AUXILIO DIVINO SIC PARVIS MAGNA  

Drake perorati novit quem terminus orbis,  
Et quem bis mundi vidit uterque Polus;  
Si taceant homines, facient te Sidera notum,  
Sol nescit comitis non memor osse sui.     

Sir Francis Drake Revived. Who is or may be a Pattern to stir up all Heroic and active SPIRITS of these Times, to benefit their Country and eternize their Names by like Noble ATTEMPTS. Being a Summary and true Relation of four several VOYAGES made by the said Sir FRANCIS DRAKE to the WEST-JNDIES. VIZ. 

His dangerous adventuring for GOLD and SILVER with the gaining thereof. And the surprising of Nombre de dios by himself and two and fifty Men.  
His Encompassing the WORLD.  
His Voyage made with Christopher Carleill, Martin Frobusher, Francis Knollis, and others. Their taking the Towns of Saint Jago, Sancto Domingo, Carthagena and Saint Augustine.  
His last Voyage (in which he died) being accompanied with Sir John Hawkins, Sir Thomas Baskerfield, Sir Nicholas Clifford, with others. His manner of Burial.   Collected out of the Notes of the said Sir Francis Drake; Mastet Philip Nichols, Master Francis Fletcher, Preachers; and the Notes of divers other Gentlemen (who went in the said Voyages) carefully compared together.  
Printed at London for Nicholas Bourne, dwelling at the South entrance of the royal Exchange, 1653.   

To the READER.  
Courteous READER,  
THese ensuing Voyages, and Travels of that adventurous and valiant Worthy, Sir FRANCIS DRAKE; the Pean●r more trusting to the worth of the Subject it treateth of, than the worthiness of the Collectors performance, have made bold to become an object to thy eye, not doubting but under the fortitude of the most ingenious and generous Spirits, this may not only crave, but find a benevolent shelter from those many envious & injurious detractions which the ignorant may aspersively cast thereon, rather censuring then commending and following things of this nature, not knowing what belongs there unto. Things of greatest profit require least praise; Painting better beseems rotten Walls then precious Stones; therefore superfluous eloquence bestowed upon a matter of sufficient excellence, is rather a testimony of a trifling Wit, than a token of true wisdom. Vouchsafe therefore (gentle Reader) this ensuing discourse thy favourable censur, sith thou canst lose nothing by glancing on former Actions; for the observation of passed Adventures, may probably advance future Employments. Caesar wrote his own Commentaries, and this Doer was partly the Inditor; Nor is there wanting living testimony to confirm its Truth. For his sake then cherish what is good, and I shall willingly entertain check for what is amiss. And if thou canst pick out any thing either for thy use or content, 'tis thine, and I am pleased.  
And whereas Example is the public aim of all; be pleased (Courteous READER) to take a Character of this heroic Worthy; and I desire thee to observe with me in these ensuing Treatises, the power and justice of the Lord of Hosts, who could enable so mean a Person to right himself upon so mighty a Prince, together with the goodness and Providence of God very observable, in that it pleased him to raise this Man not only from a low condition, but even from the state of Persecution▪ his Father suffered in it, being forced to fly from his House (near South Tavistock in Devon) into Kent, and there to inhabit in the Hull of a Ship, wherein many of his younger Sons were borne; he had twelve in all, and as it pleased God to give most of them a being upon the Water, so the greatest part of them died at Sea: the youngest, who though he were as far as any, yet died at home, whose Posterity inherits that, which by himself and this noble Gentleman, the eldest Brother, was hardly yet worthily gotten.  
I could more largely acquaint thee with all his four VOYAGES made into the WEST-INDIES, after that his excellent service both by Sea and Land in Ireland, under WALTER Earl of Essex. His next about the WORLD. Another wherein he took Saint jago, Carthagena, Saint Domingo, Saint Augustino; his doings at Cadiz; besides the first Charricke taught by him to Sail into England. His stir in Eighty seven, his remarkable Actions in Eighty eight; his endeavours in the Portugal employment; his last Enterprise determined by death, and his filling Plymouth with a plentiful stream of fresh Water; But I pass by all these, I had rather thou shouldest inquire of others then to seem myself a vainglorious man. I intent not his praise, I strive only to set out the praise of his and our good God, that guided him in his truth, and protected him in his courses: my ends are to stir thee up to the worship of God, and service of thy Country by his example. If any thing be worth thy consideration, conclude with me, that the Lord only can do great things,  
R.D.   

SIR FRANCIS DRAKE REVIVED. Calling upon this Dull or Effeminate AGE, to follow his Noble Steps for GOLD and SILVER.  
AS there is a general vengeance, which secretly pursueth the doers of wrong, and suffers them not to prosper, albeit no Man of purpose impeach them: so is there a particular indignation engrafted in the bosom of all that are wronged, which ceaseth not seeking by all means possible to redress or remedy the wrong received. In so much as those great and mighty Men, in whom their prosperous estate hath bred such an overweening of themselves, that they do not only wrong their inferiors, but despise them being injured; seem to take a very unfit course for their own safety, and far unfitter for their rest. For as Aesop teacheth, even the Fly hath her spleen, and the Emmer is not without her choler, and both together many times find means whereby though the Eagle lay her Eggs in Jupiter's lap, yet by one way or other, she escapeth not requital of her wrong done the Emmer.  
Among the manifold examples hereof, which former Ages have committed to memory, or our time yielded to sight; I suppose, there hath not been any more notable than this in hand; either in respect of the greatness of the person, by whom the first injury was offered; or the meanness of him, who righteth himself. The one being (in his own conceit) the mightiest Monarch of all the World; the other an English Captain, a mean subject of her Majesties Who (besides the wrongs received at Rio de Hacha with Captain John Lovel in the years 65.66.) having been grievously endamaged at Saint John de ullua in the Bay of Mexico, with Captain John Hawkins, in the years 67.68. not only in the loss of his Goods of some value, but also of his Kinsmen & friends, and that by the falsehood of Don Martin Henriquez then the Viceroy of Mexico; & finding that no recompense could be recoved out of Spain by any of his own means, or by her Majesty's letters; he used such helps as he might, by two several Voyages into the West Indies; the first with two Ships, the one called the Dragon, the other the Swan, in the year 70. the other in the Swan alone in the year 71. to gain such intelligences as might further him to get some amends for his loss. And having, in those two Voyages, gotten such certain notice of the persons & places aimed at, as he thought requisite; and thereupon with good deliberation, resolved on a third Voyage (the Description whereof we have now in hand) he accordingly prepared his Ships & Company; and then taking the first opportunity of a good wind, had such success in his proceedings, as now follows further to be declared.  
On Whitsunday Eve being the 24. of May, 
May 24.  in the year 1572. 
1572.  Captain Drake in the Pascha of Plymouth of 70. tons his Admiral, with the Swan of the same Port of 25 tons his Vice-admiral, in which his brother john Drake was Captain (having in both of them of men and boys seventy three, all voluntarily assembled, of which the eldest was fifty, all the rest under thirty: so divided that there were forty seven in one ship, twenty six in the other; both richly furnished, with victuals and apparel for a whole year: and no less heedfully provided of all manner of Munition, Artillery, Artificers, stuff and tools, that were requisite for such a Man of war in such an attempt, but especially having three dainty Pinnaces, made in Plymouth, taken asunder all in pieces and stowed aboard, to be set up as occasion served: set sail from out of the Sound of Plymouth, with intent to land at Nombre de dios.  
The wind continued prosperous & favourable at North-east, and gave us a very good passage, without any alteration of change: so that albeit we had sight of Porto Santo one of the Maderas, 
June 3▪  & of the Canaries also within twelve days of our setting forth: yet we never struck sail, nor came to anchor, nor made any stay for any cause, neither there or else where, until 25. days after; 
June 28.  When we had sight of the Island of Guadalupe, one of the Islands of the West Indies, goodly high land.  
The next morning we entered between Dominica & Guadalupe, where we descried two canoas, 
June 29.  coming from a rocky Island, three leagues off Dominica, which usually repair thither to fish, by reason the great plenty thereof, which is there continually to be found. We landed on the South side of it, remaining there three days to refresh our men, & water our ships, out of one of those goodly rivers, which fall down off the mountain. There we saw certain poor cottages built with Palmito boughs and branches, but no inhabitants at that time civil nor savage; the cottages it may be, (for we could know no certain cause of the solitariness we found there) serving, not for continual inhabitation, but only for their uses that came to that place at certain seasons to fish.  

july 1.  The third day after, about three in the afternoon, we set sail from thence, towards the continent of Terra firma, And the fifth day after, we had sight of the high land of Santa Martha, 
july 6.  but came not near the shore by ten leagues. But thence directed our course, for a place called by us Port Pheasant, for that our Captain had so named it in his former voyage, by reason of the great store of those goodly Fowls, which he and his Company did then daily kill, and feed on, 
july 12.  in that place. In this course, notwithstanding we had two days calm, yet within six days we arrived at our Port Pheasant, which is a fine round Bay, of very safe harbour for all winds, lying between two high points, not past half a cables length over at the mouth, but within eight or ten cables length every way, having ten or twelve fathom water, more or less, full of good fish, the soil also very fruitful; which may appear by this, that our Captain having been in this place, within a year and few days before, and having rid the place with many alleys and paths made, yet now all was so overgrown again, as that we doubted at first, whether this were the same place or no.  
At our entrance into this Bay, our Captain having given order to his brother what to do, if any occasion should happen in his absence, was on his way, with intent to have gone a land, with some few only in his company, because he knew there dwelled no Spaniards within thirty five leagues of that place. Tolou being the nearest to the Eastwards, and Nomble de dios to the westwards, where any of that Nation dwelled. But as we were rowing a shore, we saw a smoke in the woods, even near the place which our Captain had aforetime frequented; therefore thinking it fit to take more strength with us, he caused his other boat also to be manned with certain muskets, and other weapons, suspecting some enemy had been a shore.  
When we landed, we found by evident marks, that there had been lately there, a certain English man of Plymouth called john Garret, who been conducted thither by certain English Mariners, which had been there with our Captain in some of his former voyages. He had now left a plate of Lead, nailed fast to a mighty great tree (greater hen any four men, joining hands, could fathom about;) on which were engraven these words directed to our Captain.  
CAptain Drake, if you fortune to come to this Port, make haste away; For the Spaniards which you had with you here the last year, have bewrayed this place, and taken away all that you left here. I departed from hence this present 7. of july 1572.  
Your very loving friend JOHN GARRET.  
The smoke which we saw, was occasioned by a fire, which the said Garret and his Company had made before their departure, in a very great tree (not far from this which had the Lead nailed on it) which had continued burning at least five days before our arrival.  
This advertisement notwithstanding, our Captain meant not to depart, before he had built his Pinnaces, which were yet aboard in pieces, for which purpose he knew this Port a most convenient place. And therefore so soon as we had mored our ships, our Captain commanded his Pinnaces to be brought ashore, for the Carpenters to set up, himself employing all his other company in fortifying a place which he had chosen out as a most fit plot of three quarters of an acre of ground, to make some strength or safety for the present, as sufficiently as the means he had would afford, which was performed, by felling of great trees & bousing and haling them together with great Pulleys and halfers, until they were enclosed to the waters, and then letting others fall upon them, until they had raised with trees and boughs thirty foot in height round about, leaving only one gate to issue at neat the water's side, which every night (that we might sleep in more safety and security) was shut up, with a great tree drawn a'rthwart it. The whole plot was built in a Pentagonal form, to wit, of five equal sides and angles, of which angel's two were towards the sea, and that side between them was left open, for the easy lancing of our Pinnaces: the other four equal sides were cholely (excepting the gate before mentioned) firmly closed up. Without, instead of a trench, the ground was rid for fifty foot space, round about. The rest was very thick with trees, of which many were of those kinds, which are never without green leaves, till they are dead at the root (exeepting only one kind of tree amongst them, much like to our Ash, which when the Sun cometh right over them, causing great reins, suddenly casteth all their leaves, viz. within three days, and yet within six days after becomes all green again; the leaves of the other trees do also in part fall away, but so as the trees continue still green notwithstanding) being of a marvellous height, and supported as it were with five or six natural buttresses growing out of their bodies, so far, that three men may so be hidden in each of them that they which shall stand in the very next buttress shall not be able to see them. One of them specially was marked to have had seven of those stays or buttresses for the supporting of his greatness & height, which being measured with a line close by the bark and near to the ground, as it was indented or extant, was sound to be above thirty nine yards about. The wood of those trees is as heavy or heavier than Brasil or Lignum vitae, and is in colour white.  
The next day after we had arrived, 
july 13.  there came also into that Bay an English Bark of the Isle of Wight of Sir Edward Horseyes, wherein James Rawse was Capt. & John Overy Master, with thirty men; of which, some had been with our Captain in the same place the year before. They brought in with them a Spanish Carvell of Seville (which he had taken the day before, athwart of that place, being a Carvell of Adviso bound for Nombre de Dios) and also one Shallop with Oars, which he had taken at Cape Blank. This Captain Rouse understanding our Captain's purpose was desirous to join in consort with him; and was received upon conditions agreed on between them.  
Within seven days after his coming, having set up our Pinnaces, and dispatched all our business, 
july 20▪  in providing all things necessary, out of our Ships into our Pinnaces: we departed from that Harbour, setting sail in the morning towards Nombre de Dios, continuing our course till we came to the Isles of Pinos; where being within three days arrived, we found two Frigates of Nombre de Dios, lading Plank and Timber from thence.  
The Negroes which were in those Frigates, 
july 2●▪  gave us some particular understanding of the present state of the Town: and besides, told us that they had heard a report, that certain Soldiers should come thither shortly, & were daily looked for from the Governor of Panama and the Country thereabout, to defend the Town against the symeron's (a black People, which about eighty years past, fled from the Spaniards their Masters, by reason of their cruelty, and are since grown to an Nation under two Kings of their own; the one inhabiteth to the West, th' other to the East of the way from Nombre de Dios to Panama) who had near surprised it about six weeks before.  
Our Captain willing to use those Negroes well (not hurting himself) set them a shore upon the main, that they might perhaps join themselves to their Countrymen the symeron's, and gain their liberty if they would, or if they would not, yet by reason of the length and troublesomeness of the way by land to Nombre de Dios, he might prevent any notice of his coming, which they should be able to give. For he was loath to put the Town to too much charge (which he knew they would willingly bestow) in providing beforehand for his entertainment, and therefore he hastened his going thither, with as much speed and secrecy as possibly he could.  
To this end, disposing of all his companies, according as they inclined most, he left the three Ships and the Carvell with Captain Rause, and chose into his four Pinnaces (Captain Rause's Shallop made the fourth) besides fifty three of our men, twenty more of Captain Rause's company, with which he seemed competently furnished, to achieve what he intended: especially having proportioned, according to his own purpose, and our men's disposition, their several arms, viz. six Targets, six Firepikes, twelve Pikes, twenty four Muskets and Callivers, sixteen Bows, and six Partisans, two Drums, and two Trumpets.  

july 28.  Thus having parted from our company, we arrived at the Island of Cativaas, being twenty five leagues distant; about five days after there we landed all in the morning betimes; and our Captain trained his men delivering them their several weapons and arms, which hitherto he had kept very fair and safe in good cask; and exhorting them after his manner, he declared the greatness of the hope of good things that was there: the weakness of the town being unwalled, and the hope he had of prevailing, to recompense his wrongs, especially now that he should come with such a crew, who were like minded with himself; and at such a time, as he should be utterly undiscovered.  
Therefore even that afternoon, he causeth us to set sail for Nombre de dios, so that before sun set we were as far as Rio Francisco: thence he led us hard aboard the shore (that we might not be descried of the Watch house) until that being come within two leagues of the point of the Bay, he caused us to strike a hull, and cast our grappers, riding so until it was dark night.  
Then we weighed again and set sail, rowing hard aboard the shore, with as much silence as we could, till we recovered the point of the harbour under the high land: there we stayed all silent, purposing to attempt the town in the dawning of the day, after that we had reposed ourselves for a while.  
But our Captain with some others of his best men, finding that our people were talking of the greatness of the town and what their strength might be, especially by the report of the Negroes that we took in the Isle of Pinos: thought it best to put these conceits out of their heads, and therefore to take the opportunity of the rising of the Moon that night, persuading them that it was the day dawning. By this occasion we were at the Town a large hour sooner than first was purposed. For we arrived there by three of the clock after midnight: at what time it fortuned that a ship of Spain, of sixty tons, laden with Canary wines and other Commodities, which had but lately come into the Bay, and had not yet furled her spirit sail, espying our four Pinnaces, being an extraordinary number, and those rowing with many Oars, sent away her Gundeloe towards the Town, to give warning; but our Captain perceiving it, our betwixt her and the Town, forcing her to go to th' other side of the Bay: whereby we landed without impeachment, although we found one Gunner upon the Platform, in the very place where we landed, being a Sandy Bay and no Key at all, not past twenty yards from the Houses.  
There we found six great Pieces of brass Ordnance, mounted upon their Carriages, some Demy, some whole Culverin: we presently dismounted them, the Gunner fled, the Town took alarm (being very ready thereto, by reason of their often disquieting, by their near neighbours the symeron's) as we perceived, not only by the noise and cries of the people, but by the Bell ringing out, and Drums running up and down the Town.  
Our Captain, according to the directions which he had given over night, to such as he had made choice of for the purpose, left twelve to keep the Pinnaces, that we might be sure of a safe retreat, if the worst befell. And having made sure work of the Platform before he would enter the Town, he thought best, first to view the Mount, on the East side of the Town, where he was informed, by sundry intelligences the year before, they had an intent to plant Ordnance, which might scour round about the Town. Therefore leaving one half of his company, to make a stand at the foot of the mount, he marched up presently unto the top of it, with all speed, to try the truth of the report for the more safety. There we found no piece of Ordnance, but only a very fit place prepared for such use, and therefore we left it without any of our men, and with all celerity returned down the Mount. Then our Captain appointed his Brother, with John Oxnam and sixteen other of his men to go about behind the King's treasure-house, and enter near the Easter end of the marketplace: himself with the rest, would pass up the broad street, into the marketplace, with sound of Drum and Trumpet.  
The Firepikes divided half to the one, and half to the other company, served no less for fright to the Enemy, then light of our Men, who by this means might discern every place very well, as if it were near day, whereas the Inhabitants stood amazed at so strange a sight, marveling what the matter might be; and imagining, by reason of our Drums and Trumpets sounding in so sundry places, that we had been a far greater number than we were.  
Yet by means of the Soldiers which were in the Town, and by reason of the time which we spent in marching up and down the Mount, the Soldiers and the Inhabitants had put themselves in Arms, and brought their Companies in some order, at the Southeast end of the Marketplace, near the Governors' House, and not far from the Gate of the Town, which is only one, leading towards Panama, having (as it seems) gathered themselves thither, either that in the Governors' sight they might show their Valour, if it might prevail, or else that by the Gate they might best take their Vale, and escape readiest.  
And to make a show of far greater numbers of shot, or else of a custom they had, by the like device to terrify the symeron's, they had hung Lines with Matches lighted, overthwart the Wester-end of the Marketplace, between the Church and the Cross, as though there had been in a readiness some company of shot, whereas indeed there was not passed two or three that taught these Lines to dance, till they themselves ran away, as soon as they perceived they were discovered.  
But the Soldiers, and such as were joined with them, presented us with a jolly hot volley of shot, beating full upon the egress of that Street in which we marched, and levelling very low, so as their Bullets ofttimes grazed on the Sand. We stood not to answer them in like terms; but having discharged our first volley of shot, and feathered them with our arrows (which our Captain had caused to be made of purpose in England, not great sheaf arrows, but fine roving shafts, very carefully reserved for the service) we came to the push of Pike, so that our firepikes being well armed and made of purpose, did us very great service. For our men with their Pikes and short weapons, in short time took such order among these Gallants, some using the butt-end of their Pieces in stead of other weapons, that partly by reason of our arrows, which did us there notable service, partly by occasion of this strange and sudden closing with them, in this manner unlooked for, and the rather for that at the very instant, our Captain's brother, with the other Company, with their firepikes, entered the marketplace by the Easter-street: they casting down their weapons, fled all out of the Town by the gate aforesaid, which had been built for a bar to keep out of the Town the symeron's, who had often assailed it, but now served for a gap for the Spaniards to fly at.  
In following and returning, divers of our men were hurt, with the weapons which the Enemy had let fall as he fled: somewhat, for that we marched with such speed, but more for that they lay so thick and cross one on the other.  
Being returned, we made our stand near the midst of the market place, where a tree groweth hard by the cross; whence our Captain sent some of our men to stay the ringing of the alarm Bell, which had continued all this while: but the Church being very strongly built and fast shut, they could not without firing (which our Captain forbade) get into the steeple where the Bell hung.  
In the mean time, our Captain having taken two or three Spaniards in their flight, commanded them to show them the Governors' house, where he understood was the ordinary place of unlading the Moils, of all the treasure which came from Panamah by the King's appointment: Although the silver only was kept there: the gold, pearl and jewels (being there once entered by the King's Officer) was carried from thence to the King's treasure house not far off, being a house very strongly built of lime and stone, for the safe keeping thereof.  
At our coming to the Governors' house, we found the great door (where the Moils do usually unlade) even then opened; a Candle lighted upon the top of the stairs; and a fair Jennet ready saddled, either for the Governor himself or some other of his household to carry it after him. By means of this light, we saw a huge heap of Silver, in that nether room: being a pile of bars of silver, of as (near as we could guess) seventy foot in length, of ten foot in breadth, and twelve foot in height, piled up against the wall, each bar was between thirty five and forty pound in weight. At sight hereof our Captain commanded straightly that none of us should touch a bar of silver, but stand upon our weapons, because the Town was full of people, and there was in the King's treasure house near the waters side, more gold and jewels than all our four Pinnaces would carry, which we would presently set some in hand to break open, notwithstanding the Spaniards reports of the strength of it.  
We were no sooner returned to our strength, but there was a report brought by some of our men, that our Pinnaces were in danger to be taken, and that if we ourselves got not aboard before day, we should be oppressed with multitudes both of Soldiers and town's people. This report had his ground from one Diego a Negro, who in the time of the first conflict, came and called to our Pinnaces, to know whether they were Captain Drakes? and upon answer received, continued entreating to be taken aboard (though he had first three or four shot made at him) until at length they fetch him, and learned by him, that not past eight days before our arrival the King had sent thither some hundred and fifty Soldiers to guard the Town against the symeron's, and the Town at this time was full of people besides: which, all the rather believed, because it agreed with the report of the Negroes, which we took before at the Isle of Pinos: and therefore our Captain sent his brother and John Oxnam to understand the truth thereof. They found our men, which we left in our Pinnaces, much frighted, by reason that they saw great Troops and Companies running up and down, with matches light, some with other weapons; crying Queen gente? que gente? which having not been at the first conflict but coming from the utter ends of the Town (being at least as big as Plymouth) came many times near us, and understanding that we were English, discharged their Pieces and ran away.  
Presently after this, a mighty shower of rain, with a terrible storm of thunder and lightning, fell, which poured down so vehemently (as it usually doth in those Countries) that before we could recover the shelter of a certain shade or penthouse, at the Wester end of the King's treasure-house (which seemeth to have been built there of purpose to avoid Sun and Rain) some of our bowstrings were wet, and some of our match and powder hurt: which while we were careful of to refurnish and supply; divers of our men, harping on the reports lately brought us, were muttering of the Forces of the Town, which our Captain perceiving, told them, that he had brought them to the mouth of the treasure of the World, if they would want it, they might henceforth blame no body but themselves. And therefore as soon as the storm began to assuage of his fury (which was a long half hour) willing to give his Men no longer leisure to demur of those doubts, nor yet allow the Enemy farther respite to gather themselves together; he stepped forward, commanding his Brother, with John Oxnam and the Company appointed them, to break the King's Treasure-house; the rest to follow him, to keep the strength of the market place, till they had dispatched the business for which they came.  
But as he stepped forward, his strength and sight and speech failed him, and he began to faint for want of blood, which as then we perceived, had, in great quantity, issued upon the Sand, out of a wound received in his leg in the first encounter, whereby though he felt some pain, yet (for that he perceived divers of the Company, having already gotten many good things, to be very ready to take all occasions, of winding themselves, out of that conceited danger) would he not have it known to any, till this his fainting, against his will, bewrayed it, the blood having first filled the very prints which our footsteps made, to the great dismay of all our Company, who thought it not credible, that one man should be able to spare so much blood and live.  
And therefore even they, which were willingest to have adventured most, for so fair a booty, would in no case hazard their Captain's life; but (having given him somewhat to drink wherewith he recovered himself, and having bound his Scarf about his leg, for the stopping of the blood) entreated him to be content to go with them aboard, there to have his wound searched and dressed, and then to return a shore again if he thought good.  
This when they could not persuade him unto (as who knew it utterly) impossible, at least very unlikely, that ever they should (for that) return again, to recover the state in which they now were; and was of opinion, that it were more honourable for himself, to jeopard his life for so great a benefit, then to leave off so high an enterprise unperformed:) they joined altogether, and with force mingled with fair entreaty, they bore him aboard his Pinnace, and so abandoned a most rich spoil for the present, only to preserve their Captain's life, as being resolved of him, that while they enjoyed his presence, and had him to command them, they might recover wealth sufficient; but if once they lost him, they should hardly be able to recover home, no not with that which they had gotten already.  

July 29  Thus we embarked by break of the day, having besides our Captain, many of our Men wounded, though none slain but one Trumpeter: whereupon though our Surgeons were busily employed, in providing remedies and Salves for their wounds; yet the main care of our Captain was respected by all the rest: so that before we departed out of the Harbour for the more comfort of our Company, we took the aforesaid Ship of Wines without great resistance. But before we had her free off the Haven, they of the Town had made means to bring one of their Culverins, which we had dismounted, so as they made a shot at us, but hindered not us from carrying forth the Prize to the Isle Bastimientes, or The Isle of Victuales; which is an Island that lieth without the Bay to the Westwards, about a league off the Town, where we stayed the two next days, to cure our wounded Men, and to refresh ourselves in the goodly Gardens which we there found, abounding with great store of all dainty Roots and Fruits, besides great plenty of Poultry and other Fowls, no less strange than delicate.  
Shortly upon our first arrival in this Island, the Governor and the rest of his assistants in the Town (as we afterwards understood) sent unto our Captain a proper Gentleman of mean stature, good complexion, and fair spoken, a principal Soldier of the late sent Garrison, to view in what state we were. At his coming he protested he came to us of mere good will, for that we had attempted, so great and incredible a matter with so few men: and that at the first they feared that we had been French, at whose hands they knew they should find no mercy: but after they perceived by our Arrows, that we were English men, their fears were the less, for that they knew, that though we took the Treasure of the place, yet we would not use cruelty towards their persons.  
But albeit this his affection gave him cause enough, to come aboard such whose virtues he so honoured, yet the Governor also had not only consented to his coming, but directly sent him, upon occasion that divers of the Town affirmed (said he) that they knew our Captain, who the last two years had been often on their Coast, and had always used their persons very well. And therefore desired to know, first, whether our Captain were the same Captain Drake or no? and next, because many of their men were wounded with our Arrows, whether they were poisoned or no? And how their wounds might best be cured? Lastly, what victuals we wanted or other necessaries? Of which the Governor promised by him to supply and furnish us, as largely as he durst. Our Captain although he thought this Soldier but a Spy: yet used him very courteously, and answered him to his Governors' demands. That he was the same Drake whom they meant: it was never his manner to poison his Arrows: they might cure their wounded by ordinary Chirurgery: as for wants he knew the Island of Bastimientoes had sufficient, and could furnish him if he listed: but he wanted nothing but some of that special commodity, which that Country yielded, to content himself and his Company. And therefore he advised the Governor to hold open his eyes, for before he departed, if God lent him life and leave, he meant to reap some of their Harvest, which they get out of the Earth, and send into Spain to trouble all the Earth.  
To this answer unlooked for, this Gentleman replied: If he might without offence move such a question, what should then be the cause of our departing from that Town at this time, where was above three hundred and sixty Tun of silver ready for the Fleet, and much more Gold in value, resting in Iron Chests in the King's Treasure-house? But when our Captain had showed him the true cause of his unwilling retreat aboard; he acknowledged, that we had no less reason in departing, than courage in attempting: and no doubt did easily see, that it was not for the Town to seek revenge of us, by manning forth such Frigates or other vessels, as they had: but better to content themselves and provide for their own defence.  
Thus with great favour and courteous entertainment, besides such gifts from our Captain as most contented him: after dinner he was in such sort dismissed, to make report of that he had seen, that he protested, he was never so much honoured of any in his life.  
After his departure, the Negro forementioned, being examined more fully, confirmed this report of the Gold and Silver, with many other intelligences of importance, especially how we might have Gold and Silver enough if we would, by means of the symeron's, whom though he had betrayed divers times (being used thereto by his Masters) so that he knew they would kill him, if they got him: yet if our Captain would undertake his protexion, he durst adventure his life, because he knew our Captain's name was most precious and highly honoured of them.  
This report ministered occasion to further consultation: for which, because this place seemed not the safest; as being neither the healthiest nor quietest. The next day in the morning we all set our course for the Isle of Pinos or Port Plenty, where we had left our Ships, continuing all that day and the next, till towards night before we recovered it. We were the longer in this course, for that our Captain sent away his Brother and Ellis Hixon to the westward, to search the river Chagro, where himself had been the year before, and yet was careful to gain more notice of, it being a River which tendeth to the Southward within six leagues of Panamah, where is a little Town called Venta Cruz, whence all the treasure, that was usually brought thither from Panamah by Moils, was embarked in Frigates, down the River into the North Sea, and so to Number de dios. It ebbeth and floweth not far into the land, and therefore it asketh three days rowing with a fine Pinnace to pass from the mouth to Venta Cruz, but one day and a night serveth to return down the River.  
At our return to our Ships, in our consultation, 
Aug. 1.  Captain Rause forecasting divers doubts, of our safe continuance upon that Coast, being now discovered, was willing to depart: and our Captain no less willing to dismiss him: and therefore as soon as our Pinnaces returned from Chagro, with such advertisements as they were sent for, about eight days before: Captain Rause took his leave, leaving us in the Isle aforesaid, 
Aug▪ 7.  where we had remained five or six days. In which mean time, having put all things in a readiness, our Captain resolved, with his two Ships and three Pinnaces to go to Carthagene, whither in sailing we spent some six days, by reason of the calms which came often upon us: but all this time we attempted nothing that we might have done by the way, neither at Tolou nor otherwhere, because we would not be discovered.  

Aug. 13.  We came to anchor with our two Ships in the evening in seven fathom water, between the Lands of Charesha and Saint Barnard's: Our Captain led the three Pinnaces about the Island, into the Harbour of Carthagene; where at the very entry, he found a Frigate at anchor, aboard which was only one old Man; who being demanded, where the rest of his company was? answered, that they were gone ashore in their Gundeloe that evening, to fight about a Mistress: and voluntarily related to our Captain that two hours before night, there past by them a Pinnace, with Sail and Oars, as fast as ever they could row, calling to him, whether there had not been any English or Frenchmen there lately? And upon answer that there had been none: they bid them look to themselves: that within an hour, that this Pinnace was come to the utter-side of Carthagene, there were many great Pieces shot off: whereupon one going to top, to descry what might be the cause? Espied, over the Land, divers Frigates and small shipping, bringing themselves within the Castle.  
This report our Captain credited, the rather, for that himself had heard the report of the Ordnance, at Sea, and perceived sufficiently, that he was now descried: notwithstanding, in farther examination of this old Mariner, having understood, that there was, within the next Point, a great Ship of Seville, which had here discharged her loding, and rid now with her yards across, being bound the next morning for Saint Domingo: our Captain took this old Man into his Pinnace, to verify that which he had informed, and rowed towards this Ship, which as we came near it, hailed us, ask whence our Shallops were? We answered, from Nombre de dios: strait way they railed and reviled: We gave no heed to their words: but every Pinnace, according to our Captain's order; one on the starboard bough, the other on the starboard quarter, and the Captain in the midship on the starboard side; forthwith boarded her, though we had some difficulty to enter, by reason of her height, being of two hundred forty Tun. But as soon as we entered upon the Decks, we threw down the gates and spardecks, to prevent the Spaniards from annoying us with their close fights: who then perceiving that we were possessed of their Ship, stowed themselves all in hold with their weapons, except two or three yonkers, who were found afore the beets: when having light out of our Pinnaces, we found no danger of the enemy remaining, we cut their Cables at half, and with our three Pinnaces, towed her without the Island, into the sound right afore the Town, without danger of their great shot.  
Mean while the Town having intelligence hereof, by their Watch, took th' alarm, rung out their Bells, shot off about thirty Pieces of great Ordinance, put all their Men in a readiness, Horse and Foot, came down to the very point of the Wood, and discharged their Calivers, to impeach us if they might in going forth.  
The next morning our Ships took two Frigates, 
Aug. 14.  in which were two, who called themselves the Kings Scrivanos, the one of Carthagene, th' other of Veragua, with seven Mariners and two Negroes: who had been at Nombre de dios, and were now bound for Carthagene, with double Letters of Advice, to certify them that Captain Drake had been at Nombre de Dios, had taken it, and had it not been that He was hurt with some blessed shot, by all likelihold he had sacked it: he was yet still upon the Coast: they should therefore carefully prepare for him.  
After that our Captain had brought all his Fleet together: at the Scrivanoes entreaties, he was content to do them all favour, in setting them and all their Companies ashore; and so bore thence with the Lands of Saint Bernard's, about three leagues off the Town; where we found great store of Fish for our refreshing.  
Here our Captain considering that he was now discovered, upon two of the chiefest places of all the Coast, and yet not meaning to leave it, till he had found the Simerons, and made his Voyage, as he had conceived, which would require some length of time, and sure manning of his Pinnaces, he determined with himself, to burn one of his Ships, and make of the other a Storehouse, that his Pinnaces (which could not otherwise) might be throughly Manned, and so he might be able to abide any time. But knowing the affection of his Company, how loath they were to leave either of their Ships, being both so good Sailors, and so well furnished; he purposed in himself by some Policy, to make them most willing to effect that he intended. And therefore sent for one Thomas Moon (who was Carpenter in the Swan) and taking him into his Cabin, chargeth him to conceal for a time, a piece of service, which he must in any case consent to do aboard his own Ship: that was, in the middle of the second Watch, to go down secretly into the Well of the Ship, and with a great spike-gimlet, to boare three holes, as near the Keel as he could, and lay something against it, that the force of the Water entering, might make no great noise, nor be discovered by boiling up. Thomas Moon at the hearing hereof being utterly dismayed▪ desired to know what cause there might be, to move him to sink so good a Bark, of his own, new, and strong, and that by his means, who had been in two so rich and gainful Voyages in her with himself heretofore: If his Brother, the Master▪ and the rest of the Company should know of such his fact, he thought verily they would kill him. But when our Captain had imparted to him his causes, and had persuaded him with promise that it should not be known, till all of them should be glad of it: he undertook it, and did it accordingly.  
The next morning our Captain took his Pinnace very early, 
Aug. 15.  purposing to go a fishing (for that there is very great store in all the Coast) and falling a board the Swan, calleth for his Brother to go with him, who rising suddenly, answereth that he would follow presently, or if it would please him to stay a very little, he would attend him. Our Captain perceiving the feat wrought, would not hasten him, but in rowing away, demanded of them, why their Bark was so deep? as making no account of it: but by occasion of this demand, his Brother sent one down to the Steward to know whether there were any water in the ship? or what other cause might be? The Steward hastily stepping down at his usual scuttle, was wet up to the waste, and shifting with more haste to come up again as if the water had followed him, cried out that the Ship was full of water. There was no need to hasten the Company, some to Pump, others to search for the Leak, which the Captain of the Bark seeing they did on all hands very willingly, he followed his Brother, and certified him of the strange chance befallen them that night; that whereas they had not Pumped twice in six weeks before, now they had six foot water in hold▪ therefore he desireth leave from attending him in fishing, to intend the search and remedy of the leak: and when our Captain with his Company proffered to go to help them, he answered, they had men enough aboard, and prayed him to continue his fishing, that they might have some part of it for their dinner. Thus returning, he found his Company had taken great pains, but had freed the water very little: yet such was their love to the Bark (as our Captain well knew) that they ceased not, but to the utmost of their strength, laboured all that they might till three in the afternoon, by which time, the Company perceiving, that though they had been relieved by our Captain himself and many of his Company, yet they were not able to free above a foot and a half of water, and could have no likelihood of finding the Leak, had now a less liking of her then before, and greater content to hear of some means for remedy: whereupon our Captain consulting with them what they thought best to be done: found that they had more desire to have all as he thought fit, than judgement to conceive any means of remedy. And therefore he propounded, that himself would go into the Pinnace, till he could provide some handsome Frigate, and that his Brother should be Captain in the Admiral, and the Master should also be there placed with him, instead of this: which seeing they could not save, he would have fired, that the Enemy might never recover her: but first all the Pinnaces should be brought aboard her, that every one might take out of her whatsoever they lacked or liked. This, though the company at the first marveiled at, yet presently it was put in execution and performed that night: our Captain had his desire, 
Aug. 16.  and men enough for his Pinnaces.  
The next morning, we resolved to seek out some fit place, in the sound of Dorrienne, where we might safely leave our ship at Anchor, not discoverable by the Enemy, who thereby might imagine us quite departed from the Coast, and we the mean time better follow our purposes with our Pinnaces; of which our Captain would himself take two to Rio Grande, and the third leave with his Brother to seek the symeron's.  
Upon this resolution, 
Aug. 21.  we set sail presently for the said Sound, which within five days we recovered, abstaining of purpose, from all such occasion as might hinder our determination, or bewray our being upon the Coast. As soon as we arrived, where our Captain intended, and had chosen a fit and convenient road (out of all trade) for our purpose; we reposed ourselves there for some fifteen days, keeping ourselves close, that the bruit of our being upon the Coast might cease.  
But in the mean time we were not idle: for besides such ordinary works, as our Captain every Month did usually enure us to, about the trimming and fitting of his Pinnaces, for their better sailing and rowing: he caused us to rid a large plot of ground, both of Trees and Brakes, and to build us Houses, sufficient for all our lodging, and one especially for all our public meetings, wherein the Negro which fled to us before did us great service, as being well acquainted with the Country, and their means of Building. Our Archers made themselves Butts to shoot at, because we had many that delighted in that Exercise, and wanted not a Fletcher to keep our Bows and Arrows in order. The rest of the Company, every one as he liked best, made his disport at Bowls, Quoits, Keiles, etc. For our Captain allowed one half of their Company to pass their time thus, every other day interchangeably, the other half being enjoined to the necessary works, about our Ship and Pinnaces, and the providing of fresh Victuals, Fish, Fowle, Hogs, Dear, Coneys, etc. whereof there is great plenty. Here our Smiths set up their Forge, as they used, being furnished out of England with Anvil, Iron, Coals, and all manner of necessaries, which stood us in great stead.  

Septem. 5  At the end of these fifteen days, our Captain leaving his Ship in his Brother's charge, to keep all things in order, himself took with him, according to his former determination, two Pinnaces for Rio Grand; and passing by Carthagene, 
Septem. 8  but out of sight, when we were within two leagues of the River, we landed to the Westwards on the Maine, where we saw great store of Cattle. There we found some Indians, who ask us in friendly sort, in broken Spanish, what we would have? and understanding that we desired fresh Victuals in Traffic; they took such Cattle for us as we needed, with ease and so readily, as if they had a special commandment over them, whereas they would not abide us to come near them: And this also they did willingly, because our Captain (according to his custom) contented them for their pains, with such things as they account greatly of, in such sort that they promised we should have there of them at any time, what we would.  
The same day we departed thence to Rio Grand, where we entered about three of the clock in the afternoon. There are two enterings into this River, of which we entered the Westermost, called Boca Chica. The freshet of this River is so great, that we being half a league from the mouth of it, filled fresh water for our Beverage.  
From three a clock till dark night we rowed up the stream; but the current was so strong downwards, that we got but two leagues all that time. We moared our Pinnaces to a tree that night; for that presently with the closing of the evening, there fell a monstrous shower of rain, with such strange and terrible claps of thunder and flashes of lightning, as made us, not a little to marvel at, although our Captain had been acquainted with such like in that Country, and told us that they continue seldom longer than three quarters of an hour. This storm was no sooner ceased, but it became very calm, and therewith there came such an innumerable multitude of a kind of flies of that Country called Muskitoes (like our Gnats) which by't so spitefully, that we could not rest all that night, nor find means to defend ourselves from them, by reason of the heat of the Country: the best remedy we then found against them, was the juice of Lemons.  
At the break of day we departed, rowing in the eddy, 
Septe. 9  and haling up by the trees where the eddy failed, with great labour, by spells, without ceasing, each company their half hourglass, without meeting any, till about three a clock after noon, by which time we could get but five leagues a head. Then we espied a Canow with two Indians fishing in the River; but we spoke not to them lest so we might be descried: nor they to us, as taking us to be Spaniards. But within an hour after we espied certain houses on the other side of the River, whose channel is twenty five fathom deep, and his breadth so great, that a man can scantly be discerned from side to side. Yet a Spaniard which kept those houses, had espied our Pinnaces, and thinking we had been his countrymen, made a smoke; for a signal to turn that way, as being desirous to speak with us. After that, we espying this smoke, had made with it, and were half the River over, he wheaved us with his hat, and his long hanging sleeves to come a shore: But as we drew nearer unto him, he discerned that we were not those he looked for, he took his heels, & fled from his houses, which we found to be five in number, all full of white Ruske, dried Bacon, that Country Cheese (like Holland Cheese in fashion, but far more delicate in taste, of which they send into Spain as special Presents) many sorts of sweet meats, and Conserves, with great store of sugar, being provided to serve the Fleet returning to Spain.  
With this store of victuals we loaded our Pinnaces, and by the shutting in of the day we were ready to depart; for that we hastened the rather, by reason of an intelligence given us by certain Indian Women which we found in those houses: that the Frigates (these are ordinarily thirty, or upwards, which usually transport the Merchandise sent out of Spain to Carthagene, from thence to these houses, and so in great Canoas' up hence into Nueva Reyno, for which, the River running many hundred leagues within the land, serveth very fitly, and return in exchange, the gold and treasure, silver, victuals and commodities, which that Kingdom yieldeth abundantly:) were not yet returned from Carthagene, since the first alarm they took of our being there.  

Sept. 10.  As we were going aboard our Pinnaces from these Storehouses, the Indians of a great Town called Villa del Rey, some two miles distant from the waters side where we landed, were brought down by the Spaniards into the bushes, and shot their arrows; but we rowed down the stream, with the current (for that the wind was against us) only one league, and because it was night, anchored till the morning, when we rowed down to the mouth of the River, where we unladed all our provisions, and cleansed our Pinnaces, according to our Captain's custom, and took it in again, and the same day went to the Westward.  
In this return we descried a Ship, a Bark, and a Frigate, of which the Ship and Frigate went for Carthagene, but the Bark was bound to the Northwards, with the wind Easterly, so that we imagined she had some gold or treasure going for Spain: therefore we gave her chase, but taking her, and finding nothing of importance in her, understanding that she was bound for Sugar, and Hides, we let her go, and having a good gale of wind, continued our former course to our Ship and Company. 
Sept. 11.   
In the way between Carthagene and Tolou we took five or six Frigates, which were laden from Tolou, with live Hogs, Hens and Maiz, which we call Guyny Wheat: of these having gotten what intelligence they could give, of their preparations for us, and divers opinions of us, was dismissed all the men, only staying two Frigates with us, because they were so well stored with good Victuals.  
Within three days after we arrived at the place which our Captain chose at first to leave his ship in which was called by our Company Port-Plenty, by reason we brought in thither continually all manner store of good Victuals which we took going that way by Sea, for the victualling of Carthagene and Nombre de Dios, as also the Fleets going and coming out of Spain: so that if we had been two thousand, yea three thousand persons, we might with our Pinnaces easily have provided them sufficient victual of Wine, Meal, Ruske, Cassavy, (a kind of Bread made of a Root called Yucca, whose juice is poison, but the substance good and wholesome) dried Beef, dried Fish, live Sheep, live Hogs, abundance of Hens, besides the infinite store of dainty fresh very easily to be taken every day. Insomuch that he were forced to build four several Magazines or Storehouses, some ten, some twenty Leagues a sunder, some in Lands, some in the Maine, providing ourselves in divers places, that though the Enemy should with force surprise any one, yet we might be sufficiently furnished, till we had made our Voyage as we did hope. In building of these, our Negro's help was very much, as having a special skill, in the speedy erection of such houses.  
This our store was such, as thereby we relieved, not only ourselves and the symeron's, while they were with us, but also two French Ships in extreme want. For in our absence Captain John Drake having one of our Pinnaces as was appointed, went in with the main, and as he towed a loof the shore, where he was directed by Diego the Negro aforesaid, which willingly came unto us at Nombre de dios, he espied certain of the symeron's, with whom he dealt so effectually, that in conclusion he left two of our men with their Leader, and brought aboard two of theirs: agreeing that they should meet him again the next Day, at a River mid way between the Cabezas and our Ships, which they named Rio Diego.  
These two being very sensible men, chosen out by their Commander, did with all reverence and respect, declare unto our Captain, that their Nation conceived great joy of his arrival, because they knew him to be an enemy to the Spaniards, not only by his late being in Nombre de dios, but also by his former Voyages, and therefore were ready to assist and favour his enterprises against his and their Enemies to the uttermost: and to that end their Captain and Company, did stay at this present near the mouth of Rio Diego, to attend what answer and order should be given them: that they would have marched by land, even to this place, but that the way is very long, and more troublesome, by reason of many steep Mountains, deep Rivers and thick brakes: desiring therefore, that it might please our Captain to take some order, as he thought best, with all convenient speed in this behalf. Our Captain considering the speech of these persons, and weighing it with his former intelligences had, not only by Negroes but Spaniards also whereof he was always very careful: as also conferring it with his Brother's informations of the great kindness that they showed him, being lately with them: after he had heard the opinions of those of best service with him, what were fittest to be done presently; resolved himself with his Brother and the two symeron's, in his two Pinnaces to go toward this River, as he did the same evening; giving order, that the Ship and the rest of his Fleet, should the next morning follow him, because there was a place of as great safety and sufficiency, which his Brother had found out near the River. The safety of it consisted, not only in that which is common all along that Coast from Tolou to Nombre de Dios, being above sixty leagues; that it is a most goodly and plentiful Country, and yet Inhabited not with one Spaniard, or any for the Spaniards; but especially in that it lyerh among a great many of goodly Lands full of Trees, where, though there be Channels, yet there are such Rocks and shoals, that no Man can enter by night, without great danger, nor by day without discovery; whereas our Ship might lie hidden within the Trees.  
The next day we arrived at this River appointed, 
Septe. 14  where we found the symeron's, according to promise; the rest of their number were a mile up in a Wood by the River's side. There, after we had given them entertainment and received good testimonies of their joy and good will towards us, we took two more of them into our Pinnaces, leaving our two men with the rest of theirs, to much by land to another River called Rio Guana, with intent there to meet with another Company of symeron's, which were now in the Mountains. So we departed that day from Rio Diego with our Pinnaces towards our Ship, as marveling that she followed us not, as was appointed.  
But two days after, 
Septe. 16  we found her in the place where we left her, but in far other state, being much spoilt, and in great danger, by reason of a tempest she had in our absence.  

Sept. 18.  As soon as we could trim our Ship, being some two days, our Captain sent away one of his Pinnaces towards the bottom of the Bay, amongst the shoals and sandy Lands, to sound out the Channel, for the bring in of our Ship nearer the Maine.  

Sept. 19  The next day we followed, and were (with wary Pilotage, directed safely into the best Channel, with much ado to recover the Road, among so many flats and shoals. It was near about five leagues from the Cativaas, betwixt an Island and the Maine, where we moared our Ship. The Island was not above four Cables length from the Maine, being in quantity some three Acres of ground, flat and very full of Trees and Bushes.  

Sept. 22.  We were forced to spend the best part of three days, after our departure from our Port Plenty, before we were quiet in the newfound Road, which we had but newly entered, when our two Men and the former Troop of Simerons, 
Sept. 23.  with twelve other whom they had met in the Mountains, came in sight over against our Ship, on the Main: whence we fet them all aboard, to their great comfort and our content: they rejoicing that they should have some fit opportunity, to wreak their wrongs on the Spaniards: we hoping that now our Voyage should be bettered.  
At our first meeting, when our Captain had moved them, to show him the means which they had to furnish him with Gold and Silver; they answered plainly, that had they known Gold had been his desire, they could have satisfied him with store, which for the present they could not do, because the Rivers, in which they had sunk great store, which they had taken from the Spaniards, rather to despite them then for love of Gold, were now so high, that they could not get it out of such depths for him, and because the Spaniards in these rainy Month do not use to carry their Treasure by Land.  
This answer, although it were somewhat unlooked for, yet nothing discontented us, but rather persuaded us farther of their honest and faithful meaning towards us. Therefore our Captain to entertain these five Months, commanded all our Ordnance and Artillery a shore, with all our other Provisions; sending his Pinnaces to the Maine, to bring over great Trees, to make a Fort upon the same Island, for the planting of all our Ordnance therein, and for our safeguard, if the Enemy in all this time should chance to come.  
Our symeron's cut down Palmito boughs and branches, 
Sept. 24.  and with wonderful speed raised up two large Houses for all our Company. Our Fort was then made (by reason of the place) triangle wise with main Timber and Earth, of which the Trench yielded us good store, so that we made it thirteen foot in height.  
But after we had continued upon this Island fourteen days, our Captain having determined, 
Octob. 7.  with three Pinnaces to go for Carthagene, left his Brother John Drake, to govern these who remained behind with the symeron's, to finish the Fort which he had begun: for which he appointed him to fetch Boards and Planks, as many as his Pinnace would carry, from the Prize which we took at Rio Grand, and left at the Cativaas, where she drove a shore and wracked, in our absence; but now she might serve very commodiously to supply our uses, in making Platforms for our Ordnance. Thus our Captain and his Brother took their leave, the one to the Eastward, and the other to the Cativaas.  
That night we came to an I'll, which he called Spurkite Island, because we found there great store of such a kind a Bird in shape, but very delicate, of which we killed and roasted many, staying there till the next day midnoone when we departed thence; 
Octo. 8.  and about four a clock recovered a big Island in our way, where we staying all night, by reason that there was great store of Fish, and especially of a great kind of Shellfish of a foot long, we called them Whelks.  

Octo. 9  The next morning we were clear of these Lands, and Shoales, 
Octo. 13.  and haled off into the Sea. About four days after, near the Lands of Saint Bernard's, we chased two Frigates a shore: 
Oct. 14.15.  and recovering one of the Lands, made our abode there some two days, to wash our Pinnaces and rake off the Fish.  

Octo. 16.  Thence we went towards Tolou, and that day landed near the Town in a Garden, where we found certain Indians, who delivered us their Bows and Arrows, and gathered for us such Fruit as the Garden did field, being many sorts of dainty Fruits and Roots, still contenting them for that we received: our Captains principal intent in taking this and other places by the way, not being for any other cause, but only to learn true intelligences of the state of the Country and of the Fleets.  
Hence we departed presently, and rowed towards Charesha the Island of Carthagene, and entered in at Bocha Chica; and having the wind large, we sailed in towards the City, and let fall our Grappers betwixt the Island and the Maine, right over against the goodly Garden Island. In which our Captain would not suffer us to land, notwithstanding our importunate desire, because he knew it might be dangerous; for that they are wont to send Soldiers thither▪ when they know any Men of War upon the Coast; which we found accordingly: for within three hours after, passing by the point of the Island, we had a volley of an hundred shot from them, and yet there was but one of our men hurt.  
This evening we departed to Sea, and the day following, being some two leagues off the Harbour, 
Octo. 17.  we took a Bark, and found that the Captain and his wife with the better sort of the passengers had forsaken her, and were gone a shore in their gondola: by occasion whereof we boarded without resistance, though they were very well provided, with Swords and Targets, and some small shot, besides four Iron Bases. She was about fifty ton, having ten Marrines, five or six Negroes, great store of Soap and Sweetmeats, bound from Saint Domingo to Carthagene. This Captain left behind him a silk Ancient with his Arms, as might be thought in hasty departing.  
The next day we sent all the Company a shore to seek their Masters, 
Octo. 18.  saving a young Negrito of three or four years old which we brought away, but kept the Bark, and in her, bore into the mouth of Carthagene Harbour, where we anchored.  
That afternoon, certain horsemen came down to the point by the Wood side, and with the Scrivano forementioned came towards our Bark with a Flag of Truce, desiring of our Captain safe conduct for his coming and going: the which being granted, he came aboard us, giving our Captain great thanks for his manifold favours, etc. promising that night before day break to bring as much victual as they would desire, what shift soever he made, or what danger soever he incurred of Law and punishment. But this fell out to be nothing but a device of the Governor forced upon the Scrivano, to delay time, till they might provide themselves of sufficient strength to entrap us; for which this fellow, by his smooth speech, was thought a fit mean. 
Octo. 19  So by Sun rising when we perceived his words but words, we put to Sea to the Westward of the Island, some three Leagues off, where we lay at Hull the rest of all that day and night.  

Octo. 20.  The next day in the afternoon, there came out of Carthagene, two Frigates bound for Saint Domingo, the one of fifty, the other of twelve Tun, having nothing in them but Ballast: we took them with in a League of the Town, and came to Anchor with them, within Saker shot of the East Bulwark: there were in those Frigates some twelve or thirteen common Mariners, which entreated to be set a shore: to them our Captain gave the great Frigates gondola, and dismissed them.  

Octo. 21.  The next morning, when they came down to the Wester point with a Flag of Truce, our Captain manned one of his Pinnaces and rowed a shore: when we were within a Cables length of the shore, the Spaniards fled, hiding themselves in the Woods, as being afraid of our Ordnance; but indeed to draw us on to Land confidently, and to presume of our strength. Our Captain commanding the Grapnel to be cast out of the stern, veered the Pinnace a shore, and as soon as she touched the Sand, he alone leapt a shore in their sight, to declare that he durst set his foot a land, but stayed not among them; to let them know, that though he had not sufficient forces to conquer them, yet he had sufficient judgement to take heed of them. And therefore perceiving their intent as soon as our Captain was aboard, we haled off upon our Grapner and rid a while. They presently came forth upon the Sand, and sent a youth, as with a message from the Governor, to know what our intent was to stay thus upon the Coast? Our Captain answered, he meant to traffic with them: for he had Tin, Pewter, Cloth, and other Merchandise that they needed. The youth swum back again with this answer; and was presently returned, with another message: that, the King had forbidden to traffic with any foreign Nation for any Commodities, except Powder and Shot, of which if we had any store, they would be his Merchants; he answered, that he was come from his Country, to exchange his Commodities for Gold and Silver, and is not purposed to return without his errand. They are like (in his opinion) to have little rest, if that by fair means they would not traffic with him. He gave this Messenger a fair Shirt for a reward, and so returned him: who rolled his Shirt about his head and swam very speedily.  
We heard no answer all that day, and therefore toward night we went aboard our Frigates and reposed ourselves, setting and keeping very orderly all that night our watch, with great and small shot.  
The next morning the wind which had been Westerly in the evening, altered to the Eastward. About the dawning of the day, we espied two Sails turning towards us; whereupon our Captain weighed with his Pinnaces, leaving the two Frigates unmanned. But when we were come some what nigh them, the wind calmed, and we were fain to row towards them, till that approaching very nigh we saw many heads peering over board. For, as we perceived, these two Frigates were manned and set forth out of Carthagene, to fight with us: and at lest to impeach or busy us, whiles by some means or other they might recover the Frigates from us: but our Captain prevented both their drifts. For commanding John Oxnam to stay with the one Pinnace, to entertain these two men of war, himself in the other made such speed, that he gate to his Frigates which he had left at Anchor, and caused the Spaniards (who in the mean time had gotten aboard in a small Canow, thinking to have towed them within the danger of their shot) to make greater haste thence, than they did thither. For he found that in shifting thence, some of them were fain to swim a land (the Canow not being able to receive them) and had left their apparel, some their Rapiers and Targets, some their Flasks and Callivers behind them, although they were towing away of one of them: therefore considering that we could not man them, we sunk the one, burned the other, giving them to understand by this, that we perceived their secret practices.  

Octo. 22.  This being done, he returned to John Oxnam, who all this while lay by the men of war without proffering of fight. And as soon as our Captain was come up to these Frigates, the wind blew much from the Sea, so that we being betwixt the shore and them, were in a manner forced to bear room into the Harbour before them, to the great joy of the Spaniards who beheld it, in supposing, that we would still have fled before them. But assoon as we were in the Harbour, and felt smooth water, our Pinnaces (as we were assured of) getting the wind, we fought with them upon the advantage, so that after a few shot exchanged, and a storm rising, they were contented to press no nearer. Therefore as they let fall their Anchors, we presently let drop our Grapners in the wind of them, which the Spanish Soldiers seeing, considering the disadvantage of the wind, the likelihood of the storm to continue, and small hope of doing any good, they were glad to retire themselves to the Town. But by reason of the foul and tempestuous weather, we road there four days, feeling great cold, by reason we had such sore reins with Westerly wind, and so little succour in our Pinnaces.  

Octo. 27.  The fifth day after, there came in a Frigate from the sea, which seeing us make towards her, ran herself a shore, unhanging her Rudder and taking away her Sails, that she might not easily be carried away. But when we were come up to her, we perceived about a hundred Horse and Foot, with their Furniture, came down to the point of the Maine, where we interchanged some shot with them. One of our great shot passed so near a brave Cavalier of theirs, that thereby they were occasioned to advise themselves, and to retreat into the Woods, where they might sufficiently defend and rescue the Frigate from us, and annoy us also, if we stayed long about her. Therefore we concluded to go to Sea again, putting forth through Boca chica, with intent to take down our Masts, upon hope of fair weather, and to ride under the Rocks called Las Serenas, which are two leagves off at Sea, as we had usually done aforetime, so that they could not discern us from the Rocks. But there the Sea was so mightily grown, that we were forced to take the Harbour again: where we remained six days, 
Nove. 2.  notwithstanding the Spaniards grieved greatly at our abode there so long, put an other device in practice to endanger us.  
For they sent forth a great Shallop, a fine Gundeloe, and a great Canow, with certain Spaniards with shot, and many Indians with poisoned Arrows, as it seemed, with intent to begin some fight, and then to fly. For as soon as we rowed towards them and interchanged shot, they presently retired and went a shore into the Woods, where an Ambush of some sixty shot were laid for us; besides two Pinnaces and a Frigate warping towards us, which were Manned as the rest. They attempted us very boldly, being assisted by those others, which from our of the Wood had gotten aboard the Gundeloe and Canow, and seeing us bearing from them (which we did in respect of the Ambuscado) they encouraged themselves and assured their fellows of the day. But our Captain weighing this their attempt, and being out of danger of their shot from the Land, commanding his other Pinnace to be brought a head of him, and to let fall their Grapners each a head the others, environed both the Pinnaces with Bonnets, as for a close fight, and then wheaved them aboard them.  
They kept themselves upon their Oars at Calliver shot distance, spending Powder apace, as we did some two or three hours. We had one of our Men only wounded in that Fight; what they had is unknown to us, but we saw their Pinnaces shot thorough in divers places, and the Powder of one of them took on fire; whereupon we weighed, intending to bear room, to over-runne them; which they perceiving, and thinking that we would have boarded them, rowed away amain to the defence which they had in the Wood; the rather, because they were disappointed of their help, that they expected from the Frigate which was warping towards us, but by reason of the much Wind that blew, could not come to offend us, or succour them.  
Thus seeing that we were still molested, and no hope remaining of any Purchase to be had in this place any longer, because we were now so notably made known in those parts, and because our Victuals grew scant, as soon as the Wether waxed somewhat better (the Wind continuing always Westerly, so that we could not return to our Ships) our Captain thought best to go to the Eastward, towards Rio grand, 
Nove. 3.  along the Coast, where we had been before, and found great store of Victuals.  

Nove. 5.  But when after two days sailing, we were arrived at the Villages of store, where before we had furnished ourselves with abundance of Hens, Sheep, Calves, Hogs, etc. Now we found bare nothing, not so much as any people left, for that they by the Spaniards commandment were fled to the Mountains, and had driven away all their Cattle, that we might not be relieved by them. Herewith being very sorry, because much of our Victual in our Pinnaces was spoilt, by the foul weather at Sea, and reins in Harbour; a Frigate being descried at Sea revived us, and put us in some hope for the time, that in her we should find sufficient; and thereupon it may easily be guessed, how much we laboured to recover her; but when we had boarded her, and understood, that she had neither Meat nor Money, but that she was bound for Rio Grand, to take in Provision upon Bills, our great hope converted into grief.  
We endured with our allowance seven or eight days more, proceeding to the Eastwards, and bearing room for Santa Martha, upon hope to find some Shipping in the Read, or Limpets on the Rocks, or succour against the Storm in that good Harbour. Being arrived, and seeing no Shipping, we anchored under the Wester point, where is high land, and, as we thought, free in safety from the Town, which is in the bottom of the Bay, not intending to land there, because we knew that it was fortified, and that they had intelligence of us. But the Spaniards knowing us to be Men of War, and misliking that we should shroud under their Rocks, without their leave, had conveyed some thirty or forty shot among the Cliffs, which annoyed us so spitefully, and so unrevengedly (for that they lay hidden behind the Rocks, burr we lay open to them) that we were soon weary of our Harbour, and enforced, for all the Storm without, and want within, to put to Sea; which though these Enemies of ours were well contented withal, yet for a farewell, as we came open of the Town, they sent us a Culverin shot, which made a near escape; for it fell between our Pinnaces, as we were upon conference of what was best to be done. The Company advised, that if it pleased him, they might put themselves a land some place to the Eastward to get Victuals, and rather hope for courtesy of the Country People, then continue at Sea, in so long cold, and great a storm in so leak a Pinnace. But our Captain would in no wise like of that advice, he thought it better to bear up towards Rio de Haca or Corizao, with hope there to have plenty without great resistance, because he knew, either the Lands were not very populous, or else it were very likely that there would be found Ships of Victual in a readiness.  
The Company of the other Pinnace answered, that they would willingly follow him thorough the World, but in this they could not see, how, either their Pinnace should live in that Sea, without being eaten up in that storm, or they themselves able to endure so long time, with so slender Provision as they had, viz. only one Gammon of Bacon and thirty pound of Biscuit for eighteen Men. Our Captain replied, that they were better provided then himself was, who had but one Gammon of Bacon, and forty pound of Biscuit for his twenty four Men; and therefore He doubted not but they would take such part as He did, and willingly depend upon God's Almighty Providence, which never faileth them that trust in him. With that he hoist his foresail, and set his course for Corizao; which the rest perceiving, with sorrowful hearts in respect of the weak Pinnace, yet desirous to follow their Captain, consented to take the same course.  
We had not sailed past three leagues, but we had espied a sail plying to the Westward with her two courses, to our great joy, who vowed together, that we would have her, or else it should cost us dear. Bearing with her we found her to be a Spanish Ship of above ninety Tun, which being wheaved a main by us, despised our Summons, and shot off her Ordnance at us.  
The Sea went very high, so that it was not for us, to attempt to board her, and therefore we made fit small sail to attend upon her, and keep her company to her small content, till fairer weather might lay the Sea. We spent not passed two hours in our attendance, till it pleased God, after a great shower to send us a reasonable calm, so that we might use our Pieces, and approach her at pleasure, in such sort, that in short time we had taken her, finding her laden with Victual well powdered and dried, which at that present we received, as sent us of God's great mercy.  
After all things were set in order, and that the wind increased toward night, we plied off and on till day, at what time our Captain sent in Edward Hixom, 
Nove. 13.  who had then charge of his Pinnace, to search out some Harbour along the Coast: who having found out a little one, some ten or twelve leagues to the East of Santa Martha, where in sounding he had good ground and sufficient water, presently returned, & our Captain brought in his new Prize. Then by promising liberty, and all their apparel to the Spaniards which we had taken, if they would bring us to Water and fresh Victuals, the rather by their means, we obtained of the Inhabitants Indians, what they had which was plentiful. These Indians were clothed and governed by a Spaniard which dwelled in the next Town, not past a league off: we stayed there all day, watering and wooding, and providing things necessary, by giving content and satisfaction to the Indians. But towards night our Captain called all of us aboard, (only leaving the Spaniards lately taken in the Prize ashore, according to our promise made them, to their great content, who acknowledged that our Captain did them a far greater favour, in setting them freely at liberty, than he had done them displeasure in taking their Ship) and so set sail.  
The sickness which had begun to kindle amongst us two or three days before, did this day show itself in Charles Novemb, one of our Quarter-masters, a very tall man, and a right good Mariner, taken away to the great grief both of Captain and Company. What the cause of this malady was, we knew not of certainty, we imputed it to the cold which our men had taken, lying without succour in the Pinnaces. But howsoever it was, thus it pleased God to visit us, and yet in favour to restore unto health, all the rest of our Company, that were touched with this disease, which were not a few.  

Nove. 15.  The next morning being fair weather, though the wind continued contrary, our Captain commanded the Minion his lesser Pinnace, to hasten away before him towards his Ships at Fort Diego within the Cabezas to carry news of his coming, and to put all things in a readiness for our Land journey, if they hear any thing of the Fleets arrival by the symeron's, giving the Minion charge if they wanted Wine, to take Saint Bernard's in their way, and there take in some such portion as they thought good, of the Wines which we had there hidden in the sand. 
Nove. 22.   
We plied to windwards, as near as we could, so that within a seven night after the Minion departed from us, we came to Saint Bernard's, where we stayed many hours, finding but twelve Botijos of Wine, of all the store we left, which had escaped the curious search of the Enemy (who had been there) for that they were deep in the ground.  
Within four or five days after we came to our Ship, 
Nove. 27.  where we found all other things in good order, but received very heavy news of the death of John Drake our Captain's Brother, and another young man called Richard Allen which were both slain at one time, as they attempted the boarding of a Frigate within two days after our departing from them.  
The manner of it (a we learned by examination of the Company) was this; when they saw this Frigate at Sea (as they were going towards their Fort with Planks to make the Platforms) the Company were very importunate on him, to give chase and set upon this Frigate, which they deemed had been a fit booty for them. But he told them, that they wanted weapons to assail, they knew not how the Frigate was provided, they had their boat loaden with planks, to finish that his Broter had commanded. But when this would not satisfy them, but that still they urged him with words and supposals: If you will needs said he adventure, it shall never be said that I will be hindermost, neither shall you report to my Brother, that you lost your Voyage by any cowardice you found in me.  
Thereupon every man shifted as they might for the time: and heaving their planks over board, took them such poor weapons as they had▪ viz. a broken pointed Rapier, one old Visgee and a rusty Caliver John Drake took the Rapier, and made a Gauntlet of his Pillow, Richard Allen the Visegee, both standing in the head of the Pinnace, called the Ejon, Robert took the Caliver and so boarded. But they found the Frigate armed round about with a close fight of Hides, full of Pikes and Calivers, which were discharged in their faces, and deadly wounded those that were in the Fore-ship, John Drake in the belly, and Richard Allen in the head. But notwithstanding their wounds, they with Oars shifted off the Pinnace, got clear of the Frigate, and with all haste recovered their Ship, where within an hour after this young man of great hope, ended his days, greatly lamented of all the Company.  
Thus having moared our Ships fast, our Captain resolved to keep himself close, without being descried, until he might hear of the coming of the Spanish Fleet, and therefore set no more to Sea, but supplied his wants, both for his own Company and the symeron's, out of his aforesaid Magazine, besides daily out of the woods, with wild Hogs, Pheasants and Guanas, continuing in health (God be praised) all the mean time, which was a Month at least, till at length about the beginning of January, 
Janu. 3.  half a score of our Company fell down sick altogether, and the most of them died within two or three days: so long that we had thirty at a a time sick of the Calenture, which attached our men, either by reason of the sudden change from cold to heat, or by reason of brackish water which had been taken in by one Pinnace through the sloth of their men in the mouth of the River, not rowing further in where the water was good.  
Among the rest, Joseph Drake another of his Brethren died in our Captain's Arms, of the same disease; of which that the cause might be the better discerned, and consequently remedied, to the relief of others, by our Captain's appointment he was ripped open by the Surgeon, who found, his liver swollen, his heart as it were sodden, and his guts all fair. This was the first and last experiment that our Captain, made of Anatomy in this Voyage.  
The Surgeon that cut him up, over lived him not past four days, although he were not touched with that sickness, of which he had been recovered above a month before; but only of an overbold practice which he would needs make upon himself, by receiving an overstrong Purgation of his own device: after which taken, he never spoke, nor his Boy recovered the health which he lost by tasting it, till he saw England.  
The symeron's, who, as is beforesaid, had been entertained by our Captain in September last, and usually repaired to our Ship, during all the time of our absence; ranged the Country up and down, between Nombre de Dios and us, to learn what they might for us; whereof they gave our Captain advertisement from time to time, as now particularly, certain of them let him understand, that the Fleet was certainly arrived at Nombre de Dios.  
Therefore he sent the Lion, 
Ianu. 30.  to the seamost Island of the Cativaas, to descry the truth of the report: by reason it must needs be, that if the Fleet were in Nombre de Dios, all the Frigates of the Country would repair thitherwards with Victual.  
The Lion within few days descried that she was sent for, espying a Frigate which she presently boarded and took, laden with Maiz, Hens, and Pompions from Tolou, who assured us of the whole truth, of the arrival of the Fleet: in this Frigate were taken one Woman and twelve Men, of whom one was the Scrivano of Tolou. These we used very courteously, keeping them diligently guarded from the deadly hatred of the symeron's, who sought daily by all means they could to get them of our Captain, that they might cut their throats, to revenge their wrongs and injuries, which the Spanish Nation had done them: but our Captain persuaded them not to touch them, or give them ill countenance, while they were in his charge; and took order for their safety, not only in his presence, but also in his absence For when he had prepared to take his journey for Panama by land, he gave Ellis Hixom charge of his own Ship and Company, and especially of those Spaniards whom he had put into the great Prize, which was haled a shore to the Island, (which we termed slaughter Island, because so many of our Men died there) and used as a Storehouse for ourselves, and a Prison for our Enemies.  
All things thus ordered, our Captain conferring with his Company and the Chiefest of the symeron's, what Provisions were to be prepared for this great and long journey; what kind of Weapons, what store of Victuals, and what manner of Apparel; was especially advised, to carry as great store of Shoes as possibly he might, by reason of so many Rivers, with stones and gravel as they were to pass; which accordingly providing, prepared his Company for that journey, 
Febr. 3.  entering it upon Shrove-tuesday. At what time there had died twenty eight of our Men, and a few whole Men were left aboard with Ellis Hixom, to keep the Ship and tend the Sick, and guard the Prisoners.  
At his departure, our Captain gave this Master strait charge, in any case not to trust any Messenger, that should come in his name with any Tokens, unless he brought his hand writing; which he knew could not be counterfeited by the symeron's or Spaniards.  
We were in all forty eight, of which eighteen only were English, the rest were symeron's, which besides their Arms, bore every one of them a great quantity of Victual and Provision, supplying our want of Carriages in so long a March, so that we were not troubled with any thing but our Furniture. And because they could not carry enough to suffice us altogether, therefore, as they promised before, so by the way with their Arrows, they provided for us competent store from time to time.  
They have every one of them two sorts of Arrows, the one to defend himself and offend the Enemy, the other to kill his Victuals. These for fight are somewhat like the Scottish Arrow, only somewhat longer, and headed with Iron, Wood or Fish-bones. But the Arrows for Provision are of three sorts; the first serveth to kill any great Beast near hand, as Ox, Stag, or wild Boar; this hath a head of Iron of a pound and a half weight, shaped in form like the head of a Javelin or Boare-spear, as sharp as any Knife; making so large and deep a wound, as can hardly be believed of him that hath not seen it. The second serveth for lesser Beasts, and hath a head of three quarters of a pound; this he most usually shooteth. The third serveth for all manner of Birds; it hath a head of an ounce weight. And these heads, though they be of Iron only, yet are they so cunningly tempered, that they will continue a very good edge a long time; and though they be turned sometimes, yet they will never or seldom break. The necessity in which they stand hereof continually, causeth them to have Iron in far greater account than Gold; and no Man among them is of greater estimation, than he that can most perfectly give this temper unto it.  
Every day we were marching by Sunrising, we continued till ten in the forenoon, then resting (ever near some River) till past twelve; we Marched till four, and then by some River's side, we reposed ourselves in such Houses, as either we found prepared heretofore by them, when they traveled thorough these Woods, or they daily built very readily for us, in this manner.  
As soon as we came to the place where we intended to lodge, the symeron's presently laying down their burdens, fell to cutting of Forks or Posts, and Poles or Rafters, and Palmito boughs, or Plantain leaves, and with great speed set up, to the number of six Houses. For every of which, they first fastened deep into the ground three or four great Posts with forks; upon them they laid one Transome, which was commonly about twenty foot, and made the sides in the manner of the roofs of our Country Houses, thatching it close with those aforesaid Leaves, which keep out water a long time; observing always that in the lower ground, where greater heat was, they left some three or four foot open unthacht below, and made the Houses, or rather Roofs, so many foot the higher. But in the Hills, where the Air was more piercing, and the night's colder, they made our Rooms always lower, and e them close to the ground, leaving only one Door to enter at, and a lover-hole for a vent, in the midst of the roof. In every of these they made four several Lodgings, and three Fires, one in the midst, and one at each end of every House; so that the Room was most temperately warm, and nothing annoyed with Smoke, partly by reason of the nature of the Wood, which they use to burn, yielding very little Smoke, partly by reason of their artificial making of it; as firing the Wood cut in length like our Billets, at the ends, and joining them together so close, that though no flame or fire did appear, yet the heat continued without intermission.  
near many of the Rivers where we stayed or lodged, we found sundry sorts of Fruits, which we might use with great pleasure and safety temperately, Mammeas, Guyavas, Palmitos, Pinos, Oranges, Lemons, and divers other; from eating of which they dissuaded us in any case, unless we eat very few of them, and those first dry roasted, as Plantans, Potatoes, and such like.  
In journeying, as oft as by chance they found any wild Swine, of which those Hills or Valleys have store, they would ordinarily, six at a time, deliver their burdens to the rest of their fellows, and pursue, kill, and bring away after us, as much as they could carry, and time permitted. One day as we traveled, the symeron's found an Otter, and prepared it to be dressed: our Captain marveling at it, Pedro (our chief Symeron) asked him, Are you a man of war, and in want, and yet doubt whether this be meat that hath blood? Herewithal our Captain rebuked him secretly, that he had so slightly considered of it before.  
The third day of our journey, they brought us to a Town of their own, seated near a fair River, on the side of a Hill, environed with a dike of eight foot broad, and a thick mud wall of ten foot high, sufficient to stop a sudden surprizer. It had one long and broad street▪ lying East and West, and two other cross streets of less breadth and length: there were in it some five or six and fifty households, which were kept so clean and sweet, that not only the houses, but the very streets were very pleasant to behold. In this Town we saw they lived very civilly and cleanly: for as soon as we came thither, they washed themselves in the River, and changed their apparel, which was very fine and fitly made (as also their Women do wear) somewhat after the Spanish fashion, though nothing so costly. This Town is distant thirty five leagues from Nombre de dios, and forty five from Panamah. It is plentifully stored with many sorts of Beasts and Fowl, with plenty of Maiz and sundry Fruits.  
Touching their affection in Religion, they have no kind of Priests, only they held the Crosse in great reputation: but at our Captain's persuasion, they were contented to leave their Cross▪ and to learn the Lords prayer, and to be instructed in some measure concerning Gods true worship. They keep a continual Watch in four parts, three miles off their Town, to prevent the mischiefs which the Spaniards intent against them, by the conducting of some of their own Coats, which having been taken by the Spaniards, have been enforced thereunto: wherein, as we learned sometimes the Spaniards have prevailed over them, especially when they lived less careful; but since they against the Spaniards, whom they kill like Beasts, as often as they take them in Woods, having aforehand understood of their coming.  

Febr. 7.  We stayed with them that night, and the next day till noon: during which time they related unto us divers very strange accidents, that had fallen out between them and the Spaniards, namely one: A gallant Gentleman entertained by the Governors of the Country, undertook the year last passed, with a hundred an fifty Soldiers, to put this Town to the Sword, Men, Women, and Children, being conducted to it by one of them, that had been taken prisoner, and won by great gifts: he surprised it half an hour before day, by which occasion most of the men escaped, but many of their women and children were slaughtered, or taken: but the same morning by Sun rising, after that their Guide was slaire, in following an other man's wife; and that the symeron's had assembled themselves in their strergth, they behaved themselves in such sort, and drove the Spaniards to such extremity, that what with the disadvantage of the Woods, having lost their Guide, and thereby their way, what with famine and want, there escaped not passed thirty of them, to return answer to those which sent them.  
Their King dwelled in a City within sixteen League's Southeast of Panama, which is able to make one thousand seven hundred fight men.  
They all entreated our Captain very earnestly, to make his abode with them some two or three days, promising that by that time they would double his strength if he thought good. But he thanking them for their offer, told them, that he could stay no longer, it was more than time to prosecute his purposed Voyage: as for strength, he would wish no more than he had, although he might have presently twenty times as much: which they took as proceeding not only from kindness, but also from magnanimity, and therefore, they marched forth that afternoon with great good will.  
This was the order of our march: four of those symeron's that best knew the ways, went about a mile distance before us, breaking boughs as they went, to be a direction to those that followed: but with great silence, which they required us all to keep. Then twelve of them were as it were our Vanguard, and other twelve out Rearward: we with their two Captains in the midst.  
All the Way was thorough Woods very cool and pleasant, by reason of those goodly and high Trees, that grow there so thick, that it is cooler travelling there under them in that hot Region, than it is in the most parts of England in the Summer time. This gave a special encouragement unto us all, that we understood there was a great Tree about the midway, from which we might at once discern the North Sea from whence we came, and the South Sea whether we were going.  
The fourth day following we came to the height of the desired Hill, (a very high Hill, lying East and West, 
Febr. 11.  like a ridge between the two Seas) about ten of the clock: where the chiefest of these symeron's took out Captain by the hand, and prayed him to follow him, if he was desirous to see at once the two Seas: which he had so long longed for.  
Here was that goodly and great high Tree, in which they had cut and made divers steps, to ascend up near unto the top, where they had made a convenient Bower, wherein ten or twelve men might easily sit: and from thence we might without any difficulty plainly see, th' Atlantic Ocean whence now we came, & the South Atlantic so much desired: South and North of this Tree, they had felled certain Trees, that the prospect might be the clearer: and near about the Tree there were divers strong houses, that had been built long before, as well by other symeron's as by these, which usually pass that way, as being inhabited in divers places in those waste Countries.  
After our Captain had ascended to this Bower, with the chief Symeron, and having as it pleased God, at that time, by reason of the breeze, a very fair day, had seen that Sea of which he had heard such golden reports: he besought Almighty God of his goodness, to give him life and leave to Sail once in an English Ship in that Sea: and then calling up all the rest of our men, acquainted john Oxnam especially with this his petition and purpose, if it would please God to grant him that happiness: who understanding it, presently protested, that unless our Captain did beat him from his Company, he would follow him by God's grace.  
Thus all throughly satisfied with the sight of the Seas, descended, and after our repast, continued our ordinary march, 
Febr. 13.  through Woods, yet two days more as before, without any great variety. But when we came to march in a Champion Country, where grass groweth, not only in great length as the knotgrass groweth in many places, but to such height, that the Inhabitants are fain to burn it thrice in the year, that it may be able to feed their Cattle, of which they have thousands. For it is a kind of Grass with a stalk, as big as a great wheaten reed, which hath a blade issuing from the top of it, on which, though the Cattle feed, yet it groweth every day higher, until the top be too high for an Ox to reach. Then the Inhabitants are wont to put fire to it, for the space of five or six miles together, which notwithstanding after it is thus burnt, within three days springeth up fresh like green Corne. Such is the great fruitfulness of the soil, by reason of the evenness of the day and night, and the rich Dews which fall every morning.  
In these three last days march in the Champion, 
Febr. 14  as we passed over the Hills, we might see Panama five or six times a day, and the last day we saw the Ships riding in the road.  
But after that we were come within a day's journey of Panama, our Captain understanding by the symeron's, that the Dames of Panama are wont to send forth Hunters and Fowlers, for taking of sundry dainty Fowl, which the Land yieldeth, by whom if we Marched not very heedfully, we might be descried; caused all his Company to March out of all ordinary way, and that with as great heed, silence and secrecy, as possibly they might, to the Grove, which was agreed on four days before; lying within a league of Panama, where we might lie safely undiscovered near the Highway, that leadeth from thence to Nombre de Dios.  
Thence we sent a chosen Symeron, one that had served a Master in Panamah before time, in such Apparel as the Negroes of Panama do use to War, to be our Espial, to go into the Town, to learn the certain night, and time of the night, when the Carriers laded the Treasure from the King's Treasure-house to Nombre de Dios.  
For they are wont to take their journey from Panama to Venta Cruz, which is six leagues, ever by night, because the Country is all Champion, and consequently by day very hot: but from Venta Cruz to Nombre de Dios, as oft as they travel by Land, with their Treasure, they travel always by day and not by night, because all that way is full of Woods, and therefore very fresh and cool; unless the symeron's happily encounter them, and make them sweat with fear, as sometimes they have done; whereupon they are glad to guard their Recoes with Soldiers, as they pass that way.  
This last day our Captain did behold and view, the most of all that fair City, discerning the large Street which lieth directly from the Sea into the Land, South and North. By three of the clock we came into this Grove, passing (for the more secrecy) alongst a certain River, which at that time was almost dried up.  
Having disposed of ourselves in the Grove, we dispatched our Spy an hour before night, so that by the closing in of the evening, he might be in the City; as he was: whence presently he returned unto us, that which very happily he understood by Companions of his; That the Teasurer of Lima, intending to pass into Spain in the first adviso (which was a Ship of three hundred and fifty Tun, a very good Sailor) was ready that night, to take his journey towards Nombre de Dios, with his Daughter and Family; having fourteen Moils in company, of which, eight was laden with Gold, & one with Jewels. And farther, that there were two other Recoes, of fifty Moils in each, laden with Victuals for the most part, with some little quantity of Silver, to come forth that night after the other. There are twenty eight of these Recoes, the greatest of them is of seventy Moils, the less of fifty, unless some particular Man hire for himself, ten, twenty or thirty, as he hath need.  
Upon this notice, we forthwith Marched four leagues, till we came within two leagues of Venta Cruz; in which March, two of our symeron's which were sent before, by scent of his Match, found and brought a Spaniard, whom they had found a sleep by the way, by scent of the said Match, and drawing near thereby, heard him taking his breath as he slept; and being but one, they fell upon him, stopped his mouth from crying, put out his Match, and bound him so, that they well near strangled him by that time he was brought unto us. By examining him, we found all that to be true, which our Spy had reported to us, and that he was a Soldier entertained with others by the Treasurer, for the guard and conduct of this Treasure, from Venta Cruz to Nombre de Dios.  
This Soldier having learned who our Captain was, took courage, and was bold to make two requests unto him; the one, that he would command his symeron's, which hated the Spaniards (especially the Soldiers) extremely, to spare his life, which he doubted not but they would do at his charge: the other was, that seeing he was a Soldier, and assured him, that they should have that night, more Gold, besides Jewels and Pearls of great price, than all they could carry (if not, than he was to be dealt with how they would) but if they all found it so, than it might please our Captain to give unto him, as much as it might suffice for him and his Mistress to live upon, as he had heard our Captain had done to divers others: for which he would make his name so famous, as any of them, which had received like favour.  
Being at the place appointed, our Captain with half of his men, lay on one side of the way, about fifty paces off in the long grass; john Oxnam with the Captain of the symeron's, and the other half, lay on the other side of the way, at the like distance: but so far behind, that as occasion served, the former Company might take the foremost Moils by the heads, and the other the hindmost, because the Moils tied together, are always driven one after another; and especially that if we should have need to use our weapons that night, we might be sure not to endamage our fellows. We had not lain thus in ambush much above an hour, but we heard the Recoes coming from the City to Venta Cruz, and from Venta Cruz to the City, which hath a very common and great trade, when the Fleets are there: we heard them, by reason they delight much to have deep sounding Bells, which in a still night are heard very far off.  
Now though there were as great charge given as might be, that none of our men should show or stir themselves▪ but let all that came from Venta Cruz to pass quietly: yea their Recoes also, because we knew that they brought nothing but Merchandise from thence: yet one of our men called Robert Pike, having drunken too much Aqua vitae without water, forgot himself, and enticing a Symeron forth with him, was gone hard to the way, with intent to have shown his forwardness on the foremost Moils. And when a Cavalier from Venta Cruz well mounted, with his Page running at his stirrup, passed by unadvisedly he rose up to see what he was; but the Semeron of better discretion pulled him down, and lay upon him, that he might not discover them any more▪ Yet by this the Gentleman had taken notice by seeing one all in white: for that we had all put our shirts over our other apparel, that we might be sure to know our own men in the pell mell in the night. By means of this sight, the Cavalier putting spurs to his horse, rode a false Gallop, as desirous not only himself to be free of this doubt; which he imagined, but also to give advertisement to others that they might avoid it.  
Our Captain who had heard and observed (by reason of the hardness of the ground and stillness of the nigh) the change of this Gentleman's trot to a gallop, suspected that he was discovered, but could not imagine by whose fault, neither did the time give him leisure to search. And therefore considering that it might be, by reason or the danger of the place, well known to ordinary Travellers: we lay still in expectation of the Treasurer's coming, who was by this time within half a league, and had come forwards to us, but that this Horseman meeting him, and (as we afterwards learned by the other Recoes) making report to him, what he had seen presently that night, what he heard of Captain Drake this long time, and what he conjectured to be most likely: viz. that the said Captain Drake, or some for him, disappointed of his expectation, of getting any great Treasure, both at Nombre de dios and other places, was by some means or other come by land, in covert thorough the Woods unto this place to speed for his purpose: and thereupon persuaded him to turn his Reco out of the way, and let the other Recoes, which were coming after to pass on. They were whole Recoes, and loaden but with Victuals for the most part, so that the loss of them were far less if the worst befell, and yet they should serve to discover them as well as the best.  
Thus by the recklessness of one of our Company, and by the carefulness of this Traveller, we were disappointed of a most rich booty, which is to be thought God would not should be taken, for that by all likelihood it was well gotten by that Treasurer.  
The other two Recoes were no sooner come up to us, but being stayed and seized on, one of the chief Carriers, a very sensible fellow, told our Captain by what means we were discovered, and counselled us to shift for ourselves betimes, unless we were able to encounter the whole force of the City and Country which before day would be about us.  
It pleased us but little that we were defeated of our Golden Recoe, and that in these we could not find past some two Horseload of Silver: but it grieved our Captain much more, that he was discovered, and that by one of his own men. But knowing it bootless to grieve at things past, and having learned by experience, that all safety in extremities consisteth in taking of time: after no long consultation with Pedro the chief of our symeron's, who declared that there were but two ways for him: the one to travel back again the same secret way they came, for four leagues space into the Woods: or else to march forward by the high way to Venta Cruz, being two leagues, and make a way with his Sword thorough the Enemies. He resolved; considering the long and weary Marches that we had taken, and chiefly that last evening and day before: to take now the shortest and readiest way; as choosing rather to encounter his Enemies while he had strength remaining, then to be Encountered or chased when we should be worn out with weariness; principally, now having the Moils to ease them that would, some part of the way.  
Therefore commanding all to refresh themselves moderately with such store of Victual, as we had there in abundance, he signified his resolution and reason to them all: ask Pedro by name, whether he would give his hand not to forsake him (because he knew that the rest of the symeron's would also then stand fast and firm, so faithful are they to their Captain.) He being very glad of his resolution, gave our Captain his hand, and vowed that he would rather die at his foot, then leave him to the Enemies, if he held this course.  
So having strengthened ourselves for the time, we took our journey towards Venta Cruz, with help of the Moils, till we came within a mile of the Town, where we turned away the Recoes, charging the Conductors of them, not to follow us upon pain of their lives.  
There the way is cut thorough the Woods, about ten or twelve foot broad, so as two Recoes may pass one by another. The fruitfulness of the soil causeth that with often shredding and ridding the way those Woods grow as thick as our thickest hedges in England that are oftenest cut.  
To the midst of this Wood, a Company of Soldiers which continually lay in that Town, to defend it against the Simerons were come forth, to stop us if they might on the way, if not to retreat to their strength, and there to expect us. A Convent of Friars, of whom one was become a Leader, joined with these Soldiers, to take such part as they did.  
Our Captain understanding by our two Simerons, which with great heedfulness and silence, marched now, but above half a flightshot before us, that it was time for us to arm and take us to our weapons, for they knew the Enemy was at hand, by smelling of their match and hearing of a noise: had given us charge that no one of us should make any shot, until the Spaniards had first spent their volley, which he thought they would not do before they had spoken, as indeed fell out: For as soon as we were within hearing, a Spanish Captain cried aloud, Hóó, our Captain answered him likewise, and being demanded, Que gente? replied Englishmen. But when the said Commander charged him in the name of the King of Spain his Master, that we should yield ourselves, promising in the word and faith of a Gentleman Soldier, that if he would so do, he would use us with all courtesy; our Captain drawing somewhat near him, said; That for the honour of the Queen of England his Mistress, he must have passage that way: and therewithal discharged his Pistol towards him.  
Upon this, they presently shot off their whole volley, which, though it lightly wounded our Captain and divers of our men, yet it caused death to one only of our Company called John Harris, who was so powdered with Haile-shot (which they all used for the most part as it seemed, or else quartered, for that our men were hurt with that kind) that we could not recover his life, though he continued all that day afterwards with us. Presently as our Captain perceived their shot to come slacking, as the latter drops of a great shower of rain; with his Whistle he gave us his usual signal, to answer them with our shot and arrows, and so march onwards upon the Enemy, with intent to come to handy-strokes, and to have joined with them: whom when he sound retired as to a place of some better strength, he increased his pace to prevent them if he might. Which the symeron's perceiving (although by terror of the shot continuing) they were for the time stepped a side, yet as soon as they discerned by hearing that we marched onward, they all rushed forwards one after another, traversing the way, with their Arrows ready in their Bows, and their manner of Country Dance or Leap, very lustily, singing Yó pehó, Yó pehó, and so got before us, where they continued their Leap and Song, after the manner of their own Country Wars, till they and we overtook some of the Enemy, who near the Townes-end had conveyed themselves within the Woods, to have taken their stand at us, as before.  
But our symeron's now throughly encouraged, when they saw our resolution, broke in thorough the thickst, on both sides of them, forcing them to fly, Friars and all, although divers of our Men were wounded, and one Symeron especially was run thorough with one of their Pikes, whose courage and mind served him so well notwithstanding, that he revenged his own death ere he died, by killing him that had given him that deadly wound.  
We with all speed, following this Chase, entered the Town of Venta Cruz, being of about forty or fifty Houses, which had both a Governor and other Officers, and some fair Houses, with many Storehouses large and strong for the Wares which were brought thither from Nombre de Dios, by the River of Chagro, so to be transported by Moils to Panama, besides the Monastery, where we found above a thousand Bulls and Pardons newly sent thither from Rome.  
In those Houses we found three Gentlewomen, which had lately been delivered of Children there, though their dwelling were in Nombre de Dios, because it hath been observed a long time, as they reported to us, that no Spaniards or White Woman could ever be delivered in Nombre de Dios with safety of their Children, but that within two or three days they died; notwithstanding that being borne and brought up in this Venta Cruz or Panama five or six years, and then brought to Nombre de Dios, if they escaped sickness the first or second Month, they commonly lived in it as healthily as in any other place; although no Stranger (as they say) can endure there any long time, without great danger of death or extreme sickness.  
Though at our first coming into the Town with Arms so suddenly, these Gentlewomen were in great fear; yet because our Captain had given strait charge to all the symeron's (that while they were in his Company, they should never hurt a Woman, nor Man that had not weapon in his hand to do them hurt, which they earnestly promised, and no less faithfully performed) they had no wrong offered them, nor any thing taken from them, to the worth of a garter; wherein, albeit they had indeed sufficient safety and security, by those of his Company, which our Captain sent unto them, of purpose to comfort them; yet they never ceased most earnestly entreating, that our Captain would vouchsafe to come to them himself for their more safety: which when he did, in their presence reporting the charge he had first given, and the assurance of his Men, they were comforted.  
While the Guards which we had (not without great need) sir, as well on the Bridge which we were to pass over, as at the Town's end where we entered (they have no other entrance into the Town by Land, but from the Water's side there is one other, to carry up and down their Merchandise from their Frigates) gained us liberty and quiet to stay in this Town some hour and half; we had not only refreshed ourselves, but our Company and symeron's had gotten some good Pillage, which our Captain allowed and gave them (being not the thing he looked for) so that it were not too cumbersome or heavy in respect of our travel, or defence of ourselves. A little before we departed, some ten or twelve Horsemen came from Panama, by all likelihood, supposing that we were gone out of this Town, for that all was so still and quiet, came to enter the Town confidently; but finding their entertainment such as it was, they that could, road faster back again for fear, than they had ridden forwards for hope.  
Thus we having ended our business in this Town, and the day beginning to spring, we Marched over the Bridge, observing the same order that we did before. There we were all safe in our opinion, as if we had been environed with Wall and Trench; for that no Spaniard without his extreme danger could follow us. The rather now, for that our symeron's were grown very valiant. But our Captain considering that he had a long way to pass, and that he had been now well near fortnight from his Ship, where he had left his Company but weak by reason of their sickness, hastened his Journeys as much as he might, refusing to visit the other Symeron Towns (which they earnestly desired him) and encouraging his own Company with such example and speech, that the way seemed much shorter. For He Marched most cheerfully, and assured us, that he doubted not but ere he left that Coast, we should all be bountifully paid and recompensed for all those pains taken. But by reason of this our Captain's haste, and leaving of their Towns, we marched many days with hungry stomaches, much against the will of our symeron's; Who if we would have stayed any day from this continual journeying, would have killed for us Victual sufficient.  
In our absence, the rest of the symeron's had built a little Town within three leagues off the Port where our Ship lay. There our Captain was contented, upon their great and earnest entreaties, to make some stay; for that they alleged, it was only built for his sake. And indeed he consented the rather, that the want of Shoes might be supplied by means of the symeron's, who were a great help unto us: all our Men complaining of the tenderness of their feet, whom our Captain would himself in their complaint accompany sometimes without cause, but sometimes with cause indeed, which made the rest to bear the burden the more easily.  
These symeron's, during all the time that we were with them, did us continually very good service, and in particular in this Journey, being unto us instead of Intelligencers, to advertise us; of Guides in our way, to direct us; of Purveyors, to provide Victuals for us; of Housewrights to build our Lodgings; and had indeed able and strong Bodies, carrying all our necessaries; yea, many times when some of our Company fainted with sickness or weariness, two symeron's would carry him with ease between them two miles together; and at other times, when need was, they would show themselves no less valiant than industrious, and of good judgement.  

Febr. 22.  From this Town, at our first entrance in the even on Saturday, our Captain dispatched a Symeron with a token and certain order to the Master, who had this three weeks, kept good watch against the Enemy, and shifted in the woods for fresh Victual, for the relief and recovery of our men left aboard. Assoon as this messenger was come to the shore, calling to our Ship, as bringing some news, he was quickly fet aboard, by those which longed to hear of our Captains speeding: but when he showed the Toothpick of Gold, which he said our Captain had sent for a token to Edward Hixom, with charge to meet him at such a River: though the Master knew well the Captain's Toothpick: yet by reason of his admonition and caveat given him at parting, he (though he bewrayed no sign of distrusting the Symeron) yet stood as amazed, lest something had befallen our Captain otherwise then well. The Symeron perceiving this, told him, that it was night when he was sent away, so that our Captain could not send any letter, but yet with the point of his Knife, he written something upon the Toothpick, which (he said) should be sufficient to gain credit to the Messenger.  
Thereupon the Master looked upon it, and see written, By me Francis Drake, wherefore he believed, and according to the message, prepared what provision he could, and repaired to the mouth of the River of Tortugos, as the symeron's that went with him than named it.  
That afternoon towards three a Clock, we were come down to that River, not past half an hour, before we see our Pinnace ready come to receive us; which was unto us all a double rejoicing: first, that we see them, and next so soon: our Captain with all our Company praised God most heartily, for that we saw our Pinnace and fellows again.  
We all seemed to these who had lived at rest and plenty all this while aboard, as men strangely changed (our Captain yet not much changed) in countenance and plight: and indeed our long fasting and sore travel might somewhat sore pine and waste us: but the grief we drew inwardly, for that we returned without that Gold and Treasure we hoped for, did no doubt show her print and footsteps in our faces.  
The rest of our Men which were then miss, could not travel so well as our Captain, and therefore were left at the Indian new Town: 
Febr. 23.  and the next day we towed to another River in the bottom of the Bay and took them all aboard.  
Thus being returned from Panama, to the great rejoicing of our Company, who were throughly revived with the report we brought from thence: especially understanding our Captain's purpose, that he meant not to leave off thus, but would once again attempt the same journey, whereof they also might be partakers: our Captain would not in the mean time suffer this edge and forwardness of his men to be dulled or rebated, by lying still idly unemployed, as knowing right well by continual experiences, that no sickness was more noisome to impeach any enterprise then delay and idleness.  
Therefore considering deeply the intelligences of other places of importance thereabouts, which he had gotten the former years: and particularly of Veragua, a rich Town lying to the Westward, between Nombre de Dios and Nicaragua, where is the richest Mine of fine Gold, that is on this North side: he consulted with his Company touching their opinions, what was to be done in this mean time, and how they stood affected? Some thought that it was most necessary to seek supply of Victuals, that we might the better be able to keep our men close and in health till our time came: and this was easy to be compassed, because the Frigates with Victual went without great defence, whereas the Frigates and Barks with Treasure, for the most part were wafted with great Ships and store of Soldiers. Others yet judged, we might better bestow our time in intercepting the Frigates of Treasure: first, for that our Magazines and Stor-houses of Victual were reasonably furnished, and the Country itself was so plentiful, that every man might provide for himself if the worst befell: and Victual might hereafter be provided abundantly as well as now: whereas the Treasure never floateth upon the Sea, so ordinarily as at this time of the Fleets being there, which time in no wise may be neglected.  
The symeron's being demanded also their opinion, for that they were experienced in the particularities of all the Towns thereabouts, as in which, some or other of them had served: declared that by Veragua Signior Pezoro sometimes their Master from whom they fled, dwelled not in the Town for fear of some surprise, but yet not far off from the Town, for his better relief: in a very strong House of stone, where he had dwelled nineteen years at least, never travelling from home, unless happily once a year to Carthagene or Nombre de Dios when the Fleets were there: he keepeth a hundred Slaves at least in the Mines, each Slave being bound to bring in daily clear gain (all charges deducted) three Pezoes' of Gold for himself and two for his women (eight shilligs three pence the Pezo) amounting in the whole, to above two hundred pound sterling each day: so that he hath heaped a mighty Mass of Treasure together, which he keepeth in certain great Chests of two foot deep, three broad, and four long: being, notwithstanding all his Wealth, hard and cruel, not only to his Slaves, but unto all men, and therefore never going abroad but with a Guard of five or six men to defend his person from danger, which he feareth extraordinarily from all Creatures. And as touching means of compassing this purpose, they would conduct him safely thorough the Woods, by the same ways by which they fled, that he should not need to enter their Havens with danger, but might come upon their backs altogether unlooked for. And though his house were of stone, so that it could not be burnt, yet if our Captain would undertake the attempt, they would undermine and overthrow, or otherwise break it open, in such sort as we might have easy access to his greatest Treasure.  
Our Captain having heard all their opinions, concluded so; that by dividing his Company, the two first different sentences, were both reconciled, both to be practised and put in ure. John Oxnam appointed in the Bear, to be sent Eastwards towards Tolou, to see what store of Victuals would come athwart his half, and himself would to the Westwards in the Minion, lie off and on the Cabezas, where was the greatest trade and most ordinary passage of those which transported Treasure from Veragua and Nicaragua to the Fleet: so that no time might be lost, nor opportunity let slip either for Victual or Treasure. As for the attempt of Veragua or Signior Pezoros' House by land, by marching thorough the Woods, he liked not of, lest it might over-weary his Men by continual labour, whom he studied to refresh and strengthen, for his next service fore named.  
Therefore using our symeron's most courteously, dismissing those that were desirous to go to their Wives, with such Gifts and favours as were most pleasing, and entertaining those still aboard his Ships, which were contented to abide with the Company remaining, the Pinnaces departed, as was determined, the Minion to the West, the Bear to the East.  
The Minion about the Cabezas met with a Frigate of Nicaragua, in which was some Gold, and a Genua Pilot, of which Nation there are many in those Coasts, which had been at Veragua not past eight days before, he being very well entreated, certified our Captain of the State of the Town, and of the Harbour, and of a Frigate that was there ready to come forth within few days, aboard in which there was above a Million of Gold, offering to conduct him to it, if we would do him his right, for that he knew the Channel very perfectly, so that he could enter by night safely without danger of the Sands and Shallows (though there be but little Water) and utterly undescried, for that the Town is five leagues within the Harbour, and the way by Land is so far about and difficult thorough the Woods, that though we should by any casualty be discovered, about the point of the Harbour, yet we might dispatch our business and depart, before the Town could have notice of our coming. At his being there, he perceived they had heard of Drakes being on the Coast, which had put them in great fear, as in all other places (Pezoro purposing to remove himself to the South Sea) but there was nothing done to prevent him, their freare being so great, that, as it is accustomed in such cases, it excluded Counsel and bred despair.  
Our Captain conferring with his own knowledge and former intelligences, was purposed to have returned to his Ship, to have taken some of those symeron's which had dwelled with Signior Pezoro, to be the more confirmed in this point. But when the Genua Pilot was very earnest to have the time gained, and warranted our Captain of good speed, if we delayed not; he dismissed the Frigates somewhat lighter, to hasten her journey, and with this Pilots advice, laboured with Sail and Oars to get this Harbour, and to enter it by night accordingly; considering that this Frigate might now be gained, and Pezoros House attempted hereafter notwithstanding.  
But when we were come to the mouth of the Harbour, we heard the report of two Chambers, and farther off about a league within the Bay, two other, as were answering them. Whereby our Genoese Pilot conjectured that we were discovered; for he assured us, that this order had been taken, since his last being there; by reason of the advertisement and charge, which the Governor of Panama had sent unto all the Coast, which even in their Beds lay in great and continual fear of our Captain, and therefore by all likelihood, maintained this kind of Watch, at the charge of the rich Gnuffe Pezoro, for their security.  
Thus being defeated of this expectation, we found that it was not God's will that we should enter at that time: the rather for that the Wind, which had all this time been Easterly, came up to the Westward, and invited us to return again to our Ship; where on shear Thursday we met according to appointment with our Bear, and found that she had bestowed her time to more profit than we had done. For she had taken a Frigate in which there were ten men, whom they set a shore; great store of Maiz, twenty eight fat Hogs, and two hundred Hens. Our Captain discharged this Frigate of her lading, and because she was new, strong, and of a good mould, the next day he tallowed her to make her a Man of War: disposing all our Ordnance and provisions that were fit for such use in her. For we had heard by the Spaniards last taken, that there were two little Galleys built in Nombre de Dios, to waft the Chagro Fleet to and fro, but were not yet both launched: wherefore he purposed now to adventure for that Fleet. And to hearten his Company, 
Marc. 20.  he feasted them that Easter-day with great cheer and cheerfulness, setting up his rest upon that attempt.  
The next day with the new tallowed Frigate of Tolou and his Bear, 
Marc. 21.  we set sail towards the Cativaas, where about two days after we landed, and stayed while noon: at what time seeing a sail to the Westwards, as we deemed making to the Island: we set sail and plied towards him, who descrying us, bare with us, till he perceived by our confidence, that we were no Spaniards, and conjectured that we were those Englishmen, of whom they had heard long before. And being in great want, and desired to be relieved by us, he bore up under our Lee, and in token of amity, shot off his Lee Ordnance which was not unanswered.  
We understood that he was Tetu a French Captain of New-haven, a Man of War as we were: desirous to be relieved by us. For at our first meeting the French Captain cast abroad his hands, and prayed our Captain to help him to some water, for that he had nothing but Wine and Cider aboard him, which had brought his Men into great sickness. He had sought us ever since he first heard of our being upon the Coast, about this five weeks. Our Captain sent one aboard him with some relief for the present, willing him to follow us to the next Port, where he should have both Water and Victuals. At our coming to Anchor he sent our Captain a Case of Pistols, and a fair guilt Scimitar, (which had been the late Kings of France, whom Monsieur Mongomery hurt in the eye, and was given him by Monsieur Stroffe) our Captain requited him with a Chain of Gold, and a Tablet which he wore.  
This Captain reported unto us the first news of the Massacre at Paris, at the King of Navarres marriage on Saint Bartholomewes' day last, of the Admiral of France slain in his Chamber, and divers other Murders; so that he thought those Frenchmen the happiest that were farthest from France; now no longer France but Frenzy, even as if all Gaul were turned into Wormwood and Gall. Italian practices having overmastered the French simplicity. He showed what famous and often reports he had heard of our great riches. He desired to know of our Captain which way he might compass his Voyage also. Though we had him in some jealousy and distrust, for all his pretence, because we considered more the strength he had, than the good will he might bear us; yet upon consultation among ourselves, whether it were fit to receive him or no; we resolved to take him and twenty of his Men, to serve with our Captain for halves: in such sort as we needed not doubt of their Forces, being but twenty, nor be hurt by their Portions, being no greater than ours; and yet gratify them in their earnest suit, and serve our own purpose, which without more help we could very hardly have achieved. Indeed he had seventy Men, and we now but thirty one: his Ship was above eighty tun, and our Frigate not past twenty, our Pinnace nothing near ten tun; yet our Captain thought this proportionable, in consideration that not number of Men, but quality of their judgements and knowledge, were to be the principal actors herein; and the French Ship could do no service, nor stand in any steed to this enterprise which we intended, and had agreed upon long before, both touching the time when it should take beginning, and the place where we should meet, namely at Rio Francisco. Having thus agreed with Captain Tetu, we sent for the Symerians, as before was decreed; two of them were brought aboard our Ships, to give the French assurance of this agreement.  
As soon as we could furnish ourselves and refresh the French Company, which was within five or six days (by bringing them to the Magazine which was the nearest, where they were supplied by us in such sort, as they protested they were beholding to us for all their lives) taking twenty of the French, and fifteen of ours with our symeron's, leaving both our Ships in safe Road, we Manned our Frigate and two Pinnaces (we had formerly sunk our Lion, shortly after our return from Panama, because we had not Men sufficient to Man her) and went towards Rio Francisco, which because it had not water enough for our Frigate, caused us to leave her at the Cabezas, Manned with English and French, in the charge of Robert Dohle, to stay there, without attempting any chase, until the return of our Pinnaces. 
Marc. 13.  And then bear to Rio Francisco, where our Captains landed with such Force as aforesaid; and charged them that had the charge of the Pinnaces, to be there the fourth day next following without any sail.  
And thus knowing that the Carriages went now daily from Panama to Nombre de Dios, we proceeded in covert through the Woods, towards the Highway that leadeth between them. It is five leagues accounted by Sea, between Rio Francisco and Nombre de Dios; but that way which we marched by land, we found it above seven league. We marched, as in our former journey to Panama, both for order and silence, to the great wonder of the French Captain and Company, who protested they knew not by any means how to recover the Pinnaces, if the symeron's (to whom what our Captain commanded was a law, though they little regarded the French, as having no trust in them) should leave us: our Captain assured him, there was no cause of doubt of them, of whom he had had such former trial. When we were come within an English mile of the Way, we stayed all night, refreshing ourselves in great stillness in a most convenient place, where we heard the Carpenters, being many in number, working upon their Ships, as they usually do by reason of the great heat of the day in Nombre de Dios, and might hear the Moils coming from Panama, 
April 1.  by reason of the advantage of the ground. The next morning, upon hearing of that great number of Bells, the symeron's rejoiced exceedingly, as though there could not have befallen them a more joyful accident, chiefly having been disappointed before. Now they all assured us, we should have more Gold and Silver then all of us could bear away, as in truth it fell out. For there came three Recoes, one of fifty Moils, the other two of seventy each, every of which carried three hundred pound weight of Silver, which in all amounted to near thirty Tun. We putting our selves in readiness, went down near the Way to hear the Bells, where we stayed not long, but we saw of what Mettle they were made, and took such hold on the heads of the foremost and hindmost Moils, that all the rest stayed and lay down, as their manner is.  
These three Recoes were guarded with forty five Soldiers, or thereabouts; fifteen to each Reco, which caused some exchange of Bullets and Arrows for a time; in which conflict the French Captain was sore wounded with hail shot in the Belly, and one Symeron slain. But in the end these Soldiers thought it the best way to leave their Moils with us, and to seek for more help abroad; in which mean time we took some pain to ease some of the Moils, which were heaviest loaden, of their carriages. And being weary, we were content with a few bars and quoits of Gold, as we could well carry: burying about fifteen tun of Silver, partly in the Boroughs which the great Land-crabs had made in the earth, and parrly under old trees which are fallen thereabout, and partly in the Sand and Gravel of a River, not very deep of water.  
Thus when about this business we had spent some two hours, and had disposed of all our matters, and were ready to March back, the very self same way that we came, we heard both Horse and Foot coming, as it seemed to the Moils, for they never followed us, after we were once entered the Woods; where the French Captain, by reason of his wound, not able to travel farther, stayed, in hope that some rest would recover him better strength. But after we had marched some two leagues, upon the French Soldiers complaint, that they miss one of their Men also, examination being made whether he were slain or no; it was found that he had drunk much Wine, and over-lading himself with Pillage, and hasting to go before us, had lost himself in the Woods. And as we afterwards knew, he was taken by the Spaniards that evening, and upon torture, discovered unto them where we had hidden our Treasure.  
We continued our March all that and the next day towards Rio Francisco, in hope to meet our Pinnaces; but when we came thither, 
Apr. 2.3.  looking out to Sea, we saw seven Spanish Pinnaces, which had been searching all the Coasts thereabout. Whereupon we mightily suspected that they had taken or spoilt our Pinnaces, for that our Captain had given so strait charge, that they should repair to this place this afternoon from the Cabezas where they road, whence to our sight, these Spaniards Pinnaces did come.  
But the night before, there had fallen very much rain, with much Westerly Wind, which as it enforced the Spaniards to return home the sooner, by reason of the Storm; so it kept our Pinnaces, that they could not keep the appointment, because the Wind was contrary, and blew so strong, that with their Oars they could all that day get but half the way. Notwithstanding, if they had followed our Captain's direction in setting forth over night, while the wind served, they had arrived at the place appointed with far less labour, but with far more danger, because that very day at noon, the Spanish Shallops manned out of purpose from Nombre de Dios, were come to this place to take our Pinnaces? imagining where we were, after they had heard of our intercepting of the Treasure. Our Captain seeing the Shallops, feared least having taken our Pinnaces, they had compelled our men by torture, to confess where his Frigate and Ships were. Therefore in this distress and perplexity, the Company misdoubting that all means of return to their Country were cut off, and that their Treasure then served them to small purpose: our Captain comforted and encouraged us all, saying: We should venture no farther than he did, it was no time now to fear, but rather to haste to prevent that which was feared: if the Enemy have prevailed against our Pinnaces, which God forbid, yet they must have time to search them, time to examine the Mariners; time to execute their resolution after it is determined; before all these times be taken, we may get to our Ships if ye will, though not possibly by land, because of the Hills, Thickets and Rivers, yet by water. Let us therefore make a Raft with the trees that are here in readiness, as offering themselves being brought down the River, happily this last storm, and put ourselves to Sea, I will be one, who will be the other? john Smith offered himself, and two Frenchmen that could swim very well, desired they might accompany our Captain, as did the Symeron likewise (who had been very earnest with our Captain to have marched by land though it were sixteen day's journey, and in case the Ships had been surprised, to have aboard always with them) especially Pedro, who yet was fain to be left behind, because he could not row. The Raft was fitted and fast bound; a Sail of a Biscuit Sack prepared; an Oat was shaped out of a young Tree to serve instead of a Rudder, to direct their course before the wind. At his departure he comforted the Company, by promising, that if it pleased God, he should put his foot in safety aboard his Frigate, he would God willing, by one means or other get them all aboard, in despite of all the Spaniards in the Indies. In this manner putting off to the Sea, he sailed some three leagues sitting up to the waste continually in water, and at every surge of the wave to the armpits, for the space of six hours, upon this Raft, what with the parching of the Sun, and what with the beating of the Salt water, they had all of them their skins much fretted away. At length God gave them the sight of two Pinnaces turning towards them with much wind, but with far greater joy to him, that could easily conjecture, and did cheerfully declare to those three with him, that they were our Pinnaces, and that all was safe, so that there was no cause of fear. But see, the Pinnaces not seeing this Raft, nor suspecting any such matter, by reason of the wind and night growing on, were forced to run into a cover behind the point, to take succour for that night: which our Captain seeing, and gathering, because they came not forth again, that they would Anchor there, put his Raft a shore, and ran by land about the point, where he found them, who upon sight of him, made as much haste as they could to take him and his Company aboard. For our Captain of purpose to try what haste they could and would make in extremity, himself ran in great haste, and so willed the other three with him, as if they had been chased by the Enemy: which they the rather suspected, because they see so few with him. And after his coming aboard, when, they demanding, how all his Company did? he answered coldly, well: they all doubted, that all went scarce well. But he willing to rid all doubts, and fill them with joy, took out of his bosom a Quoit of Gold, thanking God that our Voyage was made. And to the Frenchmen he declared, how their Captain indeed was left behind, sore wounded and two of his Company with him: but it should be no hindrance to them.  
That night our Captain with great pain of his Company, rowed to Rio Francisco: where he took the rest in, and the Treasure which we had brought with us: making such expedition, that by dawning of the day, we set sail back again, to our Frigate, and from thence directly to our Ships: where assoon as we arrived, our Captain divided by weight, the Gold and Silver into two even portions, between the French, and the English.  
About a fortnight after, when we had set all things in order, and taking out of our Ship all such necessaries as we needed for our Frigate, had left and given her to the Spaniards, whom we had all this time detained, we put out of that Harbour, together with the French Ship, riding some few days among the Cabezas. In the mean time our Captain made a secret composition with the symeron's, that twelve of our men and sixteen of theirs, should make another Voyage, to get intelligence in what case the country stood, and if it might be, recover Monsieur Tetu the French Captain, at leastwise to bring away that which was hidden in this former surprise and could not then be conveniently carried. john Oxnam and Thomas Sherwell were put in trust for our service, to the great content of the whole Company, who conceived greatest hope of them next our Captain, whom by no means they would condescend to suffer to adventure again this time, yet he himself rowed to set them a shore at Rio Francisco, finding his labour well employed both otherwise, and also in saving one of those two Frenchmen that had remained willingly to accompany their wounded Captain. For this Gentleman having escaped the rage of the Spaniards, was now coming towards our Pinnace, where he fell down on his knees, blessing God for the time that ever our Captain was borne, who now beyond all his hope, was become his deliverer.  
He being demanded what was become of his Captain and other fellow, showed that within half an hour after our departure, the Spaniards had over gotten them, and took his Captain and other fellow: he only escaped, by flight, having cast away all his Carriage, and among the rest one Box of Jewels, that he might fly the swifter from the Pursuers: but his fellow took it up and burdened himself so sore, that he could make no speed, as easily he might otherwise, if he would have cast down his Pillage, and laid aside his covetous mind; as for the Silver, which we had hidden thereabout in the Earth and the Sands, he thought that it was all gone, for that he thought there had been near two thousand Spaniards and Negroes there, to dig and search for it. This report notwithstanding, our purpose held, and our Men were sent to the said place, where they found that the Earth, every way a mile distant had been digged and turned up in every place of any likelihood, to have any thing hidden in it. And yet nevertheless, for all that narrow search, all our men's labour was not quite lost: but so considered, that the third day after their departure, they all returned safe and cheerful, with as much Silver as they and all the symeron's could find, (viz. thirteen bars of Silver, and some few Quoits of Gold, with which they were presently embarked without impeachment, repairing with no less speed than joy to our Frigate. Now was it high time to think of homewards, having sped ourselves as we desired: & therefore our Captain concluded to visit Rio Grand, once again; to see if he could meet with any sufficient Ship or Bark, to carry Victual enough to serve our turn homewards, in which we might in safety and security embark ourselves.  
The Frenchmen having formerly gone from us as soon as they had their shares at our first return with the Treasure, as being very desirous to return home into their Country, and our Captain as desirous to dismiss them, as they were to be dismissed: for that he foresaw they could not in their Ship avoid the danger of being taken by the Spaniards, if they should make out any Men of War for them, while they lingered on the Coast, and having also been then again relieved with Victuals by us: Now at our meeting of them again, were very loath to leave us, and therefore accompanied us very kindly as far up as Saint Barnard's, and farther would, but that they durst not adventure so great danger, for that we had intelligence that the Fleet was ready to set sail for Spain, riding at the entry of Carthagena. Thus we departed from them, passing hard by Carthagena, in the sight of all the Fleet, with a Flag of Saint George in the main top of our Frigate, with silk Streamers and Ancients down to the water, sailing forward with a large wind, till we came within two leagues of the River, being all low land, and dark night: where to prevent the over shooting of the River in the night, we lay off and on bearing small sail, till that about midnight the wind veering to the Eastward, by two of the Clock in the morning, a Frigate from Rio Grand passed hard by us, bearing also but small sail. We saluted them with our shot and Arrows, they answered us with Bases; but we got aboard them, and took such order, that they were content against their wills to depart a shore and to leave us this Frigate which was of twenty five Tun, loaded with Maiz, and Hens and Hogs, and some Honey in very good time fit for our use: for the Honey especially was a notable releever and preserver of our crazed people. The next morning as soon as we set those Spaniards a shore on the main, we set our course for the Cabezas without any stop, whether we came about five days after. And being at Anchor, presently we hove out all the Maiz aland, saving three Butts which we kept for our store: and carrying all our provisions a shore, we brought both our Frigates on the Carine, and new tallowed them.  
Here we stayed about a seven night, trimming and rigging our Frigates, boarding and stowing our Provisions, tearing abroad and burning our Pinnaces, that the symeron's might have the Iron-worke. About a day or two before our departure, our Captain willed Pedro and three of the chiefest of the symeron's, to go through both his Frigates, to see what they liked, promising to give it them whatsoever it were, so it were not so necessary as that he could not return into England without it. And for their Wives, he would himself seek out some Silks or Linen that might gratify them; which while he was choosing out of his Trunks, the Scimitar which Captain Tetu had given to our Captain, chanced to be taken forth in Pedroes' fight, which he seeing grew so much in liking thereof, that he accounted of nothing else in respect of it, and preferred it before all that could be given him; yet imagining, that it was no less esteemed of our Captain, durst not himself open his mouth to crave or commend it, but made one Francis Tucker to be his mean to break his mind, promising to give him a fine quoit of Gold, which yet he had in store, if he would but move our Captain for it; and to our Captain himself, he would give four other great quoits, which he had hidden, intending to have reserved them till another Voyage. Our Captain being accordingly moved by Francis Tucker, could have been content to have made no such exchange, but yet desirous to content him, that had deserved so well, he gave it him with many good words, who received it with no little joy, affirming that if he should give his Wife and Children (which he loved dearly) in lief of it, he could not sufficiently recompense it, (for he would present his King with it, who he knew would make him a great Man, even for this very Gifts sake) yet in gratuity and steed of other requital of this Jewel, he desired our Captain to accept these four pieces of Gold, as a token of his thankfulness to him, and a pawn of his faithfulness during life. Our Captain received it in most kind sort, but took it not to his own benefit, but caused it to be cast into the whole Adventure, saying, If he had not been set forth to that place, he had not attained such a Commodity; and therefore it was just, that they which bare part with him of his burden in setting him to Sea, should enjoy the proportion of his benefit whatsoever, at his return.  
Thus with good love and liking we took our leave of that People, setting over to the Lands of _____ whence the next day after, we set sail towards Cape Saint Anthony, by which we passed with a large wind; but presently being to stand for th' Havana, we were fain to ply to the windward some three or four days. In which plying, we fortuned to take a small Bark, in which were two or three hundred Hides, and one most necessary thing, which stood us in great stead, viz. a Pump, which we set in our Frigate; their Bark, because it was nothing fit for our service, our Captain gave them to carry them home. And so returned to Cape Saint Anthony, and landing there we refreshed ourselves, and besides great store of Turtles eggs, found by day in the _____ we took two hundred and fifty Turtles by night; we powdered and dried some of them, which did us good service, the rest continued but a small time. There were at this time, belonging to Carthagene, Nombre de dios, Rio grand, Santa Martha, Rio de Hacha, Venta Cruz, Veragua, Nicaragua, the Henduras, jamaica, etc. above two hundred Frigates, some of one hundred twenty Tons, other but of ten or twelve Tun, but the most of thirty or forty Tun, which all had intercourse between Carthagene and Nombre de dios; the most of which, during our abode in those parts we took, and some of them twice or thrice each, yet never burnt or sunk any, unless they were made out Men of War against us, or laid as stalls to entrap us. And of all the men taken in these several Vessels, we never offered any kind of violence to any, after they were once come under our power, but either presently dismissed them in safety, or keeping them with us some longer time, (as some of them we did) we always provided for their sustenance as for our selus, & secured them from the rage of the symeron's against them, till at last, the danger of their discovering where our Ships lay being overpast, (for which only cause we kept them prisoners) we set them also free. Many strange Birds, Beasts and Fishes, besides Fruits, Trees, Plants, and the like, were seen and observed of us in this Journey, which willingly we pretermit as hastening to the end of our Voyage, which from this Cape of Saint Anthony we intended to finish, by sailing the directest and speediest way homeward, and accordingly, even beyond our own expectation most happily performed. For whereas our Captain had purposed to touch at Newfoundland, and there to have watered, which would have been some let unto us, though we stood in great want of Water; yet God Almighty so provided for us, by giving us good store of Rainwater, that we were sufficiently furnished; and within twenty three days we passed from the Cape of Florida, to the Isles of Silley, and so arrived at Plymouth on Sunday about Sermon-time, August the ninth 1573. at what time the news of our Captains return brought unto his, did so speedily pass over all the Church, and surpass their minds, with desire and delight to see him, that very few or none remained with the Preacher, all hastening to see the evidence of God's love and blessing towards our Gracious Queen and Country, by the fruit of our Captain's labour and success.  
Soli Deo Gloria.  
FINIS.   

THE WORLD ENCOMPASSED BY SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. Offered now at last to Public view, both for the honour of the Actor, but especially for the stirring up of heroic Spirits, to benefit their Country, and eternize their Names by like noble attempts. Collected out of the Notes of Master Francis Fletcher Preacher in this employment, and compared with divers others Notes that went in the same VOYAGE.  
Printed at London for Nicholas Bourne, dwelling at the South entrance of the royal Exchange, 1652.   

SIR FRANCIS DRAKE his Voyage about the WORLD.  
EVer since Almighty God commanded Adam to subdue the Earth, there hath not wanted in all Ages, some heroical Spirits, which in obedience to that high mandate, either from manifest reason alluring them, or by secret instinct enforcing them thereunto, have expended their wealth, employed their times and adventured their Persons to find out the true circuit of the World.  
Of these, some have endeavoured to effect this their purpose, by conclusion and consequence, drawn from the proportion of the higher Circles, to this nethermost Globe, being the Centre of the rest. Others not contented with School Points & such demonstrations (for that a small error in the beginning, groweth in the progress to a great inconvenience) have added thereunto their own History and experience. All of them in reason have deserved great commendation of their own Ages, and purchased a just renown with all posterity. For if a Surveyor of some few Lordships, whereof the bounds and limits were before known worthily deserve his reward, not only for his travel, but for his skill also, in measuring the whole and every part thereof: how much more above comparison, are their famous Travels by all means possible to be eternised, who have bestowed their studies and endeavour, to survey & measure this Globe almost unmeasurable? Neither is here that difference to be objected, which in private Possessions is of value. Whose Land Survey you? forasmuch as the main Ocean by right is the Lords alone, and by nature left free, for all men to deal withal, as very sufficient for all men's use, & large enough for all men's industry.  

15●●  And therefore that valiant enterprise, accompanied with happy success, which that right rare and thrice worthy Captain Francis Drake achieved, in first turning up a furrow about the whole world, doth not only overmatch the ancient Argonauts, but also outreacheth in many respects, that noble Mariner Magellanus, and by far surpasseth his crowned Victory. But hereof let Posterity judge.  
It shall for the present, be deemed a sufficient discharge of duty, to register the true and whole history of that his Voyage, with as great indifferency of affection as a history doth require, and with the plain evidence of truth, as it was left recorded by some of the chief, and divers other Actors in that Action.  
The said Captain Francis Drake, having in a former voyoge, in the years 72, and 73, (the description whereof is already imparted to the view of the world) had a sight, and only a sight of the south Atlantic, and thereupon either conceiving a new, or renewing a former desire, of sailing on the same, in an English bottom; he so cherished thenceforward, this his noble desire and resolution in himself, that notwithstanding he was hindered for some years partly by secret envy at home, and partly by public service for his Prince and Country abroad (whereof Ireland under Walter Earl of Essex gives honourable testimony) yet against the year 1577. by gracious commission from his Sovereign and with the help of divers friends Adventurers▪ he had fitted himself with five Ships.  

1. The Pelican, Admiral, burden 100 tons. Captain general Francis Drake.  
2. The Elizabeth, Vice admiral, burden 80. tons. Captain john Winter.  
3. The Marigold, a Bark of 30. tons. Captain john Thomas.  
4. The Swan, a Fliboat of 50. tons. Captain john Chester.  
5. The Christopher, a Pinnace of fifteen tons. Captain Thomas Moon▪   
These Ships he manned with 164. able and sufficient men, and furnished them also with such plentiful provision of all things necessary as so long and dangerous a Voyage did seem to require: and amongst the rest, with certain Pinnaces ready framed, but carried aboard in pieces, to be new set up in smother water, when occasion served. Neither had he omitted, to make provision also for ornament and delight, carrying to this purpose with him expert Musicians, rich furniture (all the vessels for his Table, yea many belonging even to the Cooke-roome being of pure Silver) and divers shows of all sorts of curious Workmanship, whereby the civility and magnificence of his native Country, might amongst all Nations whithersoever he should come, be the more admired.  
Being thus appointed we set sail out of the sound of Plymouth, about five of the Clock in the afternoon November 15. 
Nou. 15.  of the same year, and running all that night Southwest, 
Nou. 16.  by the morning were come as far as the Lizard, where meeting the wind at Southwest (quite contrary to our intended course) we were forced with our whole Fleet to put in to Falmouth.  
The next day towards evening, there arose a storm, 
Nou. 17▪ 18.  continuing all that night, and the day following (especially between ten of the Clock in the forenoon, and five in the afternoon) with such violence, that though it were in a very good Harbour, yet two of our Ships, viz. the Admiral (wherein our General himself went) and the Marigold were fain to cut their main Masts by board, and for the repairing of them, and many other damages in the tempest sustained (as soon as the Wether would give leave) to bear back to Plymouth again, where we all arrived the thirteenth day after our first departure thence. 
Nou. 2●.   
Whence having in few days supplied all defects with happier sails we once more put to Sea December 13. 1577. 
Dece. 13. 1577▪   
As soon as we were out of sight of Land, our General gave us occasion to conjecture in part, whither he intended, both by the directing of his course, and appointing the Rendezvous (if any should be severed from the Fleet to be the Island Mogadore. And so sailing with favourable winds, the first Land that we had sight of, was Cape Cantine in Barbary December 25. 
Dece. 25.  Christmas day in the morning. The shore is fair white Sand, and the inland country very high and mountainous, it lieth in 32. deg. 30. min. North latitude, and so coasting from hence Southward, about 18 leagues, we arrived the same day at Mogadore the Island before named.  
This Mogadore, lies under the dominion of the King of Fez in 31. deg. 40. m. about a mile of from the shore, by this means making a good harbour between the Land and it. It is uninhabited, of about a league in circuit, not very high Land, all overgrown with a kind of shrub Breast high, not much unlike our privet, very full of Doves and therefore much frequented of goshawks, and such like Birds of prey, besides divers sorts of Seafoul very plenty. At the South side of this Island are three hollow Rocks, under which are great store of very wholesome but very ugly fish to look to. Lying here about a mile from the main, a Boat was sent to sound the Harbour, and finding it safe, and in the very entrance on the north side about five or six fathom water (but at the Souther side it is very dangerous) we brought in our whole Fleet December 27. and continued there till the last day of the same Month, employing our leisure, the mean while, in setting up a Pinnace, one of the four brought from home in pieces with us. 
Decemb.  Our abode here was soon perceived by the Inhabitants of the country, who coming to the shore by signs and cries made show, that they desired to be fetched a board, to whom our General sent a Boat, in which two of the chiefest of the moors were presently received, and one man of ours, in exchange, left a land, as a pledge for their return.  
They that came aboard were right courteously entertained with a dainty banquet, and such gifts as they seemed to be most glad of, that they might thereby understand, that this Fleet came in peace and friendship, offering to Traffic with them for such commodities as their country yielded, to their own content. This offer they seemed most gladly to accept, and promised the next day to resort again, with such things as they had to exchange for ours. It is a law amongst them to drink no wine, notwithstanding by stealth it pleaseth them well to have it abundantly, as here was experience. At their return ashore, they quietly restored the pledge which they had stayed, and the next day, at the hour appointed, returning again, brought with them Camels, in show loaden with wares to be exchanged for our commodities, and calling for a boat in haste, had one sent them, according to order, with our General (being at this present absent, had given before his departure to the Island.  
Our boat coming to the place of landing (which was among the rocks) one of our men called John Fry, mistrusting no danger; nor fearing any harm pretended by them, and therefore intending to become a pledge, according to the order used the day before, readily stepped out of the boat and ran a land, which opportunity (being that which the moors did look for) they took the advantage of, and not only they which were in sight laid hands on him to carry him away with them, but a number more, which lay secretly hidden, did forthwith break forth from behind the rock, whether they had conveyed themselves (as seemeth the night before) forcing our men to leave the rescuing of him that was taken as captive, and with speed to shift for themselves.  
The cause of this violence, was a desire which the King of Fez had, to understand what this fleet was, whether any forerunner of the Kings of Portugal or no, and what news of certainty the fleet might give him. And therefore after that he was brought to the K. presence, & had reported that they were English men, bound for the straits, under the conduct of general Drake, he was sent back again with a present to his captain and offer of great courtesy and friendship, if he would use his country. But in this mean time, the general being grieved with this show of injury▪ and intending, if he might, to recover or redeem his man, his pinnace being ready, landed his company, and marched somewhat into the country, without any resistance made against him: neither would the moors, by any means come nigh our Men, to deal with them any way; wherefore having made provision of wood, as also visited an old for't, built sometime by the King of Portugal, but now ruined by the King of Fez, we departed December 31. 
Dec. 31.  towards Cape Blank, in such sort, that when Fry returned, he found to his great grief, that the fleet was gone: but yet, by the King's favour, he was sent home into England not long after, in an English Merchants ship.  
Shortly after our putting forth of this harbour, we were met with contrary winds and foul weather, which continued till the fourth of January: yet we still held on our course, and the third day after, 
jan. 7.  fell with cape De Guerre in 30. deg. minutes where we lighted on 3. Spanish fishermen called Caunters, whom we took with our new pinnace, and carried along with us, 
jan. 13.  till we came to Rio Del Oro, just under the Tropic of Cancer: 
jan. 15.  where with our pinnace also we took a carvel. From hence, till the 15. day, we sailed on towards cape Barbas, where the Marigold took a carvill more, and so onward to cape Blank till the next day at night. 
jan. 16.   
This cape lieth in 20. deg. 30. min. showeth itself upright like the corner of a wall, to them that come towards it from the North, having between it and cape Barbas, low, sandy, and very white land all the way. Here we observed the south Guards, called the Crosiers 9 deg. 30. min. above the Horizon. Wherein the cape, we took one Spanish ship more riding at anchor (all her men being fled ashore in the boat save two) which with all the rest we have formerly taken, we carried into che harbour, 3. leagues within the cape.  
Here our General determined, for certain days to make his abode, both for that the place afforded plenty of fresh victuals, for the present refreshing of our men, & for their future supply at sea (by reason of the infinite store of divers sorts of good fish, which are there easy to be taken, even within the harbour, the like whereof, is hardly to be found again, in any part of the world) as also, because it served very fitly, for the dispatching of some other businesses that we had. During the time of our abode in this place, our general being a shore was visited by certain of the people of the country, who brought down with them a woman a Moor (with her little babe hanging upon her dry dug, having scarce life in herself, much less milk to nourish her child) to be sold as a horse, or a cow and calf by her side, in which sort of merchandise our general would not deal. But they had also Ambergris, with certain gums of some estimation, which they brought to exchange with our men for water (whereof they have great want) so that coming with their Allforges (they are leathern bags holding liquor) to buy water, they cared not at what price they bought it, so they may have to quench their thirst. A very heavy judgement of God upon that coast! The circumstances whereof considered, our general would receive nothing of them for water, but freely gave it them that came to him, yea & fed them also ordinarily with our victuals, in eating whereof, their manner was not uncivil, and unsightly to us, but even inhuman and loathsome in itself.  
And having washed and trimmed our ships, and discharged all our spanish prizes, excepting one Caunter (for which we gave to the owner of our own ships, viz. the Christopher) and one carvel formerly bound to Saint Jago, which we caused to accompany us hither, where she also was discharged: after six day's abode here, we departed, directing our course for the Islands of cape Verde, where (if any were) we were of necessity to store our fleet with fresh water, for a long time, 
jan▪ 22.  for that our general intended from thence to run a long couse (even to the coast of Brasill) without touch of land. And now, having the wind constant at North East, & E. North E. which is usual about those parts, because it bloweth almost continually from the shore. January the 27. we coasted Bonavista, and the next day after we came to anchor under the Wester part (towards St. Jago) of the Island Maio, 
jan. 28.  it lieth in 15. deg. 00. high land, saving that the Northwest part stretcheth out into the sea, the space of a league very low, and is inhabited by subjects to the King of Portugal.  

jan. 29.  Here landing, in hope of traffic with the inhabitants for water, we found a Town not far from the waters side, of a great number of desolate and ruinous houses, with a poor naked Chapel or Oratory, such as small cost and charge might serve and suffice, being to small purpose, and as it seemeth only to make a show, and that a false show, contrary to the nature of a scarecrow, which feareth birds from coming nigh; this enticeth such as pass by to hale in, and look for commodity, which is not at all to be found there; though in the inner parts of the Island it be in great abundance.  
For when we found the Springs and Wells which had been there (as appeareth) stopped up again, and no other water, to purpose to be had to serve our need, we marched up to seek some more convenient place to supply our want, or at least to see whether the people would be dealt withal, to help us therein. In this travelling, we found the soil to be very fruitful, having every where plenty of fig trees, with fruit upon most of them. But in the valleys and low ground, where little low cottages were built, were pleasant vineyards planted, bearing then ripe and most pleasant grapes. There were also trees, without any branch till the top, which bore the Coco nuts. There were also great store of certain lower trees, with long and broad leaves, bearing the fruit which they call Plantanes, in clusters together like puddings, a most dainty and wholesome fruit. All of these trees were even laden with fruit, some ready to be eaten, others coming forward, others over ripe. Neither can this seem strange, though about the midst of winter with us, for that the Sun doth never withdraw himself farther off from them, but that with his lively heat he quickeneth and strengtheneth the power of the soil and plant; neither ever have they any such frost and cold, as thereby to lose their green hue and appearance.  
We found very good water in divers places, but so far off from the road, that we could not with any reasonable pains enjoy it. The people would by no means be induced to have any conference with us, but keeping in the most sweet & fruitful valley among the hills, where their Towns and places of dwelling were, gave us leave without interruption to take our pleasure in survewing the Island, as they had some reason, not to endanger themselves, where they saw they could reap nothing sooner than damage & shame, if they should have offered violence to them which came in peace to do them no wrong at all. This Island yieldeth other great commodities, as wonderful herds of goats, infinite store of wild hens, & salt without labour (only the gathering it together excepted) which continually in a marvellous quantity is increased upon the sands by the flowing of the sea, and the heat of the Sun kerning the same. So that of the increase thereof they keep a continual traffic with their neighbours in the other adjacent Islands. We set sail thence the 30. day. 
jan. 30.   
Being departed from Maio, the next day we passed by the Island of Sain Jago, 
jan. 31.  ten leagues west of Maio in the same latitude, inhabited by the Portugals and moors together. The cause whereof is said to have been in the Portugals themselves, who (continuing long time Lords within themselves, in the said Island) used that extreme and unreasonable cruelty over their slaves, that (their bondage being intolerable) they were forced to seek some means to help themselves, and to lighten that so heavy a burden; and thereupon chose to fly into the most mountany parts of the Island: and at last, by continual escapes, increasing to a great number, and growing to a set strength, do now live, with that terror of their oppressors, that they now endure no les bondage in mind then the Forcatos did before in body: besides the damage that they daily suffer at their hands in their goods and cattle, together with the abridging of their liberties in the use of divers parts of the fruitful soil of the said Island: which is very large, marvellous fruitful (a refuge for all such ships as are bound towards Brasill, Ginny, the East Indies, Binny, Calcutta, etc.) and a place of rare force, if it were not for the cause afore-recited, which hath much abated the pride, and cooled the courage of that people, who (under pretence of traffic and friendship) at first making an entrance ceased not, practising upon the poor Islands) the ancient remainders of the first planters thereof, as it may seem from the coast of Guinea) until they had excluded them from all government and liberty, yea almost life.  
On the South-west of this Island, we took a Portugal laden the best part with wine, and much good cloth, both linen and woollen, besides other necessaries, bound for Brasill, with many Gentlemen and Merchants in her.  
As we passed by with our fleet, in sight of 3. of their towns, they seemed very joyful that we touched not with our coast; and seeing us depart peaceably, in honour of our fleet and General, or rather to signify that they were provided for an assault, shot off two great pieces into the sea, which were answered by one given them again from us.  
South-west from Saint Jago in 14. deg. 30. min. about twelve leagues distant, yet, by reason of the height seeming not above three leagues lieth another Island, called of the Portugals Fogo, viz. the burning Island, or fiery furnace, in which riseth a steep upright hill, by conjecture at least six leagues, or eighteen English miles from the upper part of the water: within the bowels whereof, is a consuming fire, maintained by sulphur matter, seeming to be a marvellous depth, and also very wide. The fire showeth itself but four times in an hour, at which times it breaketh out with such violence & force, and in such main abundance, that besides that it giveth light like the Moon a great way off, it seemeth, that it would not stay till it touch one heavens themselves. Herein are engendered great store of prumice stores, which being in the vehement heat of the fire carried up without the mouth of that fiery body, fall down, with other gross and slimy matter upon the hill, to the continual increasing of the same. And many times these stones falling down into the sea are taken up and used, as we ourselves had experience by sight of them swimming on the water. The rest of the Island is fruitful notwithstanding, and is inhabited by Portugals, who live very commodiously therein, as in the other Islands thereabout.  
Upon the South side, about two leagues off this Island of burning, lieth a most sweet and pleasant Island, the trees thereof are always green and fair to look on, the soil almost full set with trees, in respect whereof it's named the brave Island, being a storehouse of many fruits and commodities, as figs always ripe, cocos, plantons, oranges, lemons, cotton, etc. from the banks into the sea do run in many places the silver streams of sweet and wholesome water, which with boats or pinnaces may easily be taken in. But there is no convenient place or road for ships, neither any anchroaching at all. For after long trial, and often casting of leads, there could no ground be had at any hand, neither was it ever known (as is reported) that any line would fetch ground in any place about that Island. So that the top of Fogo burneth not so high in the air, but the root of Brava (so is the Island called) is buried and quenched as low in the Seas. The only inhabitant of this Island is an Hermit, as we suppose, for we found no other houses but one, built as is seemed for such a purpose; and he was so delighted in his solitary living, that he would by no means abide our coming, but fled, leaving behind him the relics of his false worship; to wit, a cross, with a crusifix, an altar with his superaltar, and certain other Idols of wood of rude workmanship.  
Here we dismissed the Portugals taken near Saint Jago, and gave to them in exchange of their old ship, our new pinnace built at Mogadore: with wine, bread, and fish for their provision, and so sent them away, Feb. 1. 
Feb. 1.   
Having thus visited, as is declared, the Island of cape Verde, and provided fresh water as we could, the second of Feb. we departed thence, 
Feb. 2.  directing our course towards the straits, so to pass into the South Sea; 
Feb. 17. 〈◊〉.  in which course we sailed 63. days without sight of land (passing the line equinoctial the 17. day of the same month) till we fell with the coast of Brasill, the fifth of April following. 
Apr. 5.   
During which long passage on the vast gulf, where nothing but sea beneath us and air above us was to be seen, as our eyes did behold the wonderful works of God in his creatures, which he had made innumerable both small and great beasts, in the great and wide Seas: so did our mouths taste, and our natures fed on, the goodness thereof in such fullness at all time, and in every place, as if he had commanded and enjoined the most profitable and most glorious works of his hands to wait upon us, not alone for the relief of our necessities, but also to give us delight in the contemplation of his excellence, in beholding the variety and order of his providence, with a particular taste of his fatherly care over us all the while.  
The truth is, we often met with adverse winds, unwelcome storms, and to us (at that time) less welcome calms, and being as it were in the bosom of the burning zone, we felt the effects of sultring heat, not without the affrights of flashing lightning, and terrifying of often claps of thunder; yet still with the admixture of many comforts. For this we could not but take notice of, that whereas we were but badly furnished (our case considered) of fresh water (having never at all watered (to any purpose, or that we could say we were much the better for it) from our first setting forth out of England till this time, nor meeting with any place where we might conveniently water, till our coming to the river of Plate, long after) continually, after once we were come within four degrees of the line on this side, viz. after. Feb. 10. and till we were past the line as many pegrees towards the South, viz. till Feb. 27. there was no one day went over us but we received some rain, whereby our want of water was much supplied.  
This also was observable, that of our whole fleet, 
1577.  being now 6. in number, notwithstanding the uncouthnes of the way, and what ever other difficulties, by weather or otherwise we met withal, not any one, in all this space, lost company of the rest; except only our Portugal prize for one day, who March 28. was severed from us, but the day following March 29. she found us again, to both her own, and our no little comfort: she had in her 28. of our men, and the best part of all our provision for drink; her short absence caused much doubting and sorrow in the whole company, neither could she then have been finally lost, without the overthrow of the whole voyage.  
Among the many strange creatures which we saw, we took heedful notice of one, as strange as any; to wit, the flying fish, a fish of the bigness and proportion, of a reasonable or middle sort of Pilchards: he hath fins, of the length of his whole body, from the bulk to the top of the tail, bearing the form, and supplying the like use to him, that wings do to other creatures. By the help of those fins, when he is chased of the Bonito, or great mackrel (whom the Aurata or dolphin likewise pursueth) and hath not strength to escape by swimming any longer, he lifteth up himself above the water, & flieth a pretty height, sometimes lighting into Boats or Barks as they sail along: The quills of their wings are so proportionable, and finely set together, with a most thin and dainty film, that they might seem to serve for a much longer or higher flight, but the dryness of them is such, after some 10. or. 12. strokes, that he must needs into the water again to moisten them, which else would grow stiff and unfit for motion. The increase of this little and wonderful creature is in a manner infinite, the fry whereof lieth upon the upper part of the waters, in the heat of the Sun, as dust upon the face of the earth, which being in bigness of a wheat straw, and in length an inch more or less, do continually exercise themselves in both their faculties of nature: wherein, if the Lord had not made them expert indeed, their generation could not have continued, being so desired a prey to so many, which greedily hunt after them, 
1578.  forcing them to escape in the air by flight, when they cannot in the waters live in safety. Neither are they always free, or without danger in their flying; but as they escape one evil, by refusing the waters, so they sometimes fall into as great a mischief, by mounting up into the air, and that, by means of a great and ravening foul, named of some a Don or Spurkite, who feeding chiefly on such fish as he can come by at advantage, in their swimming in the brim of the waters, or leaping above the same, presently ceaseth upon them with great violence, making havoc, especially among these flying fishes, though with small profit to himself.  
There is another sort of fish, which likewise flieth in the air, named a Cuttill: it's the same, whose bones the Goldsmiths commonly use, or at least not unlike the sort, a multitude of which, have at one time, in their flight, fallen into our ships, amongst our men.  
Passing thus, in beholding the most excellent works of the eternal God in the seas, as if we had been in a garden of pleasure. April 5. 
April 5.  we fell with the coast of Brazil, in 31. deg. 30. mi. towards the pole Antarctic, where the land is low near the sea, but much higher within the country; having in depth not above 12. fathom, 3. leagues off from the shore: and being descried by the inhabitants, we saw great and huge fires, made by them in sundry places. Which order of making fires, though it be universal, as well among Christians as Heathens, yet is it not likely that many do use it to that end, which the Brasilians do: to wit, for a sacrifice to Devils, whereat they intermix many and divers ceremonies of conjurations, casting up great heaps of sand, to this end, that if any ships, shall go about to stay upon their coasts, their ministering spirits may make wrack of them, whereof the Portugals by the loss of divers of their ships, have had often experience.  
In the reports of Magellanes voyage, it is said, that this people pray to no manner of thing, but live only according to the instinct of nature, which if it were true, there should seem to be a wonderful alteration in them, since that time, being fallen from a simple and natural ereature, to make Gods of Devils; but I am of the mind, that it was with them then, as now it is, only they lacked then the like occasion, to put it in practice, which now they have: for then, they lived as a free people among themselves, but now, are in most miserable bondage & slavery, both in body, goods, wife, and children, and life itself to the Portugals, whose hard and most cruel dealings against them, forceth them to fly into the unfruitful parts of their own land, rather there to starve, or at least live miserably with liberty, then to abide such intolerable hondage, as they lay upon them, using the aforesaid practices with Devils, both for a revenge against their oppressors, and also for a defence, that they have no further entrance into the country. And supposing in deed, that no other had used travel by sea in ships, but their enemies only, they therefore used the same at our coming: notwithstrnding, our God made their devilish intent of none effect; for albeit there lacked not (within the space of our falling with this coast) forcible storms and tempests, yet did we sustain no damage, but only the separating of our ships out of shore, but we could find no harbour in many leagues. And therefore coasting along the land, towards the south, April 7. 
April 7.  we had a violent storm, for the space of 3. hours, with thunder, lightning, and rain in great abundance, accompanied with a vehement south wind, directly against us, which caused a separation of the Christopher (viz. the Caunter which we took at cape Blank, in exchange for the Christopher, whose name she hence forward bore) from the rest of the fleet.  
After this, we keep on our course, sometime to the seaward, sometimes toward the shore, but always southward, as near as we could: till April 14. 
April 14  in the morning, at which time we passed by Cape Saint Mary, which lies in 35. deg. near the mouth of the river of Plate: and running within it about 6. or 7. leagues along by the main, we came to anchor in a bay, under another cape which our General afterwards called cape Joy, 
Apr. 16.  by reason of the second day after our anchoring here, the Christopher (whom we had lost in the former storm) came to us again.  
Among other cares which our General took in this action, next the main care of effecting the voyage itself, these were the principal and chiefly subordinate: to keep our whole fleet (as near as possible we could) together; to get fresh Water which is of continual use; & to refresh our men wearied with long toils at sea, as oft as we should find any opportunity of effecting the same. And for these causes it was determined, & public notice thereof given at our departure from the Islands of cape Verde; that the next randevouze both for the recollecting of our navy (if it should be dispersed) as also watering, and the like, should be the river of Plate: whether we were all to repair with all the convenient speed that could be made, and to stay one for another, if it should happen that we could not arrive there altogether; and the effect we found answerable to our expectations, for here our severed ship (as hath been declared) found us again▪ and here we found those other helps also so much desired. The country here about is of a temperate and most sweet air and pleasant to behold, and besides the exceeding fruitfulness of the soil, it's stored with plenty of large and mighty Deer.  
Notwithstanding that in this first bay we found sweet and wholesome water even at pleasure; 
April 16  yet the same after the arrival of Caunter, we removed some twelve leagues farther up into another; where we found a long rock, or rather Island of rocks, not far from the main; making a commodious harbour, specially against a southerly wind: under them we anchored, and road till the 20. day at night; in which mean space we killed divers Seals, or sea-wolves (as the Spaniard calls them) which resorted to these rocks in great abundance. They are good meat, and were an acceptable food to us for the present, and a good supply of our provision for the future.  
Hence April 20. 
April 20  we weighed again and sailed yet further up into the river, even till we found but three fathom deep, & that we road with our ships in fresh water; but we stayed not there, nor in any other place of the river, because that the winds being strong, the shoals many, and no safe harbour found, we could not without our great danger so have done. 
April 27.  Hailing therefore to seaward again, the 27. of the same month (after that we had spent a just fortnight in that river, to the great comfort of the whole fleet) we passed by the south side thereof into the main. The land here lieth south, south W. and N.N.E. with shoal water, some 3. or 4 leagues off into the sea: it's about 36. deg. 20. min. and somewhat better south latitude. 
April 27.   
At our very first coming forth to sea again, to wit, the same night our flyboat the Swan lost company of us: whereupon, though our General doubted nothing of her happy coming forward again to the rest of the fleet; yet because it was grievous to have such often losses, and that it was his duty as much as in him lay, to prevent all inconveniences besides, that might grow; he determined to diminish the number of his ships, thereby to draw his men unto less room; that both the fewer ships might the better keep company, & that they might also be the better appointed with new and fresh supplies of provision & men, one to ease the burden of another: especially, for that he saw the coast (it draweth now toward winter here) to be subject to many and grievous storms: and therefore he continued on his course, to find out a convenient harbour for that use; searching all that coast from 36. to 47. deg. (as diligently as contrary winds and sundry storms would permit) and yet sound none for the purpose. And in the mean time, viz. May 8. by another storm the Caunter also was once more severed from us. May 12. we had sight of land, in 47. deg. where we were forced to come to anchor in such road as we could find for the time. Nevertheless our General named the place cape Hope, by reason of a bay discovery within the headland, which seemed to promise a good and commodious harbour. But by reason of many rocks lying off from the place, we durst not adventure with our ships into it without good and perfect discovery beforehand made.  
Our General, especially in matters of moment, was never wont to rely only on other men's care, how trusty or skilful soever they might seem to be; but always contemning danger and refusing no toil, he was wont himself to be one whosoever was a second at every turn, where courage, skill, or industry was to be imployeb; neither would he at this time intrust the discovery of these dangers to another's pains, but rather to his own experience, in searching out and sounding of them. A boat being therefore hoist forth, himself with some others the next morning, May 13. 
May 13.  rowed into the bay; and being now very nigh the shorae, one of the men of the country showed himself unto him seeming very pleasant, singing and dancing, after the noise of a rattle which he shook in his hand, expecting earnestly his landing.  
But there was suddenly so great an alteration in the weather, into a thick and misty fog; together with an extreme storm and tempest, that our general being now 3. leagues from his ship, thought it be better to return, then either to land, or make any other stay and yet the fog thickened so mightily, that the sight of the ships was bereft them, and if Cap. Thomas (upon the abundance of his love and service to his general) had not adventured with his ship to enter that bay, in this perplexity, where good advice would not suffer our ships to bear in, while the winds were more tolerable, and the air clearer: we had sustained some great loss, or our general had been further endangered, who was now quickly received aboard his ship; out of which, being within the bay, they let fall an anchor, and road there (God be praised) in safety: but our other ships, riding without, were so oppressed with the extremity of the storm, that they were forced to run off to the sea for their own safeguard, being in good hope only of the good success of that ship, which was gone in to relieve our general; before this storm arose, our Caunter formerly lost, was come in the same day unto us in the same road, but was put to sea again the same evening with the rest of the fleet.  
The next day May 14. 
May 14  the weather being fair, and the winds moderate, but the fleet out of sight, our general determined to go ashore, to this end, that he might, by making of fires, give signs to the dispersed ships, to come together again into the road: whereby at last, they were all assembled, excepting the Swan, lost long time before, and excepting our Portugal prize, called the Mary; which weighing in this last storm, the night before, and now lost company, and was not found again in a long time after.  
In this place (the people being removed up into the country, belike for fear of our coming) we found near unto the rocks, in houses made for that purpose, as also in divers other places, great store of Ostriches at least to the number of 50. with much other foul; some dried and some in drying for their provision, as it seemed, to carry with them to the place of their dwellings. The Ostriches thighs were in bigness equal to reasonable legs of mutton, they cannot fly at all; but they run so swiftly, and take so long strides, that it is not possible for a man in running by any means to take them, neither yet to come so nigh them, as to have any shot at them either with bow or piece: whereof our men had often proof on other parts of that coast, for all the country is full of them; we found there the tools or instruments which the people use in taking them. Among other means they use in betraying of these Ostriches, they have a great and large plume of feathers, orderly compact together upon the end of a staff; in the forepart beareing the likeness of the head, neck, and bulk of an Ostrich; & in the hinder part, spreading itself out very large, sufficient (being holden before him) to hide the most part of the body of a man: with this it seemeth they staulk, driving them into some straight or neck of land close to the sea side; where spreading long and strong nets, with their dogs which they have in readiness at all times, they overthrow them, and make a common quarry. The country is very pleasant, and seemeth to be a fruitful soil.  
Being afterwards driven to fall with this place again, we had great acquaintance & familiarity with the people, who rejoiced greatly in our coming, and in our friendship, in that we had done them no harm. But because this place was not fit or convenient harbour for us, to do our necessary business; niether yet to make provision of such things as we wanted, as Water, Wood, and such like, we departed thence the 15. of May. 
May 15.   
At our departure thence, we held our course South and by West, and made about 9 leagues in 24. hours; bearing very little sail, that our fleet might the easier get up with us, which by reason of the contrary winds, were cast a stern of us.  
In 47. deg. 30. min. we found a bay, which was fair, safe, and beneficial to us, very necessary for our use; into which we haled, and anchored May 17. 
May 17.  and the next day, May 18. 
May 18.  we came further into the same bay, where we cast anchor, and made our abode full 15. days.  
The very first day of our arrival here, our general having set things in some order, for the dispatch of our necessary business, being most careful for his 2. ships which were wanting, sent forth to the southward, Captain Winter in the Elizabeth vice-admiral; himself in the Admiral, going forth northward, into the sea, to see, if happily they might meet with either of them: at which time, by the good providence of God, he himself met with the Swan, formerly lost at our departure from the river of Plate, and brought her into the same harbour, the same day: where being after unloaden, and discharged of her freight, she was cast off, and her iron work, & other necessaries being saved, for the better provision of the rest; of the remainder was made firewood, and other implements which we wanted. But all this while, of the other ship which we lost so lately, in our extremity, we could have no news.  
While we were thus employed, after certain days of our stay in this place, being on shore in an Island nigh unto the main, where a low water was free passage on foot, from the one to the other; the people of the country did show themselves unto us, with leaping, dancing, and holding up of their hands, and making outcries after their manner: but being then high water, we could not go over to them on foot. Wherefore the general caused immediately a boat to be in readiness, and sent unto them such things as he thought would delight them; as knives, bells, bugles, and whereupon they being assembled together upon a hill, half an English mile from the waters side, sent down two of their company, running one after the other with a great grace, traversing their ground as it seemed after the manner of their wars, by degrees descending towards the water's side very swiftly. Notwithstanding drawing nigh unto it, they made a stay, refusing to come near our men-which our men perceiving, sent such things as they had tied with a string upon a rod, and stuck the same up a reasonable distance from them, where they might see it. And assoon as our men were departed from the place, they came and took those things, leaving in stead of them, as in recompense, such feathers as they use to wear about their heads, with a bone made in manner of a toothpick, carved round about the top, and in length about six inches, being very smoothly burnished. Whereupon our General, with divers of his Gentlemen and company, at low water went over to them to the main.  
Against his coming they remained still upon the hill, and set themselves in a rank, one by one; appointing one of their company to run before them from the one end of the rank to the other, and so back again, continually East and West, with holding up his Hands over his Head, and yielding forward his body in his running toward the rising and setting of the Sun: and at every second or third turn at the most, erected his body against the midst of the rank of the people, lifting himself vaulting-wise from the ground towards the Moon, being then over our heads: signifying thereby, as we conceived, that they called the Sun and Moon (whom they serve for gods) to witness, that they meant nothing towards us but peace. But when they perceived that we ascended the hill apace, and drew nigh unto them, they seemed very fearful of our coming.  
Wherefore our General not willing to give them any way any occasion to mislike, or be discomfited, retired his company; whereby they were so alured, and did so therein confirm themselves of us, that we were no enemies, neither meant them harm, that without all fear, divers came down with great speed after us, presently entering into traffic with our men; notwithstanding they would receive nothing at our hands, but the same must be first cast upon the ground, using this word, zussus for exchange, toytt to cast upon the ground. And if they misliked any thing, they cried coroh, coroh, speaking the same with rattling in the throat. The wares we received from them were arrows of reeds, feathers, and such bones as are afore described.  
This people go naked, except a skin of fur which they cast about their shoulders, when they sit or lie in the cold: but having any thing to do, as going or any other labour, they use it as a girdle about their loins. They wear their hair very long, but lest it might trouble them in their travel, they knit it up with a roll of Ostrich feathers, using the same rolls and hair together for a quiver for their arrows, and for a store house, in which they carry the most things which they carry about them. Some of them within these rolls stick on either side of their heads (for a sign of honour in their persons) a large and plain feather showeth like horns afar off: so that such a head upon a naked body (if Devils do appear with horns) might very nigh resemble Devils.  
The whole bravery and setting out themselves standeth in painting their bodies with divers colours, and such works as they can devise. Some wash their faces with sulphur, or some such like substance: some paint their whole bodies black, leaving only their necks behind and before white, much like our Damosels that wear their squares, their necks and breasts naked. Some paint one shoulder black, another white, and their sides and legs interchangeably with the same colours, one still contrary to the other. The black part hath set upon it white moons, and the white part black Suns, being the marks and characters of their gods, as is before noted.  
They have some commodity by painting of their bodies, for the which cause they use it so generally: and that I gather to be the defence it yieldeth against the piercing and nipping cold. For the colours being close laid on upon their skin, or rather in the flesh, as by continual renewing of these juces which are laid on, soaked into the inner part thereof, doth fill up the pores so close that no air or cold can enter, or make them once to shrink.  
They have clean, comely, and strong bodies: they are swift of foot, and seem very active. Neither is any thing more lamentable (in my judgement) then that so goodly a people, and so lively creatures of God, should be ignorant of the true and living God. And so much the more is this to be lamented, by how much they are more tractable, and easy to be brought to the sheepfold of Christ: having in truth a land sufficient to recompense any christian Prine in the world, for the whole travel and labour, cost and charges bestowed in that behalf: with a wonderful enlarging of a kingdom, besides the glory of God by increasing of the Church of Cstrist.  
It's wonderful to hear, being never known to Christians before this time, how familiar they became in short space with us,; thinking themselves to be joined with such a people, as they ought rather to serve, then offer any wrong or injury unto: presuming that they might be bold with our general as with a father, & with us as with brethren & their near friends; neither seemed their love less towards us. One of the chiefest among them having on a time received a cap off our general's head, which he did daily wear, removing himself but a little from us, with an arrow pierced his leg deeply, causing the blood to stream out upon the ground: signifying thereby, how unfeignedly he loved him, and giving therein a covenant of peace: the number of men which here did frequent our company, were about fifty persons. Within, in the Southermost part of this bay, there is a river of fresh water, with a great many profitable Islands; of which, some have always such store of seals or sea-wolves as were able to maintain a huge army of men. Other Islands being many and great, are so replenished with birds and foul, as if there were no other victuals, a wonderful multitude of people might be nourished by the increase of them for many posterities. Of these we killed some with shot, and some with staves, and took some with our hands, from men's heads and shoulders upon which they lighted. We could not perceive that the people of the country had had any sort of boat or canow, to come to these Islands. Their own provision which they eat, for aught we could perceive, was commonly raw. For we should sometimes find the remnants of Seals all bloody which they had gnawn with their teeth like dogs: They go all of them armed with a short bow of about an ell in length in their hands, with arrows of reeds, and headed with a flint stone, very cunningly cut and fastened.  
This bay by reason of the plenty of Seals therein found (insomuch that we killed two hundred in the space of one hour) we called Seal bay. And having now made sufficient provision of victuals and other necessaries, as also happily finished all our businesses, June 3. 
june 3.  we set sail from thence; and coasting along towards the pole Antarctic June 12. 
june 12.  we fell with a little bay, in which we anchored for the space of two days spent in the discharging of our Caunter, the Christopher, which we here laid up.  
The 14. day we weighed again, and kept on our course southward till the 17. and then cast anchor in another bay in 50. d. 20. min. lacking but little more than one degree, 
june 14. june 17.  of the mouth of the straits, through which lay, our so much desired passage into the south sea.  
Here our general on good advice determined to alter his course; and turn his stern to the Northward again, if happily God would grant we might find our ship and friends whom we lost in the great storm, as is beforesaid. Forasmuch as if we should enter into the Strait without them into our company) it must needs go hard with them; and we also in the mean time as well by their absence, as by the uncertainty of their state, must needs receive no small discomfort.  
And therefore June 18. 
june 18▪  in the morning putting to sea again with hearty and often prayers, we joined watchful industry to serve Gods good providence: and held on our purpose to run back toward the line into the same height, in which they were first dissevered from us.  
The 19 day of June toward night, 
june 19  having sailed within a few leagues of port St. Julian, we had our ship in sight: for which we gave God thanks with most joyful minds. And forasmuch as the ship was far out of order, and very leak, by reason of extremity of weather which she had endured, aswell before her losing company as in her absence: our General thought good to bear into St. Julian with his fleet, because it was so nigh at hand, and so convenient a place: intending there to refresh his wearied men, and cherish them which had in their absence tasted such bitterness of discomfort besides the want of many things which they sustained.  
Thus the next day the 20. of June we entered port Saint Julian: 
june 20.  which standeth in 49. deg. 30. mi. and hath on the South side of the harbour picked rocks like towers, and within the harbour many Islands, which you may ride hard aboard off, but in going in you must borrow of the North shore.  
Being now come to anchor, and all things fitted and made safe aboard, our General with certain of his company, viz. Thomas Drake his brother, John Thomas, Robert Winter, Oliver the Master Gunner, John Brewer, and Thomes Hood) June 22. 
June 22  rowed further in with a boat to find out some convenient place which might yield us fresh water, during the time of our abode there, & furnish us with supply for provision, to take to sea with us at our departure. Which work as it was of great necessity, and therefore carefully to be performed; so did not he think himself discharged of his duty, if he himself bestowed not the first travel therein, as his use was at all times in all other things belonging to the relieving of our wants, and the maintenance of our good estate, by the supplying of what was needful. Presently upon his landing he was visited by two of the inhabitants of the place, whom Magellane named Patagous or rather Pentagours from their huge stature, and strength proportionable: these as they seemed greatly to rejoice at his arrival, so did they show themselves very familiar, receiving at our general's hands whatsoever he gave them, and taking great pleasure in seeing Master Oliver the master Gunner of the Admiral, to shoot an English arrow: trying with him to shoot at at length, but came nothing near him.  
Not long after, came one more of the same last, but of a sourer sort, for he, misliking of the familiarity which his fellows had used, seemed very angey with them, and strove earnestly to withdraw them, and turn them to become our enemies; Which our general with his men not suspecting in them, used them as before: and one Mr. Robert Winter, thinking of pleasure to shoot an arrow at length. as Mr. Oliver had done before, that he which came last might have a sight thereof, the string of his bow broke; which, as before it was a terror unto them, so now broken, it gave them great encouragement, and boldness, and as they thought, great advantage in their treacherous intent and purpose; not imagining that our callivers, swords, and targets, were any munition or weapon of war.  
In which persuasion (as the general with his company were, puietly without any suspicion of evil, going down towards his boat) they suddenly being prepared, and gotten by stealth behind him, shot their arrows; and chiefly at him which had the bow, not suffering him to string the same again, which he was about to have done, as well as he could: but being wounded in the shoulder at the first shot, and turning about, was sped with an arrow, which pierced his lungs, yet he fell not. But the Mr. Gunner being ready to shoot of his calliver, which took not fire in levelling thereof, was presently slain outringht. In this extremity, if our general had not been both expert in such affairs, able to judge, and give present direction in the danger thereof, and had not valiantly thrust himself into the dance, against these monsters, there had not one of our men, that there were landed, escaped with life. He therefore giving order that no man should keep any certain ground, but shift from place to place, encroaching still upon the enemy, using their targets, and other weapons for the defence of their bodies, and that they should break so many arrows, as by any means they could come by, being shot at them; wherein he himself was very diligent, and careful also in calling on them, knowing that their arrows being once spent, they should have these enemies at their devotion and pleasure, to kill or save, and this order being accordingly taken, himself I say with a good courage and trust in the true and living God, takeing and shooting off the same piece, which the same Gunner could not make to take fire, dispatched the first beginner of the quarrel, the same man which slew our Mr. Gunner. For the piece being charged with a bullet, and hail shot, and well aimed, tore out his belly and guts, with great torment, as it seemed by his cry, which was so hideous and horrible a roar, as if ten bulls had joined together in roaring, wherewith the courage of his partners was so abated, and their hearts appalled, that notwithstanding, divers of their fellows and countrymen appeared out of the woods, on each side yet they were glad, by flying away to save themselves, quietly suffering our men either to depart or stay. Our general chose rather to depart, then to take further revenge of them, which now he might, by reason of his wounded man, whom for many good parts he loved dearly; and therefore would rather have saved him, then slain an hundred enemies, but being past recovery, he died the 2. day after his being brought aboard again.  
That night our Mr. Gunners body being left ashore, for the speedier bringing of the other aboard, our general himself the next day, with his boat well appointed, returned to the shore, to fetch it likewise▪ which they found lying where it was left, but stripped off his uppermost garment, and having an English arrow struck in his right eye.  
Both of these dead bodies were laid together in one grave, with such reverence, as was fit for the earthen tabernacles of immortal souls; with such commendable ceremonies, as belong unto soldiers of worth, in time of war, which they most truly and rightfully deserved.  
Magellane was not altogether deceived, in naming of them Giants; for they generally differ from the common sort of men, both in stature, bigness, and strength of body, as also in the hideousness of their voice: but yet they are nothing so monstrous, or Giantlike as they were reported; there being some English men, as tall as the highest of any that we could see, but peradventure, the Spaniards did not think, that ever any English man would come thither to repove them; and thereupon might presume the more boldly to lie: the name Pentagones', five cubits, viz. 7. foot and half, describing the full height (if not some what more) of the highest of them.  
But this is certain, that the Spanish cruelties there used, have made them more monstrous, in mind and manners, than they are in body; and more inhospitable, to deal with any strangers that shall come hereafter. For the loss of their friends (the remembrance whereof is assigned and conveyed over from one generation to another, among their posterity) breedeth an old grudge, which will not easily be forgotten, with so quarrelsome & revengeful a people. Notwithstanding the terror which they had conceived of us, did henceforward so quench their heat, & take down their edge, that they both forgot revenge, and seeming by their countenance, to repent them of the wrong they had offered us, that meant them no harm, suffered us to do what we would, the whole space of two months after this, without any interruption or molestation by them, and it may perhaps be a means to breed a peace in that people, towards all that may hereafter this, come that way.  
To this evil, thus received at the hands of Infidels, there was adjoined and grew another mischief, wrought and continued closely among ourselves, as great, yea far greater, and of far more grievous consequence than the former: but that it was, by God's providence, detected and prevented in time, which else had extended itself, not only to the violent shedding of innocent blood, by murdering our general and such others as were most firm and faithful to him: but also to the final overthrow of the whole action intended, and to divers other most dangerous effects.  
These plots have been laid before the voyage began in England: the very model of them was showed and declared to our General in his garden at Plymouth, before his setting sail, which yet he either would not credit, as true or likely, of a person whom he loved so dear, and was persuaded of to love him likewise unfeignedly, or thought by love and benefits, to remove and remedy it, if there were any evil purposes conceived against him.  
And therefore, he did not only continue (to this suspected & accused person) all countenance, credit, & courtesies, which he was wont to show and give him; but increased them, using him in a manner as another himself, and as his most inmost friend: lodging him with himself; giving him the second place, in all companies, in his presence; leaving in his hand, the state as it were of his own person, in his absence; imparting unto him all his counsels; allowing him free liberty in all things that were reasonable; and bearing often at his hands great infirmities; yea, despising that any private injury, should break so firm a friendship, as he meant towards him. And therefore, was he oftentimes not a little offended, even with those, who upon conscience of their duty, and knowledge that otherwise they should indeed offend) disclosed from time to time unto him, how the fire increased, that threatened his own, together with the destruction of the whole action.  
But at length, perceiving that his lenity and favours did little good; in that the heat of ambition was not yet allayed, nor could be quenched, as it seemed, but by blood; and that the manifold practices grew daily more and more, even to extremities; he thought it high time, to call these practices into question, before it were too late, to call any question of them into hearing. And therefore setting good watch over him, and assembling all his Captains, and gentlemen of his company together; he propounded to them, the good parts which were in the gentleman, the great good will, and inward affection, more than brotherly, which he had ever, since his first acquaintance born him, not omitting the respect which was had of him, among no mean personages in England; and afterwards delivered the letters, which were written to him, with the particulars from time to time, which had been observed, not so much by himself, as by his good friends; not only at sea, but even at Plymouth; not bare words but writings; not writings alone, but actions, tending to the overthrow of the service in hand, and making away of his person.  
Proofs were required and alleged, so many, and so evident, that the Gentleman himself, stricken with remorse of his inconsiderate and unkind dealing, acknowledged himself to have deserved death, yea many deaths; for that he conspired, not only the overthrow of the action, but of the principal Actor also, who was not a stranger or ill-willer, but a dear and true friend unto him: and therefore in a great assembly openly besought them, in whose hands justice rested, to take some order for him; that he might not be compelled, to enforce his own hands, against his own bowels, or otherwise to become his own executioner.  
The admiration and astonishment hereat, in all the hearers even those which were his nearest friends, and most affected him was great, yea in those, which for many benefits received from him, had good cause to love him: but yet the general was most of all distracted; and therefore withdrew himself, as not able to conceal his tender affection, requiring them that had heard the whole matter, to give their judgements, as they would another day answer it unto their Prince, and unto Almighty God, judge of all the earth. Therefore they all, above 40. in number, the chiefest in place and judgement in the whole fleet, after they had discussed diversely of the case, and alleged whatsoever came in their minds, or could be there produced by any of his other friends, with their own hands, under seal adjuged that: He had deserved death: and that it stood, by no means with their safety, to let him live: and therefore, they remitted the manner thereof, with the rest of the circumstances to the general.  
This judgement, and as it were assize, was held a land, in one of the Islands of that port; which afterwards, in memory hereof was called, the Island of true justice and judgement.  
Now after this verdict was thus returned unto our general (unto whom, for his company, her Majesty before his departure, had committed her sword, to use for his safety, with this word: We do account that he which striketh at thee Drake, striketh at us) he called for the guilty party, and caused to be read unto him, the several verdicts which were written, & propounded of him, which being acknowledged for the most part (for none had given heavier sentence against him, than he had given against himself, our General proposed unto him this choice: Whether he would take to be executed in this Island? or to be set a land on the main? or return into England, there to answer his deed before the Lords of her Majesty's Counsel?  
He most humbly thanked the General for his clemency, extended towards him in such ample sort: and craving some respite to consult thereon, and so make his choice advisedly: the next day he returned this answer, that, Albeit he had yielded in his heart, to entertain so great a sin; as whereof now he was justly condemned: yet he had a care, and that excelling all other cares, to die a christian man, that whatsoever did become of his clay body, he might remain assured of an eternal inheritance, in a far better life. This he feared, if he should be set a land among Infidels, how he should be able to maintain this assurance, feeling in his own frailty, how mighty the contagion is of lewd custom. And therefore he besought the General most earnestly, that he would yet have a care, and regard of his soul; and never jeapard it amongst heathen and savage Infidels. If he should return into England, he must first have a ship, and men to conduct it, with sufficient victuals: two of which though they were had, yet for the third, he thought no man would accompany him, in so sad a message, to so vile an issue, from so honourable a service. But if that there were, which could induce their minds, to return with him; yet the very shame of the return, would be as death, or grievouser if it were possible: because he should be so long a dying, and die so often. Therefore he professed, that with all his heart, he did embrace the first branch of the General's proffer; desiring only his favour, that they might receive the holy communion, once again together before his death; and that he might not die other than a Gentleman's death.  
Though sundry reasons were used by many to persuade him to take either of the other ways: yet when he remained resolute in his former determination, both parts of his last request were granted: and the next convenient day, a communion was celebrated, by Mr. Francis Fletcher, preacher and pastor of the fleet at that time. The General himself communicated in this sacred ordinance, with this condemned penitent Gentleman; who showed great tokens of a contrite and repentant heart, as who was more deeply displeased with his own act, than any man else. And after this holy repast, they denied also at the same table together, as cheerfully in sobriety, as ever in their lives they had done aforetime: each cheering up the other, and taking their leave, by drinking each to other, as if some journey only had been in hand.  
After dinner, all things being brought in readiness, by him that supplied the room of the provost Martial; without any dallying, or delaying the time, he came forth, and kneeled down, preparing at once, his neck for the axe, and his spirit for heaven: which having done, without long ceremony, as who had before digested this whole Tragedy, he desired all the rest to pray for him, and willed the Executioner to do his offices not to fear nor spare.  
Thus having by the worthy manner of his death (being much more honourable by it, then unblamable for any other of his actions) fully blotted out, what ever stain, his fault might seem to bring upon him; he left unto our fleet, a lamentable example of a goodly Gentleman, who in seeking advancement unfit for him, cast away himself: and unto posterity a monument, of I know not what fatal calamity, incident to that port, and such like actions, which might happily afford a new pair of parallels, to be added to Plutarch's: in that the same place, near about the same time of the year, witnessed the execution of 2. gentlemen, suffering both for the like cause, employed both in like service, entertained both in great place, endued both with excellent qualities, the one 58. year after the other.  
For on the main, our men found a gibbet, fallen down, made of a spruce mast, with men's bones underneath it, which they conjectured to be the same gibbet, which Magellane commanded to be erected, in the year 1520. for the execution of John Carthagene the Bishop of Burgos Cousin, who by the King's order, was joined with Magellane in commission, and made his Vice-admiral.  
In the Island, as we digged to bury this gentleman, we found a great grinding-stone, broken in two parts, which we took and set fast in the ground, the one part at the head, the other at the feet, building up the middle space, with other stones and turfs of earth, and engraved in the stones, the names of the parties buried there, with the time of their departure, and a memorial of our General's name in Latin, that it might the better be understood, of all that should come after us.  
These things thus ended, and set in order, our general discharging the Mary, viz. our Portugal prize, because she was leak and troublesome, defaced her; and then left her ribs and keel upon the Island: where for two months together we had pitched our tents. And so having wooded, watered, trimmed our ships, dispatched all our other businesses, and brought our fleet into the smallest number, even 3. only, besides our pinnaces, that we might the easier keep ourselves together, be the better furnished with necessaries, and be the stronger manned, against whatsoever need should be, Agust 17. we departed out of this port, and being now in great hope, of a happy issue to our enterprise, which Almighty God hitherto had so blest & prospered, we set our course for the straits, south-west.  
August 20. we fell with the Cape; near which lies the entrance into the Sraight, called by the Spaniards, Capo virgin Maria, appearing 4. leagues before you come to it with high and steep grey cliffs, full of black stars, against which the sea beating, sheweth as it were the spouting of Whales, having the highest of the cape, like cape Vincent in Portugal: at this cape our General caused his fleet, in homage to our sovereign lady the Queen's Majesty, to strike their topsails upon the bunt, as a token of his willing and glad mind, to show his dutiful obedience to her highness, whom he acknowledged to have full interest and right in that new discovery; and withal, in remembrance of his most honourable friend, Sir Christopher Hatton, he changed the name of the ship, which himself went in, from the Pelican to be called the golden Hind; which ceremonies being ended, together with a sermon, teaching true obedience, with prayers and giving of thanks for her Majesty, and most honourable counsel, with the whole body of the commonweal, and church of God, we continued our course on into the said frete, where passing with land in sight on both sides, we shortly fell with so narrow a strait, as carrying with it much wind, often turnings, and many dangers-requireth an expert judgement in him that shall pass the same, it lieth W.N.W. and E. south East: but having left his strait a stern, we seemed to become out of a river of two leagues broad, into a large and main sea; having the night following, an Island in sight, which (being in height nothing inferior to the Island Fogo, before spoken of) burning (like it also) aloft in the air▪ in a wonderful sort, without intermission.  
It hath formerly been received as an undoubted truth, that the seas, following the course of the first mover, from the east to west, have a continual current through this strait, but our experience found the contrary: the ebbings and flow here, being as orderly (in which the water rises and falls more than 5. fathoms upright) as on other coasts.  
The 24. of August being Bartholomew day, we fell with 3. Islands, bearing trianglewise one from another, one of them was very fair and large, and of a fruitful soil, upon which being next unto us, and the weather very calm, our General with his Gentlemen, and certain of his Mariners, then landed; taking possession thereof in her Majesty's name, and to her use, and called the same Elizabeth Island.  
The other two, though they were not so large, nor so fair to the eye, yet were they to us exceeding useful, for in them we found great store of strange birds, which could not fly at all, nor yet run so fast, as that they could escape us with their lives, in body they are less than a goose, and bigger than a mallard, short and thick set together, having no feathers, but instead thereof, a certain hard and matted down; their beaks are not much unlike the bills of crows, they lodge and breed upon the land, where making earths, as the coneys do, in the ground, they lay their eggs, and bring up their young; their feeding and provision to live on, is in the sea, where they swim in such sort as nature may seem to have granted them no small prerogative in swiftness, both to pray upon others, and themselves to escape from any others that seek to cease upon them, & such was the infinite resort of these birds to these Lands, that in the space of 1. day, we killed no les than 3000. & if the increase be according to the number, it is not to be thought, that the world hath brought forth, a greater blessing in one kind of creature in so small a circuit, so necessarily and plentifully serving the use of man, they are a very good and wholesome victual: our General named these Islands, the one Bartholomew, according to the day; the other Saint Georges, in honour of England, according to the ancient custom there observed.  
In the Island of Saint George, we found the body of a man, so long dead before, that his bones would not hold together, being moved out of the place whereon they lay.  
From these Islands, to the entrance into the south sea, the frete is very crooked; having many turnings, & as it were shuting up, as if there were no passage at all, by means whereof, we were often troubled with contrary winds, so that some of our ships recovering a cape of land, entering another reach, the rest were forced to alter their course, and come to anchor where they might. It is true which Magellane reporteth of this passage: namely that there be many fair harbours, and store of fresh water; but some ships had need to be fraughted with nothing else, besides anchors and cables, to find ground in most of them, to come to anchor; which when any extreme gusts or contrary winds do come (whereunto the place is altogether subject) is a great hindrance to the passage, and carrieth with it no small danger.  
The land on both sides is very high and mountainous, having on the North and west side the continent of America, and on the south and East part, nothing but Islands: among which, lie innumerable fretes or passages into the south sea. The mountains arise with such tops, and spires into the air, & of so rare a height, as they may well be accounted amogst the wonders of the world; environed as it were, with many regions of congealed clouds, and frozen meteors, whereby they are continually fed and increased, both in the height and bigness, from time to time, retaining that which they have once received, being little again diminished by the heat of the sun, as being so far from reflection, and so nigh the cold and frozen Region.  
But notwithstanding all this, yet are the low and plain grounds very fruitful, the grass green and natural, the herds that are of very strange sorts, good and many; the trees for the most part of them always green; the air of the temperature of our country; the water most pleasant; and the soil agreeing to any grain which we have growing in our country: a place no doubt, that lacketh nothing, but a people to use the same to the Creator's glory, and the increasing of the Church: the people inhabiting these parts, made fires as we passed by in divers places.  
Drawing nigh the entrance of the south sea, we had such a shutting up to the northward, and such large and open fretes toward the south, that it was wonderful which way we should pass, without further discovery: for which cause, our General having brought his fleet to anchor under an Island; himself with certain of his Gentlemen, rowed in a boat to descry the passage, who having discovered a sufficient way towards the North, in their return to their ships, met a Cannow under the same Island, where we road then at anchor, having in her divers persons.  
This Cannow or Foate was made of the bark of divers trees, having a prow and a stern standing up, and semicirclewise yielding inward, of one form and fashion; the body whereof was a most dainty mould, bearing in it most comely proportion, and excellent workmanship; insomuch as to our General and us, it seemed never to have been done, without the cunning and expert judgement of art, and that not for the use of so rude and barbarous a people, but for the pleasure of some great and noble personage, yea of some Prince: It had no other closing up or caulking in the seams, but the stichin with thongs, made of Sealeskins, or other such beast, and yet so close that it received very little or no water at all.  
The people are of a mean stature, but well set and compact in all their parts and limbs; they have great pleasure in painting their faces, as the others have, of whom we have spoken: before. Within the said Island they had a house of mean building of certain poles, and covered with skins of beasts; having therein fire, water, and such meat, as commonly they can come by: as Seals, Mussels, and such like.  
The vessels wherein they kept their water, and their cups in which they drink, are made of barks of trees, as was their canow: and that with no less skill (for the bigness of the thing) being of a very formal shape and good fashion. Their working tools, which they use in cutting these things and such other, are knives made of most huge and monstrous mussel shells (the like whereof have not been seen or heard of lightly by any travellers; the meat thereof being very savoury and good in eating) which after they have broken off the thin and brittle substance of the edge, they rub and grind them upon stones had for the purpose, till they have tempered and set such an edge upon them, that no wood is so hard but they will cut it at pleasure with the same: whereof we ourselves had experience. Yea they cut therewith bones of a marvellous hardness; making of them fisgies to kill fish, wherein they have a most pleasant exercise with great dexterity.  

Sept. 6.  The sixth of September we had left astern us all these troublesome Islands, and were entered into the south sea, or Mare deal zur▪ at the cape whereof, our general had determined with his whole company to have gone a shore, and there after a sermon to have left a monument of her Majesty engraven in metal, for a perpetual remembrance, which he had in a readiness for that end prepared: but neither was there any anchoring, neither did the wind suffer us to make a stay.  
Only this by all our men's observations was concluded; that the entrance, by which we came into this straight, was in 52. deg. the midst in 53. deg. 15. m. and the going out in 52. d. 30. m. being 150. leagues in length: at the very entry, supposed also to be about 10. leagues in breadth. After we were entered ten leagues within it, it was found not passed a league in breadth: farther within, in some places very large, in some very narrow: & in the end found to be no straight at all, but all Islands.  
Now when our General perceived that the nipping cold, under so cruel a frowning winter, had impaired the health of some of his men; he meant to have made the more haste again toward the line, and not to sail any farther towards the pole Antarctic, lest being farther from the Sun, and nearer the cold, we might happily be overtaken with some greater danger of sickness. But God giving men leave to purpose, reserveth to himself the disposition of all things: making their intents of none effect, or changing their meanings oft times clean into the contrary, as may best serve for his own glory and their profit.  
For September 7. 
Sept. 7.  the second day after our entrance into the South sea (called by some Mare pacificum, but proving to us rather to be Mare furiosum.) God by a contrary wind and intolerable tempest, seemed to set himself against us: forcing us not only to alter our course and determination, but with great trouble, long time, many dangers, hard escapes, and final separating of our fleet, to yield ourselves unto his will. Yea such was the extremity of the tempest, that it appeared to us as if he had pronounced a sentence, not to stay his hand, nor to withdraw his judgement till he had buried our bodies and ships also, in the bottomless depth of the raging sea.  
In the time of this incredible storm, the 15. of September, 
Sept. 8  the Moon was eclipsed in Aries, and darkened about three points, for the space of two glasses: which being ended, might seem to give us some hope of alteration & change of weather to the better. notwithstanding, as the ecclipticall conflict could add nothing to our miserable estate, no more did the ending thereof ease us any thing at all; nor take away any part of our troubles from us, but our eclipse continued still in its full force so prevailing against us, that for the space of full 52. days together, we were darkened more than the Moon by 20. parts, or more than we by any means could ever have preserved, or recovered light of ourselves again, if the Son of God which laid this burden upon our backs, had not mercifully born it up with his own shoulders, and upheld us by his own power, beyond any possible strength or skill of man. Neither indeed did we at all escape, but with the feeling of great discomforts through the same.  
For these violent and extraordinary flaws (such as seldom have been seen) still continuing, or rather increasing, September 30. 
Sept. 30.  in the night, caused the sorrow separation of the Marigold from us, in which was Captain John Thomas, with many others of our dear friends: who by no means that we could conceive could help themselves, but by spooming along before the sea. With whom albeit we could never meet again, yet (our general having aforehand given order, that if any of our fleet did loose company, the place of resort to meet again should be in 30. deg. or thereabouts, upon the coasts of Peru, toward the Equinoctial) we long time hoped (till experience showed our hope was vain) that there we should joyfully meet with them: especially for that they were well provided of victuals, and lacked no skilful and sufficient men (besides their Captain) to bring forwards the ship to the place appointed.  
From the seventh of September (in which the storm began) till the seventh of October we could not by any means recover any land (having in the mean time been driven so far South, 
〈…〉.  as to the 37. deg. and somewhat better) on this day towards night, somewhat to the Northward of that Cape of America, (whereof mention is made before in the description of our departure from the straight into the sea) with a sorry sail we entered a harbour: where hoping to enjoy some freedom & ease till the storm was ended we received within few hours after our coming to anchor, so deadly a stroke and hard entertainment, that our Admiral left not only an anchor behind her, through the violence and fury of the flaw; but in departing thence, also lost the company and sight of our Vice-Amirall, the Elizabeth: partly through the negligence of those that had the charge of her, partly through a kind of desire that some in her had to be out of these troubles, and to be at home again▪ which (as since is known) they thence forward by all means assayed and performed. For the very next day October 8. 
Octob. 8.  recovering the mouth of the straits again (which we were now so near unto) they returned back the same way by which they came forward, and coasting Brasil, they arrived in England June 2. the year following.  
So that now our Admiral if she had retained her old name of Pelican, which she bore at our departure from our country, she might have been now indeed said to be as a Pelican alone in the wilderness. For albeit our General sought the rest of his fleet with great care, yet could we not have any sight or certain news of them by any means.  
From this bay of parting of friends, we were forcibly driven back again into 55. deg. towards the pole Antarctic. In which height we ran in among the Islands before mentioned, lying to the Southward of America, through which we passed from one sea to the other, as hath been declared▪ Where coming to anchor, we found the waters there to have their indraught and free passage, and that through no small guts, or narrow channels, but indeed through as large fretes or straits, as it hath at the supposed straits of Megellane through which we came.  
Among these Islands, making our abode with some quietness for a very little while, (viz. two days) and finding divers good and wholesome herbs together with fresh water; our men which before were weak, and much impaired in their health▪ begun to receive good comfort: especially by the drinking of one herb (not much unlike that herb which we commonly call Penny-leaf) which purging with great facility afforded great help and refreshing to our wearied and sickly bodies. But the winds returning to their old wont, and the seas raging after their former manner, yea every thing as it were setting itself against our peace and desired rest, here was no stay permitted, neither any safety to be looked for.  
For such was the present danger by forcing and continual flaws, that we were rather to look for present death then hope for any delivery, if God almighty should not make the way for us. The winds were such as if the bowels of the earth had set all at liberty; or as if the clouds under heaven had been called together, to lay their force on that one place: the seas, which by nature and of themselves are heavy, and of a weighty substance, were rolled up from the depths, even from the roots of the rocks, as if it had been a scroll of parchment, which by the extremity of heat runneth together: and being aloft were carried in most strange manner & abundance, as feathers or drifts of snow, by the violence of the winds, to water the exceeding tops of high and lofty mountains. Our anchors, as false friends in such a danger, gave over their holdfast, and as if it had been with horror of the thing, did shrink down to hide themselves in this miserable storm; committing the distressed ship and helpless men to the uncertain rolling seas, which tossed them, like a ball in a racket. In this case, to let fall more anchors would avail us nothing; for being driven from our first place of ancoring, so unmeasurable was the depth, that 500 fathom would fetch no ground: so that the violent storm without intermission; the impossibility to come to anchor; the want of opportunity to spread any sail; the most mad seas; the lee shores; the dangerous rocks; the contrary and most intolerable winds; the impossible passage out; the desperate tarrying there; and inevitable perils on every side, did lay before us so small likelihood to escape present destruction, that if the special providence of God himself had not supported us, we could never have endured that woeful state: as being environed with most terrible and most fearful judgements round about. For truly, it was more likely that the mountains should have been rend in sunder, from the top to the bottom, and cast headlong into the sea, by these unnatural winds; then that we, by any help or cunning of man, should free the life of any one amongst us.  
Notwithstanding the same God of mercy which delivered Ionas out of the Whale's belly and heareth all those that call upon him faithfully in their distress; looked down from heaven beheld our tears, and heard our humble petitions, joined with holy vows. Even God (whom not the winds and seas alone, but even the Devils themselves and powers of hell obey) did so wonderfully free us, and make our way open before us, as it were by his holy Angels still guiding and conducting us, that more than the affright and amaze of this estate, we received no part of damage in all the things that belonged unto us.  
But escaping from these straits and miseries, as it were through the needlesey (that God might have the greater glory in our delivery) by the great and effectual care and travel of our General, the Lords instrument therein; we could now no longer forbear, but must needs find some place of refuge, aswell to provide water, wood, and other necessaries, as to comfort our men, thus worn and tired out, by so many and so long intolerable toils: the like whereof, it to be supposed, no traveller hath felt, neither hath their ever been such a tempest (that any records make mention of) so violent, and of such continuance, since Noah's flood, for as hath been said it lasted from September 7. to October 28. full 52. days.  
Not many leagues therefore to the southwards of our former anchoring, we ran in again among these Islands; where we had once more better likelihood to rest in peace: and so much the rather, for that we found the people of the country travelling for their living, from one Island to another, in their canoes, both men, women, and young infants wrapped in skins, and hanging at their mother's backs; with whom he had traffic for such things as they had, as chains of certain shells and such other trifles; here the Lord gave us three days to breath ourselves, and to provide such things as we wanted, albeit the same was with continual care, and troubles to avoid imminent dangers, which the troubled seas and blustering winds did every hour threaten unto us.  
But when we seemed to have stayed there too two long, we more rigorously assaulted by the not formerly ended, but now more violently renewed storm; and driven them also with no small danger; leaving behind us the greater part of our cable with the anchor; being chased along by the winds, and buffeted incessantly in each quarter by the seas (which our General interpreted, as though God had sent them of purpose to the end which ensued) till at length we fell with the uttermost part of land towards the south pole, and had certainly discovered how far the same doth reach southward, from the coast of America aforenamed.  
The uttermost Cape or hedland of all these Islands, stands near in the 56. deg. without which there is no main, nor Island to be seen to the southwards: but that the Atlantic Ocean, and the south sea, meet in a most large and free scope.  
It hath been a dream through many ages, that these Islands have been a main, and that it hath been terra incognita; wherein many strange monsters lived. Indeed it might truly, before this time, be called incognota, for howsoever the maps & general descriptions of Cosmographers, either upon the deceivable reports of other men, or the deceitful imaginations of themselves (supposing never herein to be corrected) have set it down, yet it is true, that before this time, it was never discovered, or certainly known by any traveller, that we have heard of.  
And here as in a fit place, it shall not be a miss to remove that error in opinion, which hath been held by many, of the impossible return, out of Mar deal zur, into the West Ocean; by reason of the supposed Eastern current, and leavant winds: which (say they) speedily carry any thither, but suffer no return. They are herein likewise altogether deceived: for neither did we meet with any such current, neither had we any such certain winds, with any such speed to carry us through; but at all times in our passage there, we found more opportunity to return back again into the west Ocean, then to go forward into Mar deal zur, by means, either of current, or winds to hinder us, whereof we had experience more than we wished: being glad oftentimes to alter our course, and to fall a stern again, with frank wind (without any impediment of any such surmised current) farther in one afternoon, than we could fetch up, or recover again in a whole day, with a reasonable gale. And in that they allege the narrowness of the frete, and want of sea-rome, to be the cause of this violent current; they are herein no less deceived, than they were in the other without reason: for besides, that it cannot be said, that there is one only passage, but rather innumerable; it is most certain, that a sea-board all these Islands, there is one large and main sea, wherein if any will not be satisfied, nor believe the report of our experience and eyesight, he should be advised to suspend his judgement, till he hath either tried it himself, by his own travel, or shall understand by other travellers, more particulars to confirm his mind therein.  
Now as we were fallen to the uttermost part of these Island October 28. 
Octo 28▪  our troubles did make an end, the storm ceased, and all our calamities (only the absence of our friends excepted) were removed, as if God, all this while, by his secret providence, had led us to make his discovery; which being made, according to his will he stayed his hand, as pleased his majesty therein, and refreshed us as his servants.  
At these Southerly parts we found the night, in the latter end of October, to be but 2. hours long: the Sun being yet above 7. degrees distant from the Tropic: so that it seemeth, being in the Tropic, to leave very little, or no night at all in that place.  
There be few of all these Islands, but have some inhabitants, whose manners, apparel, houses, Cannows, and means of livings, is like unto those formerly spoken of, a little before our departure out of the Strait. To all these Islands, did our General give one name, to wit, Elizabethides.  
After two days stay, which we made in and about these Lands, the 30. of October we set sail; 
Octo. 30.  shaping our course right Northwest, to coast along the parts of Peru (for so the general maps set out the land to lie, both for that we might with convenient speed, sal with the height of 30. deg. being the place appointed, for the rest of our fleet to re-assemble; as also that no opportunity might be lost, in the mean time to find them out, if it seemed good to God to direct them to us.  
In this course, we chanced (the next day) with two Islands, being as it were storehouses, of most liberal provision of victuals for us, of birds; yeiding not only sufficient and plentiful store, for us who were present, but enough to have served all the rest also which were absent.  
Thence (having furnished ourselves to our content) we continued our course November 1. 
Nove. 1.  still Northwest, as we had formerly done, but in going on, we soon espied, that we might easily have been deceived: and therefore casting about, and steering upon another point, we found that the general maps did err from the truth, in setting down the coast of Peru, for 12. deg. at least to the Northward, of the supposed strait; no less than is the Northwest point of the compass, different from the North-east, perceiving hereby, that no man, had ever by travel, discovered any part of these 12. deg. and therefore the setters forth of such descriptions, are not to be trusted; much less honoured in their false and fraudulent conjectures; which they use, not in this alone, but in divers other points of no small importance.  
We found this part of Peru, all alongst to the height of Lima which is 12. deg. South of the line, to be mountenous and very barren, without water or wood, for the most part, except in certain places inhabited by the Spaniards and few others, which are very fruitful and commodious.  
After we were once again thus fallen with the land, we continually coasted along, till we came to the height of 37. deg. or thereabout: & finding no convenient place of abode, nor likelihood to hear any news of our ships, we ran off again with an Island, which lay in sight, named of the Spaniards Mucho, by reason of the greatness and large circuit thereof.  
At this Island coming to anchor, Novem. 25. 
Nou. 25  we found it to be a fruitful place, and well stored with sundry sorts of good things, as sheep, and other cattle, maize, which is a kind of grain whereof they make bread, potatoes, with such other roots: besides that, it is thought to be wonderful rich in gold, and to want no good thing for the use of man's life. The inhabitants are such Indians, as by the cruel & most extreme dealing of the Spaniards, have been driven to fly from the main, here to relieve and fortify themselves. With this people, our General thought it meet to have traffic, for frew victuals & water: and for that cause, the very same night of our arrival there, himself with divers of his company went a shore, to whom the people with great courtesy came down, bringing with them such fruits and other victuals as they had, and two very fat sheep, which they gave our General for a present. In recompense whereof, we bestowed upon them again many good and necessary things; signifying unto them, that the end of his coming was for no other cause, but by way of exchange to traffic with them for such things as we needed, and they could spare: and in particular, for such as they had already brought down upon us, besides fresh water, which we desired of them. Herein they held themselves well contented, and seemed to be not a little joyful of our coming: appointing where we should the next morning have fresh water at pleasure, & withal signifying that then also they would bring us down such other things as we desired to serve our turns.  
The next day therefore very early in the morning (all things being made ready for traffic, as also vessels prepared to bring the water) our general taking great care for so necessary provision, repaired to the shore again; and setting a land two of his men, sent with them their Bar●icoes to the watering place assigned the night before. Who having peaceably passed on one half of the way, were then with no small violence set upon by those traitorous people, and suddenly slain and to the end that our general with the rest of his company should not only be stayed from rescuing them, but also might fall (if it were possible) into their hands in like manner, they had laid closely behind the rocks an ambushment of (as we guessed) about 500 mer, armed and well appointed for such a mischief. Who suddenly attempting their purpose (the rocks being very dangerous for the boat, and the sea-gate exceeding great) by shooting their arrows hurt & wounded every one of our men, 
Sept. 30.  before they could free themselves, or come to the use of their weapons to do any good. The general himself was shot in the face, under his right eye, & close by his nose, the arrow piercing a marvellous way in, under basis cerebri, with no small danger of his life; besides that, he was grievously wounded in the head▪ The rest being nine persons in the boat, were deadly wounded in divers parts of their bodies, if God almost miraculously had not given cure to the same. For our chief Surgeon being dead and the other absent by the loss of our vice-admiral, and having none left us but a boy, whose good will was more than any skill he had, we were little better than altogether destitute of such cunning & helps as so grievous a state of so many wounded bodies did require. Notwithstanding God, by the good advice of our General, and the diligent putting too of every man's help, 
Octob. 7  did give such speedy & wonderful cure, that we had all great comfort thereby, and yielded God the glory thereof.  
The cause of this force and injury by these Islanders, was no other but the deadly hatred which they bear against their civil enemies the Spaniards, for the bloody and most tyrannous oppression which they had used towards them. And therefore with purpose against them (suspecting us to be Spaniards indeed, and that the rather, by occasion that though command was given to the contrary, some of our men in demanding water, used the spanish word aqua, sought some part of revenge against us. Our general notwithstanding he might have revenged this wrong with little hazard or danger; yet more desirous to preserve one of his own men alive▪ than to destroy 100 of his enemies, committed the same to God: wishing this only punishment to them, that they did but know whom they had wronged; and that they had done this injury not to an enemy but to a friend; not to a Spaniard, but to an Englishman; who would rather have been a patron to defend them, than any way an instrument of the least wrong that should have been done unto them. The weapons which this people use in their wars, are arrows of Reeds, with heads of stone, very brittle and indented, but darts of a great length, headed with iron or bone.  
The same day that we received this dangerous affront, in the afternoon we set sail from thence; and because we were now nigh the appointed height, wherein our ships were to be looked for, as also the extremity and crazy state of our hurt men advising us to use expedition, to find some convenient place of repose, which might afford them some rest, and yield us necessary supply of fresh victuals for their diet; we bent our course, as the wind would suffer us, directly to run in with the main. Where falling with a bay, called Philip's bay, in 32. de. or thereabout, Nou. 30. 
Nou. 30  we came to anchor: and forthwith manned and sent our boat to discover what likelihood the place would offer to afford us such things as we stood in need of.  
Our boat doing her utmost endeaver in a diligent search, yet after long travel could find no appearance of hope for relief, either of fresh victuals, or of fresh water: huge heads of wild buffs they might discern, but not so much as any sign of any inhabitant thereabout. Yet in their return to us, they descried within the bay, an Indian with his Canow as he was a fishing: him they brought aboard our general, canow and all as he was in it. A comely personage, and of a goodly stature▪ his apparel wss a white garment, reaching scarcely to his knees; his arms and legs were naked; his hair upon his head very long; without a beard, as all the Indians for the most part are. He seemed very gentle, of mild and humble nature, being very tractable to learn the use of every thing, and most grateful for such things as our General bestowed upon him▪ In him we might see a most lively pattern of the harmless disposition of that people; and how grievous a thing it is that they should by any means be so abused as all those are, whom the Spaniards have any command or power over.  
This man being courteously entertained, and his pains of coming double requited; after we had showed him, partly by signs, and partly by such things as we had, what things we needed, and would gladly receive by his means, upon exchange of such things as he would desire; we sent him away with our boat and his own canow (which was made of Reed straw) to land him where he would. Who being landed, and willing our men to stay his return, was immediately met by two or three of his friends; to whom imparting his news, & showing what gifts he had received, he gave so great content, that they willingly furthered his purpose; so that after certain hours of our men's abode there, he with divers others (among whom was their head or Captain) made their return; bringing with them their loadings of such things as they thought would do us good: as some hens, eggs, a fat hog, and such like. All which (that our men might be without all suspicion of all evil to be meant & intended by them) they sent in one of their canoes, a reasonable distance from off the shore, to our Boat, the sea-gate being at the present very great, and their Captain having sent back his horse, would needs commit himself to the credit of our men, though strangers, and come with them to our General, without any of his own acquaintance or countrymen with him.  
By his coming as we understood, that there was no mean or way, to have our necessities relieved in this place; so he offered himself to be our Pilot, to a place and that a good harborough, not far back to the Southward again: where, by way of traffic, we might have at pleasure, both water, and those other things which we stood in need of. This offer our General very gladly received, and so much the rather, for that the place intended, was near about the place appointed, for the Randevouse of our fleet. Omitting therefore our purpose, of pursuing the buffs formerly spoken of, of which we had otherwise determined, if possible to have killed some; this good news of better provision, and more easy to come by, drew us away: and so the 5. day after our arrival, viz. December 4. 
Dece. 4.  we departed hence, and the next day December 5. 
Dece. 5.  by the willing conduct of our new Indian Pilot, we came to anchor in the desired harbour.  
This harbour the Spaniards call valperizo, and the town adjoining St. James of Chinly, it stands in 35. deg. 40. min. where albeit we neither met with our ships, nor heard of them, yet there was no good thing which the place afforded, or which our necessities indeed for the present required, but we had the same in great abundance: amongst other things we found in the town divers storehouses of the wines of Chilie; and in the harbour, a ship called the Captain of Moriall, or the grand Captain of the South, Admiral to the Islands of Solomon; loaden for the most part, with the same kind of liquors: only there was besides, a certain quantity of fine gold of Baldivia and a great cross of gold beset wit Emeralds, on which was nailed a god of the same metal, we spent some time in refreshing ourselves, and easing this ship of sol easy a burden: and on the 8. day of the same month (having in the mean time, sufficiently stored ourselves with necessaries, as wine, bread, bacon etc. for a long season) we set sail, returning back towards the line; carrying again our Indian pilot with us▪ whom our general bountefully rewarded, and enriched with many good things, which pleased him exceedingly, and caused him, by the way, to be landed in the place where he desired.  
Our necessities being thus to our content relieved, our next care was the regaining (if possible) of the company of our ships, so long severed from us: neither would any thing have satisfied our general, or us so well, as the happy meeting, or good news of them, this way therefore (all other thoughts, for the present set apart) were all our studies and endeavours bend▪ how to fit it so, as that no opportunity of meeting them might be passed over.  
To this end, considering that we could not conveniently run in with our ship (in search of them) to every place where was likelihood of being in harbour; and that our boat was to little, and unable to carry men enough, to encounter the malice or treachery of the Spaniards (if we should by any chance meet with any of them) who are used to show no mercy, where they may overmaster; and therefore meaning not to hazard ourselves to their cruel courtesy; we determined, as we coasted now towards the line, to search diligently for some convenient place, where we might in peace and safety, stay the triming of our ship, and the erecting of a pinnace, in which we might have better security, then in our boat, and without endangering of our ship, by running into each creek, leave no place untried, if happily we might so find again our friends and countrymen.  
For this cause December 19 
Dece. 19  we entered a bay, not far to the Southward of the town, of Cyppo now inhabited by the Spaniards, in 29. deg, 30. min. where having landed certain of our men, to the number of 14, to search what conveniency the place was likely to afford for our abiding there; we were immediately descried by the Spaniards, of the town of Cyppo aforesaid, who speedily made out 300. men, at least whereof 100 were Spaniards, every one well mounted upon his horse; the rest were Indians, running as dogs at their heels, all naked and in most miserable bondage.  
They could not come any way so closely, but God did open our eyes to see them, before there was any extremity of danger, whereby our men being warned, had reasonable time to shift themselves as they could; first from the main, to a Rock within the sea; and from thence into their boat: which being ready to receive them, conveyed them with expedition, out of the reach of the Spaniards fury, without the hurt of any man: only one Richard Minivy, being over bold and careless of his own safety, would not be entreated by his friends, nor feared by the multitude of his enemies, to take the present benefit of his own delivery: but chose either to make 300. men by outbraving of them to become afraid, or else himself to die in the place; the latter of which indeed he did, whose dead body being drawn by the Indians from the Rock to the shore was there manfully by the Spaniards beheaded, the right hand cut off, the heart plucked out, all which they carried away in our sight, and for the rest of his carcase, they caused the Indians to shoot it full of arrows, made but the same day, of green wood, and so left it to be devoured of the beastts and fowls, but that we went a shore again and buried it: wherein as there appeareth a most extreme & barbarous cruelty, so doth it declare to the world, in what miserable fear the Spaniard holdeth the government of those parts; living in continual dread of the foreign invasion by strangers, or secret cutting of throats, by those whom they kept under them in so shameful slavery, I mean the Innocent and harmless Indians. And therefore they make sure to murder what strangers soever they can come by, and suffer the Indians by no means to have any weapon longer than they be in present service: as appeared by their arrows cut from the tree the same day, as also by the credible report of others who knew the matter to be true. Yea they suppose they show the wretches great favour, when they do not for their pleasures whip them with cords, and day by day drop tkeir naked bodies with burning bacon: which is one of the least cruelties, amongst many, which they usually use against that Nation and people.  
This being not the place we looked for, nor the entertainment such as we desired; we speedily got hence again, and Decem. 20. 
Dece. 20.  the next day, fell with a more convenient harbour, in a bay somewhat to the Northward of the forenamed Cyppo▪ lying in 27. deg. 55. min. South the line.  
In this place we spent some time in trimming of our ships, and building of our pinnace, as we desired: but still the grief for the absence of our friends remained with us, for the finding of whom, our General having now fitted all things to his mind, intended (leaving his ship the mean while at anchor in the bay) with his pinnace and some chosen men, himself to return back to the Southwards again; to see if happily he might either himself meet with them, or find them in some harbour or creek; or hear of them by any others, whom he might meet with, with this resolution he set on, but after one days sailing, the wind being contrary to his purpose, he was forced whether he would or no to return again.  
Within this bay, during our abode there, we had such abundance of fish, not much unlike our Gurnard in England, as no place had ever afforded us the like (Cape blank only upon the coast of Barbary excepted) since our first setting forth of Plymmouth until this time, the plenty whereof in this place was such, that our gentlemen sporting themselves day by day, with 4. or 5. hooks and lines, in 2. or 3. hours, would take sometimes 400. sometimes more at one time.  
All our businesses being thus dispatched, January 19 
jan. 19,  we set sail from hence; and the next place that we fell withal, Jan. 22. 
jan▪ 22.  was an Island standing in the same height, with the north cape of the province of Mormorena, at this Island we found 4. Indians with their canoes, which took upon them to bring our men to a place of fresh water on the aforesaid cape; in hope whereof, our general made them great cheer (as his manner was to all strangers) and set his course by their direction, but when we came unto the place, and had traveled up along way into the land, we found fresh water indeed, but scarce so much as they had drunk wine in their passage thither.  
As we sailed along, continually searching for fresh water; we came to a place called Tarapaca, and landing there we lighted on a Spaniard who lay asleep, and had lying by him 13. bars of silver, weighing in all, about 4000 Spanish ducats, we would not (could we have chosen) have awaked him of his nap; but seeing we, against our will, did him that injury, we freed him of his charge, which otherwise perhaps would have kept him waking, and so left him to take out (if it pleased him) the other part of his sleep in more security.  
Our search for water still continuing, as we landed again not far from thence, we met a Spaniard with an Indian boy▪ driving 8. Lambs or Peruvian sheep: each sheep bore two leathern bags, and in each bag was 50. pound weight of refined silver, in the whole 800. weight: we could not endure to see a gentleman Spaniard turned Carrier so; and therefore without entreaty, we offered our service, and became drovers▪ only his directions was not so perfect, that we could keep the way which he intended; for almost as soon as he was parted from us, we with our new kind of carriages, were come unto our boats.  
Farther beyond this cape forementioned lie certain Indian towns, from whence as we passed by, came many of the people in certain bawses made of Seals skins; of which two being joined together of a just length, and side by side, resemble in fashion or form of a boat: they have in either of them a small gut, or some such thing blown full of wind; by reason whereof it floateth, and is rowed very swiftly, carrying in it no small burden. In these upon sight of our ship, they brought store of fish of divers sorts, to traffic with us, for any trifles we would give them: as knives, margarites, glasses, and such like, whereof, men of 60. and 70. years old, were as glad as if they had received some exceeding rich commodity, being a most simple and plain dealing people. Their resort unto us was such, as considering the shortness of the time, was wonderful to us to behold.  
Nor far from this, viz. in 22. deg. 30. min. lay Mormorena, another great town of the same people, over whom 2. Spaniard's held the government, with these our general thought meet to deal; or at least to try their courtesy, whether they would, in way of traffic, give us such things as we needed or no, and therefore Jan. the 26. 
jan. 26.  we cast anchor here, we found them (more for fear then for love) somewhat tractable, and received them by exchange many good things, very necessary for our uses.  
Amongst other things which we had of them, the sheep of the country (viz. such as we mentioned before bearing the leathern bags) were most memorable. Their height and length was equal to a pretty cow, & their strength fully answerable if not by much exceeding their size or stature. Upon one of their backs did sit at one time three well grown and tall men, and one boy, no man's foot touching the ground by a large foot in length, the beast nothing at all complaining of his burden in the mean time. These sheep have necks like Camels; their heads bearing a reasonable resemblance of another sheep. The Spaniards use them to great profit. Their wool is exceeding fine, their flesh good meat, their increase ordinary, and besides they supply the room of horses for burden or travel: yea they serve to carry over the mountains, marvellous loads, for 300. leagues together, where no other carriage can be made but by them only. Hereabout, as also all along, and up into the country throughout the Province of Cusko, the common ground wheresoever it be taken up, in every hundred pound weight of earth, yieldeth, 25. s. of pure silver, after the rate of a crown an ounce.  
The next place likely to afford us any news of our ships (for in all this way from the height where we builded our pinnace, there was no bay or harbour at all for shipping) was the port of the town of Arica, standing in 20 d. whether we arrived the 7. of February. 
Feb▪..  This town seemed to us to stand in the most fruitful soil that we saw all along these coasts: both for that it is situate in the mouth of a most pleasant and fertile valley, abounding with all good things; as also in that it hath continual trade of shipping, as well from Lyma as from all other parts of Peru. It is inhabited by the Spaniards. In two barks 〈…〉( of the 〈…〉 about 20. pounds) of which we took the burden on ourselves to ease them, and so departed towards Chowley; with which we fell the second day, viz. Feb. 9 
Feb. 9  and in our way to Lima, we met with another Bark, Ariquipa, which had begun to load some silver and gold, but having had (as it seemed from Arica by land) some notice of our coming, had unloaden the same again before our arrival. Yet in this our passage we met another bark loaden with linen: some of which we thought might stand us in some stead, and therefore took it with us.  
At Lima we arrived Feb. 15. 
Feb. 15.  and notwithstanding the Spaniards forces, though they had 30. at that present in harbour there, whereof 17. (most of them the especial ships in all the south sea) were fully ready, when entered and anchored all night in the midst of them, in the Calao: and might have made more spoil amongst them in few hours if we had been affected to revenge, than the Spaniards could have recovered again in many years. But we had more care to get up that company which we had so long missed, then to recompense their cruel and hard dealing by an evil requital, which now we might have took. This Lima stands in 12. deg. 30. minutes south latitude.  
Here albeit no good news of our ships could be had, yet got we the news of some things that seemed to comfort, if not to countervail our travels thither, as namely, that in the ship of one Migkell Angel there, there were 1500. bars of plate, besides some other things (as silks, linen, and in one a chest full of Royals of plate) which might stand us in some stead in the other ships; aboard whom we made somewhat bold to bid ourselves welcome. Here also we heard the report of some things that had befallen in & near Europe, since our departure thence; in particular of the death of some great personages; as the K. of Portugal, and both the Kings of Morocco and Fesse, dead all three in one day at one battle: the death of the K. of France and the Pope of Rome: whose abominations as they are in part cut off from some Christian Kingdoms, where his shame is manifest, so do his vassals & accursed instruments labour by all means possile to repair that loss, by spreading the same the further in these parts, where his devilish illusions and damnable deceive are not known. And as his Doctrine takes place any where, so doth the manners that necessarily accompany the same, insinuate themselves together with the doctrine For as its true that in all the parts of America, where the Spaniards have any government, the poisonous infection of Popery hath spread itself; so on the otherside it is as true, that there is no City, as Lima, Panama, Mezico, etc. no Town or Village, yea no house almost in all these provinces, wherein (amongst other the like Spanish virtues) not only whoredom, but the filthiness of Sodom, not to be named among Christians, is not common without repoof: the Pope's pardons being more rise in these parts than they be in any part of Europe, for these filthinesses whereout he sucketh no small advantage. Notwithstanding the Indians, who are nothing nearer the true knowledge of God than they were before, abhor this most filthy & loathsome manner of living; showing themselves in respect of the Spaniards, as the Scythians did in respect of the Grecians: who in their barbarous ignorance, yet in life and behaviour did so▪ far excel the wise and learned Greeks, as they were short of them in the gifts of learning and knowledge.  
But as the Pope and Antichristian Bishops labour by their wicked factors with tooth and nail to deface the glory of God, and to shut up in darkness the light of the gospel; so God doth not suffer his name and religion to be altogether without witness, to the reproving both of his false & damnable doctrine as also crying out against his unmeasurable and abominable licentiousness of the flesh, even in these parts. For in this City of Lima, not two months before our coming thither, there were certain persons, to the number of twelve apprehended, examined and condemned for the profession of the Gospel, and reproving the doctrines of men, with the the filthy manners used in that City▪ of which twelve, six were bound to one stake and burnt, the rest remained yet in prison, to drink of the same cup within few days. Lastly, here we had intelligence of a certain rich ship, which was loaden with gold and silver for Panama, that he had set forth of this haven the 2. of February. 
Feb. 16.   
The very next day therefore in the morning (viz. the 16. of the said month) we set sail, as long as the wind would serve our turn, and towed our ship as soon as the wind failed; continuing our course toward Panama, making stay no where, but hastening all me might, to get sight if it were possible, of that gallant ship the Cacafuego. the great glory of the south sea; which was gone from Lima 14. days before us.  
We fell with the port of Paita in 4. de. 40. in. Feb. 20. 
Feb. 20.  with port Saint Helen, and the River and part of Guiaquil, Feb. 24. 
Febr. 24.  we passed the line the 28. and first of March we fell with cape Francisco: where, about midday, we descried a sail, 
Feb 28. March 1.  a head of us, with whom after once we had spoken with her, we lay still in the same place about six days; to recover our breath again which we had almost spent with hasty following▪ and to recall to mind what advantages had passed us since our late coming from Lima; but especially to do John de Anton a kindness, in freeing him of the care of those things with which his ship was loaden.  
This ship we found to be the same of which we had heard, not only in the Calao of Lima, but also by divers occasions afterward (which now we are at leisure to relate, viz. by a ship which we took between Lima and Paita: by another which we took loaden with wine in the port of Paita: by a third loaden with tackling and implements for ships (besides 80. pound weight in gold) from Guiaquil. And lastly, by Gabriel Aluarez, with whom we talked somewhat nearer the line) we found her to be indeed the Catasuego: though before we left her, she were new named by a boy of her own the Cacaplata. We found in her some Fruit, conserveses, sugars, meal & other victuals, & (that which was the especiallest cause of her heavy and slow sailing) a certain quantity of jewels, and precious stones, 13. chests of Rials of plate; 80. pound weight in gold; 26. ton of uncoined silver; two very fair guilt silver drinking-bouls, and the like trifles, valued in about 360000. pezoes. We gave the Master a little linen and the like for these commodities; and at the end of six days we bad farewell and parted. He hasting somewhat lighter than before to Panama, we plying off to sea, that we might with more leisure consider what course hence forward were fittest to be taken.  
And considering that now we were come to the northward of the line (Cape Francisco standing in the entrance of the bay Panama, in 1. deg. of North latitude) and that there was no likelihood or hope that our ships should be before us that way by any means; seeing that in running so many deg. from the southermost Lands hitherto, we could not have any sign or notice of their passage that way, notwithstanding that we had made so diligent search, and careful enquiry after them, in every harbour or creek almost as we had done; and considering also that the time of the year now drew on, wherein me must attempt, or of necessity wholly give off that action which chiefly our General had determined: namely, the discovery of what passage there was to be found about the northern parts of America, from the south sea, into our own Ocean (which being once discovered and made known to be navigable, we should not only do our country good and notable service, but we also ourselves should have a nearer cut and passage home▪ where otherwise we were to make a very long & tedious voyage of it, which would hardly agree with our good liking, we having been so long from home already, and so much of our strength separated from us) which could not at all be done, if the opportunity of time were now neglected: we therefore all of us willingly harkened, and consented to our General's advice: which was, first to seek out some convenient place, wherein to trim our ship, and store ourselves with wood and water and other provisions as we could get: and thenceforward to hasten on our intended journey, for the discovery of the said passage, through which we might with joy return to our longed homes. 
1579.   
From this cape before we set onward March the 7. 
March 7.  shaping our course towards the Island of Caines, with which we fell March 16. 
Marc. 16.  settling ourselves for certain days, in a Fresh river, between the main and it; for the finishing of our needful business as is aforesaid. While we abode in this place, we felt a very terrible earthquake, the force whereof was such, that our ship and Pinnace, riding very near an English mile from the shore, were shaken and did quiver as if it had been laid on dry land: we found here many good commodities which we wanted, as Fish, Fresh water, Wood, etc. besides Alagartoes, Munckeyes and the like, and in our journey hither, we met with one ship more (the last we met with in all those coasts) loaded with Linen China-silk, and China-dishes, amongst which we found also a Falcon of gold, handsomely wrought with a great Emerald set in the breast of it.  
From whence we parted the 24. day of the month forenamed, 
Marc. 24.  with full purpose to run the nearest course as the wind would suffer us, without touch of land along time; and therefore passed by port Papagaia; the port of the Vale of the most rich and most excellent balms of Jericho, Quantapico, and divers others; as also certain gulfs hereabouts, which without intermission, send forth such continual and violent winds, that the Spaniards, though their ships be good, dare not venture themselves too near the danger of them.  
Notwithstanding, having notice that we should be troubled with often calms, and contrary winds, if we continued near the coast, and did not run off to sea to fetch the wind; and that if we did so, we could not then fall with land again when we would: our General thought it needful, that we should run in with some place or other, before our departure from the coast; to see if happily we could by traffic, augment our provision of victuals, and other necessaries: that being at sea, we might not be driven, to any great want or necessity, albeit we had reasonable store of good things aboard us already.  
The next harbour therefore which we chanced with, on Apr. 15. 
April 15  in 15. de. 40. min. was Guatulco so named of the Spaniards who inhabited it, with whom we had some intercourse, to the supply of many things which we desired, and chiefly bread etc. And now having reasonably, as we though provided ourselves, we departed from the coast of America for the present: but not forgetting, before we gate a shipboard, to take with us also a certain pot (of about a bushel in bigness) full of royals of plate, which we found in the town: together with a chain of gold, and some other jewels, which we entreated a gentleman Spaniard to leave behind him, as he was flying out of town.  
From Guatulco we departed the day following, viz. April. 16. 
Apr. 16.  setting our course directly into the sea: whereupon we sailed 500 leagues in longitude to get a wind: and between that and June 3. 1400. leagues in all, till we came into 42. deg. of North latitude, where in the night following, we found such alteration of heat, into extreme and nipping cold, that our men in general did grievously complain thereof; some of them feeling their healths much impaired thereby, neither was it, that this chanced in the night alone, but the day following carried with it, not only the marks, but the stings and force of the night going before, to the great admiration of us all, for besides that the pinching and biting air, was nothing altered; the very ropes of our ship were stiff, and the rain which fell, was an unnatural and frozen substance, so that we seemed rather to be in the frozen Zone, than any way so near unto the sun, or these hotter climates.  
Neither did this happen for the time only, or by some sudden accident, but rather seems indeed, to proceed from some ordinary cause▪ against the which the heat of the sun prevails not, for it came to that extremity, in sailing but 2. deg. farther to the northward in our course: that though seamen lack not good stomaches, yet it seemed a question to many amongst us, whether their hands should feed their mouths, or rather keep themselves within their coverts, from the pinching cold that did benumb them. Neither could we impute it to the tenderness of our bodies though we came lately from the extremity of heat, by reason whereof we might be more sensible of the present cold insomuch as the dead and senlesse creatures, were as well affected with it as ourselves, our meat as soon as it was removed from the fire, would presently in a manner be frozen up; and our ropes and tackling, in few days were grown to that stiffness, that what three men before were able with them to perform, now six men with their best strength, and uttermost endeavour, were hardly able to accomplish: whereby a sudden and great discouragement seized upon the minds of our men, and they were possessed with a great mislike, and doubting of any good to be done that way, yet would not our general be discouraged, but as well by comfortable speeches of the divine providence, and of God's loving care over his children out of the scriptures; as also by other good and profitable persuasions, adding thereto his own cheerful example, he so stirred them up, to put on a good courage, and to quit themselves like men, to endure some short extremity, to have the speedier comfort, and a little trouble, to obtain the greater glory; that every man was as throughly armed with willingness, and resolved to see the uttermost, if it were possible, of what good was to be done that way.  
The land in that part of America, bearing farther out into the west, than we before imagined, we were nearer on it then we were aware; and yet the nearer still we came unto it, the more extremity of cold did seize upon us. The 5. day of June we were forced by contrary winds, to run in with the shore, which we than first descried; and to cast anchor in a bad bay: 
Iune 5▪  the best road we could for the present meet with: where we were not without some danger, by reason of the many extreme gusts and flaws that beat upon us; which if they ceased and were still at any time, immediately upon their intermission, there followed most vile, thick and stinking fogs; against which the sea prevailed nothing, till the gust of wind again removed them▪ which brought with them, such extremity and violence when they came▪ that there was no dealing or resisting against them.  
In this place was no abiding for us; and to go further North, the extremity of the cold (which had now utterly discouraged our men) would not permit us and the winds directly bend against us, having once gotten us under sail again, commanded us to the southward whether we would or no.  
From the height of 48. de. in which now we were, to 38. we found the land by coasting along it to be but low and reasonable plain: every hill (whereof we saw many, but none very high) though it were in june, and the Sun in his nearest approach unto them being covered with snow.  
In 38. deg. 30. min. we fell with a convenient and fit harborough, and June 17. 
june 17.  came to anchor therein: where we continued till the 23. day of July following. During all which time notwithstanding it was in the height of Summer, and so near the Sun▪ yet were we continually visited with like nipping colds, as we had felt before: insomuch that if violent exercises of our bodies▪ and busy employment about our necessary labours had not sometimes compelled us to the contrary, we could very well have been contented to have kept about us still our winter clothes; yea (had our necessities suffered us) to have kept our beds; neither could we at any time in whole fourteen days together, find the air so clear as to be able to take the height of Sun or star.  
And here having so fit occasion, (notwithstanding it may seem to be besides the purpose of writing the history of this our voyage) we will a little more diligently inquire into the causes of the continuance of the extreme cold in these parts: as also into the probabilities or unlikelihoods of a passage to be found that way. Neither was it (as hath formerly been touched) the tenderness of our bodies, coming so lately out of the heat, whereby the pores were opened, that make us av sensible of the colds we here felt: in this respect, as in many others, we found our God a provident Father, and careful physician to us. We lacked no outward helps nor inward comforts, to restore & Fortify nature, had it been decayed or weakened in us; neither was there wanting to us the great experience of our General, who had often himself proved the Force of, the burning zone; whose advice always prevailed much to the preserving of a moderate temper in our constitutions: so that even after our departure from the heat, we always found our bodies, not as sponges, but strong & hardened, more able to bear out cold▪ though we come out of excess of heat, than a number of chamber companions could have been, who lie on their Featherbed, till they go to sea, or rather whose teeth in a temperate air do beat in their heads at a cup of cold Sack and sugar by the fire.  
And that is was not our tenderness, but the very extremity of the cold itself, that caused this sensibleness in us, may the rather appear in that the natural inhabitants of the place (with whom we had for along season familiar intercourse, as is to be related) who had never been acquainted with such heat; to whom the country, air, & climate was proper; & in whom custom of cold was as it were a second nature: yet used to come shivering to us in their warm furs, crowding close together body to body, to receive heat one of another; and shelting themselves under a lee bank if it were possible and as often as they could, labouring to shroud themselves under our garments also, to keep them warm. Besides how unhandsome & deformed appeared the face of the Earth itself! showing trees without leaves, and the ground without greenness in those months of June and July. The poor birds and fowls not daring (as we had great experience to observe it) so much as once to arise from their nest, after the first laid layed, till it with all the rest be hatched, and brought to some strength of nature able help help it self. Only this recompence hath nature afforded them, that the heat of their own bodies being exceeding great, it perfecteth the creature with greater expedition, and in shorter time than is to be found in many other places. As for the causes of this extremity they seem not to be so deeply hidden, but that they may at least in part be guessed at: the chiefest of which we conceive to be the large spreading of the Asian and American continent, which (somewhat northward of these parts) if they be not fully joined, yet seem they to come very near one to the other. From whose high and snow-covered mountains, the north and northwest winds (the constant visitants of those coasts) send abroad their frozen nymphs, to the infecting of the whole air with this insufferable sharpness: not permitting the Sun, no not in the pride of his heat, to dissolve that congealed matter and snow, which they have breathed out so nigh the Sun, and so many degrees distant from themselves. And that the north and northwest winds are here constant in June and July, as the north wind alone is in August and September; we not only found it by our own experience, but were fully confirmed in the opinion there of, by the continued observations of the Spaniards. Hence comes the general squalidness and barranness of the country; hence comes it, that in the midst of their summer, the snow hardly departeth even from their very doors; but is never taken away from their hills at all; hence comes those thick mists and most stinking fogs, which increase so much the more, by how much higher the pole is raised: wherein a blind pilot is as good as the best director of a course. For the Sun striving to perform his natural office, in elevating the vapours out of these inferior bodies; draweth necessarily abundance of moisture out of the sea: but the nipping cold (from the former causes) meeting & opposing the Sun's endeavours, forces him to give over his work imperfect: and instead of higher elevation, to leave in the lowest region, wand'ring upon the face of the earth and waters, as it were a second sea: through which its own beams cannot possibly pierce, unless sometimes when the sudden violence of the winds doth help to scatter and break through it; which thing happeneth very seldom, and when it happeneth, is of no continuance. Some of our mariners in this voyage had formerly been at Wardhouse, in 72 deg. of north lat. who yet affirmed, that they felt no such niping cold there in the end of summer, when they departed thence, as they did here in those hottest months of June and July. And also from these reasons we conjecture; that either there is no passage at all through these northern coasts (which is most likely) or if there be, that yet it is unnavigable. Add hereunto, that though we searched the coast diligently, even unto the 48. deg. yet found we not the land, to trend so much as one point in any place towards the East, but rather running on continually northwest, as if it went directly to meet with Asia: and even in that height when we had a frank wind to have carried us through, had there been a passage, yet we had a smooth and calm sea, with ordinary flowing and reflowing, which could not have been, had there been a Frete▪ of which we rather infallibly concluded then conjectured, that there was none. But to return. 
june 18.   
The next day after our coming to anchor in the aforesaid harbour, the people of the country showed themselves; sending off a man with great expedition to us in a canow. Who being yet but a little from the shore, and a great way from our ship, spoke to us continually as he came rowing on. And at last at a reasonable distance staying himself, he began more solemnly a long and tedious oration, after his manner: using in the delivery thereof, many gestures and signs; moving his hands, turning his head and body many ways; and after his oration ended, with great show of reverence and submission, returned back to shore again. He shortly came again the second time in like manner, and so the third time▪ when he brought with him (as a present from the rest) a bunch of Feathers, much like the Feathers of a black crow, very neatly and artificially gathered upon a string, and drawn together into a round bundle, being very clean & finely cut, and bearing in length an equal proportion one with another; a special cognizance (as we afterwards observed) which they that guard their King's person, wear on their heads. With this also he brought a little basket made of rushes, and filled with an herb which they called Tabah. Both which being tied to a short rod, he cast into a boat. Our general intended to have recompensed him immediately with many good things he would have bestowed on him: but entering into the boat to deliver the same, he could not be drawn to receive them by any means: save one hat, which being cast into the water out of the ship, he took up (refusing utterly to meddle with any other thing, though it were upon a board put off unto him) and so presently made his return. After which time, our boat could row no way, but wondering at us as at gods, they would follow the same with admiration.  

Ianu.  The 3. day following, viz. the 21, our ship having received a leak at sea, was brought to anchor near the shore, that her goods being landed, she might be repaired: but for that we were to prevent any danger that might chance against our safety▪ our general first of all landed his men, with all necessary provision to build tents and make a fort for the defence of ourselves and goods: and that we might under the shelter of it▪ with more safety (whatever should befall, end our business; which when the people of the country perceived us doing, as men set on fire to war, in defence of their country, in great haste and companies, with such weapons as they had, they came down unto us, yet with no hostile meaning, or intent to hurt us: standing when they drew near, as men ravished in their minds, with the sight of such things as they never had seen, or heard off before that time: their errand being rather with submission and fear to worship us as gods, then to have any war with us as with mortal men. Which thing as it did partly show itself at that instant, so did it more and more manifest itself afterwards, during the whole time of our abode amongst them. At this time, being willed by signs to lay from them there bows and arrows, they did as they were directed and so did all the rest, as they came more and more by companies unto them, growing in a little while, to a great number both of men and women.  
To the intent therefore, that this peace which they themselves so willingly sought, might without any cause of the breach thereof, on our part given to be continued; and that we might with more safety and expedition, end our businesses in quiet; our General with all his company, used all means possibly, gently to entreat them, bestowing upon each of them liberally, good and necessary things to cover their nakedness, withal, signifying unto them, we were no gods but men, and had need of such things to cover our own shame; teaching them to use them to the same ends: for which cause also we did eat and drink in their presence, giving them to understand. that without that we could not live, and therefore were but men as well as they.  
Notwithstanding nothing could persuade them, nor remove that opinion which they had conceived of us, that we should be gods.  
In recompense of those things which they had received of us, as shirts, linen cloth, etc. they bestowed upon our general, and divers of our company, divers things, as Feathers, Cawls of network, the quivers of their arrows made of Fawns-skins, and the very skins of beasts that their women wore upon their bodies. Having thus had their fill of this times visiting and beholding of us, they departed with joy to their houses, which houses are digged round within the earth, and have from the uppermost brims of the circle, clefts of wood set up, and joined close together at the top, like our spires on the steeple of a church: which being covered with earth, suffer no water to enter, and are very warm, the door in the most part of them, performs the office also of a chimney to let out the smoke: it's made in bigness and fashion, like to an ordinary scuttle in a ship, and standing slopewise: their beds are the hard ground, only with rushes strewed upon it, and lying round about the house, have their fire in the midst, which by reason that the house is but low vaulted, round and close, giveth a marvellous reflection to their bodies to heat the same.  
Their men for the most part go naked, the women take a kind of bulrushes, and kembing it after the manner of hemp, make themselves thereof a loose garment, which being knit about their middles, hangs down about their hips, and so affords to them a covering of that which nature teaches should be hidden▪ about their shoulders they wear also the sikn of a dear, with the hair upon it. They are very obedient to their husbands, and exceeding ready in all services: yet of themselves offering to do nothing, without the consents, or being called of the men.  
As soon as they were returned to their houses, they began amongst themselves a kind of most lamentable weeping and crying out; which they continued also a great while together, in such sort, that in the place where they left us (being near about 3. quarters or an English mile distant from them) we very plainly, with wonder and admiration did hear the same: the women especially, extending their voices, in a most miserable and doleful manner of shrieking.  
Notwithstanding this humble manner of presenting themselves, and awful demeanour used towards us, we thought it no wisdom too far to trust them (our experience of former Infidels dealing with us before, made us careful to provide against an alteration of their affections, or breach of peace if it should happen) and therefore with all expedition we set up our tents, and entrenched ourselves with walls of stone: that so being fortified within ourselves, we might be able to keep off the enemy) if they should so prove) from coming amongst us without our good wills: this being quickly finished we went the more cheerfully and securely afterward, about our other business.  
Against the end of two days (during which time they had not again been with us (there was gathered together a great assembly of men, women, and children (invited by the report of them which first saw us, who as it seems, had in that time, of purpose dispersed themselves into the country, to make known the news) who came now the second time unto us, bringing with thrm as before had been done, Feathers, and bags of tobac for presents, or rather indeed for sacrifices, upon this persuasion that we were gods.  
When they came to the top of the hill, at the bottom whereof we had built our fort, they made a stand; where one (appointed as their chief speaker) wearied both us his hearers, and himself too, with a long and tedious oration: delivered with strange and violent gestures, his voice being extended to the uttermost strength of nature, and his words fall so thick one in the neck of another, that he could hardly fetch his breath again: as soon as he had concluded, all the rest, with a reverend bowing of their bodies (in a dreaming manner, and long producing of the same) cried oh: thereby giving their consents, that all was very true which he had spoken, and that they had uttered their mind by mouth unto us: which done, the men laying down their bows upon the hill, and leaving their women and children behind them, came down with their presents; in such sort, as if they had appeared before a God indeed: thinking themselves happy, that they might have access unto our general, but much more happy, when thew say that he would receive at their hands, those things which they so willingly had presented: and no doubt, the thought themselves nearest unto God, when they sat or stood next to him: in the mean time the women, as if they had been desperate, used unnatural violence against themselves crying and shrieking piteously, tearing their flesh with their nails from their cheek, in a monstrous manner, the blood streaming down along their breasts, besides spoiling the upper parts of their bodies, of those single cover they formerly had, and holding their hands above their heads, that they might not rescue their breasts from harm, 
1578.  they would with fury cast themselves upon the ground, never respecting whether it were clean or soft, but dashed themselves in this manner on hard stones, knobby hillocks, stocks of wood, pricking bushes, or what ever else lay in their way, itterating the same course again and again: yea women great with child, some nine or ten times each, and others holding out till 15. or 16. times (till their strength failed them) exercised this cruelty against themselves: a thing more grievous for us to see, or suffer, could we have holpt it, then trouble to them (as it seemed) to do it.  
This bloody sacrifice (against our wills) being thus performed, our general with his company in the presence of those strangers fell to prayers: and by signs in lifting up our eyes & hands to heaven, signified unto them, that that God whom we did serve, and whom they ought to worship, was above: beseeching God if it were his good pleasure to open by some means their blinded eyes; that they might in due time be called to the knowledge of him the true and everliving God, and of Jesus Christ whom he hath sent, the salvation of the Gentiles. In the time of which prayers, singing of psalms, and reading of certain chapters in the Bible, they sat very attentively; and observing the end of every pause, with one voice still cried, oh, greatly rejoicing in our exercises. Yea they took such pleasure in our singing of psalms, that whensoever they resorted to us, their first request was commonly this, Gnaah, by which they entreated that we should sing.  
Our general having now bestowed upon them divers things, at their departure they restored them again, none carrying with him any thing of whatsoever he had received, thinking themselves sufficiently enriched and happy, that they had found so free access to see us.  
Against the end of three days more (the news having the while spread itself farther, and as it seemed a great way up into the country) were assembled the greatest number of people, which we could reasonably imagine, to dwell within any convenient distance round about. Amongst the rest, the King himself, a man of a goodly stature and comely personage, attended with his guard, of about 100 tall and warlike men, this day. viz. June 26. came down to to see us.  
Before his coming, were sent two Ambassadors or messengers, to our general, to signify that their Hioh, 
june 26.  that is their K. was coming and at hand. They in the delivery of their message, the one spoke with a soft and low voice, prompting his fellow: the other pronounced the same word by word after him, with a voice more audible: continuing their proclamation (for such it was) about half an hour. Which being ended, they by their signs made request to our General, to send something by their hands to their Hioh or King, as a token that his coming might be in peace. Our general willingly satisfied their desire; and they glad men, made speedy return to their hioh. Neither was it long before their K (making as princely a show as possibly he could) with all his train came forward.  
In their coming forwards they cried continually after a singing manner, with a lusty courage. And as they drew nearer and nearer towards us, so did they more & more strive to behave themselves with a certain comeliness and gravity in all their actions.  
In the forefront came a man of a large body and goodly aspect, bearing the Sceptre or royal mace (made of a certain kind of black wood, and in length about a yard and a half) before the King. Whereupon hanged two crowns, a bigger and a less, with three chains of a mavellous length, and often doubled; besides a bag of the herb Tabah. The crowns were made of knitwork, wrought upon most curiously with Feathers of divers colours, very artificial placed, and of a formal fashion, The chains seemed of a bony substance; every kind or part thereof being very little, thin, most finely burnished, with a hole pierced through the midst. The number of links going to make one chain, is in a manner infinite: but of such estimation it is amongst them, that few be the persons that are admitted to wear the same: and even they to whom its lawful to use them, yet are stinted what number they shall use; as some ten, some twelve, some 20. and as they exceed in number of chains, so are they thereby known to be the more honourable personages.  
Next unto him that bore this Sceptre, was the King himself with his guard about him: his attire upon his head was a cawl of knitwork, wrought upon somewhat like the crown, but differing much both in fashion and perfectness of work, upon his shoulders he had on a coat of the skins of coneys, reaching to his waist: his guard also had each coats of the same shape, but of other skins, some having cawls likewise such with feathers, or covered over with a certain down, which groweth up in the country upon an herb much like our lectruce; which exceeds any other down in the world for fineness, and being laid upon their cawls by no winds can be removed: of such estimation is this herb amongst them, that the down thereof is not lawful to be worn, but of such persons as are about the king (to whom also it is permitted to wear a plume of Feathers on their heads in sign of honour) and the seeds are not used but only in sacrifice to their gods. After these in their order, did follow the naked sort of common people; whose hair being long, was gathered into a bunch behind, in which stuck plumes of Feathes, but in the forepart only single Feathers like horn, ever one pleasing himself in his own device.  
This one thing was observed to be general amongst them all, that every one had his face painted, some with white, some with black, and some with other colours, every man also bringing in his hand one thing or other for a present: their train or last part of their company consisted of women and children, each woman bearing against her breast a round basket or two, having with them divers things, as bags of Tabah, a root which they call Petah, whereof they make a kind of meal, and either beak it into bread, or eat it raw; broiled fishes like a pilchard; the seeed and down afore named, with such like.  
Their baskets were made in fashion like a deep boale, and though the matter were rushes, or such other kind of stuff, yet was it so cunningly handled, that the most part of them would hold water; about the brims they were hanged with pieces of the shells of pearls, and in some places with two or three links at a place, of the chains forenamed: thereby signifying that they were vessels wholly dedicated to the ontly use of the gods they worshipped: and besides this, they were wrought upon with the matted down of red Feathers, distinguished into divers works and forms.  
In the mean time our General having assembled his men together (as forecasting the danger, and worst that might fall out) prepared himself to stand upon sure ground, that we might at all times be ready in our own defence, if any thing should chance otherwise then was looked for or expected.  
Wherefore every man being in a warlike readiness, he marched within his fenced place, making against their approach a most warlike show (as he did also at all other times of their resort) whereby if they had been desperate enemies, they could not have chosen, but have conceived error and fear, with discouragement to attempt any thing against us, in beholding of the same.  
When they were come somewhat near unto us, trooping together, they gave us a common or a general salutation: observing in the mean time a general silence. Whereupon he who bore the Sceptre before the king, being prompted by another whom the King assigned to that office, pronounced with an audible and manly voice, what the other spoke to him in secret: continuing, whether it were his oration or proclamation, at the least half an hour. At the close whereof, there was a common Amen, in sign of approbation given by every person: and the King himself with the whole number of men and women, the little children only remaining behind, came further down the hill, and as they came set themselves again in their former order▪  
And being now come to the foot of the hill and near our fort, the Scepter-bearer with a composed countenance and stately carriage, began a song, and answerable thereunto, observed a kind of measures in a danc: whom the Ki with his guard, and every sort of person following, did in like manner sing and dance, saving only the woman who danced but kept silence. As they danced they still came on: and our General perceiving their plain and simple meaning, gave order that they might freely enter without interruption within our bulwark: where after they had entered, they yet continued their song, and dance a reasonable time: their women also following them with their wassail bowls in their hands, their bodies bruised, their faces torn, their dugs, breast, and other parts bespotted with blood, trickling down from the wounds, which with their nails they had made before their coming.  
After that they had satisfied or rather tired themselves in this manner, they made signs to our general to have him sit down; unto whom, both the king and divers others made several orations, or rather indeed if we had understood them, supplications, that he would take the province and kingdom into his hand, and become their King and patron: making signs that they would resign unto him their right and title in the whole land, and become his vassals in themselves and his posterities: which that they might make us indeed believe that it was their true meaning and intent; the King himself with all the rest with one consent, and with a great reverence, joyfully singing a song, set the crown upon his head: enriched his neck with all their chains▪ and offering unto him many other things honoured him by the name of Hyoh. Adding thereunto (as it might seem) a song and a dance of triumph: because they were not only visited of gods (for so they still judged us to be) but the great and chief god was now become their god, their king and patron, and themselves were become the only happy and blessed people in all the world.  
These things being so freely offered, our General thought not meet to reject or refuse the same: both for that we would not give them any cause of mistrust, or disliking of him (that being the only place, wherein at this present we were of necessity enforced to seek relief of many things) and chiefly, for that he knew not to what good end God had brought this to pass, or what honour or profit it might bring to our country in time to come.  
Wherefore in the name and to the use of her most excellent Majesty, he took the Sceptre, Crown and dignity of the said country into his hand: wishing nothing more than that it had lain so fitly for her Majesty to enjoy, as it was now her proper own, and that the riches and treasure thereof (where with in the upland country's it abounds) might with as great conveniency be transported, to the enriching of her kingdom here at home, as it is in plenty to be attained there: and especially, that so tractable and loving a people, as they showed themselves to be, might have means to have manifested their most willing obedience the more under her, and by her means, as a mother and nurse of the Church of Christ, might by the preaching of the gospel be brought to the right knowledge, and obedience of the true and ever living God.  
The ceremonies of this resigning, and receiving of the kingdom, being thus performed, and the common sort but of men and women, leaving the king and his guard about him, with our general, dispersed themselves among our people, taking a diligent view or survey of every man; and finding such as pleased their fancies (which commonly were the youngest of us) they presently enclosing them about, offered their sacrifices unto them, crying out with lamentable shrieks and moans, weeping and scratching, and tearing their very flesh off their faces with their nails, neither were it the woman alone which did this, but even old men, roaring, and crying out, were as violent as the women were.  
We groaned in spirit to see the power of Satan so far prevail, in seducing these so harmless souls, and laboured by all means, both by showing our great dislike, and when that served not, by violent withholding of their hands from that madness, directing them (by our eyes and hands lift up towards heaven) to the living God whom they ought to serve: but so mad were they upon their Idolatry, that forcible withholding them would not prevail (for as soon as they could get liberty to their hands again, they would be as violent as they were before) till such time, as they whom they worshipped, were conveyed from them into the tents, whom yet as men besides themselves, they would with fury & outrage seek to have again.  
After that time had a little qualified their madness, they then began to show & make known unto us their griefs & diseases which they carried about them, some of them having old aches, some shrunk sinews, some old sores and cankered ulcers, some wounds more lately received, and the like, in most lamentable manner craving help and cure thereof from us: making signs, that if we did but blow upon their griefs, or but touched the diseased places, they would be whole.  
Their griefs we could not but take pity on them, and to our own desire to help them: but that (if it pleased God to open their eyes) they might understand we were but men and no gods, we used ordinary means, as lotions, emplasters, and unguents most fitly (as far as our skills could guess) agreeing to the natures of their griefs, beseeching God, if it made for his glory, to give cure to their diseases by these means. The like we did from time to time as they resorted to us.  
Few were the days, wherein they were absent from us, during the whole time of our abode in that place: and ordinarily every third day, they brought their sacrifices, till such time, as they certainly understood our meaning, that we took no pleasure, but were displeased with them: whereupon their zeal abated, and their sacrificing, for a season, to our good liking ceased: notwithstanding they continued still to make their resort unto us in great abundance, and in such sort, that they ofttimes forgot, to provide meat for their own sustenance; so that our general (of whom they made account as of a father) was fain to perform the the office of a father to them, relieving them with such victuals as we had provided for our selus, as Muscles, Seals, and such like, wherein they took exceeding much content; and seeing that their sacrifices were displeasing to us, yet (hating ingratitude) they sought to recompense us, with such things as they had, which they willingly enforced upon us, though it were never so necessary or needful for themselves to keep.  
They are a people of a tractable, free, and loving nature, without guile or treachery; their bows and arrows (their only weapons, and almost all their wealth) they use use very skilfully, but yet not do any great harm with them, being by reason of their weakeness, more fit for children then for men, sending the arrow far off, nor with any great force: and yet are the men commonly so strong of body, that which 2. or 3. of our men could hardly bear, one of them would take upon his back, and without grudging carry it easily away, up hill and down hill an English mile together: they are also exceeding swift in running, and of long continuance; the use whereof is so familiar with them, that they seldom go, but for the most part run. One thing we observed in them with admiration: that if any time, they chanced to see a fish so near the shore that they might reach the place without swimming, they would seldom, or never miss to take it.  
After that our necessary businesses were well dispatched, our general with his gentlemen, and many of his company, made a journey up into the land, to see the manner of their dwelling, and to be the better acquainted with the nature & commodities of the country: their houses were all such as we have formerly descrbed, and being many of them in one place, made several villages here and there. The inland we found to be far different from the shore, a goodly country and fruitful soil, stored with many blessings fit for the use of man: infinite was the company of very large and fat Deer, which there we saw by thousands as we supposed in a herd: besides a multitude of a strange kind of coneys, by far exceeding them in number: their heads and bodies, in which they resemble other Coneys, are but small; his tail like the tail of a Rat, exceeding long; and his feet like paws of a Want or Mole; under his chin, on either side, he hath a bag, into which he gathereth his meat, when he hath filled his belie abroad, that he may with it, either feed his young, or feed himself, when he lifts not to travail from his burrow: the people eat their bodies, and make great account of their skins, for their King's holidays coat was made of them.  
This country our General named Albion, and that for two causes, the one in respect of the white banks and cliffs, which lie toward the sea: the other, that it might have some affinity, even in name also, with our own country, which was sometime so called.  
Before we went from thence, our general caused to be set up a monument of our being there; as also of her Majesties, and successors right and title to that kingdom, namely, a plate of brass, fast nailed to a great and firm post: whereon is engraven her grace's name, and the day and year of our arrival there, and of the free giving up, of the province and kingdom, both by the king and people, into her Majesty's hands: together with her highness' picture, and arms in a piece of sixpence currant English money, showing itself by a hole made of purpose through the place: underneath was likewise engraven the name of our General, etc.  
The Spaniards never had any dealing, or so much as set a foot in this country: the utmost of their discourses, reaching only to many degrees Southward of this place.  
And now, as the time of our departure was perceived by them to draw nigh, so did the sorrows and miseries of this people, seem to themselves to increase upon them; and the more certain they were of our going away, the more doubtful they showed themselves, what they might do; so that we might easily judge that that joy (being exceeding great) wherewith they received us at our first arrival, was clean drowned in their excessive sorrow for our departing: for they did not only lose on a sudden all mirth, joy, glad countenance, pleasant speeches, agility of body, familiar rejoicing one with another, and all pleasure whotever flesh and blood might be delighted in, but with sighs and forrowing, with heavy hearts and grieved minds, they poured out woeful complaints and moans, with bitter tears and wring of their hands, tormenting themselves. And as men refusing all comfort, they only accounted themselves as castaways, and those whom the gods were about to forsake: so that nothing we could say or do, was able to ease them of their so heavy a burden, or to deliver them from so desperate a strait, as our leaving of them did seem to them that it would cast them into.  
Howbeit seeing they could not still enjoy our presence, they (supposing us to be gods indeed) thought it their duties to entreat us that being absent, we would yet be mindful of them, and making signs of their desires, that in time to come we would see them again, they stole upon us a sacrifice, and set it on fire ere we were a ware: burning therein a chain and a bunch of feathers. We laboured by all means possible to withhold or withdraw them, but could not prevail, till at last we fell to prayers and singing of Psalms, whereby they were alured immediately to forget their folly, and leave their sacrifice unconsumed, suffering the fire to go out, and imitating us in all our actions; they fell a lifting up their eyes and hands to heaven as they saw us do.  
The 23. of July they took a sorrowful farewell of us, but being loath to leave us, they presenly ran to the tops of the hills to keep us in their sight as long as they could, making fires before and behind, and on each side of them, burning therein (as is to be supposed) sacrifices to our departure.  
Not far without this harborough, bid lie certain Islands (we called them the Islands of Saint James) having on them plentiful and great store of Seals and birds, with one of which we fell, July 24. 
july 24.  whereupon we found such provision as might competently serve our turn for a while: we departed again the day next following, viz. July 25. 
july 25.  And our General now considering, that the extremity of the cold not only continued but increased, the Sun being gone father from us, and that the wind blowing still (as it did at first) from the northwest, out off all of finding a passage through the northern parts, thought it necessary to lose no time; and therefore with general consent of all, bend his course directly to run with the Islands of the Moluccas. And so having nothing in our view but air and sea, without sight of any land for the space of full 68 days together, we continued our course through the main Ocean, till September 30. 
Sept. 30.  following, on which day we fell in ken of certain Islands, lying about eight degrees to the Northward of the line.  
From these Islands presently upon the discovery of us, came a great number of canoes, having each of them in some four, in some six, in some fourteen or fifteen men, bringing with them Coquos, fish, Potatoes, and certain fruits to small purpose.  
There canoes were made after the fashion, that the canoes of all the rest of the Islands of Moluccas for the most part are: that is, of one tree, hollowed within with great art and cunning being made so smooth both within and without, that they bore a glass, as if it were a harness most finely burnished: a prow and stern they had of one fashion, yielding inward in manner of a semicircle, of a great height, and hanged full of certain white and gistering shells for bravery: on each side of their canoes, lay out two pieces of Timber about a yard and halflong, more or less according to the capacity of their boat. At the ends whereof was fastened crosswise a great cane, the use whereof was to keep their canoes from overthrowing, and that they might be equally born up on each side.  
The people themselves have the nether parts of their ears cut round or circlewise, hanging down very low upon their cheeks, wherein they hang things of a reasonable weight: the nails on the fingers of some of them, were at least an inch long and their teeth as black as pitch; the colour whereof they use to renew by often eating of an herb, with a kind of powder, which in a cane they carry about them for the same purpose. The first sort & company of those canoes being come to our ship (which then by reason of a scant wind made a little way) very subtly and against their natures, began in peace to traffic with us, giving us one thing for another very orderly, intending (as we perceived, hereby to work a greater mischief to us: entreating us by signs most earnestly to draw nearer towards the shore, that they might (if possible) make the easier prey both of the ship and us. But these passing away, and others continually resorting, we were quickly able to guess at them what they were: for if they received any thing once into their hands, they would neither give recompense nor restitution of it, but thought what ever they could finger to be their own: expecting always with brows of brass to receive more, but would part with nothing: yea being rejcted for their bad dealing, as those with whom we would have no more to do▪ using us so evilly, they could not be satisfied till they had given the attempt to revenge themselves, because we would not give them whatsoever they would have for nothing: and having stones good store in their canoes, let fly a many of them against us. It was far from our General's meaning to requite their malice by like injury. Yet that they might know he had power to do them harm (if he had listed) he caused a great piece to be shot off, not to hurt them but to affright them. Which wrought the desired effect amongst them, for at the noise thereof; they every own leapt out of his canow into the water, and diving under the keel of their boats, stayed them from going any way till our ship was gone a good way from them. Then they all lightly recovered into their canoes▪ and got them with speed toward the shore.  
Notwithstanding other new companies (but all of the same mind) continually made resort upon us. And seeing that there was no good to begot by violence they put on a show of seeming honesty, and offering in show to deal with us by way of exchange; under that pretence they cunningly fell a filching of what they could, and one of them pulled a dagger & knives from one of our men's girdles, and being required to restore it again, he rather used what means he could to catch at more. Neither could we at all be rid of this ungracious company, till we made some of them feel some smart as well as terror: and so we left that place by all passengers to be known hereafter by the name of the Island of Thiefs.  

October 3  Till the 3. of October we could not get clear of these consorts, 
Octob. 16.  but from thence we continued our course without sight of land till the 16. of the same month, when we fell with four Islands standing in 7. de. 5. mi. to the northward of the line. 
Octob. 21▪  We coasted them till the 21. day, and then anchored and watered upon the biggest of them called Mindanao. 
Octob. 22.  The 22. of October as we passed between 2. Islands, about six or eight leagues south of Mindanao, there came from thence two cannows to have talked with us, and we would willingly have talked with them, but there arose so much wind that put us from them to the southwards. October 25. 
Octob. 25.  we passeb by the Island named Talao. in 3. deg. 40. min. we saw to the Northward of it three or four other Islands, 
Octob. 30.  Teda, Selan, Saran, (3. Lands so named to us by an Indian) the middle whereof stands in 3. deg. we passed the last save one of these, 
Novem. 1  and 1. day of the following month in like manner, 
Novem. 3  we passed the Isle Suaro, in 1. deg. 30. mi. and the the 3. of November we came in sight of the Islands of the Moluccaes' as we desired.  
These are four high picked Islands, their names, Tirenate, Tidore, Maetchan, Batchan, all of them very fruitful, and yielding abundance of Cloves, whereof we furnished ourselves of as much as we desired at very cheap rate. At the East of them lies a very great Island called Gillola.  
We directed our course to have gone to Tidore, but in coasting along a little Island belonging to the King of Terenate, Novemb. 4. his Deputy or Viceroy with all expedition came off to our Ship in a Canow, and without any fear or doubting of our good meaning came presently aboard. Who after some conference with our General, entreated him by any means to run with Terenate, not with Tidore, assuring him that his King would be wondrous glad of his coming, and be ready to do for him what he could, and what our General in reason should require: For which purpose he himself would that night be with his King to carry him the news: with whom if he once dealt, he should find, that as he was a King so his word should stand; whereas if he dealt with the Portugals (who had the command of Tidore) he should find in them nothing but deceit and treachery. And besides that if he went to Tidore before he came to Terenate, then would his King have nothing to do with us, for he held the Portugal as an Enemy. On these persuasions our General resolved to run with Terenate, where the next day very early in the morning we came to anchor: And presently, our General sent a messenger to the King with a velvet cloak for a present and token that his coming should be in peace: and that he required no other thing at his hands, but that (his Victuals being spent in so long a Voyage) he might have supply from him by way of traffic and exchange of Merchandise (whereof he had store of divers sorts) of such things as he wanted. Which he thought he might be the bolder to require at his hands, both for that the thing was lawful, and that he offered him no prejudice or wrong therein, as also because he was entreated to repair to that place by his Viceroy at Mutir, who assured him of necessary provision in such manner as now he required the same.  
Before this, the Viceroy according to his promise had been with the King, signifying unto him what a mighty Prince and Kingdom we belonged unto, what good things the King might receive from us, not only now; but for hereafter by way of traffic; yea what honour and benefit it might be to him, to be in league and friendship with so noble and famous a Prince as we served: And farther what a discouragement it would be to the Portugals his Enemies to hear and see it. In hearing whereof the King was so presently moved to the well liking of the matter, that before our Messenger could come half the way, he had sent the Viceroy with divers others of his Nobles and Councillors to our General, with special message that he should not only have what things he needed, or would require with peace and friendship, but that he would willingly entertain amity with so famous and renowned a Prince as was ours, and that if it seemed good in her eyes to accept of it, he would sequester the commodities and traffic of his whole Island from others, especially from his enemies the Portugals (from whom he had nothing but by the Sword) and reserve it to the intercourse of our Nation, if we would embrace it: In token whereof he had now sent to our General his Signet, and would within short time after, come in his own person with his brethren and Nobles with Boats or Canoes into our Ship, and be a means of bringing her into a safer Harbour.  
While they were delivering their message to us, our Messenger was come unto the Court, who being met by the way by certain noble personages, was with great solemnity conveyed into the King's presence; at whose hands he was most friendly and graciously entertained, and having delivered his errand together with his present unto the King, the King seemed to him to judge himself blame-worthy that he had not sooner hasted in person to present himself to our General, who came so far and from so great a Prince; And presently with all expedition, he made ready himself with the chiefest of all his States and Councillors to make repair unto us.  
The manner of his coming as it was Princely, so truly it seemed to us very strange and marvellous; serving at the present not so much to set out his own royal and kingly state (which was great) as to do honour to her Highness to whom we belonged wherein how willingly he employed himself, the Sequel will make manifest.  
First therefore, before his coming, did he send off three great and large Canowes, in each whereof, were certain of the greatest personaegs that were about him, attired all of them in white Lawn, or cloth of Calcutta, having over their heads, from one end of the Canow to the other, a covering of thin and fine mats, born up by a frame made of Reeds, under which every man sat in order according to his dignity; the hoary heads of many of them, set forth the greater reverence due to their persons, and manifestly showed, that the King used the advice of a grave and prudent Counsel in his affairs. Besides these, were divers others, young and comely men, a great number attired in white as were the other, but with manifest differences: having their places also under the same covering, but in inferior order, as their calling required.  
The rest of the men were Soldiers, who stood in comely order round about on both sides; on the outside of whom, again did sit the rowers in certain galleries, which being three on each side all alongst the Canow, did lie off from the side thereof, some three or four Yards, one being orderly builded lower than the other: in every of which Galleries was an equal number of barks, whereon did sit the Rowers, about the number of fourscore in one Canow: In the forepart of each Canow, sat two men, the one holding a Tabret, the other a piece of Brass, whereon they both at once stroke; and observing a due time and reasonable space between each stroke, by the sound thereof, directed the Rowers to keep their stroke with their Oars; as on the contrary, the Rowers ending their stroke with a song, gave warning to the others to strike again; and so continued they their way with marvellous swiftness: neither were their Canoes naked or unfurnished of warlike munition, they had each of them, at least one small cast piece of about a yard in length mounted upon a stock, which was set upright; besides every man except the Rowers, had his Sword, Dagger, and Target, and some of them some other weapons, as Lances, Callivers, Bowes, Arrows, and many Darts.  
These Canowes' coming near our Ship in order, rowed round about us one after another; and the men as they pass by us, did us a kind of homage with great solemnity, the greatest Personages beginning first, with reverend countenance and behaviour to bow their bodies even to the ground: which done, they put our own messenger aboard us again, and signified to us that their King (who himself was coming) had sent them before him to conduct our Ship into a better road, desiring a Halfer to be given them forth, that they might employ their service as their King commanded, in towing our Ship therewith to the place assigned.  
The King himself was not far behind, but he also with six grave and ancient Fathers in his Canow approaching, did at once together with them, yield us a reverend kind of obeisance in far more humble manner, than was to be expected; he was of a tall stature, very corpulent and well set together, of a very Princely and gracious countenance; his respect amongst his own was such, that neither his Viceroy of Mutir aforenamed, nor any other of his Counsellors, durst speak unto him but upon their knees, not rising again till they were licenced.  
Whose coming as it was to our General, no small cause of good liking, so was he received in the best manner we could, answerable unto his state: our Ordnance thundered, which we mixed with great store of small shot, among which sounding our trumpets and other instruments of music, both of still and loud noise, wherewith he was so much delighted, that requesting our music to come into the Boat, he joined his Canow to the same, & was towed at least a whole hour together, with the boat at the stern of our Ship: Besides this our General sent him such presents, as he thought, might both requite his courtesy already received, and work a farther confirmation of that good liking and friendship already begun.  
The King being thus in musical paradise, and enjoying that wherewith he was so highly pleased; his brother named Moro with no less bravery, than any of the rest, accompanied also with a great number of gallant followers, made the like repair, and gave us like respect; and his homage done he fell a stern of us, till we came to anchor▪ neither did our General leave his courtesy unrewarded, but bountifully pleased him also before we parted.  
The King as soon as we were come to anchor, craved pardon to be gone, and so took leave, promising us, that the next day he would come aboard, and in the mean time would prepare and send such Victuals as were requisite and necessary for our provision.  
Accordingly the same night, and the morrow following, we received what was there to be had, by way of traffic, to wit, Rice in pretty quantity, Hens, Sugarcanes, imperfect and liquid Sugar, a fruit which they call Figo (Magellane calls it a Fig of a span long, but is no other than that which the Spaniards and Portugals have named Plantanes) Cocoes' and a kind of meal▪ which they call Sago, made of the tops of certain trees, tasting in the mouth like sour curds, but melts away like Sugar; whereof they make a kind of cake which will keep good at least ten years; of this last we made the greatest quantity of our provision: for a few Cloves we did also traffic, whereof for a small matter, we might have had grearer store, than we could well tell where to bestow: but our General's care was that the Ship should not be too much pestered or annoyed therewith.  
At the time appointed our General (having set all things in order to receive him) looked for the King's return, who failing both in time and promise, sent his Brother to make his excuse, and to entreat our General to come on shore; his brother being the while to remain aboard, as a pawn for his safe restoring: our General could willingly have consented, if the King himself had not first broke his word the consideration whereof, bred an utter disliking in the whole company, who by no means would give consent, he should hazard himself, especial, for that the King's Brother had uttered certain words, in secret conference with our General aboard his cabin, which bred no small suspicion of ill intent; our General being thus resolved not to go a shore at that time, reserved the Viceroy for a pledge, and so sent certain of his Gentlemen to the Court, both to accompany the King's Brother, and also with special message to the King himself.  
They being come somewhat near unto the Castle, were received by another Brother of the Kings, and certain others of the greatest States and conducted with great honour towards the Castle, where being brought into a large and fair house, they saw gathered together a great multitude of people, by supposition at least a thousand, the chief whereof were placed round about the House, according as it seemed to their degrees and calling, the rest remained without.  
The House was in form four square, covered all over with cloth of divers colours, not much unlike our usual Pentadoes borne upon a frame of Reeds, the sides being open from the groundsel to the covering, and furnished with seats round about: it seems it was there Council▪ house and not commonly employed to any other use.  
At the side of this house next unto the Castle was feared the chair of state, having directly over it, and extending very largely every way, a very fair and rich Canopy, as the ground also for some ten or twelve paces compass, was covered with cloth of Arias.  
Whilst our Gentlemen attended in this place the coming of the King, which was about the space of half an hour, they had the better opportunity to observe these things; as also that before the Kings coming, there were already set threescore noble grave and ancient personages, all of them reported to be of the King's privy Council; at the the nether end of the house were placed a great company of young men, of comely personage and attire. Without the house on the right side, stood four ancient comely hoare-headed men, clothed all in red down to the ground, but attired on their heads not much unlike the Turks; these they called Romans, or Strangers, who lay as Lidgiers there to keep continual traffic with this people: there were also two Turks one Italian as Lidgiers; and last of all one Spaniard, who being freed by the Kings out of the hands of the Portugals, in the recovering of the Island, served him now in stead of a Soldier.  
The King at last coming from the Castle with 8. or 10. more grave Senators following him, had a very rich Canopy (adorned in the midst with Emboss of Gold) borne over him, and was guarded with 12. Lances the points turned downward: our men (accompanied with Moro the King's brother) arose to meet him, and he very graciously did welcome and entertain them.  
He was for Person, such as we have before described him, of low voice, temperate in speech, of Kingly demeanour, and a Moor by Nation. His attire was after the fashion of the rest of his Country, but far more sumptuous, as his condition and state required: from the Waste to the ground, was all Cloth of Gold, and that very rich; his Legs bare, but on his Feet a pair of Shoes of Cordivant died Red: in the attire of his head, were finely wreathed in divers rings of plated Gold, of an inch, or an inch and half in breadth, which made a fair and princely show, somewhat resembling a crown in form; about his neck he had a chain of perfect Gold, the links very great and one fold double; on his left hand was a Diamond, an Emerald, a Ruby; and a Turkey, four very fair and perfect jewels; on his right hand in one Ring, a big and perfect Turkey, and in another Ring many Diamonds of a smaller size, very artificial set and couched together.  
As thus he sat in his Chair of State, at his right side there stood a Page with a very costly fan (richly embroidered and beset with Saphires) breating and gathering the air to refresh the King, the place being very hot, both by reason of the Sun, and the assembly of so great a multitude. After a while our gentlemen having delivered their message, and received answer, were licenced to depart, and were safely conducted back again, by one of the chief of the King's Council, who had charge from the King himself to perform the same.  
Our Gentlemen observing the Castle as well as they could, could not conceive it to be a place of any great force two only Canons they there saw, and those at that present untraversable because unmounted. These with all other furniture of like sort which they have, they have gotten them from the Portugals, by whom the Castle itself was also builded, whiles they inhabited that place and Island. Who seeking to settle a tyrannous government (as in other places so) over this people, and not contenting themselves with a better estate than they deserved (except they might (as they thought) make sure work by leaving none of the royal blood alive, who should make challenge to the Kingdom) cruelly murdered the King himself (father to him who now reigns) and intended the like to all his sons. Which cruelty instead of establishing brought such a shaking on their usurped estate, that they were fain, without covenanting to carry away Goods, Munition, or any thing else to quit the place and the whole Island to save their lives.  
For the present King with his brethren in revenge of their father's murder, so bestirred themselves, that the Portugal was wholly driven from that Island, and glad that he yet keeps footing in Tidore. These four years this King hath been increasing, and was (as was affirmed) at that present, Lord of an hundred Islands thereabout; and was even now preparing his forces to hazard a chance with the Portugals for Tidore itself.  
The People are moors, whose Religion consists much in certain superstitious observations of new Moons, and certain seasons with a rigid and strict kind of fasting. We had experience hereof in the Viceroy and his retinue who lay aboard us all the time for the most part during our abode in this place: who during their prescribed time, would neither eat not drink, not so much as a cup of cold water in the day (so zealous are they in their selfe devised worship) but yet in the night would eat three times and that very largely. This Terenate stands in 27. min. North latitude.  
While we road at anchor in the harbour of Terenate, besides the Natives there come aboard us another, a goodly Gentleman, very well accompanied with his Interpreter, to view our Ship, and to confer with our General; he was apparelled much after our manner most neat and Courtlike; his carriage the most respective, and full of discreet behaviour that ever we had seen; He told us that he was himself but a stranger in those Islands, being a natural of the Province of Paghia in China; his name, Pausaos of the family of Hombu; of which family there had 11. reigned in continual succession these two hundred years, and King Boxog by the death of his elder brother (who died by a fall from his Horse) the rightful heir of all China, is the twelfth of this race, he is 22. years of age; his Mother yet living: he hath a Wife, and by her one Son: he is well beloved, and highly honoured of all his subjects, and lives in great peace from any fear of Foreign invasion: but it was not this man's fortune to enjoy his part of this happiness both of his King and Country, as he most desired.  
For being accused of a capital crime whereof (though free) yet he could not evidently make his Innocency appear, and knowing the peremptory justice of China, to be irrevocable, if he should expect the sentence of the Judges; he before hand made suit to his King, that it would please him to commit his trial to God's providence and judgement, and to that end to permit him to travel, on this condition, that if he brought not home some worthy Intelligence, such as his Majesty had never had before, and were most fit to be known, and most honourable for China, he should for ever live an Exile, or else die for daring to set foot again in his own Country: for he was assured that the God of Heaven had care of Innocency.  
The King granted his suit, and now he had been three years abroad, and at this present came from Tidore (where he had remained two Months) to see the English General, of whom he heard such strange things, and from him (if it pleased God to afford it) to learn some such Intelligence as might make way for his return into his Country, and therefore he earnestly entreated our General, to make relation to him of the occasion, way, and manner of his coming so far from England thither, with the manifold Occurrences that had happened to him by the way.  
Our General gave ample satisfaction to each part of his request; the stranger hearkened with great attention and delight to his discourse, and as he naturally excelled in memory (besides his help of Art to better the same) so he firmly printed it in his mind, and with great reverence thanked God, who had so unexpectedly brought him, to the notice of such admirable things. Then fell he to entreat our General with many most earnest and vehement persuasions, that he would be content to see his Country before his departure any farther Westward, that it should be a most pleasant, most honourable, and most pofitabe thing for him that he should gain hereby the notice, & carry home the description of one of the most ancient, mightiest and richest Kingdoms in the world. Hereupon he took occasion to relate the number and greatness of the Provinces, with the rare Commodities and good things they yielded; the number, stateliness, and riches of their Cities, with what abundance of Men, Victuals, Munition, and all manner of necessaries & delightful things they were stored with: In particular, touching Ordnance and great Guns (the late invention of a scab shined Friar amongst us in Europe) he related that in Sunuien (by some called Quinzai) which is the chiefest City of all China, they had brass Ordnance of all sorts (much easier to be traversed then ours were, and so perfectly made that they would hit a shilling) above two thousand years ago. With many other worthy things which our Generals own experience (if it would please him to make trial) would (better then his relation) assure him of. The breeze would shortly serve very fitly to carry him thither and he himself would accompany him all the way. He accounted himself a happy man, that he had but seen and spoken with us; the relation of it might perhaps serve him to recover favour in his Country; but if he could prevail with our General himself to go thither, he doubted not but it would be a means of his great advancement, and increase of honour with his King. Notwithstanding our General could not on any such persuasions be induced, and so the stranger parted sorry, that he could not prevail in his request, yet exceeding glad of the Intelligence he had learned.  
By the ninth of November having gotten what provision the place could afford us, we then set sail; 
Nou. 9  and considering that our Ship for want of trimming was now grown foul, that our cask and vessels for water were much decayed; and that divers other things stood in need of reparation; our next care was, how we might fall with such a place where with safety we might a while stay for the redressing of these inconveniencies. The calmness of the winds, which are almost continual before the coming of the breeze (which was not yet expected) persuaded us it was the fittest time that we could take.  
With this resolution we sailed along till November 14. 
Nou. 14.  at what time we arrived at a little Island (to the Southward of Celebes) standing in 1. deg. 40. min. towards the pole antarctic; which being without Inhabitants, gave us the better hope of quiet abode. We anchored, and finding the place convenient for our purposes (there wanting nothing here which we stood in need of, but only water which we were fain to fetch from another Island somewhat farther to the South) made our abode here for six and twenty whole days together.  
The first thing we did, we pitched our Tents and entrenched ourselves as strongly as we could upon the shore, lest at any time perhaps we might have been disturbed by the Inhabitants of the greater Island which lay not far to the Westward of us; after we had provided thus for our security, we landed our Goods, and had a Smith's Forge set up, both for the making of some necessary Shipworke, and for the repairing of some Iron-hooped Casks, without which they could not long have served our use: and for that our Smith's Coals were all spent long before this time; there was order given and followed for the burning of Charcoal, by which that want might be supplied.  
We trimmed our Ship, and performed our other businesses to our content. The place affording us not only all necessaries (which we had not of our own before) thereunto, but also wonderful refreshing to our wearied bodies, by the comfortable relief and excellent provision that here we found, whereby of sickly, weak, and decayed (as many of us seemed to be before our coming hither we in short space grew all of us to be strong, lusty, and healthful persons. Besides this, we had rare experience of God's wonderful wisdom in many rare and admirable creatures which here we saw.  
The whole Island is a through grown wood, the trees for the most part are of large and high stature, very strait and clean without bows, save only in the very top. The leaves whereof are not much unlike our Brooms in England: Among these Trees, night by night did show themselves an infinite swarm of Firie-seeming worms flying in the air, whose bodies (no bigger than an ordinary Fly) did make a show, and give such light as if every twig on every Tree had been a lighted Candle: or as if that place had been the Starry Sphere. To these we may add the relation of another, almost as strange a creature, which here we saw, and that was an innumerable multitude of huge Bats or Reare-mices, equalling or rather exceeding a good Hen in bigness. They fly with marvellous swiftness, but their flight is very short; and when they light, they hang only by the bows with their backs downward.  
Neither may we without ingratitude (by reason of the special use we made of them) omit to speak of the huge multitude of a certain kind of Crayfish, of such a size, that one was sufficient to satisfy four hungry men at a dinner, being a very good and restorative meat; the special means (as we conceived it) of our increase of health.  
They are as far as we could perceive, utter strangers to the Sea, living always on the Land, where they work themselves earths, as do the coneys, or rather they dig great and huge caves under the roots of the most huge and monstrous Trees, where they lodge themselves by companies together. Of the same sort and kind, we found in other places, about the Island Celebes some that for want of other refuge, when we came to take them, did climb up into trees to hide themselves, whether we were enforced to climb after them, if we would have them, which we would not stick to do rather than to be without them: this Island we called Crab-Island.  
All necessary causes of our staying longer in this place being at last finished, our General prepared to be in a readiness, to take the first advantage of the coming of the breeze or wind which we expected; and having the day before, furnished ourselves with fresh water from the other Island, and taken in provision of Wood and the like: December 12. 
Dec. 12.  we put to Sea directing our course toward the West: the 16. day we had sight of the Island Celebes or Silebis, but having a bad wind, 
Dec. 16.  and being entangled among many Lands, encumbered also with many other difficulties, & some dangers, & at last meeting with a deep Bay, out of which we could not in three days turn out again, we could not by any means recover the North of Silebis, or continue on our course farther West, but were enforced to alter the same toward the South; finding that course also to be both difficult and very dangerous, by reason of many shoals, which lay far off here and there among the Islands, insomuch, that in all our passages from England hitherto, we had never more care to keep ourselves a float, and from sticking on them: thus were we forced to beat up and down with extraordinary care and circumspection till January 9 
Jan. 9  at which time, we supposed that we had at last attained a free passage, the land turning evidently in our sight about to Westward, and the Wind being enlarged followed us as we desired with a reasonable Gale.  
When lo on a sudden, when we least suspected no show or suspicion of danger appearing to us, and we were now sailing onward with full sails, in the beginning of the first watch of the said day at night, even in a moment our ship was laid up fast upon a desperate shoal, with no other likelihood in appearance, but that we with her must there presently perish: there being no probability how any thing could be saved, or any Person scape alive.  
The unexpectedness of so extreme a danger, presently roused us up to look about us, but the more we looked, the less hope we had of getting clear of it again, so that nothing now presenting itself to our minds, but the ghastly appearance of instant death, affording no respite or time pausing, called upon us to turn our thoughts another way, to renounce the World, to deny ourselves, and to commend ourselves into the merciful hands of our most gracious God; to this purpose we presently fell prostrate, and with joined prayers sent up unto the throne of grace, humbly be sought Almighty God, to extend his mercy unto us in his Son Christ Jesus; and so preparing as it were our necks unto the block, we every minute expected the final stroke to be given unto us.  
Notwithstanding that we expected nothing but imminent death, yet (that we might not seem to tempt God, by leaving any second means unattempted which he afforded) presently as soon as prayers were ended, our General (exhorting us to have the especiallest care of the better part, to wit, the Soul, and adding many comfortable speeches of the joys of that other life, which we now alone looked for) encouraged us all to bestir ourselves, showing us the way thereto by his own example; and first of all the Pump being well plied, and the ship freed of Water, we found our Leaks to be nothing increased, which though it gave us no hope of deliverance, yet it gave us some hope of respite, insomuch, as it assured us that the Bulk was sound, which truly we acknowledged to be an immediate providence of God alone, insomuch, as no strength of wood and Iron could have possibly born so hard and violent a shock, as our Ship did, dashing herself under full sail against the Rocks, except the extraordinary hand of God, had supported the same.  
Our next assay was for good ground and anchor-hold, to Seaward of us (whereon to hale) by which means if by any, our General put us in comfort, that there was yet left some hope to clear ourselves; in his own person, he therefore undertook the charge of sounding, and but even a Boats length from the Ship, he found that the bottom could not by any length of line be reached unto; so that the beginnings of hope, which we were willing to have conceived before, were by this means quite dashed again▪ yea, our misery seemed to be increased, for whereas at first we could look for nothing but a present end, that expectation was now turned, into the awaiting for a lingering death, of the two, the far more fearful to be chosen; one thing fell out happily for us, that the most of our men did not conceive this thing, which had they done, they would in all likelihood have been so much discouraged, that their sorrow would the more disable them, to have sought the remedy; our General with those few others, that could judge of the event wisely, dissembling the same, and giving in the meantime cheerful speeches, and good encouragements unto the rest.  
For whiles it seemed to be a clear case, that our Ship was so fast moared, that she could not stir; it necessarily followed, that either we were there to remain on the place with her; or else leaving her to commit ourselves in a most poor and helpless state to seek some other place of stay and refuge, the better of which two choices, did carry with it the appearance of worse than one thousand deaths.  
As touching our Ship this was the comfort that she could give us, that she herself lying there confined already upon the hard and pinching Rocks, did tell us plain, that she continually expected her speedy dispatch, as soon as the Sea and winds should come, to be the severe Executioners of that heavy judgement, by the appointment of the eternal judge already given upon her, who had committed her there to Adamantine bounds in a most narrow prison, against their coming for that purpose: so that if we would stay with her, we must perish with her; or if any by any yet unperceivable means, should chance to be delivered, his escape must needs be a perpetual misery, it being far better to have perished together, then with the loss and absence of his friends, to live in a strange Land: whether a solirary life (the better choice) among wild Beasts, as a Bird on the Mountains without all comfort, or among the barbarous people of the Heathen, in intolerable bondage both of body and mind.  
And put the case that her day of destruction should be deferred, longer than either reason could persuade us, or in any likelihood could seem possible (it being not the power of Earthly things to endure what she had suffered already) yet could our abode there profit us nothing, but increase our wretchedness, and enlarge our sorrows, for as her store and Victuals were not much (sufficient to sustain us only some few days, without hope of having any increase, no not so much as a cup of cold water) so must it inevitably come to pass, that we (as children in the Mother's Womb) should be driven even to eat the flesh from of our own Arms, she being no longer able to sustain us; and how horrible a thing this would have proved, is easy by any one to be derceived.  
And whither (had we departed from her) should we have received any comfort; nay the very impossibility of going, appeared to be no less, than those other before mentioned: our Boat was by no means able at once to carry above 20. persons with any safety, and we were 58 in all, the nearest Land was six leagues from us, and the wind from the shore directly bend against us; or should we have thought of setting some a shore, and after that to have fetched the rest, there being no place thereabout without Inhabitants, the first that had landed must first have fallen into the hand of the Enemy, and so the rest in order, and though perhaps we might escape the Sword, yet would our life have been worse than death, not alone in respect of our woeful captivity, and bodily miseries, but most of all in respect of our Christian liberty, being to be deprived of all public means of serving the true God, and continually grieved with the horrible impieties and devilish Idolatries of the Heathen.  
Our misery being thus manifest, the very consideration whereof must needs have shaken flesh and blood, if faith in God's promises had not mightily sustained us, we passed the night with earnest longings that the day would once appear, the mean time we spent in often prayers and other godly exercises, thereby comforting ourselves, and refreshing our hearts, striving to bring ourselves to an humble submission under the hand of God, and to a referring ourselves wholly to his good will and pleasure.  
The day therefore at length appearing, and it being almost full Sea about that time, after we had given thanks to God for his forbearing of us hitherto, and had with tears called upon him to bless our labours; we again renewed our travel, to see if we could now possibly find any anchor-hold, which we had formerly sought in vain. But this second attempt proved as fruitless as the former, and left us nothing to trust to, but prayers and tears seeing it appeared impossible that ever the forecast, council, policy, or power of man could ever effect the delivery of our Ship, except the Lord only miraculously should do the same.  
It was therefore presently motioned, and by general voice determined to commend our case to God alone, leaving ourselves wholly in his hand; to spill or save us as seem best to his gracious wisdom. And that our faith might be the better strengthened, and the comfortable apprehension of God's mercy in Christ be more clearly felt; we had a Sermon, and the Sacrament of the body and blood of our Saviour celebrated.  
After this sweet repast was thus received, and other holy exercises adjoined were ended▪ lest we should seem guilty in any respect for using all lawful means we could not invent; we fell to one other practice yet unassayed, to wit, to unloading of our Ship by casting some of her goods into the Sea; which thing as it was attempted most willingly, so was it dispatched in very short time. So that even those things which we before this time nor any other in our case could be without, did now seem as things only worthy to be despised; yea, we were herein so forward, that neither our munition for defence, nor the very meal for sustentation of our lives could find favour with us, but every thing as it first came to hand went overboard, assuring ourselves of this, that if it pleased God once to deliver us out of that most desperate strait wherein we were, he would fight for us against our Enemies, neither would he suffer us to perish for want of bread. But when all was done, it was not any of our endeavours, but God's only hand that wrought our delivery; 'twas he alone that brought us even under the very stroke of death; 'twas he alone that said unto us, Return again ye sons of men; 'twas he alone that set us at liberty again, that made us safe & free, after that we had remained in the former miserable condition, the full space of twenty hours, to his glorious name be the everlasting praise.  
The manner of our delivery (for the relation of it will especially be expected) was only this. The place whereon we sat so fast was a firm Rock in a cleft, whereof it was we stuck on the Larboardside, at low Water there was not above six foot depth in all on the Starboard, within little distance as you have heard no bottom to be found, the Breeze during the whole time that we thus were stayed, blew somewhat stiff directly against our broad side, and so perforce kept the Ship upright: It pleased God in the beginning of the tide, while the water was yet almost at lowest, to slack the stiffness of the Wind; and now our Ship who required thirteen foot water to make her fleet, and had not at that time on the one side above seven at most, wanting her prop on the other side, which had too long already kept her up, fell a heeling towards the deep Water, and by that means freed her Keel and made us glad men.  
This shoal is at least three or four leagues in length, it lies in two deg. lacking three or four minute's South latitude. The day of this deliverance was the tenth of January. 
Jan. 10   
Of all the dangers that in our whole Voyage we met with, this was the greatest, but it was not the last as may appear by what ensueth. Neither could we indeed for a long season free ourselves from the continual care and fear of them; nor could we ever come to any convenient anchoring, but were continually for the most part tossed amongst the many Islands and shoals (which lie in infinite number round about on the South parts of Celebes) till the eighth day of the following Month.  
Jan. 12. 
Jan. 12.  being not able to bear our sails by reason of the tempest and fearing of the dangers, we let fall our anchors upon a shoal in 3. deg. 30. min. jan. 14. 
Jan. 14.  we were gotten a little farther South, whereat an Island in 4. deg. 6 min. we again cast anchor and spent a day in watering and wooding. After this we met with foul weather, Westerly winds, and dangerous shoals for many days together; insomuch, that we were utterly weary of this coast of Sillebis, and thought best to bear with Timor. The Southermost cape of Sillebis stands in 5. deg. that side the line.  
But of this coast of Sillebis we could not so easily clear ourselves. The 20. of Janu. we were forced to run with a small Island not far from thence; 
Jan. 20.  where having sent our Boat a good distance from us to search out a place where we might anchor: we were suddenly environed with no small extremities, for there arose a most violent, yea an intolerable flaw and storm out of the South-west against us, making us (who were on a Lee shore amongst most dangerous and hidden shoals) to fear extremely not only the loss of our Boat and Men, but the present loss of ourselves, our Ship and goods, or the casting of those men whom God should spare into the hands of Infidels. Which misery could not by any Power or Industry of ours have been avoided, if the merciful goodness of God had not (by staying the outrageous extremities wherewith we were set upon) wrought our present delivery, by whose unspeakable mercy our men and Boat also were unexpected, yet safely, restored unto us.  
We got off from this place as well as we could, and continued on our course till the 26. day, when the wind took us, very strong against us, 
Jan. 26.  West and West Southwest, so as that we could bear no more sail, till the end of that Month was full expired.  
February 1. 
Feb. 1.  we saw very high land, and as it seemed well inhabited, we would fain have borne with it to have got some succour, but the weather was so ill, that we could find no Harbour, and we were very fearful of adventuring ourselves too far, amongst the many dangers which were near the shore. The third day also we saw a little Island, but being unable to bear any sail, 
Feb. 3.  but only to lie at Hull, we were by the storm carried away, and could not fetch it. February 6. 
Feb. 6.  we saw five Islands, one of them towards the East, and four towards the West of us, one bigger than another, at the biggest of which we cast anchor, and the next day watered and wooded.  
After we had gone hence on February 8. 
Feb. 8.  we descried two Canowes', who having descried us as it seems before, came willingly unto us, and talked with us, alluring and conducting us to their Town not far off, named Barativa, it stands in 7. deg. 13. min. South the line.  
The People are Gentiles of handsome body, and comely stature, of civil demeanour, very just in dealing, and courteous to strangers, of all which we had evident proof, they showing themselves most glad of our coming and cheerfully ready to relieve our wants, with whatsoever their Country could afford. The men go all naked save their heads and secret parts, every one having one thing or other hanging at his ears. Their women are covered from the middle to the foot wearing upon their naked arms Bracelets, and that in no small number, some having nine at least upon each arm, made for the most part of horn or brass, whereof the lightest (by our estimation) would weigh two ounces▪  
With this People linen cloth (whereof they make rolls for their heads and girdles to wear about their loins) is the best Merchandise and of greatest estimation. They are also much delighted with Margaretas (which in their language they call Saleta) and such other like trifles.  
Their Island is both rich and fruitful, rich in Gold, Silver, Copper, Tin, Sulphur, etc. neither are they only expert to try those metals, but very skilful also in working of them artificially, into divers Forms and Shapes, as pleaseth them best. Their fruits are divers likewise and plentiful, as Nutmegs, Ginger, long-Pepper, Lemons, Cucumbers, Cocoes, Figoes, Sagu, with divers other sorts, whereof we had one in reasonable quantity, in bigness form and husk, much like a bay-berry, hard in substance, but pleasant in taste, which being sod becometh soft, and is a most profitable and nourishing meat; of each of these we received of them, whatsoever we desired for our need; insomuch, that such was Gods gracious goodness to us) the old Proverb was verified with us, After a storm cometh a calm, after war peace, after scarcity followeth plenty; so that in all our Voyage (Terenate only excepted) from our departure out of our own Country hitherto, we found not any where greater comfort and refreshing, than we did it this time in this place, in refreshing and furnishing ourselves; here we spent two days, and departed hence February 10. 
Feb. 10.   
When we were come into the height of 8. deg. 4. min. Feb. 12. 
Feb. 12.  in the morning we espied a green Island to the Southward; not long after, two other Islands on the same side, and a great one more towards the North; they seemed all to be well inhabited, but we had neither need nor desire to go to visit them, and so we passed by them. 
Feb. 14.  The 14. day we saw some other reasonable big Islands, and February 16. 
Feb. 16.  we passed between four or five big Islands more which lay in the height 9 deg. 40. min.  
The 18. we cast anchor under a little Island, whence we departed again the day following; we wooded here, 
Feb. 18▪ 19  but other relief except two Turtles we received none.  
The 22. day we lost sight of three Islands on our Starboard side which lay in ten deg. and some odd minutes. 
Feb. 22.   
After this, we passed on to the Westward without stay or any thing to be taken notice of, 
Mar. 9  till the ninth of March when in the morning we espied land, some part thereof very high in 8. d. 20. m. South latitude; here we anchored that night, & the next day weighed again, 
Mar. 10.  and bearing farther North, and nearer the shore we came to anchor the second time.  
The eleventh of March we first took in water, and after sent our Boat again to shore, where we had Traffic with the people of the Country; 
Mar. 11. Mar. 12.  whereupon the same day, we brought our Ship more near the Town; and having settled ourselves there that night, the next day our General sent his man a shore, to preset the King with certain Cloth both Linen and Woollen, besides some Silks, which he gladly and thankfully received, and rerurned Rice, Cocoes, Hens, and other Victuals in way of recompense. This Island we found to be the Island Java the middle whereof stands in 7. deg. and 30. min. beyond the Equator.  

Mar. 13.  The 13, of March our General himself with many of his gentlemen, and others went to shore, and presented the King (of whom he was joyfully and lovingly received) with his music, and showed him the manner of our use of Arms, by training his men with their Pikes and other weapons, which they had before him, for the present we were entertained as we desired, and at last dismissed with a promise of more Victuals to be shortly sent us.  
In this Island there is one chief, but many under-governors or petty kings, whom they call Raias, who live in great familiarity and friendship one with another. The 14. day we received Victuals from two of them, 
Mar. 14. Mar. 15.  and the day after that, to wit, the 15 three of these Kings in their own Persons came aboard to see our General, and to view our ship and warlike munition. They were well pleased with what they saw, and with the entertainment which we gave them. And after these had been with us, and on their return had as it seems related what they found, 
1579.  Raia Donan the chief King of the whole land bringing Victuals with him for our relief; he also the next day after came aboard us. Few were the days that one or more of these kings did miss to visit us, insomuch, that we grew acquainted with the names of many of them, as of Raia Pataira, Raia Cabocapalla, Raia Mangbango, Raia Bocabarra, Raia Timbanton; whom our General always entertained with the best cheer that we could make, and showed them all the commodities of our Ship, with our Ordnance and other Arms and Weapons, and the several furnitures belonging to each, and the uses for which they served. His music also and all things else whereby he might do them pleasure, wherein they took exceeding great delight with admiration.  
One day amongst the rest, viz. March 21. 
Mar. 21.  Raia Donan coming aboard us, in requital of our music which was made to him, presented our General with his Country music, which though it were of a very strange kind, yet the sound was pleasant and delightful: the same day he caused an Ox also to be brought to the waters side, and delivered to us, for which he was to his content rewarded by our General, with divers sorts of very costly Silks which he held in great esteem.  
Though our often giving entertainment in this manner, did hinder us much in the speedy dispatching of our businesses, and made us spend the more days about them, yet here we found all such convenient helps, that to our contents we at last ended them; the matter of great Importance which we did (besides Victualling) was the new trimming and washing of our Ship, which by reason of our long Voyage was so overgrown with a kind of a shellfish sticking fast unto her, that it hindered exceedingly, and was a great trouble to her sailing.  
The People (as are their Kings) are a loving, a very true and just dealing People. We trafficked with them for Hens, Goats, Cocoes, Plantons, and other kind of Victuals, which they offered us in such plenty that we might have laden our Ship if we had needed.  

1580.  We took our leaves and departed from them the 26. of March, 
Mar. 26.  and set our course West South West, directly towards the cape of good hope, or Bon Esperance, and continued without touch of aught, but air and water, till the 21. of May, 
May 21.  when we espied land (to wit a part of the main Africa) in some places very high under the latitude of 31. deg. and half.  
We coasted along till June 15. 
June 15.  on which day, having very fair weather, and the Wind at Southeast, we passed the Cape itself so near in sight, that we had been able with our pieces to have shot to land.  
July 15. 
July 15.  we fell with the land again about Rio de sesto, where we saw many Negroes in their Boats a fishing, whereof two came very near us, but we cared not to stay, nor had any talk or dealing with them.  

July 22.  The 22. of the same month, we came to Sierra Leona, and spent two days for watering in the mouth of Tagoine, and then put to Sea again; 
July 24.  here also we had Oysters, and plenty of Lemons, which gave us good refreshing.  
We found ourselves under the Tropic of Cancer August 15. 
Aug. 15. Aug. 16.  having the wind at North-east, and we 50 leagues off from the nearest land.  
The 22. day we were in the height of the Canaries.  

Sep. 26.  And the 26 of Sept. (which was monday in the just and ordinary reckoning of those that had stayed at home in one place or Country, but in our computation was the Lord's day or Sunday) we safely with joyful minds and thankful hearts to God, arrived at Plymouth, the place of our first setting forth after we had spent 2. years 10 months and some few odd days beside, in seeing the wonders of the Lord in the deep, in discovering so many admirable things, in going through with so many strange adventures, in escaping out of so many dangers, and overcoming so many difficulties in this our encompassing of this nether Globe, and passing round about the World, which we have related.  

Soli rerum maximarum Effectori,  
Soli totius munai Gubernatori,  
Soli suorum Conservatori,  
Soli Deo sit semper Gloria.   
FINIS.   

A SUMMARIE AND TRUE DISCOURSE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKES WEST-INDIAN Voyage. Accompanied with Christopher Carleill, Martin Frobusher, Francis Knollis, with many other Captains and Gentlemen. Wherein were taken, the Towns of Saint Jago, Sancto Domingo, Cartagena and Saint Augustine.  
Printed at London for Nicholas Bourne, dwelling at the South entrance of the royal Exchange, 1652.   

A SUMMARY AND TRUE DISCOURSE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKES West-Indian VOYAGE: Wherein were taken the Towns of Saintiago, Sancto Domingo, Cartagena and Saint Augustine.  
THIS worthy Knight, for the service of his Prince and Country, having prepared his whole Fleet, and gotten them down to Plymouth in Devonshire, to the number of five and twenty sail of Ships and Pinnaces; and having assembled of Soldiers and Mariners to the number of two thousand and three hundred in the whole, embarked them and himself at Plymouth aforesaid, the twelfth day of September 1585. being accompanied with these Men of name and charge, which hereafter follow:  
Master Christopher Carlisle Lieutenant General; a man of long experience in the War as well by Sea as Land, and had formerly carried high Offices in both kinds in many Fights, which he discharged always very happily, and with great good reputation.  
Anthony powel Sergeant Major.  
Captain Matthew Morgan, and Captain John Samson, Corporals of the Field.  
These Officers had Command over the rest of the Land Captains, whose names hereafter follow: 

Captain Anthony Plat.  
Captain Edward Winter.  
Captain John Goring.  
Captain Robert Pew.  
Captain George Barton.  
Captain John Merchant.  
Captain William Cecil.  
Captain Walter Bigs.  
Captain John Hannam.  
Captain Richard Stanton.    
Captain Martin Frobusher Vide-admiral, a man of great experience in Seafaring actions, and had had chief command of many Ships himself, in sundry Voyages before, being now shipped in the Primrose.  
Captain Francis Knollis, Rear-admiral in the Gallion Leicester.  
Master Thomas Venner, Captain in the Elizabeth Bonadventure, under the General.  
Master Edward Winter Captain in the Aid.  
Master Christopher Carleill the Lieutenant General, Captain in the Tiger.  

Henry White, Captain of the Sea- Dragon.  
Thomas Drake, Captain of the Thomas.  
Thomas Seelie Captain of the Minion.  
Baily Captain of the Bark Talbot.  
Robert Cross Captain of the Bark Bond.  
George Fortescute Captain of the Bark Bonner▪  
Edward Careless Captain of the Hope.  
James Erizo Captain of the White lion.  
Thomas Moon Captain of the Francis.  
John Rivers Captain of the Vantage.  
John Vaughan Captain of the Drake.  
John Varney Captain of the George.  
John Martin Captain of the Benjamin.  
Edward Gilman Captain of the Scout.  
Richard Haukins Captain of the Galliot, called the Duck.  
Bitfield Captain of the Swallow.   
After our going hence, which was the fourteenth of September, in the year of our Lord, one thousand five hundred eighty and five; and taking our course towards Spain we had the Wind for a few days somewhat scant, and sometimes calm. And being arrived near that part of the coast of Spain, which is called the moors, we happened to espy divers Sails, which kept their course close by the shore, the weather being fair and calm. The General caused the Vize-admirall to go with the Pinnaces well manned to see what they were; who upon sight of the said Pinnaces approaching near unto them, abandoned for the most part all their Ships (being Frenchmen) laden all with Salt, and bound homewards into France; amongst which Ships (being all of small burden) there was one so well liked, which also had no man in her, as being brought unto the General, he thought good to make stay of her for the service, meaning to pay for her, as also accordingly performed at our return; which Bark was called the Drake. The rest of these Ships (being eight or nine) were dismissed without any thing at all taken from them. Who being afterwards put somewhat farther off from the shore, by the contrariety of the wind, we happened to meet with some other French Ships, full laden with Newland Fish, being upon their return homeward from the said Newfound land; whom the General, after some speech had with them, (and seeing plainly that they were Frenchmen) dismissed without once suffering any man to go aboard of them.  
The day following, standing in with the shore again, we descried another tall Ship of twelve score tuns or thereabouts, upon whom Master Carleill the Lieutenant General being in the Tiger, undertook the chase, whom also anon after the Admiral followed; and the Tiger having caused the strange Ship to strike her sails, kept her there without suffering any body to go aboard until the Admiral was come up; who forthwith sending for the Master, and divers others of their principal Men, and causing them to be severally examined, found the Ship and Goods to be belonging to the Inhabitants of Saint Sebastian in Spain, but the Mariners to be for the most part belonging to Saint John de Luce, and the Passage. In this Ship was great store of dry Newland Fish, commonly called with us Poor John, whereof afterwards (being thus found a lawful Prize) there was distribution made into all the Ships of the Fleet, the same being so new and good as it did very greatly bestead us in the whole course of our Voyage.  
A day or two after the taking of this Ship, we put in within the Isles of Bayon, for lack of favourable wind, where we had no sooner anchored some part of the Fleet, but the General commanded all the Pinnaces with the Shipboats to be Manned, and every man to be furnished with such arms as was needful for that present service; which being done, the General put himself into his Galley, which was also well furnished; and rowing towards the City of Bayon, with intent, and the favour of the Almighty to surprise it. Before we had advanced one half league of our way, there came a Messenger, being an English Merchant, from the Governor, to see what strange Fleet we were; who came to our General, and conferred a while with him, and after a small time spent, our General called for Captain Samson, and willed him to go to the Governor of the City, to resolve him of two point. The first, to know if there were any Wars between Spain and England? The second, why our Merchants with their Goods were imbarred or arrested? Thus departed Captain Samson with the said Messenger to the City, where he found the Governor and People much amazed of such a sudden accident.  
The General with the advice and counsel of Master Carleill his Lieutenant general, who was in the Galley with him, thought not good to make any stand, till such time as they were within the shot of the City, where they might be ready upon the return of Captain Samson, to make a sudden attempt if cause did require before it was dark.  
Captain Samson returned with his Message in this sort. First, touching Peace or Wars, the Governor said he knew of no Wars, and that it lay not in him to make any, he being so mean a Subject as he was. And as for the stay of the Merchants with their Goods, it was the King's pleasure, but not with intent to endamage any man: and that the King's countermand was (which had been received in that place some seven nights before) that English Merchants with their Goods should be dsicharged: for the more verifying whereof, he sent such Merchants as were in the Town of our Nation, who trafficked in those parts; which being at large declared to our General by them, counsel was taken what might best be done: and for that the night approached, it was thought needful to land our Force, which was done in the shutting up of the day; and having quartered ourselves to our most advantage, with sufficient guard upon every straight, we thought to rest ourselves for that night there. The Governor sent us some refreshing, as Bread, Wine, Oil, Apples, Grapes, Marmalade, and such like. About midnight the weather begins to overcast, insomuch that it was thought meeter to repair aboard, then to make any longer abode on land, and before we could recover the Fleet, a great tempest arose, which caused many of our Ships to drive from their ancour hold, and some were forced to Sea in great peril, as the Bark Talbot, the Bark Hawkins and the Speedwell, which Speedwell only was driven into England, the others recovered us again; the extremity of the storm lasted three days, which no sooner began to assuage, but Master Carleill our Lieutenant General, was sent with his own Ship and three others, as also with the Galley and with divers Pinnaces, to see what he might do above Vigo, where he took many Boats and some Carvels, diversely laden with things of small value but chiefly with househould stuff, running into the high Country, and amongst the rest, he found one Boat laden with the principal Church-stuff of the high Church of Vigo, where also was their great Cross of Silver, of very fair embossed work, and double gilt all over, having cost them a great Mass of money. They complained to have lost in all kind of Goods above thirty thousand Ducats in this place.  
The next day the General with his whole Fleet went up from the Isles of Bayon, to a very good harbour above Vigo, where Master Carleill stayed his coming, as well for the more quiet tiding of his Ships, as also for the good commodity of fresh watering, which the place there did afford full well. In the mean time the Governor of Gallisia had reared such forces as he might, his numbers by estimate were some two thousand foot, and three hundred horse, and marched from Bayon to this part of the Country, which lay in sight of our Fleet, where making stand, he sent to parley with our General, which was granted by our General, so it might be in boats upon the water: and for safety of their persons there were pledges delivered on both sides; which done, the Governor of Gallisia put himself with two others into our Vice-admirals' Skiffe, the same having been sent to the shore for him. And in like sort our General in his own Skiffe, where by them it was agreed, we should furnish ourselves with fresh water, to be taken by our own people quietly on the land, and have all other such necessaries, paying for the same, as the place would afford.  
When all our business was ended, we departed, and took our way by the Islands of Canaria, which are esteemed some three hundred leagues from this part of Spain, and falling purposely with Palma, with intention to have taken our pleasure of that place, for the full digesting of many things in order, and the better furnishing our store with such several good things as that afforded very abundantly, we were forced by the vile Sea-gate which at that present fell out, and by the naughtiness of the landing place, being but one, and that under the favour of many Platforms, well furnished with great Ordinance, to depart with the receipt of many their Canon-shot, some into our Ships, and some besides, some of them being in very deed full Canon high. But the only or chief mischief, was the dangerous sea surge, which at shore all alongest, plainly threatened the overthrow of as many Pinnaces and Boats, as for that time should have attempted any landing at all.  
Now seeing the expectation of this attempt frustrated by the causes aforesaid, we though it meeter to fall with the Isle Ferro, to see if we could find any better fortune; and coming to the Island, we landed a thousand men in a valley under a high Mountain, where we stayed some two or three hours, in which time the Inhabitants, accompanied with a young fellow borne in England, who dwelled there with them, came unto us, showing their state to be so poor, that they were all ready to starve, which was not untrue: and therefore without any thing gotten, we were all commanded presently to embark, so as that night we put off to Sea South Southeast along towards the coast of Barbary.  
Upon Saturday in the morning, being the thirteenth of November, we fell with Cape Blank which is a low land and shallow water, where we catched store of fish, and doubling the Cape, we put into the Bay, where we found certain French Ships of War whom we entertained with great courtesy, and there left them. The afternoon the whole Fleet assembled, which was a little scattered about their fishing, and put from thence to the Isles of Cape Verde, sailing till the sixteenth of the same Month in the morning, on which day we descried the Island of Saint Jago, and in the evening we anchored the Fleet between the Town called the Play or Pray and Saint Jago, where we put on shore a thousand men or more, under the leading of Master Christopher Carleill Lieutenant General, who directed the service most like a wise Commander. The place where we had first to March did afford no good order, for the ground was Mountains and full of Dales, being a marvellous stony and troublesome passage, but such was his industrious disposition, as he would never leave, until we had gotten up to a fair Plain, where we made stand for the assembling of the army. And when we were all gathered together upon the Plain, some two little miles from the Town, the Lieutenant General thought good not to make attempt till day light; because there was not one that could serve for Guide or giving knowledge at all of the place. And therefore after having well rested, even half an hour before day, he commanded the Army to be divided into three special parts, such as he appointed, whereas before we had marched by several Companies, being thereunto forced by the naughtiness of the way as is aforesaid.  
Now by the time we were thus ranged in a very brave order, daylight began to appear, and being advanced hard to the Wall we saw no Enemy to resist, whereupon the Lieutenant General appointed Captain Samson with thirty shot, and Captain Barton with other thirty, to go down into the Town which stood in the Valley under us, and might very plainly be viewed all over from that place where the whole Army was now arrived, and presently after these Captains was sent, the great Ensign which had nothing in it but the plain English Cross, to be placed towards the Sea, that our Fleet might see Saint George's cross flourish in the Enemy's fortress. Order was given that all the Ordinance throughout the town, and upon all the Platforms, which was above fifty Pieces all ready charged, should be shot off in honour of the Queen's Majesty's Coronation day, being the seventeenth of November, after the yearly custom of England, which was so answered again by the Ordinance out of all the Ships in the Fleet which now was come near, as it was strange to hear such a thundering noise last so long together. In this mean while the Lieutenant General held still the most part of his Force on the hill top, till such time as the Town was quartered out for the lodging of the whole army, which being done every Captain took his own quarter, and in the evening was placed such sufficient guard upon every part of the Town that we had no cause to fear any present Enemy.  
Thus we continued in the City the space of fourteen days, taking such spoils as the place yielded, which were for the most part, Wine, Oil, Meal, and some such like things for Victual, as Vinegar, Olives, and some such other trash, as Merchandise for their Indian trades. But there was not found any Treasure at all, or any thing else of worth besides.  
The situation of Saint Jago is somewhat strange, in form like to a triangle, having on the East and West sides two Mountains of Rock and Cliffy, as it were hanging over it, upon the top of which two Mountains was builded certain fortifications to preserve the Town from any harm that might be offered, as in this Plot is plainly showed. From thence on the South side of the Town is the main Sea, and on the North side, the valley lying between the foresaid Mountains, wherein the Town standeth: the said Valley and Town both do grow very narrow, insomuch that the space between the two cliffs of this end of the Town is estimated not to be above ten or twelve score over.  
In the midst of the Valley cometh down a riveret, Rill or Brook of fresh Water, which hard by the Sea side maketh a Pond or Poole, whereout our Ships were watered with very great ease and pleasure, Somewhat above the Town on the North side between the two Mountains, the valley waxeth somewhat larger than at the Town's end which Valley is wholly converted into Gardens and Orchards well replenished with divers sorts of Fruits, Herbs and Trees, as Lemons, Oranges, Sugar Canes, Cochars or Cochos-Nuts, Plantens, Potato-Roots, Cocombers, small and round Onions, Garlic, and some other things not now remembered, amongst which the Chochos-nuts and Plantens are very pleasant Fruits, the said Cochos having a hard shell and a green Husk over it, as hath our Walnut but it far exceedeth in greatness, for this Cochos in his green husk is bigger than any man's two Fists, of the hard shell many drinking Cups are made here in England, and set in Silver as I have often seen.  
Next within this hard shell is a white rind, resembling in show very much, even as any thing may do, to the white of an Egg when it is hard boiled. And within this white of the Nut lieth a water, which is whitish and very clear, to the quantity of half a pint or there abouts, which water and white rind before spoken of, are both of a very cool fresh taste, and as pleasing as any thing may be. I have heard some hold opinion, that it is very restorative.  
The Planten groweth in Cod, somewhat like to Beans, but is bigger and longer, and much more thick together on the stalk, and when it waxeth ripe, the meat which filleth the rind of the Cod becometh yellow, and is exceeding sweet and pleasant.  
In this time of our being there, happened to come a Portugal to the Westermost Fort, with a Flag of truce; to whom Captain Samson was sent with Captain Goring; who coming to the said Messenger, he first asked them what Nation they were; they answered, Englishmen; he than desired to know if Wars were between England and Speine; to which they answered that they knew not, but if he would go to their General, he could best resolve him of such particulars; and for his assurance of passage and repass, these Captains made offer to engage their credits; which he refused, for that he was not sent from his Governor. Then they told him, if his Governor did desire to take a course for the common benefit of the People and Country, his best way were to come and present himself unto our Noble and merciful Governor Sir Francis Drake, whereby he might be assured to find favour, both for himself and the Inhabitants. Otherwise, within three days we should March over the Land, and consume with fire all inhabited places, and put to the Sword all such living souls as we should chance upon; so thus much he took for the conclusion of his answer and departing, he promised to return the next day, but we never heard more of him.  
Upon the four and twentieth of November, the General accompanied with the Lieutenant General and six hundred men, marched forth to a Village twelve Miles within the Land, called Sancto Domingo, where the Governor and the Bishop with all the better sort were lodged and by eight of the Clock we came to it, finding the place abandoned, and the people fled into the Mountains, so we made a stand a while to ease ourselves, and partly to see if any would come to speak to us.  
After we had well rested ourselves, the General commanded the Troops to match away homewards, in which retreat the Enemy showed themselves, both Horse and Foot, though not such Force as durst encounter us: and so in passing some time at the gaze with them, it waxed late and towards night, before we could recover home to Saint Jago.  
On Monday the six and twentieth of November, the General commanded all the Pinnaces with the Boats, to use all diligence to embark the Army into such Ships as every man belonged. The Lieutenant General in like sort commanded Captain Goring and Lieutenant Tucker with one hundred shot to make a stand in the Marketplace, until our Forces were wholly embarked, the Vice-admiral making stay with his Pinnace and certain Boats in the harbour, to bring the said last company aboard the Ships. Also the General willed forthwith the Galley with two Pinnaces to take into them the company of Captain Barton, and the Company of Captain Bigs, under the leading of Captain Samson, to seek out such Munition as was hidden in the ground, at the Town of Pray or Play, having been promised to be showed it by a prisoner, which was taken the day before.  
The Captains aforesaid coming to the Play, landed their men, and having placed the Troop in their best strength, Captain Samson took the Prisoner and willed him to show that he had promised, the which he could not, or at least would not▪ but they searching all suspected places, found two pieces of Ordinance, one of Iron and another of Brass. In the afternoon the General anchored the rest of the Fleet before the Play, coming himself ashore, willing us to burn the Town and make all haste aboard, the which was done by six of the clock the same day, and ourselves embarked again the same night, and so we put off to Sea Southwest.  
But before our departure from the Town of Saint Jago, we established Orders for the better government of the Army, every man Mustered to his Captain, and oaths ministered to acknowledge her Majesty supreme Governor, as also every man to do his uttermost endeavour to advance the service of the Action, and to yield due obedience unto the directions of the General and his Officers. By this provident council, and laying down this good foundation beforehand, all things went forward in a due course, to the achieving of our happy enterprise.  
In all the time of our being here, neither the Governor for the King of Spain, (which is a Portugal) neither the Bishop, whose authority is great, neither any of the Inhabitants of the Town, or Island ever came at us (which we expected they should have done) to entreat us to leave them some part of their needful provisions, or at the least to spare the ruining of their Town at our going away. The cause of this their unreasonable distrust (as I do take it) was the fresh remembrance of the great wrongs they had done to old Master William Haukins of Plymouth, in the Voyage he made four or five years before, when as they did both break their promise, and murdered many of his Men, whereof I judge you have understood, and therefore needless to be repeated. But since they came not at us, we left written in sundry places, as also in the Spittle-house, (which building was only appointed to be spared) the great discontentment and scorn we took at this their refraining to come unto us, as also at the rude manner of killing, and savage kind of handling the dead body of one of our Boys found, by them straggling all alone, from whom they had taken his head and heart, and had straggled the other bowels about the place, in a most brutish and beastly manner.  
In revenge whereof at our departing we consumed with Fire all the houses, as well in the Country which we saw, as in the Town of Saint Jago.  
From hence putting over to the West-Indies, we were not many days at Sea, but there began amongst our people such mortality, as in few days there were dead above two or three hundred men. And until some seven or eight days after our coming from Saint Jago, there had not died any one man of sickness in all the Fleet: the sickness showed not his infection wherewith so many were strooken, until we were departed thence, and then seized our people with extreme hot burning and continual ague, whereof some very few escaped with life, and yet those for the most part not without great alteration and decay of their wits and strength for a long time after. In some that died were plainly showed the small sports, which are often found upon those that be infective with the Plague; we were not above eighteen days in passage between the sight of Saint Jago aforesaid, and the Island of Dominica, being the first Island of the West-Indies that we fell withal, the same being inhabited with Savage People which go all naked, their skin coloured with some painting of a reddish tawny, very personable and handsome strong men, who do admit little conversation with the Spaniards: for as some of our people might understand them, they had a Spaniard or twain prisoners with them, neither do I think that there is any safety for any of our Nation, or any other to be within the limits of their commandment, albeit they used us very kindly for those few hours of time which we spent with them, helping our folks to fill and carry on their bare shoulders fresh Water from the River to our Ships Boats, and fetching from their houses, great store of Tobacco, as also a kind of Bread which they fed on, called Cassado, very white and savery, made of the roots of Cassania. In recompense whereof, we bestowed liberal rewards of Glass, coloured Beads, and other things which we had found at Saint Jago, wherewith (as it seemed) they rested very greatly satisfied, and showing some sorrowful countenance when they perceived that we would depart.  
From hence we went to another Island Westward of it, called Saint Christopher's Island, wherein we spent some days of Christmas, to refresh our sick People, and to cleanse and air our Ships. In which Island were not any People at all that we could hear of.  
In which time by the General it was advised and resolved, with the consent of the Lieutenant general, the Vice-Admiral, and all the rest of the Captains to proceed to the great Island of Hispaniola; as well for that we knew our selves then to be in our best strength, as also the rather alured thereunto, by the glorious fame of the City of Saint Domingo, being the ancientest and chief inhabited place in all the tract of Country there abouts. And to proceed in this determination, by the way we met a small Frigate, bound for the same place, the which the Vice-admiral took, and having duly examined the Men that were in her, there was one found by whom we were advertized, the Haven to be a barred Haven, and the shore or Land thereof to be well fortified, having a Castle thereupon furnished with great store of Artillery; without the danger whereof, was no convenient landing place within ten English miles of the City; to which the said Pilot took upon him to conduct us.  
All things being thus considered on, the whole Forces were commanded in the evening to embark themselves into Pinnaces, Boats and other small Barks, appointed for this service. Our Soldiers being thus embarked, the General put himself into the Bark Francis as Admiral, and all this night we lay on the Sea, bearing small sail until our arrival to the Landing place, which was about the breaking of the day; and so we landed, being New-year's day, nine or ten miles to the Westwards of that brave City of Saint Domingo: for at that time, not yet is known to us, any landing place, where the Sea surge doth not threaten to overset a Pinnace or Boat. Our General having seen us all landed in safety, returned to his Fleet, bequeathing us to God, and the good conduct of Mr. Carliell, our Lieutenant General: at which time, being about eight of the clock, we began to March, and about noone-time, or towards one of the clock we approached the Town, where the Gentlemen and those of the better sort, being some hundred and fifty brave Horses, or rather more, began to present themselves; but our small shot played upon them, which were so sustained with good proportion of Pikes in all parts, as they finding no part of our Troop unprepared to receive them (for you must understand they viewed all round about) they were thus driven to give us leave to proceed towards the two Gates of the Town, which were the next to the Seaward. They had manned them both, and planted their Ordnance for that present, and sudden alarm without the Gate, and also some Troops of small shot in Ambuscado upon the highway side. We divided our whole Force, being some thousand or twelve hundred Men into two parts, to enterprise both the Gates at one instant; the Lieutenant General having openly vowed to Captain powel (who led the Troop that entered the other Gate) that with God's good favour he would not rest until our meeting in the Marketplace.  
Their Ordnance had no sooner discharged upon our near approach, and made some execution amongst us, though not much, but the Lieutenant General began forthwith to advance both his voice of encouragement and pace of Marching; the first Man that was slain with the Ordnance, being very near unto himself, and thereupon hasted all that he might to keep them from recharging of the Ordinance. And notwithstanding their Ambuscadoes, we marched or rather ran so roundly into them as pell mel we entered the Gates, and gave them more care every Man to save himself by flight, than reason to stand any longer to their broken fight; we forthwith repaired to the Marketplace: but to be more truly understood, a place of very fair spacious square ground before the great Church; whether also came (as had been agreed) Captain powel with the other Troop; which place with some part next unto it, we strengthened with Barricadoes, and there (as the most convenient place) assured ourselves, the City being far too spacious for so small and weary a Troop to undertake to guard. Somewhat after midnight they who had the guard of the Castle, hearing us busy about the Gates of the said Castle, abandoned the same; some being taken prisoners, and some flying away by the help of Boats, to the other side of the Haven, and so into the Country.  
The next day we quartered a little more at large, but not into the half part of the Town, and so making substantial trenches, and planting all the Ordnance that each part was correspondent to other: we held this Town the space of one Month.  
In the which time happened some accidents more than are well remembered for the present; but amongst other things, it chanced that the General sent on his Message to the Spaniards a Negro Boy with a Flag of white, signifying truce, as is the Spaniards ordinary manner to do there, when they approach to speak to us; which Boy unhappily was first met with, by some of those who had been belonging as Officers for the King in the Spanish Galley, which with the Town was lately fallen into our hands, who without all order or reason, and contrary to that good usage wherewith we had entertained their Messengers, furiously struck the poor Boy through the body with one of their Horseman's staves, with which wound the Boy returned to the General, and after he had declared the manner of this wrongful cruelty, died forthwith in his presence; wherewith the General being greatly passioned, commanded the Provost Martial to cause a couple of Friars, than prisoners, to be carried to the same place where the Boy was strooken, accompanied with sufficient guard of our Soldiers, & there presently to be hanged, dispatching at the same instant another poor prisoner, with this reason wherefore this execution was done; and with this Messenger further, that until the party who had thus murdered the General's Messenger, were delivered into our hands, to receive condign punishment, there should no day pass, wherein there should not two prisoners be hanged, until they were all consumed which were in our hands.  
Whereupon the day following, he that had been Captain of the King's Galley, brought the Offender to the Towns end, offering to deliver him into our hands, but it was thought a more honourable revenge, to make them there in our fight, to perform the execution themselves; which was done accordingly.  
During our being in this Town, as formerly also at S. Jago there had passed justice upon the life of one of our company for an odious matter: so here likewise was there an Irish man hanged, for the murdering of his Corporal.  
In this time also passed many Treaties between their Commissioners and us, for ransom of their City, but upon disagreements, we still spent the early mornings in firing the outmost houses: but they being built very magnificently of stone, with high lofts, gave us no small travel to ruin them. And albeit for divers days together, we ordained each morning by day break, until the heat began at nine of the Clock, that two hundred Mariners did nought else but labour to fire and burn the said houses without our trenches, whilst the Soldiers in like proportion stood forth for their Guard: yet did we not or could not in this time consume so much as one third part of the Town. And so in the end, what wearied with firing, and what hastened by some other respects, we were contented to accept of five and twenty thousand Ducats of five shilling six pence the piece, for the ransom of the rest of the Town.  
Amongst other things which happened and were found at S. Domingo, I may not omit to let the world know one very notable mark and token, of the unsatiable ambition of the Spanish King and his Nation, which was found in the King's house, wherein the chief Governor of that City and Country is appointed always to lodge, which was this: In the coming to the Hall or other rooms of this house, you must first ascend up by a fair large pair of stairs, at the head of which stairs is a handsome spacious place to walk in, somewhat like unto a gallery, wherein upon one of the Walls, right over against you as you enter the said place, so as your eye cannot escape the sight of it, there is described and painted in a very large Scutcheon, the arms of the King of Spain, and in the lower part of the said Scutcheon, there is likewise described a Globe, containing in it the whole circuit of the Sea and the Earth, whereupon is a Horse standing on his hinder part within the Globe, and the other forepart without the Globe, lifting up (as it were) to leap, with a scroll painted in his mouth, wherein was written these words in Latin Non sufficit orbis: which is as much to say, as the World sufficeth not, whereof the meaning was required to be known of some of those of the better sort that came in Commission to treat upon the ransom of the Town, who would shake their heads, and turn aside their countenance in some smiling sort, without answering any thing, as being greatly ashamed thereof. For by some of our company it was told them, that if the Queen of England would resolutely prosecute the Wars against the King of Spain, he should be forced to lay aside that proud and unreasonable reaching vain of his; for he should find more then enough to do, to keep that which he had already, as by the present example of their lost Town they might for a beginning perceive well enough.  
Now to the satisfying of some men, who marvel greatly that such a famous and goodly builded City so well inhabited of gallant People, very bravely apparelled (whereof our Soldiers found good store for their relief) should afford no greater Riches than was found there, wherein it is to be understood that the Indian people, which were the naturals of this whole Island of Hispaniola (the same being near hand as great as England) were many years since clean consumed by the Tyranny of the Spaniards, which was cause, that for lack of people to work in the Mines, the Gold and Silver Mines of this Island are wholly given over, and thereby they are fain in this Island to use Copper money, whereof was found very great quantity The chief trade of this place consisteth of Sugar and Ginger, which groweth in the Island, and Hides of Oxen and Kine, which in this waste Country of the Island are bred in infinite numbers, the soil being very fertile: and the said Beasts are fed up to a very large growth, and so killed for nothing so much, as for their Hides aforesaid. We found here great store of strong Wine, sweet Oil, Vinegar, Olives and other such like provisions, as excellent Wheat-meale packed up in Wine pipes and other cask, and other commodities likewise, as woollen and Linen cloth, and some Silks; all which provisions are brought out of Spain and served us for great relief. There was but a little Plate or Vessel of Silver, in comparison of the great Pride in other things of this Town, because in those hot Countries they use much these earthen Dishes finely painted or varnished, which they call Parsellina, and is had out of the East- India; and for their drinking, they use Glasses altogether, whereof they make excellent good and fair in the same place. But yet some Plate we found, and many other good things, as their household garniture very Gallant and Rich, which had cost them dear, although unto us they were of small importance.  
From S. Domingo we put over to the main or firm Land, and going all alongst the Coast, we came at the last in sight of Cartagena, standing upon the Sea side so near as some of our Barks in passing alongst, approached with the reach of their Culverin shot, which they had planted upon certain Platforms. The harbour mouth lay some three miles toward the Westward of the Town, whereinto we entered about three or four of the Clock in the afternoon without any resistance of ordinance, or other impeachment planted upon the same. In the evening we put ourselves on Land towards the Harbour mouth, under the leading of Master Carleill our Lieutenant General, who after he had digested us to march forward about the midnight, as easily as foot might fall, expressly commanding to keep close by the Sea wash of the shore for our best and surest way, whereby we were like to go through, and not to miss any more of the way, which once we had lost within an hour after our first beginning to March, through the slender knowledge of him that took upon him to be our Guide, whereby the night spent on, which otherwise must have been done by resting. But as we came within some two miles of the Town, their Horsemen which were some hundred, met us, and taking the alarm, retired to their towneward again upon the first Volley of our Shot that was given them: for the place where we encountered being Woody and bushy even to the water side, was unmeet for their service.  
At this instant we might hear some Pieces of Artillery discharged, with divers small shot towards the Harbour, which gave us to understand, according to the Order set down in the evening before by our General, that the Vice-admiral accompanied with Captain Venner, Captain White, and Captain Cross, with other Sea Captains, and with divers Pinnaces and Boats should give some attempt unto the little Fort standing on the entry of the inner Haven, near adjoining to the town, though to small purpose, for that the place was strong, and the entry very narrow was chained over: so as there could be nothing gotten by the attempt, more than the giving of them an Alarm on that other side of the Haven being a mile and a half from the place where we now were. In which attempt the Vice-admiral had the Rudder of his Skiffe strooken through with a Saker-shot, and little or no harm received elsewhere.  
The Troops being now in their March, half a mile be hither the town or less, the ground we were on grew to be strait, and not above fifty paces over, having the main Sea on the side of it, and the Harbour water or inner Sea (as you may term it) on the other side, which in this Plot is plainly showed. This strait was fortified clean over with a stone Wall and a ditch without it; the said Wall being as orderly built with flancking in every part, as can be set down. There was only so much of this strait unwalled, as might serve for the issuing of the Horsemen, or the passing of the carriage in time of need: but this anwalled part was not without a very good Barricado of Wine Butts or Pipes, filled with earth, full and thick as they might stand on end one by another, some part of them standing even within the main Sea.  
This place of strength was furnished of six great Pieces, demiculverins and Sakers, which shot directly in front upon us as we approached. Now without this brickwall upon the inner side of the straight, they had brought likewise two great Galleys with their prowess to the shore, having planted in them eleven pieces of Ordnance, which did beat all cross the strait, and flanked our coming on. In these two Galleys were planted three or four hundred small shot, and on the land in the guard only of this place, three hundred shot and pikes.  
They in this their full readiness to receive us, spared not their shot both great and small. But our Lieutenant general, taking the advantage of the dark (the day light as yet not broken out) approached by the lowest ground, according to the express direction which himself had formerly given, the same being the Sea-wash-shore, where the water was somewhat fallen, so as most of all their shot was in vain. Our Lieutenant general commanded our shot to forbear shooting until we were come to the wall side; and so with Pikes roundly together we approached the place, where we soon found out the Barricadoes of Pipes or Butts, to be the meetest place for our assault; which notwithstanding it was well furnished with Pikes and shot, was without staying attempted by us: down went the butts of earth, and pell mel came our Swords and Pikes together, after our shot had first given their volley, even at the enemy's nose. Our Pikes were somewhat longer than theirs, and our bodies better armed, for very few of them were armed; with which advantage our Swords and Pikes grew too hard for them, and they driven to give place. In this furious entry, the Lieutenant general slew with his own hands, the chief Ensign-bearer of the Spaniards, who fought very manfully to his lives end.  
We followed into the Town with them, and giving them no leisure to breath, we wan the Marketplace, albeit they made head, and fought a while before we got it; and so we being once seized and assured of that, they were contento suffer us to lodge within their Town, and themselves to go to their Wives, whom they had carried into other places of the Country before our coming thither.  
At every Streets-end they had raised very fine Barricadoes of Earth-workes, with trenches without them, as well made as ever we see any work done; at the entering whereof was some little resistance, but soon overcome; it was with few slain or hurt. They had joined with them many Indians, whom they had placed in corners of advantage, all Bowmen, with their Arrows most villainously empoisoned, so as if they did but break the skin, the party so touched died without marvel: some they slew of our People with their Arrows, some they likewise mischieved to death with certain Pricks of small sticks sharply pointed, of a foot and a half long, the one end put into the ground, the other empoisoned, sticking fast up, right against our coming in the way, as we should approach from our landing towards the Town, whereof they had planted a wonderful number in the ordinary way, but our keeping the Sea-wash-shore miss the greatest part of them very happily.  
To let pass many particular matters, as the hurting of Captain Samson at sword blows in the first entering, unto whom was committed the charge of the Pikes of the Vanguard by his lot and turn; as also of the taking of Alonzo Bravo (the chief Commander of that place) by Captain Goring, after the said Captain had first hurt him with his Sword; unto which Captain was committed the charge of the Shot of the said Vanguard.  
Captain Winter was likewise by his turn of the Vanguard in this attempt, where also the Lieutenant general marched himself: the said Captain Winter through a great desire to serve by Land, having now exchanged his charge by Sea with Captain Cecil, for his Band of Footmen.  
Captain powel the Sergeant Major had by his turn the charge of the four Companies which made the Battle.  
Captain Morgan, who at S. Domingo was of the Vanguard, had now by turn his charge upon the Companies of the Rearguard.  
Every Man as well of one part as of another, came so willingly on to the service, as the enemy was not able to endure the fury of such hot assault.  
We stayed here six weeks, and the sickness with mortality before spoken of, still continuing among us, though not with the same fury as at the first; and such as were touched with the said Sickness, escaping death, very few or almost none could recover their strength, yea many of them were much decayed in their memory; in so much that it was grown an ordinary judgement, when one was heard to speak foolishly, to say, he had been sick of the Calentour, which is the Spanish name of their burning Ague: for, as I told you before, it is a very burning and pestilent Ague. The original cause thereof, is imputed to the evening or first night air, which they term La serena, wherein they say and hold very firm opinion, that who so is then abroad in the open air, shall certainly be infected to the death, not being of the Indian or natural race of those Country People; by holding their Watch, were thus subjected to the infectious air, which at S. Jago was most dangerous and deadly of all other places.  
With the inconvenience of continual mortality, we were forced to give over our intended enterprise, to go with Nombre de Dios, and so over-land to Pannama, where we should have strooken the stroke for the Treasure, and full recompense of our tedious travails. And thus at Cartagena we took our first resolution to return homewards.  
But while we were yet there, it happened one day, that our Watch called the Sentinel, upon the Church-Steeple, had discovered in the Sea a couple of small Barks or Boats, making in with the Harbour of Cartagena, whereupon Captain Moon and Captain Varney, with John Grant the Master of the Tiger, and some other Seamen, embarked themselves in a couple of small Pinnaces, to take them before they should come nigh the shore, at the mouth of the Harbour, lest by some straggling Spaniards from the Land, they might be warned by signs from coming in; which fell out accordingly, notwithstanding all the diligence that our Men could use: for the Spanish Boats, upon the sight of our Pinnaces coming towards them, ran themselves a shore, and so their Men presently hid themselves in Bushes hard by the Sea side, amongst some others that had called them by signs thither. Our Men presently without any due regard had to the quality of the place, and seeing no man of the Spaniards to show themselves, aboorded the Spanish Barks or Boats, and so standing all open in them, were suddenly shot at by a troop of Spaniards out of the Bushes; by which volley of shot there were slain Captain Varney, which died presently, and Captain Moon, who died some few days after, besides some four or five others that were hurt; and so our folks returned without their purpose, not having any sufficient number of Soldiers with them to fight on shore. For those Men they carried were all Mariners to row, few of them armed, because they made account with their Ordinance to have taken the Barks well enough at Sea, which they might full easily have done, without any loss at all, if they had come in time to the Harbor-mouth, before the Spaniards Boats had gotten so near the shore.  
During our abode in this place, as also at S. Domingo, there passed divets courtesies between us and the Spaniards; as Feasting, and using them with all kindness and favour: so as amongst others, there came to see the General, the Governor of Cartagena, with the Bishop of the same, and divers other Gentlemen of the better sort.  
This Town of Cartagena we touched in the out parts, and consumed much with fire, as we had done Saint Domingo upon discontentments, and for want of agreeing with us in their first Treaties touching their Ransom, which at the last was concluded between us, should be one hundred and ten thousand Ducats for that which was yet standing, the Ducat valued at five shillings six pence sterling.  
This Town, though not half so big as S. Domingo, gives as you see, a far greater ransom, being in very deed of far more importance, by reason of the excellency of the Harbour, and the situation thereof, to serve the Trade of Nombre de Dios and other places, and is Inhabited with far more richer Merchants. The other is chiefly inhabited with Lawyers and brave Gentlemen, being the chief or highest appeal of their suits in Law of all the Islands about it, and of the main Land coast next unto it. And it is of no such account as Cartagena, for these and some other like reasons which I could give you, over long to be now written.  
The warning which this Town received of our coming towards them, from S. Domingo, by the space of twenty days before our arrival hither, was cause that they had both fortified and every way prepared for their best defence. As also that they had carried and conveyed away all their Treasure and principal substance.  
The Ransom of one hundred and ten thousand Ducats thus concluded on, as is aforesaid, the same being written, and expressing for nothing more than the Town of Cartagena, upon the payment of the said Ransom, we left the said Town, and drew some part of our Soldiers into the Priory or Abbey, standing a quarter of one English mile below the Town upon the Harbour water side, the same being walled with a wall of stone, which we told the Spaniards was yet ours, and not redeemed by their Composition: whereupon they finding the defect of their Contract, were contented to enter into another Ransom for all places, but specially for the said House, as also the Blockhouse or Castle, which is upon the mouth of the inner Harbour. And when we asked as much for the one as for the other, they yielded to give one thousand Crowns for the Abbey, leaving us to take our pleasure upon the Block-house, which they said they were not able to ransom, having stretched themselves to the uttermost of their powers; and therefore the said Block-house was by us undermined, and so with Gunpowder blown up in pieces.  
While this latter Contract was in making, our whole Fleet of Ships fell down towards the Harbour mouth, where they Anchored the third time, and employed their Men in fetching of fresh Water aboard the Ships, for our Voyage homewards, which Water was had in a great Well, that is in the Island by the Harbour mouth; which Island is a very pleasant place as hath been seen, having in it many sorts of goodly and very pleasant Fruits, as the Orange trees and others, being set orderly in Walks of great length together. Insomuch as the whole Island being some two or three miles about, is cast into grounds of Gardening and Orchards.  
After six week's abode in this place, we put to Sea the last of March, where after two or three days, a great Ship which we had taken at S: Domingo, and thereupon was called The new years gift, fell into a great leak, being laden with Ordnance, Hides, and other Spoils, in the night she lost the company of our Fleet; which being miss the next morning by the General, he cast about with the whole Fleet, fearing some great mischance to be happened unto her, as in very deed it so fell out; for her leak was so great, and her Men were all tired with Pumping. But at the last having found her, and the Bark Talbot in her company, which stayed by great hap with her, was ready to take their Men out of her, for the saving of them. And so the General being fully advertised of their great extremity, made sail directly back again to Cartagena with the whole Fleet, where having stayed eight or ten days more, about the unlading of this Ship, and the bestowing thereof and her Men, into other Ships; we departed once again to Sea, directing our course towards the Cape S. Anthony, being the Eastermost part of Cuba, whether we arrived the seven & twentieth of Apil. But because fresh water could not presently be found, we weighed anchor and departed, thinking in few days to recover the Mattances, a place to the Eastward of Havana.  
After we had sailed some fourteen days, we were brought to Cape S. Anthony again, through lack of favourable wind: but then our scarcity was grown such, as need made us look a little better for water, which we found in sufficient quantity, being indeed, as I judge, none other than rain water newly fallen, and gathered up by making pits in a plot of marish ground, some three hundred pases from the Sea side.  
I do wrong if I should forget the good example of the General at this place, who to encourage others, and to hasten the getting of fresh water aboard the Ships, took no less pain himself then the meanest, as also at S. Domingo, Cartagena, and all other places, having always so vigilant a care and foresight in the good ordering of his Fleet, accompanying them, as it is said, with such wonderful travel of body, as doubtless had he been the meanest person, as he was the chiefest, he had yet deserved the first place of honour: and no less happy do we account him, for being associated with Master Carleill his Lieutenant General, by whose experience, prudent counsel, and gallant performance, he achieved so many and happy enterprises of the War, by whom also he was very greatly assisted, in setting down the needful Orders, Laws, and course of Justice and for the due administration of the same upon all occasions.  
After three days spent in watering our Ships, we departed now the second time from this Cape of S. Anthony the thirteenth of May, and proceeding about the Cape of Florida, we never touched any where, but coasting alongst Florida, and keeping the shore still in sight, the eight and twentieth of May early in the morning, we descried on the shore a place built like a Beacon, which was indeed a Scaffold upon four long Masts, raised on end for men ro discover to the Seaward, being in the latitude of thirty degrees, or very near thereunto. Our Pinnaces manned, and coming to the shore, we marehed up alongst the River side, to see what place the Enemy held there: for none amongst us had any knowledge thereof at all.  
Here the General took occasion to march with the companies himself in Person, the Lieutenant General having the Vanguard, and going a mile up or somewhat more by the River side, we might discern on the other side of the River over against us, a fort, which newly had been built by the Spaniards, and some mile or three about above the fort, was a little Town or village without walls, built of wooden houses, as this Plot here doth plainly show: we forthwith prepared to have Ordnance for the battery, and one Piece was a little before the evening planted, and the first shot being made by the Lieutenant General himself at their Ensign, strake through the Ensign, as we afterwards understood by a Fenchman, which came unto us from them. One shot more was then made, which strake the foot of the fort Wall, which was all massive timber of great trees like Masts. The Lieutenant General was determined to pass the River this night with four Companies, and there to lodge himself entrenched as near the Fort, as that he might play with his Muskets and smallest shot upon any that should appear; and so afterward to bring and plant the battery with him, but the help of the Mariners for that sudden to make Trenches could not be had, which was the cause that this determination was remitted until the next night.  
In the night the Lieutenant General took a little rowing Skiffe, and half a dozen well armed, as Captain Morgan, and Captain Samson, with some others besides the rowers, and went to view what guard the Enemy kept, as also to take knowledge of the ground. And albeit he went as covertly as might be, yet the Enemy taking the Alarm, grew fearful that the whole Force was approaching to the assault, and therefore with all speed abandoned the place after the shooting of some of their Pieces. They thus gone, and he being returned unto us again, but nothing knowing of their flight from their Fort, forthwith came a Frenchman being a Phipher (who had been prisoner with them) in a little Boat, playing on his Phip the tune of the Prince of Orange his song, and being called unto by the Guard, he told them before he put foot out of the Boat, what he was himself, and how the Spaniards were gone from the Fort, offering either to remain in hands there, or else to return to the place with them that would go.  
Upon this Intelligence, the General, the Lieutenant General, with some of the Captains in one Shiffe, and the Vice-Admiral with some others in his Skiffe, and two or three Pinnaces furnished of Soldiers with them, put presently over towards the Fort, giving order for the rest of the Pinnaces to follow. And in our approach, some of the Enemy bolder than the rest, having stayed behind their company, shot off two pieces of Ordnance at us; but on shore we went, and entered the place without finding any man there.  
When the day appeared, we found it built all of Timber, the Walls being none other but whole Masts or bodies of Trees set upright and close together, in manner of a Pale, without any Ditch as yet made, but who intended with some more time, for they had not as yet finished all their work, having begun the same some three or four Months before: so as to say the truth, they had no reason to keep it, being subject both to fire and easy assault.  
The platform whereon the Ordnance lay, was whole bodies of long Pine trees, whereof there is great plenty, laid a cross one on another, and some little earth amongst. There was in it thirteen or fourteen great pieces of brass Ordnance, and a Chest unbroken up, having in it the value of some two thousand pounds sterling, by estimation of the King's treasure, to pay the Soldiers of that place, who were one hundred and fifty Men.  
The Fort thus won, which they called S. John Fort, and the day opened, we assayed to go to the Town, but could not by reason of some Rivers and broken ground which was between the two places; and therefore enforced to embark again into our Pinnaces, we went thither upon the great main River, which is called, as also the Town by the name of S. Augustine.  
At our approaching to land, there was some that began to show themselves, & to bestow some few shot upon us, but presently withdrew themselves. And in their running thus away, the Sergeant Major finding one of their Horses ready saddled & bridled, took the same to follow the chase, and so overgoing all his Company, was (by one laid behind a Bush) shot through the head, and falling down therewith, was by the same and two or three more, stabbed in three or four places of his body with Swords and Daggers, before any could come near to his rescue. His death was much lamented, being in very deed an honest wise Gentleman, and a Soldier of good experience, and of as great courage as any man might be.  
In this place called S. Augustine, we understood the King did keep, as is before said, one hundred and fifty Soldiers, and at another place some dozen leagus beyond to the Northwards, called S. Helena, he did there likewise keep one hundred and fifty more, serving there for no other purpose, then to keep all other Nations from Inhabiting any part of all that Coast, the Government whereof was committed to one Pedro Melendez marquis, Nephew to that Melendez the Admitall, who had overthrown Master John Hawkins in the Bay of Mexico some fifteen or sixteen years ago. This Governor had charge of both places, but was at this time in this place, and one of the first that left the same.  
Here it was resolved in full assembly of Captains, to undertake the enterprise of S. Helena, and from thence to seek out the Inhabitation of our English Countrymen in Virginia, distant from thence some six degrees Northward.  
When we came thwart of Saint Helena the shols appearing dangerous, and we having no Pilot to undertake the entry, it was thought merest to go hence alongst. For the Admiral had been the same night in four fathom and a half three leagues from the shore: and yet we understood by the help of a known Pilot, there may and doth go in Ships of greater burden and draught than any we had in our Fleet.  
We passed thus alongst the Coast hard aboard the shore, which is shallow for a league or two from the shore, and the same is low and broken land for the most part.  
The ninth of June upon fight of one special great fire (which are very ordinary all alongst this coast, even from the Cape of Florida hither) the General sent his Skiffe to the shore, where they found some of our English Country men (that had been sent thither the year before by Sir Walter Raleigh) and brought one aboard, by whose direction we proceeded along to the place which they make their Port. But some of our Ships being of great draught unable to enter, we anchored all without the Harbour in a wild Road at Sea, about two miles from shore.  
From whence the General wrote Letters to Master Ralph Lane, being Governor of those English in Virginia, and then at his Fort about six leagues from the Road in an Island which they call Roanoac, wherein is specially he showed how ready he was to supply his necessities and wants which he understood of, by those he had first talked withal.  
The morrow after Master Lane himself and some of his company coming unto him, with the consent of his Captains he gave them the choice of two offers, that is to say: either he would leave a Ship, a Pinnace, and certain Boats with sufficient Masters and Mariners, together furnished with a Months Victual to stay and make farther discovery of the Country and coasts, and so much Victual likewise that might be sufficient for the bringing of them all (being an hundred and three Persons) into England if they thought good after such time, with any other thing they would desire, and that he might be able to spare.  
Or else if they thought they had made sufficient discovery already, and did desire to return into England, he would give them passage. But they as it seemed, being desirous to stay, accepted very thankfully, and with great gladness that which was offered first. Whereupon the Ship being appointed and received into charge, by some of their own Company sent into her by Master Lane, before they had received from the rest of the Fleet, the Provision appointed them, there arose a great storm (which they said was extraordinary and very strange) that lasted three days together, and put all our Fleet in great danger to be driven from their ankoring upon the coast. For we broke many Cables, and lost many Anchors. And some of our Fleet which had lost all of which number was the ship appointed for Master Lane and his company) was driven to put to Sea in great danger, in avoiding the Coast, and could never see us again until we met in England. Many also of our small Pinnaces and Boats were lost in this storm.  
notwithstanding after all this, the General offered them (with consent of his Captains) another Ship with some Provision, although not such a one for their turns, as might have been spared them before, this being unable to be brought into their Harbour. Or else if they would, to give them passage into England, although he knew he should perform it with greater difficulty than he might have done before.  
But Master Lane with those of the chiefest of his company he had then with him, considering what should be best for them to do, made request unto the General under their hands, that they might have passage for England: the which being granted, and the rest sent for out of the Country and shipped, we departed from that coast the eighteenth of June.  
And so God be thanked, both they and we in good safety arrived at Portsmouth in July 28. 1586. to the great glory of God, and to no small honour to our Prince, our Country and ourselves.  
The total value of that which was gotten in this Voyage, is estimated at threescore thousand pounds, whereof the Companies which have traveled in the Voyage were to have twenty thousand pounds, the Adventurers the other forty. Of which twenty thousand pounds (as I can judge) will redound some six pounds to the single share.  
We lost some seven hundred and fifty Men in the Voyage.  
The Men of name that died and were slain in this Voyage, as I can presently call to my remembrance, are these: 

Captain powel.  
Captain Varney.  
Captain Moon.  
Captain Fortescute.  
Captain Bigges.  
Captain Cecil.  
Captain Hannam.  
Captain Greenefield.  
Thomas Tucker a Lieutenant.  
Alexander Starkey a Lieutenant.  
Master Escot a Lieutenant.  
Master Waterhouse a Lieutenant.  
Master Nicholas Winter.  
Master Alexander Carleill.  
Master Robert Alexander.  
Master Scroop.  
Master James Dier.  
Master Peter Duke.    
With some other, who for haste I cannot so suddenly think on.  
The Ordnance gotten of all sorts Brass and Iron were about two hundred and forty, whereof the two hundred and some more were Brass, and were thus found and gotten.  
In S. Jago some two or three and fifty Pieces.  
In S. Domingo about four score, whereof was very much great Ordnance, as whole Cannon, Demi-Cannon, Culverins, and such like.  
In Cartagena some sixty and three Pieces, and good store likewise of the greater sort.  
In the Fort of S. Augustine were fourteen Pieces, the rest was Iron Ordnance, of which the most part was gotten at S. Domingo, the rest at Cartagena.  
FINIS.   

A Full RELATION Of another VOYAGE INTO THE WEST INDIES, MADE BY SIR FRANCIS DRAKE; Accompanied with Sir John Hawkins, Sir Thomas Baskerfield, Sir Nicholas Clifford, and others. Who set forth from Plymouth on the 28. of August 1595.  
Printed at London for Nicholas Bourne, dwelling at the South entrance of the Royal Exchange. 1652.   

A FULL RELATION OF Another Voyage made by Sir FRANCIS DRAKE and others to the WEST INDIES; who set forth from Plymouth the 28. of August, 1595.  
THIS Valiant and Heroic Worthy, having many years faithfully served his Prince and Country, doth yet more apparently manifest his impartial integrity to both, as may appear by this Relation following of another Voyage made by him into the West Indies, accompanied with other Gentlemen, whose names and Offices immediately ensue: 

Sir Francis Drake Chief Generals.  
Sir John Hawkins Chief Generals.  
Sir Thomas Baskerfield Coroner General.  
Sir Nicholas Clifford Lieutenant General.  
Captain Arnold Baskerfield Sergeant Major.  
Captain Nicholas Baskerfield.  
Captain Barkley.  
Captain Grindstone.  
Captain Rush.  
Captain Boswell.  
Captain Platt.  
Captain Chichester.  
Captain Stanton.  
Captain Fenton.    
In the thirty seventh year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, being the eight and twentieth of August one thousand five hundred ninty five, we embarked at Plymouth, thence we sailed toward the Grand Canadoes, in which passage, Sep. 6. about noon, we descried a French man of War (in the height of the Northern Cape) whom we chase immediately overtook, after him a (Rochellor) having been at Newfoundland, whom we quietly let pass: after that we overtook two Biskners bound for Barbara, who accompanied us until they could take their course thither.  
The ninth of September we espied a Ship of Weymouth, whom we chased and fetched up, who speaking with our General accompanied us to the Grand Canadoes. Presently after we discovered twenty of the King of France's men of War, who chased us but could not fetch us up, and therefore left us.  
The nineteenth of September we met with a Frigate of the Earl of Cumberlands who brought us word that the King's men of War were going homewards.  
The twenty five of September we descried two Islands, the one called Hamseroth, West and by South; The other Forta fontura, both standing in 28 degrees, and are distant one from the other 4 or 5 leagues Inhabited only by a savage people. These Islands from the Grand Canadoes are distant ten leagues.  
The twenty sixth of September we anchored in the aforesaid port of Canadoes otherwise called S. John Decrus, and about ten of the clock in the forenoon we were embarked into Boats and Pinnaces, endeavouring with the greatest celerity to attain to land, but were frustrated of our intentions by the Enemy's vigilancy, who waiting our coming had entrenched themselves in the very place where we should have put to shore, who upon our approach plied us so fast with great and small shot, both from the Castle and town, and from the other side of us, that we were constrained to retire with the loss of some few men unto our Ships again.  
The Enemy were in number between three or four hundred strong.  
The same day being all embarked in our Ships again, we departed to a certain place where we watered, it lieth West and by North from the town, and was in times past a great and famous River. But now it is overgrown with grass, it cometh from the Rocks, and runneth to the Sea.  
The people of this Island being a barbarous people and Mountaineer; we had slain at this watering place by them, of our men which straggled into the Country, amongst whom was Captain Grinston and four more with him, the which were wounded very sore and torn with dogs, which they keep of purpose to destroy our men when any of them come there to water. This Island yieldeth much Wine, as Canadoe Wine, and divers kind of grain, as Wheat and such like, great store of Coneys, and Partredges, and Tress, which have a joyce like Milk but rank poison.  
This Island hath many mighty Rocks in it; there is about twenty leagues distant from this Island another Island called the Tenereffe or Peak of Tenereffe. It is a mighty high land.  
Sunday the twenty eight of September a little before night we departed from the aforesaid watering place towards the Oriental Indies, we took our course South West and by West. Septemb. 29 being Michaelmas day, we sailed South west and by South, the thirtieth we sailed South west, the first of October we sailed West and by South, the thirteenth we sailed West in the height of sixteenth degr. the fourteenth the wind was southernly: the five and twentieth of this Month, the Hope and the Adventure fell foul on one another about ten of the clock in the night, so that they of the Adventure were constrained to cut down their Nisson Maste, and to fling it overboard. The night being very dark and there arising a great tempest of Hail and Raine, at the same time they were in extreme Jeopardy of their lives, which caused in them a very great terror. The twenty seventh of October we espied the Island of Martinino, which lay from us towards the West. This Island is inhabited by a Barbarous people called Cannibals. We were thirty days sailing between the Canadoes and Martinino. From this Island we sailed towards an Island called Dominica where is great store of Tobacco. It is distant from Martinino about ten or twelve of our English miles, and beareth West and by North. The people of this Island be not altogether so rude as other peopl are; for they would traffic with us for hatched Knives & such like Commodities in exchange for their Tobacco which is the chiefest commodity this Island yieldeth. The Weapons used by these people are Bows and Arrows made of a Reed, with a sharp piece of Braseilon the end thereof; they to use wear their hair very long, cut round by their shoulders. The thirtieth of this instant October, we came to another Island called Gordelowpa which is distant from that of Dominica ten leagues; we went unto a certain River of that Island; on the West side there be many Rivers issuing out of the Mountains with great force into the Sea. This Island is not inhabited, but is a very Wilderness wherein are many wild Beasts; amongst the rest there is one worthy of your observation in shape of a Serpent. We continued there from the thirtieth of October to the fourth of November. From thence we sailed towards the River della hatch, and struck our course North West and by North. The seventh of November we descried three Islands of the Trigonies which lieth between Gordelowpa and Saint John de Portrizo; the first is called Mononalla, the second Rotmido, the third Savoa; we sailed within three or four leagues of them, where we found it in depth sometimes five otherwhiles eight fathom; the shoal beareth from us North east. The eight of November our General set on shore all the Land-men, to the end that every Captain might know his own men. The tenth of November we departed from that Harbour to another, three or four English miles distant, where we continued until tuesday the eleventh of November, and then set sail for Saint John de Portrizo West and by North.  
These Islands belonging to Virginia be many in number, we cannot name them because they be without Inhabitants; there are many fair Harbours in them, in some whereof one thousand Ships may ride at anchor; on every side the Mountains are very high. Thence we went to some passages not far of. The twelfth of November being Wednesday, we anchored within three or four English miles of the Town of Portricho, against a great Fort, where was placed a great piece of Ordnance, which plied us with shot divers times. The same day Sir John Hawkins died at the place aforesaid; whose death, in regard that he was one of our chief Commanders, a wise, discreet and careful Man for his Company, was no little grief unto us all. The same day also was Sir Nicholas Clifford, Captain Stratford, Master Brutt Browne were wounded with the same piece of Ordnance from the said Fort, all at one time, sitting at Supper with our General Sir Francis Drake and Sir Thomas Baskerfield; the stool that Sir Francis Drake sat on was struck from under him, as he was drinking of a cup of Beer, yet by God's providence he escaped with all the rest, but only them three before mentioned; the same night Sir Nicholas Clifford died of the same wound; and the same night we went against the Town, where we anchored.  
The next day, which was thursday, the 13. of November, our General called a Council. The night following, about nine of the clock in the night, certain shot being appointed to be embarked in our Pinnaces and Boats, with Gunners and Fireworks; there were to the number of five hundred Men which went within the Harbour to burn the five Men of War which road within the Harbour, one of them was of the burden of four hundred ton, the rest not so big; in this Ship was planted great store of great Ordnance, which played upon our Men exceedingly, besides great store of small shot, likewise great store of great shot from the shore, with others, as Hargabushes of crock, and Muskets, and such like, which played at us on both sides most valiantly in the time of this Encounter. They had planted on this plot of great Ordnance one hundred and three score (besides small shot) as were to be numbered. This assault, although it brought unto us no great profit, in respect of the loss of one of our Ships, called the Little Francis, which was taken by them before our approach which gave them intelligence of our coming; also the loss of some of our Men at that time; the which was a most valiant attempt and worthy to be Chronicled. There was of the Enemy burned, and slain, and drowned all the men in the great Ship, but some three or four that we took up out of the water, to the intent that they should reveal somewhat unto us; they informed us, that they having intelligence of our coming by our Ship that was taken by them, our end and intent was frustrated.  
This Town was of great force to the Spaniards, and had in it three millions of Treasure of the King of Spain's, which those five men of War came of purpose for it; and they told us also, that they kept our men at Portricho, the which they took in the Ship called the Little Francis; whereupon our General wrote unto the chief Governor of the Town to be good unto our men, and to deal with them as he should do the like with their men, and to send them for England again in safety. Also we understood that there was three hundred Soldiers in this Town of Saint John de Portrizo. This town standeth on a very small Island, and is compassed with the Sea on the one side, and a great River on the other side; we could not come nigh the town to view the proportion of it, because it standeth in a Valley, and hath a great Fort new built betwixt us and it. We could not come within the sight of the main Island, which joineth to the Town (so far as we could discern) it seemeth to be of a vast longitude and latitude.  
The fifteenth of November, being saturday, Sir John Hawkins and Sir Nicholas Clifford were thrown overboard: the same day we espied a Spanish carvil coming towards Saint John de Portricho, but from what place we knew not; our General sent with all speed, and embarked some Men in Pinnaces with all haste to meet with him; but when the men in the Castle of Portricho espied it, they shot off a great piece of Ordnance as a warning to them not to approach any nearer; the carvil perceiving, ran himself on the breach and ashore, and saved their men, which fled away into the Mountains, so that we could not come to them.  
The sixteenth being Sunday we departed from Saint John de Portricho at which place we Mustered all our Men, and every Captain knew his Men in more ample manner than they did before.  
The same day we embarked ourselves in our Ships again, and with all speed we sailed to a place called Saint John jerman's Bay, there we landed, it is distant from Portricho thirty six leagues, there we landed certain of our Companies to guard our Carpenters that did build our Pinnaces; not far from this place is a House called an Ingeneroide, where is great store of Sugar made; it is inhabited with Spaniards. The same day Master Brut Browne died.  
On Saturday the three and twentieth of November our General held a Court Martial; to which John Standley was called to answer to some matters objected against him. The two and twentieth Sir Thomas Baskerfield took two men of this Island, a Negro and a Clemeronne.  
The twenty fourth day being Monday, the Ship called John of Trollony of Plymouth was burned in the same Bay of Saint John jerman's: the same day we sailed to another Island called Crusao. The five and twentieth being Tuesday we sailed South and by East, and South and by West; on Wednesday the twentieth six we sailed South and by West, in which course standeth Hispaniola and an Island called Mono did bear from us West and by North.  
The twenty seven being thursday, we sailed South and by West. The twenty ninth being Saturday, we came to the Island called Crusao which is distant from the Bay of Saint jerman's about one hundred and fifty leagues; from Portricho we sailed South South East: at this place we stayed three or four hours because we could get no good Harbour to anchor at by reason we were constrained to depart. Our General did suppose this Island to be another Island called Arewha.  
The twenty ninth of November on the Larbordside it beareth South South East, it is distant some eight or nine leagues; the same day we espied the main land called the West Indies, which bore from us North North East, and it is a very high land; we sailed along this Coast to a certain town called River Della Hatch, the same day at night we anchored within nine or ten leagues of the town of River Della Hatch.  
The second of December being Monday all our Soldiers being embarked in Boats and Pinnaces, we sailed to the town all that day; about one of the clock in the night we entered the town, the Enemy fled into the Country before, leaving some of their Soldiers in the town to the number of ten or twelve, which gave us a volley of shot, and two of them were taken prisoners, the rest fled away. We found nothing in the town of any account; they had carried all away into the Woods, and hid them there, neither was there any Victuals, but what we went into the Country for ourselves, for they had droven all their Cattle away, because they heard of our commming a week before we came thither.  
December the third, being tuesday the Spaniards came to parley with us for a certain sum of Treasure for ransom for the said town. The fourth of December they brought Pearl, etc. but less in value than was compounded for, which our General Sir Francis Drake refused, and thereupon ordered that it should be set on Fire and burned, which accordingly was done at our departure.  
The fifteenth of December being Friday, the Enemy made fair promises to our General, which was only to have us to stay as we supposed, till they had sent word to other places, as afterwards the Governor confessed.  
The sixteenth of December the Governor came to parley and to tell us his determined purpose of his delay, which was as aforesaid; our companies marched divers times for Victuals and so met with the Governor. We took some more of their men prisoners, and found some of their Goods afterward which we carried away. But when we saw that they would not come to any fair correspondence or agreement, our General commanded us to burn all places where ever we came.  
The day before our departure we left the town of a light Fire, unless it was a new Religious house not finished, and another house that they use to bring all the King's treasure and Merchandise.  
In this House we found some of their treasure and Merchandise with other things which was brought in, as Pearl and such like, which was brought unto the general. The Country yieldeth great store of Cattle, as Oxen, Beefs, Goats, Sheep, Horses, and Asses, as also great store of grass. The people that Inhabit this Country are Idians and Negroes, they live in the Mountains being wild and savage People, but only such as the Spaniards keep under subjection; those wild People do War against the Spaniards; in this Country are great store of Fowls, as Pelican's, and other red Fowls, being Sea Fowls in the proportion of a Crane.  
There is distant from the town some ten leagues a mighty great Mountain bearing towards the West from the town of River Della Hatch. This Hill seemeth to be far higher than the Glorodel. Upon it snow remaineth continually through the coldness of its situation.  
The nineteenth of December being Saturday, we came to another town called Sancta Martha, the which we entered and there we found the Enemy with their Wives and Children fled out of the town into the Mountains, but our men following them into the Woods found some Treasure with other things of some value. The same day we took one of the chief Cavaliers of the town, he was the Governor's Deputy of the town, the which we brought away with us; we departed from Santa Martha, the twentieth of December being Sunday, at our departure from the town (leaving it on fire,) we were informed by the Spaniards that we were within three leagues of a Golden Mine.  
The twenty five of December being thursday, we sailed towards another town called Nombre de dios. The same day being Christmas day we came within the sight of the Island called Pinos, distant from us twelve leagues. The twenty seventh of December we anchored before the face of the town of Nombre de dios; the same day Captain Arnold Baskerfield being Sergeant Major died; we being embarked we landed all our men an English mile from the town, and so marched toward the town, where the Enemy gave us a brovadoe of shot, and so they ran away into the Woods, all their Goods and Treasure was gone before, they left none but what was the Soldiers and that lay in a great Fort. They had but three great Pieces of Ordnance, and one of them broke with the Shot, some of the Soldiers we took prisoners.  
The King usual sendeth all his Treasure and Merchandise to this place, and to that end hath Boats and Pinnaces, which continually bring his Treasure from Panama to this place. We found some treasure in the Woods as Oil, Wine, Vinegar, Meal, and Linnen-Cloth. Our General having intelligence of the Governors going towards Panama. The monday after Sir Thomas Baskerfield our Coriner General with six hundred men went by land, with intent to have surprised him. The way was extreme dangerous to travel in, not only in regard of the Enemy but also of the water and Rocks, insomuch that oft times we went in peril of our lives. In our march we saw great store of Munkyes, Apes, and could hear Lions. This town of Panama standeth upon the South Sea, and is distant from Nombre de dios eighteen leagues; we marched nine leagues but could get no farther, the Enemy preventing us by a Fort which they made on the top of a Rock, which we of necessity must march through. It was so narrow that but one man could go before another, which they taking the advantage of, slew our men as fast as they ascended up; there being no other way to pass we were constrained to retire with the loss of some of our best men, and with little Joy unto us that we miss of our intended purpose. Coming to Nombre de dios we seeing all of it almost consumed with fire, we hasted with all speed unto our Ships again. In this March a pair of Shoe was sold for thirty shillings, and a Biscuit Cake for ten Shillings; so great was our want both of Clothing and Victuals.  
The chief Captains and Commanders in this March was Sir Thomas Baskerfield, Captain Nicholas Baskerfield our Lieutenant General, who was hurt in this march; Captain Stanton, Captain Boswell, Captain Christopher, Captain Power and Captain Bartley. The night before we came to Number de dios our men had burned the great House wherein the King's Treasure used to lie, when it came from Panama; also there was burnt a town Inhabited by Negroes, which is distant two leagues from Nombre de dios; at our coming thither they of the town gave us a volley of shot, and so ran away leaving the town on fire.  
The fifth of January being monday, we departed out of the Harbour towards Scoday; the tenth of january being saturday, we came to Scoday, it bears from Nombre de dios North and by West. The same day we gave chase to a Spanish Frigate which came from this Island, the which we took: the eleventh being sunday we brought the Frigate to our General, we found in him four Spaniards and three Negroes, and not any thing of any account; she was found to be a spy coming from Nombre de dios, and going to the towns there to give intelligence of us.  
The same day our General commanded all our sick Men to be carried a shore and to have the best comfort we were able to give them to strengthen them; also we builded four Pinnaces, and took in fresh water.  
This Island is a Wilderness without any Inhabitants, but great store of wild Beasts, as Bears, Nelegatures, Guanoes; the Nelegature is in form like to a Serpent, the Guanoe like to a Snake, having four legs and the long tail, on his backe are many pricks; these live on the Trees as our English Squirrels do, the Nelegature liveth in the water, it is the very, sweet meat, and in his bladder is musk and the flesh tasteth accordingly, it's of the bigness of a▪ man's thigh, we did eat very many of them. The two and twentieth of january we departed from this Island of Scoday bearing back again towards Nombre de dios to an Island where we continued two days, afterward we went to Porta Vella, being five days sailing between Scoday and Porta Vella. The same day Sir Francis Drake our General departed this life, whose death was exceedingly deplored, his interment was after this manner; His Corpse being laid in a Cophin of Lead, he was let down into the Sea, the Trumpets in doleful manner echoing out this lamentation for so great a loss, and all the Cannons in the Fleet were discharged according to the custom of all Sea Funeral obsequies. We continued here until the eighth of February watering and ballasing our Ships. In this Horbor are some few houses Inhabited with Spaniards, they beginning to build a new Town and a great Bulwark, which we spoiled and burned; we found many Chests full of Carpenter's tools with many Iron Bars and other necessaries for building, which we brought away with us. The day before we came away the Enemy came down and took some six of our Men at the watering place. Certain of our Men were sent in Boats up the South side of the River, where we found some more of their Carpenters tools. This Harbour is very commodious for Shipping, having a good anchoring place and ten or twelve fathom deep in water; we landed great store of Spaniards and Negroes at this Island, giving the Enemy to understand that he would use our Men well which they took prisoners coming from Panama, and sent a Messenger not hearing any answer again, yet at our departure the Governor was come down with many Soldiers with him who wrote to our General. The eighth of February we came away from this Harbour of Porta Vella beating up to the height of Cartagena, which was ten days after, we took our course for Gemico North North and by West; within seventeen or eighteen leagues of Cartagena there lieth shoals ten or twelve fathom deep. The second of February being Thursday, we descried certain Islands called the Gourdanes which is distant from Porta Vella two hundred leagues North North East, and Gemica beareth from these Islands of Gourdanes towards the East, they are very high land, and to the West very low even land; we sailed all along to the Cape Corenthus; towards the West of this low Land is shoals sometimes three fathom, which one of our Ships hardly escaped. The twenty seventh of this month we passed these shoals by reason of a great gale of wind, and took our course North North East. The saturday being the one and thirtieth of February, we espied the Islands of the Pines West North west on the starbordside; these Islands are without Inhabitants. The first of March we espied twenty sail of the King's men of War, we chased them and about three of the clock in the afternoon we began to fight with them and continued three hours in fight, the Viseadmirall gave us a shot, then the Elizabeth Boneventure gave her a shot again, than the Boneventure came in and gave him a bravadoe with all her broad side that she shot through and through, then came up our General and gave them a brave volley of shot, next came the Defiance and she laid on most bravely, next the Adventure she laid on that we could see through and through; it was a most brave attempt, but God be thanked we had the upper hand of them, we plying the Viseadmirall so fast that if she had not born up from us she had sunk, and another that was near her; we drove them into such a puzel that with stopping their leaks as we judged, their Powder being loose fired all the Ships as we did behold, within two hours after we had done the fight. The next day we sailed towards Cape S. Anthony there following us but thirteen of our gallants, they kept their course and would not come at us, but at length they came somewhat nigh us and the Defiance and the Adventure bore up to them, but they made away as soon as ever they were able, and so we were rid of our gallants. The fourth of March we descried the Cape of S. Anthony, it is distant from Cape Corents eighty leagues, from thence to the Havana, eighty leagues from thence to the Gulf. The same day we descried the Cape Florida, which is low Land and did bear from us North West and by North, our course being North East, the same day we entered the Gulf the wind being at East South East, leaving the land on the larbordside; the Gulf is in length one hundred leagues, from the Havano eighty league, the next night we passed the Gulf about twelve of the clock in the night. The ninth of March we passed the Barmothies', we had mighty tempestuous weather. The eighth of April 1596. we came to the Islands of Flowers and Cores. It is inhabited with Portugals and such like, where we stayed and watered, and trafficked with them for Victuals or what we wanted, using us very kindly with fresh Fish, Hens and Bacon and such like, which refreshed us wonderful well; and in short time after we gained the English Coast.  
FINIS.