AN easy Method FOR SATISFACTION Concerning the Late Revolution& Settlement: WITH A Particular Respect to Two Treatises of Dr. SHERLOCK's; VIZ. The Case of Resistance, and The Case of Allegiance.  
In a Letter to a Friend.  
LONDON, Printed, and are to be sold by Richard Baldwin at the Oxford-Arms in Warwick-Lane, 1691.   

ADVERTISEMENT TO THE READER.  
THE Author of the following Sheets being very affectionate and zealous for their Majesties Service and Interest in the late great Revolution, first wrote them for his own Memory and Use, and then permitted them to be perused by some Friends for their Satisfaction.  
The World being at that time glutted with Pamphlets, his Friends were content to enjoy the Papers themselves without making them public. But they since observing other Principles of Submission to the present Government, advanced by an Author of good Reputation and Merit, which they did by no means approve; they think it very seasonable to acquaint or remind the World( and let it take its choice) of those which they judge truer and better; and honestly by this Author to tell the plain Truth, as far as they know, without any Disguise or Shuffle, without any too much politic Wariness, Concealment, or Reserve, which some Men make use of when they are gotten into Power and Interest in the Government themselves; tho' while they were in the crowd and Number of Inferiors, they honestly thought, and plainly spake their Minds like others.  
The Principles of Possession and Power always universally requiring Obedience, and that of Universal Non-resistance joined together, they look upon as False and Pernicious, and very suspicious also at this time. For by them( this is not a Place to say more) within a short while( and God only knows what may happen by his Providence for our Sins or Trial) King James, or the pretended Prince of Wales, or the Christian Grand signor may have Right to our Obedience too, and we wear Chains as long as we have Bodies, and carry all the marks of an extreme Misery, until a Prince of such Moderation and Generosity as his present Majesty, and in his advantageous Circumstances comes to relieve us: An Happiness that is not likely to return again till the Day of judgement. Nay at this day, we had seen our Misery accomplished and desperate, if one Circumstance had been wanting. All Attempts had been ineffectual, if all the Oppressed had been purely still passive in their Deliverance, and not so wise and hardy as to be Active, and to adventure upon Resistance, and threatened Damnation itself; in which state the Author of the Case of Allegiance carelessly leaves these Generous Persons. Nor are they ever like to get out of it; for I do not hear that they either do now, or will hereafter repent( at least in their Consciences) however the success may prove. I will not say whether some Men, who will be now bare Accepters of Deliverance, are not in a state of Damnation themselves likewise; because it is possible that they may have repented for what they once actually contributed to our happy change.  
It hath not been thought necessary to alter any thing considerable in the Authors following Discourse, though written almost Two Years since; but only to remember the Reader of the Time and Circumstances.   

An easy Method for Satisfaction Concerning the late Revolution and Settlement; with a particular respect to Two Treatises of Dr. Sherlock's : Viz. The Case of Resistance, and the Case of Allegiance.  
In a Letter to a Friend.  
Dear Sir,  
THO' it be a Season in which there is a great deal of Passion, Partiality and Prejudice abroad; yet I profess myself as far as I can discern, to give my Opinion in the Question now so warmly debated, with a perfect Freedom from any of them. What I now sand you, hath been my judgement ever since I began to think; and when amongst other things this hath happened to fall into my thoughts, as it hath often, I could never see reason, notwithstanding the Assurance or compliance sometime since in Fashion, to believe otherwise than I now do. You know it might have advantaged my Interest as well as another Mans, if I could have thought or would have said in this, and other matters what others did. And you know too as well, with some others, that it is long since you heard such a Discourse as this which now follows; tho' now by your Command, and at your Discretion, it may first appear in Print, when you think Plain-Dealing is no crime or unseasonable.  
I do remember myself to have been always very sensible of the innumerable and inestimable Benefits of Government; and therefore to have been tender of its Reputation and Authority. I never was so fond of Subjects Liberties and privileges, but that I judged they might have too much of them, as well as too little; and I thought my Experience had enabled me to give Examples both at Home and Abroad. I never had any Knack or Inclination to Flatter Prince or People, Governours or Governed; and I hope the happy time is come, in which the native Freedom of Truth, uttered with due Prudence, Modesty, and public Charity,( not out of Pride and Interest) is not only safe, but acceptable to the Greatest; but not more Great, than Just and Good.  
It is my Principle, and I hope I shall ever act according to it, to Love every Man, and every sort and condition of Men, with a Love of Benevolence, and with a Love of Beneficence too in Proportion to true Merit, or so far as they are Owners of those Qualities which contribute to the most public and Common Good. And because I look upon a Sincere and Prevalent Love of the Truth to be one of the most Eminent of them; therefore as I highly esteem it in others, so I can not easily neglect, but very well like it in myself.  
Were I to dispute this Controversy of Universal Non-resistance, even to the most oppressive and abused Government less popularly; I should in the first place not only say, but evidence it by the strictest Demonstration, that the Summum Bonum, the Greatest and most Durable Good, not of every Particular( which was the Philosophers Enquiry) but of the Aggregate of all National Beings, their greatest Perfection of Nature and Happiness of Life, is the last End of all Actions whatsoever, even of those of God himself. That the Reason of them All is to be taken from Thence, according to every ones Comprehension; for the most part immediately, or by the Observation of some general Rules and Laws, which by Reason and Experience have been found generally to effect and fulfil that End. Amongst these are Obedience to Superiors, Parents, Masters, Civil Magistrates.  
But sometimes the most public Good is the immediate Reason of Action, as in those Cases which we call Extraordinary. All the Precepts of Natural and Revealed Religion are but the Parts, Instances, Kinds, or Means of one only Comprehensive Virtue, or a most public Universalized Spirit and Temper. Nor is it easy to say whether there is any one Law of Nations or Nature, which hath not been in some particular dispensed withal for the above mentioned End. It is the Reason why God himself hath sometimes done it, who infallibly knows the season of doing it. It is the Reason why the most heroically virtuous have done it with great Approbation and Commendation, where Sincerity and Success, the Integrity of the Doer, and the prosperous Event of the dead have appeared to Men. Or if at any time it hath been forbidden universally for any Man to go beside or contrary to some great Law, the Reason is, because to give Liberty even to the best Man at any time, is dangerous to the public Good in general and in all times considered. Finally, the Rewards of Power and Happiness are here only proportionably due and just.  
Nor is this and much more, only demonstrable by Natural Reason; but the doctrine of the Scripture. For therein we learn that, The Glory of God, the Good of our Neighbour, and our own Salvation, jointly and all together( which three Parts make up the whole) are to be the ultimate End and Reason of all we design and do. For each of these are commanded to be regarded in every Action.  
The same hath been taught by the most wise and virtuous of all places and Ages, such as Plato, Aristole, Tully, Antoninus, &c. Nay tho' it may seem fit only for Philosophers, and above the Reach of the Generality: yet in truth it is and ever hath been the Sentiment and Rule of all the honest and innocent part of Mankind, every one applying it, when any case requires it or falls into debate, according to their Wit and Experience, be it more or less; nor is the ploughman and Porter ignorant of it.  
Now I am persuaded that this one Principle is presently improvable by a competent Understanding both to the determination of this Question in general, and particularly applied to our late Case. I do believe that from it all Objections from Oaths Scriptures and Human Authorities may be easily answered; supposing one Proposition more, which, if it be denied, may be evidently proved. And that is,  
That a Government may in such manner neglect or abuse its Power; and that ours did, or certainly would have done irreparably( humanly speaking, or as far as a wise man could see) had it not been in that neck of time prevented; that it was abundantly best for our Community, for Christendom( and we know not how far in time it may reach) to restrain and oppose King James in his Doings and Designs; yea, and to change him too for those whom God, by his gracious Providence, hath set over us, and put into his Place.  
The Argument will in short be put into this form.  
What is for the Greatest, most public and Durable Good, is to be done:  
But Opposition, Resistance and Change of Governors may be in some Cases, and was in Ours, such.  
The first Proposition I think is so evident, that none can assign any other ultimate End and Reason of all Actions to be compared with it.  
The former part also of the second Proposition Papists themselves will grant, viz. That Resistance and Change of Governors may be sometimes for the most public Good; of which, if they be not changed( as they are not that I know) the doctrine of their School-Men, Canonists, Commentators, &c. the two Reigns of Hen. III and IV in France, and Histories enough besides, are vulgarly known Arguments. And as I like not an opinion much the better for being Roman, so I am not for that reason alone presently to reject it. As it hath been well said against Dissenters in other cases by those of the Church of England, who do not approve this Opinion, and seem to like it so much the less, because the Papists hold it. But if either they now, or any others do deny it, it may soon be proved by Instances enough.  
And for the last part, viz. That Resistance of K. J. and Change is in our Case for the public Good, All but Papists and some few others will grant it. For altho' many would have had some things otherwise carried, and other matters may displease them; yet they'l acknowledge that what we were delivered or preserved from, our Sufferings and our Dangers were beyond comparison worse. For Example,  
Tho' our present Liberty might not be approved by all; yet sure they will not say, it is so dreadful as Popish Tyranny. The Death of thirty or forty Men, great Taxes by Law and Consent, I hope, are not to be compared with as great, and in time much greater Taxes and Impositions without or against Law( as it was in stretching the Chimny-Mony to Cottages of under-value, and soon would have been in other instances) or by Threats forcing and packing Parliaments, and at last without any Parliaments at all; and this to have brought in, and established for ever, Popery and Slavery, and assisted the most injust, oppressive, and Barbarous Prince in Christendom against his Neighbours and People. This in short;  
But if you please I will set you down my Sense more distinctly and orderly in some following Propositions; every one of which may be more largely explicated and proved by him who hath more time than I can now spare.  
My principal Intention is to direct to a Method for a more fundamental and complete Satisfaction, especially to those who are uneasy till they see to the Bottom of a thing and are freed from any considerable Scruple. Nevertheless, when you are pleased to command me, I will endeavour, more at large to discourse of one or more of these Propositions which may most want it, or be of most common use; and if I find myself to have been too hasty, and affirmed any thing more than I upon second thoughts shall perceive to be true, I do promise you most willingly to correct it.  
The Propositions are these:  
I. The one only Last End of all Being and Action, and consequently the universal Law of Reason for them, is the greatest and most durable Good of the Aggregate or Body of all Rational Beings; like as the End of All the Functions and Actions of each Member of our Bodies is the most Perfect and Pleasurable State and Condition of the whole Man, Soul and Body.  
II. As all Rational Agents are to extend their View to as much of this universal Body or Society as they can, so we Mortals to as much of Mankind.  
III. Because we know little also of other Portions of Mankind, we are principally to regard the greatest Good of the Community to which we belong, and to direct our Actions to the attaining of that; except where we see it inconsistent with a greater Good of some greater Part of Mankind elsewhere. For Charity and Justice between Societies and Communities are to be exercised.  
IV. Therefore it is the End of contriving, constituting, consenting to a common Government, to a Community, as also the Kind, Laws and other Circumstances of it.  
V. That the Power of a Government may be neglected, lie Idle and not used, be abused; and that this neglect or abuse, is to be estimated from the Good Effects omitted, and the Evil produced to a Community. In which, four Qualifications, and no more may be considered, viz. Their Greatness, Extent, Constancy, Continuance or Duration; in all which there are various Degrees.  
VI. That as a very great deal ought to be tolerated and long born for the sake of the public Good; so there may be such Neglect or Abuse in such Degree of the forementioned Qualifications, that it may be more for the public Good, and necessary to Oppose, Restrain, and sometimes Change the Governours, than permit them to be, and do what they please.  
I know there are Persons who have ventured to affirm the contrary; but they have in my Opinion stated Things so defectively, and said many others so falsely or loosely, that it may seem they have not thought much and fairly of it; and indeed at last have Blundered, not Answered, which should have been their principal care. Particularly, they frequently are mistaken and overseen in the opposition and comparing of Continuance of Governors and Resistance; of Discontinuance and Anarchy. My meaning is, they say, if you'll continue and not change your Governors, you must in no case ever resist them. And again, when ever you discontinue and remove them, you run into a perpetual or very long Anarchy; at least so long, that it is a more intolerable Mischief than the most Barbarous and inhuman Tyranny, and that no Man knows how long. As if a Superior Governor might not be continued, and perhaps much the longer in Safety and Peace to himself and Subjects, if there be once any Opposition or Restraint in some very mischievous and dangerous Design to the Community, and indeed to himself likewise; and that by the Greatest, Wisest, Best, nay, the Generality of it. Or as if upon every Discontinuance or Final Removal, a perpetual or very long Anarchy, or at least a worse than Tyranny, must always succeed, which is far from truth. For sometimes Things may be so prepared, that there may be little or no Interval between the two Governors; and that which is, may be supplied easily and safely by inferior Magistrates, or those of greatest interest and power in the public, as it was wisely and happily done with us. Finally, For the most part, People soon fall into Government, and have new Governors, which as indeed it may be sometimes far worse than what they threw off;( we have for our Learning known that too) so it may be entirely better; which is our present case also.  
But the mighty Objection against Resistance and Change in the worst case imaginable, is,— That it is a bad Example, which by propagating an Opinion and practise, will shake and unsettle all Government; to which Mischief, the greatest Tyranny is not to be compared. I see not with what show of Truth this can be said of the doctrine, as it is set down in the present and preceding Propositions. Yes, say they, notwithstanding that, People will make bad Application of it; be Judges themselves, and confidently affirm, such are the Mischiefs to the Community which you mention, when there is no such matter; and then take occasion frequently to resist and change when they ought not; i.e. plainly to Rebel, and be Traitors at every turn: So that it will be well if we live quietly a Year or two, and the Inhabitants of the Earth will be in perpetual Motion, as the Earth itself is; but as this is regular, so that miserable confused. To which we Answer;  
1. Truth is not the less Truth, but will always be the same, howsoever falsely and basely Men may apply or use it. We must mend Mens Manners, and accommodate them to Truth, not Truth to them; I mean its Belief, tho not always its Profession or Publication. We must endeavour to bring into the World true Conscience, Sincerity, Justice, Charity, Humility, a due Esteem of Worldly Things, and above all Self-denial, and a public Spirit governed by Prudence and Wisdom.  
2. What a Contradiction is this Objection to the general Experience of the World? All Men, all at least European Christians, except some of late, who have( not very prudently) made Universal Non-resistance the distinguishing Character of the Church of England from all other Christian Churches, at least Romanists and Protestants; I say, all these have and do believe Resistance in some extreme Cases lawful, and have practised accordingly when they could. And yet we have not heard of such perpetual Dissettlements, Changing, Overturning of Governments. How long have the Venetian Aristocracy, the Spanish and French Monarchies continued uninterrupted, with the opinion against Universal Irresistibility? And the Disturbances and Interruptions principally in this last, tho' a very movable People, have been more from the pretences of Titles, or foreign Attempts of Conquest, than the opinion in Subjects of Resistibility of Government. And those which have happened upon account of Abuses in Government, have been at long Intervals. This last Race in France hath now run out above 700 Years; nor have the Changes there made( suppose of chilperic for Pepin, or of Charles Duke of lorraine, only or principally because he was thought more a Friend to the Germans than the French, for Hugh Capet) been judged the worse for France, but abundantly for the better; and not only excused, but commended by their own Historians and Foreigners.  
To these Examples, we may add that of our Neighbouring Estates and others enough; so that it seems, whatever the Abuse of such an Opinion may tend to, yet there are ways of preventing such direful Effects without denying, or yet always concealing the Truth of it; tho' it may not be always necessary to trumpet it about, when we see a great Disposition and opportunity to make use of it perniciously to the public Welfare. In short, it seems that the late asserters of Universal Non-Resistance have not red, or have not in their Zeal regarded the History of all Nations, both in matter of Fact and Opinion; what the Generality of the Soberest and Wisest of Mankind have ever done, and thought at the same time, they ought so do. Not as in other vices, where Mens own Judgments have condemned their own general practise, which they would have as willingly defended, if they had dared, as they have done Resistance and Change in some Cases. Nor do I see Reason to think, that the same Authors have been so much more sagacious or Fortunate than other Men, as to light upon such sense of Scripture, or some great Reason, which few others have thought of besides themselves.  
3. That which is put under as the main support of this objection, is peremptorily denied; namely, that there can be no Civil Government, at least of any Continuance, unless there be a Power to decide without Appeal in all Cases whatsoever, and to Execute Irresistibly; to whose judgement All must Perpetually, Universally, without any Excepted or Reserved Cases, submit themselves. i. e. To act according to its Commands, or to suffer any Penalties it shall think fit: I say this is certainly false; for all the World sees the Contrary, as hath been just now shown. And there are some Laws of Reason and Nature so plain and necessary, that Mankind neither ought nor need to give or permit any Man upon Earth, Power to Determine contrary to them if he pleaseth, or to force any to act against them; or upon refusal, to inflict perhaps the severest Penalties and Punishments. No Man can justly consent to leave it in any ones power, when he pleaseth to destroy a Community, to Fire Cities, to Ruin its most innocent or useful Citizens, to sand out of the World the most necessary, beneficial Members of the Commonwealth, to deliver up the Government into the Hands of a Foreign Tyrant, or to do such things, by which it will inevitably follow. I say no Man can justly do this, if a Government limited by such great Laws of Reason and Nature can any where be had. Mankind ought not to appoint and consent to an absolutely unlimited Power in Government, if a Government may be had with the Reserves of the plain Laws of Nature, and the most evident Rules and Ends of Government: And that such an one may be, is certain by the practise of all the most civil and knowing Nations upon Earth. There are Men enough in the World, who will accept of, nay are infinitely ambitious of it upon such Terms. I do confess, if of necessity there must be such a Boundless and Arbitrary Government, or none at all, it may fall under some debate which were best for Mankind; or perhaps the Question may be determined for the first. But when the Question is, when we may have an absolutely boundless Government, or one with some Limitations and Reserves, in great plain Cases at least, which is best to be chosen, 'tis too plain to admit of a Dispute. And, if any Man hath consented, nay sworn to submit and permit a Government so horribly to abuse its Power when it pleaseth, as is mentioned in the former Instances, and such like, when he might have one which will not use it so: I do not see that he is under any other Obligation, than that of Recantation and Repentance, for having done that which is so pernicious to Mankind: The Good of which is the end of any sort, according to particular Circumstances, or of any Government at all.  
4. Whatever the Objector may think, most Men do believe, that if this doctrine of Universal Non-resistance had been universally received and practised by Mankind,( as it never was nor will be; and which the Papists, tho they laughed at it themselves, would have brought us to,) there would have been a far more lamentable havoc, or more miserable condition of Human Race, than ever we yet saw, or heard of, by the almost universal Belief, and more universal practise of some Resistance in some extreme and extraordinary Cases. For we see that the Abhorrence of the Good, and the Fears of Self-defence and Revenge from the rest( much less Conscience) have not been able to restrain some, and even Christians too in Profession, from the constant course of the boldest and biggest Injustice and Cruelty; or from behaving themselves in such manner, as if all Mankind were made only to minister to the Gratification of their Lusts of Luxury, Pride and Malice; as if their Subjects were like their Dogs, maintained sometimes very well, and made much of only for their Command and Sport.  
Little Sir did I think to draw out this Article or Proposition to this length when I began it; but since it is so, I hope it will do neither of us much harm to run it over, tho' I yet add a little more, as I now must.  
In our particular case, let any man justly compare the Good and Evil Consequences of Non-resistance, and of our present Change and Settlement. What and how great had been the irremidiable mischiefs of Permission and Submission we know enough, but cannot be now duly sensible of, unless we had for some time groaned under them all. But where in Resistance and Change are the Inconveniences and Evil to balance them? How little Disturbance or Damage, except to King James's Instruments and dependants? What Content and Satisfaction now( as little as it may seem) comparatively to what was, or was like to be under King James? Some and too many malcontents( and we know who are the principal causes, and will be the Gainers by it, among us) will ever be in the best State and Constitution, especially at first after a Change. And yet not long since, how easily was an unfortunate Prince partend withal by such themselves as well as others, and another taken into the Administration of the Government? There neither yet are, or are like to be Sequestrations or Proscriptions, except of some very Bad Men, by the Universal Voice; perhaps too few. We are not fallen into Anarchy or Confusion: pitched Battles or Fights in England have been none. In Scotland and Ireland indeed a few Skirmishes and Sieges; nor is the first so well settled as may be desired, and the Second hath suffered grievously. But in the first place we may thank in great part the doctrine and practise of Absoluteness and Universal Non-resistance for it. The First provoked the Scots to a greater Change in the Church and State than otherwise they would have attempted, at least with so much plausible Pretence and Stiffness. The Second gave Confidence to King James and his Popish counsellors to break through all Laws and Settlements, that they might extirpate the Protestant Religion, and by an odious Instance of Treachery and Injustice, not easily paralleled, bring the Bravery, Civility, Ingenuity of the English under the Domination of a contemptible and cruel People, both in Ireland, and England too. Besides in Scotland, we hope they will soon be content with reasonable things; and for Ireland, though their Sufferings are as great as injust, yet it is very probable, that the Brevity of them will make them appear very small in comparison with the loss of Religion, Liberty, Property, or else of their Lives, both to themselves, and the other Two Kingdoms, with their Posterity for ever. Nor is it less to be hoped, that by the Blessing of God upon so just a Cause,( unless our Sins of Impiety, Ingratitude, Envy, Debauchery hinder,) all may be restored, without any very long War, or very great expense of Lives or Treasure: And this with a mighty Advantage, which without this Revolution, could not have been looked for; namely, the more perfect Subjugation and civilising of an Idle, Superstitious and Cruel People, for many Centuries of Years, the Subjects of the English Crown, and the improvement of one of the Noblest Islands in the World. And we may reasonably conjecture this to have been one End of the Divine Providence in this Turn, and seffering Things to have gone so far there. Thus when we see there are not always such Tragical Effects of Resistance and Change of Government, as some have imagined, to be put into the Scale against the Greatest and General Corruptions and Abuses of it, Present, or certainly Future and Perpetual. Although had we by Resistance purchased what we have and hope to have, and preserved what we were certain to lose, at Ten times a dearer rate, than we are like to do; I think we should have been no Losers by the Bargain. I am sure we have some present Neighbours and Friends, who spent Many Millions of money, and lost perhaps One of Men, in a War of near Eighty Years, to gain and secure the condition in which they now do, and may long flourish; and yet they do not think they have been Prodigal or Foolish. And how would some Men have vaunted, if they could have frighted us with a Twentieth part of such an expense? But Thanks to the undeserved Goodness of Almighty God, we have had our Deliverance for almost nothing, and may enjoy a very Beautiful and Happy Constitution in Church and State, if we will not be our own Enemies, and like Children, first cut our own Fingers, and then cry out. And in truth, wherever Oppression and Ill-usage of Subjects have been truly such Great, almost Universal, Constant, and likely to be perpetual or very long( the Qualifications of Abuses just before mentioned;) where Extravagances in Government have arrived at such an height; Resistance and Alterations have generally succeeded, and been advantageous to the People; they have been tenderly censured, and almost forgiven, even by those who dare hardly quiter excuse them. But I will set it down to you consequently to the former Proposition, That,  
VII. When this is truly and evidently the case, not only pretended, and by Cunning and Passion made to appear so:( as indeed hath too often been done, and sometimes with success,) then is a Man bound according to his ability, to restrain, hinder Governors, and, if it be necessary, to remove and change them.  
VIII. That every Man here, as every where else, must fianlly judge for himself what is for the greatest Good of the Community, and consequently what he is to do, how to behave himself, which Part to take.  
IX. That there are but three ways and means by which we may know what is most conducive to the greatest Good of our Community, or sometimes a greater part of Mankind.  
And they are our own Prudence, Reason and Experience; or the judgement of others; or a particular Revelation from God, as it happened sometimes in the Kingdoms of Israel and Judah.  
If God sufficiently gives us to understand any particular Command of his, we may be well assured, that the execution of that Command is for the greatest Good, and therefore our Duty.  
As for Providence, I take to mean no more than God's absolute actual Will and Determination, which certainly hath its Effect.  
For Example, That such a Prince shall be put out of his Throne, and another put in his Place and continued there; which Will we ought not to resist or oppose, but concur with it.  
Now to know whether God hath actually willed or determined any thing, we have no other means but some Evidence, That it is effective of the greatest Good; and consequently, that it is suitable to, and worthy of his Wisdom and Goodness in the government of the World; and this we can have no otherwise than from our own view and sight, or other Mens judgement, or God's sufficient particular Revelation.  
X. But that to the generality of Men one of the best Arguments and Evidences to know what is most for the good of the Community at any time, is and ought to be the calm Opinion, and deliberate judgement of the wisest, honestest and ablest Men to judge in such an Affair, and that principally of their own Community; a great, if not a mayor part of which, whose Judgments we can come to the knowledge of, are such as have had a share in the Government; that is, among us the jailers and Parliaments composed of the chiefest Clergy, Nobility and Gentry of the Realm, chosen freely by the People themselves to represent them.  
XI. That it was this way, and otherwise evident, that Opposition and Resistance to King James's Actions and Designs were abundantly more for the good of our Community, than Non-Resistance would have been; i.e. had Greater Good, and Less Evil Consequences attending upon it, both Present and Future, to our three Kingdoms, to Christendom, and who knows how far it may go to that of Mankind?  
This I believe few doubt, except Papists, and such Papists too who think the worst Religion of Christendom, the most erroneous and cruel, to be such a Blessing, for which all the just Privileges of human Nature( such as Knowledge, Liberty, Property, Life itself) are to be quitted and sacrificed. But if any please to make this a distinct controversy, they may try by Retail and Particulars when they please.  
XII. In the next place it is equally evident, that in our Circumstances it was and is necessary for the same End to place and defend in the Throne their present Majesties, and cheerfully take the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy to them, not unseasonably standing upon a little Formality, when we may have the most material thing which we should desire; nor breaking for a Mode and Circumstance which we could not in due time obtain, when we may have the End without it.  
And upon this again, after all, depends the Decision of the controversy. For let any Man make it appear to me, That the Opposition to, and Removal of King James, such as he was and would have been; or if you please, the keeping him out after he had deserted us, and the Succession of King William and Queen Mary hath or will have more or greater Mischievous or Evil Effects, and fewer or less Good Ones, Spiritual and Temporal, present and future, to our three Nations, Christendom, Mankind if you please( all this is, as far as we can, to be regarded) than the contrary, of Absolute Submission to, and continuance of King James: I say, Let this be made appear( and I will assure you I will not shut my Eyes, or look another way) then will I be, as I ought, a proselyte and Convert. And when we have said all we can, 'tis by this Rule, according to Mens various Apprehensions and Applications of it, that all honest, not selfish Men are determined. All Authorities, Divine and human, are but more or less certain Signs and Marks whereby we may sinned and know this. Even the Commands of God himself do not make, but suppose a thing right and just, because he is Omniscient and Veracious, and, which is all one, that it is for the greatest universal Good. And I more than guess, that one principal Reason why some Men stand off and comply not with the present Settlement, is, because they fear Matters may be so carried, that the three Nations, all things considered, may in their Opinion be in a worse Condition than they would have been if King James had stayed; either without, or at least with some certain Conditions which they fancy they could have brought him to, and obliged him effectually to perform. And could they see otherwise, they would change their Conduct, and behave themselves as others do. So truly would they themselves act according to the Principles we have so much insisted on, as being to All Men most natural, without any Reproach or Suspicion of Conscience.  
But I doubt not, if it be truly public, not Private or Particular Interest they regard, their Opinions and their Fears are untrue and groundless too: Or if in part it should prove so, they themselves will be in great measure the cause of it.  
XIII. You may be pleased yet farther to observe, That all which hath been said in the former Proposition, may be applied to our Case, and justify the Proceedings of Parliament and People, tho' we should suppose K. James to have been himself legally possessed of all the parts of Government; i.e. Legislative, Interpretative, Applicative and Executive; but yet abusing it as he did and would have done. But if it be supposed, as it is most truly( for all that I have heard) that King James had but part of the Legislative Power, and that his Executive was but co-extended with the Legislative in our Constitution; i.e. it was to execute, not neglect, lay aside, act without or contrary to Laws; nor was it ever intended otherwise by the Law-makers, King and Parliament( for which a Man need no farther appeal, I dare say, than to the Consciences of the most scrupulous) nor consequently were our Oaths in any other sense required by them, or obliging to us: I say, If this be supposed, then our case is extremely plain; and that there hath been no Resistance against Government, but only against Usurpation; and that King James not being willing to give sufficient Security for the Use of this Executive Power according to Law, and no otherwise, he must be forsaken, and some other taken into his room who will and can, or needs not. Nor is there any other who can with any show of Right and Justice pretend to it better than their present Majesties.  
XIV. Finally, we all believe, except Papists, and some few others awkward and as it were revengefully severe Persons to exact more than they think can be produced, or to an indifferent Man is needful, That their Majesties King William and Queen Mary had in their Order( the Transposition or Coalition Matters little being by free Consent on all hands) a personal Right to the Reversion of the Crown after King James's Decease; and we know that in the judgement of an upright Judge and Jury they were most injuriously thrust out of it without any Hopes of Redress, Restitution, or Satisfaction; nay their very Heads were in great danger from a sort of wicked People who bogled at nothing, because they stood so near to the Throne. Whence we must conclude, that nothing ought to be an Hindrance from their Recovery of their Right from K. James, and preserving themselves,( the Nation was almost universally willing) by Force, but some great public Mischief ensuing upon it; and that greater than their Satisfaction and Restitution of their Right and their Self-Preservation would have been a Good Nothing else can debar or disseise a Man of his Property, and Right of Self-Preservation. But their Majesties Succession was so far from being a Mischief, that it was infinitely more Beneficial and Happy to these Nations, &c. than that which was designed to pop into their Place, in the judgement of all but Papists. So that their Majesties Personal Right and Safety, and the public Welfare, are most happily all taken care of in the Securing of their Rights and Lives, which could not be any other way done sufficiently( for References and Arbitrations were refused) without present Possession; as might be easily shown.  
So then for the Justification and Defence of King William's and Queen Mary's Possession of the Throne, we have the Law of Nature, the Law of our Nation, and the Law of all Nations ( viz. To do Justice to them, and to secure to them their personal Rights of Succession) all concurring together. And such a threefold Cord well twisted cannot be broken.  
Thus far, and in such manner, pure Reason of it's self I think may led us without the Assistance, or Hindrance, or Consideration of any Authority, Divine or human.  
XV. Now for Testimony or Authority, and that which is Divine in the first place. I do not think the Scripture in any place teacheth or commandeth Non-Resistance universally, or in all Cases absolutely without Exception: and where it doth seem to affirm it, It must be so interpnted as not to contradict any plain, much less the First and great Law of Nature which is God's Law also.  
XVI. For such a Reason it is, that all Men agree to interpret many places only {αβγδ} or generally, tho' the words seem to signify universally. Thus the Negative Precept, Thou shalt not steal, i.e. take away any Man's Property without his consent, uttered in Terms universal, yet hath it's Limitation. For who doubts but that a Man in extreme and present Distress may lawfully take that which is necessary for his Life, though it should be refused by a surly and hard hearted Housekeeper? or that when a Street or City is in great danger from Fire, one House or two may be blown up to prevent it, against the Will of the Owner, before any Law provides for such a Case, or takes away the Property? It is a positive Command also expressed more universally than Non-Resistance,( Tit. 2. 9.) That Servants be obedient to their Masters, and to please them well in all things. What! Were they to furnish a Master with'a Sword in his Passion or Fury? Or might they not take it away from him against his Will, or hold his Hands lest they should displease him? It is added in the same place, Not answering again or gain-saying. What not so much as with due Meekness to say they were innocent, when fiercely and falsely accused, and when silence would seem to acknowledge Guilt, and betray their own Inno. cency and perhaps that of others too? Nor is there any more express Command contrary to these in the Scriptures, than to that of Non-Resistance, to signify their Limitation, but only by consquence. For where is it said, Thou mayst steal in some Cases, any more than thou mayst resist? Nor doth it seem agreeable to the Spirit of Charity and Equity, which the Gospel enjoins Superiors as well as Inferiors, to permit no other Restraint of the most extreme Cruelty, than an after reckoning to the Ignorant, Insidels, or Senseless, and consequently let lose the Reins to Barbarity. And I think it is a remarkable Instance of the Wisdom and Excellency of Christian Religion above others that it hath discountenanced and forbidden that great Inequality and Domination( as between Husbands and Wives, Masters and Servants, Parents and Children, &c.) which for some particular Reasons and Circumstances were commanded or permitted even in the Jewish Commonwealth; and settled the Duties of Relations according to the Universal Standard of natural Reason and Justice. polygamy and Slavery are banished out of the Christian World, and so should all Artificial Differences between Men which are not reasonable and natural.  
XVII. To mention briefly particular places of Scripture brought to prove Universal Non-resistance, and the principal of them; That of our Saviours Words and Examples was only in case of a private Injury, and where Suffering was expressly designed and commanded to him by God.  
That of St. Paul( Rom. 13. the great supposed Defence of the Cause) contains only a Precept concerning Government in general, and the Lawfulness, nay Obligation upon Jews and some Christians, especially the converted Jews who were of a contrary Opinion, to be subject to the Government of an Heathen. St. Paul speaks of Sorts or Kinds of Governors, not of Individuals, and particularly Heathen Governors under which the Jews and Christians lived.  
It is most probable he speaks of sorts of Governors, and particularly Heathen( 1st. Because he writes his Epistle to those amongst whom were some at least, who really doubted or denied that they ought to be subject to a Heathen Governor for Conscience sake, but only for Wrath, i.e. for Fear, till they could throw him off. This is too well known to be here proved; but whether there were any Christians amongst the Romans, who did doubt or deny Universal Non-resistance to every particular lawful governor, though never so Tyrannical, Malicious and Cruel; this doth not appear. Whether this was a Scruple or Controversy then or there moved, we know not; at least there is not such Proof of it as of the Former. For my part it looks most likely to me, that the Apostle never thought of any such matter.  
But( 2d.) the Reason which the Apostle brings for Subjection to the Higher Powers, is very true and good, if by Higher Powers he means all sorts and kinds of Government; and more particularly That in which a Heathen was the supreme Governor, and some Jews and Christians were Inhabitants in his Dominions. The apostles Reason is, because Rulers are not a terror to Good, but Evil Works, &c. Even such a Government, where an Heathen or gentle hath the supreme Power, may and doth more generally in respect of Times and Persons; i.e. most commonly and to most of its Subjects, give more countenance and encouragement to Good Works, than Bad ones; and therefore Obedience to such a sort of Governors is not only Lawful, but a Duty: Nay tho' thro' Ignorance or Malice they might Persecute the true Religion; Yet being Men of good Tempers and Morals, having much of Goodness, Justice and Prudence in their Natures( such as was Trajan and the two Antoninus's,) they would encourage extremely to the practise of such, and other Virtues by their Examples and Laws, preserve their Subjects from the mischief of Immoralities, and keep them in Order, Peace and Sobriety. But is it true where and when Tyrants,( Usurpers or not) Govern contrary to almost all the ends of Government? Some of which have been truly accounted, not only the constant Persecutors of the Best Men for the best Actions; but also Enemies of Mankind, Hostes humani generis, as Nero was by the Senate itself at last; and this not only in Intention, but Action; not only in the Malice of the Heart, but cruelty of the Hand and Act: Are the apostles Words, I say, here true? Yes, say some, they are. Is it true I say that the worst of Higher Powers, or individual supreme Governours, that ever was extant, was generally more for the encouragement of Good than Bad Works? As it would be very hard to run through the particular Proof of it, if it could be done at all; so in the mean time I think few believe it. For suppose an absolute Superior Governor, whose Will is the only Law, who wallows in all sensuality himself, and propagates it by his Example, Commendation, Reward, thro' his Territories;( this is too soon done, especially where they are not large,) who bestows Places of Profit, Dignity and Trust upon the Ministers of his Lusts and Violence only; who transfers all Mens Properties as he pleaseth to Himself, his Favourites or dependants, who upon every Trifle, suspicious Denial of Execution or Approbation of his wicked Commands, or to bring their Estates into his Exchequer, Bids them leave their Country or their Lives; and this generally, so that it may be hard to instance in some few good Actions; suppose such a Governor or Higher Power; can any Man say with Hopes of Belief, that it is not a terror to Good but Evil Works? that it gives Praise to them that do well? &c. Every one knows that this Supposition is not a bare possibility; but hath been actually true of many of the Roman Emperors for at least some part of their Reign. Was such a governor as Nero likely to be a Minister of God for good; who, if he had been assured of Universal Non-resistance, would not only out of frolic or Malice made Bonfires of Rome, which he attempted, but also of all the noble Cities of the Empire? Who would not only have wished, but made in some manner one Neck for Rome, that so he might have had a Hang-mans Office worthy of an Emperor? Nor is it to be returned, that still Government, in all the time of these Emperors, was a greater encouragement to Good works than Bad ones generally, viz. to Justice, Peaceableness, &c. For besides, that this upon examination may not prove true, taking in all sorts of good works, it is not to the purpose; for the Question is, whether the Government was such by their Means, by what they were and did; not by them only as an occasion, filling the Throne, and preventing Anarchy, but by them as Agents. The Apostle speaks of some Acting; which some because it cannot be true of all Individuals, or Personal Higher Powers, but it may of some Sorts or Kinds, and particularly Heathen; therefore he speaks of the Latter in this place, but not of the Former. This I am sure of, that it is more certain that some, or the generality even of gentle Governors, were more a Terror to Bad than Good Works, &c. than that every individual supreme Governor or Government under them was so. And consequently it is more probable, that the Apostle speaks of Kinds of Government or Higher Powers; and particularly one Kind, viz. Heathen, than of Individuals; or he speaks of Governors in Specie, not in Individuo.  
There is also another Reason in the Text itself, to prove that the Apostle by Higher Powers, means not all Individual supreme Governors; and that is, because he calls All the Higher Powers the Ordinance of God not to be resisted. What then are Usurpers too, the Higher Powers not to be resisted? It hath been said to this, that by Higher Powers is meant Lawful Higher Powers, i.e. those who are so by a good Title, tho' not in Possession. But is not this gratis dictum? where are those Powers by Title called the Higher Powers, when there are others in their Place by Possession and Exercise of the supreme Government?  
Again, Suppose a Tyrant in the greatest degree to be the Higher Powers, both by Title and Possession, is the Ordinance of God not to be resisted? No. For first, an Ordinance of God imports naturally something that is very beneficial, at least in the sum of its effects and consequences Good, and that in the ordinary view of Men; not remotely by the conduct of the Universal Providence of God bringing Good out of Evil, as is usually said. And it is manifest that the Apostle here means such a thing by an Ordinance of God; because he instances in the most useful and excellent effects thereof. But suppose the Apostle here might call something visibly and ordinarily most mischievous( as surely some Governors may be) an ordinance of God; because it was a thing positively appointed, determined, ordained by God. Is this such an Ordinance which may not be resisted? Let the Case be, that God had absolutely decreed to set up a Power over a People entirely to ruin or destroy them, supposing the People not to be certainly assured of such a Decree;( for example by a particular Revelation,) doth it follow that they are bound to be Destroyed without any Opposition? No more than if upon Supposition God had determined I should be Robbed or Killed by Wicked Men, I should be to blame to defend myself against them.  
If a Man have most certain Knowledge of such an absolute Determination and Sentence of God against him, for all that I see, he ought not oppose his Will any more( nor so much) as a Malefactor the most just Sentence of the Magistrate: But how shall he come by that? To me it is a very general Rule, That a Man cannot be certain God would not have him endeavour to remove any Evils he lies under, till he hath put it out of his Power, or given him some undoubted Revelation.  
We have heard from some, that Robbery is no Ordinance of God at all; but Government is: that's not the just Comparison. It ought to be thus; between a Person furnished with Arms for the Defence of a Village or Travellers, from those who would mischief them; but using them to Plunder or Kill; and a Governor abusing his Power to such Purposes. To furnish the Man with Arms for such good Ends, is an Ordinance of God, though in an inferior degree; i.e. a thing which he approves and commands as he doth all good things: But the Abuse of those Arms, and the Person abusing them are none.  
In like manner, that a Prince should be endowed with Power to defend and protect and benefit his Subjects, is an Ordinance of God; but that there should be one to oppress them, and do that to them, from which he should defend them; this is not in any other sense than the former. And as the Villagers and Travellers may use lawful Means to deliver themselves from the Robber; so for all that I see, may a People from such a Governor. For this hath no more Right to Destroy his Subjects, than the Armed Man Travellers. The Comparison may be more particularly stated; but this is enough.  
So also we are well assured, that God Ordains and sends Plague, Famine, &c. for some Mens Correction, others Destruction, though we do not know certainly whose; may not all therefore serve themselves of all lawful Means for their Removal? Nay according to some Mens Reasoning, all means are Unlawful. Those I mean who say in the Case of Non-resistance, that therefore it is not lawful, because thereby we take God's Rod out of his Hand. If they mean that thereby we always rudely and irreverently behave ourselves to God, they mean well; but say not true. For it may be done with acknowledgement of our own ill Deserts, and great Thankfulness to God, who hath put into our unworthy Hands opportunities and Means of Deliverance from the greatest Misery and Calamities both to Body and Soul. And it is known where it hath been so done, and where it would be in like manner.  
It is a frequent Mistake among well-meaning Christians, to be so taken with, and addicted to one or more Christian Graces, as to know no Limitation by any circumstances; whereas the Christian Religion manifestly commands the Love of God, and universal Charity and Justice to Mankind, the Service of God and the World, in the First place, which must give Rules and set Bounds to the Exercise of all other Virtues whatsoever.  
So it is that some Monkish Men have extravagantly magnified especially the Suffering or ascetic Virtues of Mortifications, Fastings, Patience, Forbearance, &c. As in truth on the other hand, Licentious, Proud and Sensual Men would never find any time nor occasion to practise them. A Mean between both these, where these Virtues are regulated and governed by Prudence and Charity is certainly the Right Way; and that which takes off the too common and contemptuous Reproach or Suspicion of Superstition and Folly from the Christian Religion, and recommends it to the Approbation of the most generous and wise.  
After this, what if it be farther said that sometimes God may set up a bad Governor on purpose that he might be resisted?  
This is far from an Impossibility. For neither Reason nor Revelation hath  told us so, that I know; nay sometimes it may be more probable by both. Why may not God peremptorily ordain an usurping Tyrant over a People not only to punish their Vices, and particularly their Ingratitude too, and Rebellion against a good government; but also to give an opportunity for a brave Example of Wisdom, Industry, Courage, Zeal for God's Religion, and Relief and Deliverance of their Country; as also to let them see the vast difference between good and bad Masters, and so prevent Discontent and vast desire of Change? Must we here sit still also with cros'd Arms and dejected Eyes? Are we not rather obliged to comply with, and execute the Ends of such God's Ordinance?  
Finally, to conclude this Matter. Suppose at last we should grant that which I think false, That the Apostle speaks of all individual Governors, and of the worst too, I would say, That the Command of Non-Resistance is but general, {αβγδ} at most, not absolutely universal in all Cases without any Exception and Reserve; As in the places in the former Article instanced, and in others which may be produced. And I believe, I could give such a Rule for the just Interpretation of such Scriptures, as may, if followed, prevent the Abuses and ill Consequences of such an Affirmation.  
No body is to learn, That the material Part of the Christian Precepts of Patience, Forbearance, Forgiveness( much of kin to this of Non-Resistance) i.e. to suffer harm wrongfully, to delay, to omit to punish the Wrong-doers, run in as universal Terms as that of Non-Resistance: yet nevertheless they have their Limitations, and that in some Cases we ought not to bear, forbear, or forgive all private Injuries.  
And that it must be so taken here; I think is manifest( whatever some have talked) from the Argument of Non-Resistance; namely, That the Higher Powers( suppose individual ones) are not a Terror to Good Works, but the Evil. For the Argument is as good, and will go as far, for Resistance, Alteration or Change, whenever that Resistance, &c. may( as no doubt but sometimes they may) be the Cause that a Government be in far greater Degree for a Praise to Good and Terror to Bad Works. The Roman Government under Tiberius, and the three succeeding Emperors in some part of their Reigns would undoubtedly have proved a greater Encouragement to the Good, and Terror to the Evil, had they been effectually restrained in some of their witcked Actions; or had the Senate been joined with them in the Legislative Power; or finally, had any of them been changed for a Vespasian. Wherefore those Higher Powers were then to be resisted, altered or changed by this very Argument, so far as it reacheth. That is, It is to prevail and persuade upon Supposition( as it ought to be in all Arguments for any Action from one single good Effect of it only) that there were no greater Inconveniences and mischievous Consequences of Resistance, &c. on the other side to overbalance it.  
Now it is not to be doubted that such a Case may fall out sometimes, and if it doth fall out so sometimes only, but generally the contrary, the apostles same Argument must be against Resistance {αβγδ}, or generally; and even for it sometimes in some Cases.  
Generally speaking, or for the most part, either Higher Powers are much more a Terror to evil Works than to good ones; or if they be not, yet the Mischiefs of Resistance or Change may be so very many and great, that all Effects considered, it may be better to be subject to them, and that in great suffering, than by Force to resist, or to attempt to alter the Government, or change the Governors. But sometimes it may not be so: And then Resistance is not only lawful, but, by reason of this Precept here given, commanded. And the Argument of the Apostle is far from Childish when it concludes generally, with some possible Exceptions.  
We do not find, that I remember, that the contumelious usage of Nero by the Senate and people of Rome was ever condemned by the Christians. He was, while yet alive, voted an Enemy, and to be punished more Majorum, according to the Custom of their Ancestors, i.e. To be whipped to Death naked in a Pillory. This is a sign, That if they did think that the Apostle commanded Subjection to all individual Governors, and even to Claudius and Nero; yet they were of opinion likewise, That Nero's Wickedness was grown to that Height, as to be intolerable and the Case not reached by or fallen under the apostles Precept. Nero himself was in his celebrated Quinquennium,( in the first or second year of which this Epistle is thought to have been written) generally speaking, not to be resisted; but he might and did arrive at such a pitch of carelessness of Government, and Cruelty in it, that he was no longer to be born. All the Mischiefs that might follow upon his removal were not comparable to those of his Continuance.  
1. It hath been said yet farther to avoid this, That the Words of the Apostle, Rulers are not a Terror, &c. are not an Argument but a Motive to absolute and universal Submission. As if a Motive were not an Argument, i.e. the good Effects of any Action were not a Reason to prove we should do it. contrariwise all Reasons whatsoever are taken from thence either immediately or mediately. Even the Commands of God are for this Reason to be cheerfully obeied; because we are sure that coming from infinite Wisdom and Goodness, the observation of them in sum is beneficial to the World; tho' we may not always particularly see it, and therefore accpetable to himself. And it may be truly said, That tho' the whole Creation be comparatively not so much as an Atom to God: yet he is pleased not to seek his own Glory, without Regard to the greatest Good of the Creation which he governs.  
Yea, but( 2) The apostles Argument here for universal Non-Resistance is because Higher Powers are the Ordinance of God. What then? May not their being a Terror to evil Works be an Argument likewise? Because one is an Argument is another not? May not there be two Arguments for one thing? Na●, The Ordinance of God is therefore an Argument, because it supposeth the other of a Terror to Evil Works, or some other good Uses and beneficial Effects, as has been just now mentioned.  
But still( 3.) What if by Good and Evil Works St. Paul means not Good and Evil ones in general, among which are Subjection and Rebellion too; but only the particular ones of Obedience and Disobedience, or of Non-Resistance and Resistance excluding, all others besides? As if the Apostle had said, Do not dare to resist the Higher Powers; because if you do, they punish and persecute you; if you do not, they will protect and favour you.  
Why truly( 1.) If any one expounds the Words in such manner, it is more than I know if there be another of that mind.  
And( 2) the very Verse brought to favour this new Exposition is a far better Proof of the ordinary Sense. The Words are, Wherefore you must needs be subject not only for Wrath, but Conscience sake. The most easy and natural signification whereof referred to the precedent Verses is, That you ought not to be subject only for your own sakes, and particularly to avoid Punishment,( which the worst Men may do) but also for the sake of God and Men; because it is an acceptable Duty to God, and best for Mankind. But if by Good Works we understand only one sort, and particularly Absolute Obedience, or at least Universal Resistance; then the whole Sense will be, You ought to be subject not only to avoid Punishment, but also out of Duty and Obedience to God. Now the first sense is far more probable, because then the apostles Argument will be more full for Subjection; and indeed comprehensive of all that can be brought for any Command. Due Subjection is our Duty to God, most beneficial for the World, safe and advantageous for ourselves. The second sense is less probable, because the middle Part of the Argument will be left out.  
Finally the Words in the 4th and 6th Verses, that those higher Powers are the Ministers of God for Good, Ministers to Revenge, and Ministers of God in general; these, I say, are the same Argument, and of the same Importance with their being not a Terror to Good Works, but to Evil ones, &c. But are these the Ministers of God only in punishing or protecting Rebellion or Submission to themselves? Are they not also to be his Ministers, in doing the like to many other Evil and Good works, which regard Mens Selves and their Neighbours; such as Intemperance, unnatural Lusts, Injustice, Murder, Theft, and their contrary Virtues? It follows in Verse 6, attending continually upon this very thing. What! Do the Higher Powers mind nothing but the Correction and Protection of Resistance or Non-resistance? Thus then the general and most received sense of Good and Evil Works, is without compare more probable than the new restrained and confined one is; and if it be so, if there be not necessity, yet I am sure there is great Reason we should take it. But here again I forget myself, and am drawn much beyond what I intended, and therefore I forbear to examine any farther, what is by some discoursed from this place and St. Peter, for proof of Universal Non-resistance, and as easily answered. For my Design was only to present a Train of some Propositions, and very briefly note an Objection or two for an Example, and to hint what might be answered, leaving it to every one to enlarge as he pleased Objections and Answers too.  
XVIII. After Divine Testimony considered, I am less solicitous concerning Human Authorities. But yet in my opinion, to most of those which have been of late prest together for the Service of Universal Non-resistance, these Things may be return'd.  
( 1.) That they are to be understood when Men, and that not the mayor part of the Community neither( for, notwithstanding Tertullian's omnia implevimus, Christians in his time were not perhaps much more than an Hundredth part of the Subjects to the Roman Empire) are persecuted for their Persuasion in a Religion not established by the Laws of the Country, but sometimes contrary to them; and when considered as Christians, or of any other Religion contrary to the Laws of the Government; not as Citizens or Members of the Commonwealth, i.e. Christians, as Christians, merely for their Religion, were not to resist the Higher Powers: Tho' perhaps as Citizens, that is, for all their Privileges, Liberties, Enjoyments of Men put together, Religious, Civil &c. there might be a Time when they might; if these were all, and in very great measure, and constantly, and probably for ever to be taken from them by a Government.  
( 2.) Many of the Testimonies for Non-resistance are to be understood, when the Injury from the Government, tho' never so great, is done to one or few Private Persons.  
( 3.) The Authors mean generally {αβγδ}, not universally, whatever their Expressions seem to signify.  
Or( 4.) If they have affirmed universally, It hath been upon the occasion of some Parties unreasonable Resistance, when the cause would not bear it, as Papists, and the other extreme; and out of a very passionate Respect for Governors, or an inflamed Zeal against Pretences and insufficient Causes. Which two Passions, and perhaps Experience and present sense of great Mischiefs and Inconveniences of Resistance, have wholly possessed them; so that they have thought not of, or perhaps heard of, or have not been able well to perceive, and truly to judge of the many and good Effects of Resistance in some particular Cases; or of the numerous and great Evil ones of absolute Universal Submission to Tyranny, of which as yet they have had no Sense and Experience; they have never lived in turkey or France, nor seen the Sufferings of others, nor felt the Smart themselves. For so we every where may observe, that Things present do most affect, and have greatly the Advantage, even of past, and once known; but much more of future and untried. And for the same reason it is, that when Men are sorely prest with two or three great Inconveniences in Government, they presently cry out, To Arms, or fly to violent Courses.  
If there be any thing more to expound or excuse some Authors, I believe you yourself, Sir, will as soon light upon it as another Man.  
And( 5,) I have been  told that there are far more, and more weighty Authorities on the contrary side. For as for the Primitive Fathers, they never thought expressly of, or stated distinctly the Controversy of an absolute Universal Non-resistance by the whole Senate, Armies and People; but have only spoken in general Terms, or perhaps either by direct Words, Consequence or Actions, have shown sometimes their opinion against it. And here you may please to consult the more skilful; for I suspect there hath been some more Noise than Truth in this matter. But as for the rest of some Centuries of Years hitherto, I have heard from all hands, that all the Learned of the Roman Church, Civilians, Canonists, Schoolmen, Commentators, &c. All Foreign Protestants, Lutherans, Calvinists, &c. at least generally: Nay, even the most studied and impartial Men in our own Church, such as Bilson, Hooker, &c. either directly, or by necessary consequence, have allowed some Cases of Resistance. Indeed they rarely happen and I wish they never might again, and such an one ours was. Only of late, many have spoken very peremptorily against it; I hope most out of too much heat against a sort of Men on the other side, rather than any ill Design or Self-end. Nor do I see reason yet to believe, that all the Moderns, and all for many Ages past, have departed from the doctrine of the Scripture and Primitive Church besides themselves. And thus much of Human Authority in the present Dispute. This, as I am not wholly lead by it; so when it is very numerous, and almost Universal, I am apt to suspect always some Flaw or oversight in my own Reasoning, if contrary to it.  
After all now which hath been said against absolutely Universal Irresistibility; we ought here especially to remember the Apostolical Admonition, {αβγδ}, to be Modest and Prudent with our Knowledge and in our Opinion; neither to be vain with it nor ill use it; that it prove not a Temptation to Pride or Mischief. It is diligently to be inculcated into Men, That the Cases of Resistance are very few and rare, and that it is an hundred to one, That the Attempts, Undertakings, Motions of the Ignorant, Disconted, Ambitious, Factious, Selfish, whose End is not the public Welfare, but themselves and their Party, are not in that very small number. That therefore they are not to be rash, nor soon lead away; but to be truly honest, wary and wise, and to have great Regard to those, whom according to their best Information they judge to be so.  
Especially Men of Parts, Leisure and Trust in the Government; and above all, the Prince and chief Ministers of State, ought to give themselves to the Consideration and Understanding of the true Pefections of Human Nature; the Merits and just Interests of all sorts and conditions of Men in a Community; what they contribute to the public Good, and what therefore should be their Privileges and Rewards. To the Good, I say, of Men Spiritual, Temporal and Eternal. And in the first place, the Safety, Honor, Authority and Power of Governors in their respective places are carefully to be provided for, as being in my opinion appointed and constituted by Revelation and Reason, God and Nature, not only for the sake of a few paltry Commodities of this Life, but for all the Ends mentioned. Nor do I see it for the common Good of Mankind, That their Power should be consigned, as some Men would have it, and as a late foreign Author affirms with more Eloquence than Evidence. A Government is then best and most durably established, when all Mens natural and just Rights are best known and duly distributed and secured. There it is that Governours love and cherish their Subjects; and Subjects inwardly Esteem, Honor, and hearty obey their Governors even in the most difficult and tedious Commands and Services. There it is, if any where, that all live virtuously, charitably and peaceably.  
And now, Sir, I have according to your Commands acquainted you afresh with my Thoughts in this matter with all the freedom and openness I am capable of; and I hope also with no more than what the present Age will bear, and even the greatest not take as coming from any Undutifulness, or want of profound Respect for those to whom I unfeignedly wish a long and happy Reign; all Safety, Honor and Prosperity.  
And it may probably take off and prevent a great Prejudice in some, who are less easy in their Minds, and scarce content with the present Change, to own that to be a Truth still, which was so the last year; and generally received and practised; at least universally connived at, and made use of by those who were the most active then, and are the most pleased and satisfied now. The civil Dissenters have no reason to think our Opinions change with our Passions and Interests. For my part I do not see it inconsistent with Prudence, even at this time, to declare and appear what we have been, are, and shall be in our Principles, and to be known one to another; that so we may never be suspected or accused of Craft and Insincerity, or deceive the opinion and Confidences of Men by our own Fault. Why may we not deal so plainly now with the World as to say that Popery and Absoluteness, so great Friends and so well paired; the two great Oppressors of the most worthy Qualities in the Spirit of Man, Knowledge, Liberty, Generosity, an enlightened and judicious virtue, are to be packed away together? These have been principally supported by Pretensions to Infallibility and universal Irresistibility. Nor can Absoluteness particularly among us Mortals be any more kept out without an Allowance of some Restraint or Resistance in some cases, than the Ocean without Shores and Banks.  
'tis God's Word and Command only can oblige it to quit its own Nature and stand on Heaps. It is much to hear Men of judgement and Eperience tell us it may be done by calling to account the Ministers and Instruments of some supreme Powers. And what will all that signify when they may be protected by them in all Enormities without any fear of danger? But it is the greatest wonder to hear it from the same Men, That if Absoluteness and Irresistibility could not be separated, rather than part with this last, they would take both.  
I love them too well that they should be condemned to their own choice during Life; but if they will not like England because the contrary is there taught and believed, let them take a step over into France, and there settle their Habitation for a while. I am assured they would find there such a knocking Argument, so well beaten into their Heads, that it would not be long before we should have their Company again.  
And as the Truth advanced, and I think proved in these Papers, ought to have such influence as to restrain the great and continued Excesses of ill Government and it's Ministers; so it needs not be in the least feared by the just and moderate ones, such as ours now is, or else never was in this Nation. Especially being always armed, as it ought to be, with sufficient Power to repress and punish the Rash and Ignorant, the truly Factious, Seditious and Rebellious. If I had been otherwise persuaded, and but suspected myself to have said things to the Prejudice and Wrong of that sacred Ordinance of Government, even such as is far from perfect, but such only as Human Affairs and Hopes may easily permit and expect; or which might abate the Zeal, Honor and Obedience necessary, at this juncture especially, to our present Governors; I had suppressed all I had written, or concealed most.  
Whatsoever it is, whether it may be worthy of a Place in a great Bundle of Pamphlets, I entirely refer to your judgement, who am, &c.  
FINIS.