AN Eighth Collection OF PAPERS Relating to the Present Juncture of Affairs in England: VIZ. 

I. The Trial and Examination of the Test of the Church of England's Loyalty.  
II. Some Reflections upon the Additional Libel, entitled, An Instance of the Church of England 's Loyalty.  
III. The Pedigree of Popery, or Genealogy of Antichrist.  
iv A Letter to a Person of Quality, occasioned by the News of the Ensuing Parliament.  
V Father La Chaise's Project for the Extirpation of Heretics: In a Letter from him to Father Petres.  
VI An Account of the Papers that have been Collected, relating to the present Juncture of Affairs.    Licenced according to Order. 
LONDON, Printed Anno Domini, 1689.   

The Trial and Examination of a late Libel, entitled, A New Test of the Church of England's Loyalty. With some Reflections upon the Additional Libel, entitled, An Instance of the Church of England's Loyalty.  
THE Church of England has of late years especially been on the charitable side towards the Papists, and has allowed them to be Christians and not Antichristians, nay to be a true Church and not the Synagogue of Satan; and seemed to have utterly forgotten the two fundamental points of Popery, That Heretics are to be pursued with Fire and Sword, which was determined by the Lateran Council, under Innocent the Third, and conscientiously practised ever since; And that Faith is not to be kept with Heretics, which the Council of Constance determined in the case of John Huss, and Jerome of Prague: And in this excess of Charity which hopeth all things and believeth all things, they have hoped against hope, and have exercised strong acts of Faith where no Faith is, neither have they had any apprehensions of being destroyed, but rather of being saved and protected with Fire and Sword. But finding in great measure their Charity mistaken, to the end that all their disappointments may seem just upon them, they are presently taxed with Disloyalty. So Aesop's Lamb, when she was to be eaten, was charged by the Wolf for muddying the upper part of the stream which was far above her. In Vindication therefore of the Church of England, and to show her innocency in this point, I shall examine this new Test of the Church of England's Loyalty, where she is tried and cast, weighed in the Balance and found light, but, to our comfort, it is by deceitful weights and measures.  
The first device is to pretend, That the Church of England appropriate to themselves alone the principles of true Loyalty, and that no other Church or Communion on earth can be consistent with Monarchy, or indeed with any Government. This is a presumption of so high a nature, that it renders the Church of England a despicable Enemy to the rest of mankind.  
To which I answer, That the Church of England is here represented by that which is the true Character of the Church of Rome, which has all along been a known Engrosser. Which pretends to have all Faith, and all Holiness, and will have all Heaven to her self, and pretending to have the Keys of it, will suffer none other to come thither. Whereas the Church of England allows, not only that all Protestants have true Faith and true Loyalty as well as she, and the same Faith and Loyalty, as appears by the Harmony of their Confessions, but also that Pagans are capable of moral virtue, such as Loyalty is, and have heretofore been great examples of it. Many of them have looked upon themselves as not born for themselves, but for their Country, and were strict observers of the Laws: And it is well known, that Socrates in particular had that Reverence for the Laws, that though he was put upon it by his Friends, yet he would not break them to save his Life. His Bones and Sinews, as his words are in Plato's Phaedo, could easily have carried him into a Foreign Country, but he would not suffer them to do it. And therefore this Author, in saying that the Church of England averrs, That no other Sect or Community on Earth from the Rising to the Setting Sun can be capable of this singular gift of Loyalty; betrays his malice and ignorance together, and plainly shows, that though he make new Tests of Loyalty, yet he does not know what Loyalty is.  
The word Loyal is a Term of Law, and is indifferently applied to things as well as Persons. So a Loyal Judgement is a Judgement according to Law, and is opposed to a false Judgement. A Loyal contract is a lawful bargain. A Man buys an Horse in a Market, and then he has a Loyal Title, a Legal Title to him. So again, a Person behaves himself according to Law, and observes the Laws of the Land, and then he is a Loyal Man, he is Legalis Homo, as a Juryman is required to be, that is, such a one as cannot be challenged for a Criminal, or a breaker of the Laws. And in case a Man's Behaviour be according to Law, it is Loyal, whether it respect a Superior or an Inferior. Action nest autre chose que Loyal demand de son droit. An action is nothing else but the Loyal Demand of a Man's Right. Mirror, p. 115, and p. 122. A Sergeant at Law shall not use any deceits in his practice, nor consent to them, mes Loyalment maintiendra le droit de son Client, etc. But shall Loyally maintain the Right of his Client, so that it be not overthrown by any folly, negligence, or default of his.  
From hence it follows, that Loyalty can have no other rule or measure but the Law; for though some Men love to have confused notions of things, and speak of Loyalty as if it were a thing in the Clouds, and some abstruse matter over our Heads, yet it appears to be plain thing, and of easy comprehension, for it is nothing else but Conformity to the Laws. The plain English of Loyalty is lawfulness, and it is utterly impossible that there should be any other Test or Touchstone, any other measure or standard of lawfulness but the Law itself. For if there had been no Law, as there had been no Transgression nor Violation of it, so there had been no Loyalty nor Conformity to it. And therefore Loyalty against Law is a contradiction, it is obedience made up of disobedience. The Law is that which makes the King our Liege Lord, and us his Liege People, and accordingly both Prince and People are mutually sworn to the keeping of it; and our Allegiance binds us to an obedience according to Law, and not otherwise. To obey the King himself contrary to Law is Disloyalty, and to disobey the King in obedience to the Laws is Loyalty. If it be not thus, than all the Judges of England for these 340 Years and upwards, have been all Sworn to be Disloyal. For they are sworn to proceed according to Law, though the King by his Letters or Writs under the great Seal, or under the little Seal, or by his own mouth should command them the contrary, 2. 18. 20. Ed. 3. Fortesc. c. 51. Etiamsi Rex per Literas suas aut Ore tenus Contrarium jusserit. And so in the Court Leet, when we swear that we will be true Liegemen, and true Faith and Troth bear to our Sovereign Lord the King, and that we shall no Felony nor Treason commit, nor thereunto assent, and shall be obedient to all the K. Majesty's Laws, Precepts and Process proceeding from the same: It is plain, that we do not promise any obedience to Precepts or Process which are contrary to Law, or besides the Law, and not grounded upon it; No, that is no part of our Allegiance, which you plainly see is limited to the Laws.  
Now this being the undoubted notion of Loyalty, how should the Church of England ever dream of appropriating it to herself, since obedience to the Laws of their Country has always been practised in all Nations, by all virtuous men whatsoever; it being a point of common honesty and justice, that men should abide by those Laws, which either themselves or their Proxies have made, and to which in one way or another they have given their own consent, which always concludes, and is binding to an honest Man: Only there is one sort of men in the World, who can never be Loyal; because no Man can serve two Masters, the Government of his own Country and the Pope of Rome. They who have a Legislator abroad to give them new Laws, and a Dispenser to repeal the old ones, can never be true and firm to the Laws of their natural Country. Their Loyalty is in Abeyance to the Pope's Laws, (which agreed even with the old Laws of England, bofore the Reformation, like Fire and Water, as Archbishop Cranmer proves in his large Letter to Q. Mary) and their Allegiance is pinned upon the the Pope's Sleeve. In the mean time the Church of England has very great reason to insist upon her Loyalty, because if a man be not a lawful man, he is defeated of the benefit of the Law in many cases: Whereas the members of the Church of England are able to use the old legal exceptions against their present Accusers. Siri, jeo suy Loyal home, & a la foy le Roy, & cest provor est fellow, & horse la foy le Roy. Sirs, I am a lawful man and in Allegiance to the King, and this Accuser of mine is a Felon or a Traitor, and never took the Oath of Allegiance. And we are ready to join issue with them upon this point, Whether they or we be the lawful men, and which of us are guilty of High Treason against the King and the Realm, Felony, Misprision of Treason, Praemunire, and are utterly disabled by the Law to hold any Office either Civil or Military, not only by the Statutes made in Q. Elizabeth's time, but also in the Reigns of King James, and of King Charles the Second. And therefore as often as we are taxed in our Loyalty, we shall only ask them, what Laws we have broken? Or whether it be We or They who hate the Laws of the Land, and are continually exclaiming against them, and would blow them up with as good a Will, as once they attempted to blow up all the States of the Kingdom in the Parliament house where those Laws were made, and for that very reason, because those Laws were made there. See 3 Jac. c. 1. the Statute which is yearly read in our Churches on the 5th. of November.  
Having thus explained the true sense and meaning of Loyalty, it is easy for every body to apply it, and to justify the Church of England's carriage and behaviour, both in her Infancy and now in her Old Age (by the way, old Folks and threatened Folks live long) And to show, that it has been according to the Laws of the Land; which if they had broken and opposed, as the Papists have done, they might then be charged with Disloyalty indeed. But while they continue to keep the Laws, by the Grace of God the Laws will keep them: for so long the Law enables them to hold their own, they can challenge the benefit of the Law, they can claim a legal Protection, which is far better than any which is illegal and arbitrary, uncertain and precarious, and they are on the better side of the Hedge of all the Violators of the Law whatsoever. I shall not need to trouble myself with the Remainder of this new Test, any otherwise than by making some very short Notes upon the most remarkable passages in it.  
I The first charge is, That the Church of England assisted Usurpers to invade the Crown, meaning the Lady Jane and Q. Elizabeth.  
As for the the first of these, I cannot see how it can be charged upon the Church of England, because the Protestants were divided about Q. Janes Title, some were for it, and some were against it, as particularly Judge Hales and the Suffolk Gospelers, who stuck to Q. Marry, and were but sorrily rewarded for it. But to wave Q. Janes case, and what might be said concerning it from the Statute, 11 Hen. 7. c. 1. I think this is a very fair offer, that when the Papists have answered for all the bad Titles which were set up in the times of Popery, which were at least in the proportion of two bad ones for one good, we will then answer, as well as we can, for that single one, which has happened since the time of the Reformation.  
The other Usurper, which the Church of England Assisted to Invade the Crown, was Q. Elizabeth, a known Bastard. It is well known that a Popish Parliament then sitting, acknowledged her Title, and assisted in setting her upon the Throne, and not the Church of England, which was then driven into Corners, and into Foreign Countries, and was not in a condition to assist any body. And whereas Q Elizabeth is said to have been a known Bastard, the Church and Court of Rome knew the contrary. For they knew that her Mother's Marriage was good, because the former Marriage was naught. And the former was confessedly naught, because it wanted the Pope's Dispensation and Licence, which was bought with a mighty sum of Money, to make it good. If it had been lawful in itself, it had not needed the Pope's Dispensation to make it lawful: And we are willing to refer it to all the World, whether the Pope's Dispensation can make an unlawful Marriage to be lawful.  
II. We are told, That the Prelatic Protestancy, called the Church of England, enacted those bloody Cannibal Laws, to Hang, Draw, and Quarter, the Priests of the living God. I suppose he means the Mass Priests. Now these Cannibal Laws were made to hang them, not as Priests, but as Traitors and Traiter-makers. But I would fain ask, Might not any Sheep-stealer, or Cutpurse, in Newgate, exclaim against Persecution, and the bloody Cannibal Laws, with a much better grace? That a Man made in the Image of God should be hanged like a Dog, for such trifles as a Sheep, or a little lose Pocket-money! Whereas the Law of God only required Forefold Restitution in those cases; and in some Countries, Stealing was not only lawful but was encouraged as an Accomplishment. But on the other hand, in God's own Government Idolatrous Priests were to be put to death. And by the Law of Nations in all Countries whatsoever, Spies, Deserters, Adherents and Emissaries of a public Enemy (as by our Law the Pope is to us, and by his Law all Heretics are declared to be to him) are all to be hanged up.  
And then as for the Mass Priests being called the Priests of the living God, I appeal to the senses and understanding of all mankind, whether the Lord God, the Maker, the former, and the Creator of a Mass Priest, whom he carries in his Box and Worships, be a living God or no? Nay, according to the School of the Eucharist, I will be judged by the very Rats and Mice which often run away with him.  
III. The next thing the Church, or rather the State of England is charged with, for it was a Parliament business at least thirteen Years, is the Execution of Mary Q. of Scots, for Treason against Q. Elizabeth: Wherein if they did any thing contrary to Law, and the Allegiance due to their then present Q. Elizabeth, they are chargeable with disloyalty, otherwise not. And whereas this Author calls it a Barbarous Murder, and an Execrable Fact, I would desire him to speak low, for if the Laws should overhear him, they would call this, Arraigning the Justice of the Nation. And in saying that this Fact was the first of the kind, he betrays great Ignorance: he might as well have said, that the Emperor Licinius, Colleague with Constantine the Great, and Q. Joan of Naples, are still living. And as yet I have never read, that what Constantine did in that case, was to the scandal and reproach of Christianity, or even of those Christians who lived under Licinius, and joined with Constantine the Great in that Affair.  
But fourthly I find (which is the Substance of the sixth and seventh Pages) that the Church of England might have all her old scores cleared, and all her former faults forgotten, and might pass for Loyal still, if she would now consent to the Repeal of the Sanguinary Penal Laws, which were purposely enacted to maintain the Usurpation of Queen Elizabeth) and the late impious Tests. Which puts me in mind of the conditions of peace, which the Wolves sent to the Sheep. The main Article was, that the Sheep should deliver up their Dogs, which they kept for a Guard, and which were the great hindrance to a firm and lasting Peace. But every body knows how long the Peace lasted. But to proceed, If the Sanguinary Penal Laws were purposely enacted to maintain the Usurpation of Queen Elizabeth, how came they to be enacted afresh in the first year of King James, when that Usurpation was over? How came they two years after 3 Jac. c. 1. to be called Religious and necessary Laws? And how came more of these Religious and necessary Laws to be made in the same Parliament, and in succeeding Parliaments? As for the late impious Tests (choice Epithets for the Laws of the Land) they were made as appears by the Title of the Acts, To prevent dangers which may happen from Popish Recusants. Now the sheep might safely have parted with their Dogs, if the Peaceable Wolves at the same time would have parted with their Fangs.  
5. In the last page he says, As for the Tests themselves, it is not my Province to show the Absurdities of them in point of Doctrine. It is well it is not, for he must get abundance of help whenever he goes about that Work. However he offers at it in these words. Though by the by I must hold it a great folly, to say that Transubstantiation is not a probable opinion at the least, considering the number and Learning of those who maintain it, which is the best part of Christendom: And if it be a probable opinion, it must be a great Temerity in any man to swear there is no such thing. I had always thought that a probable opinion must be made out by proofs and probable reasons, and not by numbers and telling of Noses. But it seems the cause of Transubstantiation runs very low, when it must be maintained by such Arguments, as hold much stronger for Paganism and for Diana of the Ephesians, whom all the World worshipped. The Religion of the Heathens was of a larger extent and of longer standing than Popery, and was maintained by all the learning of Athens and of Ancient Rome, and yet we dare be Sworn, that it was a false Religion. I think we do not renounce Transubstantiation upon Oath, but only by public Declaration and Subscription; but if we did, it would by no means be a rash Oath. For may not I safely swear, that there is no such Figure as a Square Circle, when the thing involves manifold contradictions, and it is plainly demonstrable that the properties of a Square and of a Circle are utterly Inconsistent. Now we have a thousandfold more Evidence, and are able to make as clear proof and demonstration of it a thousand times over, that there never was, nor is, nor can be any such thing as Transubstantiation, which is nothing else but a heap of Contradictions, Absurdities, and impossible Falsehoods. And therefore we have the same assurance that the Doctrine of Transubstantiation never came nor could come from God, as we have of this clear and evident Truth, That it is impossible for God to Lye.  
VI And now we are come to the conclusion and upshot of the business, which is in these words. So that upon the whole matter the Loyal Church of England must either change her old Principles of Loyalty, and take example by her Catholic Neighbours how to behave herself towards a Prince who is not of her persuasion; or she must give his Majesty leave not to nourish a Snake in his own Bosom, but rather to withdraw his Royal Protection, which was promised upon the account of her constant Fidelity. I wish this Author had been more express and particular in this Dilemma and difficulty, to which he thinks he has reduced the Church of England; either to turn over a new leaf, and learn a new lesson of Loyalty from her Catholic Neighbours, or else to do worse. For he does not tell us, which of our Catholic Neighbours we must take example by, whether Mrs. Celier, and Mr. Sclater, who have both published to the World, that they turned Papists, that is, have made themselves High-Traytors, for the improvement of their Loyalty; or whether we should take example by this Author himself, to call Queen Elizabeth Bastard, to ridicule an Infallible English Parliament, as he calls it in Scorn, to deprave and vilify several Statutes, which are and will be the standing Laws of the Land, till such time as they are repealed by Act of Parliament: And therefore he has not been so clear as he might have been in this point. Which the Church of England will hardly trouble herself about, because she likes her old Principles of Loyalty very well, and is not given to change, but knows when she is well. In the mean time this Author tells us very plainly, and expressly enough, that till the Church of England change their old Principles of Loyalty and take example by their Catholic Neighbours, they are to be looked upon as a Snake in his Majesty's Bosom, and cannot expect to be protected. Alas! this Gentleman is utterly mistaken. For a Legal Establishment has a Right to a Legal Protection, and the King is bound both by his Oath, and by the duty of his Kingly Office to protect the Church of England, as it is by Law established. And therefore to talk of withdrawing Protection from the Church of England, is to talk of removing the Thames to York. But we are so much used to such empty threaten and flashes in the Pan, that we know they will not kill. So the Reply to the Oxford Reasons against Addressing threatens the Church of England, that by the Prerogative in Matters Ecclesiastical it may be in great measure Legally Subverted, p. 4. A Legal Establishment even while it remains such, Legally Subverted! They would make us believe, that the Laws of England were made up of Jesuitical Equivocations, and did blow Hot and Cold with the same mouth. But besides, That Replyer should be told that a thousand more of his pompous Quotations which were written in the time of the High Commission will not Revive that Branch of the Statute 1 Eliz. upon which the High Commission Court was erected. And likewise he should be told, that a Power given by One Statute, and taken away afterwards by Two, is certainly reduced to its Primitive nothingness.  
But I return to our present Author only to take my leave of him, which he has done of the Church of England in these words: And now let us leave the Holy Mother Church at liberty to consult what new Measures of Loyalty she ought to take for her own dear Interest, and for aught I know it may be worth her serious consideration. I am in hopes, That this Church of God, which he hath purchased with his own Blood, (though this Author be pleased to trample upon her with so much Scorn and Insolence) will take occasion, even at an Enemies bidding, to consult what New Measures of Loyalty she ought to take for her own dear Interest, and for the Interest of Posterity which is much dearer, and for the Everlasting Interest of both, which is dearest of all. And will humbly and hearty Bewail her Disloyalty to her great Lord and Master, and those many, and great, and open Transgressions and Violations of his most Holy and Righteous Laws which are amongst us. And O that every member of that Communion in particular would speedily repent, and return to his Duty, and persevere in a course of Holy Obedience to his lives end! This is the Loyalty that is too much wanting in the Church of England, which is due to the Laws of our Blessed Saviour, who is King of Kings and Lord of Lords. As for her Earthly Lords, They cannot charge her with any Disobedient or Lawless carriage towards them, or with any Disregard to the Laws, unless perhaps in some unwarrantable Officious Instances, which it would hardly be Proper for them to Object against her. And to the end that both we and our Children after us may be Better Subjects to our Blessed Lord, than hitherto we have been, I am in hopes That the Church of England will lay a dead Hold upon that great Depositum which the Laws have put into her hands, which is the only Instrument of our Reformation, I mean the English Bible. We are very bad now: But what would become of us, if we should likewise be deprived of the only means to make us better? If all the Laws of the Land were Abolished, there could be no Loyalty: And if the Gospel were taken away, which is the Laws and Statutes of Heaven, how were it possible for us to be the Subjects of Jesus Christ? We might indeed be the Servants of Men, and Vassals to the Pope, but we could not possibly obey the Gospel of Christ, if it were taken and hid from us. We remember full well who they were that would not suffer an English Bible to be in this Kingdom for very many Ages together: And if any Devout and Religious Soul, who desired to know his Master's will, had gotten but the Lord's Prayer, or Ten Commandments in English, it cost him his life. We shall never forget the Seven Coventry Martyrs, who were Burned all together in the little Park, the 4th. of April 1519. for teaching their Children and Family the Lord's Prayer, and Ten Commandments in English. Nor shall we ever forget how the poor Children were sent for, and charged in no wise to meddle any more with those very small Scriptures, upon pain of suffering the same Death with their Parents. What is once made Heresy by an Infallible Church, must be always, and  Heresy, though Heresy indeed is not  Burning, for want of opportunity. Thanks be to God and our good Laws that it is not so here. And I hope the Church of England will always be careful to assert the Authority and Majesty of the Laws, which are so much to be preferred and valued above our Lives, in as much as by them we enjoy both our Lives and the Protestant Religion together. May God be entreated to continue this Unvaluable and Undeserved Blessing to us and to our Posterity. Amen.   

Some Reflections upon the Additional LIBEL, entitled, An Instance of the Church of England 's Loyalty.  
IT is a just Judgement upon those who have Renounced their Reason to embrace Transubstantiation, and thereby have distorted their natural faculties, that their Understandings stand awry for ever after, and we cannot expect so much as Common sense from them any more. From thenceforward they Writ as well as Believe contradictious Mysteries; and he that means to comprehend their awkerd and perverse Reasonings must stand upon his Head. We need not go far to fetch Examples of this, for the late Instance of the Church of England 's Loyalty, is a remarkable Instance of all that I have said: Wherein there are these following Absurdities, delivered in a way of much smartness, and with the appearance of very close Reasoning.  
1. The Articles and Canons of the Church of England are set aside, and some few Addresses in this present Reign, are made the Standard of the Doctrine of the Church of England.  
2. The Bishops and Clergy of several Convocations, who have been Dead these Hundred years, are rendered Disloyal, for not governing themselves by these Addresses two years ago, which they knew not of.  
3. Marry Queen of Scots is made Queen of England by such an Argument as makes her No Queen of Scots, and by giving her another's Kingdom takes away her own.  
4. Marry Queen of Scots is made Queen of England upon the Hypothesis of the Paternal Right, when upon that Hypothesis she was disinherited and foreclosed from the Crown of England by two successive Patriarches, Henry the 8th. and Edward the 6th. I should think for that very reason, that the Hypothesis of the Laws had been a much better Hypothesis.  
In the opening a little and showing these Absurdities I suppose I shall meet with all that is remarkable in that Paper.  
1. The Articles and Canons of the Church of England are set aside, and some few Addresses in this present Reign, are made the standard of the Doctrine of the Church of England, p. 3. and 5. Is this arguing from the Church of England's Own Principles? which he says is the design of his Paper, p. 6. Is it the Principle of any one Clergyman in England, that the Doctrine of the Church of England is to be sought for and found out in Addresses? Or in any thing but the Liturgy and Homilies, the Articles and Canons of the Church, which have the public Sanction and the Universal consent of the whole Clergy? If he had found materials out of any of these to make good his charge of disloyalty, he had done like a Man, and the Church of England had been condemned out of her own mouth; but if he cannot do this at present, we will have patience to stay till he can, and in the mean time he had done wiselier to have said nothing.  
2. The Bishops and Clergy of several Convocations, who have been dead these hundred years, are rendered disloyal, for not governing themselves by these Addresses two years ago, which they knew not of. This is a great hardship indeed, that men shall be tried and condemned by Laws, which were not promulged till an hundred years after their death. The present Church of England has a very great Reverence for those Bishops and Clergy, who were the Restorers of the Protestant Religion to this Kingdom, and who had formerly hazarded their lives for it, and will be very loath to see them pass under the Character of Traitors and Rebels: And when we demand, what Laws of the Land, or what Principles of the Church of England they had transgressed, we are in effect told, that they were Rebels against some chosen expressions in very modern Addresses. The instance which he gives is the Church of England's behaviour towards Mary Queen of Scots above an hundred years ago: now mark his words p. 5. But yet because I am about to give a notorious instance of their Receding from this Principle, (namely the Divine Right of Succession) when the practice of it thwarted their Interest, it will not be amiss to observe, that they have acknowledged in their several Addresses to his present Majesty, upon his Accession to the Crown, the Unalterable and Inherent Right of Succession. Now this is the Reasoning which, as I said before, would make a Man stand upon his Head. Besides, How could they Recede or go back from a Principle which they never came to, and were never nearer it than at an Hundred years' Distance? For their Opinion or Principle, call it what you will, was this, as appears by the 27. Eliz. That in case an Heir in Remainder killed the present lawful Possessor of the Crown, that person had not a Divine Right of Succession: And that neither God nor the Laws ever meant to Reward the falsehood of Treason, and the bloody Usurpation of a Crown, with so much the Earlier possession of it. My business is not to concern myself about either of these Principles or Opinions, but only to show the absurd Reasoning of this Writer.  
3. Marry Queen of Scots is made Queen of England by such an Argument as makes her no Queen of Scots, and by giving her fewer Kingdom takes away her own. The Argument is this, That Queen Elizabeth being Illegitimate, and only an Act-of-Parliament-Queen, could not interpose betwixt the Crown of England and Mary Queen of Scots, who was Heir by Inherent Birthright. Now does not all the World know, That all the Title that Mary Queen of Scots had to the Kingdom of Scotland, was an Act of Parliament made at Scone in the time of Robert the First; whereby his Issue by Elizabeth Moor his Concubine, (whom he never Married, but who was afterwards Married to one Giffard a Gentleman of Louthien) were made Inheritable to the Crown; and at the same time all his legitimate Children, by his lawful Queen Eupheme, were set aside. These men take just the same measures as their Father Garnet did in the Gun powder Treason, who Resolved, That in order to blow up the Heretics, they might lawfully blow up their Catholic Friends too: Nay, all that this Instancer says against Queen Elizabeth (admitting it to be True, which we do not) bears much harder upon the Title of Mary Queen of Scots. Was Queen Ann's Marriage with Hen. 8. naught? But in Elizabeth Moor's Case there was no Marriage at all. Or was King Edward set aside to make way for Illegitimate Elizabeth? But so it was done by the Act at Scone. Every body understands the English of Queen Ann Bolens Precontract, when they remember, That King Henry the 8th. was Married again to the Lady Jane Seymour, within Three days after the Beheading of that Queen.  
4. Marry Queen of Scots is made Queen of England upon the Hypothesis of the Paternal Right, p. 3. and 5. when upon that Hypothesis she was disinherited and foreclosed from the Crown of England by two Successive Patriarches, Henry the 8th. and Edward the 6th. Henry the 8th. by his last Will and Testament excluded the House of Scotland, and Edward the 6th. by his Will excluded both that and his own Sisters likewise. But as the Bishop of Ross argued against the first Will, that it was not subscribed by his Graces own hand-writing, as was directed by the Act of Parliament, but only signed with a stamp of his Name; so King Edward was never enabled by an Act of Parliament to dispose of the Crown at all: And so neither of these Wills signified any thing, because the Prince has no Power but what the Law gives him. Whereas if these foresaid Princes had been Patriarches, and full of Inherent Paternal Power, they could have Disinherited without an Act of Parliament. For if a Father cannot Disinherit, much less has he Power of Life and Death.  
It were endless to reckon up all the awkerd and wilful mistakes which fill up that Sheet of Paper. As where he insinuates, p. 7. That the 3th. of Elizabeth was owing to the Queen's Consciousness of the Insufficiency of her Title: It is nothing so; But it was made for the Preservation of her Person, and that no body presuming upon an Unalterable and Unforfeitable Title in Reversion might immediately destroy her. An Act it is which is Law to this day, and was recited 13 Caroli 2. and there Expressly made a Pattern for the 13th. of his Reign. And whereas he says p. 8. That before the Queen of Scots was taken off, and so the Succession pretty well secured against Popery, the Church of England never Persecuted any of her Protestant Dissenters, but as soon as that Work was done, and the Court likely to continue on their side, then out flies the 35 Eli2. cap. 2. against Sectaries: In those very few words there are a great many Blots. For first, I hope the 23 of Elizabeth was several years before the Death of the Queen of Scots, and if that Act was not made against the Protestant Dissenters, they have had the more wrong done them, in having been since Prosecuted upon that Act. Second, He words it as if the 35 of Elizabeth came out the next day, or at least very shortly after the Death of the Queen of Scots; whereas it was not till many years after. 3d. Whereas the present Church of England is upbraided with the 35 Eliz. it is not beyond the memory of Man since in this Church a Bill passed both Houses of Parliament for the Repeal of that Act, but when it came to the Royal Assent, the Bill was not to be found, and they say there was foul play in the losing of that Bill. But I think the greatest blot and blunder of all is a little above in the same page, in these words; After the Queen of Scots Condemnation, the Parliament Petitioned for her Execution, each House apart; and the Bishops gave their Reasons why it ought to be. If the Bishops had Reasons why it ought to be, than they were no Traitors nor Rebels as they are all along branded; then they did not kill the Heir that the Inheritance might be theirs, for that we are very sure ought not to be. And if their Reasons are weak and Insufficient, and in effect no Reasons, why then are they not Answered? For the bare mentioning of them without answering them, will leave a suspicion, in all men's minds, that there is somewhat in them which is unanswerable. And truly this is just such another piece of work, as a very young and unskilful Conjurer uses to perform, in raising what he cannot lay.  
In a word, I do not see one true and close thing in this Paper, unless it be this, p 3. That the Church of England-men themselves do not Obey their own Canons. Which if they had Obeyed, and particularly the 114. Canon, whereby they are bound to present all Popish Recusants and all that are Popishly given, every year; They had not this day been troubled with New Tests and Instances of their Loyalty: But failing in that part of their Loyalty and Obedience, they are now Questioned for all the rest. However, it is never too late for men to return to their Duty.  
To conclude, I would advise these Popish Scribblers to let the Church of England alone, which has both the Truth of God and the Laws of the Land on her side; and having Heaven and Earth on her side, all the Powers of Hell cannot prevail against her; much less is she to be run down by a few Impotent Libels, which can never attain their End, nor arrive at their Conclusion, though we should grant them all their own Premises. For supposing Queen Ann's Confession of a Precontract, yet that does not make Queen Elizabeth Illegitimate: And supposing her Illegitimate, and only an Act-of-Parliament-Queen, yet that does not make her an Unlawful Queen: And supposing her an Unlawful Queen, and without a legal Title, and only Queen for the time being, yet the Church of England were not Rebels and Traitors for Assisting her but did their true Duty of Allegiance, as is expressly said in the 11 Hen. 7. c. 1. which Act was made on purpose to save the People's Allegiance in that Case, who had like to have been Ruined but a little before, by the cross Pretensions and Alternately prevailing Titles of York and Lancaster. Nay to go farther, supposing that Queen Elizabeth was an Usurper, and the Church of England over and above Traitors and Rebels, and thereupon all the Laws made in her time of no Authority; (for that I know is the point that they would be at, and the only meaning of all this Scurrility poured forth upon that Queen and her Clergy) yet still they would lose their Aim; those Laws having been confirmed in so many Parliaments since, and by such Princes, as now they list not to bark at: Though heretofore the Jesuit Parsons in his Book of the Succession, under the Name of Doleman, shown himself and his Fraternity to be as much Devoted to K. James' Title, as this Author is now to Q. Elizabeth's. In short, being nothing is to be gotten by Railing against Q. Elizabeth, and by making her Illegitimate, they may as well let her rest in Peace, or pass for Legitimate: And they may save the foul spittle they are daily casting upon her, which will serve much better for the making of their Holy Water.   

The PEDIGREE of POPERY; OR, The GENEALOGY of ANTICHRIST.  

THE DEVIL begat Sin,  
Sin begat Ignorance,  
Ignorance begat Error and his Brethren,  
Error begat Pride,  
Pride begat ,  
 begat Merit,  
Merit begat Forgetfulness of Grace,  
Forgetfulness of Grace begat Transgression,  
Transgression begat Distrust,  
Distrust begat Dissatisfaction,  
Dissatisfaction begat the Sacrifice of the Mass,  
The Sacrifice of the Mass begat Superstition,  
Superstition begat Hypocrisy,  
Lying Hypocrisy begat Gain, of her that was the Wife of the Offertory,  
Gain begat Purgatory,  
Purgatory begat Anniversary or yearly Masses, or Trentals,  
Anniversary (being a foundation) begat the Patrimony of the Church,  
The Patrimony of the Church begat Wicked Mammon,  
Mammon begat Luxury,  
Luxury begat Usurpation,  
Usurpation begat Cruelty,  
Cruelty begat Immunity,  
Immunity begat Lordship,  
Lordship begat Pomp,  
Pomp begat Ambition,  
Ambition begat Simony,  
Simony begat the POPE and his Brethren the Cardinals, in the Transportation into Babylon; and after the Transportation into Babylon,  
The POPE begat the Mystery of Iniquity,  
The Mystery of Iniquity begat School-Divinity,  
School-Divinity begat the Casting away of Holy Scripture,  
The Casting away the Holy Scripture begat the Legend,  
The Legend begat Monkery,  
Monkery begat Blind Zeal,  
Blind Zeal begat the Murdering of Saints,  
The Murdering of Saints begat the Contempt of God,  
Contempt of God begat Dispensation,  
Dispensation begat Licence to Sin,  
Licence to Sin begat Carnal Policy,  
Carnal Policy begat Jesuitism,  
Jesuitism begat Four Monsters, Equivocation, Mental Reservation, Probable Opinion and Direction of the Intention;   
These Four Monsters survive to this day, and begat a Multitude of Sons and Daughters, viz. Atheism, Tyranny, Treason, Assassination, Perjury, Inquisition, Massacre, Masquerade and Open Popery, City-Burning, Chequer-Stopping, Charter-Catching, Large Finings, Severe Whip, Non obstante, Closetings, Subscribings, Member-making, Addressing, and all kind of Abominations, which walking abroad in a Dress of Religion and Dissimulation, complete the whole Train of Antichrist, etc. To the perpetual Establishing and Setting up of POPERY, and the putting down of and for ever subverting and casting away all Christianity.   

A LETTER TO A PERSON of QUALITY, Occasioned by the News of the Ensuing PARLIAMENT.  
Honoured Sir,  
THE next Parliament being that by which the Hopes or Fears of the Nation are in a great measure to be determined, and your Interest being considerable enough to make you a Member of it, give me leave to send you these Considerations on the present state of Affairs; Let not, I beseech you, your being placed in so High a Post, make you neglect any Information you may receive from a Person, though of an inferior station. He that is near the Sun, does indeed partake of most warmth; but he may have a more advantageous prospect of things that lies at a convenient distance.  
Sir, I doubt not but you will be one of those, who will shortly represent a Nation, whereof, by a moderate computation, at least Two Hundred parts are Protestants; and (whatever your concern may be at another time for any particular division of them) 'tis a care of the Religion in general I now inculcate to you. I am sure that, whatever Glosses are put upon things, whether you will consent that Popery shall come in, is the truth of the Question; and the present Scene of Affairs is laid in too much Sun, to make us either not see the Design, or not suspect the Contrivance.  
We know that pairing of our Nails and Claws, Rooting out the Sanguinary Laws, and humbling the Church of England, are the witty Sarcasms of every Phamphlet: But if we consider that there is a Church in the World: That doth both teach and practise such Cruelties, to which the utmost severities of our Penal Laws are indeed; in comparison, but scratching; we shall find that these Laws are only Defensive weapons: And that they were never enacted without reason, nor practised without Provocation. And upon that consideration, it is as unreasonable a request at this time to take them off, as it would be to desire the Hollanders to dig down those Banks that stop an Inundation.  
Not to give you a view of Popery in speculation; such as, That there is no Faith to be kept with Heretics: That the Pope may Absolve Subjects from their Allegiance to their Natural Prince: That Heretical Princes may be slain by their Subjects, and the like; (though these have been too solemnly established, not to be considered,) we have overt acts enough to justify our apprehensions. We cannot choose but remember a Reign wherein our Religion had very little quarter; the Gunpowder Plot was laid too deep to be so soon forgotten; and some Centuries must pass, before they can wipe off the stains of the Irish Massacre: Nay, though the belief of these and the like Cruelties may be objected against, as being built upon the Uncertainty of Traditions, yet we have late and visible instances to refresh our Memories: We have every day at our doors living Monuments of Inhumanity, that warn us to prevent our own, by their Misfortunes; and that plainly show to us, that the circumstances of their Sufferings, deserve as well our Care as Compassion.  
As for the Penal Laws, I dare say they were designed for the security of the Government; but if the King and Parliament think otherwise, (though I confess the debate about them two, may prudentially be referred to another season) I envy no man the Liberty of his Conscience: But the TEST (the repealing of which is expected will be the merit of the late Indulgence) will certainly admit of a further consideration: The wisdom of that Parliament that enacted these Laws, thought then they were great Securities to our Religion against Popery; and I cannot perceive any such favourable aspects, that at this time may render them the less necessary. These Laws cannot be pretended to affect any Man's Conscience, unless our Preferments make the scruple; and if so, we shall find this Indulgence to be a very hard bargain, when for the liberty of a Barn, we shall give them possession of our Churches. We must consider that the consequence of this Repeal will be no less; for if Mandates (as be sure they will) be liberally distributed, what Patron can deny to Present, or Bishop refuse Admission? And indeed we shall leave them but a very indifferent excuse; when they can return no other reason for not complying with the King, but because the Person he recommends, is of his own Religion.  
If by the present distribution of Offices, both Civil and Military, we had no reason, after this Repeal, to suspect at least a proportionable share in the favour of the Government; the request would be something plausible; but since by comparing of things, we may rationally guests, that the Papists, by this advantage, do not only design to partake of, but engross the Preferments; we must enevitably conclude, That so tame a resignation of our Offices and other Places, into the hands of those, who by fatal experience have showed us what use they will make of them, will be too generous and dangerous a Compliment at this time to be offered.  
Nay, 'tis a little too much upbraiding our own Loyalty, to take off these Laws at this juncture, as if the Protestants either would not, or could not discharge all Places of Trust, without the addition of Popish Services. We were able to bring the King to the Throne, and preserve him in it without their assistence; and if on the sudden they become so necessary, we must have leave to believe, that there is some extraordinary work to be done, that Protestant hands are too unhallowed for the undertaking.  
I should imagine, that before you think of repealing the Tests 〈◊〉 debate would be most natural to inquire whether they are now in 〈…〉 and to consider whether the Acts of a King solemnly ratified in ●●●●●ament, are not a little too venerable to be made bold with, and dispensed by every indigent Officer. Your Liberties and Privileges will be so closely inter oven with those of your Predecessors, that not to be concerned for th●● reach of theirs, will be in the event to neglect your own: So that when this Drudgery is over, and shall be thought useless, if upon other occasions the plain meaning of your Acts should be wrested by the Ignorance or Knavery of the Interpreters; you will have no right hereafter to complain of the Wrong, though never so fatal, since you yourselves tacitly admit of so partial a Precedent.  
Before you admit Papists into Public Employments, you will surely consider the consequences of it farther than His present Majesty's services; and though their Loyalty may be thought Steering in this Reign, you will no doubt hearken to the reasons that may be given to suspect it in the next. In the Council of Rome under Gregory the 7th, in the 3d and 4th Councils of Laterona under Alexander the 3d, and Innocent the 3d, in the Council of Lions, under Innocent the 4th, and in that of Constance under Martin the 5th, it was established, That the Pope hath Power to depose Princes, and absolve Subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance, That Heretical Princes shall be deposed, as was actually practised upon the Emperor Frederick the 2d. To name no more, these are such indispensible ties they lie under to destroy us, that we should be unpardonable, if we expose the Royal Person we have in view for the next Succession to the danger of such astonishing Anathemas.  
And these are so far from being groundless suggestions, that we should be raw in our own History, if we cannot produce Copies that have been faithfully transcribed from the fatal Originals: Pope Pius the Ninth's Bull against Queen Elizabeth was too publicly exposed not to be taken notice of: In it he by his Power Apostolical declares the Queen a Heretic; herself and all her adherents to be Excommunicated and Anathematised; he deprives her of all her Dominions, and absolves her Subjects from any Oaths of Allegiance they had sworn to her, and forbids them under the penalty of an Anathema to pa● act of obedience to her. Thus as a Heretic and an Usurper was she left to the rage of the whole Party; and though they thought cruelty ●● that time not to be so adviseable; yet they were forced to make 〈◊〉 want of strength to be an Apology to excuse their good nat●●● 〈◊〉 such a case indeed we find the most favourable of their Cas●●●, to allow that the zeal and intention of Catholick● to root out Heresy, is sufficient where Heretics are 〈◊〉 prevailing.  
To this let us add (as it more nearly affe●●●●●) the Bull of Clement the Eight, towards the close of that Queen's Reign, in which it provided, That when it should happen that Miserable, Woman (as the Pope's Phrase is (should die, that they should admit none to the Crown, Quamtumcunque propinquitate Sanguinis, niterentur, nisi ejusmodi essent qui fidem Catholicam non modò tolerarent, sed omni ope ac & study promoverent, & more Majorum jurejurando se id praestituros susciperent, etc. though never so nearly allied to it by blood, unless they would not only tolerate the Catholic Religion, but promote it by all their force and endeavour, and according to ancient Custom would by Oath undertake to perform the same. Which Bull had an immediate reference to King James the First, and was intended to prevent him in his Claim to the Crown, which he was then the Heir to.  
If then men are justly moved by examples; and that fear is so far from being a weakness, that 'tis commendable when well grounded; we must be inexcusably stupid, if we do not look about us when we have instances before us that are so fresh and flagrant: We must shamefully overlook all the transactions of Europe, if the danger of Popery at this time make no impression. By all that we can observe, their hopes of Establishing their Religion seem to be warm and vigorous; and though their Opportunity seem to be short, their Methods are quick and surprising: Despairing to reduce us by common policy of Time and Persuasion. When they have got the Power into their hands, we must expect to surrender upon discretion: A Heretic no more than a Rebel is allowed the privilege of capitulating: Our Laws are like Sampson's hair, the cutting of them off will reduce us to a state of weakness; and I am afraid we shall find it too late to lament the loss of our strength, when the Philistines are upon us.  
Men, if they please, may harangue upon the Liberty we enjoy, and the Security we are promised; and plausibly insinuate that a Cloud no bigger than a man's hand can never be improved into a Tempest; but for all that, matter of fact and daily observations are evidences to clear to be baffled; we cannot bring our sense and reason to such a resignation, as to believe that Popery has no mind to be uppermost; the Design is too plain to be palliated; and I could reckon up several circumstances to prove it, did it not engage me to reflect upon some things, that are too tender to be mentioned.  
The great Pains that the Papists take to solicit Votes for repealing the Tests, is a full conviction to me that the Protestants have no small interest in them; and therefore we ought no more to be persuaded by them out of our Laws, than a man ought to give up his Weapon to an Adversary, from whom he is to expect no quarter when he is taken. If the Papists had not other aim by this intrigue, but (as they would make us believe) a Liberty to enjoy all Civil Offices in common with other Subjects, their Number in the Kingdom is so inconsiderable that the advantage they could propose to themselves from this Liberty, would not be worth the labour of procuring it: the Tests lay no Task upon them but that one of being quiet, and minding their own business; they are excused from serving the Offices of Sheriffs, and being returned upon Juries, and these have never been looked upon as advantages to be canvassed. Nay, supposing their promise of not interrupting our Religion, to be in earnest, the visible interest we are like to have in the next Reign, would engage them under their present advantage to be obliged; and instead of making us jealous for our Religion by taking off our Laws, would willingly consent to any farther Securities that could be demanded: So that upon the whole we must conclude, That giving up our Laws is not safe, though it might be Civil: A generous Adversary will scorn to desire any thing that looks like undermining, and therefore if any one would persuade us to dismiss our security and strength, we ought to suspect that he designs to make advantage of our weakness.  
The only Objection against the Tests that I ever yet met with, is, That they are natural, in depriving Subjects of their natural right of serving their King and Country. But this Objection is so vain and speculative, that surely it would have ne'er been offered, but by those men who in all their other deal with us, have showed themselves more apt to impose upon the understanding than convince it: For what is more common in all Governments whatsoever than certain Conditions required to qualify men for public Employments? And in our own Nation what are those degrees that capacitate men both for the Bar and Pulpit, but so many Humane Laws that exclude all others from the like advantages?  
Indeed a Reverend Person has lately endeavoured to strengthen this Objection by the addition of three more: I shall only briefly repeat them to you, and leave both the Author and his Reasons to the issue of a stricter Examination.  
The first Reason is, That the Test ought to be abrogated, because of its dishonourable Birth and Original, it being the First Born of Oates' s Plot and brought forth on purpose to give Credit and Reputation to the Perjury.  
Now let us suppose that the Plot was Oatesian, and that the whole of it was a perfect Imposture, yet why must the Test suffer for these miscarriages? the worst times generally give birth to the best Laws, and if this Law be at this time thought reasonable, (I may say necessary) what need we inquire into the occasion of its making? A Law may be continued for better, and perhaps juster reasons, than those for which it was first Enacted. Indeed 'tis ill manners to fall foul upon any thing for the faults of its Production; the reflection would come home to him; for evensome men have been so unhappy in their Extraction that they would deserve but little esteem, if the Blemishes of their birth were always to be remembered.  
His second Reason, Why the Test out to be abrogated, is, Because of the incompetent Authority by which the Law was Enacted; it is a Law of an Ecclesiastical Nature, made without the Authority of the Church, contrary to the practice of the Christian World in all Ages, etc.  
Tho by this Argument against the Test, this Reverend Author might have imposed upon us as to the practice of other Countries in Laws of the like nature; yet if he thought to delude us in the Customs of our own Nation, he ought at least to have timed his Reasons so well, as not to have published them in the same Gazette, wherein there is an eminent instant against him. We read there an Order made by nine men, whereof six are Laymen (surely a much inferior Authority to that by which the Test was Enacted) whereby feven and twenty men of as liberal Education as any of their Successors, are made uncapable of being admitted into any Ecclesiastical Promotion, or receiving Holy Orders: If any thing be of an Ecclesiastical nature, surely receiving Holy Orders is: I am sure it has been longer in the Church than Transubstantiation. In short, this Argument through the whole course of it, is a little too severe upon the Honourable Persons that made the Order: and whatever other men might think of their proceed, it was unpardonable in him to reflect upon a Court, by whose Authority he now enjoys the best part of his sustenance: so that must either forsake his Argument, or leave his place: and when he is left to such an easy choice, 'tis no hard matter to guests which will be first relinquished.  
The last Reason he brings against the Test is, Because of the uncertainty and falsehood of the matters contained in the Declaration itself: as first, That there is no Transubstantiation in the Sacrament of our Saviour's Body and Blood. And 2ly, That the Invocation of Saints, and Mother of God, is Idolatry.  
In handling of these points, which makes up a formal Treatise for Transubstantiation (though he calls it Reasons for abrogating the Test) he has indeed laboriously proved that he himself ought not to have taken the Tests, but not why others of a different opinion should not. I must confess this Reason above all the rest, seems to be the most designing: and though it be here brought against the Test, it is really leveled against our Religion; for the same Argument which proves, That because of the uncertainty of Transubstantiation, the denial of it ought not to be made a Test, will as directly conclude that it ought not to be made an Article; so that whenever this Author and his Friends have thought they have proved the uncertainty and falsehood of any of our established Doctrines, by parity of reason they will expect we should consent that they may be abolished.  
But since his Argument against the Test, depends upon the falsehood, as he thinks of the matters contained in it, Our Nobility and Gentry are for that very reason obliged to continue it; they must not be now for repealing the Test, lest the World should believe they are likewise for Transubstantiation: and that this Argument of all others cannot prevail upon them, since at the same time they are made Repealers, they must be made Papists: And therefore I hope our Prostant Nobility and Gentry will not hearken to such weak reasoning, but think themselves bound to take care of their Religion, though this Author, by the Specimen he has given of his Faith, does appear to lie under the same Obligations.  
If then, Sir, you should consent to repeal the Tests, I beseech you to consider what persons you would disoblige by so fatal a condescension: As for the Dissenters, I hope by this time they are generally convinced that our Dangers are equal, and that therefore we ought to join for our common security. Protestants of all sorts are included in the same sentence denounced against Heretics: and if at this time there are some Acts of Kindness extended to some divisions of them, they must look upon it no more than reprieving of one Malefactor for the Execution of another.  
The Dissenters have been always apprehensive of Popery, even when it lay at farther distance; and surely they cannot now be so unreasonably courageous as to fear no danger when the Leprosy does not only stick to our Walls, but is come into our very Houses: they ought not to dwell so much upon their present Ease, as to neglect all future Securities, and to be so prodigal of their felicity during this Politic Cessation, as not carefully to distinguish betwixt a short Truce, and a perpetual Alliance.  
If they think that their endeavours in repealing the Tests, will secure them a lasting interest in the Papists; it will require no great foresight in Affairs to tell them that they will be mistaken; for if it were in the nature of Popery to return kindnesses, the Church of England-Men have laid in a stock that seemed to be inexhaustible; but we see, that as soon as they began to put a stop to Popery, their vigorous opposing the Bill of Exclusion, and the Rebellion in the West were soon forgotten; as if their Services and other men's Faults had been put in the same Act of Oblivion.  
But for once we will suppose that Popery is not ungrateful, and that whatsoever becomes of the Church of England, their promises to the Dissenters shall be unalterable: yet this will not justify the Dissenters for engaging in any concern that may advance the Popish Interest; for all Protestants abroad (who cast a diligent Eye upon our present Circumstances) must take offence at so unseasonable an Alliance; and they who have so severely felt such contrary effects of Popish Power, will have no reason to think well of those, who will now contribute to advance it: So that the Dissenters cannot join with the Papists without scandal, though they might do it with security; it would make all different men fall in the opinion they had conceived of their Wisdom and Integrity; and by so unskilful a management of their present Ease they would lose all the pity and compassion, which their former Sufferings and extorted.  
'Tis indeed observed, that His Majesty's late Declaration has raised in some of the Dissenters, an unusual affection for the contrivers of it, but to the most thinking men of all sides, the publishing of this Instrument was so far from being a surprise, that they wondered they had not seen it sooner; for Toleration is so far from being any new contrivance to undermine our Religion, that 'tis a juggle that has been long ago detected: And therefore 'twere worth while for the most serious of the Dissenters, to advise the rest not to be carried too far by these sudden heats; and not to enter into Covenants upon the merit of such a slender engagement, before they have truly examined the conditions of it on their side, and have taken time to consider, whether the kindnesses expressed in it are real or only acted. Not to make an Estimate of what they are to expect from this Indulgence, by the performance of that short Paragraph in it that relates to the Church of England, I would have them consider that this so much celebrated Liberty is only in matters of mere Religion; by this Politic Reserve this Liberty is not so extensive as some may imagine; for upon the first false step the Dissenters make in opposition to Popery, how easy will it be to reduce them to the state of suffering: 'Tis but tacking some pretended matters of State to their most innocent Assemblies, and then if for their defence they represent their Case never so merely religious, their Adversaries, who will be sure to oppose their Plea, will take care that it shall not be received under so advantageous an abstraction.  
And the Dissenters cannot stand so much in their own light, as not to see from what side they are to expect the most lasting security. Protestants of all sorts are now happily brought to a better understanding of one another; they may easily prevent all future disputes, since they plainly see from whence their division cometh. In short, all things tend to a most amicable Accommodation, unless some men be brought over by too plausible a pretence of a little present ease, to involve themselves and others in a reversion of Sufferings.  
It may not be amiss, to consider what persons are now retained Advocates for repealing our Laws, and to examine a little the complexion of the men, before we are prevailed upon by their Arguments. The Papers that daily come about, are drawn up either by known Papists, or chief such men, who have given all the reason in the World to suspect that their labours are mercenary. They who were not long since the great Sticklers for Property, are now become the Darlings of Prerogative; the Packet of Advice from Rome is now improved into a closer correspondence; to serve the present turn, they shamefully contradict all they formerly had written, and call themselves Rogues perhaps for the only actions of their lives that men hath reason to believe them honest.  
To conclude, our Laws are the only humane support we have for ourselves, our Liberties, and our Religion, and as long as our Title to these is continued, whatever our present state may be, we need not doubt of a favourable reversion. Nevertheless, our care for our Religion, shall not make us forget our duty to our King: and if at any time we cannot obey his Commands, we shall, I hope, convince the World, that it is not our fault but our misfortune: for we have not yet learned implicit obedience either in Church or State; as the Scriptures are our Rule in the one, so are our Laws our directions in the other; and as long as we firmly keep to these measures of our obedience to God and the King, we shall not be afraid to lose the Character of good Christians, or good Subjects.  
I am, Honoured Sir, Your most humble and much obliged Servant. R. S.   

Father La Chaise's PROJECT FOR THE EXTIRPATION OF HERETICS In a Letter from him to Father P—rs.  
Worthy Friend,  
I Received yours of the 20th. of June last, and am very glad to hear of your good Success, and that our party gains Ground so fast in England. But concerning the Question you have put to me, that is, What is the best course to be taken to Root out all the Heretics? To which, I answer: There are divers ways to do that, but we must consider which is the best to make use of in England; I am sure you are not ignorant how many thousand Heretics we have in France, by the Power of our Dragoons, Converted in the space of one year; and by the Doctrine of those booted Apostles, Turned more in one month than Christ and his Apostles could in ten years. This is a most Excellent Method, and far excels those of the great Preachers and Teachers, that have lived since Christ's time: But I have spoke with divers Fathers of our Society, who do think that your King is not strong enough to accomplish his Design by such kind of force, so that we cannot expect to have our Work done in that manner; for the Heretics are too strong in the three Kingdoms, and therefore we must seek to Convert them by fair means, before we fall upon them with Fire, Sword, Halters, Gaols, and other such like Punishments: And therefore, I can give you no better Advice than to begin with soft, easy means; wheedle them in by promises of Profit, and Offices of Honour, till you have made them dip themselves in Treasonable Actions, against the Laws Established, and then they are bound to serve for fear. When they have done thus, turn them out, and serve others so, by putting them in their Places; and by this way, gain as many as you can. And for the Heretics, that are in places of Profit and Honour, turn them out, or suspend them on pretence of Misbehaviour, by which their places are forfeit, and they subject to what Judgement you please to give upon them. Then you must form a Camp, that must consist of none but Catholics, this will make the Heretics heartless, and conclude all means of Relief and Recovery is gone. And lastly, take the short and the best way, which is to surprise the Heretics on a sudden; and to encourage the Zealous Catholics, let them Sacrifice them all, and wash their Hands in their Blood, which will be an acceptable Offering to God. And this was the Method I took in France, which hath well, you see, succeeded, but it cost me many threats and promises, before I could bring it thus far, our King being a long time very unwilling: But at last, I got him on the Hip; for he had lain with his Daughter-in-Law, for which I could by no means give him Absolution, till he had given me an Instrument, under his own Hand and Seal, to Sacrifice all the Heretics in one day. Now as soon as I had my desired Commission, I appointed the day when this should be done, and in the mean time, made ready some thousands of Letters, to be sent into all parts of France in one Post Night, I was never better pleased than that time, but the King was affected with some compassion for the Hugonots, because they had been a means to bring him to his Crown and Throne; and the longer he was under it the more sorrowful he was, often complaining, and desiring me to give him his Commission again, but that I would by no persuasion do, advising him to repent of that heinous sin; and also telling him, that the trouble and horror of his Spirit did not proceed from any thing of Evil in those things that were to be done, but from that great wickedness which he had done; and that he must resolve to undergo the severe burden of a troubled mind for one of them or the other; and if he would remain satisfied as it was, his Sin being forgiven, there would in few days, be a perfect atonement made for it, and he perfectly reconciled to God again: But all this would not pacify him, for the longer the more restless; and therefore I ordered him to retire to his Closet, and there spend his time constantly in Prayer, without permitting any one to interrupt him; and this was in the morning early, when the evening following I was to send away all my Letters. I did indeed make the more haste, for fear he should disclose it to any body, yet I had given him a strict charge to keep it to himself, and the very thing that I most feared, to my great sorrow, came to pass; for just in the nick of time, the Devil, who hath always his Instruments at work, sent the Prince of Conde to the Court, who asked for the King; he was told that he was in his Closet, and would speak with no man; he impudently answered, That he must, and would speak with him, and so went directly to his Closet; he being a great Peer, no man durst hinder him. And being come to the King, he soon perceived by his Countenance that he was under some great trouble of mind, for he looked as if he had been going into the other World immediately. Sir, said he, What is the matter with you? The King at first refused to tell him, but he pressing harder upon him, at last, the King, with a sorrowful complaint, burst out, and said, I have given Father La Chaise a Commission under my own Hand, to Murder all the Hugonots in one day, and this Evening will the Letters be dispatched to all Parts by the Post, for the performing it; so that there is but small time for my Huguenot Subjects to live, who have never done one any harm: Whereupon this cursed Rogue answered, Let him give you your Commission again: The King said, How shall I get it out of his hand, for if I send to him for it, he will refuse to send it? This Devil answered, If your Majesty will give me order, I will quickly make him return it: The King was soon persuaded, being willing to give ease to his troubled Spirit, and said, Well, go then, and break his Neck, if he will not give it you; whereupon, this Son of the Devil, went to the Posthouse, and asked if I had not a great number of Letters there, and they said, Yes, more than I had sent thither in a whole year before; then, said the Prince, By Order from the King, you must deliver them all to me; which they durst not deny, for they knew well enough who he was. And no sooner had he got into the Posthouse, and had asked these Questions, but I came also in after him, to give order to the Postmaster, to give notice to all those under him, in the several parts of the Kingdom, that they should take care to deliver my Letters with all speed imaginable. But I was no sooner entered the House, but he gave his Servant's order to secure the Door, and said confidently to me, You must, by Order from the King, give me the Commission which you have forced from him: I told him I had it not about me, but I would go and fetch it, thinking to get from him, and so go out of Town, and send the Contents of those Letters another time; but he said, You must give it me, and if you have it not about you, send some body to fetch it, or else never expect to go alive out of my hands, for I have an Order from the King, either to bring it or break your Neek: And I am resolved either to carry that back to him in my hand, or your Heart's Blood upon the point of my Sword. I would have made my escape, but he set his Sword to my Breast, and said, You must give it me or die, therefore deliver it, or else this goes through your Body.  
So when I saw nothing else would do, I put my Hand in my Pocket and gave it him. Which he carried immediately to the King, and gave him that and all my Letters, which they burned: And being all done, the King said, Now his Heart was at ease; now how he should be eased by the Devil, or so well satisfied with a false Joy I cannot tell: But this I know, that it was a very Wicked and Ungodly Action, as well in his Majesty as the Prince of Conde, and did not a little increase the burden and danger of his Majesty's Sins. I soon gave an account of this Affair to several Fathers of our Society, who promised to do their best to prevent the aforesaid Prince doing such another act; which was accordingly done, for within the space of six days after the damned Action he was Poisoned, and well he deserved it. The King also did suffer too, but in another fashion, for disclosing the Design to the Prince, and harkening to his Council. And many a time since, when I have had him at Confession, I have shaken Hell about his Ears and made him sigh, fear, and tremble, before I would give him Absolution; Nay, more than that, I have made him beg for it on his Knees, before I would consent to absolve him. By this, I saw that he had still an Inclination to me, and was willing to be under my Government, so I set the baseness of the Action before him, by telling the whole story, and how wicked it was; and that it could not be forgiven till he had done some good Action to balance that, and expiate the Crime. Whereupon, he at last asked me what he must do? I told him, that he must rout out all the Heretics from his Kingdom: So, when he saw there was no rest for him without doing it, he did again give them all into the Power of me and our Clergy, under this Condition, That we would not Murder them, as he had before given orders, but that we should by fair means, or force, Covert them to the Catholic Religion; to which end, he gave us his Dragoons to be at our Devotion and Service, that we might use them as we saw convenient, to Convert them to the true Religion. Now when we had got the Commission, we presently put it in Practice, and what the issue of it hath been, you very well know. But now in England, the work cannot be done after this manner, as you may perceive by what I have said to you, so that I cannot give you better Council, than to take that course in hand wherein we were so unhappily prevented; and I doubt not, but that it may have better success with you than with us.  
I would write to you of many other things, but I fear I have already detained you too long; wherefore I shall write no more at present, but that I am,  
Parish July the 8th 1688. Your Friend and Servant, La Chaise.   

An Account of several PAPERS that have been Collected.  



A Collection of Papers relating to the present Juncture of Affairs in England, in Eight Parts.  
1. COntains, 1. The Humble Petition of Seven Bishops to His Majesty. 2. Articles recommended by the Archbishop of Canterbury, to all the Bishops and Clergy in his Jurisdiction. 3 Proposals of the Archbishop and other Bishops to His Majesty. 4 Petition of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal for Calling a Free Parliament, with the King's Answer. The Prince of Orange's Letter to the English Army. Lord Delamere's Speech to his Tenants. The Prince of Denmark, and Lord Churchill's Letter to the King. The Princess Ann's Letter to the Queen. The Prince of Orange's Declaration of the 28th. of Novemb. from Sherborne Castle, with Five more.  
II. An Enquiry into the Measures of Submission, to the Supreme Authority. An Answer to a Paper, entitled, Reflections on the Prince of Orange' s Declaration. Admiral Herbert's Letter to the English Seamen. An Engagement of the Noblemen, Knights, etc. at Exeter to stand by the Prince of Orange. The Declaration of of the Nobility, Gentry, and Commonalty at Nottingham, Nou. 22. 1688. with Two more.  
III. The Expedition of the Prince of Orange for England. A further Account of the Prince's Army, in a Letter from Exon, Nou. 24. Three Letters; 1. A Letter from a Jesuit at Liege, to a Jesuit at Fribourgh. 2. A Letter from Father Petres to Father La Chaise. 3. The Answer of Father La Chaise to Father Petres. Popish Treatises not to be relied on.  
iv The Prince of Orange's first Declaration from the Hague, Octob. 10. 1688 with his Additional Declaration from the Hague, Octob. 24. 1688. The Bishop of Rochester's Letter to the Ecclesiastical Commissioners. The Prince's Speech at Exeter, Nou. 15. 1688. A true Copy of a Paper delivered by the Earl of Devonshire to the Major of Derby, Nou. 20. 1688. with Eight more.  
V The Hard Case of Protestants under the Dominion of a Popish Prince. An humble and hearty Address to all English Protestant in the Army: published by Mr. Johnson, An. Dom. 1686. A Discourse of Magistracy; of Prerogative by Divine Right; of Obedience, and of the Laws, with Five others.  
VI A Character of the Prince of Orange. A Letter to the Author of the Dutch Design Anatomised. A Declaration of the Nobility, Gentry, etc. of the County of Stafford. Mr. Hale's Oration to Q. Elizabeth; with several others.  
VII. Relating to Parliaments, and the Penal Laws and Tests. A Letter from a Freeholder to the rest of the Freeholders of England. The Project for Repealing the Penal Laws and Tests. Some Queries concerning Liberty of Conscience, directed to W. Penn and H. Care. Considerations proposed to W. Penn, concerning his new Magna Charta for Liberty of Conscience, by a Baptist; with three more.  
VIII. The Trial and Examination of the Test of the Church of England's Loyalty. The Pedigree of Popery. A Letter to a Person of Quality, occasioned by the News of the Ensuing Parliament, etc.    
Six Papers by Dr. G. Burnet: to which is added, An Apology for the Ch. of England, etc. An Enquiry into the Measures of Submission, etc. by the same Author.  
Seven Papers, viz. The Grounds and Reasons of the Laws against Popery. The Character of Popery. Heraclitus Ridens Redivivus, or a Dialogue between Harry and Roger concerning the Times. The Growth, the Decay and Changes of Government described by Polybius; with three more.  
Fourteen Papers. A Letter to a Dissenter. The Anatomy of an Equivalent. A Letter to a Dissenter from his Friend at the Hague. A plain Account of the Persecution laid to the Charge of the Ch. of England. Reflections on a late Pamphlet, entitled, Parliamentum Pacificum. An Enquiry into the Reasons for Abrogating the Test: offered by Sa. Oxon. A Letter from a Clergyman in the City to his Friend in the Country, containing his Reasons for not Reading the Declaration. An Answer to the City Ministers Letter from his Country Friend; with six more.  
Their Highness the Prince and Princess of Orange's Opinion about a General Liberty of Conscience, etc. being a Collection of Four Papers: viz. 1. Mine Heer Fagell's Letter to Mr. Stewart. 2. Reflections on Monsieur Fagell's first Letter. 3. Fagell's Second Letter to Mr. Stewart. 4. Some Extracts out of Mr. Stewart's Letters, etc.  
A Collection of several Treatises concerning the Reasons and Occasions of the Penal Laws, viz. 1. The Execution of Justice in England, not for Religion, but for Treason: published by the Lord-Treasurer Burleigh, 1583. 2. Important Considerations, by the Secular Priests, 1601. 3. The Jesuits Reasons unreasonable, 1662. The 3d. Edition.   
FINIS.