THE Six Distinguishing Characters OF A Parliament-Man.   

THE Six Distinguishing Characters OF A Parliament-Man.  
Addressed to the Good People of England.  
And that in Respect of some Matters of the Highest Importance to this our Kingdom, we do intent to give Directions for the calling a new Parliament, which shall begin, and be holden at Westminster, on Thursday the Sixth Day of February next.  
Vide Proclamation.  
LONDON: Printed in the Year MDCC.   

THE Six Distinguishing Characters OF A Parliament-Man.  
Good People of England,  
THE Disuse, or Distrust of Parliaments in the Four last Reigns, was the Nation's general Grievance; and 'twas but lately that parliaments were consulted in the Matters of Highest Importance to the Kingdoms.  
This was the Destruction of that Mutual Confidence between King and People, which is so Essential to the Prosperity of a Nation.  
Parliaments were called together, a long Speech, and great Pretences for Money opened the Session; and as soon as the End was answered, they were sent Home about their Business.  
If they began to show their Resentments, and appear Sensible of their being Imposed upon, if they began to search into the Intrigues of the Court, if they began to Question Favourites, and Ministers, they were equally certain of being dismissed.  
Now to show us what kind of a Nation we are (that according to the Old Character of an Englishman) can never tell when we are Well, Providence has changed the Scene.  
Former Kings have been Addressed by their Parliament to make War against the French, and Money given by Millions to carry it on, and have had their Money spent, and no War could be had.  
Now we have a King that has Fought our Battles in Person, and willingly run through all the hazards of a bloody War, and has been obliged to use all the Persuasions possible to bring us to Support him in it.  
Former Kings would stand still, and see the French overrun Flanders, and ruin our Protestant Neighbours, tho' the Parliament & People have entreated them to Assist them, and save Flanders from the falling into the hands of the French.  
Now we have a King, who Solicits the People to enable him to preserve Flanders from falling into the Hands of the French, and to stand by and assist our Protestant Neighbours. And we on the Contrary are willing to see the French and Popish Powers, unite and possess Flanders, and every thing else, and glad the Dutch are in danger to be ruined; nay, so willing we are to have the State's General destroyed, that Damn the Dutch, is become a Proverb among us.  
Formerly we had Kings who raised Armies in Times of Peace, and maintained them on shame Pretences of a War never designed, and received Aids from the Parliament Three times for the Disbanding One Army, and having spent the Money, left the Parliament to do it themselves.  
Now we have a King who against his Judgement, and, as it now appears, against the Nation's Interest, consented to Disband the Army at the first Word from his parliament, tho' he left all the most powerful of our Neighbours with their Forces in full Pay,  
Formerly we had Kings who did what they pleased, now we have a King who lets us do what we please.  
And yet Englishmen are not contented, but, as it were with our Saviour, when our Kings come Eating and Drinking, they Cry, Behold a Glutton and a Drunkard; and now they have a King that comes neither Eating or Drinking, they cry out, He has a D— l.  
'Tis a vain thing to pretend to open the Eyes of the English Nation, but by their own immediate Danger, any Body might ha' known in former times what the Issue of a Popish Successor would ha' been, and some wiser than others told the People of it, and were rewarded with the Axe and the Halter for their News.  
But when that Popish Successor came to the Crown, and had reduced the Liberties and Religion of the Nation to the last Gasp, than those very People, who could not see their Danger at a distance, took a fright when it was upon them, and what was the Consequence? Nothing but all the Blood and Treasure of this last War.  
Had the Nation seen with the same Eyes as the late Lord Russel, Earl of Essex, and the Oxford Parliament, did see, could they have been convinced by Argument that It was inconsistent with the Constitution of this Protestant Kingdom to be governed by a Popish Prince. Could the B—ps, who threw out that Bill, have known that a Popish King would erect a High Ecclesiastic Commission Court, and send them to the Tower for refusing him a Power to Dispense with the Laws, this War had been prevented, and the Blood of 300000 English Protestants, who have perished in it, had been saved, all the Ships our Merchants have lost to the French, had been safe, and the many Millions of Money, which have been spent, had been in our Pockets; all this is owing to the blindness of that Age, who could not see the danger of the Nation, till it was just upon them.  
Now, Gentlemen, this is to give you Notice, that the Nation is in more danger at this time from abroad, than ever it was then in at home.  
The King in his Proclamation for the calling a Parliament, has done two things which no King his Predecessor ever did in our Age.  
First, He has told us that he has such a Confidence in his People, that he is very desirous to meet them, and have their Advice in Parliament.  
Secondly, He tells us, that what he will advise with them about are Matters of the Highest Importance to the Kingdom.  
Matters of the Highest Importance to a Kingdom must relate to some of these things, Peace and War, the Safety of Religion, Liberty and Trade; at least it will be allowed that these are Matters of the Highest Importance to the Kingdom.  
Now, tho' I shall not adventure to explain His Majesty's Meaning, yet I may be allowed to build the following Discourse on the Supposition of this Explication:  
And venture to suppose His Majesty had said, that the Danger the Protestant Religion seems to be in from the formidable Appearance of the French Power, and the Danger our Trade is in from the Succession of Spain devolving to the House of Bourbon, and the Danger of a new Flame of War breaking out upon our confederated Neighbours, whom our Interest, as well as Leagues and Alliances, oblige us to assist; all these things being Matters of the Highest Importance to the Kingdom, he has resolved to call a new Parliament, to advise with them about these important things.  
And because the Circumstances of Affairs are such, as may bring us under a necessity of Armies, which People are so mightily afraid of; and that the Condition the Breach of our Army has left us in has been such, that if another should be wanting to defend us, 'tis a Question where it could be raised.  
Wherefore our proper Defence, may be one of the Important things, for aught we know, about which they are to Advise.  
And because the Debate of an Army is a tender nice Point, I shall explain myself; I do not mean that a Standing Army should have been kept up in England in time of Peace, but, I say, it had been better for England and all Europe that we had not disarmed ourselves so soon; and if we had disarmed, that we had not so entirely done it all at once; whereby we rendered ourselves so despicable, that the French King has had an opportunity to Affront the whole Confederacy, in renouncing a League ratified and exchanged, and taking Possession of a Crown for his Grandson, on the new invented Title of a last Will and Testament.  
This he would not have adventured to ha' done, had the English been in a Capacity to have possessed Flanders, and to have appeared at Sea, to have protected the Princes of Italy in their adherence to the Emperor.  
But the English having reduced themselves to such a Condition, that whenever the French, or any body else please to Quarrel with us, we must be a considerable while before we can be in a posture to act offensively, and the French having so insulted us in the Affair of Spain, that it will stand as an effectual Proof, whether we are in a Capacity to resent an Affront or no; His Majesty, who, when in a much lower Station, did not use to suffer himself to be so treated, has thought fit to advise with the English Parliament in the Case.  
By advising with the Parliament, I understand, informing them of the State of Affairs, telling them his own Opinion, and ask theirs, proposing the Measures he thinks fit to take, and desiring their Opinion of the matter, and if they agree with him in the Measures which are to be taken, then to Propose their making provision in a Parliamentary way, for enabling him to Prosecute such Measures as they agree to.  
For to debate and consider Matters of so much Consequence, the King has directed Writs for the calling a new Parliament, to meet at Westminster the Sixth of February next.  
Since then the Matter is referred to the People of England, and they are to choose Representatives for so great a Work, as to advise with a Protestant King about things of the highest Importance to the Kingdom,  
Give a stander-by leave, gentlemans, to offer something to the People of England, by way of Advice or Direction, in the great Affair they have before them, and if it be with more freedom than is usual, bear with him for once, because 'tis about Matters of the highest Importance.  
The usual Advices given in like Cases, formerly (when the Elections of Members were so corrupted, that indeed Advice was necessary, tho' hopeless) use to be, to choose Men that had Estates, and Men of Honesty, Men that had Interests in the Freehold, and in the Corporations, and that would not give away their Liberties, and the Advice was good: And had the Country taken that Advice, the P— would not ha' been huffed by King James into a tacit Permission both of a standing Army at home, and the dispensing the Popish Officers continuing in Commission without taking the Test.  
But my Advice must differ from, tho' it must include part, of the forementioned Particulars; and therefore while I am directing these Sheets to the Freeholders of England, I beg them to consider in their Choice of Parliament-men, that there may be Men of Estates, and Men of Honour in the Countries, who by some Circumstances may not be proper to serve in this Parliament, because by Prejudice or private Principles their Judgement may be pre-engaged to the Disadvantage of the Nation's Interest; and since there are such, 'tis necessary, Gentlemen, to caution you,  
First, That you be well assured the Gentlemen you shall choose are throughly engaged with the present Circumstances of the Nation, and thoroughly satisfied with the present Establishment of the Government; as Papists are justly excluded by Law from coming to Parliament, because it cannot be expected that a Roman Catholic can be a proper Person to consult about the Interest of a Protestant Kingdom, so it cannot be rational that he who is a declared Friend to King James or his Interest, can be a proper Person to advise with King William about Matters of the highest Importance to the Kingdom; it cannot be rational, that he who would be willing to have this Nation return to her Obedience to a Popish King, can be a proper Person to be consulted with in Parliament about securing and defending the Protestant Religion; this were to pull down what we intent to build, and would be as proper a way to help us, as a French Army maintained in England, would be proper to defend us against Lewis the XIV.  
Those Men that Drink Healths to King James, and wish him all manner of Prosperity, are they fit Men to represent a Protestant Nation, and to advise a Protestant Prince for the security of the Protestant Religion?  
Wherefore, Gentlemen, for God sake, and for your own sakes, take heed, and set a mark on such Men; if you choose Men disaffected to the Present Settlement of the Nation, Friends to the late King, or to his Interest, you may be certain, such Men will pull back the Nation's Deliverance, and hinder, not further that Unanimity of Councils, which is so much more needful now than ever, can the Friends to a Popish Prince be fit to represent a Protestant People, I have nothing to say to those we call Jacobites, tho' I wonder any can be such, and yet be Protestants; but as to their Persons I say nothing to them, no, nor to the Papists, provided they keep the Peace, but to single such out to serve the Nation in a Protestant Parliament, and to advise with King William in Matters of the highest Importance, this is a thing so Preposterous, is such a Contradiction, that I know not what to say to it; 'tis like going to the Devil with a Case of Conscience.  
Even our Adversaries cannot but laugh at the folly of the English Nation, that they should choose their Enemies to be their Councillors, and think to Establish King William, by King James' Friends, nothing can sooner complete the Ruin of the Kingdom, than to fill the House of Commons with Jacobite Members, who will be sure to forward any thing that tends to division, in order to hinder the Nations Happiness, wherefore tho' I might imagine such Advice to be needless, I must insist upon it, that you will avoid such Men as either have discovered a Disaffection to King William, and the Present Settlement of the Nation, or that have been upheld by that Party.  
In the next place, gentlemans, let your Eyes be upon Men of Religion; choose no Atheists, Socinians, Heretics, Asgillites, and Blasphemers.  
Had the Original of the late War been under the Reign of such a Body of Men, England might have made a Will, and given her Crown to the Duke d' Berry, as Spain has to the Duke d' Anjou, and have sought Protection from the French.  
The danger of Religion calls for Men of Religion to consult about it; you can never expect that Atheists, Socinians, or Asgillites, will have any tenderness upon their Minds for the Protestant Religion; Jacobites will as soon support King William, as Atheists will preserve the Protestant Religion; what concern can they have upon their minds for the protestant Religion, who really are of no Religion at all? They'll think it hard to raise any Money for the preservation of Religion, who fancy all Religion to be a trick, and the cheat of the Clergy; they can never think the danger of the Protestant Religion to signify much, who would not give a Shilling to secure it; and they will never give a Shilling to secure it, who Believe nothing of the matter; besides this, What goods Laws? What Reformation of Manners? What wholesome Orders for the Morality of Conversation can we expect from Men of no Religion?  
Of all things therefore the Members you choose should be Men of Religion, Men of Orthodox Principles, and Moral in Practice, and that more especially now, because the security of Religion not only here, but over the whole World, may lie before them, and have a great dependence upon their Councils.  
3. Men of Sense; the House of Commons is not a place for Fools; the great Affairs of the State, the Welfare of the Kingdom, the public Safety, the Religion, Liberties, and Trade, the Wealth and Honour of the Nation, are not things to be debated by Green Heads; the saying we have, that the House of Commons is a School for Statesmen, is an Error, in my Opinion they should be all well Taught, and thoroughly Learned in Matters of the highest Moment before they come there.  
There has always been a sort of Gentlemen in the H—se who use to be called the Dead Weight, who pass their Votes in the House as the poor Ignorant Freeholders in the Country do, just as their Landlord, or the Justice, or the Parson directs; so these Gentlemen understanding very little of the Matter, give their Vote just as Sir such a one does, let it be how it will, or just follow such a Party, without judging of the Matter.  
Pray Gentlemen, if we are ruined, and the Protestant Religion must sink in the World, let us do our best to Save it; don't let us have cause to say, we sent a parcel of Fools about the Business that fell into Heats and Parties, and spent their time to no purpose, for want of knowing better.  
Of all Employments a Fool is the most unfit for a Parliament Man, for there is no manner of Business for him; he is capable of saying neither Ay, nor No, but as he is lead.  
I desire to be understood here what I mean by a Fool, not a Natural, an Idiot, a Ben in the Minories, a Born Fool, no, nor a silly, stupid, downright Blockheaded Fool: But Men are Fools or Wisemen, comparatively considered with respect to their several Capacities, and their several Employments; as he may be a Fool of a Parson who is a very Ingenious Artificer; a Fool of a Clockmaker, and yet be a very good Sailor; so a Gentleman may be a good Horse-racer, a good Sports-man, a good Swords-man, and yet be a Fool of a Parliament-man, therefore so I am to be Understood.  
That he who is Capable to serve his Country as a Representive in Parliament, aught to be a Man of Sense, that is, a Man of a general Knowledge, and receptive of the general Notions of things, acquainted with the true Interest of his Native Country, and the general State of it, as to Trade, Liberties, Laws, and common Circumstances, and especially of that part of it for which he serves; he ought to know how to deliver his Mind with freedom and boldness, and pertinent to the Case; and he ought to be able to distinguish between the Different Circumstances of things, to know when their Liberties are encroached upon, and to Defend them, and to know how to value a Prince who is faithful to the Liberty and Interest of his Country, and to distinguish such a one from those who have made it their Business to Oppress and Invade the Liberties and Properties of the People, and betray them and their Interest to Popish and Bloody Enemies.  
4. Men of Years; tho' 'tis confessed Wisdom makes a young Man old, yet the House of Commons is not a House for Boys; we have seen too many young Men in the House, and rash Councils are generally the Effect of young Heads. Fools and Boys would do less Harm in the House, and grow wiser by being there, were they but allowed to sit, and not give their Votes; but while a Boy may do as much mischief as a Man, and a Fool as a Man of Sense, 'tis hard the material Points of the Nation's Happiness should be committed either to young or weak Heads.  
The Grandeur of the present French Monarchy is not unjustly ascribed to the extraordinary Men, who are of the King's Council. The Parliament of England is the Great Council of the Nation, and on their Resolutions depends the prosperity both of King and People. Now if these Councils are committed to young Heads, the Proceed will be suitable; as he that sends a Fool with a Message must expect a foolish Answer; so he that sends a Boy to Market, expects to make a Child's Bargain.  
5. Men of Honesty. It was formerly said, Choose Men of Estates; the reason was, that they might not be tempted by places and Pensions from the Court, to sell the Nation's Liberties; and indeed the Caution was good; but, Gentlemen, the Case is altered, the Court and the Nation's Interest are now all of a side, which they were not then, nor indeed never were since Queen Elizabeth. The King desires we should do nothing but what is for the Security and prosperity of Religion, and the Glory of the Nation; the Caution about Estates can do no harm, but a Man's Estate does not qualify him at all to judge of the Necessity of Giving.  
The Article of Estate was only supposed to make a Man cautious what he gave, because he was to pay the more of it himself. Now let a Man have but Sense to know when there is a Necessity to give, and that Sense backed with Honesty, if he has not one Groat Estate, he will be as cautious of giving away the Nation's Money, as he would be of his own: To desire Men should have Estates, that their Interest should make them shy, and backward to give Money, supposes at the same time they should want both Sense and Honesty. Sense, that they could not value the Nation's Money, unless they were to pay part of it themselves; and Honesty, that they would not take as much care of giving away the Nation's Money as their own. Wherefore do but choose Men of Honesty, and I do not lay so great a stress upon a Man's Estate. If there was any Body to bribe them, something might be said, but that Trade is over, (God be thanked) King William has no need for it, and King James can't afford it, and so that Fear ceases.  
The last Character I shall recommend for your choice is, let them be Men of Morals.  
Rakes and Beaus are no more fit to sit in the House of Commons, than Fools and Knaves. 'Tis hard we should put the Work of Reformation into the Hands of such, whose own Conversation is vicious and scandalous. A drunken Parson is a very improper Agent to reform a Parish, a lewd swearing Justice is not likely to reform the Country, no more is a vicious immoral Parliament likely to reform a Nation. Reformation of Manners is an Article of the highest Importance to the Kingdom; the King has recommended it to every Parliament, and yet we find it very much retarded; it goes on so heavily, that the Proceed are hardly visible; and till you have a reformed parliament, you cannot expect a Parliament of Reformers.  
Unless our Members are Men of Morals, we must expect very few Laws against Immorality; and if there should such clean things come out of an unclean, it would be all Hetrodox, and Unnatural; 'twou'd be like a monstrous Birth, the Parent would be afraid of it, and it would be ashamed of its Parent.  
Besides, how can ye expect that God should accept of the Offering dedicated by Impure Hands? The Work can never be supposed to Prosper while the Undertakers plead for God, and at the same time Sacrifice to the Devil.  
'Tis true, that God oftentimes Works by unlikely Instruments, but 'tis not often that he Works by contraries; Jehu was made use of to bring to pass the Ruin God had foretold to the Family of Ahab, but 'twas a Josiah and a Jehosaphat, for whom God reserved the Work of Reformation, and the Destruction of Idolatry.  
But allow that God may make use of improper Methods, and unlikely Instruments when he pleases to bring to pass what his Providence has designed, yet we are not to confine him to show his Power, and oblige him to make use of such Instruments, as he can have no Pleasure in, lest he should think fit to refuse his Blessing, and make the Work abortive, or at least delay his Concurrence to the Work of our Reformation, till we shall think fit to choose such Persons for the carrying it on, as are fit to be employed in so great a Work.  
FINIS.