished from the Turks but by their Turbans: And even all Persons of Note, whether Franks or Greeks, put on white Turbans when they go out of the City, as I have had occasion to see above fifty times. The Turks have of late connived at those Innovations; but they have still such a veneration for Green, that the Greeks dare not presume to wear it: nor would it be safe for Franks to wear Green in the midst of Constantinople, tho' I have often seen 'em make bold with that sacred Colour. Since the Women are generally invisible, they are not obliged to observe these Marks of Distinction; and the only difference between their Habit and way of Dressing, and that of the Turks, is that they must, as well as the Men, abstain from wearing Green. Nor is there a less Resemblance between 'em in their Manners and Customs, and in their solitary way of living; tho' they find so much sweetness in the Freedom that prevails among us, that they whose Husbands or Fathers have frequent Occasions to converse with Franks, are easily disposed to renounce their wont Severity. They are lovers of Pleasures, Dancing, and magnificent Habits; and will fix a Passion upon a Man whether he will or not. But the poor Frank that suffers himself to be noosed, must resolve either to be Hen-pecked, or a Cuckold: He must adore his Grecian Spouse; he must furnish her with the richest Habits, and keep a numerous Train of Slaves to attend her; or, if any of these things be wanting, ‛ Aware Horns. For the Franks have an excellent Faculty at curing a handsome Lady of the grumbling Disease, and are always ready to do a kind Office to a Country-man's Wife.  
The Greek Dances are extremely pleasant, and full of Mirth. They are of two kinds: The first is a sort of Country-Dance or Couranto, danced by Pairs; and the second a kind of Gavote or Branle, in which the Men and Women are mingled, as at Passepied in France; only you must hold in your right-hand the Lefthand of your Lefthand Woman, and in your Left the Right-hand of he● that is on your Right-hand. The Man who lead● the Dance holds the Corner of a Handkerchief and gives the other to his Lady, that he may hav● room enough to take his Measures, and to giv● the Dance what Figure or Turn he pleases. A● first they begin very gravely with a Saraband-Ste● two Steps forwards and three backwards: The● mending their pace by degrees, they begin to le●● and run, yet still observing the Rules of a Harmony nious Motion; so that the Dance becomes very Gay and Amorous: For the Women leaping on● Step forwards, draw their Bodies backwards with a certain pretty Turn that cannot be called immodest, yet gives a Man occasion to think of something more than he sees. And besides, the Music contributes very much to the pleasantness of their Dances, for their Tunes are extremely Brisk and Airy.  
The Dancing of the Greeks P. 284  
The fittest time to take the pleasure of viewing their way of Dancing, is when they are met at a Wedding; for on such Occasions they give themselves up to Joy and Pleasure, drinking, eating, and sporting, and indulging themselves in all manner of Diversions. The next Morning the young Woman's Relations make a Visit to the new-marryed Couple, and examine the Bridegroom concerning his Wife's Virginity: Then they take the Bride's Bloody Smock, and expose it to the View of all the Company, as if it were some rare Curiosity. The Jews observe the same Custom at the Marriage of a Maid, and are even nicer and more scrupulous in this Point than the Greeks; for if the Bride's Honesty be not confirmed by the Blood that appears on her Smock, her Reputation is irrecoverably lost, and she is immediately divorced from her Husband. They unanimously agree in believing that this is an infallible Mark of Virginity: And this Opinion is so generally received through all Asia and Africa, that if a Man should endeavour to contradict it, he would expose himself to the Laughter and Derision of all that should hear him. The Italians are also persuaded of the Certainty of this Experiment, tho' they abstain from making a Show of the Bloody Smock, for fear of exposing their own Shame; but the Husband examines his Bride very narrowly, and if he finds her not such as he expects and desires, 'tis in vain for her to endeavour by the most solemn Protestations to convince him of her Innocency. Nevertheless this way of trying the Chastity of a Maid is esteemed uncertain and ridiculous by the French, and even by Surgeons; nor can I reflect without a certain Wonder and Astonishment on this Diversity of Opinions concerning a Question that one would think might have been fully decided by so many repeated Experiments; for I see no reason to believe that our Country-Women are framed after another manner than the rest of their Sex. But leaving this Controversy to be decided by others who are better acquainted with the Works of Nature, I shall proceed in the Account I promised to give you of the most remarkable Grecian Customs, among which I cannot forbear taking notice of one that seems to be peculiar to this Nation. On Easter-Day, and during the three following Weeks, they salute one another with three Kisses, one on the Mouth, and one on each Cheek, at the same time repeating these Words, Christos anesti, that is, Christ is risen. At other times their familiar Salutation is the same with that which is used by the Turks: But when they design to show a more than ordinary Respect to a Man, they kiss his Hand, and then lay it upon their Heads. They observe the same Custom when they receive a Present, if it be not either too heavy or bulky: For this Ceremony of laying a Man's Hand upon their Head, is a Mark both of their Respect and Gratitude. When a Woman accompanies her Husband in a Visit to a Person of Quality, such as a Consul, whether they come to treat of Business, or only out of Civility, she stands directly behind her Husband; and when the Visitor brings his Daughters along with him, they place themselves at one another's Back behind their Mother; so that the Husband standing in the Front of the File, hides all his Female Train; and when they intent to go out, they make a half-Turn to the Right, and the Daughters march out first, to avoid the Indecency of appearing in a Stranger's Presence.  
In pursuance of the Method I proposed to follow, I shall in the next place consider their Religion. I'm obliged to my Friend, the Archbishop, for the following Account, which perhaps will give you a clearer Idea of this Subject than you can draw from the Relations of others. For there are some who pretend that the Greeks are only Schismatics, or bare Separatists from the Romish Church; whereas others stretch the Point too far on the other side, and make their Differences in matter of Doctrine appear greater and more irreconcilable than they really are.  
They acknowledge only One visible Church of God, without which there is no Salvation, unless in the Case of a sudden Conversion at the Hour of Death.  
They believe that the Apostles instituted five Patriarches to govern the Church upon the Earth, who were seated at Rome, Alexandria, Constantinople, Antioch, and Jerusalem, and under them several Archbishops, Bishops, and inferior Pastors. All the Members of this Hierarchy have a Right to exercise a Spiritual Jurisdiction over those that are subordinate to 'em, and to inflict Ecclesiastical Censures. But the Patriarches can only admonish one another, and can neither be punished nor deposed for their Offences but by the Sentence of a General Council. Yet their Power does not extend so far as to enable 'em to introduce new Laws into the Church, and they would be laughed at if they should attempt to grant Indulgencies. The Bishop of Rome is the first of the Patriarches; nor do any of the rest pretend to dispute with him for Precedency: But they refuse to submit to that absolute Power he has assumed in the West, by taking Advantage of the Superstition and Simplicity of the People, and the Connivance of the Princes. 'Tis plain that the Greek Bishops had Reason to refuse their Consent to the Introduction and Establishment of a Tyrannical Power in the Church, since they could not but foresee that it would produce very fatal and pernicious Consequences: And yet this is the only Cause that made the Pope discharge his Thunders against 'em, and declare 'em Schismatics; thus violently breaking the sacred Union of the Church, for the Preservation of which he ought to have spent the last Drop of his Blood. For this reason the Greeks are not contented with returning the Charge of Schism upon the Roman Church, but pretend that they never actually separated from the Communion of Rome, since they have not established a Fifth Patriarch, and still acknowledge the Pope to be the first Bishop in the World, and that therefore they cannot with the least Shadow of Justice be blamed for the Fault of another, or said to separate from a Church which has violently driven 'em out of her Communion. I know not whether this is the Opinion of the whole Greek Church; tho' I cannot reasonably decline giving Credit to a Thing which I have heard so often confirmed with repeated Protestations by the Archbishop of Smyrna, who is esteemed one of the most learned Doctors of that Church in this Age. However, I took the Liberty to ask him why they did not send their Bishops to the last Councils that were held in the West, in which all their Differences might have been amicably terminated. He replied, that their Absence would be easily excused by those who consider the Severity of the Yoke under which they groan; and that the sending of Deputies to the Councils would have given a terrible Umbrage to the Grand Signior, who would have been apt to suspect that these Bishops were sent to contrive a Rebellion against him, and to plot the Ruin of his Empire; and to deliver himself from the danger of a Revolt, might have been easily persuaded to have put the whole Nation under Military Execution. This Answer seemed so reasonable, and agreeable to the Truth, that I was obliged to acknowledge myself entirely satisfied. Thus I have given a short Account of the Occasion of the fatal Breach that divides the Eastern and Western Churches, and of the Reasons alleged by the Greeks to free themselves of the Imputation of Schism. I shall in the next Place examine the Points of Doctrine in which they differ from the Romans.  
The Difference between these Churches may be reduced to five Articles, of which only two are Fundamentals: For tho' the other three are of considerable Moment, they would not be sufficient to excuse a Separation. The first is the Procession of the Holy Ghost, who in their Opinion proceeds not from the Son, but only from the Father. To illustrate and confirm this Doctrine, the Archbishop told me, that the Three Persons of the Trinity were only distinguished by their different Operations and Attributes; That the Property of the Father was to beget without being begotten; That of the Son, to be eternally begotten, without begetting; and that of the Holy Ghost to inspire and sanctify our Hearts. I replied, That it did not necessarily follow, because the Son was begotten, that he could not cooperate with the Father in the Procession of the Holy Ghost: But he would not acknowledge the force of this Reason, pretending that we could not ascribe to the Son the Attribute of Generation, that belongs only to the Father, without overturning the Order, and confounding the Persons of the Trinity. Then he repeated what he had said before, that the Persons were only distinguished by their Attributes; f●om whence he concluded that the latter could not be confounded without confounding the former. And for a farther Confirmation of his Opinion, he showed me a large Volume of S. Athanasius, printed at Venice, with the Latin on one side, and the Greek on the other, and made me take Notice of two Passages, which I transcribed, but have unhappily lost the Paper. However, tho' I cannot at present call to Mind the very Words of the Author. I remember that in the first Passage he spoke of the Holy Ghost's proceeding from the Father, without mentioning the Son. I replied, that the Question was not whether the Holy Ghost proceeded from the Father; and that the Author whom he cited did not deny his Procession from the Son. But I was obliged to acknowledge that the same Answer would not serve to elude the positive Authority of another Passage which he showed me in the Nicene Creed, where 'tis expressly said, à solo Patre procedens. Thus my Mouth was stopped on this Subject, as well as on the former; and I must leave the Decision of this Controversy to those whose Profession obliges 'em to search into these Mysteries.  
The second difference between the Romish and Greek Churches, is concerning the Doctrine of Purgatory, which the latter expressly denies, affirming, with us, that 'tis absolutely injurious to the Merit and Satisfaction of Christ: Yet they pretend there is a certain Baptismal Fire, through which every one must pass before he can be admitted into Paradise. They believe that the Souls of Just Persons at their Separation from the Body, go into a Third Place, of the same Nature with the Romish Limbo's, where they must remain till the Day of Judgement, at which Time a sudden Fire shall dissolve the World in an Instant, and purify the Souls of the Righteous, who after their final Judgement, shall be received into everlasting Glory. To confirm this Doctrine, they allege that Passage of the Scripture which speaks of the Souls that rest under the Altar: But after all, this Opinion seems not to be so well grounded as the former; for if the Dead are not in a suffering Condition, I know not what Reason they can give to justify their praying for 'em.  
The third Point is the Communion under both kinds: for they give the Sacrament to the People in a Spoon, in which the Bread and Wine are mixed together.  
The Fourth is concerning Leavened Bread, which they use in the Consecration of the Sacrament.  
The Fifth and last Point in which they differ from those of the Romish Persuasion is the Celibacy of the Clergy: For a simple Priest is allowed to marry once, but must never proceed to a second Marriage. The Priests wear the Violet-coloured Habit of a Bishop, and a Cap of the same Colour, with a little blue Turban; and behind their Cap there hangs a piece of Cloth of the same Colour about half a Foot long and broad, which falls back on their Shoulders. Besides these Priests, there are certain Religious Persons under a Vow of Chastity; and out of their Number the Bishops, and even the Pastors, are chosen, whom they call Papa's: They eat no Flesh, and wear long Hair, without ever touching it with Scissors: They also suffer their Beards to grow without shaving or clipping 'em, which disfigures their Faces, and makes 'em seem very ugly. They wear a large black Gown or Robe, not much different from our Night-Gowns; only their Sleeves are wider, and buttoned before; and the Neck is like that of a Cassock. Their Caps are made of Felt, flat beneath like the Block of a Hat, and would be very deep, if they were not cut before; so that the whole Face appears, but the Ears and hinder-part of the Head are covered. Over this they wear a Kerchief of black Serge, which hangs over their Shoulders. This Habit is generally used by all religious Persons, Pastors, Bishops, and Archbishops, without any Mark of Distinction; only the Bishops carry in their Hands a Pastoral Staff of Ebony, eight Foot long, with an Ivory Ball on the Top. The Bishops are not usually rich, but they are no less respected by their Clergy than our French Prelates are by theirs. Their Churches are built after the manner of ours, but without the least appearance of Pomp or Grandeur. They have a Choir where the Priests place themselves, with those that come to confess; and a Place for the Churchwardens, with a Crucifix, or a Saint, to which every one presents an Offering. The Bishops do not observe so much State as in France; for my Curiosity having one Day carried me to see 'em Officiate, the Archbishop rose up to salute me, and made me sit down by him on one of the Seats in the Choir, whither a Priest conducted me by his Order; after which they brought me some Frankincense, as they do to all Persons of Note of their own Nation. Their Pontifical Habit is so singular and oddly contrived, that 'twould be a hard Task to represent it distinctly; and therefore I will neither undertake the Description of that, nor of their Ceremonies and Rites of Worship. I shall only add, that when they enter the Church, they take some Holy-Water, and make five large Signs of the Cross, at each of which they make a very low Bow, repeating the same Ceremony when they go out, to commemorate the five Wounds of our Saviour.  
It has been so positively asserted by so many celebrated Divines, that the Doctrine of Transubstantiation is not acknowledged by the Greek Church, that I dare hardly venture to contradict 'em. However, since neither Interest not Authority ought to deter us from owning the Truth, I'm resolved at all Adventures to undeceive you of so vulgar an Error. 'Tis plain that the Authors of those Relations, on whose Credit that Opinion is grounded, were either deceived themselves, or intended to deceive their Readers; unless perhaps to soften the harshness of that Censure you had rather believe that they speak of some obscure Sect, which is not known in thi● Country: For I can assure you that the Greeks at Constantinople and Smyrna are as firmly persuaded of the truth of that Doctrine as the most zealous Romanists; and the only reason why they do not kneel at the Elevation of the Host, is because their manner of Adoration is different from ours. Nor do they worship the Sacrament less devoutly by bowing their Body, and smiting their Breast, tho' they stand all the while on their Feet, than we do by prostrating ourselves on the Ground; and therefore we ought rather to consider the Intention of their Mind than the Posture of their Body. But this is not all; for they have a Custom which may serve for a convincing Proof of their Belief of that Opinion. On Good-Friday they walk in Procession to the French Church, to adore the Sacrament which is exposed there, and even pay five hundred Piastres to the Turks that they may be suffered to perform their Devotions there on that Occasion: So true it is that they are not willing to be separated from the Church of Rome. You may depend upon the Certainty of this Story; for I can assure you of the Truth of it on the Faith of an Eye-Witness.  
They have a great Number of Images; and their Devotion to 'em is not at all inferior to that which prevails in the Church of Rome. But I must confess there is a great Difference in the Structure and Workmanship of the Images; for whereas in our Country they may, for the most part, be reckoned so many Masterpieces of Art, whether we consider the Regularity of the Design, the Disposition of the Lights and Shades, or the Beauty of the Colours. The Greeks are of Opinion, and scruple not to say, that the Pictures of the Saints, as they are represented in the Roman Churches are more proper to raise Criminal Desires, than to inspire the Minds of the Spectators with Devotion. And therefore to avoid the dangerous Consequences of that Abuse, they confine themselves to a certain Antic way of Painting, which is extremely unnatural, especially in their Figures of Virgins, who are almost all represented black, and so muffled up in Kerchiefs and Gowns, that you can scarce distinguish their Faces. And their Painters are so ignorant, and so little acquainted with the Beauties of the Art they profess, that they cannot so much as copy a Head. Nor am I at all surprised at the unskilfulness of these pretended Artists; for their Method is directly opposite to that of our Painters: First they lay on the Shades, and design the entire Figure, after which they proceed to the Disposition of the Light; which is the most preposterous Method could be imagined.  
The Armenians are not so scrupulous in this Point, tho' they profess almost the same Articles of Faith; for they make use of the modern way of Painting; and there is at present on their High Altar an Image of the Virgin, made by a Frenchman, which shows so much of her Breasts that I should be almost Jealous if my Mistress were painted after that Manner. Nevertheless you must not suspect them of Libertinism; for I never heard of any Religious Order, except the Monks of Trape, that observe such mortifying Fasts. They keep four Lents, which lasts one half of the Year, like those that are observed by the Greeks:. But the Armen●●ns do not allow themselves so much Liberty as the 〈◊〉 of their Fellow Christians; for they abstain from eating Flesh, Fish, and even Shellfish, Butter, Milk, Cheese, and every thing that has or ever had Life; which may be justly reckoned a very severe piece of Mortification. Their Bishop has put himself under the Protection of France, to deliver himself from the insupportable Exactions of the Turks; and 'tis but a very little while ago since he was freed from Prison, where he had lain six Months. He is a very honest and civil Person, and diligent in performing the Duties of his Function. His Habit is almost the same with that of the Greek Bishop, only he wears a Hood or Cawl at the Neck of his Gown, and carries in his Hand a Cross, like that which is used by the Roman Bishops, only 'tis made of Wood This puts me in Mind of what a certain Author said concerning the Ancients, That they were Golden Bishops tho' they wore Wooden Crosses; and I may safely venture to apply that Saying to this Prelate.  
To return to the Greeks; I had almost forgot to take Notice of one of their Opinions in which they differ from those of the Romish Persuasion. You have doubtless observed that the Romanists have an extreme Veneration for those Persons whose Bodies remain free from Putrefaction after their Death; and that the Incorruption of the Body is reckoned a convincing Mark of the Holiness of the Deceased, and is one of the most considerable Proofs that can be offered for the Canonization of the Saint; whereas the Greeks pretend that 'tis only an Effect of Excommunication; and when they find a Body in that Condition, they never leave praying for the Soul of the dead Person, till his Body be putrefyed and corrupted.  
The Interment of dead Bodies is performed with almost the same Ceremonies that are observed in the Church of Rome. All the Clergy meet together, and sing the de profundis, and Prayers for the Soul of the Deceased. Several Persons march before with lighted Candles, after whom the Body is carried in an open Coffin, dressed in its finest Clothes, with a little Cotton in its Mouth; so that oftentimes the Person seems to be alive. Then comes the Husband or Wife, accompanied with the Children and Slaves of the Deceased, all bellowing out their Grief in so dismal and terrible a Manner, that one would conclude they thought themselves irrecoverably ruined. The Women especially signalise their Love by all the wildest Marks of Despair, tossing their Bodies so furiously from side to side, that they would certainly break their Necks if they were not supported by two Persons who are appointed to attend 'em. Their usual Song is Hai agamimont, hai mathiamont; Ab my Eyes! ah my Love! And the Slaves echo back the howling Music with so hideous a Noise, that one would think they designed to scare the Devil. Those who have not a sufficient Number of Slaves to make a Noise suitable to the Quality of the Deceased, may supply that Defect by hiring Weeping-Women, who for an Jsallote, which is worth about forty Pence, howl and cry, as if they were acted by the most furious Transports of Rage and Despair. 'Tis true, the Frace is too gross and visible; for there is something so moving in true Sorrow that it can never be counterfeited; neither is it possible for the most dextrous Mimic to imitate the tender Motions of Nature. And even when those pretended Mourners seem to be transported with Fury and Despair, running about like Mad-Women, with dishevelled Hair, the Artifice is easily discernible. And particularly I observed, that when they pretend to tear their Hair, they hold it fast with one Hand near the Roots, and then pull as hard as they can with the other. To conclude, an unconcerned Spectator would be tempted to imagine that all this Mummery is acted in derision to the deceased; for as soon as he is interred, they make a Feast on his Grave at his own Charge; and his Wife and Children take care that nothing be wanting to the Company, who eat and drink and laugh, as if they were carousing in a Tippling House. This is certainly a very extravagant way of expressing their Affection to their dead Friends; nor could they treat a Man worse whose Memory they designed to affront. I have also had occasion to see the Funeral Solemnities of the Jews, which in my Opinion are less inconsistent with the Rules of Decency; for tho' they use those Affected Howl as well as the Greeks, their Design is to Mourn and not to Feast. Among the Ceremonies that are used by the jews at the Death of their Relations, I took notice of one which seems to be very Troublesome and Inconvenient, I mean their keeping of the Dead Body Three Days unburied: And I leave you to judge what a sad Companion that must be to the Widow and Children, who are obliged to weep without Intermission till the Body be interred.  
Since the Description of the Greekish Funerals has given me an Occasion to mention the Jews, I shall conclude this Letter with a brief Account of that Nation. 'Twou'd be needless to entertain you with an Abridgement of their Ancient History, and therefore I shall only observe, that after the Romans became Masters of Palestine, these unhappy Fugitives were dispersed, and scattered through the whole World, and have lived ever since like hated Vagabonds, without King or Head, expecting the Messiah with an Impatience that has frequently made 'em give Credit to Impostors. About Thirty Years ago there arose a false Prophet or Messiah in this Country, called Sabatai Sevi, who was very learned, and had diligently studied the Cabala, by which means, 'twas thought, he came to the Knowledge of certain Magical Secrets, which he afterwards made Use of to abuse the Credulity of his Followers. I have heard a Thousand Stories of him, but shall content myself with telling you that he managed the Cheat with so much Dexterity and Success, that he was followed by a great Multitude of People, and began to exercise so great an Authority over the Jews, that the Grand Signior himself, growing jealous of his Power and Credit, ordered him to be apprehended, and brought in Chains to Constantinople, where this pretended Messiah turned Turk to save his Life. The Scandal of this Example, which ought to have taught the Jews more Caution for the future, could not keep 'em from falling not long after into another Error of the same Nature. You must know that during the Feast of Tabernacles, the young Women of that Nation are obliged to lie abroad under Tents in a place appointed for that purpose; and they have an old Tradition that the Messiah shall be conceived in the Womb of a Virgin during that Festival. Now it happened that a certain Maid, who it seems was weary of that Denomination, resolved to make use of so favourable an Opportunity of tasting the forbidden Delight, and to conceal her Fault, spread abroad a Report that God came to visit her every Night, and that she was to be the Mother of the Messiah. These acceptable News were received with Joy by the whole Synagogue, who appointed several Days of Solemn Thanksgiving to be kept with all imaginable Secrecy, for fear of offending the Turks. But their Joy was at last turned into Shame and Confusion, when instead of their expected Deliverer, the pretended Virgin was brought to B●d of a Daughter.  
The Levantine Jews are extremely Cunning and Deceitful, and so dextrous in the Art of Wheedling, that those who deal with 'em aught to be always upon their Guard. Cheating is the Trade by which they live, as others do by Labour or Traffic; and 'tis usually said here, that a Jew never eats his Breakfast till he has cheated a Christian. However, 'tis certain that he who trusts 'em must either betray his Ignorance or Imprudence; for by a modest Computation, I may venture to assure you, that among Twenty Jews there are always Nineteen Knaves. There cannot be a more convincing Argument to prove that Religion is not always attended with Honesty; for if it were, the Jews would be the honestest Men in the World. They observe the Precepts of their Law with an incredible exactness; and would not do the least Work on the Sabbath to prevent the Ruin of the Universe. 'Tis not yet a Fortnight since we had an eminent Instance of the Power of Superstition, on occasion of a Fire which broke forth in the Jews Quarter in this City on the Sabbath Day; for they suffered it to consume their Houses without endeavouring to quench it; and one among the rest seeing his Child just ready to be devoured by the Flames, contented himself with tearing his Hair, instead of breaking the Window of his House, tho' there was no other Way to save the Life of his miserable Infant, which would have been certainly burnt alive, if it had not been seasonably rescued by some Greeks, whose Compassion drew 'em to its Assistance. This Fire made a prodigious Havoc, for it destroyed above a Hundred Houses, in the greatest part of which there were Warehouses.  
The Jews are no less jealous of their Wives than the Turks, and are very careful in keeping 'em under a close Confinement. 'Tis true, they are permitted to see and visit one another; but if a Woman should walk a Quarter of a League out of the City without her Husband or Brother, she would infallibly be divorced.  
They wear a large Gown of black Cloth, made almost like that of the Papa's; and their Shoes are of a Violet Colour. Their Caps are of Felt, covered with Violet-coloured Cloth, and resemble a long Block of a Hat. Round their Caps they tie a small stripped or Violet-coloured Turban, which they call a Tandour. They are obliged to pay the Carache as well as the Greeks, and are treated with more scorn and Contempt: But they are naturally of so intrigueing a Temper, that they thrust themselves into all sorts to Business, and are at present the only Managers of Trade; for there are no other Brokers in the Levant.  
I know not whether you will complain of the unusual Length of this Letter; but I can assure you that the writing of it has fatigued me so extremely, that, tho' I had not finished my Subject, I should have been forced to break off abruptly.  
I am, SIR, Your, etc. Smyrna, July, 1692.   

LETTER XXIII.  
SIR,  
JUst now I'm informed that five Barbary Vessels anchored this Morning at Fosche, which is a little Harbour at the Mouth of the Gulf. If this be true, we must expect to see the Streets always full of those insolent Scoundrels, from whom the Franks receive a Visit once every Year, tho' they would gladly dispense with so troublesome a piece of Civility. I have not yet had Experience of their Deportment; but the Accounts I have received from others have extremely abated my natural Curiosity to be acquainted with the Customs of Strangers: And I had much rather hear a Description than be an Eye-Witness of the Disorders they committed in this City, which are still so fresh in the Memory of the People, that they hardly talk of any thing else. I know not whether you could hear without Disturbance a Relalation of those Abuses, if you were in a place where you might shortly expect to see 'em repeated: But since you are at so great a Distance from the Scene of the Tragedy, you may venture to read it without fearing to be made a Spectator of it: And besides, there can be nothing more proper to give you a clear Idea of the Weakness of the Turkish Government.  
About a Year ago the same Barbary Ships touched at the Port where they have now cast Anchor, which is only four or five Leagues distant from this place; and since these Sea-Monsters are not restrained by the least shadow of Discipline, one half of 'em was perpetually in the City. These pretended Soldiers are a mere Rabble of Murderers, Robbers, and the most desperate Villains, who, to avoid the just Punishment of their Crimes, flock from all parts of afric to the Sea-Coast, where they find on board the Ships, a Sanctuary that secures 'em from being made accountable for their past Offences, and are at the same time privileged to re-act their former Barbarities without control; so that they are equally dreaded by the Turks, Greeks, and Franks, tho' the Storm falls heaviest upon the last, especially since the Bombarding of Algiers, which has inspired 'em with a horrible Aversion against the French, and against all other Franks for their sake.  
Two or three Days after their Landing, two of 'em drinking in a Tippling-house picked a Quarrel with a Frenchman, who seeing 'em advance towards him with naked Poniards, discharged his Pistol at 'em, and then made his Escape. Immediately the two Barbarianss one of whom had received a slight Wound by the Shot, being reinforced by some of their Fellows, ran through the Streets, swearing like enraged Furies, and threatening to murder all the French without exception. In the Heat of their Rage they met three Mariners of Provence coming out of a Barber's Shop, whom they instantly assaulted, and dragged by the Hair along the Street to the Bazar, where they butchered 'em with their Poniards in a most barbarous manner. The French Consul being alarmed at the News, commanded those of his Nation to keep within Doors all that Day, and sent for Soldiers and Arms from on board the Ships that were in the Port, to secure him from the Insolency of the incensed Rabble. Next Morning he ordered forty Men, armed with Carabines and Pistols, to bring off the Bodies of the three Seamen that had lain all the while in the Street. As soon as the Barbaria●s heard of their Design, they resolved to oppose the Execution of it; but since they had no Fire-Arms, and are extremely afraid of Shot, they fled after the first Discharge, and left the Bodies to the French, who carried 'em off without any Opposition. In the mean time the Consul had sent a Message to the other two Consuls of England and Holland, to beg their Assistance in the Common Cause of the Three Nations: But these Gentlemen did not think fit to irritate an enraged Mobb that had not positively declared against any other Nation but the French. And it appeared by the Event, that they acted wisely in so nice a Juncture; for the Neutrality they observed, and the Care they took not to kindle the Fury of the Barbarians by appearing too much in the Streets, had so good an Effect, that the English and Dutch received not the least Injury during the Tumult, except some affronting Words. The French Consul being disappointed of the Assistance he expected from the two Nations, and not knowing to what Saint he should make h●s next Address, resolved at last to demand Protection from the Cadi. Immediately he sent two Merchants, and as many Interpreters to complain to that Officer of the Injuries he had received from the Barbarians, and to assure him that if the Tumult were not quickly appeased, he wou●d seek Redress at the Port, and in the mean time would Arm those of his Nation in their own Defence. But instead of the Aid he expected, he had the Mortification to receive only a faint Excuse; for the most favourable Answer his Messengers could obtain from the Cadi was, that he had not Forces sufficient to suppress the seditious Multitude; and that the best Advice he could give his Master, was to defend himself as well as he could. The Consul perceiving that this was in effect an absolute Denial, dispatched an Express to Monsieur de Chasteauneuf, to acquaint him with the extreme Danger that threatened the Nation, and to entreat him to use his Interest at the Port for the procuring a Grand Mandamus against the Barbarians.  
Before I proceed farther, 'twill not be improper to inform you, that a Grand Mandamus is an express Order from the Sultan, which he never grants but in Cases of great Necessity, and of the highest Importance. Those who refuse to submit to it are declared Rebels against the Grand Signior; and the Law ordains that such Persons shall be treated as Infidels: So that these Orders may be called the Grand Signior's Thunders; as Excommunications are said to be the Thunders of the Vatican.  
The Consul waited with an extreme Impatience for the Return of his Express, and during the space of three Weeks which that Messenger spent in his Journey, and in dispatching his Business, the French were forced to suffer the Insolency of the Barbarians, whose Fury was so far from being appeased, that it wanted little of its first impetuosity; for they continued still to beat and affront all the Frenchmen that came in their Way. Nor could the Greeks and Jews escape their Rage, for as many of 'em as were found with yellow Babouches, long Breeches, or any sort of Habit or Ornament prohibited by Law, were sure of the Bastinado; these Villains pretending that they would restore Justice in the City, and reform the Abuses that had crept into the Government. One Day they happened to meet an old Drogue-man with a Chacsir, after the Turkish Fashion, and immediately asked him by what Authority he wore that Habit: The poor Man replied, that he wore it as Interpreter of France; but this Answer instead of pacifying 'em, irritated 'em so extremely, that after a severe Beating they took away his Chacsir, and sent him home with a bare Breech. At last the Grand Mandamus came, forbidding the Barbarians under pain of Rebellion to molest the French; and ordaining the Cadi, and all the Inhabitants of Smyrna, to shut up their Shops, and be ready to assist the French in case of any Tumult or Disturbance. The Consul was extremely proud of this Order, and after he had notified it to the Cadi, thought himself as secure as if he had obtained a strong Reinforcement: But the Barbarians, who had received Advice of it from the Cadi, instead of submitting to the Sultan's Command, began to Rage with more Violence than before. The first who felt the Fury of this new Storm, were a Chirurgeon and another Frenchman, who received three Wounds with a Poniard. Afterwards they besieged the Consul's House, and would have set Fire to it, if they had not been prevented by fifteen or twenty Janissaries, whom he had called to his Assistance. The Cadi seemed to be an unconcerned Spectator of all these Disorders; for when the Consul sent to require his Assistance, according to the Order he had received from the Port, he answered him in plain Terms, that he neither would nor durst incense the Barbarians, and that he was resolved to expect the Event without interposing in other men's Affairs. In the mean time the Inhabitants of the City shut up their Shops, according to the Grand Signior's Order; but they were so far from assisting the French, that they had not the Courage to appear in the Streets: And if by good Fortune the Captain Bassa had not arrived with seven Galleys, 'tis hard to divine what might have been the issue of these Disturbances. You may easily conclude, that our Countrymen, after such late and fatal Experience of the Barbarity of those Infidels, are extremely alarmed at the News of their Arrival: And their Fears are increased by the Advice they have received from Constantinople, that there were two Frenchmen murdered by 'em there in their own Houses. 'Tis true, the two Protestant Nations have hitherto suffered nothing but Words; but who can secure 'em from the Danger of being made Sharers in the common Calamity, if another Tumult should happen. 'Tis impossible to reflect without Horror on their manner of attacking a Christian that has the Misfortune to come in their way. As soon as they perceive him at a Distance, they draw their Poniards, and with a Howling and Wolvish Noise, run bellowing out these Words, alla, alla, alla, in the same Tone they use when they board a Ship. In such Cases 'tis in vain to think of Resistance; and as soon as a Man sees 'em coming, he must place his only Confidence in the Swiftness of his Legs; For if a Turk should offer to stop 'em, they would infallibly turn their Poniards against him.  
These are the fatal and inevitable Consequences of the Weakness of the Turkish Government: And the Grand Signior must be a tame Spectator of the Insolency of three or four Hundred Scoundrels, (for there were no more of 'em,) and patiently suffer 'em to domineer over a great City, slight his Grand Mandamus', and assassinate almost under his Whiskers those whom he had taken into his Protection in so particular a manner.  
The present French Consul has been very unfortunate in the Discharge of his Office. He has been twice affronted by the Barbarians; and besides, he has a very small Share in the Ambassador's Friendship, and is yet less beloved by the Nation, who take all Occasions to mortify him. Tother Day there happened a Quarrel between him and the Capuchins, who are Curates of the Parish, on the Occasion of the Election of a Grand-Vicar. For the Consul was persuaded by the Jesuits to promote one whom they recommended to him, and resolved to make him Officiate on S. Lewis' Day, and pronounce that Saints Panegyric. The Capuchins would not own the new Vicar, and were so incensed against the Consul, that they threatened to shut the Doors of their Church; but perceiving that he was resolved to break 'em open, they were unwilling to expose themselves to so public an Affront, and contented themselves with giving out that they would Excommunicate the Consul, who laughed at their Anger, and told 'em in a deriding manner, that since nothing less than Excommunication would satisfy 'em, he would let 'em know that he could Excommunicate as well as they, and that they should find his Sentences more effectual than theirs were wont to be. This Consul is absolutely governed by the Jesuits, and so entirely devoted to 'em, that he can't live without 'em. Among the Marks of his Affection to that Order, I may reckon the late splendid Entertainment which he gave to Father Grimaldi, who passed by this Place in his Return from China, from whence he was sent with the Character of an Envoy to the French King. This Jesuit has a strange Ambition to appear Great, and talks perpetually of the Honours he receives from the King of China, and of the Favours that Monarch bestows on some other Fathers of the Society, whom he has made Mandarin's of the first Order. It must be acknowledged, that the Jesuits are perfect Masters of the Art of Intriguing; they have always made it their Business to insinuate themselves into the Affection of Princes, and have managed their Ambitious Designs with so much Dexterity and Success, that we have already seen some Fathers of that Order dignifyed with the Title of Ambassadors by the Courts of Siam, China, Poland, Tartary, etc. You see, Sir, how suitable their Actions are to the pretended Humility of their Profession: And I leave you to judge with what Confidence they can boast of their renouncing Ecclesiastical Dignities, while they court Secular Preferments with so much Eagerness.  
An Arabian Impostor at his Conjurations P. 309  
By this Instance you may judge of the boasted Skill of all those feigned Arabian Magicians; for this Man was reputed one of the most learned Professors of that Art in Asia: And yet 'tis as certain as you may think it incredible, that some Franks are so besotted with those mystical Fooleries, that they are not ashamed to employ all their Time in so useless an Occupation. I know a very expert and much-esteemed Painter, called Le Brun, who neglecting his Business, applies himself wholly to the Study of Divination, and spends whole Days in turning over his Magical Books, which he procures to be translated into French at a very considerable Charge. But notwithstanding all the Confidence of this pretended Diviner, 'tis impossible that his Art can be true, since the very Principles on which it depends, are certainly false; and to convince you of the Absurdity of his Pretensions, 'twill be sufficient to acquaint you with his usual Method of Divining. He has two little Bones with Eight Sides apiece, on each of which there is a small Character engraved; and when you propose your Question, he throws the Bones, and observes the Characters that appear on the sides that happen to be uppermost. Then having made several Combinations of these Characters, with certain Numbers, according to the Subject of the Question, he draws a Scheme or Figure, which he seeks in one of his Books, where he finds a Sentence written, which he fancies to be the desired Solution. Thus you see 'tis plain that the whole Mystery depends on the Fortune of the Dice: But when I endeavoured to convince him of the Uncertainty of his Art which betrayed him into so many Errors, that not One Answer in Thirty was found to be exactly true, he replied very gravely, that these Mistakes were occasioned by his Ignorance, and that he did not yet comprehend the Depths of that infallible Science; adding, as a Confirmation of the Certainty of the Art, that notwithstanding the small Progress he had made in it, he never found that his Book had returned a Cross or Impertinent Answer. And to convince me of the Truth of his Assertion, he made several Trials in my Presence, and I observed always that the Answer, whether True or False, related to the Subject of the Question; nor will I scruple to confess that I was somewhat surprised at so odd an Effect of Chance.  
The Turks are also very much addicted to the study of the Philosopher's Stone, or the Art of making Gold and Silver; and I remember a story on this Subject, which I had from a Turk, who is reckoned a Man of Honour. Two Persian Dervishes came to Constantinople about four Years ago, and after they had stayed a Fortnight, told their Landlord, that tho' they had no Money to pay for their Lodging and Entertainment, they were resolved not to go away without giving him entire Satisfaction. I know not what Credit he gave to their Promises, but he quickly perceived the Effect of 'em, for they took a large Copper-Dish, which they found in the House, and having melted it down in his Presence, threw a little Powder upon it, which immediately changed the Copper into Silver. They retained one half for themselves, and left the other with their Landlord, who upon trial found it to be true Silver: And besides, they presented him with a small Quantity of the Powder. The Grand Visier Ishmael, hearing of this Accident, sent for the Man, and obliged him to deliver up the Powder, which he showed to several expert Chemists, who according to his Orders, endeavoured to find out the Secret. But all their Attempts were unsuccessful; and I'm the rather inclined to believe the Conclusion of the Story, because I look upon this Art to be no less frivolous and uncertain than that of Divination.  
I am, SIR, Your &c. Smyrna, August 1691.   

LETTER XXIV.  
SIR,  
IN compliance with your Desire I shall in this Letter, present you with a short View of the Life of Soliman, Emperor of the Turks, who died June 22. and was succeeded by his younger Brother, Achmet.  
The present Grand Signior, Achmet, the deceased Soliman, and the deposed Sultan Mahomet, were three Brothers, the Sons of Sultan Ibrahim, who was strangled in the Castle of the Seven Towers, in the heat of one of those mutinous Tumults of the Janissaries, that happen so frequently in this Country. His eldest Son Mahomet, who was then very young, was declared Emperor by the Interest and Solicitation of the Sultana Mother, and of the famous Visie●, Kopergli, who owed his Advancement to her, and ever afterwards served her with an inviolable Fidelity. This Prince's Reign may be justly reckoned disastrous; for not to mention those frequent and terrible Seditions that made him tremble so often, and in one of which he was at last dethroned, his Armies were several times ●outed by the Venetians, and the Duke of Lorraine before his Death, had almost driven him quite out of Hungary. The Turks, who are the most ungovernable Subjects in the World to an unfortunate Prince, and who are possessed with a Belief of a certain Predestination, that overrules the Fate of their Emperor on which they imagine the Fortune of the Empire depends, concluded that the Reign of Mahomet would be a perpetual Scene of Disasters: and the Grandees encouraged the Superstition of the People, in Expectation of a favourable Opportunity to execute the Designs they had premeditated against the Government. They could not have desired a more inviting Juncture to attempt and carry on so vast an Undertaking, than the Disturbances that were occasioned by the ill Success of the Campaign of 1687. and especially by the Loss of the Famous Battle of Hersan; where the Imperialists killed Ten thousand Turks on the Spot, pillaged their Camp, made themselves Masters of Ninety Pieces of Cannon, and their whole Train of Artillery. The Consternation that was occasioned among the Turks by the News of this Defeat, was increased by the Advice they received almost at the same time that the Bridge of Esseck was seized by the Count de Dunevalt, immediately after the Victory. The Grand Visier, who commanded the Army in Person, dreading the usual Fate of his Predecessors on such Occasions, endeavoured to secure himself by laying the Blame on the Generals that commanded under him; and resolving to prevent the Designs of his Enemies, persuaded the Grand Signior to put 'em to Death. But tho' the Orders for that Effect were actually given out, there was so strong a Party already formed both against the Visier and the Sultan, that the Great Officers of the Army, with the Chiaoux Bassa at their Head, made the whole Army revolt, and marched towards Constantinople, with a Resolution to depose Mahomet, and place his Brother Soliman on the Throne. The News of their Approach so terrified the Sultan, that knowing no orher Way to appease the Fury of the Rebels, he abandoned the Grand visier, and sent the Imperial Signet to the Chiaoux Bassa, whom he thought to gain by satisfying his Ambition. But he quickly found that the Danger was greater than he imagined; for that Officer declared that he would not accept the Sultan's Offer till the Grand Visier, Tefterdar, Receiver of the Customs, the Caimacan, and some others whom he named, were put to Death. The Persons whose Heads he demanded were the only faithful Servants of the Grand Signior, who was extremely perplexed at so unwelcome a Proposal; knowing that his Visier's Death would infallibly put a Period to his own Life, or at least to his Reign. However the Necessity of his Affairs constrained him at last to sign the fatal Order: the unfortunate Visier was strangled, and his Head sent to the Chiaoux Bassa, who was so far from being appeased, that his Insolence was heightened by this Mark of the Sultan's Condescension. He dismissed the Messengers with Scorn, telling 'em in a domineering Manner, That they could not justly expect he would be satisfied with one Head instead of Twenty which he had demanded; and that this way of proceeding convinced him that the Government was not much concerned for the Quiet of the Empire. Thus the Sultan was constrained to send all the rest of the Officers whom those insolent Rebels required; and soon after perceived there was no Hope of reducing 'em to a Sense of their Duty: for all the Prisoners were barbarously murdered in the Middle of the Army by the Chiaoux Bassa's Order. This last Act of Inhumanity struck such a Terror into the Grand Signior's Mind, that concluding himself to be irrecoverably lost, he resolved in the Fury of his Despair to put to Death all his Brothers and Sons. To comprehend the Reason of this dismal Resolution, you must know that the Religion of the Turks inspires 'em with a certain Veneration for the Ottoman Blood, that over-awes 'em even in the the midst of the most terrible Seditions, and is so deeply rooted in their Minds, that they would rather choose to suffer the most cruel Death than to see the Throne possessed by a Prince of another Family. And therefore 'tis the usual Custom of those Emperors to begin their Reign with the Death of their Brothers, that the Throne may be secured from the Attempts of so many dangerous Pretenders. Thus Sultan Amurath, the Uncle of these three Emperors, put to Death all the Males of the Family; and if the Tenderness of a Mother had not prompted the Sultana Validé to hide Ibrahim, who was the Youngest, the whole Race had been extingushed. For the Sultan's are more concerned for their own Security than for the Preservation of the Royal Line. Nevertheless Sultan Mahomet would never hearken to the Persuasions of some of his Counselors, who advised him to put that cruel Maxim in Execution, and endeavoured to make him sensible that the Quiet of the Empire could never be secured but by the Death of Soliman and Achmet. But since he would not put 'em to death while they were in his Power, he found, at last, that he could not execute that bloody Resolution when his Despair constrained him to attempt it: for the Bostangi Bassa, who was one of the Conspirators, carried the two Princes to the old Seraglio under a strong Guard, who mocked the Sultan when he demanded to be admitted with some of his Servants; and the Army was already posted in and about Constantinople. That Night a Council of the Great Officers was held in Santa-Sophia, where they came to a final Resolution to place Soliman on the Throne, and he was declared Emperor the next Day with universal Acclamations of Joy. Thus Mahomet was deposed, and Soliman, who was no less averse to Cruelty than his Brother, contented himself with ordaining that he should receive the same Treatment which he had made him suffer for so many Years. When the Capigi Bassa came to secure his Person, and to acquaint him with the New Emperor's Order, he found him on the Sopha drinking Coffee, with a Serenity of Mind that may be almost reckoned a Prodigy, considering the deplorable Circumstances of his Condition. He submitted without making the least Resistance, saying, That it was impossible to oppose the Decrees of Heaven, and that whatsoever is predestinated must necessarily happen.  
In the mean time the Caimacan, who was one of Sultan Mahomet's Favourites, had the good Fortune or Interest, to secure himself from being enroled among the rest of those miserable Victims that were sacrificed to the Fury of the Chiaoux Bassa. But assoon as he perceived that his Master was irrecoverably ruined, he resolved to prevent the implacable Malice of his Enemies by a speedy flight: and considering that Christendom was the only Place where he could expect to secure his Life, he embarked that Night on a Saique accompanied only with one Servant; and having made a sufficient Provision of Gold, Silver, and Jewels, attempted to get into a French Vessel of Ciotad, commanded by one Captain Crevilliers: but the Mariners who had been already alarmed with the News of those terrible Disturbanee, would not suffer him to approach the Ship till he had declared his Name, and acquainted 'em, that the Caimacan of Constantinople desired to speak with the Captain. Assoon as the Captain appeared, the Caimacan entreated him to receive him on Board his Ship, and transport him to France; assuring him that he might set sail the next night without any Opposition, and offering Twenty thousand Sequins, or Fifty thousand Crowns for his Passage. This was a very tempting Offer to the Captain, and he has since told me, that he would have most willingly accepted it, if the Caimacan had had the the Prudence to conceal his Name; but since both that and his Quality was known by the whole Ship's Company, neither Compassion nor Covetousness could prevail with the Captain to run so great a Hazard; so that the poor Caimacan was forced to steer his Course towards the Canal of the Black Sea, thinking to make his Escape that way. But he was quickly discovered by the great Quantity of Silver which he had about him, and was brought back to Constantinople, where he was beheaded. A Hundred other Bassa's underwent the same Fate; and the Grand Visier giving a full Career to his Spite and Revenge, filled the whole City with Blood and Slaughter. There was nothing to be seen in the Streets but Janissaries and spahis, assaulting and murdering those whom they met; and no Man when he rose in the Morning was sure of going to Bed at Night. The Franks were extremely afraid, lest the Storm should fall on them: the Ambassadors secured their Houses with strong Guards, and all the Vessels in the Port, English, French, Dutch and Venetian, joined together, and put out to Sea, with a Resolution to defend themselves to the last Extremity, in case they should be attacked. To conclude; I have heard some Turks, who are both very old, and well skilled in the History of their Country, affirm, That the Quiet of the Empire was never disturbed by a more Bloody Sedition. However 'twas at last appeased, tho' the Calm lasted not long; for in March there broke forth another terrible Insurrection against the New Sultan, whom all Men began to look upon as incapable of the Government. Nor were they much mistaken in their Opinion of him, and 'tis strange they did not sooner foresee the dangerons Consequences of so great a Revolution; for how could a Man learn the Art of Ruling so troublesome an Empire, who had spent his whole Life in a close Prison, where he could only converse with Books, and was so perfect a Stranger to the Management of Affairs, that he was ignorant even in the most common Things. Thus the best Quality they could expect or desire him to be endued with, was an Easiness of Temper, and a Willingness to be absolutely governed by his Ministers; and indeed it may be said, that there was never a more tractable Prince; for during the whole Course of his Reign he never made Use of his Absolute Power in any one Act, but only in preserving his Brothers, whom he was often advised to put to Death; especially on this Occasion, when the Rebels threatened to restore Mahomet to the Throne, and had almost effected their Resolution: for the Visier was massacred in his own House by the Janissaries, who were the Authors of the Revolt, and had made themselves Masters of the City. But the Sultan having very seasonably displayed the Banner of Mahomet, the Saphis, the Leventi, and the People run to his Assistance, and dispersed the the Janissaries. After the Tumult was calmed, the Bassa of Anatolia, who headed the Rebels, was obliged to beg Pardon, and above Five hundred of the Mutineers were hanged; tho' their Death made but a poor Amends for a whole Quarter of the City, and above Twenty Galleys and Sultana's which they had burnt. 'Twou'd be needless to give you a more particular Relation of these Accidents, since you have doubtless read an Account of 'em in your public Journals or News-Papers; and the only Reason why I mentioned 'em, is because they give some Light to the Transactions that succeeded 'em, which perhaps have not yet come to your knowledge. While the whole City was in a terrible Combustion, and the Leventi animated by a Desire of Plunder, were seeking an Occasion of breaking forth into fresh Disorders, there came a whole Troop of 'em to the French Ambassadour's Palace, and in a very insolent Manner desired him to receive a certain beggarly Greek, whom they brought along with 'em, to be his Druggerman, or Interpreter. At first Monsieur de Girardin rejected the Proposal, telling 'em that he did not want a Druggerman, and would not take one upon their Recommendation; but seeing they began to be unruly, and threaten to set Fire to his House, he grew more complaisant, and received the Druggerman more civilly. Nor can he be blamed for suffering himself to be hectored by the Rabble, since 'tis certainly the wisest Course to submit on such Occasions.  
After the Sedition was quieted, Soliman retired to Adrianople; for he did not think himself safe in a City that becomes the Sultan's Prison upon the first breaking forth of an Insurrection; and after that time he never resided in it. He conferred the Dignity of Grand Visier on one Ishmael Bassa, a Man without Experience, and one who had nothing to recommend him but the Favour of his Master. No sooner was he entrusted with the Administration of the Government, but the Empire was overrun with those Disorders and Confusions that are the natural Consequences of the Unskilfulness of the Principal Minister of State. Several Bassa's began to form Cabals, and enter into separate Associations. Some espoused the Interest of the Sultaness, the Mother of the deposed Mahomet, who plotted to restore her Son; others declared in Favour of one Jeghen Bassa, who pretended to be of the Ottoman Race: some resolved to be independent, without acknowledging any Head of their Party, and all in general refused to submit to the present Government.  
In the mean time the Emperor carried on the War very prosperously; for the Duke of Bavaria took Belgrade by Storm, and the Prince of Baden, after he had defeated the Bassa of Bosnia, made himself Master of the whole Province. The next Year was remarkable for more Signal and Glorious Advantages; for the Prince of Baden, who commanded the Imperial Army in Hungary, fought three Battles successively, and obtained as many important Victories.  
The first Battle was fought near Passarowitz, where the Turks lost seven Thousand Men, a hundred Pieces of Cannon, all their Bombs, Carcases, Mortars, Powder, Tents, etc. The second Victory was obtained on the 24 th'. of September, near Nissa, where the Serasquier who commanded in Person, could not prevent the Loss of all his Cannon, and eight Thousand Soldiers. The third Battle was fought near Widen; and during the Heat of the Action, the Imperialists carried the Town by Storm. Besides, the Prince of Baden had taken Nissa, Zwornick, Nowigrath, Arsowath, and several other Places, which opened a free Passage into Bulgaria and Macedonia, and from thence into Romania; so that if the War had been carried on for some time with the same Vigour and Success, the Imperialists might have advanced to the Gates of Constantinople. But in the beginning of the last Year, the Visier Ishmael was deposed, and succeeded by Kopergli Oglou, Bassa of Scio. 'Twas then the Turks began to hope they might see a happy Turn of Affairs; they remembered the great Actions of the famous Visier of that Name, and were persuaded that this Minister would imitate so glorious a Example. Nor were they disappointed in their Expectation; for the new Visier was not inferior to his Predecessor either in Valour, Strength of Mind, or any other Endowments that are necessary to fit a Man for the Management of Affairs; and the Empire was quickly sensible of the Advantageous Influences of his Government. I have already acquainted you in a former Letter, with the prosperous Success of their Arms during the last Campagne, which gave Occasion to the French Ambassador to take notice of the Sympathy between the two Empires, and was afterwards solemnised by that Triumph of which I gave you a short Description. And therefore instead of troubling you with a tedious Relation of those Events, which you have doubtless heard of, and have not yet forgotten; I shall only tell you, that if that Great Man had not been killed at the Battle of Salankemen, the Christians would have had Reason to dread a fatal Revolution, which they could hardly have prevented any otherwise, than by a speedy Peace. And indeed that Design was carried on so successfully, that every one expected a happy Conclusion of their Negotiations, when they were unfortunately interrupted by the Visier's Death. For he was not at all averse to the Proposal, and was so far from being acted by that base Love of Riches, with which the Turks are generally possessed, that, contrary to the usual Maxims of his Predecessors, he pursued no other Interest than this of the State. He had often discoursed on that Subject with Monsieur Collier, the Dutch Ambassador, whose Reasons made the greater Impression upon him, because of the Character he had received of his Merit, Capacity, and Dexterity in public Negotiations. And that able Minister had prepossessed the Mind of the Visier with such strong Inclinations to a Peace, that, if we may be allowed to judge by the most promising Appearances, he would have actually concluded it, if he had not been prevented by Death. For Monsieur Collier had made so good Use of such a favourable Opportunity, that almost all the Articles were agreed on, and the Emperor had empowered the Prince of Baden to sign the Treaty; and had appointed the Counts of Kinsky and Straatman to be his Assistants. The King of Poland and the Republic of Venice had also sent their Plenipotentiaries: but instead of the much-desired News of a Peace, we received an Account of the dreadful Battle of Salankemen, in which the Visier was one of the first that lost his Life. The Aga of the Janissaries, the Serasquier, and Ten other Bassa's of Note, had the same Fate; and the Turkish Army fled with so much Precipitation and Terror, that the Memory of the Oldest Men cannot furnish 'em with an Instance of so entire a Defeat. They lost above 20000 Men, all their Cannon and Baggage; and, in a word, all they had in their Camp. I cannot express the Consternation that was spread over the whole Ottoman Empire, by the surprising and melancholy News which was brought into this Country by some that had the good Fortune to escape; who never speak of that Battle without a certain Dread and Amazement in their Countenance, which gives us a more lively Idea of the Horror of that Day, than the most particular Relation that could be made of the Action.  
Monsieur de Chateauneuf takes so deep a Share in the Public Sorrow, that I know not whether he could support so terrible a Blow, if the Visier's Death did not comfort him a little. For that Minister never had the Happiness of his Favour, because he would not be led by his Advice; and I know a Man to whom the Ambassador expressed his Thoughts in these very Words, speaking of a Peace; 'Twill, doubtless, be speedily concluded, said he; The Dutch Ambassador is perpetually with the Visier, and has got such a Power over him, that he can undo in one Day all that I am able to do in Ten. Nor were his Fears groundless, for I can assure you that Mr. Collier is perhaps the fittest Man in the World to manage such a Negotiation. In the first place, he knows the Original of all the Great Men at the Port, and is perfectly acquainted with their several Humours, Intrigues, and Interests. Besides he is the Son of an Ambassador, and from his very Birth has been enured to Business, which by that Means is become so natural to him, that he manages the most intricate Affairs with a certain happy Easiness that can only be acquired by a Person of so rare an Industry, and after a long Residence at the Court. These are the Advantages which Monsieur de Chateauneuf wants: 'tis true, he has a great deal of Wit, and never sleeps away an Opportunity of Acting; but after all, an Ambassador at his Arrival from France may be reckoned almost as great a Stranger at the Port, as if he had dropped from the Clouds. The Genius and Humour of that Nation is directly opposite to ours, and Mr. Collier has studied it so carefully, and understands it so perfectly, that he could easily give the Bassa's themselves a Lesson on this Subject. So that if Monsieur de Chateauneuf did not counterbalance these Advantages with large Bags of Gold and Silver, which are always wont to outweigh Reason in Turkey, the Peace would have been long since concluded. This puts me in Mind of a Story, which will give you an Idea of the usual way of managing Affairs in this place.  
The Captain of a Venetian Ship, who arrived some Months ago at Constantinople, under the Protection and Colours of Holland, was solicited by the French Ambassador to put himself under his Protection, and was at last allured to yield to that Minister's Request by the Promises he made him to obtain considerable Favours for him, both as to the Entry and Exportation of his Goods. Mr. Collier, who upon all Occasions maintains the Honour of his Masters with the highest Zeal and Courage, would not endure an Affront that seemed to be directly aimed at the Republic. Assoon as he heard of it, he sent Orders to the Captain to take down the Banner of France, if he was not resolved to suffer the utmost Severity of his just Indignation: but that deluded Officer slighted the Message, and so was himself the Cause of all the Misfortunes that afterwards befell him. For after his Excellency had given Notice to the Grand Visier that there was a Prize in the Port, Orders were immediately sent to seize the Vessel, which was declared to be lawful Prize; and the Captain with all the Seamen were put in Chains. You may easily conclude that the French were extremely mortified to see a hundred Wretches loaded with Fetters, and sold for Slaves, merely for setting up the Banner of that Nation. Monsieur de Chateauneuf received a very severe Reprimand from Monsieur de Pontchartrain, and 'twas generally believed that his Indiscretion on this Occasion would make him be recalled from the Port. In the mean time he was perpetually at the Grand Visier's Gate, importuning him for the Relief of the Ship and Mariners: but after all his earnest Solicitations, he could not obtain a more favourable Composition, than that he was permitted to redeem the Men at the Rate of Fifty Crowns apiece; and the Ransom of the Ship was fixed at Ten thousand Crowns, which was more than its real Value. Since that time the Credit of the French Protection is extremely lessened; and I'm apt to believe that few Captains will hereafter be guilty of the like Imprudence. And even I know several Venetian Captains who will not put themselves under the Protection of France, because the Ambassador has imposed a Tax of Fifteen thousand Crowns upon the Vessels of that Nation by way of Reprisal, for the Money he paid to the Grand Visier. This Imposition occasions a great murmuring among the Venetians, who pretend that he was obliged in Justice to redeem the Vessel at his own Charge, since he was the only Cause of its Misfortune.  
I perceive that I have insensibly wandered from my Subject, and am ready to acknowledge that this would be an unpardonable Fault in an Exact and Methodical History: but since I only promised you a clear and faithful Account of the Observations I should have Occasion to make in my Travels, I do not think myself obliged to make an Apology for every little Digression.  
The Emperor Soliman died on the twenty second of June last: some believe that his Death was natural, but others say that it was occasioned by the Sultaness the Mother of Mahomet. The last of these Opinions is most generally received, and would seem very probable, if it had produced any advantageous Alteration in the Condition of that unfortunate Prince; but there was not the least Motion made in Order to his Restauration. Achmet was unanimously elected, and his Accession to the Throne was attended with a certain Tranquillity that is rarely observed in this Country. The Misfortunes that happened in the Beginning of his Reign seem to be the Forerunners and Presages of future Disasters; for before the first Month was expired, he lost that Great and Memorable Battle of Salankemen, of which I have already given you an Account. And if I may be allowed to give Credit to the probable Conjectures of those who are best acquainted with the Genius of his Subjects, I may venture to foretell that he will never be an old Emperor, tho' he is already in the Eight and fortieth Year of his Age. For the Franks are possessed with a less advantageous Opinion of him than of his Predecessor Soliman, whose Reign was nevertheless disturbed with an almost perpetual Revolt that kept his Throne continually in a tottering Condition.  
The Death of the Visier Kopergli, according to the usual Custom of this Country, was followed with several Changes of Officers, and the Death of many great Persons, among the rest of one Mustapha Aga, whom I knew at Constantinople. He was born at Leghorn in Italy, and had the Disadvantage to be descended of a Family which had no considerable Fortune. He was taken by the Turks at the Siege of Candy, and renounced his Religion at the Desire of the Grand Visier, who had a good Opinion of his Abilities, and resolved to put him in a Way of Bus●ness. He was easily prevailed with to embrace the Turkish Faith; for since he was naturally of an aspiring Temper, he entered with Joy into the Service of a Man by whose Interest he might expect to raise his Fortune, and either out of Gratitude, or Policy, he chose always to depend on that Family. So that the late Visier, Kopergli Oglou, was his particular Patron, and advanced him to the Tophana, that is, the Founding or Casting of Metals, of which he was Directour-General, as well as of the Mint, which is the most gainful Post in the Empire. And besides he made a very considerable Addition to the usual Profits of that Office, by inventing and introducing a certain Copper Coin, called Mangours: for each Piece was ordered to pass at the Rate of six French Deniers, tho' 'twas no larger than a Dutch Doit, or a single French Denier; so that buying the Copper at twenty Pence a Pound, the Profit amounted to Six in Seven. Not long after the Advancement of Kopergli Oglou, Mustapha proposed this Expedient to fill the Treasury, which till this time was very empty; and had Orders to coin Four thousand Purses of that Money, or Two millions of Crowns. So prodigious a Quantity of those Pieces could not but occasion great Disorders, and a general Interruption of Trade; and besides those that were coined at the Mint, there came several Barks laden with 'em from France and Thessalonica, where they were coined by the Jews, so that there are above Two hundred thousand Crowns of Counterfeit Money at present in the Empire. At last People were so discouraged at those Abuses, that about three Months ago they began to refuse to take these Pieces for more than one half, and at present they will not take 'em at all, notwithstanding the repeated Orders of the Grand Signior, who (as I intimated before) is not much respected in this Country. The Disorders occasioned by the debasing of the Coin, and the vast Estate Mustapha Aga had acquired, were the Causes of his Death. His Enemies had long before begun to exclaim against the Methods he took to oppress the People; pretending that he was a Christian in his Heart, and that he would at last make his Escape to Italy with all the Treasure he had scraped together in the Empire, which certainly had been the most prudent Course for a Man in his Circumstances. But since the Desire of Riches is like the Thirst of some diseased Persons, which is increased by Drinking, instead of heark'ning to the Advice of his Friends, he took a quite contrary Method, and sent for his Sister and Nephews, thinking by that Means to vindicate himself from the Aspersions that were fixed upon him by his Adversaries. Besides he placed an entire Confidence in the Grand Visier, and thought himself absolutely secure under the Protection of so kind and powerful a Patron: but he ought to have considered that his Patron was Mortal, and that his Interest would expire with his Life. 'Tis plain by the Event, that he should have acted more warily in so dangerous a Post; for I have just now received a Letter which informs me that he was strangled, after they had given him the Torture to make him discover his Money. And he was even so strangely infatuated, that tho' he was not apprehended for the Space of Eight Days after the Visi●r's Death, instead of making his Escape, he chose rather to expect his Fate at his own House; where he was at last arrested by the Caimacan, with his Wife, Sister, and Nephews. These unfortunate Creatures, who have not yet renounced the Catholic Religion, sent to beg Monsieur de Chateauneuf's Protection for the obtaining of their Liberty: but he is too much a Politician to hazard his Interest at the Port to preserve the Honour of his Religion.  
They begin again to talk of Peace more than ever; and I●m informed that the Dutch Ambassador has prevailed with the New Visier Hali, to continue the Negotiations for that Effect at Adrianople, whither he and the English Ambassador, Sir William Hussy, will set forward in few Days; and 'tis generally believed that the Treaty will be brought to a happy Conclusion, assoon as the Count de Marsigli is returned from Vienna, whither he went to receive the Emperor's final Instructions: So that I hope I shall be able in my next to send you some considerable News. In the mean time  
I am, SIR, Your, etc. Smyrna, Septemb. 1691.   

LETTER XXV.  
SIR,  
I Have not forgot the Promise I made you at the End of my last Letter; but I know not if you will thank me for keeping my Word, since instead of the News I hoped to send you, I must acquaint you that the Negotiations for a Peace are at an End, or rather interrupted for some time; for 'tis so much the Grand Signior's Interest to conclude a Treaty, that without pretending to the Spirit of Prophecy, I may venture to foretell that it will be renewed. In the mean time it will not be improper to give you an Account of this unexpected Accident. The English and Dutch Ambassadors arrived at Adrianople in the Beginning of the last Month, and had several Conferences with the Grand Visier, in which the greatest part of the Articles were mutually agreed on; and the only Difficulty that obstructed the happy Conclusion of the Treaty, was the Visier's insisting upon the Restoring of Buda, and the keeping of Caminiec, concerning which they expected Instructions from the Emperor. While Affairs were in this Posture, the Plague began to rage so violently at Adrianople, that the Ambassadors thought fit to retire to a village two Leagues on this side the Town, till the Fury of the Distemper should be somewhat abated. But the Baron de Chateauneuf having received new Instructions, which in all probability were accompanied with some weighty Proposals, came to Adrianople, tho' he was neither sent for nor expected; and without the least Regard to the preservation of his Life, he had the Courage to brave Death in the midst of a City where she seemed to have fixed the Seat of her Empire; for the Plague made so terrible a Havoc, that there died above a Thousand Persons a Day. At the same time it happened that Sir William Hussy was in a Gallery, and perceiving a Company of Men in the Plain, he had the Curiosity to send one of his Servants to inquire who they were. As soon as he heard that 'twas the French Ambassador, he began to dread the Consequences of that Minister's Journey; for he considered that he would never have exposed himself to so imminent a Danger, and even without being called, if there had not been some hidden and extraordinary Design in Agitation. 'Tis thought that the French King being informed of the great Progress that was made in the Treaty, sent Instructions to his Ambassador, impowering him to conclude a secret Alliance with the Turks; and 'tis but too plain that these are more than bare Conjectures; for the Visier would never afterwards hear the least Word of a Peace. However, 'tis certain that Sir William Hussey's Vexation at so unexpected a Disappointment, contributed not a little to his Death; for you must not give credit to the Surmises of those who pretend that he was poisoned, since there was not the least Mark of Poison found in his Body, which was opened by his own Chirurgeon, in the presence of his Chaplain, Secretary, and the rest of his Domestic Servants. But tho' in all probability the French had no hand in this Gentleman's Death, I dare not pronounce 'em guiltless of the Attempt that was made upon Count Marsigli, who was assaulted near Belgrade, in his return from Vienna with his Imperial Majesty's Answer. His Chiaoux, and two of his Servants, were killed upon the Spot, and he was wounded in five places both with Sabres and Pistols: But before they had time to dispatch him, the Prince of Moldavia came seasonably to his Assistance, tho' he could not seize the Murderers, because they fled as soon as they perceived him. All these Circumstances, and the Juncture of the Time, make me very inclinable to believe that this Attempt was not made without a particular Order. I took Occasion Yesterday to discourse concerning this Accident with the Consul de Hochepied, whose Virtue makes him so incapable of Suspicion, that he cannot believe the French would be guilty of so Barbarous an Action; and besides, he is persuaded that the Murderers would have seized on the Count's Papers, if they had been set on by the French. But in my Opinion that Circumstance ought not to be alleged as an Argument in their Vindication; for the seizing of the Papers would have plainly discovered the Authors of the Murder; and we may reasonably suppose, that tho' the French King takes no care to conceal the boundlesness of his Ambition, he would be loath to be reckoned an Abettor of Murderers. And besides, he might well dispense with a Sight of the Emperor's Orders and Count Marsigli's Instructions, since he entertains so many Spies at the Port, who make it their Business to discover the most secret Transactions, and had in all probability acquainted him with every thing that related to the Negotiation. Thus Mr. Collier has had the Misfortune to see all his Hopes unexpectedly blasted; and we may reasonably suppose that his Vexation is considerably heightened by the impossibility of regaining his Ground: For Money is the prevailing Argument at the Port, and the infallible Rule by which all Controversies are decided. I cannot better represent the Genius of the Aga's, Bassa's, that Viziers that compose this Court, than by comparing 'em to a Company of Merchants, who would sell the very State if they could, to the highest Bidder. And the same Character may be universally applied to private Persons; for Interest is the Idol to which they sacrifice their Quiet, Honour, Emperor, and even the Empire itself. This is the fatal Source of all those terrible Disorders and Revolutions, of which we find so many Instances in History, that would seem altogether incredible if almost every Day did not furnish us with fresh Examples of 'em.  
There is at present in this Place one of Count Tekely's Relations, who came lately from France; and 'tis observable, that he was not at all surprised at the News of the unsuccessful Conclusion of the Treaty, which makes us believe that he expected so sudden a Change, and was not ignorant of the Causes of it. He lodges at the Consul's House, and is just ready to depart for Constantinople, where 'tis said he intends to lodge with Mon●ieur Chateauneuf. I know not what Treatment he expects from the Ambassador, but I'm apt to believe he will not meet with a very Ceremonious Reception: For when the Count himself paid a Visit to the Ambassador at Sophia, he received him in his Bed, and pretended a Fit of Sickness, to avoid the Ceremony of a formal Reception; for there were some Reasons that inclined him to receive the Count as Prince of Transilvania, as there were others that obliged him to treat him only as Count Tekely.  
The Triumph of a Christian that has renowned the Faith  
I had Occasion this very Day to see the Triumphant Procession of a Genoese Renegado, who came hither in a Ship belonging to Provence. Since the Cadi's are obliged by the Chartel not to receive a Christian that intends to abjure his Religion till they have first acquainted the Consul of his Nation, who is to examine whether his Apostasy be voluntary or constrained; the Cadi of the City sent to inform the French Consul, that a Frank who came under the Banner of France, was resolved to turn Musulman, adding, that he might send his Interpreters to examine the new Convert, and re●eive his Declaration. The Consul replied, that he did not know the Man, nor was at all concerned with his Resolution; but hearing that the Cavalcade was to pass by his Gate, he sent Word to the Cadi, that he would take it as an Affront, and order the Renegado to be seized in the midst of his Triumph, and chastised with five hundred Bastonado's. Nevertheless he was so far from endeavouring to execute his Menaces, that he suffered the whole Procession to pass under his Windows without making the least Attempt to disturb ●em. I shall take this Occasion to give you a ●●ief Account of the Ceremonies that are used when a Christian intends to abjure his Religion. First they instruct him in the Principles of the Mahometan Religion, and after a whole Month spent in that Exercise, they gather a Contribution to buy a Suit of Clothes for him, which sometimes amounts to fifty Crowns, but rarely exceeds that Sum; and they commonly use Force when People are not willing to contribute out of Charity. Then the Renegado is carried before the Cadi, in whose Presence, and of two Effendi's, and several other Persons, he makes a public Profession of his Faith with the following Ceremonies. First an Isman makes him perform the Goul, which is their most Solemn Ablution, and as he begins to wash himself, he pronounces these Words, bis millah el azem ve ellem doullillah allah din is lamb; In the Name of the Great God, Glory be to God, the God of the Musulman Faith. Then the Isman himself performs the Goul, for they reckon themselves polluted by touching a Christian; after which they both put on their Clothes, and come before the Cadi, who says to the Renegado, Art thou willing to turn Musulman. After he has replied, Yes, the Isman takes the Alcoran in both his Hands, and holding it above the Christian's Head, he says first bis millah, in the Name of God; then addressing himself to the Christian, he proceeds thus; Allah ecber, allah ecber, allah ecber, eschad in la illah, illallah, eschad in Mebemet resoul allah; which are almost the same Words that are proclaimed by the Muezins from the Minarets or Steeples of the Mosques. The Renegado replies, Illah, illallah Mehemet resoul allah; There is no other God, and Mahomet is his great Prophet; and as soon as he has made a public Profession of his Faith by pronouncing these Words, they put a Turban on his Head, and make him kiss the Alcoran, which he could not do before without a Crime. Then they embrace and caress him, and put all things in order for the Cavalcade, having already provided two or three Hundred Men, armed with Sabres, Carabines, and Pistols, with six Ensigns, two of which march before, and the other four surround the Renegado, who is almost entirely covered by 'em. He is mounted on a fine Horse, which the Cadi lends him, adorned with a rich Vest, which he wears all the rest of the Day. The Soldiers march four in a Rank, expressing their Joy by loud Shouts and repeated Volleys of Shot, the Renegado walking in the midst of 'em with the Ensigns. Thus they march in a Triumphant manner through the City; but all this Pomp is but an Introduction to the Scene of Pain, for as soon as the Triumph is over, they proceed to Circumcision, which is thus performed: They draw their Prepuce over the Glans or Nut of the Yard, and pressing it between two little Pieces of Iron, they cut off with a Razor that part of the Foreskin which reaches beyond the Glans, and at that very Moment the Apostate must once more repeat these Words, lafoy illah illallah, Mehemet resoul allah. After this Ceremony, the new Musulman must keep his Bed fifteen Days; for the Cure of the Wound is rarely completed sooner; after which he may choose what Employment he pleases; that is, he may either List himself in the Army, or enter into Service, tho' such Persons usually become extremely miserable. For there is nothing more common than to see a Renegado begging; and the Turks are so far from relieving 'em in their Distress, that the very Name of a Renegado is sufficient to make those who bear it hated and despised, not only by the Christians, who look upon 'em as base and cowardly Apostates, but even by the Turks, who can never be persuaded by all their seeming Devotion that they are sincere Professors of the Musulman Faith.  
Thus, Sir, I have at last finished the Account I promised to give you of this Country, which I intent to leave very speedily. I design to embark on a French Ship, which, with another Vessel of the same Nation, is bound for Venice, from whence I resolve to continue my Journey to Holland by Land, during which I hope my Observations will furnish me with fresh Matter to entertain you now and then with a Letter. I thought to have passed by Thessalonica, that I might have satisfied my Curiosity with a View of a very considerable Rarity, I mean the Bones of a Giant that were found by some Workmen in that Place, as they were digging the Foundations of a House for the Bassa. All the Surgeons of the Country have examined 'em, and have given in a formal Attestation in which they conclude that these are the real Bones of a Man, whose Height, according to their Computation, amounted to above Twenty Feet; so that this may be looked upon as a Confirmation of the Story of the Giant at Spire in Germany. But I must even content myself with the Accounts I have heard of that Curiosity, since our Captain intends not to touch at that Place. I shall have the good Fortune during our Voyage to have the Conversation of one Signior Stephano, an Italian Engineer, who having spent Eight or Ten Years in the Turkish Service, is not willing to continue longer in so dangerous a Post. He is an ingenious and witty Person, and will doubtless prove a very agreeable Companion: Besides, he intends to carry his Wife along with him, who is a little Greek, about Eighteen Years old, and the prettyest Creature in the World; so that I hope to pass these Seas with more Pleasure than I did before.  
We have just now received the good News of Count Marsigli's Recovery, with which I shall conclude this Letter. I have already told you that he was very dangerously wounded, and am glad I can now inform you that the Vigour of his Constitution, and the Care of his Physicians, have happily restored him to his Health. If the Malice of his Enemies had succeeded according to their Desire, the Emperor would have had reason to bewail the Loss of a Man who is very well fitted for the Management of important Negotiations. He was born at Pisa in Italy, and is descended of a very considerable Family; but has not yet been dignifyed with any other Character than that of Secratary to the English Embassy; tho' he is really a secret Envoy from the Emperor, and only assumes the other Title that he may with more Security negotiate his Master's Affairs. But if the Peace were concluded, he would certainly be rewarded with a higher Post.  
I am, SIR, Your &c. Smyrna, Octob. 1691.   

LETTER XXVI.  
SIR,  
OUR present Confinement puts me in mind of the eager Impatience of a Lover who sees, but dares not approach his Mistress. For here we must lie in the Lazaretto, and content ourselves with making Court to the Signora Venetia Bella, without the least hope of enjoying her Beauties, till we have purchased the Charming Delight at the rate of Forty Days sighing and whining. We are detained here by an Order from the Tribunal of Health, lest we should spread some Infectious Distemper; and I among the rest am forced to bear this uneasy Restraint, tho' I'm at present in as perfect Health as any of these Cautious Gentlemen. But perhaps you'll be more inquisitive to know how we came hither, than how we spend our Time here; and therefore I shall proceed to give you a short Account of our Voyage.  
I left Smyrna some Days after the writing of my last Letter, not without a very sensible Affliction at my taking leave of Monsieur and Madam de Hochepied, from whom I had received so many Favours and Civilities during my abode in their House.  
Our Voyage was disturbed by an almost perpetual Storm, which redoubling its Fury from Day to Day, made us conclude more than once that we should certainly be buried in the Waves. Poor Signior Stephano, whom I mentioned in my last, fell sick two Days after he embarked, and being unable to bear the tempestuous Working of the Sea, died Eight Days after. The Superstition of our Ship's Crew furnished us with a very pleasant Scene; for they unanimously concluded him to be a Sorcerer, because they had seen him draw some Mathematical Figures during the first two Days of our Voyage, and were absolutely confirmed in that Opinion by a curious Mechanical Experiment he happened to try in their presence, by lifting up a very considerable Weight with one Hand, which those thick-skulled Animals thought impossible to be performed without the Assistance of Magic. This ridiculous Conceit made so strong an Impression upon upon 'em, that they slighted all the Arguments and Asseverations I could use to undeceive 'em, and not only persist in their Belief of Signior Stephano's Skill in the Diabolioal Art, but impute all the bad Wether to his Conjurations▪ The Captain pretends to be of the same Opinion, tho' I know not how to reconcile his Complaisance to the young Widow to the Sentiments he seems to have of her Husband; For he obliges her to perform her Quarantain on Board his Ship, and resolves to make her his Wife.  
The Storm forced us to stand in to a Canal between two little Islands, called Millo and Argentiere. The first is Forty Miles in Compass, and the whole Country is Mountainous, except a pleasant and fertile Plain, six or seven Miles long, in the midst of which stands the City of Millo, containing about Twenty narrow Streets. The Inhabitants are generally Greeks; but there are also 3 or 400 Souls of the Latin Church, who have their Bishop and Cathedral. The Venetians maintain a Podestat in the Island to gather the Tribute; but there is no Garrison kept in it, tho' it receives frequent Visits from the Turks; so that the first Corsair who comes with a numerous Company, is King of the Island so long as he pleases to reside it it. Yet the Pirates never commit any disorders in this place, by reason of the Assistance they receive from the Merchants that live here, who furnish 'em with Commodities to be paid out of the next Prize that falls into their Hands. There is a French Ordinary in the Town, where one may find pretty good Entertainment: And I remember I saw a Man there of so free and open a Disposition, that I should have thought him a Rarity in that Country, if I had not been told that all these Islanders are generally of that Humour. He took occasion to Discourse of a Maid who was his Wife's Daughter, and declared that he would willingly dispose of her to a Husband. One who was present liked the Proposal, and told him that he would ease him of the Burden if he pleased to bestow her upon him. With all my Heart, replied the Father: Then, said the other, I desire to know what you are willing to give with her. What d'ye ●ean, replied the old Gentleman, Give with her, ●●oth ' a; Why, I want give herself for nothing. You most take me for a silly Coxcomb indeed, if you think I'll give you a pretty lively Girl, and hire you to take her? No, I beg your pardon, 'tis you must give the Money: And if I can find none that will take my Daughter on these Terms, I'll even keep her, and make use of her myself.  
The Women are so accustomed to the Converse of the Pirates, that they are generally very liberal of their Favours, but not quite so frank as their Neighbours of Argentiere, which is another little Island, about Twenty Miles in Compass, containing only a little Town and a Village, both inhabited by about Five hundred Women; for there is not a Man in the Island, except Seven or Eight Papa's, who perform Divine Service. These Women have no Trade to maintain 'em, but live purely on the Work of Nature; so that all the Merchants and Corsairs, who come to the Island, choose a Female-Companion, either fair or brown, according to every Man's particular Fancy. The Children are left to the Disposal of the Women; the Girls grow up and work to maintain their Mothers; but assoon as the Boys are Twelve Years old, they are put on Board the first Vessel that touches at the Island.  
From thence we continued our Voyage to Zant, a considerable Island belonging to the Venetians. It contains a hundred Miles in Compass, and produces great Store of delicious Wines, both Muscadin and other Sorts. But since Italy is sufficiently stocked with these Commodities, the Inhabitants of this Island dry most of their Grapes, and send 'em to England and Holland. Both the City and Harbour are commanded by a very fine Castle, where the Proveditore, who is always chosen out of the Principal Nobility, resides. The Inhabitants are Rich, and there are several Gentlemen among 'em. This is the first place as you come from the Archipelago, where you meet with People clothed after the manner of the Franks; yet many of 'em wear a Turkish Vest above their other clothes. The Venetians have built several Churches for the Use of those who profess the Romish Faith; and do what they can to establish that Religion, in Opposition to that of the Greeks, which is the Religion of the Natives. The City is long and narrow; which is all the Account I can give you of it, for those who come from the Levant are not suffered to go ashore till they have performed their Quarantain. The Prince of Brunswick, who serves in the Army of the Republic, passed the whole last Winter in this place; and gained the Love of the Inhabitants to such a Degree, that there is not a Man of 'em who would not sacrifice himself for his Sake. I heard a Story of that Prince, which I'm confident will give you some Diversion. He fell in Love with a very Beautiful Courtesan, who treated him with an extraordinary Coyness; either because she had a particular Aversion to him, or (which is the more probable Reason of the two) because she thought he was very deeply engaged, and intended to make him pay dear for a Favour which he desired with so much Ardour. But whatever was the true Cause of her Rigour, the Prince persisted in his unsuccessful Courtship; but his Patience being at last exhausted, he resolved upon a Stratagem to satisfy at once both his Love and Revenge: There are in Zant certain Porters called Cestariols, whose Business is to carry home the Provisions that are bought by the Citizens at the Market. The irritated Prince procured a Cestariol's Habit, which disguised him so well that he had no Reason to fear a Discovery. In that Dress he went to the Courtezan's Waiting-Maid, and told her, that he was so passionately in Love with her Mistress, that he should certainly lose his Reason if she would not suffer herself to be touched with a compassionate Sense of his Sufferings. And to engage the Maid to employ her Interest in his Favour, he presented her with Ten Sequins, which amount to about Five and twenty Crowns; and assured her that if by her Assistance he could procure one Night's Pleasure, he would give her as many Sequins more, and would besides reward the Signora so liberally, that she should never have Reason to repent her Condescension to him. The Maid was extremely surprised at the Cestariol's Bounty: however she forgot not to deliver his Message to her Mistress, who seemed to receive it very coldly; for she thought such an Action would make her be looked upon as a common Prostitute. But the Maid, who perhaps was not so scrupulous, and had so considerable an Interest in the Success of this Affair, used all the Arguments she could invent, to persuade her Mistress to a Compliance, and concluded her Exhortations with this wise and prevailing Remark, That a Cestariol with a full Purse would prove a better Customer than a Proveditore with an empty one; adding, that the Mistress might expect a very Noble Acknowledgement from one that had been so liberal to the Maid. These sage Remonstrances had so good an Effect, that the Cestariol was introduced in the Evening to the Signora's Chamber, where he quickly stormed the Place that had so long withstood his Attacks. 'Twou'd be as needless to give you a more particular Account of his Night's Work, as it would be to represent the Confusion and Astonisment that seized the Fair One in the Morning, when she saw her Chamber full of Servants that came to dress her Bed-fellow, and found that the pretended Cestariol was transformed into the Prince of Brunswick. However she endeavoured to set the best Face she could on so cross an Adventure, and comforted herself with the Expectation of a magnificent Reward. But she could no longer conceal the Discomposure of her Mind, when instead of a Handful of Sequins the Prince presented her with Threepences, adding, That if she had entertained him as a Prince, he would have paid her as a Prince; but since she had only treated him as a Porter, she must content herself with Porter's Wages.  
Departing from Zant, we left Corfou on our Lefthand, and entered the Gulf, at the Mouth of which we lost our Longboat in a Storm. The Fury of the Tempest being somewhat abated, we continued our Course with a Side-Wind, and about Midnight perceived, by the Light of the Moon, a Sail, which passed very near our Ship without haling us. But she had scarce left us half a Mile when she tacked about, and bore down upon us with full Sails; and since she was lighter than our Vessel, she quickly came up with us. Our Captain concluding that she designed to attack us, commanded every Man to his Post, and put all things in a Readiness for an Engagement, swearing that he would fire at her, if she came nearer. Some of the Seamen endeavoured to persuade him that a Corsair would hardly venture to cruize in the Gulf; and that if the Vessel we feared had had such a Design, she would have either fired at us, or boarded us as she passed by. But he continued fixed in his Resolution, telling 'em that he placed more Confidence in his Guns than in their Arguments; and that if the Captain did not know his own Business, he would endeavour to instruct him. And indeed he kept his Word, for assoon as could have a full Aim to point his Guns at her Side, he gave her a Broadside, and tacking about, raked her fore and aft: but it seems she was better acquainted with the Rules of Good-breeding than we expected, for she quickly returned our Compliment with the same Ceremonies, and then bore away. Our cabin was pierced with a Shot, which was all the Damage we received, except the breaking of a Barrel of excellent Wine, which I had provided at Zant for my own Use, during the Quarantain.  
Two Days after we made the Height of Ragusa, which is a considerable City seated on the Seaside; Toward the Sea 'tis defended by a strong Citadel, and on the other Side by a high and inaccessible Mountain. It's Figure is almost round, and its Circuit exceeds not two Miles. The Houses are generally pretty well built; but there are none that deserve a particular Observation. The Government is Aristocratical, not much different from that of Venice, only its Weakness makes it act more cautiously for the Preservation of its Liberty. The Senate is composed of Gentlemen and a Doge: but this Dignity instead of continuing for Life, as at Venice, lasts but a Month, after which a New Doge is Elected with so little Intriguing, that oftentimes a Gentleman walking in the Public Place, is surprised with the News of his Election. During the time of his Government he is served and entertained at the Public Charge, after which he returns home to dress his Garden. Since the Government of the Castle is a more important Office, and the Ill-management of it might prove more fatal to the Republic, it lasts not so long as the former: for a New Governor is chosen every Night, and obliged to remain in the Castle till his Successor come to relieve him. So that the Nobles reckon this Commission rather a Trouble than an Honour; and would be as glad to be exempted from it, as a Captain would be pleased to be excused from mounting the Guard. The Garrison consists of Two hundred Men, and besides the Burghers are obliged to keep Guard with 'em. The Gentlemen are exempted from that Trouble, but they must not lie one Night out of the City without a special Permission. S. Blaise is the Patron of Ragusa, as S. Mark is of Venice: and is painted on their Banners and Ensigns, and wherever 'tis the Custom to place the Arms of the Republic. A Mile from the Town towards the Mouth of the Gulf, stands the ancient City of Ragusa, which at present is called Ragusa Vecchio. 'Tis inhabited by some poor People, and seems rather to be a Village than a City. The whole Territory of Ragusa extends not Thirty Miles round the City, and at Sea they are only possessed of the Island of Augusta. This little Republic makes a great Noise with a certain imaginary Liberty, of which the Ragusans are extremely fond, tho' really they are not Masters of themselves; for they are absolutely commanded by the Venetians, and must do what whatever they please. The Turk and Emperor content themselves with a moderate Tribute, without meddling with the Affairs of the Republic; but if the Payment be delayed, the Ragusans run the the Hazard of paying dear for their Neglect. And besides they are on several Occasions insulted over by the French King, and other European Princes; and must tamely suffer the greatest Abuses, without daring to repine at the Hand which oppresses 'em. I have all along observed, during the whole Course of my Travels, that one may find everywhere fresh Instances of the Folly and Weakness of human Nature: and the very Sight of this Place is sufficient to put a Man in mind of that Reflection. For 'tis certain that the Liberty or Independency of the Ragusans, as well as of several other States, is their greatest Misfortune; and that they would be infinitely more happy under the Dominion of some potent Master, that could protect 'em from all the Injuries and Affronts which they are daily obliged to suffer without the least Hope of Redress. And I'm confident, if you consider, without Prejudice, the Advantages on both sides, you will conclude with me, That, notwithstanding their boasted Liberty, a Wise Man would rather choose to be a Subject of Venice, than to be a Free Citizen of Ragusa. But to return to my Voyage.  
The Wind coming fair, we left Ragusa, and the next Morning we came to an Anchor in the Harbour of the little City Parenzo in Istria, where we took a Pilot. For the Republic keeps always a sufficient Number of Pilots in this place, for the Conveniency of Ships that are bound for Venice; which are obliged to have Recourse to their Assistance, because from thence to the Lagunes the Passage is extremely hazardous, by reason of the Banks of Sand that are formed by the Rivers Po and Brent at their Falling into the Sea. These Banks are so dangerous, and subject to so frequent Alterations, that the most skilful Pilots, who are acquainted with every Rock and Shoal in the Passage, are forced to steer perpetually with a Line in their Hand, for fear of some fatal Blunder, which would certainly be punished with Death. The Difficulty of the Passage is a very considerable Disadvantage and Obstruction to Trade; but it may be reckoned the main Security of Venice, which cannot be attacked on that Side. For tho' a Fleet of Ships should be conducted to Malamoca by Venetian Pilots, 'twould be impossible for 'em to ride there, by reason of the stormy Gusts that happen so frequently in that place.  
After the charming View of Constantinople from the Sea of Marmora, I never beheld a finer Prospect than that of Venice. At the Distance of Thirty Miles you begin to perceive the Spires of the Churches, and the Prospect is still enlarged the nearer you approach; which gives the ravished Spectator the Idea of a Great City springing out of the Water. Nor can you possibly free yourself from this pleasant Delusion of the Fancy till you have entered the Town; for all the outer Houses of the City are founded on Piles in the midst of the Water. The Port of Venice is a large Plain covered with Water, in which there are certain Islands or Rising-Grounds, levelly with the Water, on the biggest of which Venice is built. most of the other Islands are also covered with Buildings, and make particular Towns; the most considerable of which is called Judeca, or the Jews Quarter. 'Tis said to contain Forty thousand Souls; the Houses are fair, and there are large Gardens, whither the Inhabitants go to divert themselves during the Summer, and are accommodated with all sorts of Provisions, cool Liquors, and oftentimes with very agreeable Company.  
The curious Traveller ought also to take a View of the Island of Mouran, where the fine Looking-Glasses are made that are so famous over all Europe; besides several other Curious Works in Glass and Crystal.  
These Islands are called Lacunes or Lagunes, both such as are, and such as are not, inhabited. Two of 'em are set apart for the use of those who come from the Levant, where they are obliged to perform their Quarantain in certain large Hospitals, called Lazaretti. The first, called Lazaretto Vecchio, is but a Mile distant from Venice; but the other, where we are confined, is five Miles from the City. 'Tis one continued Building, consisting of two Stories, 300 Paces long, and divided by High Walls into six Apartments, each of which has a particular Gate that leads into a Square Court, where there is a Well, but the Water is so bad, that we never use any but what is brought from Venice. Every Apartment contains Twenty Chambers, Ten above, and as many below, separated like Cells, with a Chimney in each. Those who perform their Quarantain are constantly attended by a Guardian or Keeper, sent for that purpose by the Tribunal of Health. And we have the Misfortune to be plagued with one who mortifies us extremely: For he not only denies us the Liberty of conversing familiarly with those who come to see us, but will not suffer us to approach within Ten Paces of 'em; and besides, they are obliged to take the Wind of us. No Person whatsoever, nor even the Doge himself, is exempted from these troublesome Severities, which are appointed for the Public Security, and for the Preservation of the City from contagious Distempers. But tho' we are not permitted to entertain those who are without the Lazaretto, there are some things which they are allowed to receive from us, such as Bread, Wine, Vessels, Tobacco, Money, Wood, and generally every thing that does not consist of Threads. And yet, which in my Opinion is the most intolerable piece of Nicety in the World, they will not suffer a Letter to come out of our Hands till it be opened and smoked: And I was even forced to open Monsieur de Hochepied's Letters to his Friends in Holland; so that I shall be obliged to deliver 'em unsealed to the Persons to whom they are directed. When a Man comes to lodge in one of these Rooms, he finds nothing but Four bare Walls, and must therefore buy an entire Set of necessary Furniture: But as for Provisions, there are Barcarioli, who bring whatever you call for, allowing 'em a third part of the Price for their Pains. Every Man must be his own Cook, a Disadvantage which is more easily supported here than any where else; for our Time is so great a Burden to us, that we are glad of any Occupation; and that which in another Place would be reckoned a Trouble, is esteemed a Recreation here. The Lazaretto is governed by a Prior, appointed by the Tribunal of Health. His Revenue amounts to a Thousand Ducats, worth about 3 s. 9 d. apiece. He is entrusted with the Keys of the six Apartments, which are kept shut from Sunsetting till Eight a-Clock in the Morning. The Guardians are under his Command, and are obliged to give him an Account of every thing. There are 120 of 'em in Office, who are employed by Turns, according to the Number of Ships that arrive in the Port. Their Salary, which amounts to half a Ducat a-Day, besides their Entertainment, is not paid by the Republic, but by a Tax laid upon the Passengers and Goods that are committed to their Care. In the same Lagune there is a large Enclosure where the Goods are laid in a sort of Stalls or Market-Houses, supported by Pillars without Walls, and open on all Sides. And there are Faquini or Porters appointed to remove 'em from time to time, and to take care that nothing be lost or damaged.  
You have doubtless heard of the great Number of Spies that are kept by the Senate to give notice of every thing that is said or done against the Government. These Informers are a horrible Plague to those who are under the Dominion of this Republic, as well natural Venetians as Greeks. For the least Offence exposes a Man to the Severity of the Inquisition of the State, which is at least as terrible a Tribunal as that of Rome. Nor is it possible for a Man to know when he should be upon his Guard; for those who profess the greatest Friendship and Fidelity, are oftentimes mere Informers. And besides, there are Spies of all Ranks and Orders; Servants, Merchants, Officers, Citizens, and Nobles, who disguise themselves with so much Care and Dexterity, that 'tis impossible to penetrate into their hidden Designs. The Republic is so cautious in preventing Discoveries of this Nature, that those who undertake such a Commission are enjoined to conceal it even from their Wives and Children, under pain of suffering the most rigorous Penalties. And the Scandal and Odium that attends their Profession is alone sufficient to oblige 'em to Secrecy, tho' they were not kept in awe by the Fear of Punishment. This breeds an universal Diffidence and Shieness among all sorts of People, and makes 'em extremely reserved in discovering their Sentiments to one another, especially in the presence of certain Persons who are more particularly suspected, such as Monks, and the Guardians of Health in the Lazarettis, who are generally reckoned to be the Inquisitor's Spies, and I believe not without reason, as you will perceive by the Relation of an Accident that happened to myself.  
As soon as a Vessel enters the Port, the Tribunal of Health sends immediately a Guardian with a Phanti on board to conduct the Passengers to the Lazaretto, that no time may be lost; for the Quarantain is not reputed to begin till the Day after they come ashore. But tho' this Custom is very exactly observed on all Occasions, there arose a Dispute in our Ship about some Matters relating to Trade, that retarded our Landing Four Days, which consequently were not reckoned in the Forty Days of our Quarantain. This Delay occasioned a general Discontent among us, and we were the more sensibly afflicted, because we neither foresaw nor knew how to remedy our Misfortunes. However, the Greeks and Venetians whom he had take on board at Zant, concealed their Resentments with all possible Care. But I who was not so well acquainted with the Customs of the Place, and perhaps am naturally of too free a Humour, could not forbear complaining of this Injustice that was done us, and was even so far transported, that I expressed my Impatience and Indignation in very bold and emphatic Terms. In the mean time I was extremely surprised to perceive an universal Silence among those who heard me, and was so vexed to find that none of 'em would join with me, that at last I held my Peace. An Hour after, the Captain took me aside, and told me that I was ruined: I entreated him to let me know the reason that made him give me so unwelcome an Admonition: Because, replied he, you have spoken disadvantageously of the Government before a Guardian, who is certainly an Informer; adding, that he would not have spoken so freely for a Hundred thousand Crowns. Then he related five or six Tragical Stories of Persons that had lost their Lives for less provoking Crimes, and added so many Arguments to convince me of my Danger, that I began to be afraid in good earnest, and to complain of his Unkindness in not giving me more timely warning. He replied, that he ne'er thought of it, and that he could not imagine me to be ignorant of a thing that was so universally known. The only way I can suggest to you, added he, to prevent your Ruin, is to be silent for the future, and to bribe the Guardian with a Present, which perhaps will stop his Mouth. In pursuance of his Advice, I gave the Guardian two Sequins, and endeavoured to oblige him by all the Marks of Friendship and Kindness during the two days we remained on Board after that Accident. Yet after all, he informed against me, at least I had reason to suspect him; for the Prior told me t'other Day, that the Inquisitor had spoken concerning me, and had signified to him, that there was a very turbulent and impatient Frenchman in his Lazaretto. This Reprimand abated, instead of increasing, my Fears, for the Inquisitor wou●d not have spoken to the Prior, if he had intended to punish my Boldness. However, this Accident shall teach me Circumspection for the future; and may serve for a Warning to such of your Friends whose Curiosity may incite 'em to visit this Place in their Travels: For Strangers are in a more particular manner exposed to the Severities of that dreadful Tribunal; and I'm persuaded that such indiscreet Expressions have oftentimes proved fatal to Travellers.  
I am, SIR, Your, etc. Lazaretto at Venice, Decemb. 1691.   

LETTER XXVII.  
SIR,  
AT last I have obtained my Liberty, and have bidden a joyful Farewell to that nasty Lazaretto, where I was forced to do so tedious a Penance for my Sins. And since I have reason to believe that all my Transgressions are blotted out by so severe a Mortification, I'm even resolved to venture upon a New Score: There is not a Town in the World so full of Invitations as this: I see every Day such charming and enflaming Objects at the Opera, Ridotti, and whither so ever I go, that a less sensible Heart than mine could not long resist the powerful Temptation. There is a greater Number of lovely Women here than in any other Place of Europe, and their Charms are more alluring. Three Divinities seem to contend which of 'em should contribute most to the Embellishment of a City where they have fixed the Seats of their several Empires. Venus makes it the Scene of all the soft Delights of Beauty and Love; Apollo displays the ravishing Variety of his belov'd Harmony; and Momus charms both the Eye and Ear with splendid Masks and ingenious and witty Comedies. Venice is a Cluster of enchanted Islands, where Joy and Pleasure have establishd their peaceful Sway, without the least Disturbance from tumultuary or gloomy Passions. 'Tis all over charming; every Object inspires Love, and fills the Mind with a resistless and surprising Delight. But I must not forget that I write to one who is too inquisitive to be satisfied with general Hints; and therefore I shall proceed to give you a particular Account of this admirable City. I intended to have begun my Letter with the Story of a pleasant Accident that happened to one of my Friends at our coming out of the Lazaretto, where he performed his Quarantain with me; but tho' I am not often guilty of a scrupulous Niceness in observing the Rules of an exact Method, I'm loath on this Occasion to invert the Order I intent to follow in the Description of the City; and therefore I shall defer the Relation of my Friend's Adventure, till I come to speak of the Venetian Courtesans.  
The Observation I made concerning Constantinople and Cairo, may with equal Justice be applied to Venice, and in the general to all great and populous Cities; that there are very different Opinions concerning their Extent, and the Number of their Inhabitants. Nor is this Controversy so easily decided as some Persons imagine: For when did ever a Traveller undertake to count the Streets of a great City? Or what more can the most inquisitive Stranger do than to measure the Dimensions of a Public Place, or of a Temple? Judge then whether any one can make a certain Computation of the Number of the Houses, or of the Persons that inhabit 'em. And I may venture to add, that none but a Sovereign is able to manage such a Design; and that the exactest Calculations that can be made by Private Persons, are mere uncertain Conjectures, that can never be true but by a lucky Hit, on which there can be no dependence. The same may be said of the Bigness of a City, which ought rather to be computed from the Figure, than from the Extent of its Circumference: And 'tis so difficult a Task to find and describe the true Figure of a Town, that the Inhabitants themselves are ignorant of it. How many different Judgements are made of the comparative Bigness of London and Paris? Yet every Man thinks his own Opinion true; and the same Remark may be applied to all other large Cities. I will not undertake then to determine so intricate a Controversy, but shall content myself with acquainting you, that Venice, as to its Extent, may, in my Opinion, be compared to Rome, that the Streets are Narrow, the Ground extremely well Husbanded, and the Houses full of People to the very Top. It has neither Gates, Walls, nor Citadel, and yet cannot be justly said to be Weak. 'Tis esteemed impregnable by many Authors, and that Opinion is so generally received, that you shall hardly hear any Man give an Account of Venice without that Encomium at the End of it. The Venetians themselves tell the Story so often, that at last they imagine it to be a certain Truth, and would fain persuade others to be of the same Opinion. But tho' they allege some Reasons in Confirmation of that Assertion, they must not expect to make us swallow 'em by an implicit Faith. At least I can assure you, their Arguments have made no great Impression upon me; for I could never boast so strong a Faith as to give Credit to an obvious Absurdity. However, Experience has taught me so much Wisdom, that I shall hardly venture to own my Opinion in this Case during my abode here. Let 'em magnify their City beyond all the Forts in the World, and defy the Ambition of the most potent Sovereigns in Europe; their Arrogance shall never extort one indiscreet Word from me so long as I remain within the reach of the Inquisition: But as soon as I can set my Foot beyond the Limits of their Dominions, I shall even make bold to talk as freely to any Man of the boasted Strength of their City, as I now intent to write to you.  
You may remember I acknowledged that Venice is impregnable on the Side next the Sea, and gave you an Account of the Reasons which inclined me to be of that Opinion. But I'm fully persuaded that 'tis not impossible to attack it with Success on the other side, unless it be defended by an Army strong enough to baffle all the Attempts of the Besiegers, in which Case, I must confess, it may be said to be impregnable; but upon the same Supposition any Town in the World may plead a Right to that Title: Whereas a Place that may be properly called impregnable, must be strong enough to endure a Siege two or three Years without Relief; that is, it must be able to resist any Enemy but Famine, which is a necessary Consequence of a long and close Siege. I confess there are very few such Places in the World; yet I have seen one, I mean Malta, and 'tis probable there are some other Forts which merit the same Character. As for those Places that may be subdued by Force, tho' not without extreme Difficulty, they may and aught to be called Strong, but cannot justly be said to be Impregnable. Yet the last of these Epithets is very frequently abused and misapplyed; for 'tis as usual to honour a Place with that Title, as 'tis rare to find one that deserves it.  
If this be the true meaning of the controverted Term, and if none but such Places as these can be properly said to be impregnable, as 'tis plain they cannot; I know no reason that should hinder me from excluding Venice out of that Number. It seems to be no very difficult Undertaking to seize on the Lido and Malamoca, two inhabited Islands, and by securing those Posts, to intercept the Communication of the City with the Sea, and to cut off all Relief that might be expected that way. An Army might also soon take Possession of several little uninhabited Lagunes about Venice, from whence the City might be easily battered and bombarded; and God knows what Havoc the Bombs would make in so compact a City as this. And besides, the Multitude of the Inhabitants would quickly expose 'em to all the Desolations that are usually caused by Famine. I confess the Arsenal is so well furnished that all the Burghers might be armed in Four and twenty Hours; but what use could they make of their Arms in a Town which in case of a Siege would instantly be turned to a Prison: For there is no covered Way through which they could sally out upon their Enemies; and tho' they could contrive one, the Citizens of Venice would make but a very feeble resistance. I have so mean an Opinion of their Military accomplishments, that I dare boldly affirm that Ten thousand well-disciplned Soldiers would do more execution than a Hundred thousand of 'em. Was not Paris starved by 30000 Men, tho' at the same time it was defended by 150000 Citizens, who might have sallied out when they pleased? What then would become of Venice in such a Case, where the besieged must be cooped up in their Houses, and could never make a Sally to disturb or annoy their Enemies? Perhaps I shall be laughed at for maintaining that this wonderful Place that dispises and defies the most potent and triumphant Enemies, might be entered and set on Fire by a sufficient Number of Men with Torches in their Hands, without the Trouble or Charge of Bombardment. But I would willingly be informed what could hinder 100000 Men from making and executing such an Attempt. There are no Walls to stop or retard their Progress; the City is open in Fourscore several Places, all the Houses that surround it are pierced with Doors and Shops, and many of 'em are built of Wood I confess such an Expedition would require a vast Number of Boats; but when I speak of 100000 Men, I do not mean that they should all be employed in the Attempt: The Fifth part of 'em would serve to carry on the Attack; and the Besiegers might find a sufficient Number of Boats in the adjacent Harbours, without giving themselves the trouble of making new ones.  
My Opinion in this Case is so singular, and so directly opposite to the Notions that are entertained by the generality of Mankind, that you will doubtless scruple to give Credit to my single Testimony, especially since the Arguments I bring to confirm it depend on certain Circumstances with which you never had occasion to be acquainted. And you will be apt to tell me, that the Venetians would certainly have taken care to fortify their Capital City, if its Natural Strength were not incapable of any Artificial Improvements. In answer to the first part of this Difficulty, I shall only repeat what I have already told you, that 'twas never my Custom to make my Judgement a Slave to Authority, or to regulate my own, by the Opinions of others. I'm persuaded that a blind Submission to Vulgar Notions, is one of the most fertile Sources of Error, and that there is nothing so variable and uncertain, as the Sentiments of Men in different Places and Ages.  
I confess the other part of the Objection contains a greater and more puzzling Difficulty. But tho' the Conduct of the Venetian Senate in this Case seems at first View to depend upon some secret Reasons of State, the Mystery lies not so deep but that it may be easily unriddled by a moderate Degree of Application. You know that the Government of Venice is purely Aristocratical, and that the Revolutions which happen in such Constitutions, are usually occasioned by suffering one of the Members of the Body in which the Government is lodged, to over-top the rest: For an Ambitious Person may be easily tempted by so inviting an Opportunity, to establish the Grandeur of his Family by oppressing his Fellow-Citizens, and to erect a Monarchy upon the Ruins of the Republic. History and Experience furnish us with so many Instances of such Revolutions, and these Examples are so universally known, that 'twould be needless either to cite 'em, or to allege any other Arguments to prove so well-attested a Truth. Now the Senate of Venice, whose Maxims are, without Controversy, grounded on the most refined Politics, making a wise use of the Misfortunes of other States, and being well acquainted with the weak part of their own, have endeavoured to prevent the Inconveniences that might arise from that necessary Flaw in their Constitution, by the most prudent Laws and Provisoes that ever were invented; and their Care for the Preservation of the State has been attended with such excellent Success, that the Republic continues still to subsist on the same Foundations on which 'twas first established. To give you a Specimen of the admirable Politics of that wise Body, I shall briefly take notice of some of those Laws and Customs that are interwoven with the Constitution of their Government. The Doge is entrusted with so small a Share in the Management of the State, that he may be justly called a mere Shadow of Grandeur. There are Inquisitors appointed to have an Eye upon his Actions, who may call him to an Account when they please. He is not allowed the Liberty of public and familiar Conversation, nor suffered to appear in the City but on certain Days of Ceremony. The Nobles are forbidden to entertain any correspondence with Foreign Princes, or their Ministers. They are not permitted to wear Arms, to use any Ornaments of Gold or Silver, to keep a numerous Train of Servants, or to affect any Marks of Grandeur. The Custom of walking in the Broglio was introduced to prevent the dangerous Consequences of private Cabals. The Inquisitors of State were established for the Security of the Government; and 'tis the same Consideration that moves 'em to entertain above a Thousand Spies. And to conclude, that illustrious Body in which the Government is lodged, the celebrated Senate of Venice, which knows so well how to maintain its Honour on other Occasions, keeps neither Guards about the Place of its meeting, nor a Garrison in the Town; wisely considering, that if ever an Insurrection should happen, those Mercenary Soldiers, however appointed for the Defence and Preservation of the State, would be made the Instruments of its Ruin.  
I will not trouble you with a particular Account of all the Laws and Regulations that were instituted for the same end, and are still observed in this place. But from what has been said on this Subject, you may easily perceive that those prudent Senators make it their principal Care to prevent Intestine Disorders, and to render the Nobles incapable of invading the Public Liberty.  
Now if the Senate should order a Citadel or Fort to be built at Venice, they might with Justice be accused of contriving the Instruments of their own Ruin, and of undermining that Noble Fabric, which they have taken so great Care to secure. But they are too wise to be guilty of so fatal a Blunder; and 'tis better to be in some measure exposed to the Insults of Foreign Invaders, than to lie at the Mercy of Domestic Enemies. Besides they have no Reason to be afraid of their Neighbours; for 'tis the Interest of all the Princes and States of Italy, to preserve the Republic, that it may continue to be the Bulwark of Christendom on that side, and to counter-balance the Power of the House of Austria. And as for the Turks, they are at too great a Distance to undertake an Expedition against the City.  
Thus you see that there are several weighty Considerations that deter the Senate from fortifying their Capital City: and there are no less pressing Reasons that oblige 'em to encourage the Vulgar Opinion of its pretended Impregnability.  
If I should send you a particular Description of this City, I could only entertain you with a Repetition of what you have read perhaps in a hundred Authors. And therefore I shall content myself with communicating some of my Remarks to you, in a loose and familiar manner.  
Some pretend that Venice is built on seventy two Islands or Lagunes, which are separated by such narrow Channels that they seem to form one little Continent: and there are others who reject this Opinion. I will not undertake to decide the Controversy, but only tell you what I have seen, and leave the whole Matter to your Judgement. 'Tis certain that Venice is founded on a Spot of Ground that rises at least to the Surface of the Water; for the Earth appears in the Streets, Keys, public Places, and Houses. 'Tis true they are forced to make use of Piles, because the Ground is not firm enough to support the Weight of a large Palace without sinking: but that ought not to make us doubt the Truth of a thing that is confirmed by the Testimony of our own Eyes; for the same way of Building is generally used in all Moorish or Fenny Places, and particularly in Holland. 'Tis no less certain that this Spot of Ground is at present a Mass of Islands, so that it remains only to consider whether the Canals that separate these little Islands be Natural or Artificial. This Question is not easily to be determined, for one may allege very plausible Arguments either for the Affirmative or Negative part. 'Tis probable the Venetians might dig these Channels, for the more convenient Carriage of Goods, which by this means are brought to their Doors, and for the Embellishment of the City, which is the only Town in the World that can boast of such a Situation. But there are so many, and so considerable Reasons, which favour the contrary Opinion, that I'm almost entirely convinced of the Truth of it. In the first place, 'Tis plain that the Venetians have taken all possible Care to husband the Ground on which the City is founded. The Streets are so narrow, that in most of 'em three Men cannot walk abreast, and in some, one Man can hardly pass by another. And the Foundations of the Houses on one side are laid in the Water, without any Key or Passage betwixt 'em and the Canals. We cannot then suppose, with the least Shadow of Probability, that the Prospect of any Conveniency could oblige 'em to waste so considerable a quantity of that Ground which they manage so thriftily, that the City is everywhere full of Boundaries, to restrain the Proprietors of the Houses from breaking in upon the Streets. And besides, what Reason can there be alleged for their leaving so many large Spots of Ground entire; for tho' you are informed that a Man may go in a Boat to any House in the City, you must not take these Words in a strict and literal Sense, but only as a figurative Expression, to signify that there are a great Number of such Houses in Venice. I can assure you that there is not a Canal within five hundred Paces round of the House where I lodge; and that there are twenty such Places in the City. I shall only add that the Canals are crooked, and generally unequal both in Length and Breadth; which, in my Opinion, may serve to convince any considering Person, that they are not Artificial.  
All the Streets in the City, without Exception, are narrow and crooked; but to make amends for these Disadvantages, they are so clean that one may walk a Year in 'em without meeting with any Dirt: and besides they are paved with large square Stones, which always after a Shower grow as white as Marble. In several parts of the City there are little empty places called Campi or Fields; which were probably left for the Conveniency of entrenching, if an Enemy should enter the Town; for they are not at all Ornamental. The only considerable Place or Field in Venice, is that of S. Mark, which certainly claims all our Admiration. 'Tis two hundred and fifty Paces long, and eighty broad. The Church of S. Mark faces one of the Ends of it, and that of S. Geminian the other. 'Tis bordered on each side with those stately Piles of Building called the Old and New Pro●●●aties, which make it, without Controversy, the most Magnificent Place in the World. The Front of each Procuraty is supported by a large Portico, ten Paces broad; and all along there are double Piazza's, one of which entering into the Building serves for Shops, which are let by the Signiory to those who sell Perfumes, Limonade, and Coffee. The Procurators of S. Mark lodge in these Palaces, which for that Reason are called the Procuraties: but when any Foreign Prince comes to take a View of 'em, or on some other Occasions of Public Rejoicing, the Partitions are taken down, so that one may walk from one End to the other, and all the several Apartments are united into one spacious House. That on the Right-hand, as you go to S. Mark's Church, is called the New, and that on the Left the Old Procuraty. The first has two principal Fronts, one of which looks into the Place of S. Mark, and the other into the Broglio, over-against the Palace of St. Mark, which is an Ancient and Magnificent Structure, where all the Councils meet; such as the Grand Council, the Council of the Finances called the Ceca, the Marine Council, etc. The Ceca is a distinct Apartment in the Palace of S. Mark; and tho' 'tis built after the same Manner, and with the same Stones, the large Grates and double Doors of Iron, with which 'tis enclosed, make it resemble a Prison rather than a Palace: And besides the Smoke that arises from the Furnaces has so penetrated the Stonewalls, that they are black even within the Chambers. Here the Money is coined, and the Public Treasure kept in great Iron Chests, secured with three Locks, the Keys of which are committed to the Custody of three Procurators, who, under Pain of Death, dare not make the least Attempt to open 'em till they are all met together. The Council sits twice a Week, which are the only Days for all sorts of Payments.  
The little Arsenal of the Nobles, whose Arms are always kept ready charged, is in the same Palace of S. Mark; and the Doge's Apartment is in the Right-Wing, from whence there is a Passage to the Church, whither he goes sometimes incognito to hear Mass; but usually he performs his Devotions at a private Chapel in his own Apartment.  
S. Mark's Church is a large Structure, square on the Outside, covered with four Leaden Domes, of which the largest is in the Middle, without any Spires or Steeples. The Top is surrounded with Stone Balisters for the Conveniency of walking. You enter the Church through a Portico composed of five Arches, the highest of which is in the Middle. There you may take a View of those Large and Stately Gates of Brass, which the Venetians brought from Santa Sophia at Constantinople, when they robbed that City of so many valuable Curiosities to enrich their own. Among the rest, I cannot forbear taking Notice of the four Brazen Horses that are placed upon the same Portico. 'Tis Pity they are not more carefully preserved; for they are so finely shaped, that Nature herself could not mend those Artificial Animals. 'Tis true, they have endeavoured to piece 'em, but all their Care and Skill will never be able to restore 'em to their primitive Beauty.  
The Figure of the Church within resembles a Cross, the Choir representing the upper part. 'Tis vaulted throughout, and enriched with very fine Mosaic-Work, like that of Santa Sophia, but not near so lasting: for it decays so fast, that they are forced to keep some Workmen on purpose to repair it; whereas the other remains entire notwithstanding its great Antiquity. And besides there is another Difference betwixt the Mosaic-Work at Venice, and that at Santa Sophia; for the latter is smooth and plain, whereas the former is full of Figures. These are the only Pieces of this Nature I have had occasion to see in my Travels, except one at Scio. The Floor of the Church is adorned with another sort of Mosaic no less precious than the former, consisting of several small Pieces of Porphyry, Jasper, and Serpentine or speckled Marble, not unlike to the Tables and Cabinets of Ebony, that are inlaid with Shells and Naker.  
The Arms of all the Doges that have hitherto governed the Republic are placed round the Walls. They are generally magnificent, and even some of 'em are of Silver curiously wrought. The only Fault I can find in this Church is its Obscurity, which hides the greatest part of its Beauties: For in all other respects 'tis enriched with the finest Ornaments, such as Altars, Pictures, and Vessels of Gold and Silver. 'Twou'd be needless to present you with a Catalogue of the rare Curiosities that are to be seen either in the Church or Treasury, since you will find 'em all particularly described in a Treatise written by Monsieur de S. Didier.  
'Tis Pity the Venetians should have lost the Body of their good Patron, S. Mark, and that their Loss should be attended with this mortifying Circumstance, that they know neither the Time nor Occasion of it. 'Tis true the common People believe that he retired into a Pillar, which they showed me, and that he thrust his Hand out of that Column when he gave the Ring to the Doge; but most of 'em scruple not to confess that they know not where he is, nor whither he went.  
They made me also take Notice of a Stone, which they pretend is the same that yielded Water to the Israelites, when they were tormented with Thirst in the Wilderness. If this be true, we must allow that Rock a Power to multiply its Kind; for 'tis still to be seen in the Deserts of Arabia, between Sues and Tor, as I have heard several credible Persons affirm, as well Christians, as Turks and Moors, who assure me that it stands by itself in the midst of a Sandy Desert; and that one may both easily perceive the Holes that gave a Passage to the Water, and discern the very Track or Print that was made by the Stream.  
The next place in Venice that claims a particular Observation, is the Arsenal, which is certainly the best furnished Magazine in the World. For tho' it contains no less than two Miles in Compass, 'tis filled and even crowded with Cannons, Bombs, Granades, Muskets, Sabres, Gunpowder, Ropes, Sails, Anchors, etc. To give you an Estimate of the prodigious Quantity of Ammunition that is hoarded up in this Place, 'twill be sufficient to tell you, that in case of Necessity, 'tis sufficient to arm and equip fifteen Galleys, four Galleasses, as many Ships, and a hundred thousand Men. The Arsenal is governed by three Nobles, and under them by the Pilot of the Republic, whom they call the Admiral, who is entrusted with the Care and Inspection both of the Stores, and of two or three hundred Men, that are constantly kept at Work. He never goes to Sea but once a Year, to steer the Bucentaur on Ascension-Day, when the Duke accompanied by all the Nobles, performs the Ceremony of Wedding the Sea. They set so high a Value upon this Vessel, that the Pilot is obliged under Pain of Death to bring it back in Safety; which makes him so cautious in observing the Wether, that when he perceives any Clouds, or the least Appearance of a Wind on the Day appointed for the Solemnity, he procures it to be delayed till the next Sunday.  
'Tis the Opinion of one, That Venice contains Four hundred Palaces, fit to receive and entertain a King. This is certainly a very bold Assertion; and yet I dare not positively contradict it: for the Palaces are so Numerous and Magnificent, that I may venture, without a Hyperbole, to affirm that they are sufficient to adorn Ten Cities. On the great Canal alone there are at least Two hundred, which seem to outrival one another, whether you consider the Boldness of the Design, or the Fineness of the Structure; and confound the amazed Spectator with so vast a Medley of different Beauties, that he knows not which to prefer, or where to point at the Principal Object of his Admiration. If your Curiosity should lead you out of the City, to take a View of the neighbouring Continent, especially towards Milan, you would be tempted to fancy yourself among the Habitations of the Gods; for every Palace resembles a Magnificent Temple, adorned with all the most exquisite Beauties of Architecture. It must be acknowledged that the Italians, and particularly the Venetians, are the best Architects in the World; and that the finest Houses in France are not comparable to these Palaces on the Outside.  
I shall take this Occasion to give you a general Idea of their Manner of Building. The Height of the Edifice is exactly proportioned to its Bigness, according to the nicest Rules of Architecture. The Houses are covered with fine Platforms, where a Man may enjoy the Pleasure of walking without going out of his own House; and when he grows weary may either sit down on the Benches, or rest on the Balisters that surround the Platform. The Fronts of the Houses are adorned with Porticoes, Columns, Balconies at the Windows, Frizes, Festoons, Niches, and Statues. These Ornaments are accompanied with Courts, Anti-Courts, delicious Gardens, Fountains, Grottoes, and all the other Embellishments that a luxurious Fancy can contrive. I can assure you that this is a true and faithful Representation of these glorious Edifices; and I leave you to judge whether they may not justly be called Palaces, and whether any thing could give a higher Idea of the Grandeur of the Venetian Nobles. The main Reason, in my Opinion, that makes 'em employ so great a part of their Treasure in Building, is because they are not permitted to display their Magnificence any other way. For since they are not suffered to consume their Money in splendid Equipages, and rich Habits, 'tis plain they must either build, or find some other way to bestow their superfluous Cash. And, 'tis probably the same Restraint that tempts 'em to throw away such vast quantities of Money on Courtesans and at Play. You would hardly believe me, if I should tell you what prodigious Sums are consumed every Year at Bassette, especially during the Carnaval; when the Ridottis or Gaming-Houses are open. None are admitted into these Houses without Masks; that all sorts of People may enjoy an equal Liberty, and that there may be no Occasion for Disputes, nor any Marks of Distinction in a place where every one is welcome for his Money, and where there is always a confused Medley of Noblemen, Citizens, Ladies, and Courtesans: Yet this Order is not observed with the utmost Rigour; for one that has a false Nose, or counterfeit Whiskers is held to be sufficiently Masked. The Nobles keep the Bank, and relieve one another by turns from Morning till Night. They bear good or bad Fortune without discovering the least Alteration either in their Countenance or Humour: and seem as little concerned when they lose a Thousand Sequins by one Card, as when they gain One by another. I have had Occasion two or three times to see the Bank broke, but could never perceive the least Sign of Disturbance in the unfortunate Gamester. And which is no less surprising, I have seen other Noblemen continue to play with the Loser, upon his bare Word, to the Value of Ten thousand Ducats, which were always punctually paid next Morning. 'Tis true, the Loss does not fall wholly upon one Person, for there are sometimes a Hundred of 'em joined together; and this is perhaps the main Reason that makes 'em bear their Misfortunes so patiently. Besides the Bank is seldom a Loser at the last; and the Ridottis are sometimes so full of Money, that they know not where to keep it. All the Cash is entrusted to the Care of some Nobleman, who is usually one of the poorer Sort; and yet 'tis never observed that he retains so much as one Penny.  
You may expect, in my next, an Answer to your Questions concerning the Nobility.  
I am, SIR, Your &c Venice, Jan. 1692.   

LETTER XXVIII.  
SIR,  
I Remember I told you, that the Order of Malta might be divided into four Classes; and I shall begin this Letter with applying the same Observation to the Noblemen of Venice: for tho' all who bear that Name are united into one Body, their Families are not equally Illustrious. The first Classis or Rank, consists of those Families who founded the Republic, and were Noble before that time. The second comprehends those who were elected before the Shutting up of the Council, which was called, Il Serrar del Consiglio. The third contains those who obtained that Honour as a Recompense for some eminent Services done to the State; and are therefore called Gentlemen by Merit. And the fourth is made up of Nobili per Soldi, or Gentlemen by Purchase, who bought the Title. But notwithstanding so considerable a Difference in their Pedigrees, they have all an equal Right to give their Voices, and enjoy the same Privileges: All, from the Highest to the Lowest, go to the Great Council, and are honoured with the Title of Excellency. And even it happens not unfrequently that the most Illustrious Members of that Body are not most respected: for oftentimes a Gentleman of three Days standing is advanced to the Dignity of a Procurator, while the Ancient Families, and those that gave a Being to the Republic, are in a miserable Condition. Here, as well as every where else, 'tis the Custom to worship the Rising Sun, and to court those who seem to be the Darlings of Fortune: The Richest are always esteemed the Greatest Lords, and stand fairest for Preferment. However since all Elections are decided by Plurality of Voices in the Grand Council, the poorer Sort of Gentlemen are treated with more Complaisance than they could expect, if they had not a Right to Vote on such Occasions; since it may sometimes be in their Power to dispose of the Procuratorship, and even of the Ducal Coronet. This puts me in mind of a Story, which perhaps will divert you; you must take it on the Credit of its Authors. There was, say the Venetians, a certain poor Gentleman, who had Occasion to take a Journey into the Country: Before his Departure he went to a Great Lord, who was his Neighbour, and entreated him to lend him a Cloak; but had the Mortification to receive a flat Denial, and was forced to have Recourse to another. Not long after the Doge died, and the rich Nobleman had so great an Interest in the Council, that when they proceeded to Balloting, he wanted but one Voice to be chosen. In the mean time the poor Gentleman happened to come in, and was immediately accosted by his wealthy Neighbour, who, with all imaginable Submission and Respect, begged his Voice; and assured him, that he would always look upon him as the Author of his Fortune. But the Gentleman remembering his late Incivility, replied in an angry and disdainful manner, No, my Lord, you must even resolve to go without a Coronet, as you made me go without a Cloak. The Consideration of the frequent Occasions they have to make use of the Assistance of the rest of their Body, makes 'em treat one another with a great deal of Civility, if I may be allowed to use so weak an Expression to signify the Compliments and Ceremonious Niceties of their Salutations, which are so extravagant, that in any other Country they would be esteemed Ridiculous. 'Tis pleasant to observe how they court one another when they meet on the Broglio: I have often seen Noblemen who stood Candidates for the highest Preferments, prostrate themselves before a poor Gentleman whose Vest was not worth a Groat, as if he had been a King, or somewhat more than Humane. The Venetian Salutations are quite different from Ours; they perform 'em slowly, to express the Modesty and Humility of their Respect, and bowing their Heads to their very Knees, continue sometimes for the Space of a Minute in that Posture, offering their Service in the most submissive Expressions; after which they raise their Bodies, and immediately begin again, repeating the same Ceremony two or three times. And they are so nicely scrupulous in such Cases, that if any Nobleman should venture to shorten his Reverences, or to imitate the French Air in the least, he would be reckoned a base Man, who had lost all Sense of Honour.  
When a Stranger comes to serve in the Venetian Army, he must immediately learn their Fashions, as the only way to avoid their Hatred, and to raise his own Fortune; tho' it must be acknowledged these fawning Ceremonies are extremely troublesome and uneasy. I had occasion t'other Day to see the Entry of a Procurator, and took notice of some Colonels and other Officers who marched before the Senate to the Church, where they stopped within the Door, and saluted every Nobleman as he passed by, with a Reverence, such as I described before; so that for a large Quarter of an Hour they were perpetually employed in that troublesome Task. But besides those profound Reverences, there are a Thousand other Niceties, and nauseous Flatteries, which are the necessary Consequences of their Excessive Civility. You must weigh every Expression you use either in Letters or Discourse; for 'tis not enough to avoid the Word Voi or You, which would be reckoned a Downright Affront, and to use always the Third Person Lei, or Ella, but you must take care to repeat the most submissive Phrases, such as If it please my Patron, If my Patron vouchsafe to command me, etc. You must still say, My Patron said or did such a thing; and whatever Epithet you bestow upon him, you must never forget to add issimo to the End of it; for 'twould be reckoned a poor Compliment to call a Man Nobile, Docto, or Galanto, instead of which you must say he is Nobilissimo, Doctissimo, and Galantissimo. The same, or rather greater Ceremonies, are observed in Writing; I remember I have seen some Letters from the Captain Generals Cornaro and Mocenigo to a Greek Merchant, in which they gave him the Title of Molto Illustre Signor. Four Fingers breadth lower the Letter began thus, Ho ricevuto de vostra Signoria molto Illustre, etc. and the rest was all of a Piece: At the End of the Letter were these Words, de vostra Signoria molto illustre, devotissimo Servitore; then a Space of Six Fingers breadth, and the Subscription at the Bottom. I was extremely surprised at the Extravagancy of these Compliments, when I considered the Quality of the Writers, and of him to whom the Letters were directed; and I leave you to judge what Ceremonies must be observed between Equals. A Letter to a Nobleman must be directed thus, Al' Illustrissimo & Excellentissimo Signior, & mio Padrone Colendissimo, il Signior, etc. and the Body of the Letter must be suitable to the flattering Superscription. You must take care to give every Man the Titles that are appropriated to Persons of his Rank and Quality: Thus when you speak to a Tradesman, you must call him Signior Pietro, or Signior Paolo; to a Citizen or Merchant you must say Vostra Signoria, and, in Letters, Vostra Signoria molto Illustre. A Counsellor, Physician, Notary, or a Gentleman who is a Subject is styled lafoy Signoria Illustrissima; The proper Title of the Nobles is l' Excellenza; and the Doge is usually called lafoy Serenita, or il Serenissimo; for they rarely say i'll Dogio. But when they say il Principe, they always mean the Republic. Thus all Orders and Proclamations begin thus, Il Serenissimo Principe fa sapere; The most Serene Prince declares, or gives Notice: And 'tis usually said in familiar Discourse, Il Principe ha prohibito le Pomp; The Prince has prohibited the wearing of Costly Apparel, etc. Thus they speak when they do not so much as think of the Doge, who has no more Power to make such Regulations, than the meanest Officer that belongs to the Republic; and far from being a Sovereign, he is so much a Subject, that he dares hardly move one Inch without Orders. Francis Morosini, the present Doge, was elected to that Dignity in April 1688, while he was obtaining Victories for the Republic abroad. And yet as told and infirmas he is, he was forced to continue in that fatiguing Employment, and at last, with much ado, and after a whole Year spent in humble and earnest Solicitations, he obtained leave to quit the Service, and returned to Venice last Year. He is the first Doge that ever entered the City with the Ducal Coronet on his Head: Nor could the Senate refuse to grant some unusual Mark of Honour to the Conqueror of all Morea. However, I'm strongly inclined to suspect that the main Consideration which made him so uneasy till he had obtained a Permission to leave the Army, was his Fear of losing the Glory he had acquired. And you will be of the same Opinion if you consider the ill Success of his Attempt upon Negropont; and the slow Progress he made in the Siege of Napoli di Malvasia, which held out two Years against him, and was still in so good a Condition at his Departure, that there was little or no hope of reducing it; tho' for want of Provisions the Garrison was obliged to surrender the Place to the General during the last Campaign.  
The length of this Siege puts me in mind of Candy, which for so long a time was attacked and defended with equal Obstinacy and Vigour. 'Twas the same Morosini who commanded in the Place, and the Senate being unwilling to waste so much Blood and Treasure in the Defence of a Place which, after all, they could not hope to preserve, sent him positive Orders to Capitulate. But he was so desirous of Glory, and had so mean an Opinion of the Turkish Valour, that he assured the Senate, if they would continue to supply him with necessary Provisions, he would either save the Place, or bury himself under its Ruins. Yet, for all his bravery, he was forced to submit to the Chance of War, without performing either part of his Promise: And at his return to Venice he had the mortification to meet with a very bad Reception on the Broglio. Some of the Nobles were so incensed against him, that they discovered their Spite by abusing him to his Face, ask by way of Derision, Ha! is not this Morosini; while others replied with equal Bitterness and Contempt, No, no, that can't be the Man who promised to bury himself under the Ruins of Candy, if he should find himself unable to preserve it. But the Malice of his Enemies did not evaporate in Jests, they were not satisfied with so poor a Revenge, but prosecuted him so warmly, that his Head was in a tottering Condition. One of 'em represented his Crime to the Council, and in a vehement and pathetic Discourse, accused him of abusing the Senate, by promising such things as he could not perform, and of engaging the Republic in a prodigious Charge, which might have been better employed another way. Nor was this the single Opinion of one Person, for several others voted him guilty: Yet his good Fortune delivered him from so great a Danger, and has now set the Coronet on his Head; he is somewhat lean, and of a middle Stature; his Hair and Beard are white; he wears Whiskers, and a little Tuft of Hair upon his Chin. I saw him at the Entry of his Kinsman the Procurator Morosini; and since I have occasion again to speak of that Solemnity, which I only mentioned before, I shall now give you a particular Account of it: But before I describe the Order of the Cavalcade, it will not be improper to acquaint you with the Preparations that were made in the Church of S. Mark.  
From the Door of the Nave or Body of the Church to that of the Choir, there was a Lane bordered with Rows of Benches, through which the Doge and Procurators were to pass; and both the Floor and Benches were covered with Turkish Tapestry. The Choir was also full of Benches, without any Difference or Mark of Distinction; only the Doge's Place was covered with red Velvet; and besides, there was a Cushion of the same Velvet at his Feet, and another on the Place where he leaned at Prayer. The Altar was embellished with the richest Jewels, Relics, Candlesticks, and other Ornaments; and the Patiarch's great Vicar waited in his Seat for the Doge's coming. He wore a Chasuble embroidered with Pearls, worth above 6000 Ducats; and the Hangings of the Altar were no less rich.  
The Church being thus prepared, the Signiory or Noblemen began their Cavalcade from the Hall of the Great Council in S. Mark's Palace, where they were assembled to assist at the Solemnity. In the first place marched the Doge's Servants, to the Number of Forty, in long Livery Cloaks. Then came the Societies of Tradesmen, or rather a confused Company of private Persons who came of their own accord to honour the new Procurator; for their Presence was not required by any positive Order. These were followed by a Hundred Sclavonian Soldiers, armed only with Sabres, who had obtained leave to come from the Army, and appeared on this Occasion at the desire of their Commanders. Twelve or Fifteen Officers marched before 'em, among whom was a Sergeant Major; and there were some also in the Rear. These Officers were not armed, because they came voluntarily, not by command; for at Venice every Man is welcome on such Occasions, tho' he be not invited. Then came the Eight Standards of the Republic, Two Red, Two White, Two Blue, and Two of a Violet-colour; the Red being carried first, to signify the present War. These were immediately followed by the Signiory, who marched Two and Two, in open-sleeved Gowns, or Robes of Red Cloth furred with Ermines. There were at least Three hundred Nobles, comprehending the Senators and the Procurators, who formed the last Ranks, and consequently were next the Doge. He that made his Entry walked among the rest, without any Mark of Distinction either in his Habit, or any other Respect; so that if some Persons had not showed him to to me, I could not have distinguished him from the rest of the Procurators. The Robes or Gowns of all the Procurators are exactly alike; nor is there any difference among the Nobles in respect of their Habits; that so none may pretend to Superiority over another. After them came the Doge, who represents the Sovereign: He had a Vest of Red Brocado, with Gold Flowers, and over that a Duc●● Mantle, of a very rich Stuff of Gold. His Coronet is a Cap of Pasteboard neatly covered with the same rich Stuff, and adorned with some Galoons, without either Pearls or Precious Stones. There is a sort of Point on the hinder part of the Cap, that bends a little forwards. The magnificent Coronet that is kept in the Treasury, is only used on the Day of the Doge's Coronation. He was accompanied on the Right-hand by the Pope's Nuncio, and on the Left by the French Ambassador, Monsieur de la hay. The first was in a Camail and Rochet, and the other in a black Cloak. Two Citizens bore the Doge's Train, which otherwise would have trailed above four Feet on the Ground. Last of all marched Fifty or Sixty Nobles, in the same Order as before. As the Noblemen passed by, there were certain old and young Women that strewed the Way with Flowers and Green Leaves, especially before the Doge: In the mean time the Guns at the Arsenal were fired, and the Company was entertained with the Noise of the Prince's Trumpets and Kettledrums, which were placed on the Top of the Portico of the Church, between the two Brazen Horses, from whence they might be easily heard, because 'tis not Three hundred Paces from thence to the Hall of the Great Council. As soon as the Doge entered, he went immediately to perform his Devotions upon the Steps of the Altar, where he kneeled without a Cushion. As he returned to his Place, the Nuncio happened to be on his Lefthand, and the Ambassador on his Right, but they instantly changed Places, and proceeded as before to the Place where the Doge was to sit. After the Doge had seated himself, the Nuncio sat down on his Right-hand, and Monsieur de la hay took his Place on the Right-hand of the Nuncio; so that the Nuncio sat between the Doge and the Ambassador. This preposterous Order will perhaps surprise you; for according to the Ceremonies that are observed on such Occasions, the Doge ought to have sat in the Middle: But I had forgot to tell you, that there was no particular Place appointed for the Doge, neither a Tribune, Pew, nor so much as an armed Chair; so that he was forced to make use of the Seat that belongs to the Dean of the Canons, which is the first on the Right-hand next the Door of the Quire. The rest of the Seats in the same Row were filled by the Procurators and Senators; so that the Doge had only the first Place among the Senators, without any other Mark of Distinction than the red Velvet with which his Seat was covered.  
The Doge's Behaviour during the Mass was not very edifying, for he spent the whole time in discoursing with the Nuncio and the French Ambassador, and expressed a great deal of Earnestness by his Actions. Tho' I could not pretend to divine the Subject of his Discourse, I could easily perceive that he talked of some important Affair; for Monsieur de la hay rose from his Place, and talked with him above a quarter of an Hour, choosing rather to stand while the Nuncio sat, and to turn his Back to the Altar, than to lose the Opportunity of imparting something with which, in all probability, he longed to entertain him. After the Mass was ended, the Doge and Nobles returned in the same Order as before, to the Palace of S. Mark, where they were regaled by the New Procurator with a splendid Collation of Wax, for so it might be properly called, since most of the Dishes contained nothing else. The whole Table was covered with Trophies, Confections, Turkey-cocks, Partridges, and Fruits represented in Wax, excepting two or three Places where there were Dishes of good and delicious Victuals: For the Italian Cooks are at least as skilful as ours. I never saw People eat more heartily than these Gentlemen, and I'm apt to believe that their Custom of serving up the Dishes singly might sharpen their Appetite; for 'tis certain that the very sight of a full Table cloys the Stomach. Yet I could not forbear telling one of the Company, that this manner of Entertainment, and especially the Feast of Trophies was very odd and ridiculous: But the Person to whom I addressed myself, made a shift to answer my Objection by pretending that they observed this Method to avoid the trouble of covering so large a Table several times, which could not be done without Confusion.  
That and the two following Days were spent in rejoicing; The Streets were full of People in Masquerade, and the Merchants exposed their richest Commodities. There was nothing to be seen in the Shops but Brocado's of Gold and Silver, Galoons, Fringes, and Ribbons; Sonnets in Honour of the Procurator were scattered about by Thousands, and Prints of him every where hung out. At Night there were great Illuminations at his Palace, and at that of S. Mark; and the whole City in the general seemed to be full of Joy; tho' 'tis certain the Pomp would have been much greater if the Magistrates, to whom the Regulation of such Ceremonies does properly belong, had not published an Order three Days before, to moderate the Expense of the Solemnity: For otherwise the whole City would have been illuminated, the Ladies would have adorned themselves with Pearls and Jewels, all the Lackeys would have appeared in Liveries, and the Canal would have been covered with magnificent Gondola's, embellished with Flags and Streamers, and filled with Consorts of Music. Besides the Procurator's Friends would have signalised their Joy in a particular manner, by Feasts, Illuminations, and Fire-Works: But all this Pageantry was prevented by a positive Order from the abovementioned Tribunal. At the same time, another Edict was published, which concerns all Persons in general, and is only a Repetition of those Regulations that were formerly made on such Occasions. By this last Order all Venetians, whether Nobles or Citizens, are prohibited to wear any sort of Stuff, embroidered Fringe or Galoon, of Gold, Silver, Steel, or any thing that shines or casts a Lustre. The same Edict forbids Lace, new Fashions of clothes, Liveries, and the Painting or Adorning of Gondola's; and restrains the Women from using Gold or Silver Ribbons, and from wearing above three Rows of Fringes or Lace on their Petticoats, and even those Ornaments must only be worn on the Forepart of the Pettycoat. But those who are called Novices are allowed, during the two first Years of their Noviciate, to wear a String of Pearls, and a Gold Fringe about their Petticoats. The Novices are such as are newly married.  
All Strangers are excused from complying with this Order for six Months after the Day of their Arrival; but assoon as that time is expired, they must submit to the Custom as well as the Natives, unless they belong to the Retinue of an Ambassador; tho' Offences of this Nature are rarely punished.  
When I consider the extreme Eagerness with which the Noble Venetians contend for the Ducal Dignity, I cannot forbear reflecting on the Weakness of Humane Nature, which exposes us to the most fatal Delusions, and prompts us to court the dazzling Appearances of Grandeur, tho' we are convinced of the Vanity of that Enjoyment in which we seem to place our Happiness. For, in my Opinion, the Condition of a simple Senator is infinitely more happy than that of the Doge. He is permitted to enjoy the Pleasure of Walking, to visit his Friends, and to go to the Opera and Ridotti. He is not perpetually watched, and haunted Night and Day by a Multitude of Spies, under the Name of Counselors; nor is he obliged to give an exact Account of his Actions. But the Doge is a gaudy Slave loaded with Fetters, which are not the less heavy because they are gilded: And his Authority extends no farther, than to nominate some Officers of the Palace, and to create some Knights of S. Mark.  
This Order of Knighthood may be divided into three Classes or Ranks. The First comprehends the Knights of the Golden Star, who are all Noble Veneians, that owe their Dignity to their Merit, and wear a Star bordered with a Gold Galoon. The Second Rank consists of the Knights of S. Mark, who are called Knights of the Senate: And this Honour is usually conferred as a Recompense, on Colonels, and even sometimes on Captains, who have signalised their Bravery in an extraordinary manner, or rendered some important Services to the Republic. The Captain-General recommends the Person to the Senate, who, if the Balloting run in his Favour, receives the Order, and with it a Pension of at least a Thousand Ducats a Year. These Knights wear a Medal at one of their Button-holes, with the Figure of S. Mark on one Side, and a Device on the Reverse, according to the Pleasure of the Senate. They are honoured with the Title of Illustrissimo, and are much respected: but the Dignity is indifferently bestowed upon all, whether Noble or Ignoble, Venetians or Foreigners. The Third and last Rank is made up of the Doge's Knights, who confers the Honour on whom he pleases, and oftentimes on those who never wore a Sword; for any Man may purchase the Title of Illustrissimo at the Rate of a Hundred Sequins, which, if I am not mistaken, is the usual Price of this Dignity. Yet notwithstanding the Lowness of the Rate, the Doge finds but few Customers; for the Italians are not overfond of so unprofitable Honour. So that this Classis of Knights consists chiefly of Foreign Officers, who receive some Benefit by the Title; since it not only procures 'em a more than ordinary Respect, but confirms 'em in the Possession of their Employments.  
Since the mentioning of these Officers puts me in mind of the Venetian Army, I shall take this Occasion to give you some Account of the Forces that are maintained by the Republic. The total Number of the Soldiers both at Land and Sea, hardly amounts to Four and twenty thousand; and of these there are usually Twelve or Fifteen thousand in the Field. The Captain-General, who commands 'em, is always a Noble Venetian, and has under him a General of the Land-Forces, Lieutenant-Generals, and Sergeant-Majors, who are almost al-always Foreigners; for the Noble Venetians are not very ambitious of Military Employments. 'Tis true, they cannot be accused of Want of Courage; but since a Soldier must serve his Apprenticeship with his Musket on his Shoulder, before he can attain to any Perfection in his Art, they cannot endure to think of stooping so low: and even there is hardly one of 'em that would not think it beneath him to accept a Captain's Commission. The Soldiers are for the most part Foreigners, as well as the Generals; for, except three or four small Italian Regiments, which are not much esteemed, the rest of the Army consists either of Germans, or Frenchmen, whom they call Tramontani. The Pay of Foreigners is double to that which is allowed to the Italians; and no Captain must receive a Soldier of another Nation into his Company, under Pain of being cashiered without Remission. But the same Order is not observed in the Italian Regiments, for any Man may be admitted to serve in 'em. And since the Foreign Captains would be at a Loss for want of Men, the Republic takes care to supply 'em with Recruits: Only they must be very cautious in preventing the Desertion of their Men; for when a Company is extremely diminished, the Captain is always reformed, and the Soldiers serve to recruit the rest of the Regiment. I know several Officers, who lost their Places by Misfortunes of this Nature; which sometimes cannot be avoided, especially among the French, who desert by Hundreds at a time. If it were not for this only Inconveniency, I should have a very good Opinion of the Venetian Service; for a Foreign Captain has no less than a Hundred Ducats a Month, which makes Two hundred and fifty French Livres; a Lieutenant has Thirty, and an Ensign Twenty five. Besides there is not a Place in the World where a Soldier has a nearer Prospect of Advancement; for since the Army is not very Numerous, and the Noble Venetians never pretend to Military Preferments, a Stranger has a fair Opportunity of raising his Fortune: So that a Captain must either be extremely unfortunate, or negligent in the Performance of his Duty, if his Service be not rewarded with a Colonel's Commission, or even with more considerable Preferment. The Army is full of Sergeant-Majors, who owe their Fortune merely to their Merit; and there is no Post so high which a brave Man may not in time hope to obtain. 'Tis a wonderful Encouragement to a Young Aspirer, to see daily so many Examples that flatter and excite his Ambition. Besides their travelling by Sea frees 'em from the Charge of providing an Equipage; which is a great Advantage to those who are not over-stocked with Money. Add to these Conveniencies the free and unconstrained Way of living a-la-mode de Venice; and it must be acknowledged, that a Man may easily choose a less comfortable Employment. I know the World has generally so bad an Opinion of the Venetian Service, that 'tis usually the last Refuge of those who are reduced to Extremity: Nor am I ignorant that the Officers are not here on the same Foot as in France, and that the meanest Scoundrels find Admittance; but, after all, the Service is not really less advantageous for these Inconveniencies.  
But, as for the Common Soldiers, their Condition is so miserable, that I would rather choose to serve a Tinker, than to carry a Musket at Venice. Their Pay amounts to no more than Three Pence a Day; and besides they must furnish their own Clothes. Judge then what Provision they can make for their Bellies, and whether their Desertion can be reckoned a Fault. Those who serve at Sea have the same Pay, and Clothes into the Bargain; but they must buy their Provisions, for they are allowed only Bread and Water. There are Eleven Ships belonging to the Republic, commanded by the Captain-General; for there is no Admiral. But besides the little Care that is taken to keep 'em in Repair, they are so defective in all Respects, that they hardly deserve the Name of Ships, much less of Men of War. In every Ship there is a Noble Venetian, with the Title of Commander, who pehaps never saw a Mast before his coming on Board: but he has under him a Captain, whom he consults, or rather suffers to command. These Captains (who are usually old and expert Pilots) have Thirty Ducats a Month besides their Entertainment; and may in time be advanced to the Command of a Merchant-Ship, if the Owners think fit to trust 'em. The Banner of Venice is Red, with a Lion in the Middle, holding an open Book in one of his Paws, with these Words, Pax tibi, Marce, Evangelista meus. Many take this Lion for the Arms of Venice, but they are extremely mistaken; for the Republic has no Coat of Arms, and would be loath to adorn a Scutcheon with that Sacred Beast, whom they honour as an Emblem of S. Mark, or rather that Evangelist himself represented under the Figure of a Lyon. I knew that Painters usually give that Saint a Lion for his Companion; but I could not believe that the Venetian Lion was the Saint himself, till I was convinced by the repeated Affirmations of several credible Persons, and even of some Noblemen; who, to satisfy my Scruples, told me the following Story.  
S. Mark was a Youth of such exquisite Beauty, that his only Sister fell so desperately in Love with him, that notwithstanding all his Holy Admonitions, she haunted him Night and Day, followed him whithersoever he went, and continually begged him to satisfy her Passion. At last the young Saint perceiving that all his Severity could not extinguish her Criminal Flame, besought God to transform him into the most hideous Creature in the World. His Prayer was granted, and he was instantly turned to a Lion, whose gaping Mouth, and horrid Roaring, so terrified his Sister, that immediately she fell upon her Knees, prayed to God to forgive her, and was converted. The Open Book he holds in his Talons, represents the Gospel, of which they pretend to have the Original in the Treasury; and the Words that are written in it are the same with which Christ saluted him when he came to visit him in Prison.  
Perhaps you'll think that this Story deserves a place in Ovid's Metamorphoses; but I can assure you the Venetians are obliged to believe it, under Pain of being accounted Heretics. Sometimes they represent him with, and sometimes without Wings, but they seldom or never forget to draw Rays about his Head; and very often the Doge is painted kneeling before him. At least he is thus represented in all the most remarkable Places, such as the Front of the Palace of S. Mark, etc.  
I'm sensible I have already detained you too long, but I must not finish my Letter before I have finished the Account I promised to give you of the Venetian Nobles. I had formed so strange an Idea from the Character I had received of 'em, that I looked upon 'em as the most Haughty and Ill-natured Men in the World. And even a Famous Author has the Confidence to affirm that one of their usual Recreations is to affront Strangers who seem to be Persons of Note; thrusting 'em into the Canal as they walk along the Streets, spitting upon 'em at the Opera, beating 'em with flaming Torches, and hiring Bravoes to murder 'em. Yet to do Justice to that Illustrious Body, I can assure you, that I never met with more civil and obliging Persons in the World. I have the Honour to know two or three of 'em, and perceive daily so many conspicuous Marks of good Nature in all their Actions, that I cannot, without Indignation, reflect on the Impudence of those who have so unjustly blackened their Character. 'Tis true, they take Care to maintain the Honour of their Birth, and their Authority over the Citizens and the rest of their Subjects: but they are so far from insulting or tyrannising over 'em, that they are always ready to grant their Protection to honest Men; and as for Strangers, there is not a City in the World where they meet with a kinder and more civil Entertainment. They may do what they please, for no Man either inquires into, or comments upon their Actions; and when they meet with a Nobleman, they are treated with all imaginable Marks of Honour and Civility. There are several Coffeehouses under the Procuraties, some of which are set apart for the Nobility; and that Order is so strictly observed that a Citizen never enters into 'em. But if a Foreigner, who has the Appearance of a Gentleman, go in to one of these Places, all the Nobles that are there begin immediately to caress him; and there is not one of 'em who would not willingly embrace the Offer of his Acquaintance, provided he belongs not to the Retinue of an Ambassador: for they are severely prohibited by the Laws of the State to entertain any correspondence with such Persons.  
As for the Bravoes, I will not pretend to affirm that Venice was never plagued with those barbarous and inhuman Murderers. It must be acknowledged that the Senate tolerated these Abuses too long: There was a time when some Nobles kept Fifteen or Twenty o● those Ruffians; and there were others who were still ready to serve any Man in their Way, that is, for so many Sequins would agree to kill a Man, or to break his Arms for such a Number of Ducats. But the Face of Affairs is wonderfully changed since that time, and so vast a Number of those Villains have ended their Lives either on a Gibbet, or in the Galleys, that the Race of 'em seems to be quite extinct. The Shirts of Mail that were sold in those Days for Fifty Pistoles apiece, are now sold for half a Crown to Fishermen, who use 'em for catching Oysters: For these Cautions, that were once thought so necessary for preventing secret Assassinations, are now become so useless, that one may walk as secure through the City by Night as by Day, and during the Carnaval as in Lent: At least I have not yet heard of any Disorders since my Arrival. On the contrary, I should never desire to converse with a more harmless and peaceable People; and if there are any Insolences committed, I should rather accuse the French as the Authors of 'em, who in this, as well as in all other Places, assume those Liberties by which they affect to distinguish themselves from other Nations. Only I would not advise any Man to hunt too boldly in a Nobleman's Enclosure; for 'tis certain that there is none of 'em so Complaisant as to see his Wife kissed, without resenting the Affront, and that notwithstanding the seeming Extirpation of the Bravoes, the injured Nobleman would quickly find a sufficient Number of 'em to execute his Revenge. Their Jealousy is accompanied with so implacable a Fury, that they would rather ruin themselves and their whole Family, than suffer a bold Intruder into their secret Delights to escape unpunished; and after they had sacrificed the Lover to their Rage, they would infallibly complete their Revenge by the Death of her who betrayed 'em. Such Accidents have sometimes happened, and 'tis to be observed, that in such Cases the Senate never inquires into the Murder. For every Nobleman may poison his Wife for Adultery, and cause her Gallant to be poniarded, without fearing to be called in question for so bloody a Revenge; since 'tis supposed that no Man would have recourse to such violent Methods, if he were not fully convinced of his Wife's Infidelity. I confess this way of satisfying their Revenge seems at first View to be extremely base and unworthy of a Man of Honour: But you will be the less surprised at their manner of Proceeding in these Cases, if you consider that, notwithstanding their Nobility, 'tis not their Profession to bear Arms. For they are as much Men of the Gown as the Precedents of the Parliament at Paris; and are therefore under a sort of Obligation to abstain from Duels. Nevertheless since 'tis not just that they should tamely suffer themselves to be Cuckolded, they must execute their Vengeance by Proxy, since their Profession restrains 'em from making their own Hands the Instruments of their Revenge.  
I shall in the next place give you a short Account of their Habit: They wear a black Gown exactly like that of a Minime Friar; only 'tis longer, wider, and open before; the Sleeves are so big that they hang down almost to the Ground, and they have a little Collar or Neckband like that which is used by the Jesuits. In the Winter their Gowns are lined with a greyish Fur, which reaches a hands-breadth beyond the Cloth, all along the Breast, and are tied about with a Leathern-Girdle, adorned with Silver Buckles and Bosses. In Summer they use neither Girdles nor Furs; for they wear their Vests lose by reason of the Heat, and line 'em with very thin Taffeta: But they still wear Cloth Gowns of the same bigness as in Winter. On their Shoulders they wear a sort of Bag or Hood of the same Cloth, called the Stole, 18 or 20 Inches broad, and twice as long, which is extremely troublesome. Under their Gowns they have only a little Doublet, almost quite covered with black Lace, and adorned with Ribbans at the turning up of the Sleeves. Their Shirts are always very white and fine. Their Breeches are open and very wide, like those that were used by Citizens in France Fifty Years ago; and they are also full of Lace and Ribbans. This Garb is both stately and cheap; for a Gown lasts at least three or four Years. The only Fault I find in their Habit is that they use neither Bands nor Cravates. Formerly they were obliged to wear their own Hair, but now they use the finest and longest Periwigs, which is certainly one of the most necessary parts of their Dress: for their Caps are so ill-contrived, that there can be nothing more proper to disfigure a Man's Face, which perhaps is the reason why at present they only wear 'em in their Hands like a Fan.  
These Nobles, notwithstanding the Dignity of their Character, scruple not to go to the Market, and buy all the little Provisions that are required for the maintaining of a Family. But I believe they are injured by those who pretend that they carry home their Provisions in the Sleeves of their Gowns; for there are Porters or Cestarioli, who have no other Occupation, and whose Hire is so small, that even the meanest Tradesmen make use of 'em. Nor must you imagine that the Principal and Rich Nobles buy their own Provisions; for the Markets are only frequented by the poorer sort of Gentlemen, of whom there is a considerable Number, and whose Condition is the more deplorable, because they must not endeavour to improve it by Trading.  
I know not what Apology to make for the excessive Length of my Letter, unless you will be satisfied with that common Excuse for all sorts of Faults, that I did not intend it. I confess that will not make amends for the trouble I have given you, but I hope you'll for once admit a Plea that can never be more justly urged than in Cases of this Nature; for it oftentimes happens, that when a Man comes to the End of the Leaf where he designed to have ended his Letter, he finds himself obliged to begin another, and perhaps two or three before he can finish his Matter.  
I am, SIR, Your, etc. Venice, 1692.   

LETTER XXIX.  
SIR,  
I Have seen the famous Ceremony of Ascension-Day, and was so transported with Pleasure at the Sight of that celebrated Solemnity, that I was strongly tempted, and almost fully resolved to send you a Description of it. But upon second and cooler Thoughts, I considered that I could add nothing to what so many Authors have already said on that Subject, and therefore I shall only tell you, that the prodigious Quantity of Gondola's that covered the whole Surface of the Sea from Venice to the Mouth of the Lido, made me almost give Credit to the usual Computation of the Venetians, who affirm, that there are Five and twenty Thousand Gondola's in the City. The Number of those little Vessels might be more easily calculated than that of the Inhabitants; because every Gondolier is obliged to pay a certain Tax to the State. The Dexterity of these Boatmen is surprising, and even almost incredible; for tho' they seem to fly as swift as a Bird, and tho' the Canals are both narrow, and in several Places cross one another, they never run foul of those whom they meet. To avoid the Disorders that happen on such Occasions, they make a Noise at each Corner of the Canal to give Warning to those that are within the reach of their Voice, who answer in a Dialect consisting of Words that are only known to themselves, such as Preci, Prami, and Sia, which they understand so well, that immediately they turn their Gondola's, and pass by without touching one another. These Gondola's, which are all made after the same Fashion, from that which belongs to the first Procurator to those that are commonly hired, are a sort of flat-bottomed, narrow, and very long Boats. In the middle there is a little Chamber covered with course black Serge, with an Opening before instead of a Door; and on each Side there is a Window that may be shut with Curtains, or sometimes with a Piece of the same Serge which hangs at the Top of the Gondola, and is usually turned up in fair Wether. The Price of a Gondola ready made amounts to five and twenty Ducats; but in those that belong to some of the principal Noblemen, there are Grates that sometimes cost above a Hundred Crowns; and besides, the Windows may be adorned with Glasses like those that are used on Coaches; which is all the Embellishment that is allowed by the Republic. The meanest Gondolier earns half a Ducat a Day; and there are some who will not serve under a Crown: So that considering that every Gondola requires four Men, it will be found at the End of the Reckoning that one of these Boats consumes as much Money as the keeping of a Coach and Six Horses.  
The Ceremony of the Bucentaur, according to the usual Custom, was succeeded by a very magnificent Feast, that lasted Fifteen Days. This may be reckoned a second Carnaval, and does really exceed the first. 'Tis true, there are no Operas nor Comedies, but that Defect is more than supplied by the enlivening Beauty of the Season, and by one of the finest and richest Fairs in Europe, which is kept in the Place of S. Mark, and in the Broglio, where the Shops are ranked with such a harmonious Proportion and Uniformity, that one would think it were a City purposely built for Pleasure. The Street of the Goldsmiths, and that of the Mercers are extremely magnificent; for the Shops are full of the richest Commodities, and every Morning and Evening one may have the Pleasure to see the best Company in Town, and especially the Ladies, who come to oblige the longing Spectators with a View of their Charms, and to make Strangers confess that they are better furnished with the noblest Ornament of their Sex than all the most celebrated Beauties in other Countries. And I cannot forbear adding upon this Occasion, that the Liberty I observed in this Place seems to be altogether inconsistent with the Slavery which these fair ones are said to suffer. 'Tis certain that the Ladies in this Place are more closely confined than in France; but their Restraint is not so severe as we commonly imagine. 'Tis true, 'twould be thought indecent for a Woman to walk, or to entertain a private Discourse with those of our Sex; nor is it usual for Ladies to make Matches for Gaming. But to make amends for these Niceties, they are permitted to see Operas and Plays, to go to the Ridotti, the Fresco, and Fairs, and to walk about the Streets in Masquerade, either alone or in Company. I leave you to judge whether their Confinement be so rigorous as 'tis usually represented, and whether they have reason to complain of the Severity of their Husbands. For my part, I'm apt to think that there are few Men in France or Holland that would willingly allow their Wives the Liberty to go abroad without any other Company than one or two Maids, and after they have run Masqued about the Streets all Day long, to pop into a public Gaming-House, where there are more Courtesans than any other Company. This is the usual Recreation of the Venetian Ladies, which they daily use without exposing themselves to their Husband's Anger, or the Censure of their Neighbours; tho' in such Frolicks they meet with many a fair Opportunity of indulging themselves in more criminal Diversions; for they are perpetually surrounded with Temptations, and 'tis impossible for a Lady to ramble about a whole Day without hearing Twenty Compliments of that Nature. 'Tis the Custom of the Place, and the particular Privilege both of the Carnaval and Fair, that any Man may demand the last Favour of a Woman whom he finds alone in a Vizor-Mask; for that Circumstance alone gives her the Denomination of Signora Mascara, and she's reckoned as lawful Prize as if she were clothed in the obscenest and most extravagant Garb. You may freely accost any Woman that wears this Badge, without putting off your Hat, or using any other Ceremony whatsoever; but if they return no Answer to your second or third Question, you may leave off your Courtship, and conclude that they will not be debauched. Nevertheless 'tis highly dangerous to use the same Freedom with a Lady that walks without a Mask; for in such Cases we are only allowed the Privilege of Gazing and Wishing, and all other Liberties are so rigorously prohibited, that the highest Affront that can be offered to a Woman, is to salute her; for none but Courtesans will permit that Freedom.  
These Masquerades are not only very diverting, but extremely commodious for several sorts of People. How many Persons are there who would be confined to their Houses by the Gravity of their Character, if such a Disguise did not give 'em an Opportunity of sharing in the public Diversions. How many Princes, Dukes, Procurators, and other Persons of high Quality, take the Advantage of so savourable an Occasion to shake off that Load of Grandeur with which they are continually oppressed; and breaking loose from their gaudy Prisons, ramble about Incognito among the Crowd, and find more Pleasure in personating a Citizen or Tradesman, than ever they could enjoy in their Palaces. For a Mask has this admirable Quality, that it can in a Moment transform a Prince into a Porter; and one of the greatest Advantages of such a surprising Metamorphosis is, that every Man may resume his own Figure when he pleases. If we may believe the Venetians, a certain Great Prince, who is known over all the World, scrupled not to act a part in these agreeable Frolicks.  
The whole Carnaval, and the Festival after Ascension-Day is spent in Masquerading, and all that while there seems to be a New Republic formed in the midst of the other. There is an universal Change in the Habits, Customs, and Laws. All Marks of Distinction and Superiority are forgotten, or at least neglected; All Persons are, or seem to be equal: Respect, Constraint, Ceremony, Care, and Business, are banished from Society, and are succeeded by Joy, Liberty, and an agreeable Sort of Folly. Under this Disguise many pleasant Intrigues are carried on; and Strangers are obliged to that Concealer of Blushes for many a happy Moment. I know one that was accosted by a Lady, who carried him to a little House; where, having opened the Door with a Key that she had in her Pocket, she put him in Possession of a thousand charming Beauties; yet all his Arguments and Entreaties could not procure him a sight of her Face; for her Mask was tied on with a Silver Chain fastened with a little Padlock. But the strangest Mascara that ever I had occasion to see, or perhaps that ever appeared in Venice, was a Woman who came to the Fair, covered from Head to Foot with a sort of long Gown or Shroud. She had no Clothes under it, not so much as a Smock, and from time to time she opened her Gown, and obliged the Company with a full View of her Wares. Thus she walked three or four times about the Fair, and was doubtless very narrowly and attententively viewed by the Spectators. This Frolic was thought to be occasioned by a Wager.  
During the Fair, the whole Place of S. Mark, and part of the Broglio, is covered with Shops: The other part is full of Jugglers, Tumblers, Puppet-Players, Bears, and Mountebanks, who are dancing frequented by all sorts of People, from the Nobleman to the Gondelier. But the greatest Crowd is about certain Female-Astrologers, who are mounted on little Stages or Scaffolds, covered with Lace and Ribbons like Puppets; their Faces painted white and red, and surrounded with a great Number of Books, full of Figures and Characters, tho' they understand no more of 'em than to distinguish the White from the Black. There are also some Men who follow the same Trade; but they are not so much followed as the Women, whose triple Top-knots draw the Multitude after 'em. They sit upon a Chair, from whence, as●from a Tripos, they blow good Fortune to their Customers through a Tin Trunk eight or ten Foot long, the Querist putting the other End to his Ear. The Price of a Consultation is no more than Five-pences; and for so small a Sum you may have the Promise of as much Honour and Riches as you please. These Wenches, who sometimes are not ugly, observe an admirable Gravity in pronouncing their Responses; but they are not so starched in private, and may be easily prevailed with to lay aside their affected Severity. One of my Friends, who is a german Officer, happened t'other Day to try the Experiment; and since the Story is not unpleasant, I shall make bold to entertain you with it. As we were taking our Diversion in the Fair, we took particular Notice of one of those She-Astrologers, who was one of the prettyest and gravest of the whole Tribe. She was surrounded with a Crowd of People of all Ages and Ranks, who approached one after another to the End of her Trunk to learn their Fate, and to hear the Oraculous Sentences which she pronounced with an incredible Majesty and Authority. My Friend took his Turn among the rest, and after she had acquainted him with his Fortune, told her that he was desirous to consult her about some private Affair, and therefore entreated her to turn the other End of the Trunk, that he might communicate his Secret to her without disclosing it to the Company. But instead of proposing some Questions to her about his Fortune, he told her through her Trunk, that he came not to desire the Assistance of her pretended Art, which served only to amuse the Vulgar; that 'twas in her Power to grant him a more solid Favour; and that his Business was to inquire where and when he might spend a Night with her. Assoon as she had heard his Proposal, she turned the Trunk and replied, that he ought not to be surprised at her way of Living, by imposing upon the Credulity of the People, since the only Occupation of the greatest part of Mankind consisted in cheating one another, every one in his own Way, and according to the Nature of his Employment; and that for her part she thought five or six Crowns a day but a moderate Recompense for the Pains she took in deceiving those that were willing to be deceived; adding however that she was glad she had found a Man of Sense, that knew the Infirmities of Humane Nature, and would laugh with her at the Follies of Mankind, and concluded with giving him an Assignation at an Inn, where she promised to meet him that Evening. Her agreeable Humour furnished us with Matter of Discourse for above an Hour; but this was the End of the Adventure, for the Officer did not think fit to drive the Jest further.  
Tho' the Summer is scarce begun, the Heat is already so violent, that every one endeavours to make it less insupportable by the Thinness and Lightness of his Clothes. Now I speak of Habits, I wish you could see that which is used by the Girls that visit the Fair every Day to look out for a Customer. For every Mother that is willing to be rid of her Daughter, carries her thither every Day as to a Market, with all the alluring Ornaments of an advantageous Dress. They have large and very fine Top-knots; their Neck and Breasts are bare; and their Habit consists chiefly of a little Cloak or Mantle of white Muslin, adorned with red Ribbons, a single Petticoat of the same Cloth, a neat Pair of Shoes and Silk-Stockins, exactly fitted to their Legs. There is nothing more proper to inspire Love than the sight of those young Creatures, who for the most part are charming Beauties; nor is a Man forced to purchase his Happiness at the Rate of a tedious Courtship; for assoon as he feels Nature begin to work, he may immediately address himself to the Mother, who is always ready to make the Bargain. But tho' it will not cost you a Sigh to gain your Mistress' Heart, you must pay dear for the Enjoymnent of her Person: for you cannot purchase a handsome Maiden-Girl under 150 Crowns in hand, and as much every Year for Entertainment. For 200 you may have the Choice of the Market, where you may find some that look like little Angels. Nor are you obliged to buy a Pig in a Poke; for you may view and handle her as much as you will, and examine your Commodity both with your Eyes and Hands before you agree upon the Price. As for the Maidenhead, if the Mother promise to warrant it, you may depend upon her word: for these Matrons are too conscientious to impose second-hand Goods upon a Customer; and besides they dare not venture upon a Cheat which they believe may be so easily discovered. For 'tis as impossible to root this Opinion out of the Minds of the Italians, as of the Oriental Nations; and whether it be true or false, 'tis attended with this advantageous Consequence, that it makes the young Women very careful of preserving their Treasure, since they believe it impossible to conceal the Loss of it; at least it has this Effect on those who intent to marry. But they who pretend only to be kept are not so nice, for tho' they take care to preserve their Maidenhead, they never scruple to allow a Man all the Liberties that can be used without deflowering 'em. I know a Woman that has three Daughters; the two Elder are public  
Courtesans, but the Third, who is very pretty, is still 
* A Maid.  una Putta, una Vergine, tho' she has lain perhaps with a Hundred Men. Yet she is really a Maid, and would not sell her Maidenhead a Farthing under Two hundred Crowns. I cannot leave this Subject without taking Notice of the extravagant Opinion of the Italians, concerning one of the Properties of a Beautiful Woman. Instead of little, hard, and well-separated Breasts, they love to have 'em large and fleshy; so that when they put their Hand into the Bosom of a Maid whom they intent to purchase, if she be not so well provided as they commonly desire, she is forced to make some pretty Excuse, or to tell 'em laughing, That she has lent her Bubbies to her little Sister, or has played 'em away at Bassette. And even when a Frenchman meets with such Girls, and tells 'em that he is no Admirer of fleshy Breasts, they usually answer, Ay, Sir, you are pleased to say so; but if they were larger you would like 'em better.  
You will be apt to look upon this Way of buying Girls as very odd and extravagant; but I'm confident you will be no less surprised at the Relation of an Adventure that happened to one of my Friends, who is a French Officer lately returned from the Venetian Army. I remember I promised you the Story, and I'm resolved to keep my Word, tho' I must run the Hazard of giving you an ill Opinion of my Friend's Chastity.  
During our Confinement in the Lazaretto, we had no other Recreation, but what we found in conversing with the Prior, who is a very accomplished Person: You may easily divine the usual Subject of our Discourse. We hardly talked of any thing but the Venetian Ladies, of whose Beauty and Gracefulness he gave us so lively a Description, that his feeling Expressions made a very strong Impression on the Officer's Mind. Then he proceeded to tell us, that we might easily satisfy our Inclinations to Love in this great City, without exposing ourselves to the Censures of a Critical and Ill-natured World. In short, my Friend was so charmed with his agreeable Conversation, and so well pleased with the Hope he gave him, that he could not forbear protesting and repeating his Protestations more than once, that he would not leave the City without tasting the Dear Delight. His Guardian, who never left him, and had often heard us talk on that Subject, concluded that he had met with a Man fit for his Purpose, that is, one who would spare no Cost to indulge his Inclination to Pleasure. Resolving then to make the best Advantage of so promising an Opportunity, he took occasion to talk with him in private two days before our Departure, and told him with a great deal of Confidence, that perceiving him to be a great Admirer of handsome Women; and knowing that he would probably meet with some in that great City whither he was going, he thought himself obliged to admonish him of the dangerous consequences that frequently attended the Rashness of an unexperienced Adventurer upon an unknown Coast; since those who seem to be very sound and beautiful, are oftentimes mere lewd and rotten Strumpets. But, added he, if you will trust my Honesty, and lodge at my House, which is both very neat and civil, I have an only Daughter, who has as much Beauty as any Lady in Venice; her I'll bestow upon you, and warrant her as sound and clean as a Pearl, as I hope in the most holy Madonna. Then the Officer asked him whether she was a Maid, and he very ingenuously acknowledged that she was not, and that she was kept by a Venetian Nobleman, who allowed her a 
* 200 Crowns.  hundred Sequins a Year: but, continued he, tho' she has hitherto observed an inviolable Fidelity to her Keeper, I have so strong an Inclination to make you my Friend, that I'm resolved to give her to you, and I'm confident you'll be satisfied with her Person when you see her. My Friend considering that at Venice a Man that loves to keep himself clean and neat, must not take a Lodging at a Public House of Entertainment, and not knowing where to find a convenient Lodging, accepted his Guardian's Offer, and went to his House, where he took a very neat Room, and agreed both for Diet and Lodging at a very reasonable Rate. The next Morning his Landlord carried him to his Daughter, who had a very magnificent Apartment, consisting of three fine Chambers on a Floor, adorned with large Looking-Glasses, Cupboard and Scrutores of China, with two Maids in a very handsome Garb to attend her. My Friend was doubtless extremely well satisfied with every thing he saw, and especially with the lovely Donna, who was one of the most charming Beauties in the World: But his Satisfaction lasted not long, for when he came to talk of the Price, she asked four times as much as he was able or willing to give her; so that after two hours' Wrangling, he was forced to leave her without concluding the Bargain. Yet he continues still to lodge at her Father's House, who professes as much Friendship to him as ever. He told me that he observed one Piece of Furniture in the Young Lady's Chamber that was very suitable to one of her Profession. 'Twas a very large Couch covered with a Quilt of black Satin, and directly over it there hung at the Ceiling one of those Fans which I had occasion to mention in one of my former Letters. She confessed that this was her Lover's Contrivance, to qualify the extreme Heat of the Wether, which is never more insupportable than when one is already sufficiently heated with the eager Recreations of Love. And she assured him that the all Nobles have such Fans in their Houses.  
Of all the Customs that are peculiar to the Italians, I know none that seems odder and more incommodious than that of lying stark-naked in their Beds, which is generally observed by Men, Women, Boys, and Girls; and notwithstanding the Indecency of such a Custom, the most bashful Virgin never scruples to strip herself to a state of pure Nature on her Wedding Night, and to become an Eve to her new Adam. 'Tis true, most Persons of Quality lie as we do, tho' there are several even of that Rank, who follow the common Fashion.  
The Courtesans enjoy here no less Liberty than at Rome, and are divided into two distinct Orders. The first consists of such as are kept by particular Persons, such as the Guardian's Daughter; and these are so far from being imputed infamous or contemptible, that they are envied by their Companions, and are esteemed (as they say themselves) if not Donne Honorate, at least Donne de proposito. And besides, they have this Advantage, that they can easily find a Husband after they have gained Seven or Eight hundred Ducats; for most Tradesmen are extremely fond of such considerable Fortunes. The other sort of Courtesans are such as prostitute themselves to all Comers, and expose their Bodies indifferently to all sorts of Persons. And even these, tho' they must for ever despair of retrieving their Honour by Matrimony, disown the Name of Putane, and call themselves Donne d'amore.  
But notwithstanding the extraordinary Kindness and Beauty of the Women, the Venetians are generally so brutish, that they would rather choose a Boy, tho' as ugly as an Ape, than the most Amiable Girl in the World. This is the predominant Vice of the Nation, with which they are so miserably intoxicated, that they spare no Pains or Cost to satisfy their beastly Passions: And even some of 'em are such Prodigies of Infamy, and have so entirely lost all sense of Humanity, that they turn S●ccubus's to Porters and Gondoliers, whom they hire to act that Filthiness upon their polluted Bodies. All their Conversations are larded with those detestable Impurities; and as in France 'tis the usual Custom of young Persons to divert themselves with talking of their Intrigues with a lovely Mistress, their Discourses in this Place run perpetually on their Masculine Amours. Nor are the Turks, themselves more addicted to this unnatural Abomination than the Italians seem to be. The Monks, especially, are infamous for Sodomy as well as Whoredom; and perhaps not without reason, for tho' I am not so particularly acquainted with their manner of Living, as to give you an exact Account of their Customs and Practice, I can assure you (and one sight of their Convents would convince you) that they assume a great deal more Liberty than their Brethren in France. About some Weeks ago I visited the Convent of S. Joanni Paolo, to see the fine Pictures with which 'tis adorned, especially that of S. Peter Martyr, by Titian, which is esteemed one of the most finished Pieces in the World; and that of the Last Supper, at the bottom of the Refectory. After I had satisfied my Curiosity with a View of these admirable Pictures, they showed me the Apartment of one of the Fathers, which certainly merits the particular Observation of every curious Traveller; for I must confess I should have rather fansyed it to be the Residence of a Cardinal than the Habitation of a solitary Friar. It consists of three small Pavilions, ranked in a straight Line, each of which contains two Chambers and a Hall. They are separated by two Gardens, planted with Orange-Trees, and divided into several Borders or Beds of Flowers, adorned with Busts and Statues. 'Tis true, there is no Water; but that defect is supplied by a very fine Perspective, representing a Fountain at the end of a long Walk, bordered with Trees. And this artificial Fountain is discovered from the first Pavilion through the second, which is pierced and left open for that Purpose. The Beauty of the Chambers is suitable to that of the Garden; and to conclude, there are few Places in the World less fit to inspire a Man with Thoughts of Mortification and Repentance.  
I must not finish my Letter without giving you some Account of the Operas and Comedies, which may be reckoned one of the principal Diversions of the Carnaval. All the Beauty of the Operas consists in Vocal Music and Machine's; for there is nothing in the Habits, Dancing, and even in the Plays themselves, that merits a particular Description. And, generally speaking, they are much Inferior to those that are represented at Paris; for tho' the French must acknowledge themselves indebted to the Venetians for their Operas, 'tis certain that in this, as well as in several other Cases, they have surpassed their Masters. The Venetian Music does not please all sorts of Ears; some dislike the Affectation of their excessive Quavering, which made one say, That they seemed to contend with Nightingales, who should be most admired for the Volubility of their Throats. But I must confess I'm of another Opinion, and I'm so charmed by the melodious Accents of a fine Italian Voice, that I can hardly forbear crying out with the Venetians, I'm lost, I faint, I die. 'Tis true, those agreeable Transports I usually feel on such Occasions, are purely occasioned by the Music, and by the Beauty of the Voice, without any regard to the Words, which are so far from contributing to the Delight of the Hearer, that he ought not to give the least attention to 'em; since the Italian way of singing is extremely unsuitable to tragical Subjects: For what Impression would it make upon your Mind to hear an Orlando Furioso, or a despairing Atis, warble out the terrible Passions with which they are agitated, in a perpetual Quavering for a Quarter of an Hour together? Would you not imagine that those Actors designed to ridicule the passionate Lovers whom they pretend to represent? This puts me in mind of the Air with which Harlequin used to sing on the Theatre of Burgundy, Ha! tu vas trahir malheureuse, etc. This, Sir, is the main Advantage that recommends the French Way of Singing beyond the Italian; for the Music is made purposely for the Words, and so admirably well fitted to 'em in every respect, that the Singing is more expressive, and infinitely more touching than the Words, especially when there is Occasion to represent a Person transported with Sorrow, Despair, or Fury. But abstracting from this Consideration, I'm still of the Opinion, that the Italian Music, singly considered, is finer than ours, and that its Charms are extremely improved by a sweet and tuneful Voice, which is no Rarity in this Place.  
There are also many different Opinions concerning the Venetian Comedies; for I have heard several Men of Sense not only despise 'em as Trifles, but absolutely condemn 'em, as only fit to amuse the Eyes and Ears of Footmen and Porters. Others, on the contrary, are so much in love with this Diversion, that they would rather choose to deprive themselves of Meat and Drink, than to lose their Share in so agreeable a Pleasure. For my part, I think these Opinions are equally guilty of an Excess, and I see no reason that should oblige us to run to either of these opposite Extremities. If every thing that is not properly instructive, and does not directly tend to the Advancement of Virtue must be absolutely rejected; I confess indeed, that the Italian Comedies ought to be banished out of the Republic; but by the same Principle Masks, Balls, Tournaments, and all sorts of Games must be condemned, and the most innocent Pleasures must be reputed criminal. But since my Conscience is not so nice, I must own myself so much a Friend to the Venetian Comedies, that I can easily bear with all their Defects. 'Tis true, they can neither make us wiser nor better; but that Fault, if it be one, is sufficiently atoned for by the Pleasure they give us. And I have often observed, that those morose Critics who talk of nothing but Edification, are the first who burst forth into Laughter, and express their Satisfaction by clapping their Hands. Yet there are certain Indecencies which I could wish the Italian Poets would avoid; and it were to be desired, that they had more Regard to the Respect that is due to the Modesty of Ladies, and to the Rules of Civility that ought to be observed between Man and Man. But after all, I have a much better Opinion of the French than of the Italian Theatre: For I had rather learn to know myself in the Characters of Moliere, than to be an useless Spectator of the Postures of Harlequin, or of the Dreams of Dr. Balovarde; tho' if I had a convenient Opportunity, and knew not how to employ my Time better, I should never scruple to laugh an Hour or two at their diverting Fooleries.  
I had almost forgotten to acquaint you with a pleasant Custom which is usually observed in this Place at the hearing of Operas. The Female Musicians are always applauded at the End of their Songs; but the Hearers make use of different ways to express their Satisfaction. If they only say Cara, Cara, 'tis a sign they are but indifferently pleased; but when they are touched to the quick, they fill the whole Theatre with repeated Acclamations, crying as loud as they can, Mi Moro, Mi Buto; and not unfrequently make use of such immodest and obscene Expressions, that I dare not so much as repeat 'em.  
In Obedience to your Desire, I have made it my Business to inquire into the Birth and Original of the late Pope Alexander VIII. You are misinformed by those who assure you that he was descended from a Noble Family: For John Ottoboni, his Great-Grand-Father, was a Merchant, and was not much taken Notice of at first, tho' he afterwards gained a considerable Estate, which recommended both him and his Children to the Consideration of the Public. His Eldest Son, John Francis, was advanced to the Dignity of Great Chancellor, the highest Office to which a Citizen can pretend; for those who are raised to that Post are honoured with the Title of Excellency, and wear a Red Gown. His Son Leonard, who had already served the Republic as Secretary to the Spanish Embassy, and afterwards as Agent in that Country, was advanced to the same Office in the Year 1639. and continued in that Post till his Death. He left two Sons, Francis, and Peter who was afterwards made Pope: Francis married, and left a Son called Anthony, who is still alive; but Peter, who had not yet taken a Wife, endeavoured to procure a certain Office, which, notwithstanding all his earnest Solicitations, was bestowed on another Citizen, whose Family had never been entrusted with the Management of any Public Affairs: And he was so nettled at such an unexpected Disappointment, that for mere Vexation he resolved to embrace an Ecclesiastical Life. Two or Three Years after, the Bishop of Milan gave him a Place in his Chapter, where he continued for some time; but being naturally of an impatient and ambitious Temper, he soon grew weary of that Post: And I'm informed that he used frequently to tell his Friends that something whispered perpetually in his Ears, and bid him go to Rome. These Suggestions flattered his Ambition, and made him so uneasy at Milan, that he left his Place, and went to that Great Ecclesiastical Court, where by his Intrigues, Complaisance, and Dissimulation, of which he was an Absolute Master, he acquired several powerful Patrons, and insinuated himself so dexterously into the Favour of the rest, that in 1652, he obtained a Cardinal's Cap of Pope Innocent X. and was afterwards made Bishop of Brescia in the State of Venice. But his Ambition was not satisfied by so considerable a Preferment; for he still continued to manage his Game with so much Dexterity and Success, that at last he was advanced to the Papal Throne by the French Faction, and by the Interest and Solicitation of Cardinal de Bovillon, who to regain his Master's Favour, left no Means unessayed to raise this Prelate to the Apostolic See. 'Twas on the 6 th' of October, 1689, that the Supreme Dignity was conferred upon him; and his Advancement occasioned a general Satisfaction. Rome thought she had now a Bishop, who would aim at nothing so much as the Exaltation of the Church and the Holy See: France concluded that she had at last obtained a Pope who was absolutely devoted to her Interest: The Empire and Spain hoped that he would promote the Public Good of Christendom: And Venice was overjoyed to see one of her Citizens in a Condition to raise the Glory of his Country. In the last of these Places, especially, all possible Care was taken to express the public Satisfaction with all the Marks of Splendour and Magnificence: Anthony the Pope's Nephew was honoured with the Title of a Nobleman, and at the same time was made Knight of the Golden Star, and Procurator of S. Mark by Merit. He sent his two Sons Peter and Mark to Rome, where the latter was immediately preferred to an advantageous Match; and the former was made Cardinal Patron. Dignities and Riches were heaped without measure upon all the rest of the Pope's Relations, who seemed, like so many Mushrooms, to spring up in a Night. Their sudden Advancement gave Pasquin occasion to say, That his Holiness had signalised his Accession to the Pontifical Throne by a Miracle: And Marforio demanding what it was, he replied, That the Pope had restored to Life one that was Dead; meaning the Nepotism, which seemed to have been utterly extinguished by Innocent XI. And indeed never Pope made so good Use of his Time as this Alexander: But since I have already given you an Account of his Character and Actions, I shall only add, that he went out of this World loaded with Curses, that his Memory is odious to all Mankind, and that never any Man's Death was less lamented than his. Rome detests him by reason of his Luxury, and because he established the Nepotism: The Empire and Spain hate him as one that was their declared Enemy: France is incensed against him because of the terrible Blow he gave her towards the end of his Pontificate: And Venice abhors the Memory of a Citizen, who instead of proving a Benefactor to his Country, seemed on all Occasions to be its mortal Enemy. At Rome they began to express their Hatred before he expired; for in the Night in which he died there was a Paper affixed to the Gate of the Vatican, in which he was represented in the Posture of 〈◊〉 that is going to take Horse, with these Words written underneath, If any Man would send a Letter to the Devil, here is a Post just ready to depart.  
After his Death, Prince Anthony his Nephew, endeavouring by his Intrigues to exclude Cardinal Barberino, and to promote the Faction of the Pignatelli, the Venetians deprived him of the Procuratorship, and at the same time removed him from the Management of Public Affairs, and even prohibited him to appear in the Council; so that at present instead of a Procurator's Vest, he wears only a Citizen's short Cloak. Yet he was not degraded, but only suspended from the Exercise of his Offices.  
I must not leave Venice without acquainting you with the ridiculous Opinion the Italians have of the French Customs: They imagine that a Man may Kiss and Handle a Young Woman as roughly and indecently as he pleases before her Father and Mother, and that one may take the same Liberty with a Wife in the Presence of her Husband; and from thence they infer, that they are guilty of more Criminal Familiarities in private. You see what an injurious Opinion they have of our Nation, and especially of the Chastity of our Ladies; and yet this extravagant Conceit is only grounded on the Civility of our Countrymen, who permit a Friend or Relation to Salute a Woman with a Kiss after a long Absence; and are not so horn-mad as to enter an Action against a Man for every Kiss he steals from a Woman.  
Thus we see how fatally Men are deluded by that unconquerable Inclination they have to magnify every thing. As soon as they hear of any thing that is unusual, they instantly fancy it to be a Prodigy, and conclude that 'tis either against the ordinary Course of Nature, or contrary to common Sense. I have had occasion to discourse with several Persons that are no Italians, who assure me that in England a Man may freely Kiss the first handsome Woman he meets in the Street, and even that all Women, not excepting the chief Ladies of the Court, are obliged to allow such Liberties. But tho' I never was in that Country, I'm so far from believing the Story, that I'm confident, and dare venture to affirm, that 'tis absolutely false.  
I shall conclude my Letter with telling you that I have seen Milan, which is a very large Town, but so dispeopled, that one half of the Houses are not inhabited; and that I have bought a Horse to carry me to Holland; for I could not endure to be so long shut up in a Coach. I have already sent my Horse to Mestre, a little Harbour about five Miles from this City, in the Road to Ausburg, and am putting all things in a readiness for my Departure. And therefore to finish the Description of Venice, which some call the Rich, others the Fair, and I the Licentious, I shall only tell you, that I'm extremely pleased with three things in it, which I despair of finding in any other Place: First, the Festival Solemnities, which are always accompanied with Shows: Secondly, the obliging Sweetness and Beauty of the Women: And in the last Place, the Neatness of the Houses within. I have often heard Holland commended for the extraordinary Neatness of its Houses, but I'm persuaded that even in this respect it does not exceed Venice: For the very Floors are covered with a certain red Cen●●t, as ●ard as a 〈◊〉, and as smooth and clear as a Looking-Glass: And all the Furniture of the House is kept in the best Order, and with the same Care and Exactness. Every Cobbler in the City takes care to furnish his Apartment with Hangings of gilt Leather, a large Looking-Glass, and some pretty Pictures; and the Magnificence of the Houses is always suitable to the Riches of the Inhabitants.  
I am, SIR, Your &c. Venice, May 1692.   
The END.