THE Lord DELAMERE's CHARGE TO THE GRAND JURY OF CHESTER.   

THE CHARGE Of the Right Honourable HENRY Earl of WARRINGTON, TO THE GRAND JURY AT THE QUARTER SESSIONS Held for the County of Chester, On the 11th of October, 1692.  
LONDON: Printed for Richard Baldwin near the Oxford-Arms in Warwick-Lane. 1693.   

THE CHARGE Of the Right Honourable HENRY Earl of WARRINGTON, TO THE GRAND JURY, etc.  
GENTLEMEN,  
PEACE in a Nation is like Health in a Natural Body, whose value is not sufficiently known, but by the want of it; and herein God Almighty is wonderfully gracious to this Land, not only in continuing to us the Blessing of Peace, but in teaching us the worth of it, by letting us see the Nations round about us in War, and groaning under all the miserable Effects of it, whilst it is kept at a distance from Us, and we are only at some Expense which is unavoidable, all Circumstances considered, unless we will submit to that Monster the French King. And indeed God hath done so many and great things for us, that nothing is wanting to complete our Happiness, but ourselves.  
Of all the Mercies this Nation hath lately received, I think our Deliverance from King James was none of the least, if it be a Mercy to be delivered from Popery and Slavery.  
That we were in great danger thereof, I think was very evident from what we had suffered, and what King James apparently further designed to have done, had he been let alone a little longer; for his Administration was become so exorbitant, that Men of all persuasions (many of the Papists not excepted) did think his Yoke intolerable, and that it was highly just to be relieved against his Oppressions; for when the Prince of Orange landed, scarce any Man appeared for King James; nay, a great many of his Army deserted him; which coldness and neglect could not probably proceed from any thing so much as from the ill opinion they had of his Cause.  
Now if any that were then so indifferent, and passive, have lately conceived a better Opinion of him, it may well be suspected that a particular Picque, or some Sinister Bias guided their motion at that time; and if so, it's no matter what side they are on; for those who are governed in such cases by any thing but a public Principle, are easily turned about by every breath of Air: Nor can I imagine what can give any man a better opinion of King James now, than he had of him before he went into France, the only place, as he says, he could retire to with safety; considering how improbable it is, that any Instructions which that Tyrant may give him, will make him less inclined to Popery and Arbitrary Power.  
Before I come to the Particulars of your Enquiry, give me leave to say something of a great Deliverance which God wrought for us this Year.  
To talk of Plots and Conspiracies against the Government, may be rather to tell some people News, than that which they do believe; because we have already heard of many Discoveries of Plots, but none that have been prosecuted; and for that reason men may be inclined to think they were rather Fictitious than real Plots against the Government.  
Plots sometimes are not prosecuted, either because of the great indulgence of the Government, being desirous to gain people rather by mercy, than by being too extreme to mark what is done amiss; or, it may be, because the Government hath a more than ordinary tenderness for that sort of People; or, it may be, because some of the Ministers of State are concerned in them: But whether for any of these Reasons, or others, it is that we hear of no great Prosecution of those Discoveries that have been made, I will not pretend to determine, time will best explain this, and other Mysteries of the like Nature.  
Yet this I will adventure to say, That it is not so safe a Rule to measure Plots by, whether they be true or false, by the remissness or forwardness of the Government in prosecuting of them, as to consider how far it is the interest of the persons accused to carry on such a Design. And herein every man of a reasonable understanding, is as capable of giving a judgement, as the Ministers of State.  
I would not encourage any man to be over-credulous in believing of Plots; and yet there are some Conspiracies that carry their own Conviction along with them; as it will always be the interest of the Papists to bring in Popery, and of the Non Jurors, and those who take the Oaths in a double sense, to bring in King James. Nor would I be the occasion of pushing on a Prosecution with too much violence; and yet to be too remiss is an Error of the other extreme, and seems to intimate, That either the Government is afraid of them, and dare not call them to account, or else that it is necessary to oblige that sort of people all it can; and when ever either of those cases fall out, it is sooner or later mischievous, if not fatal to the Government.  
I suppose you have heard that King James intended to land here the last Spring with a French Force; though this seems to be already forgot by some, yet I am verily persuaded that many people believe it, because of the notoriety of the thing: For they that doubt of it, may as well question whether there was a Gunpowder Plot; for it is as plain as a thing of that nature can be, which has not actually taken effect.  
It was wonderfully prevented; first by the Easterly Winds that continued so long together; and next by the happy success of our Fleet, even beyond what any man could have hoped for at that time: All things considered, it was wholly the work of God, and to his ever blessed and holy Name be the praise and glory of it; though the Nation hath not yet made so public an acknowledgement of it, as it usually doth upon less occasions than that was.  
The defeating of that Design is a mercy never to be forgotten; for we do not yet know of any Design that was ever form against this Nation, that could have been more bloody and destructive than that would have been.  
For King James in his Declaration doth expressly say, That his Intent is to spend the remainder of his Reign, as he hath always designed since his coming to the Crown.  
These Words speak a great deal of comfort to England, for they cannot mean less than what he hath already done.  
When he took the Customs against Law.  
Carried on Sham-Plots by his countenance and bribery, to destroy honest and worthy men.  
When he ravished the Corporations of their Liberties and Franchises.  
When he turned out Judges for acting according to their Consciences, and filled the Benches with the Raff of the Gown.  
When he avowedly set up Popery, and erected public Chapels in all parts of the Kingdom.  
When he placed notorious Papists in the Seats of Justice, and brought a Jesuit into his Councils to preside publicly there, which was more than any Popish Prince ever did.  
When he sat up a High Commission Court.  
When he kept up in time of peace a numerous Army, to the terror of his Subjects, and allowed so little for their Quarters, as that it amounted to little less than free Quarter.  
When he assumed a Dispencing Power, and declared that he would be obeyed without reserve.  
These and a great many other Irregularities were the product of his Reign; and it is not very probable that he is brought to a better temper by any thing that he hath seen or learned from his Conversation with the French King; and it is as little probable that that King would have treated him as he hath done, had he discovered in King James any disposition to govern more mildly and reasonably for the future.  
How much he is influenced to the contrary, is very evident, by designing to bring in the French upon us; the people of all others this Nation ought most to dread, being the old and irreconcilable Enemy of England. For whoever looks into History, will find that France hath occasioned more trouble to England, than all the world besides. Nay, there has scarce been any ill Design against this Nation, but France hath had a hand in it; as if their very Climate did necessitate them to be at enmity with us.  
When any of the Kings of England have had a design upon the People's Liberties, they have entered into a Confederacy with France, as the People of all others most likely to serve their Purpose; and it has always gone ill with England, when our Kings have made an intimate Friendship with the French King, as we may remember by woeful experience.  
Let us consider, besides, that no people under the Sun are at this day so noted for treachery and cruelty as the French, of which they have given such pregnant Instances upon the Protestants of their own Nation, and in their New Conquests, as were never done by the most Barbarous and Uncivilized People. For after Terms agreed on, and submitted to, yet without any new Provocation, or other occasion given by those poor Creatures, the French have fallen upon them, taken from them that little that was left, and in cold Blood Murdered them, sparing neither Age nor Sex; and shall not we then think ourselves in a comfortable Condition, when we have such Taskmasters as these set over us?  
But it seems these are they by whom King James hopes to be restored to his Kingdoms; it is by these that he means to do his Work, and they are the Instruments he will employ to make the Settlement he designs in England; for in his Declaration he plainly tells us, That if those he brings over with him are not sufficient, he has more of the same sort ready at hand.  
Now, though a Reconciliation with King James were practicable under a Supposition that there could be any moral assurance that he would sacredly keep his Word, and that he had more just and righteous Intentions then heretofore; yet to come in such Company, and to bring such a Train along with him, makes it impossible to all those who have not abandoned all Sense of Religion and Morality, and are not resolved to run into all the Excesses of Cruelty and Oppression.  
But that nothing might be wanting to give Success to this fatal Enterprise, and make our Ruin more certain, several Persons in England, I believe some in every County, were not only privy, but consenting to it, and had prepared Horses and Arms to assist the French at their Landing; yet of what Profession or Communion they are, I forbear to name, and leave that to be explained when they are called to account; and therefore only shall say in general, That they who could so take the French by the Hand, may well be supposed to have renounced the Protestant Religion, and the Interest of their Country, and all Bowels of Compassion to their Posterity, and are resolved to keep pace with the French in the Murders and Havoc they shall commit; for there is no looking back, after being engaged in such undertake; the least remissness would render them suspected, and bring them in danger to be involved in the Common Destruction.  
After all this, what these Men will call themselves, I know not, for they cannot pretend to the Name of Protestants and English Men; what they deserve, I shall leave to the Law, which is to judge them.  
What we are always to expect at their hands, when they shall have Power and Opportunity, I think without breach of Charity, I may adventure to say, is all the Mischief and Ruin that our greatest Enemies would bring upon us.  
What we are to do, is to bless God for bringing the design to light before it took effect; and to do our best endeavours to detect those who are concerned in this unnatural Design, that Justice may pass upon them.  
For, are not such as these more to blame then any others, who were to have a hand in this matter? Was it not more unnatural and unreasonable for them to join with the French, than for the French to have such a design against us? Would not their joining in it have been the chief Inducement to bring in the French upon us? For such an Attempt is altogether impracticable, without holding an effectual Correspondence here, or else to surprise us, when we are together by the Ears in a Civil War; so that in effect it is they that had brought all the Desolation that would have fallen upon their Native Country, if that design had but once taken effect.  
He that can be consenting and assisting to the rooting out of the Protestant Religion, and ruin of his Country; what other thing is there that can be so bad, which such a one would refuse upon the score of Honour and Conscience?  
May not a Man, without being thought severe, say, What profligate Wretches are these? What Accommodation can be made with such Persons? And what security from them can be hoped for longer, than they want opportunity to hurt us?  
Is it not then the Duty of every Man that hath any concern for his Religion or Property, to do what in him lies to discover and bring these Projectors of our Ruin to Justice?  
Perhaps you may not receive any clear Information, such as will legally convict any Person of being engaged in the design I have mentioned; but you may receive such Information as will convince any reasonable Man, that they are concerned in this, or some other foul Practice against the Public Peace.  
Those who have refused the Oaths to this King and Queen cannot be supposed to be altogether unconcerned for King James; but if any such had provided themselves with Arms, or unusual Numbers of Horses, this is what ought not to be passed over unregarded: It must be for some purpose that they had so furnished themselves, for People do not usually put themselves to that Expense, but when they have a prospect of making use of them; their refusing the Oaths is evidence sufficient that they did not design those Horses and Arms for the Service of the Government; than it will naturally follow, that it was against the Government, for there is no medium in such Preparations betwixt being for, or against the Government. He that is not with us, may in reason be suspected to be against us.  
If any Persons, who have not taken the Oaths, and long before this Plot had provied themselves with Arms, yet either upon a Rumour of searching for Arms have conveyed them away, or before that Report, had dispersed them into hands that are not well affected to this Government, or else not duly qualified to keep such Arms, these may justly be suspected of having some ill Intentions; or wherefore should they put them into the hands of other People, but with a design to employ those Persons in the using of them, and then can any Man suppose, that it was intended for the Service of this Government?  
There is a Report of a sort of People, who for some Months before the time that K. James intended to Land here, talked very much of it, and what powerful Assistance France would give him for that purpose: If you, gentlemans, shall be informed of any such, it is your Duty to take notice of it, because it is plain by what has come to light, that they did not speak without book; they could not make such Discourses for want of having something to say, but to encourage People to come into it, and to promote the design. For Men do not purposely bring on such Discourses as will render them suspected, and bring them under the displeasure of the Government, but out of a prospect of some advantage.  
I do also hear that several, who had formerly taken the Oaths to this King and Queen, did about the time that this Design should have been put in Execution, refuse the Oaths, being upon occasion tendered to them and others, that at that time did wish they had not taken them.  
If, Gentlemen, you shall be informed of any such, you ought not to pass it over in silence; for by their refusing the Oaths at such a time, they justly rendered themselves suspected, that they were at least privy to that intended Invasion of the French, it being a vain Excuse to pretend they did it out of Conscience; for if they thought it lawful heretofore to take the Oaths, how comes it to be less lawful now? But if some prudential Consideration, and not Conscience, prevailed with them at first to take the Oaths, there is then very little reason to imagine, that there was more of Conscience in refusing the Oaths at that, or any other time; but rather that they were making fair weather against some expected Revolution, for otherwise, why of all others was that time picked out to discover an Aversion to this Government?  
Gentlemen, If any endeavour to lessen the Victory we had at Sea this Summer, and to cry up the Naval Force of France, those do bring themselves under the Suspicion of being no ill Wishers to the late design of the French; for wherefore should any desire to make our Success to appear less than it is, if he were not sorry that We had got the better? And wherefore should he extol the French Power at Sea, if his good Wishes did not attend their designs, or else did thereby hope to keep up the hearts of that Jacobite, Frenchified Party, that they should not despair, but expect some favourable Opportunity to put their design in Execution? For they must intent either good or bad to us thereby; and which was most likely, I leave to every Man to judge.  
I mention these things, not that I am of Opinion, That any or all of them put together, without some other direct proof, is evidence sufficient to convict a Man upon a Trial; for God forbidden that any Man should be condemned but upon a fair Trial and clear Evidence.  
But I take notice of these things as they do render Persons justly suspected to be privy to, or approving of the late Design against this Nation, which as every honest Man ought to abhor, so it is his duty to keep a watchful eye over them; because I am far from being of an Opinion that they have given this Design over as a lost Game, by reason that it was laid so broad and deep, and so many are concerned in it, that the success of it is of the last consequence to them, their only safety being placed in it; And besides, because of the encouragement they do receive from the unfortunate Divisions that are amongst us.  
And there is yet another thing which I apprehend, is no small cause of encouragement to them, and that is the little haste made by the Government to call them to account.  
Of all the Ills of the two last Reigns, in my opinion nothing was so treacherous and devilish as that of making Parties amongst us, that we might become our own destroyers; for as it was the surest method to effect our destruction; so if any thing should interpose to prevent our ruin, yet nothing is more difficult than to make up such a breach; and therefore the best that could be hoped for from it, was to entail upon this Nation heart-burnings, and all the fatal consequences of it.  
I have the charity to hope that many who helped to carry on that ruinous design, did it more out of ignorance, than out of any ill intention: I believe the Arbitrary Sermons being delivered as the Oracles of God, might draw in a great many unwary people; others might comply out of hopes of Preferment, or fear of being harrassed by some powerful Neighbours. But as new light is sprung up, so I wish from my heart, that men would walk accordingly. If any man was misled in the late times, it is not his shame, but duty, as a wise and honest man, to repent of his Error, and forsake it; for he that shall be convinced of it, and yet will persist in it, will find very few to whom his obstinacy will recommend him.  
If any do think they were in the Right, when they served as Bawds to the Arbitrary Lusts of the two Late Kings; I hearty pity them, for their case is desperate; yet I am persuaded that none of them would of choice have had such a power exercised upon themselves; and if so, they must grant, that what they would not have done to themselves, is not lawful for them to do, or bring upon others.  
If they adhere to what they did, either out of hopes of Preferment, or fear of being crushed by those in power, they must believe that this King and Queen are resolved to go by the same Methods that were taken in the two Late Reigns; or else that nothing else will make this King and Queen safe and glorious.  
Were the rest of mankind of this Opinion, this World would be a miserable place; surely mankind was born for some nobler End than so; or else one would suppose that God had made man not after his own Image, but rather that of an Ass, or something else that is beneath a Rational Creature.  
For is it not ridiculous, that any thing should be more excellent and knowing than that which is to govern it? Is an insatiable desire of Power preferable to that Reason with which man was endued at his Creation? Must a man give up that to which he has a clear right both by the Laws of God and his Country, because another who is at that time guided by his passion desires to lay hold of it? What Justice can any man promise to himself, when Passion is above the Law? What signifies Law, if the King's Will must be the measure of our Obedience? To what purpose are Parliaments, and all those other Provisions, which our Forefathers made to preserve our Liberties, if Prerogative were in truth that Omnipotent thing, which it boasted itself to be in the late Reigns?  
That man is surely out of his way, that is beside his Reason: Had men been guided by it, and nothing else, there had been no misunderstandings about Government. Reason will not misled us, but other things will; be resolved to follow that, and you will be sure to approve yourselves in the sight of God and man.  
Having said this, I will now proceed to the Particulars of your Enquiry.  
The first of which is, High Treasons; of which there are several sorts and Species, both at Common-Law, and by Statute-Law; but those only that are made such by some Statutes, are those that fall within your Enquiry.  
To compass or imagine the Death of the King or Queen, and that declared by some Overt and plain Act, is High-Treason by the 25 Edw. III. but such Acts must be direct and clear, void of all Implication, or other Construction, or else it will not make it Treason within this Statute; for this Statute was made to take away constructive Treasons, and thereby relieved the Subjects against an unspeakable evil, under which they had laboured for many years; for till then the Judges took an extravagant Liberty in stamping Treason upon almost any Offence that came before them, which cost many an innocent man his Life, contrary to all Reason and Justice; so that this Statute was a very beneficial Law for the Subject.  
To levy War against the King or Queen in their Realm, or to adhere to their Enemies in the Realm, or to give them comfort here, or elsewhere, is High-Treason by the same Statute.  
But a Conspiracy to levy War, is not Treason, unless the War be actually levied, though the contrary Opinion prevailed in the late Times, whereby several worthy men were murdered.  
It was a very farfetched Opinion, and could never have obtained but in that or some other corrupt Age, when all Law and Justice was given up to the Will and Pleasure of the King: For my Lord Coke is express in it; That unless the War is actually levied, it is not Treason; and I remember in the Debate in the House of Lords upon the Bill for reversing my Lord Russel's Attainder, the Lords were unanimously of opinion that it was not Treason, and upon that ground chief they passed the Bill.  
To counterfeit the Great Seal is High-Treason by 25 Edw. 3. and very good reason it should be so, because of the great Authority it carries along with it; it would be often attempted to be done, and thereby innumerable mischiefs would follow, and breed a great deal of confusion.  
To counterfeit the King's Money, or to bring in false and counterfeit Money, knowing it to be such, to make payment with it, is High-Treason by 25 Edw. III. and so it is to clip, file, or wash Money, by 3 Hen. V and very good reason it should be so, for these, and every of them, is a great Offence against the Public; for Money being as it were the Sinews of the Nation, to impair or counterfeit it, is a great loss and damage to the Public; so that the Offence in so doing, is not because it is marked with the King's Image; for the French Money, and the Spanish Coin and others are current in England, which have not the King's Image upon them; but the true reason is because of the great interest the Public has in it; and it would be the same thing if the Money had any other Stamp or Size put upon it by Public Authority.  
To kill the Chancellor, Treasurer, or the King's Justices, being in their Places, doing their Offices, is High Treason by 25 Edw. III. It is very great reason that they who serve the Public in such eminent Stations, should have the public protection; for when they faithfully and honestly discharge their several Trusts, the Public receive great advantages by it, and therefore this Offence was made High-Treason.  
To counterfeit the Sign-Manual, Privy-Signet, or Seal, is High-Treason by 1 M. 6. and I think it is so by 25 Edw. III. to counterfeit the Privy-Seal. And the reason why the Offences in these Cases are made so capital, is, because of the great detriment they bring upon the Public.  
To extol a Foreign Power is High-Treason by 1 Eliz. and very fit it should be so; for every man will allow it is a great Offence to set up any other Power in opposition to the Public Authority.  
For a Priest or a Jesuit to come and abide within this Realm, is High-Treason by 27 Eliz. I believe a great many people have been under a very great mistake in this matter, supposing it was upon the Score of Religion, that the Priests and Jesuits were put to death; whereas it was quite otherwise; for it was upon a Politic account that they suffered, it was for an Offence against the Government, that they were executed: For it having been found by experience, that this sort of Vermin by their Doctrine and Practice sowed the Seeds of Division, and thereby wrought great Disturbances in the Nation; it was therefore thought fit by the Parliament to take this way as the most effectual to keep them out; for as what they did, amounted to nothing less than Treason, so it was highly reasonable that the punishment should be commensurate to the Offence. And since it is become a Law of the Realm, if this sort of people will be so presumptuous as to break it, they have no body to blame but themselves, if they suffer by it; for it is a very just and reasonable Law.  
To absolve any from their Allegiance, or to be absolved, is High Treason, by 3 Jac. 1. the Law does heighten or abate the Punishment, according as the Offence does more or less affect the Public Peace; so that the more it tends to the Public Prejudice, the greater is the Offence; and what can strike more directly at the ruin and overthrow of the Nation, than to withdraw the People from their Allegiance, and to become the Destroyer's of their Native Country? And since those that absolve, and those that are absolved, have thereby declared themselves Enemies to the Nation, it is very fit the Government should treat them as such.  
The next Offence is Pettytreason; as for a Wife to kill her Husband, a Priest his Ordinary, a Servant his Master; these are made so Capital, because of the Obedience and Subjection which they ought to pay, by reason of the Power and Authority which the Law gives the other over them.  
The next Offence is Felony, and it is either against the Person, or the Goods, or Possession.  
Against the Person of another:  
To kill another with Malice prepensed, either expressed or employed, is Murder.  
Designedly to cut out the Tongue, maim or disfigure another, is Felony without benefit of Clergy.  
To Stab or Pistol another, without a Weapon be drawn, or a Blow given by the Party that is slain, is also Felony without benefit of Clergy.  
And so is Buggery with Man or Beast, a Sin that could never have entered into the thoughts of Man, till they were fallen to the lowest degree of Depravity.  
So it is to Ravish a Woman, that is to have the Carnal Knowledge of her Body against her Consent; and so it is to lie with a Child under Ten years old, though with her Consent.  
So is Witchcraft; but it is an Offence very hard to prove.  
So is Poisoning, the most Secret and Treacherous way of Murdering, of all others; an Offence so abhorred by the Law, that by Statute 22 Hen. 8. c. 9 it was made Treason, and the Judgement was, to be boiled to Death; but it is since altered and made Felony, by 1ᵒ Edward 6th. c. 12. It is surely an Offence that deserves a severe Punishment, because there is no Fence against it: In all other Cases a Man has some means of defending himself, but in this none.  
All these Felonies are Death without benefit of Clergy.  
Manslaughter is when two fall out, and Fight immediately, or so soon after, as it may be supposed that that heat continued, and one of them is Slain: Here there is benefit of the Clergy, because there does not appear to be any premeditated Malice.  
To kill another by Accident, doing a lawful Act is Chance-medley; and if a Man is assaulted by another, and in his own Defence he happens to kill him, these the Law pardons of course.  
Felonies against the Goods or Possession of another, are such as these, viz.  
To Rob on the Highway; for the Law will protect the Goods and Persons of those who are upon their lawful Occasions; and it is very reasonable that those who Travel on the Road, should have some such Guard, or else the Trade and Business of the Nation would be very much obstructed, and suffer great damage.  
To take away any thing privately from the Person of another; if the Punishment of this were not great, it would become a great Trade, for it is so easily done, and so hard to be prevented, that a Man's Money would be safer any where, than in his Pocket.  
To steal a Horse.  
Designedly to burn a Stack of Hay or Corn; if it be done by Accident, it is but a Trespass; but being done by Design, it carries so much Malice and Wickedness along with it, that it justly deserves to be punished with Death.  
To Rob a Church.  
To break into a House, and take any thing thence by Night, or by Day; for this carries a double Offence along with it; for the Goods of another are not only Feloniously taken from him, but he is also put in fear of his Life, where he ought to be most secure, and undisturbed, which the Law accounts a great Offence.  
To rob any Booth in a Fair or Market; This became so common a Trade, that all other Remedies to prevent it proved ineffectual; and therefore it was made Felony without benefit of Clergy, as are the rest that I have mentioned.  
The Accessories to all these and other Felonies, do fall within your Enquiry; for generally where benefit of Clergy is taken away from the Principal, the Accessories before the Fact are likewise to suffer Death; and good reason is it, that he who is partaker in the Crime, and without whose concurrence and assistance it could not have been effected, should fall into the like Condemnation.  
Petty-Larceny is the stealing of a thing that is under the value of 12 d. though it is a small Offence, yet the frequency wherewith it is committed, requires your care to suppress it; for the truth is, there is a parcel of idle wand'ring People, whose whole business is to go from place to place to strip Hedges, and commit such like Offences.  
There are several other Offences that are inquirable of by you, but I omit to mention them, because I believe your own Observation will help you therein: Only thus much I will observe in general, that whatever is an Offence against the Public Peace or Plenty, falls within your Enquiry. And having said this, I will keep you no longer from your Business.  
FINIS.   

Books Printed for Richard Baldwin.  
STate-Tracts. In Two Parts. The First Part being a Collection of several Treatises relating to the Government. Privately printed in the Reign of King Charles II. The Second Part consisting of a farther Collection of several Choice Treatises relating to the Government, from the Year 1660. to 1689. Now published in a Body, to show the Necessity, and clear the Legality of the late Revolution and our Happy Settlement under the Auspicious Reign of Their Majesty's King William and Queen Mary.  
A Brief Disquisition of the Law of Nature, according to the Principles and Method laid down in the Reverend Dr. Cumberland's (now Lord Bishop of Peterborough's) Latin Treatise on that Subject. As also his Confutation of Mr. Hobb's Principles put into another Method. With the Right Reverend Author's Approbation.  
The Life of Lewis of Bourbon, late Prince of Conde. Digested into Annals, with many curious Remarks on the Transactions of Europe for these last 60 Years. Done out of French.  
The Tragedies of the Last Age, considered and examined by the Practice of the Ancients, and by the common Sense of all Ages; in a Letter to Fleetwood Shephard, Esq The Second Edition.  
A short View of Tragedy; its Original, Excellency, and Corruption: With some Reflections on Shakespeare and other Practitioners for the Stage. Both by Mr. Rymer Servant to Their Majesties.  
Travels into divers parts of Ewe  and Asia, undertaken by the French King's Order to discover a new Way by Land into China; containing many curious Remarks in Natural Philosophy, Geograghy, Hydrography, and HIstory. Together with a Description of Great Tartary, and of the different People who inhabit there. Done out of French. To which is added, A Supplement extracted from Hakluyt and Purchas; giving an Account of several Journeys over Land from Russia, Persia, and the Moguls Country to China, together with the Roads and distances of the Places.  
Liturgia Tigurina: Or, The Book of Common Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments, and other Ecclesiastical Rites and Ceremonies, usually practised, and solemnly performed in all the Churches and Chapels of the City and Canton of Zurick in Switzerland, etc.  
A New, Plain, Short, and Complete French and English Grammar; whereby the Learner may attain in few Months to speak and write French correctly, as they do now in the Court of France. And wherein all that is dark, superfluous and deficient in other Grammars, is plain, short, and methodically supplied. Also very useful to Strangers, that are desirous to learn the English Tongue: For whose sake is added a Short, but very Exact English Grammar. The Third Edition, with Additions. By Peter Berault.  
Memoirs concerning the Campagne of Three Kings, William, Lewis, and James, in the Year 1692. With Reflections upon the Great Endeavours of Lewis the 14th to effect his Designs, of James the 2d. to Remount the Throne. And the proper Methods for the Allies to take to hinder both  
The Speech of the Right Honourable Thomas Earl of Stamford, Lord Grace of Grooby, etc. at the General Quarter-Sessions held for the County of Leicester at Michaelmas, 1691. His Lordship being made Custer Rotulorum for the said County, by the late Lord Commissioners of the Great Seal.  
The Speech of the Right Honourable Henry Earl of Warringron, Lord Delamere, to the Grand Jury at Chester. April 13. 1692.  
An Answer to the Late King James' Declaration, dated at St. Germains, April the 17th. S.N. 1693.  
An Account of the late Terrible Earthquake in Sicily; with most of its Particulars. Done from the Italian Copy printed at Rome.  
Reflections upon the Late Horrid Conspiracy contrived by the French Court, to Murder His Majesty in Flanders: And for which Monsieur Granvall, one of the Assassinates, was Executed  
A True and Exact Account of the Retaking a Ship called, The Friend's Adventure of Topsham, from the French, after she had been Taken six Days, and they were upon the Coasts-of France with it four Days; where one Englishman and a Boy set upon Seven Frenchmen, killed Two of them, took the other Five Prisoners, and brought the Ship and them safe to England. Their Majesty's Customs of the said Ship amounted to 1000 l. and upwards. Performed and written by Robert Lyde, Mate of the same Ship.  
Reflections upon Two Pamphlets lately published; one called, A Letter from Monsieur de Cros, concerning the Memoirs of Christendom. And the other, An Answer to that Letter. Pretended to have been written by the Author of the said Memoirs. By a Lover of Truth.  
Europe's Chains Broke; or a sure and speedy Project to rescue Her from the Present Usurpations of the Tyrant of France.  
The Gentleman's Journal. Or, The Monthly Miscellany. In a Letter to a Gentleman in the Country. Consisting of News, History, Philosophy, Poetry, Music, Translations, etc. Vol. II. June 1693. Where are to be had Complete Sets for the Year 1692. or Single ones, for last Year.  
Bibliotheca Politica. Or, A Discourse by way of Dialogue, upon these Questions, Whether by the Ancient Laws and Constitutions of this Kingdom, as well as by the Statutes of the 13th and 14th of King Charles the II. all Resistance of the King, or of those commissioned by him, are expressly forbid, upon any Pretence whatsoever. And also, Whether all those who affisted his Present Majesty King William, either before or after the coming over, are guilty of the breach of this Law. Collected out of the most Approved Authors, both Ancient and Modern. Dialogue the Ninth. Where are also to be had the First, Second, Third, Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, Seventh and Eighth Dialogues.  
Saul at Endor; or the Ghost of the Marquis de Louvois consulted by the French King, concerning the present Affairs. Done out of French.  
On Thursday next will be published, Nevil Pain's Letters.