〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, OR, THE SCHOOL OF POTENTATES.  
Wherein is shown, The MUTABILITY of Worldly Honour.  
Written in Latin by Acatius Evenkellius, Englished, with some Illustrations and Observations, by T. N. Philonomon.  
Occupandi t●mporis gratia in usum tuum, non in praeconium aliquid simplici stylo scribe.  Sense. lib. 1. de tranquil. animi, cap. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Psal. 39.6. 
LONDON, Printed by Richard Bishop. 1648.   

To the Reader.  
IT is reported of Theucydides, that he did not write much, nor soared high: but that he stole away the palm from them that wrote a great deal more. What is said of him, I may truly say of our Author, that he hath written but a little Book, but more usefully than they that have written great Volumes. It is a tenet among the Moralists, that in the government of Commonwealths Examples prevail more with the multitude than either Laws or Precepts: for that more credit is given to the eye, then to the ear; 
* Promptius intuitu sequimui quam ment receptum. Ista per Ideas, ill● per acta probat.  What they see, they believe assuredly, but not what they hear; for that the tongue is a dissembler, and same a liar. Wherefore in examples, and precedents doth our Author deal; he hath set before our eyes, many lively patterns borrowed out of the most classical Authors of such as have tasted of both Fortunes, that for a time have been most renowned of their sovereigns; yet before they died became contemptible, and died miserable; the causes of their rise and their ruins, together with a great deal of divine and wholesome Counsel to such as attend the Courts of Princes, how to behave themselves that they do not fall into the like miseries. Wherefore I have thought it no needless or fruitless labour to dismantle our Author of his Pilgrim's habit, and to invest him in the Robes of an Englishman; rudely perhaps; what then? shall we therefore neglect the man because his Tailor hath neglected him? No; have we not often tasted of pure liquor 
* Multo ●ies v●num Samio va● sculo, multoties venenum è N●ronis Cape line ingurgitavimus. Saepenumerò sub sordido palliolo latet prudentia, saepenumerò anguis in herba; unde poeta: saepe tegit nucleum squallida testa bonum.  in an earthen Temple pot, and seen a fair habit under a freeze Jerkin; entertain him then though he come to you like a Clown, in a rude and rustic habit, he will acquaint you with occurrences that happened before your Fathers were borne; in England, France, Spain, Germany, Austria, Swethland, and in other parts of the Christian world: entertain him with his Companions, Cornelius Tacitus, Philip Commines, Matthew Paris, Theucydides, and the rest, whose aid he hath implored in the building of this his Fabric. I dare commend them to you with that Encomium, which Lipsius gives of Tacitus. Yet not upon mine own knowledge so much as upon the knowledge of them who have known them longer and better than I have done: who have given these Testimonials of them: of Tacitus, quod nemo illo veriùs narrat, nemo breviùs; nihil est in moribus quod non tangit, in affectibus quod non revelat; mirabilis scripter qui serio hoc ipsum agit, quod non agit; nec enim historia est sed hortus & seminarium praeceptorum: nam ut two qui vestes acu pingunt ingeniosè gemmas inserunt sine noxa formarum, sic ille passim sententias serie narrationis nihil omissâ aut laesâ. No man writ more truly, no man more sententiously than Tacitus; there is not any thing in morality that he hath not glanced upon, in our affection that he hath not discovered, and which is strange, where he seems to be most careless, he is most serious, so that his History is rather a store-house of Rules and Precepts, than a History, for that never Artisan did more artificially insert gems and precious stones in a garment with his needle, than he hath done witty and pithy sentences into his History, without offering the least wrong or violence unto them. Of Philip Commines, quod pater Historiae nostro aevo, & ita laudabiliter scripsit ut nihil vereor componere eum cum quovis antiquorum; Hoc autem laudem ejus auget quod tanta praestitit litterarum omnino rudis, solo usu rerum peritus & naturali quadam judicii bonitate indutus, that he is the Father of the Historians of our age, and which doth add much to his praise, that he writ so well having no more learning than he had. Of Theucydides, quod nec multas nec magnas res scripsit, sed palmam praeripuit omnibus qui & multas & magnas: elocutione gravis, sententiis brevis, judiciis sanus, ad actiones vitamque dirigendam orationibus & excursibus paenè divinus: quem quo saepius legas plus auferas, & nunquam tamen dimittet te sine siti: that he writ not much, nor soared high, but he got the palm from them that writ much, and of great matters: that he was in his speech grave, in his sentences short, in his judgement sound, and a Divine in directing of men how to live; whom the more often you read, the more you will desire to read, and still apprehend something which you did not before. Of Matthew Paris, quod artes liberales accuratè calluit; Poeta elegans, Orator facundus, Dialecticus acutus, Philosophus subtilis, Mathematicus non contemnendus, Historicus percelebris, Theologus solidus, & quod omnium caput est, integritate & vitae innocentia, purus, simplex, candidus, that he was a general Scholar, a fine Poet, an eloquent Orator, an acute Logician, a witty Philosopher, well seen in the Mathematics, a famous Historian, a sound Divine, and which is better than all, an honest man. These are the men I acknowledge, who first acquainted me with the Author; for when I first saw him, and beheld these men familiar with him, having been formerly acquainted with them, I did conceive that the Companions of them must in some sort be qualified like unto them; and I was not deceived; for if my judgement fail me not, he is both useful and delightful, 
Et prodesse potest, & delectare libellus.  and a fit Companion for a Prince, and such as serve him in any high place. Entertain him then, ye to whom the Author hath sent him, and the rather because he is a stranger, and never appeared in the habit of an Englishman till now. Entertain him I say again and again, and with no less respect than Alexander did Homer, Scipio Panaetius and Polybius, Augustus Areus & Athenodorus; and if you find my report of him to be true, ascribe the praise as it is due to the Author, and afford me your loving favour, who have made him known unto you. Vale.  
Your Servant THO. NASH.   

Where you find in the Author this mark * in the margin with a figure, you shall see some Notes and Observations of mine, in the end, which have Relation unto it; whereby the Authors meaning as well in point of History, as Morality, may be better understood.   

Acatius Evenkellius his Advertisement, to such as are in grace and favour with their Princes.  
WHen of late we met together, and had some conference of the present affairs of the State, but specially of the fall of Philodoxos: you did seem to wonder that I should be so confident that his end should be no other than it fell out to be; and although I did confirm the same unto you, as well by Reason as by Authority, taken out of the Histories both of ancient and modern times, yet you were still of opinion that Philodoxos was so deeply screwed in his Prince's favour, that misfortune could not shake him; and did desire me to show you some Precedents of such as had tasted of the like grace and favour as he did, and that came to the like end as he did, and withal what the causes were why I should be so confident that Ruin and Destruction must needs be the end of him: of which your request or command rather, being ever mindful, I will first show unto you out of the Treasuries of times both ancient and modern, some Examples of such as have been highly honoured by their Princes, how they ●egan, how they went on, and how they ended. In the next place as you desired, I will show you the causes of so sudden a change and alteration; and lastly play the part of a Physician, prescribe remedies, both to Prince and People, that both the one and the other, as far forth as lieth in the power of man to do, may avoid those dangers.   


CHAP. I. Of Examples.  
That I may begin with the Examples of the sacred Histories; 
* 1 joab Davidis regis in utraque fortuna individuus diu comes.  1 joab who was for a long time King David's bosom friend in both fortunes, the Captain of his Guard, and one well seen aswell in Military discipline as in Civil government, and not ignorant of the fashion of the Court, by which means, he grew gracious in the eyes of King and people; who to give the King contentment put Vriah to death; having neither law nor reason for his warrant; and to the end he might endear himself more and more unto him, cunningly 
* 2 Rabbathae Ammoniorum urbis captionem regi suo reservavit.  2 he ascribed the taking of Rabbath a City of the Ammonites unto him, by reason of which his service he grew so infinitely proud that not considering how odious such kind of persons are in the sight of God and men, he was so bold 
* 3 Absalonem contra expressum Regis mandatum confodit.  3 contrary to the express command of the King, to lay violent hands upon Absalon the King's son; in hostility he was with his Father, and by consequence, by the laws of arms, worthy of death: yet he had no Warrant to do what he did; and for that the King took his death very heavily, he was so presumptuous as malepertly to upbraid him, and to stir up the people to revolt and quit their allegiance; nay it so fell out that not long before by a most barbarous treachery 
* 4 Abnerem ducem Israelitarum & Amasam ducem Iudaeorum per summam perfidiam occiderat.  4 he slew Abner a Captain of the Israelites, and Amasa, a Captain of the jews, that stood in competition with him, and were upon the point to be admitted into his place by the King: to conclude, which is worthy of observation, he seditiously 
* 5 Adoniam juvat.  5 assisted Adonijah, the King's son, to usurp his father's territories, in his life time; for the which 
* 6 jussu Regis interemptus.  6 by the Kings Command he was put to death by King Solomon his son before the altar, Haman the son of Amadathus, of the tribe of Agge, Ahasuerus raised and set above all the Pears of his Kingdom, and commanded that all his servants should honour and reverence him; which gracious favour of his he abused to satisfy his intolerable pride, and cruelty, when as 
* 7 Toton gentem Iudaeorum propter odium unius Mardochaei.  7 for the hatred he bore to, Mordochee, he obtained licence of the King, that he might sacrifice the whole Nation of the jews; but fortune turning of her wheel, as God would have it, he by the King's command was hanged on the same tree which he had prepared for Mordochee. To come unto the Roman Histories, which will show unto us (which is strange) that the most flourishing times of the Empire will afford us most Examples in this kind. I will begin with Aelius Sejanus, a notable pattern of humane frailty, he was come of a Noble house and by his policy so word himself into the favour of 
* 8 Illum tam superbum tam saevum, tam violentum impe●atorem  8 Tiberius Caesar, that proud licentious cruel, inconstant ambition's Emperor, that though he were reserved and close unto all others, yet to him he was open and free, he had a body indefatigable; a bold spirit, close in any thing that concerned himself, but a deep searcher in other men's secrets, openly modest and shamefast, but within full of flattery, pride and ambition; and to accomplish his ambitious designs he did very often use bribery and entertainments in excess, but more often Industry and vigilancy; by his Industry and cunning he insinuated himself into the affections of the praetorian company, 
* 9 Cohortibus praetoriis praefectus.  9 for he being Chief commander of them he summoned them very often to come together, and by coming amongst them and 
* 10 Irrepere caepit, in milita●es animos adeundo, appellando  10 calling them by their names he won their hearts, and the hearts of the Centurions and Tribunes; neither did he forbear to come among the Senators, and to gratify some with honours, others with authority; for Tiberius did so much honour him that he made him not only privy to his Counsels, 
* 11 Per theatra effigies ejus inter Principes legionum coli statuit.  and actions, but upon all occasions graced him in the presence of the Elders, and the people, 11 he suffered his statues to be adored in the Courts and theatre, among the statues of the Princes. Sejanus weighed all things diligently and duly considered of things before they happened, and therefore that he might not lose the power which he had with the multitude, and such as daily did resort unto him, he never absented himself long from his own house, but came home to entertain them, where he received them courteously, ever showing his readiness to procure pardon for such as were delinquents; and that he might the better bring to pass his designs 
* 12 Vitam procul Româ ●maenis locis ducere persuasit.  12 he prevailed with Tiberius to leave Rome and to live fare remote in the country; for he thought Tiberius being grown in years, and retired into the country that he might with less opposition pass through those places which he held; he provided likewise that none might have access to Tiberius, but by him, and that he might have the scanning of all such letters as came to the Emperor by the hands of the soldiers; but why Tiberius should so much favour this man, no reason can be given, unless it were for that he once freed him from a danger that was like to befall him when others forsook him; for it happened upon a time 13 when Tiberius was feasted in a house called Spelunca, 
* 13 Convivium celebratur in villa quae vocatur Spelunca.  the stones that lay at the mouth of the Cave, fell down and slew divers therein, which bred an astonishment in all, and caused them that celebrated the feast, to run out to save themselves, whilst Sejanus stayed with Tiberius, hung upon his neck, and with all his might and power kept the stones that were ready to fall upon him from him, as the Soldiers that came to assist him and saw him hanging, related the matter; after this Sejanus grew greater and greater, and had the ear of Tiberius' ready to anything that he would say, though it tended to the ruin of the commonwealth, in somuch that he grew into that height of pride and impudence that 
* 14 Nuptias petebat à Liviâ.  14 he presumed to become a suitor to Li●ia the niece of Tiberius, first wife to Caius Caesar, the son of Augustus, then to Drusus the son of Tiberius, whom he had secretly poisoned; at last he took upon him the state of an Emperor, and esteemed of Tiberius no otherwise then the Governor of a poor Island called by the name of Capreas, so that all men's eyes and affections were fixed upon Sejanus, and happy did he think himself, that could be the first to be admitted unto him, unhappy to be the last; who as he observed every thing very diligently, so especially the words and very looks of the peers of Tiberius: by which means he grew so gracious with the Senators end the common people, that in every thing they gave the same honour unto him, as they did unto Tiberius; their statues in brass were set up alike, their names in all writings subscribed alike, and the Chariots which carried them unto the theatres adorned with gold alike; nay more, it was decreed that when they came unto Rome, the Consuls whom they chose every fifth year, should meet the one in as great state and solemnity as they did the other; and should offer the like Sacrifices to the statues of the one as to the other: so that nothing being now wanting to Sejanus, or rather the Emperor, (foe so indeed he was, having got all power into his hands, and wanted nothing but the bare title of the Emperor, to make him so;) Tiberius began to bethink himself of the danger he was in; but because Sejanus had so glued to himself the affections of the Praetorian Soldiers, the Senators and such as were near Tiberius, either with rewards or with promises of rewards, that nothing could be said or done in Court, whereof Sejanus had not presently notice: and nothing done abroad that tended to the dishonour of Tiberius that came unto his ears; Tiberius wisely by degrees, first secretly underhand, afterwards more openly took a course to ruin Sejanus, and to frustrate all his designs. Behold here a notable example of humane frailty, and a singular pattern for such as are in grace and favour with their Princes, to put them in mind the higher they are, the more reverently and submissively to carry themselves; this man that was in the morning attended upon like an Emperor, in the evening was thrown into prison like a beggar; whom not long before the people adorned with Crowns of gold, not long after they bond with fetters of iron; whom as their Lord they honoured, they beat as their slave: whom they adored and sacrificed unto as unto a God, they reviled and dragged unto death most ignominiously like a rogue; the same day that the Senate did him all the honour that they could, the people would have carbonaded him, and have pulled him in pieces: this man that had so much that he could not desire more, either of God or Man to make him happy whilst he lived, before he died had so little that he had not wherewithal to gratify the hangman; a notable pattern I say of humane frailty; yet more of this kind will I show unto you; In the pulling down of Sejanus, Tiberius used the assistance of Nevius Sertorius Macro, whom not long before he secretly made Commander of the Praetorian Company: and the Senate conceived so well of him, that by a decree they conferred all Sejanus his honours upon him; but he being terrified by an example that was so fresh in memory, refused to accept them; yet not long after it so happened that he became exceeding powerful, and applied himself wholly to Caius Caligula, and studied how to make him Emperor after Tiberius, insomuch that when Tiberius understood it, 
* 15 Occidentem fugientem, orientalem persequentem solem illum exprobravit.  15 he upbraided him for abandoning the setting, and adoring the rising Sun; but Caligula in the end requited him for his good will, putting him together with his wife to death with Claudius Caesar: the most powerful men were his freed men, and amongst them Narcissus and Pallas, whom he used to several purposes; the one as his Secretary to write his Letters, the other as his Orator to make his speeches, whose services he requited by a decree of the Senate, not only with infinite treasure, but with places of Authority and Command: insomuch that upon a time enquiring what the reason was that his Treasury was so empty: answer was made, that it would be full enough if that the money that was taken forth of it by Narcissus and Pallas, were put into it; with these men and their wives Claudius was so enamoured that he became rather their Servant then their Sovereign: at their disposal were all Honours, Armies, Pardons, and Punishments, insomuch that Sextus Aurelius was used to call 
* 16 Narcissum dominum domini appellat.  16 Narcissus the master of his master; for as juvenal saith, unto Narcissus Claudius denied nothing, nay spared not to kill his wife, being commanded by him so to do; so that Dion affirms he was the most powerful Man of that age, and of the age past, having a command over Princes, and Cities, and Possessions amounting to more than four thousand Sesters. This man notwithstanding as soon as Claudius was dead, Agrippina the wife of Claudius, and Nero's Mother put to death; so that though these kind of men may peradventure during the lives of the Princes by whom they have been raised, live in grace, yet seldom do they escape the hands of their successors. As touching Pallas, of whom we have before spoken, who persuaded and procured Claudius incestuously to marry Agrippina, his brother's daughter, and afterwards to be his Concubine, though he contracted with the Senate that for any offence past he should not be questioned; yet Nero observing how proudly he carried himself, exceeding the limits of a free man, grew in hatred with him, so that after that he had removed him from all places of Authority which Claudius had conferred upon him, having had indeed the Key of the Empire in his power, he was by Nero put to death; the excessive pride of this man is remarkable in this one passage: he being accused by Nero upon a time for words spoken, when he heard the Libertines named that should be his accusers, answered, that at home he never spoke word, but did all by signs and tokens; if the matter were short, he expressed himself either by his nod or by his hand; if long, by writing. In the next place, Tigellinus descended of mean Parentage, vicious in his youth, vicious in his age, who having by his dishonest courses, wherein he grew so notorious, that be surpassed all the men of his time, crept into Nero's favour, and attained divers offices of Command and Authority, executed the same with all kind of cruelty, rapine, and villainy, having corrupted Nero with all kind of vices, being most inward with him; for when he was angry none except himself and Pappea durst speak unto him, at length was so bold as to make some attempt upon Nero himself, yea to forsake him and betray him. But when Vitellius came to the Crown, the people petitioned him that he might be called to an account for it, and so being condemned in the midst of his jollities whilst he was revelling with his Whores, his jaws being first cut off with a razor, he 
* 17 Infamem vitam infami exitu faedavit.  17 ended his ignominious life with as ignominious a death. So Vitellius being promoted to the Empire, within four months after that he overcame Otho, 
* 18 Asiaticum in favorem cepit  18 he took into his favour one Asiaticus a freed man of his, no way inferior in all kind of villainy 
* 19 Policletoes & Patrob ios vetera odiorum nomina aequabat.  19 to the Policleti and Patrobii the old detestable names amongst the Romans; but immediately after the death of Vitellius, under Vespasian he received condign punishment for abusing the power conferred upon him; Commodus the Emperor had many of these men whom he raised and pulled down again, who after the time that he fell into the hands of the Soothsayers and Conjurers, never shown himself in public, 
* 20 Ne quicquam sibi annuntiari est passus nisi quod Perrenius ante tractasset.  20 neither would endure to hear or be told of anything if it had not first been made known unto Perrenius. This man therefore knowing the Emperor's mind, found out the way how to make himself powerful; he persuaded 
* 21 Persuasit Commodo ut lipse deliciis vacaret, & ut curae illi demandarentur.  21 the Emperor to follow his delights, and leave the cares of the Commonwealth to him: which motion of his the Emperor readily entertained; so Perrenius is the only man that sways the Empire, puts to death whom he will, robs and spoils whom he will, and all that he may make a prey out of every thing, and enrich himself; but why did this man thus tyrannyse? did he think that though he had power for a time, that it would continue for ever? no; for as soon as he was made chief Commander of the Horse in the British war, his villainies being everywhere divulged, he was called by no other name then by the name of the Enemy of the Armies, and was delivered over by the Soldiers to be pulled in pieces; Herodian writes that because he did conspire with his son to kill Commodus and usurp the Empire, they were both put to death. If either of these were true, it serves well enough for our purpose. To succeed Perrenius Commodus chose Cleander from amongst them that waited upon him in his bed chamber, being a man of mean Parentage; this man so much abused the favour of Commodus, that 
* 22 Omnes praefecturas pro libitu vendit & distribuit.  22 he sold all offices of Command and Authority, disposed of them and took them away again, at his will and pleasure, sent for such home as were in exile, and preferred them to places of dignities, disannuld the decrees of the Courts of justice, and made havoc and sale of every thing, yea so bewitched the Emperor that he procured Burrhus the Emperor's brother in law, his own Sister's husband with many others that stood out in his defence, to be put to death, for no other cause as he could surmise, but for suspicion that he desired to be Emperor; and this displeasure Cleander took against him, because that Birrhus observing his unruly courses, freely reprehended him for them, and made the Emperor acquainted with his actions; but these enormous offences escaped not unpunished, for in the end he smarted for them; Arrius Montanus being by his plots and conspiracies put to death, for crimes laid to his charge which he never did; It drew the Emperor's wrath upon him, and occasioned deadly hatred in the people, insomuch that they made an insurrection; for pacification whereof (as Herodian and Dion observe,) the Emperor was compelled to send his Soldiers amongst them; but until they saw the head of Cleander they would not be pacified; wherefore the Emperor caused his head to be cut off, and to be set upon a pole, which when they saw, there was an end of the business, all parties were agreed. To succeed him were called julianus and Regillus, but they continued not long in his favour.  
Severus the Emperor raised Plautianus Afer from a very mean estate, to be very potent and mighty by confiscated goods, which he conferred upon him, yet kept from him all places of Command and Authority, whose gracious favour he so much abused to the exercise of his cruelty, that he became more tyrannical than any of the Princes of former times; for when Severus preferred in Marriage Plautianus his Daughter to his Son Anthony against the will of Anthony, for which he distasted both his Wife and Father, and threatened to kill them both, and so to aspire to the Empire, Plautianus considering then what danger he was in, and on the other side being spurred on with a desire of Sovereignty, knowing well the age and weakness of the Emperor, and his own power, bethinks himself how he might kill the Father and the Son, and so attain the Empire, and avoid the danger he was like to fall into, if Anthony's design should take effect; the executioner being sent to do the deed when Plautianus should give the word; the Treachery being discovered, 
* 23 Convictus jussu Antonii occisus est.  23 Plautianus was apprehended, and being convicted by the Command of Anthony in the presence of Severus was put to death. Unto these Roman examples, I will add one of the Grecians, with Philip of Macedon, the last King of that name. There was a young man called Apelles that was so powerful that he might more properly be called a King than a Favourite; for that every City in Greece more observed and feared him then they did the King; the King therefore by the advice of Aratus, taking it to heart that this man looked after nothing more than the Empire, 
* 24 Authoritatem omnem momento ademit.  24 on a sudden cast him off; whereupon he was thrown into Prison, and shortly after put to death. Polybius writing this History, takes occasion to show how happy and unhappy they that live in Prince's Courts, may be in a very moment of time; he compares them unto suffrages, which are accustomed to be given in Common-councells; for as in Counsels saith he, it is in the power of the Senators to give Brass or Silver, so in the Courts of Princes, it is in the power of the Prince to give honour or dishonour, to make their servants either happy or miserable. Hiero King of Syracuse in Sicily, when he died left his Kingdom to Hieronymo, his Nephew; and for that he was a child, he appointed fifteen to see him virtuously educated, amongst whom was Andronorus his son in law; but the King was scant laid in his grave, but Andronorus ambitious of Command, eased the rest of that office of trust which was committed unto them, affirming that Hieronymo was old and able enough himself to govern the Kingdom; but by waving of the office which to him with others was jointly committed, he got all the power into his own hand, Hieronymo being young and viciously addicted, fell into all manner of evil courses, and suddenly came to an untimely end. Upon whose death Andronorus possessed himself of the Tower, and a great part of the City, and fortified it with Garrisons, for he he thought it more safe to run with the current, and to yield himself into the hands of the Senate, though his Wife the daughter of King Hiero mad after Sovereignty, often put him in mind, to the end to encourage him to proceed in the course he was in, of what Dionysius was used to say, that a man needed not to saddle a horse to leave a Kingdom, he might do it well enough on foot, intimating that it is an easy thing when a man will to part with a fortune, but not easy to attain unto it; yet I say he thought it more safe for the present to submit o the Senate, who made him one of their praetors; but 
* 25 Nulla quies in●st animo dominandi jibidine capto.  5 his thoughts bein once possessed with a desire of Sovereignty, he could not find contentment in any thing else, 
* 29 Vxore illum praesertim instigante.  26 his wife principally animating him thereunto, t lling him that now is the time (if ever) to stir in it, whilst the waters are troubled, whilst the Soldiers are ready to accept of better pay than the Kings: and whilst Hannibal's Captains are there ready to further his design. Which persuasion so prevailed with him that a second time he took it into consideration, how he might attain to the Kingdom, which being discovered, he together with Themistius to whom he had disclosed the whole matter, was in the Senate house put to death.  
We will pass from hence to the Histories of other Countries and Ages. Richard the first King of England, reposed so much trust in William Bishop of Ely, as that he made him Chancellor of England, Keeper of his great seal, and Lieutenant of the Tower of London: at the same time he prevailed with the Pope to make him Legate à Latere of England, France, and Jreland: and when he was to pass the Seas to wage War with the Saracens, he left the Government of the Kingdom wholly to him, and gave this charge to his Subjects, that as they loved him and his Kingdom, and as they desired to live in peace and prosperity, and to enjoy their Possessions in safety, that they would show themselves obedient to his trusty and wellbeloved Chancellor in all things that he should direct them that did concern him, as if that he were personally present; so this man is now the greatest man in all the Western parts, being in the King's absence the Metropolitan of all England; 
* 27 Dignitates quas pretio com paraverat immodetatè exercuit.  27 he executed the Diginities which he purchased at dear rates, with excessive cruelty, and oppression: and all respect of honesty set apart, bend his thoughts only how he might fill the bags again which he had emptied; to attain unto them he turned Usurer, and executed the office of Legat à latere, which cost him a thousand pound, with such cruelty, that he became a burden and eyesore to all the clergy of England: he seldom rid with a less number than fifteen hundred of the Clergy to attend him, and a band of Soldiers, as if he had been a King, as my Author saith, and not a Bishop; he was attended by the Sons of the Nobility, whom he married to his kindred, and happy did he think himself that could be gracious in his eyes,; there was no Land to be sold which he bought not, no Church or Dignity void which he did not either bestow upon his friends or himself; the keeping of all Castles and Towns by one means or other he engrossed, and prevailed so by his power that he did what he would, and no man durst once open his mouth to contradict him in any thing. But it so happened that john Earl of Mortaigne, the King's Brother, calling the Peers together to consult of the affairs of the State, sent for this man likewise, assuring him that he should safely come and go: but he suspecting them, instead of coming unto them betook himself for refuge to the Tower of London; whereupon it was agreed by the Lords, that he by whom the Church of God and People had received so much detriment, should no longer govern in the Kingdom. This Chancellor and his Adherents had so deceived the Kingdom of the Treasury, that there was scarce any man that wore a girdle that had any silver in it, any woman a chain, any Noble man a ring, or any jew had money, and indeed scarce any thing of worth was left in the Kingdom; The King's Treasury was emptied and nothing but the keys and empty vessels found there; The State of the Kingdom standing thus, it was decreed that he should take an oath to relinquish all the power he had, not to bear any sway any longer in the Government of the Commonwealth, and to yield up all the Castles that were committed to his charge, especially the Tower of London; These things he put in pledges to perform, and left his Office of Legate à latere, which he executed a year and a half to the great prejudice of the Church of England, and the sea of Rome; at last he put off his accustomed habit, and in a woman's apparel he determined to cross the Seas: but at Dover his dalliance with a wench being discovered by a Mariner, he was hill at, beaten, and afterwards dragged through the streets to prison: from whence as soon as he was fully delivered, he most ignominiously, and basely stole into Normandy; his end was the more miserable, by how much his fortunes were the greater. Afterwards there 
* 28 Fuit quidam Comes Warwicensis qui à Rege E. 4. ●summam potestatem erectus oral.  28 was an Earl of Warwick in the same Kingdom, that was raised to such a height both of power and Estate by King Edward the fourth, that he was not afraid to lay violent hands upon the Queen's Father, and with many of his children and nearest friends, to put him to death; he placed such Officers about the King as he thought would do him best service, and in the end took him Prisoner. But not long after the King escaping into Burgundy, being assisted by Charles the then Duke, he returned home, overcame the Earl, and made him fly for succour into France; the Earl thence returning being assisted with divers Attendants, put the King to the worst, and made him fly into Holland for succour. A second time the King returning being assisted by the aforesaid Duke, set upon him, overcame him and slew him with his Brother and many others.  
In the Reign of King Henr● the eighth, there was one named 
* 29 Tho. Wols●us sub H. 8.  29 Thomas Wolsey that was very great with the King, a man meanly descended, but so proud and haughty, that he became an eyesore not only to the Peers and Nobility, but even the King himself. By the King's special grace and favour he was promoted to the highest dignities, to be Arch-Bishoh of York, Bishop of Winchester, to be a Cardinal, to be sent Ambassador, and indeed next to the King, to bear the greatest sway in the Kingdom: but amongst other acts of his, this was not the least that brought him in disgrace, when King Henry began to distaste Queen Catherine, and to dote upon Anne of Boloyne, this man undertook to procure a dispensation from the Pope, which taking not so well as the King and he thought it would have done, by degrees he fell out of the King's favour, and being apprehended by Thomas Duke of Norfolk, was banished the Court, and confined to his Bishopric of Winchester, which he taking to heart with very grief died.  
The Kingdom of France will afford us many Examples in this kind; and amongst those, it is reported of the Earl of S. Paul, that having been advanced by Lewis the eleventh to be Constable of France, and to many other honours, and preferments, out of which he raised a very great revenue, that in the end he somuch forgot himself, that he studied how to make the King stand in awe of him: and for that purpose 
* 30 Mediocriter se gessit inter tres principes.  30 he ever carried himself indifferently between the King his Master, the King of England, and the Duke of Burgundy, one while standing for the one, another while for the other, ever desiring to keep them at variance, that so the one or the other might still stand in need of him. And so it happened that the King his Master desiring to speak with him, he would not come unto him, but with a power able to withstand him if occasion were offered: he met him upon a Bridge where he talked with him as saucily as if he had been his equal, and familiar, supposing that to be the way to preserve and increase the power he had obtained; but he was deceived; for all men seeing his malapertness and insolency, were offended at him, and studied how to pull him down. And it so happened that coming to the Duke of Burgundy, upon safe conduct, the Duke apprehended him, and sent him to the King his Master with all such Letters as he had formerly written to him against the King. Upon which being arraigned, as also upon such Letters as he had written unto the King of England, was thereupon condemned, his estate confiscated, and he put to death.  
In the same Kingdom under Philip the fair, one Taggerrandus Marrianus attained to so much power, that nothing was done in the Kingdom without his approbation; 
* 31 Peculatus accusatus suspendio affectus est.  31 yet this man for robbing the King's Treasures was accused, condemned and hanged. 
* 32 Petrus Landaicus apud ducem Britaniae potens.  32 Peter Landais likewise with the Duke of Britain attained to the like favour; yet by the violence of the multitude he was taken from the Duke, and judicially condemned and hanged, as Paulus Aemilius in his History of France relates the story.  
To pass over into Spain; in the Kingdom of Castille, there was 
* 33 Alvarus de Lunâ.  33 Alvarus de Luna, borne in Arragon, of a Noble house, but a Bastard borne out of Wedlock, that grew to such a height of power with King John, that no man in the Kingdom was so powerful as he; he took arms against John King of Navarre, and used all means to oppress Henry Knight of the order of Saint James; but it so fell out that the Queen opposing him, by the assistance of the second King of Navarre, and Henry Knight of the order, they surprised the King, and compelled Alvarus to live upon his own possessions; and happy had he been if he could have so contented himself; but he that once tasted of the sweetness of Sovereignty, can hardly find contentment in a private life; he gins then a second time to bethink himself how he might attain to his former height, from which he was thrown down: he sets the King at liberty, installs him in the Kingdom, sits at the stern, keeps under his Enemies, and incenses the King against them; but this prosperity continued not, and brought him to an untimely death; for, when as by the King's special Commandment, one of the Nobility delivered a message unto him which was not pleasing, he caused the Messenger to be thrown out of the window, for the which the King did afterwards ever more hate him then he did formerly love him; for caused him to be apprehended, and being judicially condemned, to be put to death.  
Unto the former I will add the Example of a German out of the seventh book of the Annals of Aventinus. With Rudolfe, Palsgrave of Rheyne, and Duke of Bavaria, there was Ortho Crondorser in the greatest grace and favour; he came of mean Parentage, and coming to Court, by his double diligence in readily observing, and gravely executing whatsoever was committed to his charge, within a very short time became very gracious in the eyes of the Prince; by little and little he attained to Honour, and in the end became to be the King's Vicegerent, being the greatest officer in Court. This man now relying upon grace and favour which he was in with Rudolphus, began to grow insolent, to talk wantonly of Rudolphus, and his Mother, and to sow dissension between them, which drew the hatred of them both upon him, and caused them to make him an Example; for by Rudolphus he was taken and cast into Irons, and by his Mother his eyes were pulled out, and his tongue that had talked so freely of her, was cut out of his head.  
The next Example is of Hungary, 
* 34 Ludovicus primus porentissimus Rex Hungariae.  34 Lewis, the first of that name, being the most powerful King of Hungary left behind him one only daughter named Maria, whom by his last Will and Testament, with the consent of his Counsel, he bequeatheth unto Sigismond marquis of Brandenburg, the son of the Emperor Charles the fourth, being but of tender years; yet so that until she came to full age she should not marry him, but afterwards should admit him her Companion in Sovereignty and Conjugal society: but in the mean time she should be sole Commander, and crowned with the title of King; in this time lived her Mother Elizabeth, the Wife of King Lewis, who during her minority had a hand over her; with both whom there was one Nicholas Gara, whom Lewis had formerly advanced to be a Count Palatine, that was nobly descended, and exceeding rich, on whom both the Mother & the Daughter so much relied, that what he said was a Law, they would do nothing without him; he now attaining to such Grace and Favour, did many ill offices, advised the young Queen not to suffer her Peers to grow too great, for thereby she should diminish her own sovereignty, and give them encouragement to attempt new designs; but so to handle them, that they might have no power to hurt her: To take from such as were grown popular and potent all offices of command and authority, and to bestow them on such as were men of known Integrity. To conclude, he was a man gotten into so great favour with the Queen, that what he spoke was a Law, and what he advised only was put in execution; at which the Peers were highly offended, and did conceive unplacable wrath, not only against Gara, but against the Queen, and laid their heads together how they might take from him all government in the Commonwealth; for that much troubled them that she should so much dote upon that one man, that to give him contentment she should neglect and oppress all the rest of the Nobility; whereupon they sent for 
* 35 Carolus parvus.  35. Carolus Parvus out of Apuleia, and in the presence both of the Mother and the Daughter, set the Crown upon his head, and proclaimed him King. But they being greedy of Revenge, and thirsting to be restored again to the Kingdom, by the council of Gara, they procured on Plasius Forgace the Chyines to kill Charles in the conclave; and so by his means they attained their former government; and this they did for the most part by the consent of the people: for after that Charles was once crowned, the people fell from him, and repent themselves of what they had done; but see what follows, the troubled waters being well settled and they going for their recreation to see some of the lower parts of the Kingdom, attended on by Gara and some others of the Court: Ilium the governor of Croatia, a friend and favorour of Carolus parvus, who had been formerly slain by Gara's procurement, desirous to revenge his untimely death boldly set upon them, and whilst many run away, Gara stood stoutly to it, and defended both himself and the Ladies; but in the end near unto their Chariot was he vanquished and slain. Pippo or Pippus, alias Philippus Florentinus as Aenaeas Silvius saith, of the family of the Strozzi, having behaved himself oftentimes very bravely in the Wars, attained to such grace and favour with Sigismond the Emperor of Hungary, that all men accounted him the second, many men the first in the Kingdom; insomuch that Sigismond said, that if Pippo will, it were an easy matter for him to send him with a staff in his hand out of the Kingdom. Bonfinus writes That he prevailed twenty times against the Turks: but afterwards being made General in the Venetian War, and having bravely there carried himself for a long time, was in the end by the Venetians corrupted with Gold to quit the Country, and to return into Hungary; which being discovered to Sigismond, he caused Gold to be melted, and to be poured down his throat, and so he came to his death.  
Ericus King of Sweden being ill advised, committed many cruel and enormous offences; he contracted Matrimony with Catherine his Concubine, and crowned her equally with great solemnity; a principal furtherer of his wicked enterprises was Georgius Peirus his Secretary, whom he had exceedingly enriched with the confiscate goods of the Nobility, at which his proceed John and Charles his two Brothers being much offended, and assisted with many of the Peers of the Nobility, raised Arms against him: besieged him, and would not be satisfied until they had George delivered unto them: the King to pacify them yielded unto their demand; who after they had cruelly tormented him, divided him into four parts, and so he sustained condign punishment for his many offences. I might produce many Examples more; and as justus Lipsius saith, I should never make an end, if I should reckon up all Examples in this kind which every Age doth afford; for this one Age afford us many Examples of note, as Wolfgange Rinuphius who was advanced by Rodolfe Caesar, M. Euzlius by Frederick Duke of Wittinburgh in France, Charles Duke of Guyse, Byron, and of late years Marquesse D' Anchre.   

CHAP. II. Of Causes.  
IN the next place shall be showed the Causes wherefore the prosperity of these men is but momentary; and why ruin is for the most part the end of them. The causes wherefore they continue not in prosperity, that I may briefly sum them up, are one or both of these. Either because they do obtain their greatness by wicked practices and divises, or that having duly attained unto it, they do dishonourably carry themselves in the execution of such offices as are committed to their charge.  
The Counsels of men, and the courses of their lives are different, and have different success, according to the counsel of him that adviseth and persuadeth: if he adviseth good things to a good end, the success is good; if contrariwise, it is bad; so in the world there are divers callings, according to the diversity of degrees, sexes and professions, and every calling different from another; some of us are men, some women; some are fathers, others children; some Lords and free men, other servants and Ministers; some rule and govern, others serve and obey; some are separate for the service of God, others for secular employment. To conclude: 
* 36 Quisque peculiari munere devinctus est.  36 Every one is called to one calling or other, and we may not believe that this cometh to pass by chance, or by the will of man, but by the divine providence of God, who hath appointed to every one both noble and ignoble, rich and poor, a certain calling before they were borne. David, Cyrus, Jeremy, Saint Paul the Apostle, were all of them called by God in his appointed time to a peculiar office; some to bear the office of a King, others of a Priest, others to other offices. So God in the beginning by the eternal decree of his divine providence made every one of us; first man, than woman; Then gave him a charge to look to this or that Country; no man is free or called to be idle, for we may not think that God so neglecteth any one as that he should not put to a helping hand, and act his part upon the stage of the world, for the public good; there is no man I say, no not the most contemptible man in the world, on whom he hath not imposed some charge or other, which although for a time it may seem but mean, yet God oftentimes in the dust shows his power, and omnipotency. David for many years was a poor shepherd, and lived in Exile, yet at length became a king of kings. 
* 37 Contemptus à fratribus.  37 joseph was hated of his brethren, 
* 38 Venditus in servitutem.  38 sold into bondage, 
* 39 Conjectus in carcerem.  39 cast into Irons, at length made chief governor in Egypt. Seeing then that there is nothing more certain than that every one is called by God in his appointed time, we ought to attend his good will and pleasure, and not to run before we are called of him. Therefore in what condition or state of life we are, we ought to live to the glory of God and the good of our neighbours, which if we neglect we labour in vain, to our own destruction; this is therefore the first cause why those that thrust themselves into businesses out of their calling, and take upon them things beyond their strength, incur the hatred both of God and men; for those men never dream of God or goodness, but 
* 40 Per aequa & iniqua gratiam principis acquirere.  40 seek by fraud and bribery, calumnies and all other wicked practices to attain to their ends.  
First, how to procure their Prince's favour, then how to attain the chiefest place about him, by ruinating such as stand in their way. So did Tigellinus, as Tacitus observs, by his lewd practices, in which only he did excel, serve himself into the favour of Nero, and obtained from him rewards due to the best deserving; So did Macro win the favour of Caius Cesar by relinquishing of Tiberius, yea while he lived, a●d by standing for him to succeed in the Empire, as the same Author reports; so did Perenius to make himself more powerful, seduce Commodus to all manner of licentiousness; so did William Bishop of Ely by his bribery obtain the chiefest places of note both in the Church and common weal; so did Sejanus of whom we have spoken of before; amongst many other of his wicked practices, that he might remove Densus his competitor, made love unto his wife, lay with her, and what with promise of marriage, and in putting her in hope to be his consort in the Empire, caused her to have a principal hand in her husband's death. So did Pallas by his adultery win the love of Agrippina the wife of Claudius Cesar and mother of Nero, and all to keep his former greatness; It is a thing most odious and abominable in Courtiers, that they should not think of any other means to purchase their Prince's favour, then by commending unto them the beauty and comely feature of men's wives and Sisters, thereby to set their affections on fire, and bind him unto them; it is an odious and abominable thing likewise, yet a common thing in this age, and in all times hath been, for such as follow the courts of Princes, to obtain or retain their Prince's favour, to put in execution any wicked act, if so be that he command them: So did joab readily put in execution the command of King David, and slew Vriah; so did Cardinal Woolsey allow of the divorce of King Henry the eight, and Queen Katherine, and all that he might revenge the wrong that he supposed was offered him by the Emperor. When Nero took distaste against his sometimes beloved Octavia, his Courtiers presently, especially those of the nobility, fearing their wives, they commended Acts unto him, and in this business Annaeus Serenus a great acquaintance of Senacae's had a great hand, he made love unto her, covered and took upon himself the extravagancies of the young Prince, and such gifts as the Prince had bestowed upon her secretly, he avouched to be his openly. But men that deal in businesses of this kind, are for the most part false and perfidious; for when they have once transgressed the bonds of modesty, their affections are inflamed and they are never satisfied: Annaeus Seneca in other things most wise, was in this kind faulty, when he with Byrrhus in an oration persuaded Nero to put his mother to death, for that they supposed that if she lived, he could not; and although afterwards he made an Oration to extenuate his offence; yet that did rather aggravate the same, than any way extenuate it. The reward and deserved wages of these kind of men is for the most part sin and destruction, as Tacitus observes of Tiberius: For as Princes would not have themselves to be circumvented by others, so when they have their designs once effected, they hate and punish the executioners, having Instruments ever ready to execute their commands; 
* 41 Graviorum facinorum ministri ut exprobrantes aspiciuntur.  41 for Princes ever behold the instruments of villainy with threatening looks; so Alexander the great beheld Parmenio whom he employed in the death of Attalus, for the which 
* 42 Exprobrat Hermolaus Alexandrum.  42 Hermolaus was not afraid to upbraid him as Curtius observes, saying, thou usest miserable men to be thy instruments to take away the lives of men, and anon after thou usest others to take away the lives of those instruments. 
* 43 Sytacles & Cleander experti sunt.  43 This Sitacles and Cleander found by experience to be true, whom Alexander had made the instruments to kill Parmenio, whose heinous offences no death could satisfy, as the same Curtius affirms, adding moreover that many of Alexander's friends rejoicing to see that his anger was fallen upon the instruments of his wrath, took not so much distaste against those instruments, for all the enormous offences that ever they committed, as they did for that they had slain Parmenio, and with all adding this, that no power unduly obtained can continue long.  
It is a received opinion that they that attain to any command by unjust means, by the same means and the like, they support their magnificence; for none ever that risen unduly governed well, which is well manifested in Sejanus and in some other, whom we have before remembered; whence it cometh to pass that by how much the longer they have continued in their lewd and wicked courses of life, adding transgression unto transgression, by so much the more they become more hateful both to God and man, and at last undergo deserved punishment.  
These men never take into their consideration the true end of which I have before spoken, that is, The glory of God, and the good of the Commonwealth, but bend their thoughts only how they may satisfy their pride, covetousness, cruelty, and their carnal desires, whose condition Seneca hath set forth in his Tragedy, entitled, Hercules Oetaeus, 
Few hearts love Kings, not few their  
Kingly might.  
The glorious show of Courtly countenance  
Bewitcheth many, where one sets his delight,  
How next the King he may himself advance,  
That through high streets he may as  
lord of rule,  
With lofty looks ride mounted on his Mule.  
Another would his greedy hunger staunch  
With gubs of gold, and though he it possess,  
Rich Araby serves not to fill his pining paunch.  And a little after, 
Another fondling fancy thus doth guide,  
To fawn on Kings, and still in Court to bide:  
As one disdaining now to be like Will,  
An ingrained clown, the plough to follow still.  
And though the dying swain daily keep  
at home  
A thousand drudges that his land do till,  
Yet wants his will, and wisheth wealth therefore,  
Only to waste on other men the more.  
Another claws and flattereth still the King,  
That he his neighbour may to ruin bring.   
It is ambition which makes a man a stranger to himself, that will not endure a Superior or an equal, that will be Caesar or none, that possesseth us with this foolish conceit, to think it a disparagement to go in the common road, and to be an honest man, that makes a man think himself 〈◊〉 body, whilst he sees another greater than he, and so dazzleth our eyes that if another go before us, we will not believe it, but rather that he stands in our way, nay it is an humour that hath this property; that wheresoever it hath once taken up her lodging, it will never suffer a man to rest, until he hath attained to the end of his desires, which he shall never do, (for as Seneca saith) 
* 44 Non patitur quem quam in mensura acquiescere.  44 This is that inconvenience which attends an ambitious humour that it never suffers a man to rest satisfied though he hath attained to the end of his former wishes and desires; That makes him believe he can do that which is impossible for him to do, because he is powerful. Wherefore these kind of men are aptly compared to such as are sick of the dropsy, the more they drink, the more they desire, as is manifested in Sejanus who being raised out of the dust to the highest degree of honour, could not there content himself, but studied how to make himself equal to Caesar; nay, how to displace him and sit in his Throne. If these kind of men would at any time cast their eyes downwards and behold from whence they came, it could not but give them much contentment, and cause them to add some bounds to their unsatiable desires; but they seldom do so, their eyes and thoughts are ever mounted aloft, for the mind of man is so unsatiable, that it will not be persuaded but that it can do any thing, be it never so difficult, or dangerous, if so be he had good success in his former undertake. Wherefore Eteocles in Euripides affirms, that if nature had given to man wings, he would have ascended above the heavens; for so saith he of himself, if I had had ability, I would have tried the paths of the Sun, and have descended into the Centre of the Earth, that I might have ruled as the Gods do there.  
We have heard of Alvarus de Luna, before he tasted of both fortunes, who though he were once brought upon his knees, he ascended on high again, and then resolved rather to lose his life, then to change his fortune; therefore it happened unto him as it doth to certain little creatures, who having once tasted of blood, will sooner break their bellies then quench their Thirst. Of the fall of Sejanus and such as he was, juvenal in his 10. Satire elegantly saith, That greatness makes many a man subject to the storms of envy and malice, casts them down headlong into perdition, causeth their Statues to be demolished, bringeth them to untimely deaths, to the Gallows, and to have their limbs broken upon the wheel.  
Sejanus that not long ago carried a great port with him, and had his head adorned with Bays and Cammomile, within a short time after had his head taken from his shoulders to be made a pitcher to drink in, a basin to wash in, and a platter or pan to fry meat in.  
Pride is either the mother or daughter of Ambition, and the offspring of immoderate prosperity, with the which Courtiers are infected, especially they they that are most eminent in Court, and have attained to the greatest honours: An example hereof we have in Pallas a freed man of Nero, who was used to say, That he did never express himself at home to his servants, 
* 45 Dominutu vel manu servis suis loquebatur.  45 but either by nod or hand, That he sometimes made use of his pen, but never of his tongue. We have spoken of the pride of Sejanus already, of whom Marc. Terentius a Roman Knight was used to say, That he was accustomed to tell his freed men and door keepers, that to nod was a badge of a Magnifico: 
* 46 Fastus hic hodie maximo in usu est.  46 This kind of pride is come in fashion in our days, and is used by men of mean rank and condition. Seneca excellently describeth it, saying, That it is the property of a superstitious proud man to stand much upon the going into his house, he hath an opinion that he doth highly honour thee, if he suffer thee to go into it before him; and it is observable that they which stand so much upon terms of honour in this kind, are of this condition, That they will be singular, look big, and never salute any man, speak, walk, or eat with any man; their pride is to become like the man in Seneca, to make the pole Antarctic kiss their toe, and Cynthia to do homage to their Tail; they talk of Kingdoms and their Father's possessions, which being once attained, they forget God, and all goodness; the same Seneca in his Tragedy entitled Hercules Furens saith, that God at every turn meets with the proud man.  
Which saying as Philip Commines observes, Lewis the eleventh had often in his mouth, where pride goes before, there shame followeth at the heels: God resisteth the proud, and pride goeth before a fall; it is remarkable in the proud man, that he ever hates one of his own condition, and omits no opportunity to do him mischief; wherefore as at all times they are neglected and despised by such as have any predominant power over them, so then especially when they stand in competition for any honours and preferments; for as they are insociable and care not for the love of any, unless it be to bring to pass their own designs; so on the other side no man cares for them; so that in times of adversity, the times of trial of true friendship, they find the fruits of their folly and arrogancy; men of this condition being put in places of command, ever abuse the power committed unto them to satisfy their greedy covetousness, as we have seen in Sejanus, Narcissus, Pallas, the Bishop of Ely, and some others, that they may pill and pole, and do what they will, have ever opportunity; their friends being powerful, no request is denied them; all men rescue them, all men observe and obey them; their followers and attendants, are luxury, pride, pomp and prodigality, which ever add spurs to their greedy desires; for they must be maintained, and a little will not do it. But if these were not, the mind of man is insatiable; for covetousness is of such a nature, that it will never rest content, full nor fasting, and therefore is justly said to be the root of all evil, the thing that subverts honesty & all square dealing between man and man; that occasions pride, cruelty, neglect of Religion, and the sale and shipwreck of a good conscience, and as Sallust affirms 
* 47 Avaritia bellua immanis, intoleranda.  47 it is a Beast insufferable in a well governed Commonwealth, it depopulates Countries, Villages, private Families, takes away the good name and reputation of a man, makes Religion a stalking horse to effect what it desireth, and is of that power and efficacy that no Power, or Bulwark, or Army, is able to withstand it; it prevails with the Virgin to submit her thoughts to unchaste desires; it prevails with the Father to withdraw his affections from his Child, and with the Child to make him neglect his duty to his Father; it is a fault, and a great one in a mean man, but it is more dangerous in him that is powerful and mighty; wherefore Cicero saith, that their is no vice more hateful in Princes, and such as govern the Commonwealth, than covetousness; for to make sale of the Commonwealth is not only dishonourable, but wicked and unjust. Hence it is that these kind of men are odious in the eyes both of Prince and People; who although they may tyrannize and oppress the people, and by reason of their greatness no man dares once open his lips against them: yet God that ever takes the quarrel of the poor into his hands, and punisheth wrong doers, will discover their devises and bring them unto shame and dishonour: Their riches shall be made snares to entrap them, and like sponges chrusht together shall they send forth the water which they have so greedily sucked up. Another Vice which generally attendeth greatness, is Cruelty, which they use to keep Inferiors in awe, that they should not dare to do any thing that tends to the diminishing of their greatness; their hatred is like haman's, making of a Mountain a Molehill; small offences to be capital, and punishing them with utter ruin and destruction; for these men having guilty Consciences, never dream of virtue or honesty, but seek by punishments to keep men in awe: Yea, 
* 48 Dicta in se ulciscuntur.  48 they punish words against themselves in a high degree; a Prince by forgiving of hasty words purchaseth to himself Fame and Renown; but they, unless they take revenge of their Enemies, have a conceit that the people conceive they are not in that grace and favour with their Princes as formerly they were; for example in this kind we may produce Joab, who by treachery slew Abner and Amasa, whose lives King David spared; but what befell to Haman and Joab, no man is ignorant. Another ill quality that reigns for the most part in great men, is, that they respecting more their own private than the public good, lay heavy burdens upon the shoulders of the Subjects, and if they find the Prince's disposition so to do, they are ever putting him in mind of it; if not, they will advise him to it; if the Prince require one penny of the Subjects, they cry two; if he do but threaten, they cry hang him; it is good they cry for a Prince to be terrible, inexorable, cruel; and for men of mean rank to be mild, liberal, and familiar; it is a tenet amongst them that is better to rule by fear, then by love; that it is lawful for a Prince to do what he will; that every man's Estate is in his power; nay, with Polynices in Seneca they cry, 
The Prince that fears disdainful hate  
unwilling seems to reign,  
The God that sways the golden globe,  
together hath these twain  
Conjoined and coupled, hate and rule;  
and him do I suppose  
To be a Noble King indeed, that can  
supplant his foes,  
And Subjects cankered hate suppress.   
They inveigh against Parliaments, and use all means to bring the Prince out of love with them, and study how to hinder them, ever buzzing in his ears, that what is done there, is done for private ends, without any respect to the Common good. If the Prince make any wise and discreet Judges, they must presently become their creatures, do what they will have them, and keep nothing secret which they will have made known; 
* 59 Divisiones & factiones serunt.  49 they sow dissension, and maintain a Faction ever amongst the people, supposing that there is no better means to keep them in obedience then this, for that one Faction will be ever ready to assist the King to suppress the other, and be an occasion to bring some grist to their Mill; so that while they are busied about their private injuries, they conceive public wrongs which concern the Common good will never be remembered, and so they themselves by this means escape unpunished: by their good will they will never suffer private quarrels to be taken up, or public grievances to be fully redressed, that so occasion may be ministered of daily attendances at the Court, but especially upon them, whereby they may show their power of suppressing the one, and supporting the other, as they take affection; for which reason they will not suffer the Prince to grant a pardon, but in special cases, to any Delinquent, but upon condition. In all businesses between the King and his People, where their Council is required, they speak ambiguously and subtly, for they fear nothing more than that the people should suppose that they do not stand indifferent between the Prince and them. Such Counsellors had Rehoboam King of the Jews, who when hls Subjects complained unto him of heavy burdens laid upon them by his Father, by the advice of his Council, answered them, that his little finger should lie more heavy upon them then all his Father's body; my Father chastened you with whips, but I will chasten you with Scorpions: such a kind of fellow was Nicholas Gara, a Count Palatine of the Kingdom of Hungary, who being exceeding powerful with Queen Mary the daughter of Lewis the first, gave his Counsel that she should not suffer her Peers to become too powerful, as we heard before; but how his Counsel took effect, I have before remembered, and what befell to the Counsellors of Rehoboam, every one can tell: Sleidan reports that William Poyets the French Kings Chancellor was by the King's special command taken out of his bed and cast into Prison, with the general applause of the people; for that during the four years that he held his office he had offended all sorts of people. Such is generally the end of these sort of people; for when the Prince is once fully informed of their conditions, to satisfy the people, they punish them to their ruin and destruction. Examples hereof we have in Cleander, Peter Lindais, George Peiras, and others, concerning whom Philip Comines demands this question, and gives this answer; who dares, saith he, inquire into the actions of these Grandees? who dare call them in question? who dare be the judge to execute judgement upon them if they offend? the answer is, the inquisition will be the lamentation and cries of the people, whom they have mercilessly oppressed and trampled upon in every kind; the tears of the Widows and Orphans, whose Husbands and Fathers they have put to death, and generally all they whom they have persecuted either in their Bodies or Estates; these will bring in an inquisition against them, and deliver them over to receive their doom of him who is the only true judge, that will not peradvanture expect any other evidence, but will punish them in this life: so much hath Philip Comines, 
* 50 Lex talionis.  50 the Law of Talio is justly inflicted upon them; It is good justice, that they who have despised and contumeliously behaved themselves to wards others, should be despised, and contumeliously handled by others; that they who proudly insulted over others, should be reproachfully spoken of by others; that they who by rapine and fraud have gotten the Estates of others, should suddenly have their Estates by others taken from them; that they that shown no mercy, should expect no mercy; that they that commanded others to be dragged to execution, should be dragged themselves; that they that caused others that stood for the Church to be put to death, should in the Church be put to death themselves; that they that endeavoured to deprive the Subject of his rights and privileges, should not only lose the benefit of them, but the benefit of the Law of Nations; that they that caused others to be put to death against the Law, should before they be heard or accused, be put to death themselves; that they which caused the rigour of the Law to be inflicted upon others, should have the same measure measured unto them, as is reported of 
* 51 Perillus.  51 Perillus, who was the first that felt the punishment of the torment that he himself invented. These punishments do not only belong unto them that attain unto their greatness by undue means, but likewise unto them who being deservedly preferred, do in the due execution of their places misbehave themselves; for 
* 52 Non sufficet bene coepisse.  52 it is not sufficient to begin well, but we must prosecute our good beginnings with suitable proceed, which is a very hard thing for him to do, who hath attained to a great fortune; for 
* 53 Fortuna est coena & eos efficet caecos quo●om plexa est.  53 fortune being blind herself, makes them blind likewise for the most part whom she doteth upon and favoureth; for while we are lulled asleep in her lap, we grow careless, and give occasion to such as love us not, to circumvent us; so as when there is no other cause, yet too too great prosperity will find in itself sufficient cause to bring us to our graves with shame and ignorance. Therefore it is no wonder if such as have power to do what they will, standing in fear of none, become proud and insolent, and have their imperfections made known unto the world; for being on high they can do nothing but notice is taken of it, whereas if they lived in a mean rank, their faults would pass unregarded; our nature is such; there is no good thing in the world but it abuseth, but most of all the prosperity and good fortunes we enjoy: And why? because our wills being prone to all wickedness, our prosperity adds spurs unto it, and doth not only move, but continually administer occasion unto us to satisfy our unbridled lusts and affections.  
Such as have attained to the greatest favour with their Princes, by reason of their daily familiarity with them, have in the end become most odious and contemptible in their height. Sejanus, Tiberius' only minion for the time, for that he styled himself Emperor, and Tiberius' governor of a poor Island, Tiberius hated and detested; the servant that hath been delicately brought up from a Child will challenge to himself the privilege of a son at last, saith Solomon. For presuming upon the favour of their Princes, they make them the subject of laughter, neglect their commands, vilify them, and mock them, assuming the honour of what is done to themselves, attributing nothing to the power of the Prince. So Joab slew Absalon the son of King David, with his own hand of his own accord, without the King's approbation: And though it was told him when he was about to do the deed, that it was the King's will to have his life saved, and that he would call him to an account for it, yet he went on grieving the perplexed King with most unbeseeming and unmannerly terms; but such things as these Princes forget not, but keep them in a Register.  
Tacitus reports how that Pallas through his pride exceeding the bounds of a free man, drew hatred upon himself, and how that Narcissus for that he slew Messalina, the Wife of Claudius without his consent, put Claudius into a kind of a frenzy, and made him in passion say, that Narcissus durst never attempt those things upon his Wife, though she had deserved it, unless that he had first despised her Husband. Such another was the Earl of St. Paul that was Constable of France, of whom I have spoken before, who upon all occasions relying on the favour of the Duke of Burgundy, and the King of England, would rise in rebellion against his Prince: and that his power and greatness might still continue together with his stipends from the King which were exceeding great, he ever laboured to keep the King in War, that so he might be beholding to him to assist him when occasion offered itself; for he together with his associates did rather aim at their private good than the good of their Country. But these and the like devises, as they are most ridiculous in themselves, so they are to none more pernicious then to the Projectors, as is manifested in the History of the Constable before mentioned, most exactly written by Philip Commines, Nicholas Picunnes General of the Army of Philip Duke of Milan, after that he had brought the Earl of Francisfort, and the Army of his confederates into such a strait, that he was assured of the victory, he broke forth into such a height of insolency, that forgetting himself and the charge that was committed unto him, he calls to mind how long he had served the Duke in the Wars, and that during all that time he had not gotten so much land in his service as would cover his body when he was dead; and therefore he began to expostulate what reward should be given for all his services; and because it lay in his powet to deliver into the Duke's hands the whole Country of Lombary, and all those Enemies that did oppress him, he required of the Duke as a reward for his service the City of Placentia: the which unless he would grant, he plainly told him he would return home and leave the field; this man's insolency so much offended the Duke, that rather than he should have his will, he was content to leave an assured victory; so suffered himself to be carried away with the insolency of this man, whom no danger or fear of Enemies could ever move a jot: wherefore he concluded Peace with the Earl, and commanded Pricinius with his Army to quit the Country, accusing fortune as a stepdame, whereas there was no fault in her, but in Pricinius insolency.  
Tacitus reports of Lentulus Getulicus, being made General over the Army of the upper part of Germany, and being suspected and accused by reason of the inward familiarity between him and Sejanus, was so bold as to send Letters unto Caesar, showing that the familiarity between him and Sejanus, was not occasioned of his own head, but by the advice of Tiberius; and therefore it was nor strange, but that he as well as Tiberius might be deceived; neither could that be imputed unto him as an error of wilfulness, for that he ever carried an honest heart to him, and resolved ever so to do, though he had been often tempted to quit his allegiance, and could endure no more to hear that Sejanus should succeed in the Empire, than he could endure to hear of his damnation. But in conclusion, Tiberius and Getulicus made a League as it were that Tiberius should enjoy his Dominions, and Getulicus his Province. Tacitus affirms that the bold menacing Epistles which Getulicus writ unto Tiberius did him no hurt at all; for Tiberius, wisely considering in what case he stood, how he was grown old, and not beloved of his Subjects, and that he had not power of himself, suffered him alone of all Sejanus his adherents to live in peace and enjoy his favour. But without doubt this did much trouble Tiberius, that was of a choleric disposition and a high spirit, and if he had lived long, he would have called him to an account; but he considered that Getulicus lived far from him, and what he writ proceeded from the bottom of a good conscience, and out of an honest heart. There is another thing that doth commonly happen to such as are grown proud with prosperity, that the same cruelty which they have without control executed upon their equals and inferiors, in the end they execute upon their Sovereign. Experience hereof we have in England in Richard Nevil Earl of Warwick, who being highly advanced by the King after that he had compassed the death of the Queen's Father, her children and many others that were near and dear unto the King, at last was not afraid to rise in Rebellion against the King; wherefore 
* 54 Ne quempiam suorum nimia potestate afficeret.  54 Moecaenas wisely counselled Augustus that he should not suffer any of his Subjects to grow too great, lest thereby they should grow so powerful as to dare to attempt any thing against him. There are others that carry themselves more moderately, and warily, that relinquish the service of their Prince that reigns, and follow and adore the rising Sun, apply themselves to him that is to succeed in the Empire, as Macro did; but these kind of people never continue long in favour; for by their behaviour to the former Prince, they are deservedly had in suspicion by the later, and undergo the punishment in his time which they deserved in his praedecessours; peradventure they which saucily upbraid their Prince as Clitus did Alexander with what they have deserved, are not so much to be condemned, as the former that abandon their service; yet it is most distasteful to a Prince to be told of any such thing; for that they are more pleased in hearing what rewards they have conferred, then in hearing what any man hath deserved.  
The deserts of a Subject are so long acceptable to the Prince, as it is in the Prince's power when he will to come out of his debt; but when he thinks he hath deserved so much that he cannot well requite him, then doth he requite him with perpetual hatred; for this very cause did Adrianus Caesar remove Tatianus and his fellow from their jurisdiction and government, to whom he was indebted as much as his Empire came to, as Spartianus saith; but it was imputed to their popularity; and if there were no other cause to make a man hateful in the eyes of his Prince, this alone were sufficient; for there is no Prince of so poor a spirit, or slender capacity, that will endure such malapert fellows; for it is naturally engrafted into Princes, not to suffer an equal or a competitor. And there is good cause why such men should be ever had in suspicion, and be neglected by them; for that they are easily corrupted, and drawn into Rebellion; and it is wonderful to see how that they who have attained to the greatest favour with their Princes, are ever buzzing into their ears, that they should not suffer their Subjects to grow too great, and how in the mean time they so dote upon them, that they do not perceive that they alone are the men, of whom they admonish the Prince to have an eye; but in the end the Prince by one means or other being made sensible of the burden he beareth, and being weary of them, casts them down; and if there were no other motive to induce them thereunto, the too much liberty those men do assume to themselves, of doing what they will, and the fear they stand in by reason of them, were sufficient to occasion their removal; & this was the cause why Nero removed Seneca, of whom for a long time he stood in awe; he was used to say, he knew not where to hid himself from Seneca, no not within his skin, unless he did dispatch him out of the way. Counsellors were not wanting that did suggest unto him, that he being past a Child, grown to man's estate, he should cast off his Master, having Senators at hand that could better advise him; so Tiberius the Emperor for a long time, for the love that the Soldiers and People bore unto Germanicus, reverenced him, insomuch that during all the time that he was advised by him, he carried himself very moderately in the Empire: yet in the end for the same cause he hated him, and secretly caused him to be put to death. For the same cause likewise Nero caused Octavia his beloved Wife who ever carried herself modestly and obediently towards him, to be removed. So 
* 55 Galfridus justitiarius Angliae sub johanne.  55 Jeffrey a Justiciary of En●land, that flourished in the days of King john, being one that was well experienced in the Law, and by reason of his riches, his allies and his honours▪ was become the most powerful man in the Kingdom, was in the end more feared then beloved of the King, insomuch that when the King heard of his death he broke out, and swore by the feet of God, that then and not before was he King and Lord of England. Wherefore Alvarus Castro persuaded Sebastian King of Lusitania, who died in Africa, that he was in some sort oppressed by his Subjects, Martianus Gousalesius and his adherents, and that they were the very King, and he bore but the shape and show of a King; insomuch, that when his Secretary brought unto him a Charter of small consequence to be signed by him: by the persuasion of Alvarus and his associates he affirmed that he could do it safely without any scruple; for that he made no doubt of his Sovereignty until he came to Lizborne. For the same cause likewise, that is, because he challenged a kind of Sovereignty over his fellows, was Duke Albinus hated of Charles the Emperor, but more of Philip, although he observed them both, and did them faithful service from his childhood to his old age, for the space of sixty years: wherefore it befalls these en as Titus Livius reports of the Roman Empire, that arising out of the dust it grew to such a greatness, that in the end it became a burden to itself; for as our bodies when they grow and swell too much, as we have seen a man in Luxenburgh, are burdens to themselves, unhealthful, and subject to diseases: So it happens with them that outstrip their fellows in magnificence, their greatness is oftentimes the cause of their ruin and destruction; as they which climb on high, whilst they cast their eyes always upward, never downwards, are brought at length to such a straight, that they cannot look down without being giddy, nor stand where they are in safety, nor come down without danger; So it fares with them that surmount the ordinary pitch of their fellows, being in as great danger as he that holds a Wolf by the ears, and as John Hannois, a Captain of the Gauntois was, who being circumvented in a certain Temple by the Soldiers of the Earl of Flanders, when they set fire on the Temple, he betook himself to the Steeple for refuge; and when the fire came near him he was put to his choice, whether he would die upon the spear, or be burnt in the fire; and he chose (whereby we may perceive how dangerously they which are on high do stand) to die by the spear; wherefore it is reported, that Maecenas should say unto Octavius Caesar of Agrippa, whom he had preferred to the highest degree of honour, that thou must make him thy son in Law, or put him to death: greatness is attained with no less danger than Usurpers do attain a Kingdom, which to do is unjust, to relinquish dangerous; wherefore Julius Caesar was used to say, that they which have once attained to greatness, can never after endure to lead a private life; which saying of his we shall find to be most true, if we look into the lives of the best men, in whom their greatness hath occasioned their ruin and destruction; we may read of many that have been for a time without exception for life and conversation, and by their good services have purchased their Prince's favour; yet in the end have been questioned for their lives upon a small occasion, and feigned suspicion. Example hereof we have in Seneca; neither is it strange it should be so; for they that stand on high are not only troubled with the vertigo in their heads, but with infirmities in their legs; as they cannot stand without fear, so they cannot come down without danger; so that Tacitus affirms, 
* 55 Fatum potentiae est quod rarò sit sempiterna.  56 That is destinated unto greatness not to be of long continuance, and he produceth Maecenas for an example, where likewise he speaketh of Salustius Crispus, so long as Maecenas saith he was but the second in the Empire, so long he lived securely and happily; but when he came to be the chief man, even he into whose bosom the Emperor did empty all his secrets, than he began to decline and to lose the favour which he had formerly gained; so that what Tacitus affirms of greatness, is most true, if it be not founded upon a sure foundation.  
Fortune is always fickle, and every thing that mortal men enjoy upon earth uncertain, as it is in the Comedian, and so much the more uncertain by how the greater a man is; the greatest honours are attended with the greatest cares and fears; neither is there any state more uncertain than the estate of great men; wherefore they have need when they have attained their wished desires, to pray to God to preserve them in the state which they have long desired and prayed for.  
A chief cause hereof is for that the favour of Princes is subject to alteration, which Tacitus glanceth upon in the examples of Maecenas, and Salustius before alleged, where he shows a twofold cause thereof: the one of destiny of which we have spoken before, the other their own greatness and fullness, when the Prince hath given them so much, that he can give no more; and they receive so much that they can crave no more; then doth he ease them of the burden (as Amiratus hath at large dscovered) but the true cause thereof is for that Princes are men, and subject to the infirmities of men: and the mind of man is of a fiery nature and changeable upon every light occasion; for as the imagination of man will in a short time well conceive a thousand several things, pass over a thousand several places; so the mind of man will in a moment be of a thousand several opinions; therefore it is truly said that the mind of man delighteth in novelties. Wherefore the French Knig Lewis the eleventh, after he changed his bedchamber, men and others, that waited upon him, was used to answer all such as taxed him for it, that nature delighted in novelties; many other causes may be added as the natural inclination and disposition of man, and accidents which do often fall out, which do alter and change the mind of the Prince: as Spartianus affirms, that Adrianus the Emperor had an open ear to hear any thing that could be told him of them unto whom he professed the greatest love; wherefore all those that he most affected and advanced to the highest degree of Honour, in the end he esteemed no better than enemies; so Henry the third King of England, esteemed of 
* 57 Hugo de Burgo pro to justi●iarius Angliae sub H. 3.  57 Hugo de Burgo chief Justice of England, being one that deserved well both of King and Commonwealth, who for the love that he bore unto him, and to the safety of the Realm, did incur the displeasure of all the Nobility of the Kingdom; for by instigation of Peter Bishop of Winchester he did not only withdraw his affections from him, but deprived him of his office, and persecuted him with all extremity.  
But most memorable are the examples of the Earl Vlrick Cilensis and Vlrick Eizingerus in the Country of Austria, when Ladislaus son of Alburt King of Hungary and Bohemia, and Archduke of Austria, took upon him the Government of the Kingdom; during his minority, both the King and Kingdom were in the power of the Earl; who being an eyesore to many, especially to Vlricus Eizingerus a man most powerful with the King, he privily acquainted him how odiour the Earl was among many of the inhabitants of Austria, and unless he did take some course with him, he did verily persuade himself they would rise in rebellion: for that he injuriously took from them their money, pillaged the Commonwealth, filled his own, emptied the King's Treasury; and I may Boldly say his power was so great, that he ruled as King, and did what he would; only he left the bare title of King unto the King. There is nothing that makes us more degenerate from ourselves, and transgress the laws of God and men than ambition; it was not enough for him to enjoy the second place of the Kingdom, but he must covet after the first; neither is it a marvel that he that of late would not endure an equal, should not now admit of a Superior; wherefote Vlricus persuaded the King speedily to banish him the Court, who departed thence with four Knights only, & left his place to Eizingerus, 
* 58 Cum quatuor tantum militibus insultante plebe & vix manibus temperante ex urbe proficiscitur.  58 the people rejoicing thereat, and hardly forbearing to lay violent hands upon him; But this Eizingerus not long after being complained of to the King by Pancratius Plankenstanius, the King before the year came about, sent for the Earl and honourably received him, and restored him to his former dignity. Eizingerus left the Court with much grace and favour, wisely yielded unto the times, and betook himself to live upon his own Possessions; and it is said that the Earl did much applaud him for so doing: for that he had learned by his own example, that the minds of Monarches are carried hither and thither in a moment, which Gerardus de Roose taking into consideration, commended the saying of him who compared the Minions of Princes unto counters with which we cast account, which being removed from place to place, stand sometimes for much, sometimes for little, and sometimes for nothing. A cause likewise wherefore Princes do withdraw their affections from their Minions, is, to give their Subject's satisfaction whom they have grieved and oppressed; examples whereof we have before alleged, unto which we may add the example of Duke Borgio Valentino, whom Nicholas machivel hath remembered, who after that he had reduced Flaminia to his obedience, he made Remerus Orcus a cruel man and a great undertaker governor thereof, who so carried the matter, that in a short time he had every man at his beck: yet not without a great deal of cruelty, which drew the hatred of all men upon him, insomuch that the Duke to win their hearts again, was feign to acquaint them that if any exorbitances were committed in Flaminia by Orcus, it was done of his own accord without his consent or approbation; and so he took that occasion early in the morning to have his body divided into two parts, and girding a sword by his side, with a wooden scabbard, exposed him to the view of the multitude in the market place; which when the people saw, they went home every one well satisfied. Envy is ever an attendant of such a man; and not undeservedly; for whosoever is advanced by mere favour, without any desert of his own, or approbation of the people, to have rule and authority over others of more worth, the people will hate and despise; for the favour of a Prince is like unto a fair Virgin, whom many affect, and will not endure that she should look more favourably, walk or talk more frequently with any then with themselves; so that between men of this condition there is seldom or never any true friendship or familiarity; for upon every light occasion they study how to bring one another in disgrace. Tully well saith, there is no faith or friendship observed, when a Kingdom is at stake; for whatsoever is of that nature, that many may contend for, yet but one can enjoy. The contention is great, but faith and honesty little; he that dotes upon one, seems to neglect all others. And he is a very bold Prince (as Christopher Besoldus observes) that for the love of one will draw the hatred of the multitude upon him. Examples hereof we have before alleged in Nicolas Gara Count Palatine of Hungary, and in others: and during the reign of the French King Henry the second in Amiralius Comestabilius, and the Chancellor, who having attained to the chiefest degrees of honour, envied each others prosperity. How incertain the condition of mortal men is upon Earth, Sleidan hath sufficiently showed by his own example. And who is ignorant of the civil Wars which have been in France, both in the days of our progenitors, and in our own memories, for this cause only, that the government of the Kingdom hath been committed unto such, unto whom it did not belong? This Hannibal the great Captain of the Carthaginians found to be true by woeful experience; for he being forced to leave his Country, betook himself to Antiochus, King of Asia; who so well behaved himself during the time that he was with him, that within a very short time he became very gracious in his eyes; therefore when the King made war against the Romans, he would have made him commander of his fleet, had not Thoas A●tolus dissuaded him to the contrary, saying, it was too much honour unto him to make him General of the Royal Fleet: that there ought to be but one King, one chief Commander, and one Emperor; for admit it should so fallout that Hannibal should lose the honour of the day, the damage would redound unto the King; but if things should succeed prosperously the honour thereof would redound unto Hannibal, and not unto Antiochus; and that if fortune should so favour Hannibal to overcome the Romans, what hope could Antiochus have to expect that this man would be true to him, that was false to his Country? That it was safe for Antiochus to use him as a Counsellor, but not as a Commander in the War? By these persuasions, for that they were grounded upon good reason, did Aetolus alienate the mind of Antiochus from Hannibal, and occasioned him to lessen, if not to take away all power and authority out of his hands. This befalls oftentimes where the Gentry and Nobility be had in estimation, especially to such that from the dunghill are raised to an extraordinary greatness, and want kindred and allies to support them; for it is incident to humane nature to look upon men raised out of the dust with sqiunt eyes, and to expect that they of all men, who not long before were their equals and companions, should not insult and domineer over them: therefore did Caius Sinlius of an ancient and noble Family, bitterly inveigh against Seneca, and resolved rather to undergo any punishment then to submit himself to his late purchased Gentry. These kind of men stand upon slippery ground, and every man is ready to throw them down, and if they once fall, they seldom or never rise again. Of the like condition are they that being borne in another King's dominion, aliens and strangers, attain to honour and authority in a Country where they are mere strangers; for no men are more hated than these men, 
* 59 Inqui●●ni sui putant juris esse, ut sui generis hominibus gubernacula rerum committantur.  59 Every man thinking it to be a part of his Birthright to be governed by men of his own Nation, and not by strangers: for this very cause have the subjects of all Nations at one time or other rebelled against their Sovereigns. When Albert, the first of that name, Duke of Austria, placed nearest about him Eberhardus Henricus, and Vdalricus, the brethren of Waser Hermanus, Handenburgins with others, and advanced them to the highest degrees of honour, the native Inhabitants took it ill, that they who had quit their own Countries, because they had not where withal to give them livelihood, should come into the flourishing Country of Austria, and there enrich themselves by marriages, whilst they being natives were neglected, and were not permitted to open their mouths for the common good; so that they petitioned the Prince, that he would be pleased to remove the Swedes from having any hand in the managing of the affairs of the Commonwealth; for that they had those amongst themselves, that better understood the state of the Commonwealth, and could better manage the affairs thereof. Unto which, when the Prince would not listen, nor remove from him the aforenamed person, the rich & powerful men of Austria, especially the men of Vienna, joining their forces with their neighbours, raised arms, thinking to remove them by force, which although it took not that effect as they supposed it would have done, yet hence we learn how hateful a thing it is to the natives of a Country to have strangers rule over them; and as all strangers are odious, and stand upon slippery ground; so especially they that quit their own and fly for refuge into an other Country, and there as often it happeneth, do attain to any command and authority. This Thoas Aetolus aforenamed objected against Hannibal, who being an exiled Carthaginian, became so powerful with Antiochus' King of Asia, that what with his wit, and what with his power, within a short time he was able to alter the Government; and therefore Polybius commended Xantippus a Lacedaemonian for this that he having brought the Commonwealth of Carthage into a good order, he left it and returned home into his own Country. Famous and worthy achievements are ever attended with envy and malice, and it is the condition of the natives of a Country by their friends and allies to vilify the acts of strangers, and to study how to bring them into disgrace and danger.  
To conclude, this one thing, that is to say, to take too great a burden upon themselves, and presume with their own wit and judgement to manage and rule whole principalities, doth very much hurt these kind of people; for if that one man though qualified with rare and admirable gifts of art and nature, cannot so uprightly carry himself in the mannageing of a business of small consequence, but that he shall deserve reprehension of the multitude, and incur the displeasure of his Prince that laid that burden upon him: how is it possible that one man should manage as he ought, the state of a Kingdom, which will trouble the heads of many men laid together? This Tiberius Caesar found to be true, who after that the Senate had settled him in the Empire, considering the greatness thereof, and his own weakness, ingenuously acknowledged, that the mind of Augustus only was capable of such a burden; as for himself being called to bear but a part of it, he found by experience how difficult and dangerous the burden of a Kingdom was, and how much subject it was to change and alter. Therefore in a City where many able and deserving men are, special care is to be had, that one man bear not the sway alone; for that many heads together will with more ease and safety manage the state and affairs thereof, which as it is most true, so I desire that they especially take notice thereof, who dare of themselves undertake to bear so great a burden; for it cannot be, but that these men which take so much upon them, must neglect to do many things which they ought to do, and so deserve a just reprehension; it is a common saying, that no man can serve two masters: Whence Plato in his eighth Book of Laws, affirms, that it is a most difficult thing for a man, be he of ever so good a wit and capacity, to excel in two several arts; so that Diodorus Siculus saith, with the Indians, it is not permitted for any man to apply himself to two several studies. Assuredly these men, though never so wise, vigilant, and industrious, being ever in the Sea, troubles and turmoils of the world, in the end must of necessity fall upon a Rock, and though they forecast all things warily, and turn over every stone, provide salves for every sore, and have ever instruments at hand to execute their commands; yet in the end they must come down, and fall full low, as mariners, be they ever so skilful, if they continue on the Seas, when their tackle fail, must of necessity yield unto the waters; so it is with them; for it is most true, 
Who so doth headlong daily into dangers run,  
Will hardly in the end those dangers shun.   
He that hath deal in the world, finds that the wheel of fortune is ever turning, and that she never dotes so upon any man as to satisfy his expectation, and to give contentment to him in every thing; and I deny not, but that these men may, during the reign of one King, continue in their greatness; yet regularly 
* 60 Plerumque isti atque omnes ferè à successore evertuntur.  60 both they and all their adherents are ruinated by his successor, as the Examples before alleged do sufficiently manifest unto unto us; These therefore and the like causes sometimes reigning all together in one person, sometimes but some of them, nay, sometimes but one of them, are the means to strip them out of their magnificence, and to bring them upon their knees.   

CHAP. III. Of Remedies.  
SEeing then that all these things are grievous both to Prince and People, and oftentimes the cause of the ruin of the one or the other, or both; in the next place we must think of some antidote how we may prevent the disease before it cometh, rather than of a cure when it hath once seized upon us; for this purpose I will set down some few rules, not that I will prescribe unto Princes a platform of government: fare be it from me to think of any such thing, being a thing beyond my capacity, and not within the compass of my profession, but rather to refresh their memories, and the memories of their subjects with such things as have come to my understanding, and the understanding of others of my coat and profession, and to set before their eyes some lively patterns and examples, that so they pursue those things that are profitable both to themselves and the Commonwealth, and avoid those things which are hurtful both in the beginning and the ending. Prince's therefore in my opinion cannot think of a better means to avoid the aforesaid inconveniences, than not to suffer any one of their Subjects to grow too great, and to burden him with too much power and authority; of this Moecaenas amongst many other things admonished Augustus Caesar, lest such a man by reason of his power might attempt any thing against him; of this opinion was John Bodyn, who out of his own experience found it to be true that there is nothing more dangerous to a Prince, then to suffer any one to come so near him as to be able at one step to step into the Royal seat, and so far to excel others in authority that they must depend upon him; and this he found to be somuch the more dangerous when any one is permitted to rule without an associate, and to enrich himself with the Treasure of the Commonwealth; wherefore Adrianus Caesar would never acknowledge any of his freed men in public, nor suffer himself to be led by them; he was used to say that all his predecessors were too blame for listening so much unto them: and if any one had vaunted of the power he had in former times, it was a sufficient matter to condemn him; wherefore Princes ought to have in perpetual remembrance the proceedings of some of the Majors of the Court of France, who rising by little and little, at length grew so great, that they attempted to depose their Kings, and to sit in their Thrones; at first they had no power but a ministerial office in the King's house; but under Locharius the second they began to usurp the title of the Goveroment of the Kingdom; under which title whilst they did assume to themselves the defence of the rights of the Kingdom, and drew all power and authority into their hands, the authority of the King began to decline and fall away, for the Kings (whether by the subtlety of the Majors, or their own fatal idleness it is hard to say) left the care of the Kingdom and government thereof unto them, and gave themselves wholly to their pleasures and delights; only once a year in the Calends of May they shown themselves unto the people; in the meantime the Majors took upon them the Government of the Kingdom, summoned Parliaments, gave audience and answers to Ambassadors, made Leagues with foreign Princes, promulged edicts and decrees, and did all things as fully that did belong to the Kingly power as if they had been Kings indeed; whence it came to pass, as the mind of man is insatiable, that they began by degrees to make their way into the King's Throne, to set them at defiance, and to drive them like Captives and Children into corners; and if the King had attempted to suppress them, they with all their might and power had not been able to have done it; for they got the the whole power of the Kingdom into their hands; and by the long connivency of the King, they did seem to challenge the Government of right, and to allow unto the Kings but the bare name and title of Kings.  
Pippin the father of Charles the great, after that he had attained to the Honour to be Major in King Childericks Court: first began to traduce the King, to buzz into the ears of the people his sloth and simplicity, to extol himself unto the clouds, and by all ways and means to win the hearts of the people; having laid this foundation, he knew there was no better way to effect his design, 
* 61 Nihil ad persuadendum hominum mentes efficacius religione sciebat.  61 then to use Religion as a cloak; wherefore he sent unto Rome unto Pope Zachery in the name of the people to know whether of the two were more fit to reign, either he that took upon him the whole burden of the Kingdom, or he that cared for nothing, gave himself wholly to idleness, and had no more understanding than a Beast; who presently delivered his opinion for Pippin, and absolved the people from their allegiance to Childerick, hoping that Pippin would assist him against the Lumbards'; Childerick thereupon from a King became a Mounk, and Pippin was crowned King of France.  
Let all Princes take into their consideration, as well for their own safety as the safety of their Posterity, this example of King Childerick, that the same mischief may not fall upon them and theirs, as did upon Childerick and his posterity; wherefore if a Prince shall at any time see any of his Subjects grow too mighty and popular, let him always have an eye upon him, and clip his wings in time; and if that will not do, yet if any just occasion be offered, let him rid hi● out of the way; for a Prince must know that it is with these men, as it is with all other things, they come not to full maturity on a sudden, but by degrees, by little and little, and no notice for the most part is taken of them until they come to their full growth; wherefore he must be watchful and use the remedy which I have before prescribed, and such others as I shall now acquaint him withal. For this purpose the Counsel which Moecenae gave unto Augustus Caesar, is not to be neglected touching his Officers, that he might without danger to himself, or prejudice to the Commonwealth, suffer such as had no power to hurt him, to hold their places in perpetuity: but not such as had Command of Armies or Provinces; for when they shall consider that within a short time they may be private men, they will be more careful how they offer any wrong to any man; of whose opinion was Seneca, who affirms that there is nothing so profitable to the Commonwealth as 
* 62 Nihil tam utile Reipub. quam brevem esse potestatem quae magna est.  62 that great offices should ever be at the disposal of the Prince; wherefore Mumercus Aemylius being a dictator in the Roman Commonwealth, for that he saw the Censors to continue in their places for the space of five years, and not without prejudice to the whole Commonwealth, called a Council together to advise, touching the liberty of the people, where he affirms that nothing was so prejudicial to the Commonwealth as to permit Governors that had great power committed unto them, to hold their places without any limitation of time; that other officers hold their places but for a year, the Censors for five years, during the greatest part of which time they gave themseluer wholly to licentiousness: wherefore he thought it fit that the office of Dictator should not continue for a longer time than a year and six Months; and so by a general consent there was a Law made to that purpose; and that he himself might be an example unto them, he spoke after this manner; that ye may know, ye Noble Romans, how distasteful a thing it is unto me, to see Magistrates continue long in their offices, I quit myself of my Dictatorship.  
With Aemylius and the others before named, accords Nicholas Machiavelli in opinion, who positively affirms, that it is a most dangerous thing to suffer any one to have a perpetuity in any great place, for that he hath thereby opportunity to effect his designs, and this was the cause why the 
* 63 Decemviri  63 decemviri in Rome did abuse their authority, when being 
* 64 Dictatores  64 Dictator's they did not; because they had time enough to work their designs; therefore he saith, if we look diligently into the form of government of the Roman Commonwealth, we shall see, that the chief cause of the ruin of that famous Common Wealth, was by reason of the contention that arose among the common people, concerning division of grounds, and prorogation of magistracy; for although that few or none took notice that the prorogation of magistracy was the cause of sedition in that Commonwealth; yet it is most manifest, that they that continued any long time in magistracy, attained to so much power, that it became fatal to the Commonwealth; it was this alone that administered to Marius, to Sylla, to Caesar, to turn topsie turvy the state of the Commonwealth. Wherefore we learn this of Caesar, who after that he had ended the Wars in Africa, made a law, that no praetor should hold his office above a year, or Consul above two years, having learned ad unguem, a lesson which Dion hath in his three and fourtieth book; and this he did by his own example; for that he having had a Command in France for the space of many years together, he found in himself an ambition to continue that commanding power still; for the attaining of which swelling honour 
* 65 Atheniensibus inventus est Ostracismus.  65 among the Athenians the punishment of Ostracism, and among the Syracusans, the punishment of Petalisme was devised; which Aristotle and Diodorus Siculus condemn as a remedy too violent and pernicious; 
* 66 Syracusanis Petalismns.  for it is one thing to make a Law to keep a Subject within a mean, that he get no further than the Prince will have him, and another thing to banish him his Country for no reason but only for that he excels in virtue and riches; therefore both in Prince and People the golden means is ever requisite. Hence a Prince may learn by the e●amples of the Majors in France, that if at any time he shall be so far enamoured with any one man, as that he shall commit all power into his hands, yet by 
* 67 Periculosum est ut authoritas in filios descendat.  67 no means to let that power descend and be hereditary to his Posterity; for there is no such inducement to make a man forget himself, and to raise his thoughts beyond the ordinary pitch, as the hope of propagating of honours by his own wit and industry unto Posterity; therefore let a Prince ever use the assistance of many in managing of his affairs, and not commit all things to one, nor listen to that only which one man can tell him: for if any one of a King's Subjects shall be so great that all the rest shall stand in awe of him, he indeed as Philip Commines observes, is very King and Lord; therefore 
* 68 Necessarium est ut Princeps plures oculos, & plures manus sibi faciat.  68 Aristotle admonisheth Princes to use many eyes and many hands in the governing of their affairs, which they then do when they use many Counsellors; for therefore are Princes said to have long hands; not that their hands are longer than other men's, but because they have many servants, by whose help and assistance they can see and hear and manage the affairs in the most remote places of their Dominions; for many eyes see more than one; and most often that which one man understands not, another will, and many hands will with more celerity and dexterity dispatch a business; wherefore Maecenas again told Augustus, that it was the best course to use the help of many in the mannageing of the affairs of the Commonwealth, that so the profit might redound unto many, and many gain experience thereby, and be enabled to do him service; by which means he should not only gain the good will of his Subjects, but he should ever have able men at hand to do him service in every kind. The self same counsel doth James King of great Britain give unto his son, that he should not rely wholly upon the counsel of any one man in every thing; for such a man in the end will not only be a burden to his Lord and Master, but be subject to the envy and displeasure of all men else, as is before showed: again it is impossible for one man to be able to undergo all businesses, as Scipio Amiratus hath at large discovered, and before him Aristotle, who affirms, 
* 69 Possimum est unum plures magistratus obire.  69 that it is most inconvenient to suffer any one man to undergo divers offices, for that many men will sooner, and better, execute the same; especially where the Country abounds with able and sufficient men; wherefore bitterly doth Waremund of Erenburgh deride certain Princes of Germany; as many of the Nobility saith he, do use one and the same horse, sometimes for the Cart, sometimes for the Saddle, sometimes for the War, even as they did in ancient time, the Delphian sword for divers purposes, sometimes to sacrifice to the Gods, and sometimes to punish malefactors; so do the Princes make choice of the selfsame counsels, to assist them in all kind of businesses; sometimes to plead causes, sometimes to sit as judges, sometimes to treat of arms, sometimes to make laws, sometimes to play the part of Orators, nay, sometimes of the Physician, Mathematician, and Artificer; whence it cometh to pass that they have neither good Soldiers nor good Councillors. It comes into my mind, that not long ago I was told a strange story, that a certain Prince writ that a Doctor of the law might be sent unto him, whom he would use as his Counsellor, and withal declared himself how he would have him qualified, that he should have a head able to carry his cups well; but for mine own part I had rather have a sober man to be my Counsellor; and if my judgement fail me not, I think there is no such plague unto Princes, as to have about them these nimble undertakers, that dare adventure upon any employment, especially if they be, as usually they are, boasters of themselves. For these Polypragmons, for the most part, are never settled in any course, but are always desirous to try conclusions, and as the wind and tide do serve, so do they desist their former courses, and leave their masters. Yet Livy writes, that Marcus Cato signior was so rarely qualified, that in what place soever he had been in he would have raised a fortune out of it; in that he knew what appertained to the duty of a private man, and the office of a public magistrate; and that he was experienced aswell in the affairs of the City, as the Country: and whereas some raised themselves to honour by the law, some by warlike discipline, he was excellent in all, and whatsoever he undertook he performed with that dexterity that a man would have thought that he had been borne to do that only which he undertook; but such kind of wits are very rare, and there is a great deal of difference between him and such as seem to be like unto him; therefore doth the same Livy write of Scipio Africanus, that he was a man of great account among the Romans, and memorable for many things; but yet that he was better experienced in military discipline then in civil government; and this may serve as a motive to a Prince, never to trust any man alone, but to join others in commission with him, that may oversee him and observe his actions; so will he be more cautelous and wary to do any thing that shall be prejudicial to the Commonwealth, when he shall see others to be judges of his actions, and to be ready at hand to reprehend him if he do amiss; wherefore Maecenas again advised Augustus, that he would appoint two ever to guard his person, that if the one should go about to ensnare him, he might pray in aid of the other; so Tiberius Caesar sent Germanicus into the Eastern Countries with a large commission, to compose the differences there; but yet he joined Piso with him, that had a great wit and spirit to curb him, and keep him a little under. As that mariner cannot be said to be wise, that trusts only to one anchor; so that Prince that relies only upon one man; for what can be the issue of it? admit this man should die, or should fall off from him, a thousand accidents may happen to occasion him to detest the course he is in, and then the Prince should be left alone unarmed, as it were, unless he had employed others in businesses of the like nature, and thereby enabled them to do him service; therefore it is most fit that Princes should use the same order in training up of Councillors, that huntsmen do in their hounds; for as they enter their young whelps with their old dogs, so 
* 70 Hoc idem oportet principem observare circa consiliarios quod observant venatores in v●narionibus.  70 Princes should ever with grey head Senators join discreet young gentlemen to observe the manners and customs of those aged Fathers; but the most sure and sovereign remedy of all other is, for a Prince ever to keep the reins of the government of the Kingdom in his own power. Yet I do not speak to this end, that I would have a Prince do every thing by himself; for that doth Tacitus reprove in Claudius Caesar, saying, that the Prince that takes upon him the offices of judicature and magistracy hath daily occasion administered him to prey upon his people; wherefore Tiberius blamed the Senate for casting all the care of the Empire upon him alone; which place of Tacitus, Scipio Amiratus pursues very fare, saying, that to lay all the burden upon the head alone is to make a confusion, and to deprive the rest of the members of the body of their proper office; in this kind Bonfinus reports, that Mathias the first of that name, and one of the wisest Kings of Hungary, was faulty, who was used to say, that he was able to manage the affairs of his Kingdom of himself, and to confute his Counselors when they would persuade him to any thing; and further, that he often heard him say at Vienna before his death, that in the government of his Kingdom he never used another man's advice; and that from the beginning of his reign, he could not endure to hear the advice and direction of a counsellor for a year about; but what became of it? flatterers swarmed in his court, and he run into many dangrrous and desperate errors. Quintus Curtius in his fourth book writes, that Alexander the great would seldom listen to the Counsel of his friends, when he was in greatest danger; and that Xerxes was more wilful than he, who intending to make War in Greece, having called the Princes together, spoke in this manner unto them; I have called you that I may not seem to do any thing of my own head; but yet remember that it is your duty rather to obey then to persuade. I say, I do not allow of this, for a Prince wholly to rely upon the strength of his own wit, and to manage every thing of himself; but with Justus Lipsius I would have him to impart the cares of his Kingdom unto others, to observe the golden mean, not to sit idle, and lay the burden wholly upon others; but as the Governor of a Ship allots to every Mariner a proper office, whilst he sets at the stern and oversees them; and as a General in the War doth not always fight, or take upon him the whole burden of the War, but commands and enjoins every one what he shall do: So I would have a Prince sit at the stern, cast his eyes every way, that he may see and know what every Servant and Counsellor of his doth, or at least, that they may believe that he seethe them, and knoweth what they do; the which, that Prince whosoever he be that shall perform, though it cannot be that a Prince should see every thing, hear every thing, and be present everywhere; yet the very conceit that he doth see and hear them, and is present with them, will make them to be more vigilant and careful; and as the Son dispels the clouds, so will this conceit dispel many ill thoughts out of their minds, and hinder them to put in execution many ill counsels; therefore as the best and wariest Husbands are not always present with their Servants and workmen, but are about other affairs in the world, yet sometimes step in upon them on a sudden, as the master of the Family in the Gospel did; so a Prince ought to do, when his servants think him safe enough, fare remote, recreating himself in his pleasures and delights, then to step in upon them, and see how they behave themselves. But when I speak of servants; I do not speak of servants that serve him in a low place, for they have others which will oversee them, and if they do not as they should, will punish them; but such as are near unto him, and serve him in high places, who as they have the higher power, so they have the greater liberty to wrong and oppress the people, whom none dare control but he himself; especially if they be more gracious than oaths in his eyes; wherefore upon them the Prince ought to have a special eye; otherwise all those inconveniences which I have before remembered may easily ensue. Of these men, as Popiscus reports, Dioclesian the Emperor was used to say, that they meet four or five of them together, and consult how to deceive the Emperor, and determine what shall pass, or not pass; the Emperor they say keeps home close, understands not the truth in any business, or what occurrences happen, unless that they do impart them unto him; he makes such Judges as are not fit to be made, and removes such as ought to be retained; what should I say, but as the same Dioclesian said, the best, the most noble, and most cautelous Emperor is bought and sold by them; wherefore the Counsel of Philip Commines is not to be neglected, that 
* 71 Princeps praeter consiliarios alios debet audire.  71 a Prince ought oftentimes to converse with others besides his Councillors. Neither are those Princes to be condemned that sometimes in a disguised habit come among the multitude; for there they shall understand many things as well touching themselves as their Officers, which otherwise they should never have heard.  
Alexander Severus the Emperor when he made any Governor of Provinces or chief Officers, did usually send the names of them unto the multitude, to this end that if they could justly accuse them of any crime, they should not forbear to do it; but if they did wrongfully accuse them, that then they should expect no other punishment then that which was capital; for he conceived that it was as fit for Emperors by this means to examine the integrity of the Governors of Provinces, in whose power the lives and estates of many consisted, as it was for Christians and jews in ancient times, to try the integrity of them that were to take upon them the Order of Priesthood; since than there is 
* 72 Nihil dif. ficilius est, quàm bene imperare.  72 nothing more hard as Dioclesian was used to say, then to govern well; Princes ought ever to be mindful of the great charge that is committed unto them, and not to think that God hath set them on high to do nothing else but to follow their pleasures and delights: but they must know as he hath set them in degree above others, so their care must be greater than others, and that one day they must give an account of their Stewardship, and of the people committed to their charge; it is their vigilancy that keeps subjects in safety; their labour and travel that affords them ease and rest and delight; they like stars in the firmament must ever be moving, yet not so much for their own good as the good of others, as Homer hath it in the second book of his Iliads. Wherefore their thoughts ought sometimes to descend to men of the lowest rank: for there is no man so mean in a Kingdom but in some kind may be able to do him service; and in this shall they follow the example of their Creator, who hath numbered the very hairs of their heads; let them ever bear in mind the saying of Vespasian the Emperor, that a Prince should die standing.  
Henry the Son of Frederick the Emperor was so intensive upon the affairs of the Empire, that he scant allowed himself time to eat his meat; and when he was desired to look to himself and have a care of his health, he said that a private man had liberty to eat when he would, but a Prince that weighed the heavy burden that lay upon him, had not so.  
When the Emperor Rodolph saw certain young men that loved him, to be sequestered from him, in some indignation, said, for God's sake suffer them to come unto me, for I am not therefore called to the Empire that I should be kept close in a coffin. In this thing those two Noble Emperors Ferdinando and Maxmilian, did not much swerve from him; for every day at a certain hour they gave audience to the poor, and willingly accepted such country presents as they were able to bring unto them. Of Ferdinando it is further reported that he should say, when he saw one driving an old Woman from him, drive not away the poor from us, for if we will not hear them, God will not hear us; the same custom do the Princes of Austria observe, at this day. I was present when a poor Woman accused one of the Barons to his face before the Emperor at the top of the stairs as he came from Church, I saw the Emperor hear her complaints willingly, and heard him seriously enjoin him to make her amends; such Princes as these are worthy to be had in perpetual remembrance: but they that give themselves wholly to delights, and leave all to their servants, they must endure oftentimes to hear that of themselves which Claudius Caesar heard of himself, that they are servants to their servants, because that he was wholly led by his Wives and freed men, and did only as they would have him; and therefore did not carry himself like a Prince, but like a servant: for at their pleasure were all Honours, Armies, Pardons, Punishments, conferred and inflicted; and indeed the things were almost incredible wherewith the Emperor suffered himself to be deluded by them, and how they gloried that by their subtlety they had circumvented him; so we read that the Emperor 
* 73 Galba trium solummodò arbitrio res gerere solebat.  73 Galba was ruled by those only whom the Courtiers commonly called his three Paedagogues: which occasioned Plinny the second to say, that many Princes being the Commanders of Citizens, suffer themselves to be vassals of their freed men; by their Counsels they are guided, by them they hear and speak, by them, nay rather from them, Praetorships, Praelacies, and Consulships are sought. In another manner doth the same Plinny speak of Trajan, thou givest respect to thy freedmen, but still thou makest them know themselves to be freed men, thou thinkest thou dost abundantly favour them, if thou thinkest them to be honest men, thou knowest it adds a great lustre to thy greatness not to suffer them to be too great. Wherefore Isaacius an Emperor of the Greeks, may justly be condemned, who received into his favour a man named Theodor Castamonita, who led him hoodwinked as a poor servant, or rather as a slave, hither and thither at his pleasure; for Isaacius put in execution whatsoever he commanded, who dying, the said Isaacius as if he had been born rather to serve then to command, received into his favour a young boy that newly came from School, and preferred him to a very high place, who not only led the Emperor as the little Fish called Propompes doth the Whale whither he would, but whole Legions of Soldiers besides; but it is no wrong unto such Princes so to be wronged and dishonoured, because they are accessary to the wrong, and consent dispenseth with and takes away an error; but the wrong indeed is as before hath been showed, that it opens a gap to let in the dishonesty of such as are mischevous into the Court, and administers an occasion to corrupt the manners of such as are good, by means whereof the Commonwealth is miserably afflicted, justice is trampled upon, and both present and future ages sustain loss by it, the Prince bears the blame of all, for whatsoever is done in the Commonwealth be it good or evil, it is laid upon him; and he is regularly thought to be of that condition as they are, 
* 74 Facta ministroru● sive bona sive ma●a magistro imputantur.  whom he doth employ in the managing of his affairs, as Maecenas long ago told Octavius Caesar: but this shall suffice touching the Prince. Now will we speak of his followers, and inquire by what means they that have attained to any greatness, by the mere favour of their Princes, or by any other means, may preserve themselves in that state and condition; for as I have said in the beginning, so I say still, and think it to be most true, that it is a most difficult thing for him that hath attained to any great state and magnificence, to preserve himself in that state all his life time. Some examples we find hereof in our histories, but very few; for we find that Joseph was preferred by Pharaoh, to the highest degree of honour in the Kingdom, that he had the reigns of the government thereof in his own power, that Pharaoh reserved to himself only the bare name and title of King, that he continued in this height for the space of eighty years without any crushes or crosses, even until death, being an hundred and ten years of Age when he died; another example we have of M. Agrippa, who of all those that raised themselves by the Civil Wars, Seneca thought to be most happy, and without doubt (as Dion Cass: obs rves) 
* 75 Omnium sua●●●ratis optimus.  75 he was one of the best men that lived in his time, he made use of Augustus his favour for the sole good of the Emperor and the Commonwealth, and look how much he did excel all others in virtue and goodness, so much did he debase himself in respect of Augustus; he made use of his wisdom and fortitude, his honours and preferments to no other end then to do him service, and to deserve well of the Commonwealth; whence it came to pass, that he was never offensive to Augustus, or the people, but established the government in such a manner, that he could not wish to have it better, and so bound the people unto him by good turns that he did for them, that he became the most popular man of his time; insomuch, that when he beautified Rome with many goodly ornaments, which was thought would have drawn the ill will of the people upon him, he did not only keep their loves still, but he obtained great honour from Augustus; for at such time as he would have placed in the Temple of the gods which he built himself, the statue of Augustus, to preserve him in perpetual memory, and would have written an inscription thereon to his name; Augustus would not suffer him to do it, but caused him to put up the statue of the precedent Emperor in the Temple, and his own, and Augustus in the entrance unto it, which he did not do to any other end, but to manifest his fervent love and affection to him, and the Commonwealth, which Augustus so accepted and highly honoured him for it; for in his absence he made him chief governor of the City of Rome, and that he might still heap honour upon him, being divorced from his wife, he gave him his Daughter in Law in marriage, unto which he was induced partly for that Maecenas was used to speak thus unto him upon good deliberation: Now thou hast made Agrippa so great, that thou must either make him thy son in law or he cannot live. These and many other kind favours he conferred upon him, which he enjoyed all his life time, without any manner of change or alteration; for after that he had conferred the office of Tribune upon him from five years to five years, he sent him into Pannonia with a larger Commission than ever any man had in Italy, and as soon as he heard of his death, which happened immediately upon his return into Campania; he came to see his dead corpse, and after a funeral oration made in praise and honour of him, he caused it to be brought into the City, and to be buried in his own Sepulchre; and whereas at his death he bequeathed unto the people a Bath and Garden, where they might freely wash and recreate themselves, which he christened himself with a name, Augustus did not only confirm his gift, but gave to every man in particular a dole, as if Agrippa himself had so desired it; and it was no way prejudicial unto him throughout the whole course of his life, that he descended not of a noble Family, but was made Noble; this is another Example of one that continued in prosperity to his lives end, contrary to the examples which I have before remembered; but because it is a rare one, and not many of them to be found, I do not see wherefore I should swarve from the rule I have set down. Tacitus likewise makes mention of Memmius Regulus that was of so great renown, and authority, that setting aside the Emperor no man was greater, insomuch that Nero being told, lying very sick, by certain flatterres that waited upon him, that now the Empire was at an end, answered that there was one Memmius alive that would have a care, that it should not fall to the ground; this man afterwards betook himself to a private life, he was not of any great estate, nor of an ancient house, as the same author reports; this example of Regulus will give good contentment to them that leave all authority, and in time betake themselves to live private lives; this man was not so great for honours and estate, as many of them whom we have formerly remembered, but his credit with his Prince, and his fame, raised by his virtuous actions, was as great as the greatest in our time, we may remember Granvillanus Vesontinus, who for the space of twenty years together held the chief place of authority under Charles the fift, and was only privy to his secrets, and died in great grace and favour with him; the Emperor much bewailing his death, as Sleidan reports, and which added somewhat to his happiness, Anthony his Son Bishop of Artois succeeded him in his place, whom his father in his absence did usually depute to manage the affairs of the Commonwealth: here this is remarkable in this Prince, that he ever used one man alone, that was more powerful than the rest, to manage the affairs of the Empire; yet so, that he ever had an eye to the government himself, and to the man: of the condition of this Prince, and how a Prince ought to behave himself, that things may fall out successfully, I have already spoken. These Examples although they be few do teach us, that it is not impossible for him that hath a great place in the Commonwealth under his Prince, to live happily in it to his dying day, which how it may come to pass, and how such men ought to carry themselves; I will set down some few documents and precepts, and the scope of them shall be to advertise them that are on high to avoid those rocks, that many of those whom we have formerly remembered have fallen upon; & how it may be done, it will not be lost labour to search diligently into; the first thing therefore as we have formerly noted is, that thou be sure of a calling, and not thrust thyself into any place by bribery, or any indirect means, before thou be called, for the fabric cannot stand, when the foundation fails; if the beginning be evil, the end must needs be so; wherefore whosoever thou art that hast attained to any place by any indirect means, it is thy best course to relinquish the same, and to betake thyself to thy former accustomed course of life, for that it is impossible that thou shouldst enjoy it quietly, when thou comest to it by such means; every misfortune that befalls thee will pierce thee to the very heart, and trouble thee, because that thou injuriously didst intrude thyself into a place that appertained not unto thee; for if our proper vocations duly attained admister unto us many cares and troubles, much more those that are unduly gotten. Tacitus reports of Brutidius Niger that executed the office of an Aedile under Tiberius Caesar, 
* 76 Brutidius Nigerareibus hone●is cop●osus.  that he was well seen in many good Arts, and that if he had continued his course, was like to have come to the greatest places in the Commonwealth, but striving on a sudden to outstrip his equals, and superiors, nay, the the very limits of his own hopes, he overthrew himself. The same Tacitus further adds, that there have been divers hopeful men in the Commonwealth, who despising that which with little patience might have been had with security, have hastened to that which being gotten before due time hath bred their ruin and destruction. Hieronimus Messanius seeing Alexander ab Alexandro, as he writes of himself living in a mean estate and condition of life, blamed him therefore and told him, though he had taken a great deal of pains, yet he had not learned to be wise, and related unto him a story of a certain man that 
* 77 Alegat exemplum cujusdam qui nullis artibus honestis praevalere potuit.  77 used all the lawful means that he could think of to attain to a Bishopric, and could not prevail; insomuch that he bethought himself of another course; he went and bought two or three tunns of the best wine he could get for his money, and sent them to the Bishop; and not long after he had what he desired; he spoke of others likewise that were the most contemptible men in the Commonwealth, such as made it their trade to prey upon the people, who having injuriously gotten into their hands the Estates of many, put the same into the Treasury, and by this means became powerful and mighty; he told him of many others that were of the most vile condition, that by their wicked and abominable devises raised themseules out of the dust to great honours; but these examples of his prevailed not with Alexander, he said he had rather live in a low degree with the freedom of a good conscience, then by dishonest courses blemish his good name and reputation; Machiavelli endeavours to prove that 
* 78 Plures fraude quam virtute ad honores ascendunt.  78 more men raise themselves to Honours and Estates by fraud then by worth and merit; but that opinion of his, both Scipio Amiratus and others have at large confuted by explaining the Precedents which he hath alleged for the confirmation of his opinion, and shown how he hath no colour for his conceit. Endeavour therefore whosoever thou art to raise thyself by good means, otherwise thou shalt find; (and so the examples which I have before alleged will manifest unto thee,) that though thou mayst flourish for a time, yet in the end thou shalt come to ruin and destruction; for it is not possible, (which is the greatest misery that can befall them) for such men as raise themselves by undue means, in future times to be honest; for having once transgressed the bounds of justice and honesty, they are of necessity constrained if they will continue their places to be dishonest still, and to preserve themselves by the same means by the which they have been raised, which in the end cannot be but fatal unto them; the favour of thy Prince will do thee no good if it be not obtained by good means, for there is nothing more uncertain of its own nature, especially when there is no ground for it, for than thou hast God thy enemy, in whose hands are the hearts of Princes; whatsoever therefore thou dost, have God ever in thy mind, so shall all things that thou takest in hand succeed well unto thee; and contrariwise if thou dost not. After thou hast done this, in the next place, pray unto God for grace, wisdom, and understanding, that thou mayst be able to undergo the office committed to thy charge a right; and in this let King Solomon be a pattern unto thee, who although he had a most sanctified man to his Father, and a wise man to his Tutor, from whom he might learn, touching the Government of his Kingdom as much as the wit of man could instruct him: yet he prayed to God in this manner, O Lord God thou hast placed me in the Throne of my Father King David, that am a feeble person too weak for the understanding of thy judgements and Laws: give me wisdom that I may be able to govern thy people in judgement and righteousness. After thou hast prayed in this manner for such things as are needful for thee, 
* 79 Exequere munus tuum summe cum cura.  79 then go on cheerfully in thy calling, and execute the same with all diligence and integrity; meddle with that which belongs to thyself only, and put not thy sickle in another man's harvest; so that no man may justly tax thee that thou hast omitted any thing which thou oughtest to have done, or that another man could have performed the same with more care and diligence: which that thou mayst do, thou must have a care that thou dost not abuse the power and authority committed unto thee to do any man wrong, for any private grudge or malice conceived; neither for hatred nor affection to do any thing that belongs not to thy calling: observe ever that rule that our Saviour hath given, give unto every one that which is due unto him, unto Caesar that which is Caesar's, and unto God that which is Gods, and that of the Apostle, it is better to obey God then man: honour thy Prince ever and obey him, but so that thou must know that above him there is a God, whom thou must more honour and obey: have a care ever (which many do neglect) to say or do any thing to please him, which is repugnant to the will of God, for though it be a difficult and dangerous thing to oppose a Prince in any thing, and so to draw his anger and displeasure upon thy head, yet know it for a certainty, that if thou shalt fear him more than God, by avoiding the smoke thou fallest into the fire; cursed is he that with hope of impunity commits an offence, and though such a man may escape for a time, yet in the end God will punish him with ruin and destruction; for although God be long suffering and gentle, yet when his wrath is once incensed, nothing will appease him; and be sure of this, that God whom thou hast served and obeyed, will so assist thee that though thou mayst for a time incur the displeasure of thy Prince, yet in the end thy innocency shall be made known to thy praise and glory, so that the Prince shall not only thank thee when he shall know thy integrity, but shall commend and applaud thee; and this was joseph's case, whom when his Master had made him Steward of his house, and committed all things to his power and authority, being solicited by his Mistress to lie with her, he would not consent, saying, how can I commit this great offence and not sin against God? who though he was for a time by his Mistress calumniations wrought out of favour with his Master and cast into Prison; yet in the end by God's assistance he was delivered, and where before he had but the Command of a private Family, he was advanced to be the second man in the Kingdom, and heard the saying of our Saviour sounding in his ears, go to good servant, thou hast been faithful in a little, I have made thee ruler over much, enter into thy Master's joy. So when the King of Egypt commanded Sephora and Phua, the two midwives of the Hebrews to kill all the male children of the Hebrews as soon as they were borne, they fearing God, did not obey his Command, but kept them alive; for which God blessed them and built them houses. So when Saul commanded his servants to kill the Priests with whom David sojourned, his servants would not therein execute his Command; joab was not so wellminded, for he presently upon the Command of King David, betrayed Vriah to death, and though he dissuaded the King a little to number the people, yet when he importuned him thereunto, he listened to his solicitation and obeyed him: but it had been better for him that he had hazarded his displeasure for the present, and so have escaped and turned aside the wrath of God and miseries which ensued. Therefore let him as much as in him lies carry himself uprightly towards all men, not somuch to avoid the calumnies of the envious, and the backbiter, or the displeasure of the Prince, as to keep himself in grace and favour with God; for it is the greatest happiness to do no wrong to any. Let him think with himself, that 
* 80 Cogitor multa sibi non licere quae hominibus in angulo jacentibus licent.  80 it is not lawful for him to do many things, which men of mean degree living out of the road in some corner of the Earth, may do without exception; that a great fortune is a great burden, that all his actions are exposed to the view of the world; that his thoughts are scarce secret to himself, because that all men's eyes are fixed and fastened upon him; it is not lawful for him to intent his profit, his studies, his pleasures, nor to addict himself wholly to any thing, because he is not his own, but his Prince's servant; therefore let him eschew Pride, covetousness, Cruelty, and the like, wherewith they that live in high places are usually tainted; let him cast his eyes behind him, and see what he was, not what he is, and at no time behave himself violently, or insolently towards any man; here the Council of Amuratus is religious, that 
* 81 Non ob propriam virtutem.  81 thou shouldst ever think that thou art raised to that degree of honour, not for any worth or merit of thine own, but by the divine providence of God, who hath been pleased to work upon the affection of the Prince to favour, and affect thee above other men; this if thou dost duly consider, it must necessarily follow, that thou wilt ever carry thyself respectively to thy Prince, and be lowly in thine own eyes, giving the glory to God alone: thou wilt be gentle, merciful, and liberal, and spend and end thy days quietly in the peace of a good conscience; and that thou mayst do here what Sophocles saith in Ajax Lorar, let these Examples move thee, that thou dost not grow proud, or speak irreverently of the name of God, if he hath endowed thee with better endowments, or a better fortune than others; for that when the sun is at the highest it declines again, and reduceth all humane things to that they formerly were, but the love of God continues to the end to those that are good, and his hatred to the wicked. He that is thus resolved will have a care never to advise his Prince to proceed in any dishonourable action, but to do that which tends to his honour, and the good of the Commonwealth. I deny not but that many an honest man is put to a great strait oftentimes, in businesses of this nature; for it is a difficult thing, for a man to go so equally between honesty and justice that are strict and severe, and the licentious pleasures of the Court, that he do not run himself aground either on the one side or the other. The Examples of Burrhus and Seneca, the two worthy Counselors of Nero, do manifest the same; they were governor's during his minority, and well agreeing, bare equal stroke in divers faculties; Burrhus ruled in military discipline, and in reforming abuses; Seneca in precepts of eloquence and instructing him to carry himself courteously towards all men, helping one the other in their charge, that they might with more ease bridle the youths slippery age with honest and lawful pleasures, when they saw him falling into exorbitant courses; his Mother was an eyesore unto him, being a woman of a high spirit, and ambitious of government, of whom when Iturius and Calvisius had reported, that he had made choice of Rubellius Plautus, a man by the Mother's side as nearly allied unto Augustus, as Nero was to her husband, and so to turn topsie-turvie the state of the Commonwealth, Nero understanding thereof, being full fraught with wine grew fearful, and desirous to dispatch her out of the way, delayed no time, until 
* 82 Burrhus necem ejus promittebar.  82 Burrhus had promised him to do the deed; but notwithstanding he did not perform it, but alleged for himself, that she had no accusers; but one that lived in the house of her enemies, imputed what was done to ignorance and rashness, and so deferred the doing thereof until night, (which was spent in rioting,) was past, and the day was come; by this time the fear of Nero was well assuaged; and when the morning came, Agrippina was heard first of Burrhus, then of Nero himself, what she could say for herself, and she did not only purge herself from the crimes laid to her charge, but had her accusers punished, and satisfaction for them that stuck unto her in the cause; and hitherto Burrhus carried himself noblly; but Nero still plotting her death, found out an invention for the purpose, took a course that there might be a galley made lose by art in the bottom, that should let her fall into the Sea, when she suspected least; but whilst Nero expected Messengers, that his plot had taken effect, news came that she had escaped the danger; at which Nero being amazed, fearing that she would revenge herself out of hand of him, advised with Burrhus and Seneca, what course was best for him to take, being not certain whether they had any notice of his former design; they stood mute for a time, and said nothing, fearing their Counsel should not take effect; but in the end they agreed, that if Agrippina lived, Nero could not; then Seneca, the forwarder hitherto of the two, cast his eyes upon Burrhus, as if that he should have asked, whether that the Soldiers should be commanded to execute the murder: but he answered, that the Guard being bound to all Caesar's house, and so mindful of Germanicus, would not undertake so cruel an enterprise against his progeny; and that it was better to use Anicetus in it, who had undertaken to do it; Anicetus without any delay committed that bloody fact, slew Agrippina the Mother of Nero; and here I do not think it strange, that the actors of this Tragedy were beloved of Nero: but that they did well, or deserved praise for it, no man shall ever persuade me. To omit to speak any thing of the bloody fact, Nero being now freed from his Mother, he addicted himself wholly to all licentious courses, and unlawful sports, and delights. Burrhus and Seneca willingly connived at some of his imperfections, fearing that if they should oppose him, he would run into more desperate courses; for they hoped when he had been glutted with his delights, he would have became a new man; but it fell out otherwise; for having once transgressed the bounds of modesty, he grew worse and worse, so that sometimes in the public view of the world, in the Vatican he would play the part of a Coachman, drive a Chariot, sometimes of a Stage-player, and sometimes of a Harper, in the presence of his familiars, among whom was Burrhus, who beheld him with a heavy heart, though he durst not as Tacitus saith, but applaud him; at length he came to that height of impiety, that 
* 83 Temple per Asiam & Achaiam dispoliat.  83 he set fire on the City, and spoiled the Temples, not only there, but throughout all Achaia, and Asia; therefore Seneca, that he might avoid the displeasure of the multitude, and not be thought to be accessary to the said misdemeanour, petitioned him, which he should have done long before, and so have avoided his hatred, 
* 84 Longinqui ruris secessum orat.  84 that he would give him leave to spend his days far remote in the Country; which request being denied, he betook himself to a Chamber, and as a sick man never went out of it. I must acknowledge they live in a miserable condition, that take upon them the government of such beasts, whom all the world can hardly parallel for brutishness; therefore very often as we have heard, his vices prevailed over their virtues, their understanding and consciences, and in the end overthrew them. Unto the former Examples, it will not be impertinent to add the Example of Prexaspes, that so thou mayst see how dear they that are the Counselors of Princes do sometimes pay for giving them good Counsel: Seneca who hath written most excellently of that, hath this story, Prexaspes being gracious with Cambyses, King of Persia, seeing him much addicted to Wine, did advise him to drink more moderately, for that Ebriety was an odious thing in a Prince, that should be the pattern of sobriety to his people: unto whom he answered, that thou mayst know Prexaspes, that I never forget myself, I will make it appear, that though I drink hard, mine eyes and hands are able to do their proper office; whereupon he drank more liberally in larger bowls than he did at other times: and being full fraught with Wine, he commanded Prexaspes son to go beyond the threshold of the door, and to stand there, holding his left hand over his head; Cambyses then bend his bow and struck his arrow into his heart, which was the mark he shot at; and having ripped up his body, shown Prexaspes his arrow's head, sticking in his son's heart, and looking bacl upon him, asked him whether his hand was not steady enough, who answered, that Apollo himself could not have shot more steadily. This might seem to deter the servant of a Prince from giving him good Counsel. But this did nothing at all daunt Croesus, that was an eye witness thereof; for not long after he being one that loved Prexaspes, was so bold, as to tell Cambyses of this and other his cruelties, insomuch that he thought to dispatch him out of the way, as he did the other with his arrow: and when he saved himself by flight, he commanded his servants to kill him; whereupon they apprehended him, and kept him close prisoner, to this end, that if the King would free him, he might, if not, they would execute his command; but Cambyses afterwards repenting himself of what he intended, was glad to hear that Croesus was safe and sound, and commanded the ministers that apprehended him to be put to death; the innocence of this man kept him alive, but I must confess not without a great deal of danger; but all Princes are not of Cambyses or Nero's mind; nay, very few, which is a great blessing of God, throughout the whole world; for I am of opinion that most of the Princes will listen to any advice that tends to their honour, and welfare of their people, and if not reward them that shall so advise them, yet not punish them, or at least not punish them to their utter ruin and destruction. 
* 85 Ars Ministri est non importunè non intempestiuè, non acerbè principi contradicere.  85 It is the wisdom of a servant, at no time to oppose and contradict his Prince importunately, unseasonably, sharply, superfluously, without respect of time, and place, but to take his opportunity, and with all reverence, and respect, when they shall see him wand'ring, to bring him in the way again, having no other aim or end in it, but only the good of the Prince, and the welfare of the Commonwealth; for as Erasmus saith in his Book of the Praise of folly, that truth hath ever in itself a certain natural inbred force to delight the hearer, if there be nothing in it that may offend; therefore when fools speak the truth they are heard with delight, which if wise men should do, would be capital unto them; and the reason is because that fools speak without the least suspicion of love or hatred, but so do not wise men that know and understand the business they speak of. Therefore as far forth ss he is able let a Servant approach the presence of his Prince with all dutiful respect, and in a due time: and then let him make no doubt but truth will prevail, if it savour not of spleen or bitterness; an example hereof we have of Augustus, with whom Maecenas was in special grace and favour, and not so much for any thing else as for this, that when he was transported with choler and fury beyond himself, Maecenas would undertake him and bring him to himself again; as for example, when upon a time Augustus sat as judge himself in person, and was minded to have condemned divers to death, Maecenas seeing what he was going about, and being not able to come unto him, he writ these words in a Table, arise from thence executioner, and threw it unto him as if it had contained some other matter: which as soon as he read, he arose and condemned no man; and this passage of Maecenas did not offend Augustus, but he was 
* 86 Gaudebat se talem amicum habuisse.  86 glad that he had a friend that would put him in mind of that which was not fit for him to do, which in his choler without observing a decorum he was about to do; and it was remarkable of Maecenas, that though he did oppose Augustus in his beloved sins, yet he was ever beloved of him, and commended by the multitude; and let that Prince that doth not follow the Example of this Emperor, know assuredly that he doth expose himself to imminent danger; for those Princes whosoever they are that carry themselves so that their Counsellors shall not dare to tell them the truth, or any thing that is distasteful unto them, let them assure themselves that no good can come thereon; nay it is better for them to be without such Counsellors then to have them; for when a Prince shall understand the truth of things, he will peradventure more seriously consider of them, and be more wary how to proceed therein; but when no man shall dare to cross him, than what comes first into his mind is approved of and consented unto as a thing done so well that no man could do better, no not he himself.  
This did much hurt Sebastian King of Lusitania, that died in Africa, of whom Hieronymus Connestagius thus writes, In the mean time saith he, King Sebastian called his Captains and Peers together to advise concerning the removing of their tents, and when he demanded of them what they conceived concerning the matter, many were afraid to speak their minds freely; for although they thought it most convenient to sail to Laraceen, yet because they saw the King was of another other mind, they thought it safer for them against their consciences to flatter him in his opinion, and so by councelling him ill to keep his love, then by advising him well to purchase his displeasure.  
Of Marcus Agrippa that was both powerful with Augustus, and beloved of the people, we have heard of before, and of Byrrhus whom we have likewise remembered, Tacitus affirms that he is beloved still in the City for his virtues, which I would to God the Courtiers of our time would seek for; but many of them have a certain foolish conceit, let them pardon me if I give them a true Epithet, that then they do the offices of faithful servants, if they can prevail with their Prince to oppose their Subjects and people in every thing, if they can oppress them, afflict them, vex them, diminish their privileges, and so bring all their estates if it were possible by one project into the Prince's Treasury, forgetting that by this means they make the Prince but a private man, no better than a Merchant or Usurer in pilling and polling the People committed to their charge, for whose good God hath put all power and authority into his hands; but who receives good by this? the Prince is no way enriched, or made more powerful by it; for there is no such fortress to a Prince as the love of his Subjects: but this is done that they may divide the spoil among themselves: and that those good men which stand for the Commonwealth being brought to disgrace, they alone may bear the sw●y; let him therefore whom we instruct have ever before his eyes, as the end of all his actions, the common good and safety of the people, being the end and scope of all Laws and Government, the which if he shall do, as Agrippa, Seneca, Maecenas, Byrrhus, whom we have before remembered did, he will do his uttermost endeavour to persuade the Prince above and before all things in the world to look after that which tends to his own honour, and the good of the Commonwealth; for as it is no way profitable to the stomach, if at one meal it shall be so glutted, that it be ready to burst, or in a few days so much meat be thrown into it as will serve for six months: so it is no way profitable to a Prince at once to take all men's estates to himself and to care more that he may have much then well to have gotten it, and to enjoy it long; therefore if thou wouldst well consider of it thou shalt find that there are none that do more endamage the Prince, than they that do advise him to intent his own private good: and indeed if thou wouldst search into it, thou shalt see that those men do not look so much after his private good as the good of themselves; and therefore by all manner of means they seek his favour; but they that seek not somuch their own good, as the good of the Commonwealth, have ever a care that as well the people as the Prince, without whom he is but a single man, may flourish and prosper; for the head cannot be perfect, if the other members of the body be impotent, and not able to perform their proper office. Of this Seneca in his Tragedy entitled Octavia takes notice, saying,  

* 87 Pulchrum est eminere interv●ros illustres.  87 It is a famous worthy thing,  
Amidst renowned Lords alone to ring;  
And wisely to care your Country for to save,  
And well yourself to captive folk behave.  
From cruel brutish slaughter to abstain,  
And void of mood to wreak your angry pain;  
And to the world a quiet calm to give,  
That all your age the people in peace may live:  
This is a worthy praise without all crime,  
This is the path to Heaven whereby we climb.  
This then is the scope of all, that a Prince's servant ought so indifferently to carry himself between him and his people, that as he honours and loves the Prince, so he should the people, yet not for their sakes, but for his; therefore let him always be careful, that he may not justly be taxed, as Seneca was, that he drew the hearts of the Citizens from the Prince to himself; for as it 
* 88 Civilia in genia filiorum regnantibus displicent.  88 is distasteful to Princes to see their sons have popular wits; so it is to see their servants; and this he shall be sure to do, and keep himself from all suspicion, if he follow the Example of Agrippa, and so honour his Prince, that he may be sure that he studies nothing more than his safety and honour; and above all things, let him have a special care, that he do not provoke him in word or deed; for 
* 89 Pertinax memoria est verborum acerborum.  89 bitter words take a deep impression in the minds of great persons, and the deeds which ensue thereupon, strike more deep into them: and though they do not for the present either take notice of them, or at least revenge them; yet when any small occasion is given, they are called to remembrance; and when they little dream of it, they are severely punished for them. Joab slew Absalon, contrary to the command of the King his father; and afterwards seeing him condole his death, sharply with menaces upbraided him, which the King took very ill, and although he did not at that time inflict any punishment upon him; yet upon his deathbed he commanded his son to punish him, and without doubt, for that cause, though he did not then express it. The same doth Alexander the great confess in the case of Philotas; this man, saith he, when I writ unto him out of love, and familiarity, to acquaint him what fortune had befallen me by the oracle of Jupiter Hammon; he was so bold as to answer my Letter, that he was glad to hear that the gods had accepted me to be one of their company; but yet I must have compassion of them that live under me; the gods do not as men do; they give, and take nothing from any man: these are marks of a mind long ago estranged from me, and of a man that envies to see my prosperity; which grief, my Soldiers so long as they could for the love they bore unto Philotas, prevailed with me to conceal. The very same thing doth Chalchas testify in Homer; now saith he, doth Jupiter give reins unto his power, and now doth he persecute with eagerness the man of low degree; and though for a time he concealed his wrath, and made a fair show, yet afterwards it returned into his bosom again, and would not be satisfied, until it had revenged itself. Therefore I say, he must have a special care, that he do not provoke his Prince with any harsh language; especially that he do not carry himself so, that his Prince shall stand in fear of him: which we have before observed to be a great fault in the Earl of St. Paullont of Commines, and in Joab that threatened the King, that unless he would observe him, the people would renounce their Allegiance unto him; therefore Philip Commines saith, that if that he had a friend, he would advise him to carry himself so, that his Master might love him, not fear him; for that he never knew man, of whom his Master stood in fear, that sped not ill in the end: Examples whereof we have very many. This presumption oftentimes proceedeth of the good service he hath done; for he thinks his experience so great, that he cannot be spared, and his deserts such, that his Master ought to bear all things at his hands; but Princes on the contrary side both say and think, that he is bound to do him service, and desire nothing more than to be rid of such malapert fellows; and he allegeth a saying of the King his Master, that good services sometimes undo a man, and are recompensed with great ingratitude, not always by the Master's forgetfulness, but sometimes by the servants own fault, who presuming upon their good service behave themselves arrogantly, either towards their Masters, or their fellows; and further touching those that come to court, this was his opinion, that he is more hapier, that receiveth a benefit of the Prince; he serveth without any great desert, whereby he standeth bound to his Prince, than he that hath done so great service, that his Prince seemeth indebted to him: adding that he for his part loved those better that were bound to him, than they to whom he was bound.  
Again let not the servant of a Prince opprobriously be bragging, and boasting of his own merits, nor in other affairs be troublesome to him, but let him contain himself within the bounds of modesty, and assume rather too little, then too much, unto himself. Quintus Curtius affirms, that it 
* 90 Commemoratio meritorum suorum in ministro gravis est principi.  90 was fatal unto Clitus and Philotas, that Alexander heard that they boasted what they had done in his service, and therefore did suspect them both of dishonesty and disloyalty to him.  
Again, 
* 91 Ne praemiorum petitione sit gravis.  91 let not a servant be ever craving and begging of his sovereign; for of such kind of people a Prince desires to be freed, especially if they be proud with all, or malepertly upbraid him for what they have done for him.  
Again, 
* 92 Injurias principis hilari valtu ferat.  92 if thy Prince shall offer thee any hard measure, as thou conceivest, undergo it with all alacrity, and by no means murmur and repine at it; for as Seneca well observeth, they will do it again, if they conceive they have done it before; for men of great fortunes have this property, that they will hardly be reconciled; and whom they once distaste they will ever hate. The answer of him is well known, who being demanded how he did continue till his old age so gracious in Court, when many others were cast off, answered, by passing by and taking no notice of injuries offered him; so Prexaspes whom we have before remembered, being asked by Cambyses King of Persia, that shot his Son to the heart with an arrow, whether any man had a more steadfast hand than he, answered, Apollo himself did not shoot more steadfastly; so Harpagus when the King of Persia feasted him, being asked how he liked his entertainment, answered that the Table of Princes is the mirror of mirth; so when Christophorus sent Morus a special Ambassador after the death of Sebastian King of Portugal, to congratulate with him that was to succeed in the Kingdom, John Silvius that was Leaguer Ambassador there before, seeing himself neglected, and hearing divers rumours raised of him, he interpreted all to the best, and took it as a special favour, because he saw there was no remedy. Wherefore whosoever thou art, if thou desirest to be powerful thou must patiently endure whatsoever befalls thee.  
Again, if thy Prince hath been beneficial unto thee, as it must needs be if thou hast served long in any high place, make it known unto to all the world, and to himself when occasion is offered; so did Seneca speak of Nero, that he had been exceeding gracious unto him in conferring upon him much Treasure; so that he oftentimes took it into his consideration why he that descended not of any noble Family, should be ranked among the Peers of the City.  
Again let him be careful that he never assume the honour of any achievements to himself, especially if they be of any great consequence; for so the most prudent of all Nations have ever done; joab a General of King David's Army, when he besieged Rabath a City of the Ammonites, and was upon point to have it delivered unto him, he sent unto the King that he would be pleased to come in Person thither, lest the honour thereof might be attributed unto him; so did Craterus a chief Commander under Alexander when he besieged Artacena, after all Articles were agreed upon between them; he stayed only the Kings coming, (as i● was fit) that he might have the honour of it. In the acting of this part, Agrippa was most expert; for although he achieved many great and famous enterprises, and obtained many glorious victories unto Augustus, yet never did he assume the glory of them to himself; and whatsoever he bestowed upon him, he employed it not to his own private profit, but for the good of Augustus and the Commonwealth; when he had overcome the Cantabrians, he did not somuch as write to the Senate of it, or triumphed according to the Decree of Augustus; he brought the water which is called Virginalis at his own charge into the City, and named it Augusta, which Augustus took very kindly from him again, when he returned home out of France, where he bravely quitted himself having subdued his enemies; he forbore to ride in Triumph, because not long before his Master had been in a fight at Sea by Sextus Pompey, and he thought it would not become him to ride in Triumph, his Master having had such ill success; for it is reported of him that he was used to say that very many Princes will not endure that any man should be accounted more excellent than themselves; and therefore they do usually go themselves in person upon designs wherein there is small difficulty and danger: but upon desperate attempts they ever put others: and if at any time they are compelled to commi● the charge of any enterprise to others, wherein there is little danger, yet they will not endure that they shoved have the Honour of the business: for as they do not desire to ●eare of their ill success, so they will not have the honour of the day to be ascribed ●o ●hem. Antipater was well experienced in this, and herefore when he obtained a famous victory against t●e Spartans and their confederates, knowing the fame thereof would but draw envy upon him, being greater than did belong to a General, and withal well knowing that though Alexander had a desire to have his enemies vanquished, yet he would not have Antipater to be the man to have the honour of it; for that he supposed it would be derogotary to his honour; therefore I say Antipater well knowing the mind of Alexander, would not presume to hazard the glory of the day upon his own judgement, but advised with the Grecians what was best to be done; for he thought it more safe to himself for a stranger to have the honour of it, than a Citizen, because the Citizens would envy his greatness, and study how to level it with the dust; the self same doth Cornelius Tacitus commend in Agricola, that he never gloried in any thing that he did, but as a servant he ever ascribed the honour to the chief Captain and Commander: by which his humble and modest carriage he lived without envy, but not without fame and reputation. It is reported that after that he had obtained a famous victory against the Britain's, and thereby raised an immortal fame to himself, that Domitian began to be jealous and afraid of him, that he being but a private man, his glory and fame should be greater than the Emperors; whereupon Agricola having delivered up his charge, returned home unto Rome; and that he might avoid the concourse of the people and his friends that would have met him, came secretly to the Emperor's Palace in the night, as he was commanded, where he was received with a short compliment, and not so much as a word used to any of his followers; and now being at home among peaceable men, unto whom the name of a Soldier was distasteful, he so tempered his military virtues with others 
* 93 Otium penites auxit.  93 that as before he advanced War, so now he studied to increase and advance Peace, and Tranquillity; he was in his apparel comely, in his speech mild, and gentle, going, ever accompanied with one or two of his friends; so that he that had seen Agricola, would not have judged him to have been a man that had affected fame or popularity.  
Again, let not a 
* 94 Ne ●a●iliarem se nimispraebea●.  94 Prince's servant make himself too familiar with him, by abusing his favour and love unto him; for this hath undone many a man, who by reason of their familiarity have forgotten their duties, and have carried themselves towards them as if they were equals and companions: an Example hereof we have in Vestinus Coss a Roman, that was slain by Nero. The displeasure that he first took against him, did arise out of his overbold, and malapert behaviour towards him; for he being privy to Nero's imperfections, did oftentimes scurrilously put jests upon him; which when soever they savour of truth, leave a sting behind them; wherefore Nero fearing the fury of his f iend, took a sudden course with him. So Dagobert the son of Clothar, the second King of France, whipped Sadragsilius, and caused his beard to be shaved, having been sometimes his tutor, though afterwards preferred to be governor of Aquitane, under the King, because he carried himself towards him as if he had been his fellow and companion; for amongst many other passages of his, sitting once near unto him at a solemn banquet, he was so saucy as to snatch the cup out of Dagoberts' hand, and to drink up all the drink, as if they had been fellows and equals; wherefore though Clothar at first took it ill from his son, that he did deal so with Sadragsilius, whom he had preferred to be governor, under him, of a Country; yet in the end he forgave him, and punished Sadragsilius for his malapertness and saucy carriage of himself towards him.  
The people of Arragon being destitute of a King, they by the Pope's authority, sent for one Ranimirus, a Bastard-sonne of Sancius, out of a Monastery, and put the Crown upon his head; who intending War against the Moors, after the Nobility had fitted him with a horse for that purpose, and had put a buckler in his right hand, and a spear in his left, they reaching unto him the reins of his bridle, he desired them that they would put that into his mouth, for that his hands were full already; the Barons observing his simplicity, in that, and other things, smiled, and derided him, whereupon setting aside his former monastical simplicity, sent for eleven of the chiefest of them to Osea. and caused their heads to be cut ●ff, telling them of a Spanish proverb, that the Wolf would not endure jests.  
So that as I have said, and produced Philotas for an Example, who relying upon the favour of Alexander spoke too freely unto him: let him never with offensive words or deeds provoke his Prince, let him with all circumspection reflect his thoughts upon himself, so shall he never run into this error; we read that Anna Montemorant was very gracious with the French King, Henry the s●cond, and admitted to be his bedfellow; but who can say if the King had lived long, that he would have continued his former favour unto her?  
Again, let him be careful, that he do not as Sejanus, and Perennius did, and as many do at this day, take 
* 95 Ne princepem a rebus gerendis avertat  95 upon him to direct the Prince, and to divert him from his intended design, but rather to do what he doth, especially in businesses of consequence by the Prince's special command and authority; for by this means if the business succeed not according to expectation, or if he be questioned for it, he may easily answer it, and give satisfaction both to the Prince and People. 
* 96 Cautè omnia agate.  96 let him be ever cautelous and wary, and think that every place he comes into is beset with traps of Treachery, hatred and calumny for him; this doth Cicero elegantly prescribe in an Oration, which he hath made in the behalf of Flaccus, wherein he shows the unhappiness of such as are powerful and mighty: O the miserable estate (saith he) of them to whom the governments of Provinces are committed, who if they be diligent they be hated, if they be negligent reproached, if liberal unrewarded, if they speak it is misinterpreted, if they hear it is dangerous, upon whom all smile, when many think full ill, being ever exposed to public and private displeasure; at their first coming they are saluted, whilst they stay they are observed, but when ehey depart they are neglected; therefore as much as lies in his power, let him take heed of envy, the most general scourge to such as are in high places, which as he may by divers means prevent, so especially, if he lay this foundation of which we have spoken before, that all his actions shall tend to the good of his King and Country, and not to his own private profit, or to satisfy his lusts and affections, 
* 97 Sat modestus, humilis.  93 whosoever proposeth this end to himself, will always be of an humble lowly and temperate Spirit, and so stop all the passages of envy hatred and calumnies which otherwise would have access unto him.  
Again, the higher he is let him ever the more lowly and reverently esteem of himself, and consider that the greatest fortunes have the least freedom, and by how much the larger his Commission is, by so much his moderation should be the more in the execution of it; let him fear the turning of the wheel: for fortune never prefers a man but she threatneth to bring him down again.  
Whom dawn of day hath seen to sit on high,  
Him in the dust bathe seen the evening sky.  
Let none rejoice too much that good hath got,  
Let none despair too much that hath it not.  
For Clotho keeps both fortunes in her power,  
And them full often changeth in one hour.  

* 98 Immo●icos honores fugiat.  98 Let him never desire to climb too high, but avoid those honours which make him equal with his Sovereign, for that high places are subject to thunder and lightning, and if Elpenor fall it is fatal unto him, when he that is below may fall and rise again without any detriment: this did Macro do, whom we have before remembered, and this did Clodius Albinius, who when Commodus Caesar for his good service would have conferred upon him the Title of Caesar, and have given him a power to grant Pensions, and invested him in a Princely robe, refused his courtesies, saying, that Commodus sought to overthrow him. And as great honours, 
* 99 Immodicas opes declinet.  99 so great Possessions in my opinion are not to be desired; I am not ignorant that in the judgement of many this that I say will seem to be a paradox, because they conceive the more they enjoy, the more fortunate they think themselves to be; they seldom consider that great estates are attended with great hatred and envy, nay they are of Plautus' mind, I had rather mine enemies envy me then I them; for to be envied is a badge of prosperity, to envy of adversity; the poor are envious, they that are envied have the world at will: but whatsoever they say, this Counsel is not to be neglected, unless they will minister unto themselves an occasion of ruin and destruction, as the former examples do sufficiently teach us. I will not here produce any thing, either out of the writings of the Philosophers or Theologians, which have written very judiciously in contempt and derision of riches; neither will I show that the great fortunes of many men are provocations unto them to carry themselves proudly towards their inferiors, and insolently towards all men: and so by abusing of them never attain their hopes and desires; for it is a very difficult thing for a man to bridle his affections, when he hath such Instruments to spur him on, so that he that accused P. Anteius unto Nero, told him the cause of his licentious course of life was his riches, which had undone many a man; for he that hath gotten the Estates of many rich men into his hands, will easily be persuaded that he is a Prince; therefore I will put them in mind of that which Seneca heard from his enemies, that upon many of them that followed the Courts of Princes, their riches have drawn envy, upon many ruin and destruction; what a massy Estate did Seneca raise under Nero by his wit and learning within the space of four years? with what eagerness did he search after Wills and Orphans at Rome? how did he drain Italy, and the Provinces adjoining with his excessive usury? how did he endeavour to win the love of the Citizens, and in his Gardens, and houses, to exceed, as if he had been a Prince? The same thing, that is for that he did not add bounds to his riches, but out of a Stoical pride, which makes such as are active turbulent, occasioned Plautus his death. The selfsame thing overthrew Valerius Asiaticus under Claudius, of whom Sosibius, that brought up Germannicus, under a pretence of friendship gave the Emperor a Caveat, affirming that estates too great in subjects are prejudicial to Princes. Dion observes, that he refused to accept the consulship a second time to the end, that he might enjoy his riches, and free himself from envy, and danger; but that did him no good; his riches in the end occasioned his ruin: many other Examples hath Dion to that purpose; and Scipio Amiratus evidently demonstrates, that great fortunes, and estates, are as dangerous to great men, as extreme poverty is troublesome to poor men: on the contrary side, as Tacitus observes, in extremity of sickness, Nero thought Memmius Regulus newly raised to be a Gentleman addicted to Peace, and Tranquillity, worthy of the Empire; his course of life was out of the compass of danger; it nothing availed Valerius Asiaticus, as we have a little before remembered, nor Seneca to do as they did to avoid danger; nay, Seneca had done more warily, and wisely, if so be he had observed his own precepts, stopped the passage of his immoderate desires, and forborn to have made that cold and poor excuse that it was no good manners to refuse the courtesies of a Prince. A mean therefore as well in this, as in every thing else, is to be preferred, and the holy Prayer of King Solomon to be had in perpetual remembrance. Two things have I required of thee, saith he, before I die, deny me not them, remove from me vanity, and lies, give me neither poverty, nor riches; feed me with food convenient for me, lest I be full, and deny thee, and say, who is the Lord; or lest I become poor, and steal, and take thy Name in vain. So that the same our Seneca affirms our Patrimonies ought to be contracted into narrow rooms, that so we may not be subject, and exposed to the spoils and sports of fortune; those bodies that are low, and little, and may be contracted into narrow rooms, are not so subject to the dangers of the Enemy, as those that are high and mighty; he is the happiest man that is not in poverty, yet is a neighbour unto it. Again, the same Seneca saith, that in this Sea of the World, there is such a vicissitude, and alteration of estates, that it cannot be but that he that is full fraught, must be assaulted with many storms, and tempests; therefore his Counsel is not to be neglected; let them reduce their estates into a narrow room, that the weapons of envy and malice may do them no harm; he that loves the golden means, lives neither in a sordid Cottage, or golden Palace.  
Again, let such a man have a special care, 
* 100 Ne publica praedia sibi acquirat,  100 that he do not at any time make a prey of the Commrnwealth, which is a thing too too common with many that are in grace and favour with their Princes; for goods gotten by such means do like a moth, or canker usually consume goods well gotten, and give occasion both to Prince, and people to envy their estates; for although great estates, if well gotten, ought not to be hurtful, and prejudicial to a man; yet a very little occasion will persuade a Prince, that such estates joined with authority, may prove dangerous unto him; for generally we do not pry into men's actions, and observe what they do, but what they are able to do; but truly when I persuade a man to observe a mean in the getting of an estate, that hath opportunity to exceed a mean, I speak to a man that hath no ears; wherefore though he relish not what I say, yet let him observe in the getting of his estate, the rule which Seneca prescribed the Philosopher; if he have a desire to have abundance, let him satisfy his desires, yet let him not raise himself by wronging, or ruinating of any, in questioning them for their lives to gain their estates, or by any sordid or base projects, and then no doubt they will continue with them and their Posterity; and none will envy them but malignant spirits.  
Again the Council that we have given to the Prince, the same do we give to his servants, that he would not take upon himself the sole Government of the Commonwealth, which many do seek with all eagerness, being of Cneius Pompeius mind that would not end●re an equal, or that any man should bear any rule but himself; but let the man we speak of, if he love his own safety, desire that one may be joined in Commission with him, though the Prince desire to repose the whole trust in him alone; and if the Prince do so much favour him that he will have him to be the chief man still in power and authority, which cannot be without exceeding great danger unto him, yet let one or other be privy to all his actions with whom he may consult and be assisted: so shall he with more ease and safety undergo businesses, and if things succeed prosperously, he shall have the honour of them: if not, he hath ever a witness to clear him, upon whom if occasion be, he may lay part of the blame; and this all wise men ever did, and do at this day; so did Diomedes whom Homer hath remembered, who being commanded in the night to take a survey of his enemies, desired that one might go along with him, because that two heads would be able to see and understand more than one, and with more boldness and alacrity proceed: for one man may think of a thing that is profitable, and his heart may faint, and fear occasion him not to proceed therein; but when two are joined, their Courage and Counsels are more resolute and constant: whose request being granted, he chose Ulysses for his Companion, saying with him he did not fear to go through a band of armed men, through fire and water, and to adventure upon any design were it never so dangerous; so Byrrhus and Seneca were Neros governor's during his minority, in equal authority, well agreeing, and bare equal stroke in divers faculties; but when Byrrhus died, Nero gave himself to licentiousness, and Senecas authority began to decline, because he wanted his friend to advise withal; but the examples of Publius Furius, and Lucius Crassus two Noble Romans which are remembered by Valerius Maximus, are most pertinent to this purpose: the one of them being chosen to go Ambassador into Spain, being an employment which he much desired, compelled Q. Metellus, and Q. Pompeius' two consulary men, and his deadly professed enemies, to accompany him; the other from a Consul attaining to be a governor in Gallia, Caius Carbo whose Father he had condemned came thither to pry into his actions, who was so far from removing him, that he assigned him the office of a Tribune, and for no other cau●e, but that he might assist him with his Counsel and Advice. These are famous examples, but they relish not with them that desire to have all Dominion in their own power, howsoever they are insallible signs of innocency, and without peril and danger.  
Again I would advise the servant of a Prince to stand firm and constant unto him in his allegiance to the end, and not for future hopes to adore the rising Sun, and to decline the service of his present Sovereign: for as such a man deserves punishment of his Prince, so the memory of him is hateful to his successor, and upon the first occasion that is given he is ruinated; so it sell out with Joab, who after that he had followed King David for a long time, and performed all the duties of a faithful servant unto him, at length in his old age he neglected him, and followed Adonijah that was to succeed him in the Kingdom; so Macro forsook Tiberius while he lived, and applied himself to Caius Caesar, which Tiberius perceiving, in some indignation told him how he looked after the rising, and neglected the declining Emperor; so Tigellinus that was most near and dear unto Nero at the first, at last fell of, and became a Traitor unto him: but all of them received the deserved wages of perfidious temporisers by the succeeding Princes, and were put to death as we have before heard.  
Above all things I would have the servant of a Prince take into consideration the uncertainty of all humane things: but more especially the instability and slippery estate of such as have attained to any great fortune, and in time seek to prevent imminent dangers, or at least how they may undergo them without vexation if they befall them; which how they may bring to pass many have read excellent lessons unto us, but especially Seneca: they saith he, whom Fortune hath set in slippery places, shall be more secure, 
* 101 Super●iā fugiat.  101 if they banish pride and arrorogancy out of their thoughts, being incident to great fortunes, and carry themselves as if they were private men; indeed many that are on high must of necessity stick unto their places, for that they cannot come down but they must fall; yet let them deserve this Testimony, that it is their grief that they must be grievious unto others, and that they did not intrude themselves but were placed there; let them arm themselves with justice, mild and gentle behaviour, and with liberality, that so they may stand safe and secure.  
Again, it will be very advantageous unto them if they know and believe what is said in Titus Livius, that it is the part of a wise man, nay more, of a fortunate man, to add bounds to his prosperity, and not to rely too much upon the present times, or fortunes favours; for than is she most to be suspected when she smiles most upon us; of this Sirach gives us a caveat in his first Chapter; humble thyself that thou mayst not fall, and bring shame to thy soul; and likewise Seneca; as when we are at Sea in a storm we desire the Haven, so should we desire to ease ourselves of the burden of our fortunes, and not stay until we are eased of them. This Seneca himself would have done, when after the death of Burrhus he saw his friends fail him, and his enemies accuse him; therefore in that elegant Oration of his, which is extant in Tacitus, in which he amongst other things acknowledgeth, that there was nothing wanting to his felicity but that he could not contain himself, and add bounds to his felicity; as being weary, saith he, on the way by long travels, I would desire rest; so being grown old, and not able to manage my estate, and undergo these cares that attend it, I dedesire that you would take it into your tuition, and command your Proctors, that they would have a care of it for your benefit, and give me leave to spend the remainder of my days in the Country with such allowance as will keep me from want; but Nero not contented with this, cunningly dissembled his hatred in flattering terms; Seneca gave him thanks, and began to change his former course of life, forbidding any to come to visit him, but his followers; seldom came into the City, kept his house, as if he had been sick, or a student in some faculty; and when he saw he grew deboist, and to give himself to all kind of wickedness, that he might be out of the reach of his envy, he desired his leave that he might live fare remote in the Country; which being denied, he feigned themselves sick, and never came out of his Chamber; but how came it to pass, that doing as he did, he did not avoid the displeasure of the Tyrant? and may not the remedy now prescribed be said to be no remedy by the Example of Seneca? truly I will not say any thing that may derogate from the understanding of so wise a man, yet I must say what I think, that Seneca, either 
* 102 102 Tardius hoc usus est.  used the remedy too late, when Nero's anger was much incensed against him, or that he took not so fit a time as he should have done, to move Nero in it; or rather which I do most incline unto, that what was done may rather be imputed to his beastly cruelty, from which the most innocent man in the world cannot be safe, and against which no remedy may be prescribed; therefore as we cannot find many Princes of the world like unto Nero, so by his Example the remedy before prescibed is not to be neglected, or condemned; but do thou as Sylla the dictator did, as Dioclesian, and Charles the fifth, and many other Noble Princes of the World have done; who of their own accord, without any such cause moving thereunto, in the declining times of their ages, laid down their Sceptres, and retired themselves. Do thou I say provide for thine own safety, add bounds to thy prosperity, and expect not fortunes coming to ease thee of thy burden. Historians affirm that Polycrates a Tyrant of the Samnites lived happily, and enjoyed his honours and preferments without any manner of cross all his life time; but Amasis' King of Egypt did fear the end of him; for he was of opinion, that where there is no intercourse, or change of fortune in the whole course of life, that the end will be fatal; therefore his advice was, that if a man hath had no crosses all his life-time, that he would afflict himself, and departed from that thing which he most affecteth. This Counsel I would give unto them that are in power and authority, that they would voluntarily ease themselves of that burden; It is harsh I know, but yet it is good and wholesome Counsel, and not to be neglected; and why? do we not see that death is advantageous to many, whom she takes away in the midst of their prosperity; for had they lived they might have survived their happiness; wherefore Seneca adviseth, that they that are most fortunate, in the very height of their fortunes should desire to die, because there is nothing certain in this World, but that what is past. And Lucan speaketh thus, of ●neius Pompey, that 
* 103 Destruit ingentes animos longius aevum.  103 long life is a dishonour to a man, when he survives his honour; and Juvenal speaks of him and Ca Marius; who had been ever more famous than Marius, if he had died at Rome in the midst of his Army, when he returned out of Germany? or than Pompey, if he had died of the fever which took him in Campania? Titus Livius reports of Alexander, that he was happy in this, that he died in the spring of his age in the height of his prosperity, before he had tasted of both fortunes; on the other side saith he, to omit many other noble Prince's Examples of humane frailty, what was it that gave occasion and opportunity to fortune to work upon Cyrus that was so famous among the Grecians, as also upon Pompey, but only long life? 
* 104 Quod mors invito hoc tu sponte fac  104 that cure therefore which death may do to thee against thy will, do thou to thyself willingly, and without doubt it will administer solace and comfort unto thee. These are almost all the means by which those that are powerful with their Princes, may avoid the change of fortune, and descend without a fall: yet to these in their own wisdoms and discretions, as they see the state of the present times, they may add many more; some there are that think themselves secure enough by reason of the sacred order they are entered into, as Sleidan reports of G. Poyets Chancellor of France; others by reason of their allies and kindred, as is reported of Duke Lerma in Spain; but unless their supportors be better than these, as the Examples before do sufficiently manifest unto us, they cannot stand; but do not thou my friend look so much after these things, as that sovereign Antidote of the Christain Poet; he is a happy man, saith he, and most like a Saint, that relies not upon the fading glory of the World, that delighteth not in pomp and pride, that lives in the Country contented with a mean habit and estate without cares or fears, that is secure which way soever the Sceptre falls; that never fears the direful menaces of the Planets, nor the prodigious prognostications of the Comets, or that relies upon the frail and fickle favour of greatness, or is ever distracted with ambitious thoughts; wherefore seneca wisely, beware of ambition, for it is vain and windy, and never satisfied, nay, it is of so troublesome a nature, that it will neither endure any one to go before it, nor yet to com● after it; it is ever attended with a double fear within and without; for as it hates all men, so it is hated of all men, and therefore most miserable; dost thou not see how the houses of such as are powerful are annoyed with the brawlings and quarrelings of such as meet therein? 
* 105 Multum habent contumeliarum ut intres plus cum intraveris.  105 thou canst not come into them without reproach, nor stay there without greater; and if thou chance to pass up the stayrs, they are so slippery that thou canst not stand there without danger of falling; wherefore apply thyself unto wisdom, which will not only afford thee rest and tranquillity, but riches in abundance; all the honours and preferments in the World, though they are small, in respect of other things, yet they are hard to come by, and the way unto them is tedious, and troublesome; and if fortune so favour thee, that thou dost attain to ●he top of them, thou shall see all those ways that did seem unto thee when thou was below to be mountainous and steepy, to be plain and easy, and that through that plain thou didst ascend to that height.  Faelix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum.  
FINIS.   

Illustrations and Observations upon EVENKELIUS.  By Tho: Nash. 

1. Joab fuit in utraque fortuna Davidis individuus diu comes.  
Joab for a long time was in both fortunes David's only minion.  
IOab was King David's lieutenant-general in all his Wars, Jos. c. 7. de aut. l. 6. yet Joab was not reckoned amongst King David's Worthies. David had triginta fortes, tres fortiores, et tres fortissimos; thirty valiant men, three more valiant than the thirty, and three more valiant than any of the thirty three; in all he had thirty six Worthies, amongst whom, I say, joab was not numbered, quia indignus haberetur ob mortem Abner & Amasae because he was thought unworthy of the name of a Worthy, by reason of the murder which he committed upon Abner and Amasa.  
* 2. joab Rabbathae urbis Ammonaorum captae gloriam callide Davidi Regi suo reservavit.  
joab ascribed the honour of the taking of Rabbathae, a City of the Ammonites, cunningly unto his King, Ios. l. 7. the ant. jud. c. 7. 2 Sam. c. 12.29.  
* 3. Absalonem contra expressum regis mandatum confodit.  
joab contrary to the King's express command slew Absalon. Ios. lib. 7, the ant. jud. 2 Sam. c. 18.14.  
* 4. joab Abnerem ducem Israelitarum, et Amasam ducem Iudaeorum occiderat.  
joab slew Abner a Captain of the Israelites, and Amasa a Captain of the jews.  
Abner was the General of saul's Army, as joab was of David's, and was beloved of the people, who for that he was reproved by Isbosheth for the keeping of Rispa saul's Concubine, revolted from him to King David, and used his best endeavour to settle the Crown upon him; but joab fearing that if he should come in favour with the King, his greatness would be eclipsed, buzzed into the King's ears, that what he did was in Policy, and that when he had his end, he would revolt unto King Saul; and seeing he could not divert the affections of the King from him, most treacherously under colour of parley ran his sword through him, and slew him. Ios. lib. 7. the ant. jud. c. 11.  
Amasa was a General whom joab slew, for no other cause, but because the King had given the same power unto him, as he had done unto joab. Ios. lib. 7. the ant. jud. c. 10.  
* 5. joab Adoniam patre vivente regnum invadentem aperte juvat.  
joab treacherously assisted Adonijah against the King.  
Adonijah was the son of King David by his Wife Agge; for David had six sons before the birth of Solomon, by six several women, Ammon by Achymas, Daniel by Abigal, Absalon by Machima, Adonijah by Agge, and Gerthesa and Gala by others: the chief men that did adhere unto Adonijah were joab, and Abiathar the high Priest: the chief men that did oppose him, were Zadock the Priest, Nathan the Prophet, and Benaiah the Captain of the Guard. Ios. lib. 7. the ant. jud. c. 11.  
* 6. joab jussu Davidis a Solomone ad ipsam aram interemptus est.  
joab by the King's command, by Solomon was put to death before the Altar.  
Among other things King David gave this in charge unto Solomon at his death; remember the iniquity of joab who through emulation slew two good Generals, Abner the son of Ne'er, and Amasa the son of jethram. Ios. l. 7. c. 11.  
* 7. Haman totam gentem Iudaeorum propter unius Mardochaei odium excindere parabat.  
Haman for the hatred which he bore unto Mardochee, would have sacrificed the whole Nation of the jews.  
In the days of Cyrus by the Grecians called Artaxerxes the whole Nation of the jews were in danger to be extirpated; for Haman being in favour with the King obtained a decree, that all the jews together with their Wives, on such a day should be put to death, and for no other reason but because Mardechee the Queen's Uncle would not adore him as the Persians did; yet many other things were buzzed into the King's ears against the jews, as that they were a rebellious people, of corrupt manners, and enemies to all goodness; of which decree Mardochee being given to understand, betook himself to fasting and prayer: and it pleased God so to work upon the affection of the King, the Queen mediating for the Jews, that the punishment intended to Mardochee was inflicted upon Haman. Jos. lib. 11. de Ant. jud.  
* 8. Tiberium illum tam superbum, tam vinolentum, tam crudelem Imperatorem.  
That proud licentious and cruel Emperor.  
It it is reported by 
a Tac. l. 6. Annal.  Tacitus that the saying of Passienus the Orator went currant of Tiberius: neque meliorem unquam servum, neque deteriorem unquam dominum fuisse, that there was never a better servant, nor a worse master than Tiberius; egregiè vixit privatus & insons, whilst he was a private man, yea and in the beginning of his reign he carried himself 
b Sue. in Tib. c. 27. Dion Cas. lib. 57 Tac. Annal. lib. 1.  very moderately; vetat Templa sibi erigi, erigique sibi statuam; multa praeclara gessit de veste serica non utenda: de vasis aureis non adhibendis nisi in sacris; he prohibited Temples to be dedicated ro him, and his Statues to be erected: he regulated the excess of superfluous apparel, and commanded that vessels of gold should not be used, but only in the Temples; mox ubi regna petivit totas vitiis laxavit habenas, but when he got the reins of the Empire into his hands, 
c Tac. lib. 6. Annal.  there was no vice that he was free from, cruel he was in a most barbarous manner; omnis sexus, omnis aetas, illustres & ignobiles dispersi & aggregati, 
d Ille nec aetati tenerae nec parcit anili.  every sex, age, and degree, men and women, old and young, bond and free, noble and ignoble tasted of his cruelty; and given to Wine he was in excess, insomuch that instead of 
e Suet. in Tiber.  Tiberius he was called Biberius, and of Nero Mero; certare peculis & hilarescere vino erat illi quotidianum, it was a familiar thing with him to spend two or three days together in Polyphagia & polypotia in gluttony and drunkenness. Cum Pomponio Flocco & L. Pisone noctem biduumque epulando potandoque consumpsit, jucundissimos omnium horarum amicos hos esse affirmans with Floccus and Pyso he spent two whole days and a night in drinking, affirming they were the best companions that ever he met withal. Historians report, that his nurse was a great drinker of Wine, and that she ordinarily whilst he was in his tender years fed him with sops dipped in wine; whence it came to pass that when he came to full growth, he delighted in nothing more than debosching and gurmondizing; the Italian saith, that it is a rule infallible, che de let che poppianio nella infantia dependata tutta la salute della vita nostra, that of the milk that we suck in whilst we are in our cradles, depends our health and welfare all our life time; if that be unwholesome, our bodies will be crazy and subject to diseases; and the reason is because quod nova testa capit, inveterata sapit, the vessel will ever relish of the liquor with which it is first seasoned. Titus the son of the good Emperor Vespasian had all his life time a weak and crazy body, and no other reason is given, che per haver poppato nella infantia let di balla mal sana; but because in his tender years he was nursed by a woman that was not sound. The cruelty of Caligula is not imputed to Germanicus that begot him, or to his Mother that brought him forth, but to the nurse that gave him suck, of whom Dion says, that she had hair on her breasts, as thick as men have on their beards. So likewise the inhumanity of Pyrrhus is imputed to a Tiger, of whom Homer says that he was borne in Greece, bred up in Arcadia, and nursed by a tiger, Durius had a daughter whose nurse fed upon nothing but venomous things: whence it came to pass, i a capo di tre anni quando la fauciulla fu dispoppata non mangiava se non animali venenosi, as soon as she was weaned, she would digest an adder or serpent as familiarly as another would do the brawn of a capon. Paleologus Emperor of Constantinople was so much troubled with melancholy that for three parts of the year he was in a manner frantic; for he that is in a deep melancholy, differs little from a mad man, as the word signifies, being derived à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 insanio: and this is attributed to his nurse that did abound with that humour, of whom this tale passeth, that the empress' meeting with an old woman discovered unto her her husband's infirmity, who did advise her to chide him, and to fall foul upon him twice every week at the least, because he that lulls a melancholy man asleep with music, doth but foster the humour; whose counseil the Empress taking into consideration, non solo due volte di septimana (as my Author says,) mai quattro volie il giorno il dava qualche dispiacere, not only twice a week but four times a day vexed and perplexed him, and in the end with her bitter potion cured him; thus the nurse oftentimes causeth the child to degenerate from the nature and disposition of his Parents; whereof both the Romans and the Grecians taking special notice in the days of old, used their best endeavours to regulate the abuses in this kind. M. Portius that was so famous amongst the Romans, in a speech which he made in the Senate house, bitterly inveighs against the Senators for suffering their children to be delivered into the hands of strangers, saying, O padri conscriti mi paere gran monstruosità vedere huomini havere falconi nelle mane e vedere le donne creare caguolini nelle bracchie l●asciando stare i propr●i figlivoli nelle altrui braccie; it seems to me a monstrous thing in nature to see men carry hawks on their hands, and women dogs between their arms, and to see them deliver over their children into the hands and arms of others, crudeles certè parents they are cruel fathers and mothers that mue up their hawks, and keep their dogs in their houses for their delight, and cast their children out of the doors, whom they are bound by the law of God and nature to keep at home; non pate l'honore, non lo promitte la conscienza, non concedde la leg divina ne humana che Coloro che Jddio ha' fatta padri e madre di huomini divengono balie di falconi e cani (as saith my Author in some bitterness;) it is not allowed in point of honour, in point of conscience, or by the laws of God or men, that they whom God hath made the fathers and mothers of children, should make themselves the nurses of hawks and dogs; if we have a jewel which we do value, we will not willingly deliver it out of our hands, and if we do, it shall be into the hands of such whom we dare trust as boldly as ourselves; now what jewel can be compared to the flesh of our flesh, and to the bone of our bone? and how careful ought we to be into whose hands we commend them? not without cause therefore Plato gave in charge to the Grecians, and Lycurgus to the Lacedæmonians, that every woman of low degree should nurse all her children, and every woman of quality her first begotten. Ortomistus the sixth King of the Lacedæmonians lest two sons behind him at the time of his death, the youngest of which inherited his Possessions, and for no other reason but because he was nursed by his mother, and his elder brother by a stranger; whence arose a custom throughout all Asia, che il figlivolo che non pappana il let della madre non hereditassero la robba della padre, that the son that sucked not the milk of his mother should not inherit the Possessions of his father, giamai fu madre simile di delicatezza ne mai sara alla madre del redemtore nostro as my Author saith. There was never so delicate a creature in the world, nor ever will be, as was the Mother of our Saviour, who by her own example hath taught us, that there is nothing more natural then for a Mother to afford milk out of her own breasts to the issue engendered of her own bowels: the naturalists send us to the Sow to school, who though she bring forth many, yet nurseth them all; if children then sometimes neglect their Parents in their age, it is no wonder, being they were so careless of them in their minority. When the bastard brother of the two famous Gracchis returned home from the Wars, he brought with him two girdles, the one of gold, the other of silver; the golden girdle he gave to his nurse, the silver one to his Mother: with which his Mother being offended, he spoke thus unto her. Mother, marvel not at it, percioche tu mi portasti Solament nel ventre nove mese; e ella mi nutrico nella suo petto tre anni, e quando esecudo io piccolo tu mi cacciasti da tuo occho, ella mi raccolse nella sue braccie; because that you bore me but nine months in your belly, and she hath fed me three years with her breasts, and when you cast me from your eyes she embraced me in her arms. Cornelius Scipio after his return home from the Wars between him and Antiochus, condemned to die two valiant Gentlemen nobly descended, for that they had unadvisedly spoiled the Temple of the Vestal Virgins, to whom his brother Scipio Africanus became an earnest suitor for their pardon, but could not by any means prevail, whereupon they made use of another, that was to Cornelius a foster-Sister, the Daughter of his Nurse, who presently obtained their release, which Scipio taking to heart, Cornelius spoke thus unto him; Sappi frtaello, che io reputa pivi per madre colei che mi nutrie non mi partori che colei che mi partori e poi mi abandono; know thou my Brother that I think her rather to be my Mother that nursed me, and did not bear me, t en she that bore me and after cast me off; as a Child hath no excuse for his disobedience, so a Parent hath none for his neglect of him. Upon a time there arose a great controversy betwee a Father and a Son, which was referred to Solon to determine, before whom both parties appearing, the Son complained that his Father had done him much wrong, in disinheriting him, being his only Son; the Father answered, that he had done him none, for that he had not only been a disobedient Child, but a cruel Enemy, opposing him in every thing which he undertook, which gave him just occasion to deprive him of his inheritance, and often to beg at the hands of God to cut off the thread of his life, for that he thought him unworthy to breath upon the face of the earth, that shown himself so disobedient to his Father, and told some that stood up in his defence, that if they did but know how dear the love of a Father is to his Son, they would rat●er compassionate the Father's case, than the Sons, because there is no Father in the World so cruel and hardhearted, but will sheathe his sword up to the hilt in his own heart, before he will strike his Son with the hilt of it; to wit, that is not more grieved that his Son should give him an occasion to disinherit him, than his Son is with the loss of his inheritance: the Son then replying, acknowledged his disobedience, and wanton course of life, but imputed the cause thereof unto his Father; for that when he was of tender years he cast him out of doors, and delivered him into the hands of strangers, from whose breasts he sucked in the seeds of disobedience and folly: Solon having heard both parties, delivered this sentence, that the Father for that he had cast his Son out of doors as soon as he came into the World, should be debarred of the rites of funeral, and so die without honour; that the Son for his disobedience should be disinherited during his life, and that the Grandchild, in whom there was no fault, after the death of his Grandfather should inherit the possessions, because it would be injustice to disinherit t●e Son for the Father's offence; so the Grandfather was punished after his death, and the Son whilst he lived: thus have I taken a liberty (occasioned by reason of the Nurse of Tiberius) to condemn that liberty which parents assume, to turn their Children out of doors as soon as they are borne, being a thing unnatural, and not used amongst the brute Creatures. Suetonius hath one remarkable passage of Tiberius; upon a time Tiberius invited himself to an old fornicators house to supper, whom Augustus had put to some shame and ignominy, and whom he himself not long before had distasted upon this condition, ut nudis puellis ministrantibus caenaretur, that the Symposiarchus who was the Steward of the Feast should especially provide that he might be attended with some handsome young Wenches, clad in no other habit then that wherewith Nature had first invested them.  

Observations upon the changing of Tiberius his manners and honours.  
There are four good Mothers that bring forth four abortive daughters; truth hatred, security danger, familiarity contempt, and prosperity pride; the Priest until he became a Cardinal was courteous and loving unto all, but being advanced he forgot his old friend Michael, 
Stat foris ante fores Michael dicens quod honores  
Commutant mores, raro tamen in meliores.   
So long as Alexander's horse was clad with his ordinary accoutrement and caparison, he would admit of any man to come upon his back, and to ride him; at structus regiis phaleris neminem praeter regem admitteret, but when he had the Saddle on which the King did usually ride on his back, than he would admit of no man but the King; divitiae & honores (inquit Erasmus) peccandi quandam necessitudinem secum ad ferunt; nam sicut difficile est colubrum in sinu alere, & non morderi, ità difficillimum honoribus & divitiis abundantem vitiis non contaminari, riches and honours do in a manner enforce a man (as Erasmus says) to transgress; for as it is a hard thing for a man to carry a snake in his bosom and not be stung▪ so it is more hard to abound in wealth and honour, and not to abound in sin and transgression; the good fortune of many a man is his utter ruin and destruction; for if it be not guided with reason and discretion, it drives him as a tempest doth a ship upon the sands of pride and presumption; but as a skilful horseman by his skill in riding will cover the defects of his horse, so a wise man with his discretion will carry himself so in both fortunes, that prosperity shall not make him proud, nor adversity sad. Maude the Wife of King Henry the first is deservingly registered for the paragon of her sex, because in both fortunes she was ever the same; prospera non laetam fecere, nec aspera trision; Aspera risus ei, prospera terror erant: prosperity never made her proud, or adversity sad, the one she scorned, the other she feared, as Henry of Huntingdon hath it in his seventh book. Cato among all the noble Romans is preferred for his settled constancy. 
Senec. 104.  Nemo (inquit Seneca.) mutatum Catonem toties mutata republica unquam vidit; eundem se in omni statu praestitit, in praetura, in repulsu, in cōciou●, in exercitu, in morte, cum alij ad Caesarem, alij ad Pompeium inclinabant, solus Cato fecit reip. parts; no man ever saw Cato dismayed in the most troublesome times of the Roman state, he was the same man in exile, as he was when he was praetor, in the Army, as when he was giving the charge in the Senate house, at his death, as at other times. Semper eadem was a Motto well beseeming a most worthy princess; and semper●talis, talis erat ludeus epigrammata, talis seria scribens, talis consiliarius, talis cancellarius, was a worthy Encomium of a great officer of this Kingdom in the days of King Henry the Eight; and if Tiberius had deserved the like, he could not have wanted an Encomiastic to have given it him; but being he changed his manners with his honours, he is registered for a child of inconstancy, a changeling, and the off spring of immoderate desires.  * 9 Cohortibus praetoriis praefectus, He being chief Commander of the Praetorian Company. 
This office was sometimes executed by military men. Seius Strabo held the same under Augustus, and Sejanus under Tiberius; but (as Bodin in the third book of his Commonwealth observes) quia nemo nisi qui legum & juris peritissimus erat, fungi poterat hoc munere; Imperatores pro ducibus legionum, jurisconsultos provexerant; so as under Otho, Martian; under Severus, Papinean; and under Alexander, Ulpian held the same, whose Commission was so large that all men might appeal unto them, no man from them. In the days of Romulus, (as Alciate observes,) they had not only a superintendency over the Soldiers that guarded the Emperor's Person and Palace, but also over them that defended the Empire against his enemies; but when the Empire began to spread itself, this Office was divided: there was praefectus militum, & praefestus vigilum: the one was superintendent over the guard that attended the Emperor, the other over the Soldiers that went against his enemies; so long as the blood of the Emperors of Germany continued in the line of the Kings of France, the Kings of France had the like Office; whom they called the Major of the King's Palace, or Master of the King's house.  
* 10. Inrepere caepit militares animos adeundo, appellando.  
Sejanus by calling them by their names won their hearts.  
Affabilitas & comitas sunt nullius impendii, amicitias tamen magnas conglutinant exhibitae, dissolvunt praetermissae, good words and kind and courteous salutations cost little, but prevail much; whereas on the otherside uncivil speeches, and rude rustic behaviour draweth much envy; affability is a precious gemm when it is set in gold and silver, but in tinn and copper vile and contemptible; in Titus it did appear like the Sun at the highest, but in Sejanus like the Moon in the Eclipse; in virtuous and noble dispositions it is a principal ornament, and gives a great lustre unto them; but in evil disposed persons it is of no better account than a ring of gold in a swine's snout, mere hypocrisy to dazzle the eyes of the simple, and to effect some mischievous design; of Sejanus his affability, vid. Taci. l. 4. initio.  
* 11. Per theatra effigies ejus inter Principes legionum coli statuit.  
He commanded his statues to be honoured among the statues of the Princes.  
Cum multos alios (inquit Dion) post mortem statuit & publico funere cohonestasset Tiberius, Sejani vivi statuam in theatro posuit; 
Dion l. 7.  it was accounted a special favour for the Emperor to allow of any man's statue to be erected after his death, but to admit of the statue of a Subject in his life time to be erected in the Theatre among the statues of the Emperors, was such an honour as before that time was not heard of to be allowed to any Subject.  
* 12. Vitam procul Roma amaenis locis ducere persuasit.  
Sejanus prevailed with Tiberius to leave Rome.  
Tacitus in the fourth book of his Annals doubteth, whether Sejanus were the cause that Tiberius betook himself to Capri, because that Caede ejus patrata sex annos pari secreto convixit, after the death of Sejanus he continued there six years; some are of opinion that he went thither to hid his deformity, for being grown in years, praegracilis & incurva proceritas, nudus capillo vertex, & ulcerosa facies, he had a lean body, a bald pate, and a malmsy nose; but certain it is that he went thither to colour and cover his licentious course of life.   

Observations upon Tiberius retiring himself in his old age to Capreas.  
If Tiberius in the flourishing time of his age when his blood boiled hot within him, had betaken himself to Capreas to keep correspondency with his Concubines, he mighe have pleaded to extenuate his offence, his age, his indiscretion, and how he was misled by evil Council; sed turpe senilis amor, but being that he retired himself in his declining time, when age had furrowed his forehead, and pulled the teeth out of his head, and when as his judgement should have overruled his affections, he can plead no such plea; Again if Tiberius had been a private man, he might have hoped his exorbitancies might have died with him as to the World, and so his honour saved amongst the people; but being a Prince cujus facta dictaque omnia etiam in loco areano veluti in aedium culmine populo exposita sunt, who's thoughts are scant free unto himself, and whose actions are rules and precepts to the multitude, he can expect no such thing; Gnats are unnoted wheresoever they fly, but Eagles are gazed upon with every eye; again if Tiberius had betaken himself to Capreas, there to have sacrificed the remainder of his days in an humble confession and hearty contrition, for his misspent youth, he might have deserved with Maximinian and Dioclesian, and divers other Noble Princes, who in their declining times abandoned the world, to have had his History written with a pen of iron to his eternal praise and commendation, and have had his place in the Catalogue among the renowned Princes of the world; but being that he went thither to cover his cruelty, and his lasciviousness, and made Religion a Cloak for the same, pretending that he went to build a Temple at Capreas to Jupiter, and at Nola to Augustus, he is deservedly branded for an ignominious Prince to all succeeding ages; of his going to Capreas, vid. Tacit. lib. 4. Annal. and how he behaved himself, vid. Suet. in Tiber.  
* 13. Convivium celebratur in Villa quae vocatur Spelunca.  
Tiberius was feasted in a house called Spelunca.  
According to Varro, there is Villa Rustica, & Villa Vrbana; Villa Rustica is the house of a farmor appertaining to a manor. Villa Vrbana is the manor-house itself; and it is so called, because it is furnished and accommodated like unto a house in the City, which is sometimes called praetorium, the Country house of a Praetor, or a Prince's Palace in the Country: Suetonius terms this house where Tiberius was feasted praetorium, which kind of houses the better sort in Rome did keep to recreate and retire themselves upon all occasions: Lips. will have it to be called Spelunca, from a cave, quia adjuncta Speluncae. vid. Lips. in lib. 4. Ann. Tac. & Suet. in Tiber.  
* 14. Nuptias petere audebat a Livia. Sejanus presumed to make love unto Livia the Wife of Drusus.  
Tacitus observes that Sejanus became a suitor unto Livia, not so much for the love which he bore unto her, as the hatred unto Drusus; for Sejanus and Drusus falling at variance, after some blows had passed between them, Sejanus casts about how he might ease himself of this man that stood in his way, and for that purpose makes love unto Livia, obtains his unchaste desires, and by putting her in hope of being a Princess, persuades her to consent to the death of her husband; a design is thought upon; Ligdus the Eunuch is made the instrument, Drusus is poisoned. vid, Tacit. lib. 4. Annal.  
* 15. Occidentem ab illo deseri, orientem spectare exprobravit.  
Tiberius' upbraided Macro for abandoning the setting, and adoring the rising Sun.  
Hopeful plants have ever been cherished, and it is necessary they should ever be for the benefit of posterity; it is verified in vegetative, in sensitive, and reasonable creatures; we cherish the plant of a fruitful vine, because in time it may yield nourishment to the body, and delight the palate; a colt of a good race, because it may prove like the sire to do us service; the issue of a noble family whose ancestors have triumphed in victory, and have been honoured for the good service done to their Countries; and if Macro in his affections had followed Caligula in the second place, no man would or could have condemned him; but for Macro to leave a bird in hand for a bird in the bush, a possession for a possibility, was not only extreme folly, but extreme disloyalty; admit Tiberius had his imperfections in a high degree, and justly deserved reprehension; yet it had been Macro's duty, if he could not have reclaimed him, as fare forth as in him lay, to have smothered them: but instead thereof to conspire against him, was a villainy inexcusable, and such in the end do ever receive the wages that is due unto them; for Princes are ever jealous of them, knowing that upon all occasions they will be ready to revolt; and therefore in the end requite them, as Alexander did Bessus, Vitellius Tigellinus, Caesar Herodotus and Achillas, Caligula Macro. How Tiberius upbraided Macro for adoring the rising, and turning his back to the setting Sun, vid. Tacit. l. 6. Annal.  
* 16. Narcissum dominum domini appellat.  
Narcissus the master of his master.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith Xenophon, there is nothing so requisite and necessary for the continuance of humane society, as decency and order; for as it is in the Caelesticall bodies, so it is in the Terrestrial; as in the natural, so in the public body: rule and order is the cause of subsistence in all. In Heaven there is an Hierarchy, Angels and Arch-Angels, one Star differs from another in greatness and glory, one Planet from another, each hath his proper place; the Sun was made to rule the day, and the Moon the night; in the sublunary world the Elements have their proper stations; the place of the Earth is the Centre, of the Water to be next unto it, of the Air to it, and of the Fire to it; and so long as they keep their stations, there is peace and tranquillity below; but when the Air shall disorderly descend into the cranyes of the Earth, it causeth an Ague there; and when the earthy vapours shall ascend up to the Skies, it causeth a combustion there; and as it is in those natural bodies, so it is in the politic; each man hath his proper calling, one man is called to one calling, another to another, one to be a Master, another to be a Servant, and so long as each member confineth himself to his proper calling, so long the Commonwealth prospereth; but when Claudius shall become servus Narcissi, and Narcissus dominus Claudij, than the Commonwealth is out of order. What power Narcissus and Pallas had with Claudius, vid. Suet. in Claud. & Tac. l. 3. Annal.  
* 17. Infamem vitam foedavit infami exitu.  
Tigellinus ended his ignominious life with as ignominious a death.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Matth. 7.  sed ut sementem feceris ita & meats, we gather not grapes of thorns, or figs of thistles, but as we sow, so we reap; if in the spring we sow virtue, we shall be sure at harvest to reap the fruits thereof: if licentiousness and voluptuousness, we shall be sure likewise to reap the fruits thereof; the spri g of our age is our youth, which being not well husbanded will bring forth nothing but brambles and briers, vain and idle imaginations, and crazy and decrepit bodies in our declining times; for it is a rule infallible, quod libidinosa & intemperans adolescentia effoetum corpus tradit senectuti, if we then poison ourselves with carousing and drinking, we can expect no other fruits than gouts and dropsies in our old age; if with voluptuous, wanton and unchaste desires, nothing but boils and ulcers, the French disease, or the disease of Naples; for as fevers which break forth in the spring, in the Summer and in the autumn, when Phoebus hath mounted himself on high, are engendered in the winter; 
f Indomitae quae sunt delicta juventae, Non ea cu● fi●nt saecula saepe●●gravant: At collecta diu, cum lit minus apta senectus s●a pati, canos sollicitare solent.  so the poison that breaks forth in our age is sucked in in our youth; for though the strength of nature may suppress and keep under the malignant quality for a time, yet when nature gins to fail in us, then doth it insult and show itself in botches and boils, in gouts and dropsies, the deserve dwages of wantonness and luxury; wherefore Seneca wisely, 
Senec. Ep. 51.  ante senectutem curavi ut bene viverem, my chiefest care was, how to spend my youth well; for youth is like to an untamed colt, which being not well broken will be sure to put some jadish tricks upon the rider; and like unto a field the more fertile the more unprofitable if it be not manured; nam ut terra (saith the Orator) quo melior est magis corrumpitur si negligatur, ita ingenia quo faliciora in juventute, majoribus vitiis obducuntur in senectute, nisi recte excolantur: so as it is a true rule qualis vita finis ita, as our youth is so is our age; as we live so we die; nam studiae adolescenciae tanquam in herbis ostendunt quantae fruges in senectute sunt futurae, a virtuous youth ever produceth a reverend old age, and a quiet and peaceable death: a wanton youth, a contemptible old age, and an ignominious and distracted death. Tigellinus lived lewdly and died ignominiously, he ended his ignominious life with as ignominious a death. Of Tigeilinus his life and death, see Tac. lib. 1. Hist▪ of his lewd qualities, and how he wound himself into Nero's favour, see more in Tac. l. 14. Annal.  
* 18. Asiaticum in favorem cepit.  
Vitellius took into his favour one Asiaticus.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it is in the Proverb, birds of a feather will flock together, one Rook will find out another; Asiaticus was (as Tacitus terms him) mancipium foedum, lerna sentinaque vitiorum, nam omnia prorsus ut in quandam canosam latrinam in animum suum conflux ere vitiae, adeo ut ad caulam potiùs quam ad aulam videretur natura produxisse; a very abject slave, the very sink of sin, that had not one good condition, fit to make a shepherd then a Courtier; it is true (I find) that he had certain seeds and sparks of virtue in him: but as the Courtiers of that time jested upon him, verisimile est in secreta confession imbibisse, nec fas erat apud alios proffer; nihil enim laude dignum in illo invenimus, nisi quod in vaporario nemo vocalior, in praelio nemo timidior; it seemeth he received them in confession, so as it was not lawful for him to manifest them to the World: for that we can find nothing worthy of praise in him, unless it were this, that no man would talk more in an alehouse, or do less in the field; of him whilst he was a youth, Vitellius made use to satisfy his bestial appetite, but the boy being weary of that course of life, run from his master to Puteolus, where Vitellius finding him amongst the hucksters selling of drink made with vinegar and water, laid him by the heels, and sold him to a common fencer that went from market to market to show his tricks; yet not long after got him again, made him his minion, & primo imperii die (as saith Suet.) made him a Knight, vid. Sueton in Vitel. & Tac. l. 2. Hist.  
* 19 Polycletus & Patrobios aequabat.  
No way inferior to the Polecleti and Patrobii, the most notorious villains amongst the Romans.  
Polycletes was a notorious thief, depopulabatur & spoliabat quicquid occurrebat, as saith Dion, he spoiled whatsoever came in his way, he lived in the days of Nero. vid. Dion Cas. l. 63. Patrobius was one of Nero's freemen: praefectus ludorum gladiatorum, the chief man amongst the hackster's and fencer's, who for the notorious villainies he committed in the days of Nero was by Galba put to death. vid. Dion ibid.  
* 20. Nisi Perennis antea tractasset.  
Commodus would not endure to hear of any thing, unless it had been first told unto Perennis.  
Qui statuit aliquid parte inaudita altera, aequum licet statuerit, haud aequus est, (saith the heathen tragedian in his Medea) he that gives judgement before he hath heard both parties, though his judgement be just, yet he is unjust; to hear well is a prime quality in a Prince; for by hearing all parties, the truth comes to light; Alexander is commended in 
e Plutar. in Alex.  Plutarch, for that he would never deliver his judgement before he had heard all parties; gold is not discerned from Alchemy, but by the touch, or truth from falsehood: judgement is the touchstone to try both, and hearing and seeing are the lights by which it discerneth; wherefore in those Commonwealths where the general Counsels consist of three Estates, Monarchical, Aristocricall, and Democricall, the Princes have ever been pleased to allow freedom of speech to the Aristocricall and Democricall, reserving to themselves the power of ratifying, or disallowing what they hear; and for that Commodus would not endure to hear but by Perennis, he run himself upon a rock. vid. Lamprid. Dion. Nic. & Herod. in Commodo.  
* 21. Persuasit Commodo ut deliciis vacret.  
Perennis persuaded the Emperor to take his delights, and to leave the cares of the Empire unto him.  
It is incident to men of low degree to look upon great Persons with squint eyes, especially upon such as are in most grace and favour with their Princes; and if the Common Wealth flourish, they may perchance gain some honour and reputation thereby; but if it do not, they are sure to bear the whole burden of it. 
f Dion Ca lib. 72.  Milites quotiès iis aliquid parùm ex sententia eveniret, conjecta in Perennem culpa gravitèr irascebantur; as often as any thing fell out among the soldiers contrary to their expectation they were offended with Perennis, as if he had been the only man that had been the cause thereof; Cum Comm odus cum tricentis concubinis quas ex matronarum meretricum que delectu habuerat, trecentisque aliis puberibus in palatio in convivio bacchabatur; when Commodus swilled himself in pleasure with six hundred Concubines, Perenius must be the cause of it, he persuaded him to take his pleasure and leave the cares of the Empire unto him; cum Commodus sororem suam Lucillam compressisset, & posteá occidit; cum uni ex concubinis matris nomen imposuit & uxoris; cum deprehensam in adulterio exegit, & exactam relegavit & occidit; when Commodus deflowered his Sister Lucilla, and after put her to death; when he familiarly called one of his Concubines his mother and his wife, and after finding her to be false unto him made her away, Perenius must still be the cause of all, he sways the Sceptre, and puts to death whom he will. Perenius was guilty of many crimes, I make no doubt; but whether he were guilty of all the crimes laid to his charge, I make a great doubt.  
* 22. Prefecturas pro libitu vendit.  
Cleander sold all Offices of Command.  
Cleander (as Herodian observes) was a Phrygian by birth, being a Country of that part of Asia that borders upon Bythinia, and became so gracious with Commodus, that he had not only the command of him, but of the Soldiery and the whole Empire; praetores a● arbitrium Cleandr● sunt retenti aut occi●; ad cujus nutum etiam libertini in Senatum & patritios electi fuêre; at his disposal were all Praetorships, and places of honour; whom he affected were chosen, and whom he distasted were kept back; and what became of him, vid. Herod. l. 1. & Lamp. in Commodo.  
* 23. Convictus jussu Antonii. Plantianus being convicted, by the  
Command of Antony was put to death.  
The conviction was sudden; young Antony demands of him what he can say to these two articles, venista ad Imperatorem minimé accitus; deinde quid haec lorica vult? quis ad coenam commessationemque armatus venit; Sir, you came to the Emperor in an Evening before you were sent for, than you came armed to him; do men use to come to the Emperor's table armed? this was his charge, and before he could give an answer, Anthony commands them that were present strictis gladiis obtruncare, ut hostem manifestarium, who run their swords through him, and after cast his body forth into the high way, ad vulgi ludibrium vid. Herodia, lib. 3.   

Observations upon the death of Plautianus.  
It is observed by Bodin, that in a tyrannical government, the Princes Will is a Law, stat pro ratione voluntas; Anthony commanded the people to kill Plautianus, and they readily observed him; faciebant quod decebat, sed non quomodo decebat, they paid him the wages that was due unto him, but not according to the Law: in settled governments it favours of Barbarism to butcher any man in times of Peace; wherefore julian the Apostate, though a Tyrant in other things, in this deserved commendation, that he would n●ver condemn any man before he had heard him what he could say for himself: Commines in his fift book (whom Lipsius commends for the most authentic writer) prefers the government of England before the government of all the Kingdoms of the World. We never hear in our coasts, for which we are bound to praise God, of any such Barbarism; let the offender be never so great, or his offence so grievous; yet he shall receive an honourable trial by men equal to himself in every degree, and receive his doom according to the Law.  
* 24. Authoritatem omnem momento adimit.  
On a sudden Philip cast off Apelles.  

●olib. ●. 5. Histo.  Po ybius hath one remarkable passage of Apelles, when he returned from Challis, a City near unto Lesbos, of which he was governor to King Philip's Court, attended with a great train of the Nobility, thinking to have had access to the King as he was used to have; janitor exspectare illum jussit, dicens occupatum esse in praesentia regem; the Porter, was so bold as to tell him, Sir you must stay, the King is busy; which when he heard to proceed from the Porter, haesitabundus aliquando constitit moestus & inops consilii, stood still, amazed for the time, as if he had been bereft of his senses; his followers forsaking him, as if they had never seen him or known him; after which time (as saith Polybius) ad Convivia aliquando, ad Consilia nunquam, he came to Cour● sometimes, but never sat in Council.   

Observations upon the discarding of Apelles.  
Naturale est (inquit jacobus nuper rex) ut populi simiarum more mores regis imitentur; it is natural to the people to imitate their King in every thing, what he affects they affect, and what he dislikes they dislike. Bodin hath a story of one of the Kings of France, who having received a wound in his head, caused his hair to be cut short, and that immediately, omnes ordines capillos de capite decuti curaverunt, men of all degrees wore short hair, whereas before that time it was held a great dishonour in the French Court, for any man of quality to wear short hair. Plutarch reports of Alexander the great, 
Plut. in Alexand.  and Alphonsus King of Arragon, that being both of them wry-necked, all their Courtiers studied to imitate them; Regis ad Exemplū totus componitur orbis: If Tiberius do distaste Sejanus, Silanus will esteem of him but as an exile and forlorn man, and the common people will not honour him so much as to permit him to fit amongst them; quot servi tot preditores, if Diana distaste Act●●on, Et Dromus, & Canathe, Stricteque & Tigris & Alce dilacerant dominum falsi sub imagine cervi, his own dogs will devour him; and if Philip of Macedon casts off Apelles, the Porter that not long before would have thought it an honour to him to have kissed the hem of his Garment, his Hand, his Toe, his etc. will not stir his cap to him, but confront at the gate, and with a smiling countenance in derision tell him, he must stay, the King is busy; so are they neglected whom the King neglects.  
* 25 Nulla quies inest animo.  
His thoughts being once possessed with a desire of sovereignty, he could never rest contented.  
Le chat qui vu fois a tastè fromage, not a jammais de repose qu'il n'ait d'avantage, as the French have it; the Cat that once hath had his nose in the cream, will never rest till he come thither again; it is injust to usurp a Kingdom, grievous to quit it again, he that once hath been invested in the Robes of Sovereignty, feasted, clad, attended, and lodged like an Emperor, whose very looks and nods have been sufficient expressions of his mind to his followers, will hardly ever endure to serve another, as he hath been served; the Child that hath been clad from his childhood in auro & argento, & holoseritis vestibus, in gold and silver, and fed with the costliest and curious dishes, will hardly when he comes to man's estate ever be temperate, or endure to wear decent and comely apparel (as Quintilian observes) it is death unto greatness to descend ab equis ad asinos. Dionysius will tyrannize over boys, when he cannot over men; and Caesar will rather be primus inter ultimos, quam secundus inter primos, the first of the lowest rank, than the second of the highest; for so saith Plutarch of him: oppidulum in Alpibus praetergrediens Caesar▪ mallem (inquit) apud hos primus esse quam Roma secundus.  
* 26. Vxore illum praesertim instigante.  
His Wife animating him thereunto.  
The desire of sovereignty is a vanity which attends both sexes. The bachelor in King Arthur's Court being adjudged to die for deflowering a Virgin; having had his pardon obtained by the Queen, was enjoined upon pain of death, that within a year and a day he should inform her of the thing which all women most desired; whereupon (as Chawcer says) he took his horse and rid fare and near, [but he ne couth arriven in no cost where he might find in this mattiere two creatures according yfere, some said riches, some honours, some jollines, some (to use his language) lust a bed, sometime often to be Widow and wed, some to be flattered and ypraised, some to be accounted stable, and eke secree] but meeting with an old wowan, she rounded him the ear and plainly told him it was sovereignty, which being made known to the Queen at the end of the year and day: There was neither Widow, Wife or Maid, that contraried what he said; they all acknowledged it was place and precedency which they most affected. When the Ladies held a Council for the reformation of such abuses as were crept into their Commonwealth; these grievances were opened, and a reformation desired; First, they shown where in times past women were distinquisht by their attire, the Noble from the Ignoble by habits rich and plain, the married Wife and Widow from the Virgin by habits of gravity and modesty; the case is now altered: it is a hard thing now to distinguish jone from my Lady, and the Noble from the Ignoble, or a Matron, Widow or Wife from a Virgin; the Plebeians are grown to that height of pride, that they are not ashamed to invest themselves in aureis, argenteis▪ florulentis, holosericis, ungulatis & maeandratis vestibus, dum interim maritus domi consuat calceos, in cloth of gold and silver, in silks, flowered, waved and embroidered; whilst in the mean time their husband's fit cobbling of their shoes at home; sublatus est pudor, adeo ut quidvis usurpet quaelibet, order which is the preserver of honour is neglected, and the Plaebeians are grown lawless, and wear what  they please. Again, they shown that in times past none were allowed to have their Coaches adorned with silk and Ivory, but only Ladies and Gentlewomen of quality; but now the Plaebeians and women of low degree presume to have them so to the great wrong of the higher powers; nam si pilentis & lecticis eboratis & bisso tectis vehuntur plabeiae, quid relictum est Potentibus & Nobilibus? if a woman of low degree shall be permitted to have her coach adorned with Silk and Ivory, what honour can it be to a Lady to have it so? Again, they shown how that in times past none were allowed to have their anteambulones and laterones, their Gentlemen-ushers, and yeomen, but only women of quality; but now the woman of low degree will not stir forth without her usher before her, and her yeoman after her. Lastly, (which is most pertinent to our purpose) they shown how they had lost much of their honour which did of right belong unto them by yielding too much to the desires of the masculine sex, how they were debarred from bearing all Offices of authority in the Common Wealth, and desired to be satisfied why they should be allowed (as it was due unto them,) pre-eminence at the Table, the right hand in the streets and in all public places, and why they should be incapable of Magistracy, contrary to their ancient Custom; but while they were thus parling, Misogynes passing by, and hearing their discourse, rudely steps in to them, and wished them to remember that they were not made to rule but to obey, that they were inferior to men in every respect, that by reason of them men undergo all the misery in the World, that they are of themselves unperfect Creatures, and for that cause every woman desires to be a man; that they are cold and timorous, and therefore not fit to undergo the offices of the Commonwealth; that if they should be admitted to any places of Command, and should but once transgress the bounds of chastity, they would dishonour themselves and their places in perpetuity; when as the same offence in men is many times passed by and soon forgotten; that men accompanying them, become imperfect, and for that cause hate them most that had their virginity, and that women accompanying men become more perfect, and for that cause love them best that had theirs; which Philogynes hearing began to grow in choler, and plainly told him he was in an error, and that he would make it plainly appear unto him and all the World, that women (according to the naturalists) are no way inferior unto men: for if they be, (said he) it is either in respect of their substance or their accidents; but in respect of their substance it cannot be, because they are both of the same substance, and (according to the Logicians) are a species comprehended under one and the same genus: and in respect of their accidents it is not, because it must be either in respect of the accidents belonging to the body, or the accidents belonging to the mind: if by reason of the accidents belonging to the body, it is because men are more strong, more agile, and more laborious than women; but that's no reason: for that among men the strongest are not in most esteem, but the wisest; if by reason of the endowments belonging to the mind, it is because men are more wise, more valiant, more temperate and more just than women; but that is no reason, for that we may read of many women that have governed Kingdoms with as great wisdom as men, to have been as excellent Philosophers and Poets as men, to have led on Armies in the field as courageously as men, to have decided controversies in the Courts of justice as judiciously as men, and to have been as sober and temperate in the whole course of their lives as men; yea which is more, if any pre-eminence be to be given concerning the endowments of the mind, the woman is to have it, because her flesh is more delicate and tender, and according to Philosophy, the more delicate the constitution of the body is, the more excellent are the endowments of the mind; for that the form follows the temperature of the body; and where you allege that a woman is an imperfect creature without a man, you might as well say a man is imperfect without a woman; for being that God made man and woman to increase and multiply humane generation upon the face of the earth, both are imperfect without each other; and to speak the truth the woman in that case is the more perfect of the two, and is to have the pre-eminence, if any pre-eminence be to be given, because that man engenders with delight without any trouble, but the woman brings forth with sorrow, and not without hazard of life: and where you allege that every woman desires to be a man, to the end she may be more perfect, certainly you are deceived in the end; for they do not desire it, to the end they may be more perfect, but to the end they may avoid that tyranny which men have usurped over them: and where you say that man is hot, and woman cold, and by how much heat is to be preferred before cold, by so much is a man to be preferted before a woman; it is true, heat is the more noble quality of the two, if we consider it in the elements as they are simple, but consider it in the mixed bodies, there it is otherwise; for if cold cause women to be timorous and fearful which is a defect, heat causeth men to be furious and frantic, which is an excess, and it cannot be maintained that a man that is a fool, because he hath more heat than a woman, aught to be preferred, because a wary distrust in a woman which proceeds of cold, is to be preferred before a rash and giddy forwardness in a man which proceeds of heat; and where you say that had it not been for a woman man had never tasted of misery, you might as well have remembered, had it not been for a woman man had never tasted of felicity; and where you say, if women should be advanced to any places of Command, and should but once transgress the bounds of chastity, they would dishonour themselves and their places in perpetuity: when men do often transgress in that kind, and no notice taken of it; certainly that is the fault & folly of the times, that do not lay the burden upon the right horse; the man deserves to be condemned and the woman pitied; for being that the hardest stone is in time worn by the soft drops of rain, the strongest fort with often batteries leveled with the dust, & the gravest judge with bribes & flatteries corrupted; why should a poor weak woman if after a long siege she yield herself captive, be condemned, and not rather he that made the breach? and where you say, that man hates the woman most that had his virginity, because thereby he becomes more imperfect; and the woman loves the man best that had hers, because thereby she becomes most perfect. I confess there is such a problem, but you are mistaken in the reason of the problematist; it is not because the man becomes more imperfect, & the women more perfect; but because the man is fickle, whom he loves to day he hates to morrow, and the woman constant in her first love to her first lover: & that I may fully stop your mouth, I will tell you of some women whom you shall hardly find me men to parallel; there was one Mirte, the first Queen of the Lydians, who was of so low a stature that she seemed to be a Dwarf, yet of so great a spirit, that she led on Armies in the field, and decided causes in courts of justice; insomuch that the Lydians thought it no dishonour to them to give her the precedency amongst their Kings. Cornelia the Mother of the Gracchis was more honoured in Rome for the Lectures which she read, than her sons were for the Victories which they obtained; of whom Cicero gave this testimony, that he never knew out of so weak a body to proceed so strong a wit: Arete the daughter of Aristippus read the Natural and Moral Philosophy Lecture 35 years in Athens, whom the Athenians honoured with this Epitaph, here lies Arete, il splendore di Grecia, la quale hebbe la bellezza d' Helena l'honesta di Tirma, la penna d' Aristippo, l'anima di Socrate, e la lingua di Homero, the splendour of Greece, who had the beauty of Helena, the honesty of Tirma, the pen of Aristippus, the spirit of Socrates, and the tongue of Homer. Policrata the daughter of Pythagoras, was so wise and learned, that it is said of her, che piu uáleanole parole che ella diera parlando con la rocca e il fuso, che la filosofia che suo padre leg geva nella Academia, that the words which fell from her when she was at her spindle and distaff, were more witty and pithy, than the Lectures which her father read in the schools. Nicostrata the Wife of King Evander, was so well versed in Poetry, that it was said, had she lived in the days of Homer, il nome di Homero sarerbe gia devantato oscuro, Homer would have been but an obscure man. Astemia and Assiotta, the two scholars of Plato, were in such renown in their generations, that Plato did more glory in the ready apprehension of the one, and the strong memory of the other, than he did in all the Scholars that ever he read unto. In the conspiracy against Nero, in which both men and women were engaged, when the men by tortures discovered their brethren, friends, and kindred, Epichaira with all the tortures that could be devised, could not be drawn to discover one; so Leona for the like constancy was honoured by the Athenians: in honour of whom the portraiture of a Lioness without a tongue, was set up in brass before the Capitol in Athens. The women of Lacedaemon deserve perpetual memory, who when their children had quit the field, and cowardly run away, their Mothers met them, and in derision asked them: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: whether they thought it possible for them to receive them into their wombs again, and hid them from their Enemies; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, It is a most injust thing, and it will ever redound to your dishonour to lose that Country, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which your forefathers enjoyed many generarions, and left unto you as your just Inheritance: and so they returned and got the glory of the day. The Persian Ladies are not to be forgotten, who never triumphed more than when their Children died fight, and were never more dejected, then when they heard of their cowardice and running away. Unto these I might add the three Daughters of Laelius, especially Sabina; the twenty Ladies that are so often remembered in our Histories, whereof ten were of Greece, the other Roman Ladies, who were all Crowned with Laurel, and had statues of brass with their names inscribed upon them erected in perpetual memory of them. Admit them (quoth Philogynes) that women have their imperfections, shall they therefore be debarred of all rule and aurhority; for the same reason I may except against all men, for that the most noble spirits of the world have not been free from imperfections. We read of Plato, who for his incomparable understanding was surnamed the Divine, that he was so besotted with the love of his Archenasse, that he made many verses in the praise of her; of Aristotle, who shined amoagst learned men as the Sun amongst the Stars, that he was so enamoured with a common lost woman, named Herpyllide (whom he kept 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 until his death, as Atheneus hath it in the 13 Book of his Dipnon-sophists) that he consumed in the sight of all men, and became a stranger to his study; of Pericles, that he was so besotttd with his Aspasia, that his friends were ashamed of him: the like is reported of Demosthenes and Isocrates, which gave just occasion to Lais a lost woman, to say, hearing some highly commending them for their wisdom and learning; I know not well what their wisdom and learning is, but this I know well, that am but a woman, and never read in the schools at Athens, that they come often to my School, where of learned men they become foolish lovers; the like is reported of many Noble Princes; of Demetrius King of the Athenians it is said, that he was so taken with a lost woman, named Lamye, that he lived but in her, and abandoned his Wife Exoine for her sake, that he gave unto her eleven talents of Silver, which the Athenians gave unto him to pay his Soldiers, and so much honoured her at her death, that he caused her to be buried before his window, to the end he might not forget her. Of Pyrrhus' King of the Epirotes, that he was so much taken with another lost woman, that he carried her along with him to the wars in Italy; of great Manileus, that he spent more Money in the courting of Flora, then in the conquest of his Enemies. Hereby you may know (Misogynes) that aswell men as women are subject to imperfections; so as if you will exempt women from bearing of rule because of their imperfections, I may except against men (as I have said) for the same reason; wherefore when you speak of women, remember your Mother (Misogynes) and speak more moderately, lest the dogs eat you as they did Euripides for the same crime. Philandrogynes hearing this hot dispute between Philogynes and Misogynes, endeavours to moderate the business, saying, though I do not attribute so much unto women as Philogynes doth; yet I may not derogate so much from them as Mysogynes doth; but as they are species comprehended under one Genus (as hath been said) so I think it very fit that according to the Laws of Lycurgus, they should bear equal authority, though in a different manner, that is, that the man should rule abroad and the woman at home; and to pacify the Ladies (whose thoughts could hardly be confined within so narrow a room) he shown how Lucretia, that was so famous amongst the Romans, was not so much commended for her Noble Parentage, Beauty, chastity, or any thing else, as for this, that upon the return of her Husband from the Wars, when other Ladies were from home feasting and dallying, her Husband found her in her house spinning. How it was the constant custom of the Roman Ladies to be either in the Temples praying, or in their houses sowing; as it was of the Roman Lords, to be either in the fields fight, or in their studies reading; and how that a good housewife will find all the delights in her house, which may be found abroad; if she have a desire to make any visit, at her door she may visit the poor, the lame and the blind; if she have a desire to show herself in her bravery, whose approbation can give a better lustre to her attire then her Husbands? if to sport and play, she hath her Children to dally with; if to command, she hath Servants, who are bound to obey her. So the assembly broke up, the Ladies went home well satisfied, and Philogynes and Misogynes were reconciled. It is said that Gabalo set up this assembly which the Grecians called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to this end to keep the Ladies from idleness, the seminary of all wickedness.  
* 27. Dignitates immoderatè exercuit.  
He exercised the dignities which he purchased with excessive usury.  
It is a principle amongst hucksters, and such as have deal in the World, that they that buy dear must sell dear. It holds in spiritual preferments, he that emptieth his bags in buying of dignities, will fill them again in selling of Benefices, and poling of under Officers; it was so in the days of Richard the First, when William Longshampe Bishop of Ely lived, and long before him in the days of William Rufus when the monk of Malmsbury exclaimed, proh dolour, Ecclesiae nummis venduntur & aere, and it will ever be so. Aristotle seems to uphold the trade, Consentaneum est (saith he) ut ij qui emunt magistratus quaestui habere assuescant remp. cum ●d eos largitionibus ascenderunt; it is good reason that he that buys authority, should make some profit of his authority; but let us take heed how we follow Aristotle's consentaneum, lest we partake of the Bishop of Ely his supplicium. Of the excessive pride and oppression, and of the fall of the Bishop of Ely, vid. Mat. Paris Anno 1190. in R. 7. & Polid l. 14.  
* 28, Quidam comes Warwicensis ab Ed. 4  
An Earl of Warwick raised to such a height of power by King Edw. the 4.  
This is the great Earl of Warwick that set up and pulled down Kings. Richard Nevil the son of Richard Nevil, Lord Chancellor, and Earl of Salisbury, he was Lord high Chamberlain, Constable of Dover Castle, Lord Warden of the Cinque●orts, and Admiral, and indeed had the whole power of the Kingdom in his hands; I may well say the whole power; for he had not only the command of the Ports and Navy, but he had the command of the hearts of the people, insomuch that they that knew him say, quocunque ille inclinaret, populus aut saltem major pars populi inclinabat; which way soever he went, as a torrent he drew the people along with him; and to give him his due, fuit verè nobilis quasi prae aliis notabilis; nam ab ineunte aetate (as Historians report of him) non solum veris virtutibus mirabilis, sed etiam art● quadam in ostentatione earum virtutum compositus; he was truly noble, for from his childhood he had not only rare and admirable gifts of nature, but he had art and eloquence to express them; by means whereof he grew gracious in the sight of the people; amongst other his virtues he had two most eminent: Magnanimity and Liberality, which will win the heart of an enemy: his Liberality he daily shown in his hospitality, his Magnanimity and valour as at divers other times, so especially at the first battle at St. Albon Anno. 1455. ubi ille primus omnium regios milites praelio lacessit, as my Author saith, where he himself made the first assault against the King's Army, and after a doubtful warlike dispute which continued for the space of three or four hours, prevailed, and slew Henry Lord Piercy the second Earl of Northumberland, the Lord Clifford, and the Duke of Somerset; Edmond Beauford that Duke of Somerset, qui tot annos pro patria stren●è pugnasset adversus Francos, that adventured himself many years against the French in the behalf of his Country; miserabile sanè spectaculum quod à suis civibus occideretur, as that Author saith; a sad spectacle, that he that so often adventured himself for his country should be killed by his country men: but in abattell when all parties are in the higth of fury there is no distinction; the Earl buried him nobly, which was as much honour as he could do to one that fought against him; the Earl married Anne the Sister and Heir of Henry Duke of Warwick, King of the Isle of Wight, and the favourite of King Henry the sixth, (who died at Hanly where he was borne; being now the Inheritance of the 
(g) Sir john Russel of Strencham was Mr. of the Horse to Rich. the Second; and many descents before him was there one Tho. Russel of Strencham the Family quarter's many Coats, but the paternal Coat (as I take it) is argent, a Cheurom, between three Crosses, Crosses Sables.  russel's of Strensham; I cannot say the most eminent house of that name; but this I say, that I cannot find, others peradventure may, any family of that name more ancient, I will not except the most eminent) in whose right he was Earl of Warwick, and had a massy estate; by her he had issue two daughters, Isabella and Ann whom he married into the Royal blood, Isabella to George Duke of Clarence the brother of King Edward the fourth, the eldest son of King Henry the sixth, who was slain after the battle at Tewxbury: and afterwards to Richard 
e This honour is aptly compared to Sejanus his horse. Tho. of Wouldst. Duke of Gloucest. was strangled at Calais An. 1397. Tho. L. Spencer Earl of Gloucest. was beeheaded at Bristol An. 1400. Humphrey Duke of Gloucest. was strangled in the Abbey of St Edinbury An. 1446. Richard Duke of Glou. was slain at Bosw. an. 1485.  Duke of Gloucester who was slain at Bosworth; this man notwithstanding he had been thus advanced, fell off from the King, and the cause of his revolt was for that he being sent into France to treat of a marriage for the King, the King in the mean while married with the Lady Grey, which the Earl taking to heart conceiving it to be a great wrong unto him to be so deluded, confederated with George Duke of Clarence his son in law to set King Henry the sixth at liberty, being then in the Tower of London; but it is conceived that this was but a pretence, and that their intention was to settle the Crown upon the Duke; for it is not probable or credible that the Duke would ever agree to settle the Crown out of his own house upon the house of Lancaster; and hereupon there was a bloody battle fought at Danes-moore not far from Banbury, and was called Edgcote field, where the King's Army was defeated, and not long after the King taken prisoner at Wolney a village near to Northampton, and conveyed to Warwick Castle, and from thence to Middlenam Castle in Yorkshire, out of which he escaped, gathered new forces, and at Stamford in Lincolnshire encountered and overcame the Earl, and made him fly for succour into France; but not long after the Earl returned, and having assistance from the King of France, put the King to the worst, made him forsake the Kingdom and fly for relief to the Duke of Burgundy: which Commines imputes to the King's credulity in relying too much upon the marquis Montacute, who when he had most need of him revolted to his brother; but not long after the King returned, and upon an Easter day after a bloody fight at Barnet, the King prevailed and slew both the brothers, the Earl and the marquis, which ended the controversy; and as the loss of the other battle was the revolting of the marquis Montacute from the King to his brother, so the loss of this was the revolt of the Duke of Clarence the Earl to the King his brother. Some say that after the battle was ended, Richard then Duke of Gloucester slew King Henry the sixth in the field with his own hands; but that is a mistaking; for Richard Duke of Gloucester did not kill Henry the sixth after the battle at Barnet, but he killed Edward the fifth his eldest son after the battle at Tewxbury with his own hands; for without doubt Henry the sixth was murdered in the Tower of London, whose death was much lamented, for he was a good man though not so good a King, fuit vir miti & simplici ingenio, qui pacem bello & honestum utili anteponebat, quo nemo probiùs, nemo castiùs, nemo sanctiùs vixit, non inhiabat opes, nec sitiebat honores, hast animae tantûm saluti studebat; he was a plain dealing man, one that preferred peac● before war, and honesty before profit, that was honest, chaste, and religious beyond comparison, that was neither covetous or ambitious, but addicted himself wholly to the study of Divinity, as the Historians that writ of those times say, but in another manner do they speak of his Wife, they say that she was bello metuenda virago as Ovid speaks of Pallas, foemina virilium operum plena, & gloria appetens, that she had a manly courage, and was thirsty after sovereignty that she was the cause of all her husband's troubles, that she was taken at the battle at Teuxbury, that she was ransomed by her Father, and died in her own Country beyond the Seas. vid. Commin. lib. 3. & Polid. lib. 23.  
* 29. Wolsaeus apud Henricum octavum  
Tho. Wolsey very gracious with the King.  
Thomas Wolsey was the son of a mean man in Ipswich in the County of Suffolk, ubi magnificae structurae fundamentae postea locavit; he was bred up in Magdalen College in Oxon, and was a Schoolmaster after of the School there, who having the Tutelage of three of the marquis Dorsets Sons, the marquis gratified him with the Benefice of Lymminghton, which was his first preferment; afterwards he made in to 
(k) The posterity of Sir Richard Namphant, remains to this day in Worcestershire. The family quarters. 5. Coats. The First, Sables a Cheveron Ermine between three dexter-wings argent. The Second argent, 3. Fox's passant a zure. The Third Checkie or and Sables, a chief argent Gutty. The Fourth argent, a Lion Rampant Gules, between a bordure Sables Besanty. The Fifth parted per Pale, Argent and Gules by the name of Fleet.  Sir Richard Nanphant, than Treasurer of Calais, a man in great account with King Henry the seventh, and became his Chaplain, who finding his abilities, being grown in years, committed a great part of the burden of his office to his care, and at last for the good service that he did him, preferred him to be one of the King's Chaplains; not long after by means of the Lord Lovel and Doctor Fox than Bishop of Winchester who were the most potent men with the King, he was sent Ambassador into Flanders to Maximilian the Emperor: in which Ambassage he behaved himself so discreetly, that the King at his return rewarded him with the Deanery of Lincoln, and afterwards made him his Almoner, which were (as I conceive) all the preferments that he had in the days of King Henry the Seventh; but soon after in the days of King Henry the Eighth, he became to be one of the Privy Council, and to be so gracious with him, that he sent him twice into Flanders upon Embassages, to Charles the Fift, and once into France, to Francis the First. After he made him Bishop of Turney, Bishop of Lincoln, Archbishop of York, Abbot of Saint Alban's, Chancellor of England, and the receiver of the profits of the Bishopric of  and Wells, Worcester and Hereford; and as if all these preferments had not been sufficient to support the magnificence of a Priest, he being legate a latere, by express Authority from the Pope, got into his hands, opes & praedia quadraginta monasteriorum, ut eorum emolumenta in collegiis extruendis impenderet: of which the King took advantage; for seeing the Crows were gone, corvorum nidos penitus distruendos esse curavit, ne iterum ad cohabitandum convolent; he took care to have their nests thrown down, that they might never come thither again to take up their residence, and so pulled down the monasteries, which might have stood a great deal ' longer, had not the Pope and Cardinal opened that gap, and shown the King the way; by which mean, which Polydore terms singular nefass, he obtained so great a revenue, that they which were most intimate with him, and best knew his estate, report, quod annui proventus plures fuerant quam fi omnes hujus regni Episcoporum atque etiam Decanorum possessiones hodiernae in unum aliquem conferrentur, that his yearly come in did amount unto more than the revenues of all the Bishoprics and Deaneries in England; but how did he employ this great revenue? he was no miser or hoarder, nec erat tam studiosus in rebus comparandis quam liberalis in clargiendis; neither was he so careful to get, as willing to disburse; for having got this immense estate into his hands, immediately his thoughts run how to dispose of it; and first the Muses came into his mind the advancement of Learning, and therefore his first design was to build two famous Colleges, one in Ipswick, the other in Oxford; the one being the place where he was borne, the other where he was bred; he aid the foundation, but (I know not why) he was prevented, so that he could not finish them; the one continues, the other is demolished. That in Oxford he Christened with his own name, and named it the Cardinal's College; but that name continued not long, but it received another name, and was called Regium Collegium, King's College; yet that name continued not long; for the King not willing to assume the honour to himself, to be the founder of a College which was founded by another, entitled it Aedes Christi, Christ Church, which name it still retains. This the Cardinal intended to have made a College beyond comparison; for had he had his liberty to have gone on, and finished the other parts of it proportionable to the Kitchen (which rather resembles, 
Vnde fuit quod quidam satyricem scripsit, quod animus erat in patinis, popinam ●●erfecit, Collegium incoepit.  dinastae habitationem quam obsonatorum apothecam) there is no College in Christendom that would have been comparable to it for magnificence; but one thing unhappily fell out; upon the Tower in the great Quadrangle, where the Ensigns both of the King and Cardinal were engraven in stone, the Cardinals had the precedency as Founder, which did not a little move the King, but that I impute to the workmen; by reason that in a window not much distant, the Cardinal to manifest to the World his original, and that whatsoever he had, he had received by the gracious favour of his Prince, 
(i) Non ignoro quod aliqui sunt qui hoc esse factum in contumeliam suam volunt, sicut in Gallia, in caenaculo suo insculpsere g●lerum Cardin litum cum p●tibulo supra.  caused above his Ensign to be lively pourtraited for his crest, Molossum ovinam scapulam arrodendem, a Mastive-dog knawing of a shoulder of mutton, because that those kind of dogs are most commonly kept by Butchers, erat enim lanii filius, and he was not ashamed of it, and therein he shown not only a great deal of humility, but a great deal of worth and wisdom; for it is no dishonour to descend from mean Parentage, by reason the greatest Rivers have their beginnings from little Springs, and the greatest Families from mean beginnings; but if he had set up the Crest of any great Lord or Prince, that would have been a dishonour unto him, and shown a great deal of arrogancy in disclaiming his father that begot him; Neither did the Cardinal's thoughts rest here upon these foundations, but he raised them a great deal higher; for if not at the same time that he laid these foundations, yet not long after, quasi natus ad splendida tecta erigenda, he built those two Princely Palaces of White-Hall and Hampton Court, 
Novam regiam quae nunc a splendore aula candida dicta, etc.  which do exceed all other the King's houses; the one for entertainment, the other for magnificence, which indeed did a little exceed the degree of a Priest; I might add a Subject; for that in all the Histories that I have read, I do not find any Subject to have done so great things, unless it were Cosmo de Medicis, a Citizen of Florence, who built two Churches in the City, and a Monastery, and three Monasteries in the Country, and an Hospital at Jerusalem for Pilgrims, and endowed them all, and for himself a house in Florence, admired for architecture by the best Architects, and in the Country not fare remote from the City four stately Palaces; yet lived as a Citizen, married his Daughters to Citizens of his own rank, and died a Citizen, about the year of our Lord 1464, without any title of honour; but his Posterity was abundantly rewarded for his good works; for the Florentines out of his Family chose their Dukes, which do continue Dukes of Florence, and are named afther his name of the house of Medicis; but to come to the Cardinal, the retinue of this Cardinal, fidem superat; and for mine own part I cannot believe the report which is given of it; it is repotted, quod assiduo famulitii obsequio aderant Comes unus, barones novem & multo plurimi equites & armige●i; that an Earl, nine Barons, and many more Knights, and Esquires were Servants in ordinary to him; it may be they might daily resort to his Table, quasi famulitii, as duly as if they had been his domestic Servants, which they might do without disparagement of themselves; for being that he was quicquid esse voluit, whatsoever he would be, and obtained quodcunque voluerit, whatsoever he asked, & non domi tantûm, sed & foris, for the King himself acknowledged, & see & regem Galliae a Wolsaeo regi, I could not blame the Nobility to make in unto him, both for their own good, and the good of their friends; but that they should stoop so low, as to become famulitii quotidiani, daily waiters upon him, whose beginning was so fresh in memory, cannot enter into my thoughts. This Cardinal that was so great to day in honours, in possessions, in attendants, I cannot say in treasure, for that went out as fast as it came in, the next day, or within few days after became so mean, ut non modò supellectilem, sed etiam pecuniam under aleretur ab amicis sumere necessum habuerit; that he was enforced to be beholding to his friends, not only for Money, but also for necessaries, which gave occasion to his Enemies thus (but without cause) to descant upon him.  
Vilia qui quondam miseris alinenta negavit,  
Nunc mendicato pascitur ille cibo.  
It is reported, that upon the Message which the King sent unto him, by the Dukes of Suffolk and Norfolk, to retire to Asher in Surrey, being a house belonging to the Bishopric of Winchester, and not fare from Hampton-Court, that he continued there with his Family twenty days, without either beds, sheets, table-clothes, or dishes to eat his meat; which report I do not believe; and if it be true, yet I conceive it was his own desire to have it so; for being that he wanted no kind of Provision for his Table, as is acknowledged by the same reporter, he could not have wanted those necessaries, if he had desired them of his Servants, being persons of quili●y and estate, and such as did adhere unto him in both fortunes; as namely Sir William Gaescoigne his Treasureur, Sadler the Clerk of his Kitchen, (as I take it), afterwards Sir Ralph Sadler, who left a fair estate in Worcestershire, and Cromwell his receiver, especially of Cromwell, of whom the greatest Enemies to the Cardinal gave this testimony, quod nemo erat Caerdinalitam infensus quin Cromwelli fidelitatem summis laudibus extolleret, quod dominum suum in summa calamitate non deseruit, sed totis viribus defendere conatus est; that there was no man so much offended with the Cardinal, but highly commended Cromwell for his fidelity to his Lord and Master in his greatest extremity: in few words all his Servants loved him, and adhered to him to the last; and not without cause; for as he wa● a good Steward to his Master, so he was a better Master to his Stewards and his followers; thinking upon nothing more than how to advance them; he was twice accused of Treason, but what that Treason was, we shall know apud Graecas Calendas, for he was never attainted or convicted, only he submitted to a praemunire brought against him in Parliament, by which his estate was confiscate; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he died of a Flux in the Abbey of Leicester, and was buried. Divers are the votes that are given of this Cardinal; Polydore condemns him in every thing; but Polydore was a stranger, an Italian; and had his errors, as they that are familiar with him, know better than I; but Cavendish that was his Gentleman Usher, and wrote his life, and knew him better than Polydore, in most things speaks in another manner of him; and for mine own part I am of his opinion that says, si ingenii dotes tam habuisset temperatas quam habuit illustres, quantum fortunae habuit & gloriae cupiit, tantum & meruisset, if he had not strained his thoughts unto too high a pitch, but had confined himself within a mean, if one man might have deserved so m●ch as he had, he might have deserved it; for that I cannot find that ever he reflected his thoughts upon himself, to raise any house of his name, but ever sent forth his Treasure in handfuls, that came in in spoonesulls, and what he had, the King knew, the Kingdom knew, because he exposed it daily to view; he that diligently reads this story will find that the King from the beginning used the Cardinal but as a sponge. vid. Godw. de Epis. Angl. G. Cavend. in vita Wolsaei Polyd. lib. 27. m. H. S. & Thu. lib. 1.  
* 30 Inter tres Principes.  
He carried himself indifferently between the King his Master, the King of England, and the Duke of Burgundy.  
Never did the Kingdom of France produce a more turbulent spirit then this Constable; he was the only Incendiary between the King his Master, the King of England, and the Duke of Burgundy, and his ambition ever was rather to be feared then loved, for which he grew 
a Odimus accipitrem qui semper vivit in armis.  contemptible, and his death often threatened before it happened. Commines writing of the tumultuous broils that happened between these Princes, shows that there were two principal motives that occasioned the Constable and the Duke of Guienne to kindle the fire; one was their own safety; for they did conceive if there were a peace concluded, that either the one or the other would fall fowl upon them; the other was to compel the Duke of Burgundy by a War, if they could not otherwise prevail, to marry his daughter, being his daughter and heir, to the Duke of Guienne; and these designs were manifested to the Duke of Burgundy upon the delivering up of St. Quintin's, and Amiens to the King; for the Duke being much troubled for the loss of these towns, in a friendly manner writ unto the Constable not to press a War, being that there was no defiance offered; unto whom the Constable perceiving that he stood in fear of him, which was the thing he aimed at, returned a peremptory answer to this effect, that there was but one way for him to help himself, which was to bestow his daughter upon the Duke of Guienne; which if he would do, not only the said Duke but divers other Lords would declare themselves for him against the King, and he would redeliver St. Quintin's and Amiens unto him, and assist him with all his power, otherwise he would pursue the War; which answer the Duke having received, resolved to undergo any misery rather than to have his daughter taken from him in that way; and thereupon forthwith acquainted the King with those and the like letters which he had sent to the King of England, who immediately revived the agreement made at Bonvines concerning the death of the Constable. Of the letters which the Constable sent to the Duke of Burgundy, and the King of England, see Commines lib. 4. c. how the agreement at Bonvines was afterwards ratified, and he delivered by the Duke of Burgundy coming to him upon safe conduct, see Commin. lib. 4. See more of the Constable in the general History of France in Lewis the 11.  
* 31. Peculasus accusatus, suspendio affectus.  
Enguerrande for robbing the King's Treasure was accused, and hanged.  
Enguerrande was Earl of Longuevill, and Superintendent of the Treasure under Philip the fourth called the fair, and did him good service; but Charles the King's brother conceiving inplacable hatred against him in the beginning of the reign of Lewis Hutin accused him for robbing the King's Treasure, and gave this in evidence against him; rerum vires nervusque pecunia est; te interrogo Enguerran● cujusnam pecunia arcaque recondita clausaque cupiditati tuae fuerit? non interrogo quam amplum patrimonium relictam tibi a Parentibus fuit; tu te creasti, tu te genuisti; ingredere fiscum Regis, inopiam invenies, ingredere aedes istius gurgitis, gazam Persicam invenies; an virtute parta? quae virtus in tali monstro potest esse? and upon this evidence prevailed to have him hanged upon a gallows set up at Mountfalcon. See Paul. Aemil. lib. 8.  
* 32. Petrus Laudoicus apud ducem Britaniae.  
Peter Landais was in the like favour with the Duke of Britain.  
Peter Landais was the son of a very mean man of Vitry in Britanny, and came to the Court very poor, whom the Duke at the first employed to carry his amorous Letters to his Ladies, after made him the Master of his Wardresse, than his Treasurer, and in the end his power was so great that he did in a manner what he would; he was the man that caused the Duke to suffer Chauvin his Chancellor to die miserably in prison of hunger and cold, which so incensed the Nobility that they resolved to ease the Duke of him; whereupon John of Chalon Prince of Orange, and son to one of the Duke's Sisters, and John of Rieux Martial of Britanny, and one of the greatest men in Court, together with the Nobility resolved to surprise him in the Castle of Na●●s, or wheresoever they could find him, though in the Duke's presence; which they performed; And so Peter was arraigned, condemned, and hanged, priusquam causam sciret dux, as Paulus Aemilius hath it. Vid Paul. Aemil. l. 10. c. 8. & supplem. ad lib. 6. Com.   

Observations.  
There is no man so vile and contemptible in the world but is good to some body; this Peter that was thus hanged, did one of the greatest courtesies to King Hen. the 7th that ever was done to him. When King Edw. the Fourth sent unto Francis Duke of Britain, Doctor Stillington with others-laden with Gold, to request him to deliver unto them the Earl of Richmond being his Prisoner, upon pretence to unite the two houses by an alliance; the Duke conceiving that he intended to marry Elizabeth his Eldest Daughter unto him, without any scruple took their Gold, and delivered him; but being informed afterwards by Peter his favourite, that it was but a pretence, and that he meant to cut off his head, sent him post after them; who finding them at Saint Mallo staying for a wind, took a course to have the Earl conveyed into the Sanctuary there; yet possessed the Doctor and his fellows that he had no hand in it, but that he escaped of himself; and when they pressed to have him redelivered, he told them it could not be without his Master's consent, and that they should very speedily know his mind therein; So Peter sent to the Duke, and the Duke sent a peremptory answer that he had once delivered him, and being that through their negligence they had suffered him to take Sanctuary, he would not take him out, but would keep him there or in his own Palace for them, so Peter cozened them of their money and adventure (as he had cozened his Master all his life time,) and sent them home without either.  
* 33, Alvarus de luna jussu Regis.  
Alvarus de luna was by the Kings Command put to death.  
Aeneas Silvius in the forty seventh book of his History of Europe, speaking of the manner of the death of Alvarus, saith, non ignavus occubuit, non lachrymans aut ejulans, sed alacri vultu & quasi ad epulas invitatus numeratis suis in Regem ●egnumque meritis cervicem gladio praebuit; he died not a child weeping and wailing, but relating the good service he had done for his King and Country, cheerfully submitted to the sentence of the Law.  
* 34. Ludovicus potentissimus Rex.  
Lewis the powerful King of Hungary.  
It is worthy our labour to inquire wherein his power did consist; was it in the extent of his dominions? no; for they were no other than were left him; was it in the multitude of his people, or in the abundance of his Treasures? no, for many of his predecessors did equalise him and exceed him in them; 
e Caetera vi aut fraud pertumpas; h●●c arx inaccessa, hoc inexpugnabile munimentum Cicer.  but it was in the true and hearty affections of his people; for never Prince did more affect his Subjects, nor ever a people more affect a Prince, as was manifested by the inconceivable sorrow that was expressed for him, both in the time of his sickness, at his death and after his death. Bonsinius writing his History, saith, that when the people heard of his sickness, ita vulgo trepidari caeptum est, ut suae quisque vitae timere videretur; every one began to fear and tremble as if they had been in danger of death; public prayers were made for his recovery, and the people in every town and Village went to Church to beg of God not to take him from them; moerent juvenesque senesque, and when they heard of his death,  
omnia luctus,  
Omnia solliciti plena timoris erant.  
Quocunque aspicies gemitus luctusque  
sonabant,  
Formaque non taciti funeris instar erat.  
There was nothing heard but lamentations and mourning; the mothers with their children came out of every place to bewail his death with pitiful cries and lamentations as if they had lost the dearest friend in the world; some cried they had lost the most indulgent father, others the most sweet Prince, some the best master, others the best Governor; there was no praelate or Peer to be seen with dry eyes, universa Hungaria veste pulla triennio luctum regionatim celebrabat; nusquam risus, sonus, jocus, chorea, aut aliquod festivitatis genus spectatum est, by a public decree it was commanded that for the space of three years every one should mourn, and all sports should be laid aside: so as in the Prince and People were those old Verses verified, 
Totum est unus homo Regnum,  
Rex caput est, Populus caetera membra gerit.   
* 35. Carolum parvum ex Apuleia accersunt.  
They sent for Carolus parvus out of Apuleia.  
The man that was employed in the business was a Bishop named Zagabriensis, who upon his arrival into Apuleia saluted the King with an eloquent Oration, to this effect etc. The sacred memory of your most Noble Progenitors never to be forgotten, who have ever governed our Kingdom with the greatest Wisdom, hath invited us to come u●to you, hoping that in th●se our extremities you will not forsake us; we are not ignorant most Noble Prince that you are the next Heir to the Crown, and that the government of the Kingdom of right belongs unto you; wherefore I am sent unto you by the most powerful Peers of the Kingdom to entreat you to take into your consideration our distressed estate, and not to prefer an usurped new authority before the ancient right of the Crown of Hungary; how just our cause, is I shall briefly declare unto you. After the death of our Noble King, who deserved well not only of us, but of all the Christian World, for his sake we elected his only daughter Maria to be our King, and commanded that she should be styled by no other name then by the name of King, and caused her to be Crowned with such an applause, that there was not more sorrow conceived at the death of her Father then there was joy at her Coronation. But it so happened that the Queen-Mother assuming to herself the Government of the State during the Minority of the young Queen, took into her Counsel one Count Gara, and what he adviseth only is put in execution; the Counsel of the rest of the Nobility being wholly neglected, so that neither our Queen Maria nor the Queen-Mother, but the Count only governs the Kingdom; he advanceth whom he will, and deposeth whom he will, at which the Peers & People are so much offended, that setting aside law, justice and honesty, many robberies are committed, many Towns burnt, many men's cattles driven away, civil discord ariseth between the Peers, and many other enormous outrages have been and are committed among the people; for reformation whereof I am now sent to your Excellency to entreat you with as much expedition as you can to come into Hungary, and to take into your Possession the Kingdom not delivered unto you by us, but of right belonging unto you as your ancient Inheritance, which you cannot refuse to do without incurring the most ignominious blurs of sloth and pusillanimity; after the delivery of this speech (which Bonsinius hath most exactly written in Latin) Zagabriensis delivered unto the King the Letters of divers of the Nobility of the Kingdom of Hungary, whereby he assured him of their fidelity towards him, the King having read them hearty thanked the Lords and Zagabriensis for their good will towards him; and because it was a business of the greatest consequence, he took three day's respite to return an answer, and in the mean time commanded that Zagabriensis should be honourably entertained; but before the three days were expired he acquainted his Queen with the effect of the Ambassage, who thereupon fell into a great passion, and with tears cried out, O quam malis hue auspiciis infausti ad nos legatiad-venêre! O quam depravato cuncta judicio (mi Carole) pensitasti! nescis, heu nescis quam gravis fuerit Vngaria malorum omnium officina; how unhappily are these Ambassadors come unto us? O my Charles how art thou mistaken in entertaining their Ambassage? thou dost no● know, alas thou dost not know how Hungary hath been the storehouse of all manner of wickedness: how there is nothing but fraud and dissimulation to be found there? how they never speak what they think, and change their minds ten times in an hour: wherefore my sweet husband, O my sweet husband, believe not their fair promises, if you desire the safety of you and yours; let the remembrance of King Lewis your noble friend that deserved so well of you and your father never departed out of your memory; call to mind I pray you how not long before his death he sent with you into Italy a Troop of Horse, and how you enjoy by his means the Kingdom of Apuleia; you have enough if you can content yourself in Italy, here is your Kingdom, here is your Wife, here are your Children, here in your Hungary, fight for this and defend this. O do not, do not go about to violate the will of your Noble friend, who bequeathed Hungary to his Daughter Maria, and her to Sigismond the son of Charles the Emperor, and Apuleia unto you; assure your self that if you do offer the least wrong to this innocent, whom her Father hath designed to sit in the Throne, God will take the quarrel into his hands and be revenged of you; for that he never suffers any wrong done to the innocent, especially to those of the weaker sex, such as are Widows and Orphans, to go unpunished; and so upon her knees did beseech him, per Deos, per Caelites, per Liberos, per cunctaque humana & divina ne expeditionem hanc infaustam suscipiat; for God's sake, for his children's sake, and as he desired to inherit heaven, and to enjoy his Possession quietly on earth, not to take so great a burden upon him; but notwithstanding all these persuasions and entreaties, the hope of a Kingdom prevailed with him; so that at the end of the three days the King sent for Zagabriensis, and signified unto him that he was resolved to pursue the design, and if the business succeeded prosperously, he would not be unmindful of them that had been so mindful of him; whereupon Apuleia is fortified with strong Garrisons, preparation is made for the voyage, the King passeth the Seas, landeth in Hungary, and is received with the greatest applause that may be, every one promising his uttermost endeavour to settle the Crown upon him. Elizabeth the Queen-mother, and Maria the young Queen being given to understand of all passages that fell out, Sigismond being at that time in Hungary to learn the language of the Country, the marriage o● a sudden between him and Maria was solemnised; which being accomplished, Sigismond betook himself to Bohemia, leaving Maria in Hungary, whereof when Carolus was given to understand he was somewhat daunted, knowing how potent an enemy he had drawn upon him; shortly after the Queen-Mother and the young Queen sent a special messenger unto Carolus, to know the cause of his coming into Hungary, and to signify unto him that if he came as a friend, he should have the best entertainment that Hungary could afford him; Carolus dissembling his intentions, sent them word that the cause of his coming was to settle things in a right course in Hungary, he understood it was in a combustion, and that for the love he bore to the deceased father of the young Queen, he thought himself bound in duty to use his best endeavours to reconcile such as were at variance, and rectify the things which were out of order; which answer of his being made known to the Queen-mother, and the young Queen, and being given to understand that he was coming towards Buda, in a chariot richly adorned they met him, and with this compliment saluted him; nemo satis charitatem tuam (Carole) admirabitur, gratissimumque avimum dignis laudibus persequetur, qui nostri gratia etc. Sir we cannot sufficiently express our thankfulness unto you, who have for our sakes, and the memory you have of our deceased husband, left your Kingdom, your Wife and Children, and past the seas and mountains to visit us in these our extremities; you show yourself now to be a branch of that Royal stock of our deceased husband, in that you are not unmindful of those good offices which he when time was did for you and your father; and although it lies not in our power to requite those your great favours being poor women, yet assure yourself that God will requite you for them abundantly, and we shall ever think ourselves much bound unto you. Charles still protests, se magnanimi piique Ludovici beneficia nunquam obliteraturum, that he will never forget those noble favours of King Lewis; but notwithstanding his protestations he takes upon him the Title of Protector of the young Queen, and under colour of that takes possession of the King's House, and not long after the Title of King; and in the presence both of the Queen-Mother and the young Queen is Crowned; the poor Ladies being now dispossessed of all kind of dignity, and living after a sort private lives have no body to discover their discontents unto, but only to the count Palatine, who taking into his consideration their miserable Estate, bethinks himself of a course how to settle them in their former estates: and for that purpose agrees with one Blasius Forgath to kill Carolus, promising him a great reward, and withal to be a perpetual friend unto him; and for the better effecting thereof he desires the Queen-Mother to send unto the King, to do her so much honour, as to come unto her on such a day, and pretend that she had received letters from young Sigismond, and that she would acquaint him with the contents of them; the Queen pursues the direction of the Palatine; the King at the day comes accordingjy, and sitting between the Queen-Mother, and the young Queen, Forgath espying his opportunity, with his sword cloven his head down to his eyes, of which wound he immediately died; Forgath for the present escaped, but not long after both he and the Palatine were butchered in the same manner; for Carolus being dead, and all things well settled in Hungary, the Queen Mother, the young Queen, Gara, and Forgath, together with divers others going upon pleasure to see the lower parts of the Country; John the Governor of Croatia, being one that wished well unto Carolus, upon a Saint James' day provided a Troop of Horse to entertain them, who violently assaulted them, slew Forgath and Gara, turned the Chariot over and over, ravished many of the Ladies, surprised the young Queen, and brutishly dragged the Queen Mother by the hair to the Governor, who upon her knees desired to have her life saved, and the life of the young princess, and to impute the miscarriage of things to the weakness of their Sex, who are not able like men to manage businesses of so high a nature; but in vain; for that night the governor caused the Queen-Mother to be drowned, and imprisoned the young Queen, where she remained for a time, yet at last he set her at liberty, and sent her unto Buda with a Troop of Horse, where she was with much joy received.  
But did this bloody minded Governor escape unpunishted? no, for immediately after the Coronation of Sigismond, which was in the fourth year after the death of King Lewis, his Queen Maria did earnestly importune him to take revenge of that bloody parricide, qui sacro cruore manus foedurat, who thereupon raised an Army, pretending to go against the Turk into Bulgaria; but being in a readiness he went against the Governor of Croatia, and within short time took him Prisoner, caused his hands to be bound to hot irons, and his flesh with burning pincers to be pulled from his body, and what remained to be divided into four parts, and to be hanged upon the Gates of the City; the rest that were accessaries to the Queen's death he caused to be beheaded.   

Observations upon the usurpation of Carolus.  
Whatsoever is gotten by usurpation is never of any long continuance. Henry the Fourth, King of England, and King Henry the fift may peradventure for a time enjoy the Sceptre, but the male quaesiitis non gaudet tertius haeres, the Grandchild Henry the sixth shall never enjoy it quietly; Richard the third may peradventure for a time flourish and prosper, but God in the end will release a poor Prisoner out of Britain to take revenge of the blood of his Nephews; 
King Hen. the 7th was 15 years a Prisoner with the Duke of Britain, Com. lib. 6.  Carolus of Apuleia may for a moment insult over the weaker Sex, and usurp upon Maria, but in the end, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 right will prevail; Leo minimarum avium pabulum fiet, and the Crows shall prognosticate his destiny; ferunt enim (as saith Bonfinius) quod paulo post Coronationem Caroli innumera multitudo Corvorum regiatecta circumvolabant, & tu●matim fenestras impetabant, & veluti strangulati crocitabant, & nulla vi repellipotuissent, Bonf. lib. 3. dec. 1.    

CHAP. II.  
* 36. Quisque peculiari munere devinctus est.  
Every one is called to one calling or other.  
SAint Gregory condemneth the vain conceit and presumption of those Astrologers that attribute so much unto the Planets, that say, if a man be borne under jupiter he is destinated unto riches and honour; if under Mercury, unto Wisdom and Knowledge; that give the reason wherefore seldom is the rich man wise, or the wise man rich, for that these Planets are seldom in conjunction, Jupiter being the slowest of the Planets, and not being able in a less space than twelve years to compass the Earth, and Mercury being the swiftest of them, every year going about it, so as they seldom meet, or if they do they stay not long together; this foolish conceit every Christian ought to reject, for that we are taught, that there is nothing done in the World without the divine providence of the Omnipotent; the World is a Stage, and every one that cometh into it hath his part to act assigned him from Heaven; to one the part of a King, to another of a Subject; to one of a Priest, to another of a Prophet; to one this, to another that; David, Cyrus, Paul, jeremy had their several parts, David had his, dixit Dominus Prophetae, surge unge hunc, hic est ille, the Lord said unto Samuel, rise up, anoint him, for this is the man; Cyrus had his, propter servum jacobum & Isralitum electum meum, propterea me vocasti de nomine tuo, cognominavi te quamvis ignores me; Saint Paul had his, Paulus apostolus non ab hominibus neque per hominem, sed per jesum Christum ac Deum patrem qui suscitavit eum ●● mortuis; and the Prophet jeremy had his, cum nondum formavissem te in utero matris agnovi te, & cum non prodiisses e vulva sanctificavi te, & Prophetam ipsis gentibus constitui te. There is no man so mean and contemptible, but hath his part assigned him, and though in the first or second scene he may personate some fisherman, shepherd, or herdsman, yet oftentimes in these poor men doth God show his power and omnipotency. Da●id was for many years 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a poor shepherd, forlorn and neglected, and not esteemed as one of the sons of less, for when the Prophet came unto Bethlem, and invited less with his Sons to a Banquet, David was not amongst them; Sala and Nathaniel, Rael and Asam were there, but as for David he was in the fields with his flocks; and when as the Prophet would have anointed one of them, because they were fair and of comely countenances, the spirit of God sharply reproved him, saying, God judgeth not as men do by the outward lineaments of the body, but by the inward perfections of the mind, and that the man that he looked after was not there, the Prophet then enquiring what other Sons he had, David was then made know unto him, and of him he said, hic est ille, and thereupon  
Vngitur Iessaides qui regia sceptra gubernat, David was anointed.  
* 37. Contemptus inter fratres.  
joseph was hated of his Brethren.  
He was hated even unto death; for had not Reuben stickled for him, and shown them how abominable a thing it was to murder a Brother, an innocent Brother of tender years, whose years required their tuition; and for no other cause, but because of the blessings which God had bestowed upon him, of which they might be partakers, by reason of their nearness in blood unto him, they had killed him.  
* 38. Venditus in servitutem.  
joseph was sold into bondage.  
The Merchants that bought him were cer aine Merchants of Arabia, that carried Spices from the Country of Galedena into Egypt, who sold him again to Potiphar the Steward of King Pharaoh his house, in whose service he behaved himself so well, that his Mistress fell in love with him, and because he would not yield to her amorous encounters, she accused him to her Husband, that he attempted to solicit her Chastity, and to defile his bed.  
* 39 Conjectus in Carcerem.  
joseph was cast into prison.  
Upon the false accusation of his Mistress he was cast into prison, where he remained for the space of two years; but in the end God delivers him, and verifies the vision which he saw in his dream, that his Brother's sheaves of Corn worshipped his, and that the Sun, Moon, and Eleven Stars humbled themselves before him, Exod. 37.  
* 40. Per aequa & iniqua gratiam Principis qu●runt.  
They seek by fraud, bribery, and all other unlawful means to attain their ends.  
Nemo unquam imperium flagitio quaesitum bonis artibus exercuit, saith Tacitus, with whom agrees Josephus in his seventh Book of the antiquity of the jews, saying, that he that hath attained to any honours and preferments by undue means, will not stick to use means more pernicious to continue the same. So did joab (as we have said before) to support his magnificence murder Abner and Amasa; so did Sejanus to support his greatness make love unto Livia the Wife of Drusus, and procured her to be accessary to her husband's death, as Tacitus hath it in the fourth Book of his Annals. So did Tigellinus by his wicked practices, wherein only he did excel, oblige Nero unto him. Tacitus lib. 14. So did Perennis advise Commodus to take his pleasure in the Country. Dion Cas. lib. 72.  
* 41 Ministri facinorum ut exprobrantes aspiciuntur.  
Prince's ever behold the instruments of villainy with threatening looks.  
Antigonus was used to say, Proditores tantisper amo dum produnt, hast ubi prodiderunt odi, that he loved the Traitor until he had done his work, but then he hated him; Princes will not endure to look upon such villains but with threatening looks; so Nero beheld Anicetus that slew his Mother, as we may read in the fourteenth book of the Annals of Tacitus; so David beheld the Amalekite that killed King Saul, and joab that slew Abner and Amasa, as we may likewise read in the beginning of the seventh Book of josephus of the antiquity of the jews, and in the second of Samuel the first chap. so Caesar Herotodus and Achillas that presented him with the head of Pompey, as Plutarch hath it in Pomp. so Clodovaeus them that betrayed Cannacarius unto him, as Paul. Amilius hath it in Clodov. Quintus Curtains in his fifth and seventh Book of the gests of Alexander, saith, that it was one of the last requests that Darius made unto Alexander, ut ultionem sceleris erga se perpetrati non negligeret, that he would not forget to punish the villain that betrayed him, but make him an example to the ages to come; yet not so much for the wrong done unto him, as for the safety of Princes, and the terror of such as should dare to lift up their hands against their sovereigns; and as the some Author saith, Alexander was not unmindful of him, for after that he had delivered him into the hands of Oraxes the Brother of Darius to the end to cut off his ears, his nose, and to torture him, he caused him o be put to death, and rewarded the Soldiers that brought him unto him.  
* 42. Exprobrat Hermolaus Alexandrum.  
Hermolaus was not afraid to upbraid Alexander.  
Ex desperatione crescit audatia, & cum spei nihil est sumit armaformido; libenter cupit commori qui sinc dubio scit se moriturum, he that is out of all hope to live will not be afraid to speak his mind freely. Hermolaus being resolved to die, upbraided Alexander so far that his aged father Persepolis was ashamed to hear him, called him Traitor, and would have stopped his mouth; but Alexander desirous to hear what he would say, suffered him to speak; whereupon he spoke thus (as Curtius in his eighth Book hath it) quota pars Macedonum saevitiae tuae superest, small is the number of the Macedonians remaining that have escaped your cruelty. Attalus Philotas, Parmenio, Lincestes, and Clitus are now dead, they were the men when time was, that exposed themselves to dangers that you might ride in triumph before your enemies, and you have well rewarded them; with the blood of some of them you have besprinkled your table, and not suffered some others of them to die a simple death; thus the Captains of your people have you tortured, a pleasant sight indeed to their enemies the Persians to behold; Paermenio by whom you slew your servant Attalus, was put to death without judgement, and thus you use the hands of us poor men to kill one another; and such as even now you employed to torment others, straightway you command to be tormented by others.  
* 43. Experti sunt Sytalcles & Cleander.  
Sytalcles and Cleander found by experience that Princes will not endure the instruments of villainy,  
When Sytalcles and Cleander, Agathon and Heracleon who by the King's appointment had put Parmenio to death, returned from the Province, whereof they had the government, accusers of all conditions followed them; the Priests accused them that they had made spoil of every thing, not abstaining from the Temples and the sacred things; the Virgins and the Ladies of the Province accused them that they had laid violent hands upon them and ravished them, especially Cleander, who after he had ravished a Virgin of a Noble Family, servo suo ut pellicem dederat, gave her to his slave to use as his Concubine, 
lib. 10-  yet (saith Curtius) the foulness of these enormous offences did not make them so odious in the sight of the people, as the kill of Parmenio.  
* 44. Non patitur quenquam etc.  
It is an inconvenience which attends ambition that it never suffers any man to rest satisfied.  
Sensit Alexander testa cum vidit in illa  
Magnum habitorem, 
luv. Sat. 14.  quantò faelicior hic qui  
Nil cuperet, quam qui totum sibi posceret orbem.  
When Alexander beheld the Cynic in his Tub, he envied his happiness, saying, happier is he that looks after nothing than he that desires to have the world at will; non qui parum habet, sed qui plus cupit, pauper est, saith the wise Heathen, 
Sen. Ep. 2.  he is not poor that lives in a cottage with content, 
k Cui satis est quod habet, satis illum constat habere. Cui nihil est quod habet satis illum constat egere.  but he is poor that possesseth the whole world and is not content; what can he enjoy that is possessed with an unclean spirit? ambitious thoughts are like so many furies torturing of Orestes, O si pateant pectora ditûm, quantus intus sublimis agit fortuna metusque, saith Senec▪ in Hercule Oetae●, if the mi●ds of ambitious men were laid open, a man should see them rend in sunder; for as the body with stripes, so is the mind with ambitious thoughts tortured and tormented; si cogitationes ejus essent venti, desideria ejus aquae, multo periculosius esset in animo ejus navigare quam in alto mari, if his thoughts were wind, and his desires water, it were safer by many degrees to sail in the Ocean then in his tempestuous stomach, as saith Gueverra; one while he inclines to the cape of the good hope, where being arrived in safety, he desires to go ultra Sauromatas & glacialem Oceanum, and is as far from his journey's end as he was at hi● first setting forth; nunquid enim improbae spei satis est: eò majora cupiunt quo majora venerant, the greedy minded man is never satisfied, the more he hath the more he desireth; wherefore Erasmus wittily, long periculosior est ebrietas ambitionis quam vini; nam Cyrus temulentus in comaedia postquam obdormivit sobriè locutus est; at animus ambitione ebrius raro aut nunquam expergisci aut resipiscere solet; it is far more dangerous to surfeit with ambition than wine, for that he that hath surfeited with the one, after he hath slept may recover himself, but seldom or never doth the other become himself again. In Titii jecore, in Tantali fame, in Ixionis rota, & in Sisiphi saxon misera ambitiosorum conditio scitè demonstratur per Poetam.  
* 45 Nutu aut manu loquebatur.  
He never expressed himself at home but either by nod or hand.  
Our Author out of Tacitus doth observe it to be a badge of pride in Pallas that he never did express himself at home but either by nod or hand; but I am more charitable, I think it a high point of wisdom in him.  
Dum tacet indoctus, poterit cordatus haberi,  
Is morbos animi namque tacendo tegit.  
This Cosmo de medicis knew well, who being asked by a great Burgomaster, how he should carry himself in his place, answered, Vesti di rosato e parla poco, put thyself into the habit of a Senator, and say little; and this the old Romans knew well at that time when they desired of the Grecians a transcript of their Laws; upon a time the Romans became earnest suitors to the Grecians to send them a transcript of their laws, which the Grecians taking into consideration, after a long debate resolved to yield unto their request, and to send one of the wisest men amongst them with it, with a Commission to deliver it, if he found them learned and capable of them; if ignorant, then to bring them back again; of which their resolution the Romans having notice, having no man within their Dominion that was able to compare in learning with the wise man of Greece, they resolved to attire a fool in the habit of a Senator to encounter him, and gave it in charge to him, that he should look gravely, and say nothing, for that they thought it would be no dishonour to their Nation to have the wisest man in Greece to gravel and put to a nonplus the veriest fool in Rome; whereas if they should employ one of their wisemen, and he should be foiled, it would be a great dishonour to them; the wiseman of Greece arriving at Rome, the fool in his Senator's habit with a low congee salutes him: the wiseman thereupon held up one of his fingers, intimating thereby that he was sent by God the Father, which the fool misconstruing, conceiving that he intended to put out one of his eyes with his finger, held up three of his fingers, intimating unto him that if he went about with his one finger to put out one of his eyes, he would with two of his fingers pUt out both his, and with the third disfigure his face: which the Grecian interpreted that he was sent by the three Persons in the Trinity, God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost; the Grecian than opened his hand, intimating thereby that God being the fountain of goodness had sent him with their laws unto them, which the fool misconstruing, thinking that by the opening of his hand he meant to give him a blow on the ear, clutched his fist intending to requite him with a bloody nose, which the Grecian interpreted that he meant that God in his hand was able to hold the universe; and so esteeming of the Romans by the gestures of the fool to be a wise generation, he left his transcript with them; Echo, (saith my Author) come questo savio filosofo Greeeo futacendo vinto da un pazzo Romano, behold how a wise man of Greece was deceived by a fool of Rome that held his peace. Silence by the ancients hath ever been held a commendable virtue; and therefore did they oftentimes express themselves in silent and dumb shows. Sartorius having a desire to disanimate the Portugals from fight with the Romans whilst their Army was united, caused to be delivered to a weak old man a stout and warlike horse, and to a lusty young man a poor weak jade, commanding them both to pull off their tails; the young man pulled and pulled, and pulled again, and often pulled down the jade, yet could not pull off his tail; the old man took another course, he did not attempt to pull off his tail at once, but pelo a pelo, hair by hair, by little and little he pulled it off: intimating unto them that it was but lost labour to set upon the Romans whilst their Army was united, but if they could divide it, they might do some good upon them; the like is reported of Scilurus, King of the Scythians, who drawing near unto his end, called for his quiver of arrows, and in the presence of his Sons, being eighty in number, he caused one of his servants to try whether he could break them in the quiver or no, who made many attempts but in vain; then he commanded him to take them out one by one, and then he broke them without any difficulty; thereby intimating unto them, that so long as they were united, and lived in Peace one with another, no power was able to hurt them; but if they fell to discord, they would all by degrees come to nothing. In like manner did Tarquin discover himself to his son Sextus; Sextus having taken many captives, sent to his Father to know what he should do with them, who not willing to discover himself by his speech to the Messenger, took him aside into his Garden, and with his knife cut off the tops of the herbs, and cast them on the ground, whereby he gathered that Tarquin would either have them banished or put to death; in the same manner did Agesilaus reprove the Sophister. Agesilaus upon a time hearing a Sophister making a great flourish in a business of small consequence, shown him a great shoe and a little foot; thereby intimating unto him how unseemly it was for a man to exceed a mean. Thus did the Ancients oftentimes by signs and mutes express themselves; non tacuisse nocet, nocet esse locutum, says the Poet, the overflowing of the tongue doth often bring shame and dishonour to a man, but seldom doth the ebbing any harm; wherefore the wiseman in Apelles shop was pictured with his finger on his mouth, and with wide ears, to show that a man should hear much and say little.  
* 46. Fastus hujus species maximè hodiè usitata.  
This kind of Pride is come into fashion in our days.  
Solomon in the first of Ecclesiastes asketh this question, estnè aliquid de quo dicitur aspice hoc novum est, is there any new thing under the Sun? is there any thing now that hath not been in times past, or was there any thing in times past that shall not be again in time to come? ut pedem primò intra domum ponas, as Seneca hath it in his sixth Book de benefici●s, the wall and the first entrance into the house was much stood upon in the days of old, and is it not come again in fashion in our days? stellarum decursus quicquid praeteriit repetit; observa orbem rerum (saith he in his 36 Epistle) in se remeantium, & videbis nihil extingui, sed vicibus descendere acresurgere, there is a kind of revolution of things in the World, and no fashion now that hath not been in the days of old.  
* 47. Avaritia bellua immanis, intolleranda.  
Avarice is a Beast insufferable.  
The naturalists do distinguish the Beasts of the field to be either Beasts of prey, or mild and gentle Beasts; if they are Beasts of prey, they are of a ravenous nature, live upon the spoil of harmless creatures, and are unprofitable both in life and death, as Vipers, Tigers, Wolveses, Foxes, and the like; if they are mild and gentle Beasts, than they are of a sociable nature, live upon such things as the earth naturally brings forth, and are profitable both in life and death, as the Sheep, the Dear, the Coneys, and the like; dum vivit vipera mordet & veneno enecat, & post mortem odore sanieque inficit; dum vivit ovis lacte untrit, lana vestit, & cum moritur utile corium praebet, totaque esculenta est; the Covetous man is a Beast of prey, a ravenous Beast, who whilst he lives morsu vipereo by his cutthroat dealing spoils and depopulates wheresoever he comes: and when he dies venenato exemplo by his ill example poisons and infects all that are near him. Rabelais hath a tale of a Mare, which Phaio King of Numidia sent out of Africa, who coming into a Wood near Orleans, containing in length 35 miles, and in breadth 37, with her very tail in a moment hewed it down, parmi par-là comme un fae●cher fait d' herbs, as the Author saith, as a mower would do a handful of grass with the sith. I cannot compare our Beast here to any thing more aptly then to this Mare, who by an Art which he hath, is able to throw down Towns and Steeples, and like another Circe turn the Inhabitants into stones, having eaten them up. Seneca in his 60 Epistle admires the nature of the Beast, and makes an enquiry, why nature gave him so little a body, and so great a belly; Taurus (inquit) paucissimis jugerum pascuis impletur, una silva elephantis plurimis sufficit; homo & terra pascitur & mari; quid ergo tam insatiabilem nobis natura alvum dedit, cum tam modica corpora dedisset, ut vastissimormm ed●●issimorumque animalium aviditatem vinceremus? minimè. The bull (saith he) is satisfied with a few Pastures, one Wood will suffice many Elephants, but Sea and Land will not suffice this Creature; why hath nature given us so little bodies and so great bellies, that we should surpass the most devouring Creatures? no certainly; the son of Syrack demands qui sibi ipsi malus est, cuinam erit bonus? to whom will he be good that is not good to himself? certainly he will be a good prey for his Prince, a good Mark for a thief to shoot at, and a good companion for Judas to have his habitation in the air, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
* 48. Dicta in seulciscuntur.  
They punish words spoken against themselves in a high degree.  
Our Author noteth it to be a badge of cruelty in Pallas, to take advantage of words, and to prosecute the speakers with severity; and indeed it is so, if they be spoken in heat and choler; for though the giving of the lie (as Paulus Aemylius observes) makes a deeper impression in a noble mind then any wound; yet in point of honour if the party shall acknowledge his offence, and withal, that he is sorry for it, it is a sufficient satisfaction: but I make a great difference between words hastily spoken, and words spoken out of rancour and malice upon some injuries conceived to have been done; as if it shall fall out, that between two Merchants that have traded together, some differences have grown, and the one shall maliciously give out of the other, that he will be a bankrupt within such a time, and general notice is taken of it; no private acknowledgement can be a satiafaction for this public wrong. So in point of judgement if a man hath had a cause depending before a judge in the consistory, who hath given sentence against him, and he shall maliciously give forth that the judge is corrupt, of which public notice is taken, no private acknowledgement can satisfy this public wrong; so in the case of a Peer of the Realm, if any one shall give forth, that he is a sour of Sedition, and a disturber of the Peace of the Commonwealth, though he will in private acknowledge his offence, yet it is not sufficient to satisfy the wrong which he hath done; for public scandals ought to receive exemplary punishment.  
* 49. Divisiones serunt & alunt.  
They sow Sedition, and maintain a Faction amongst the people.  
Some have been of opinion, that a Faction is necessary in a Commonwealth, by reason that if one side should mutiny, the other would be ready to suppress them; again by this means a Prince should have intelligence of all things that pass; but the most judicious are of opinion that there is nothing more dangerous to the safety of a Prince; for that men being naturally fickle, and desirous of changes and alterations, will be ever ready to revolt, and turn to the contrary faction; again a Prince cannot carry himself so equally and indifferently, but one of the factions will conceive that he is against them, and then to fortify themselves will have correspondence with his Enemy; wherefore when the King of France sent one of his Governors to pacify a tumult, which was occasioned by reason of a Faction, the Governor told them, that it would be very distasteful to his Master to hear of a Faction within his Dominion, though the Faction did incline to himself; for where there is a Faction, there must be an adverse part; and his Master would have all such as lived under him to be his friends; of whose opinion was Commines, as appears in his first and sixth book, where he will not allow of a faction in a settled government, unless among the Ladies of the Court, or the servants of a private family, to the end the one might have an eye to the other in the master's absence; and to that end did Marcus Cato ever maintain such a faction in his family, of whom Plutarch says, quod inimi●itias saepe inter servos familiae suae conserere solebat.  
* 50. Lex Talionis.  
The law of Talio.  
This Law was induced by the Pythagoreans, by the Authority of Rhadamantus (as Aristotle hath it in the fift book of his Ethics) 〈◊〉 it is approved by the Turks, 
Alcor. Azo.  and was executed upon the Bishop of Verdom by Lewis the eleventh as Commines hath it in his sixth book; and certainly a more just Law cannot be then to punish the projector, and him that induceth innovations into the Commonwealth in Perillus his bull, then to squize the extortioner, and to swill the bloodsucker in blood.  
Nam si quis quod fecit patiatur justissima lex est.  
* 51 Perilli taurus.  
Perillus' first felt the punishment of his new inventions.  
Perillus an artificer found out a kind of torment to punish Delinquents which was never heard of before, being a Bull of brass, into which burning fiery hot they were to be thrown; which being given by him to Phalaris, he caused him as a just reward for his innovation first to season it.  
Artibus ipse suis tauri fabricator aheni,  
Primus inexpertum Siculo cogente tyranno,  
Sensit opus.—  
* 52. Non sufficit benè caepisse.  
It is not sufficient to begin well.  
If he that plants a vineyard be not as careful to hedge it in as he was to plant it, he shall receive but little fruit of his labour; if he that builds a ship be not as careful to furnish it with tackle as he was to build it, his ship will do him but little service; if he that wins a Castle, be not as provident in the keeping of it as he was in the getting, it had been better for him in the beginning to have sat still and done nothing; in vain do we blow, sow, reap, thrash, winnowe, and bring our corn unto the mill, if the mill be out of order, and shall spoil it after so much pains taken; finis coronat opus; if Nero his last days had been like to his quinquennium, he had been one of the most renowned Princes of the world; if Tiberius had ended his reign as he began, he had excelled Augustus: but because they desisted the ways of virtue, their faults were more conspicuous, and it had been better for them never to have known them, then having known them to abandon them again, so as it is not sufficient to begin well.  
* 53. Fortuna caeca nos efficit caecos.  
Fortune being blind, blindeth them whom she doteth upon.  
The Heathens of old time deified fortune, (under which name they comprehended worldly prosperity) for a blind Goddess, that sits at the door of felicity and keeps out mortals from coming to the tables of the Gods, 
k Improba non novit leges fortunae; illa odit plerumque bonos blanditur iniquis.  that rules upon earth without reason and understanding, that makes fools her favourites and wisemen her vassals, that is as variable as the Moon, and whom at first she most affecteth, at last she most neglecteth, that begets children like herself, mad, and blind, and brutish, lifteth them up to the clouds, where she suffers them for a time to domineer over the inferior bodies, and afterwards to make herself merry, throws them down with a vengeance, and sits laughing at them.  
Ridendo fallere novi, Sub risus specie deprimo quem que mei.  
* 54. Ne quenquam suorum.  
Maecenas counselled Augustus not to suffer any of his Peers to grow too great.  
It hath been a custom amongst the Turks (as we may read in their general History in the reign of Amurath the third) for the Princes assoon as they have been Crowned, to put to death their younger brethren, that so the eyes of their Subjects may wholly be fixed upon them; in other Countries it hath been a custom to oppress and keep under the Nobility for fear of Rebellion; but these bloody and barbarous customs have been used only amongst barbarous men, & in debellatis regionibus, and in Countries that have been conquered; but in every Christian settled Commonwealth the Peers are to the Prince as the stars to the firmament, their greatness is his glory; for the greater they are, the greater must he needs be that commands them; it was the common saying of Ptolemy King of Egypt, quod regalius est super divites dominari quam divitem fore; when Maximilian the Emperor would at any time set forth the glory and magnificence of the Roman Empire, he was used to say, that the Emperor of Germany was Rex regum, for that he had a superintendency over such as had power to make laws, raise Soldiers, and coin money, whereas other Princes had not so; when a controversy grew between two great Lords upon this occasion, quod alter altero potiorem se esse dixisset, that the one should say he was a better man than the other, it was thus decided, that the one should acknowledge that the other commanded better men than he. The wise King saith, in multitudine populi consistit dignitas Regis, in the multitude of Subjects consisteth the glory of a Prince; 
n Huc valdè pertinet illud Castilionis; si Circe aliqua Gallos omnes in feras commutaret, nun Gallorum Regem Principem despicatissimum diceres, etiamsi imperium in tot belluas haberet? e cont● a si omnia armenta quae in montibus circumvagantur in potentes & sapientes transfererntu●, nonnè pastores harum belluarum tanquam dominos po●entissimos aestimares?  it is as true, in magnitudine populi, in the greatness of Subjects consisteth the glory of a Prince; every mean cotrager hath pira & cerasa, Pears and Cherries in his Orchard; but every mean Cottager hath not Palmas & Cedros, Palm and Cedar trees; every mean Gentleman hath his horses and dogs, but no● his Pumiliones, Leones, & Tigers, his Dwarves, Lions, and Tigers; 
m Animalia rara apud principes olim in pretio fuere. Dicitur de Ludovico, two quod valde operosus erat in raris animalibus comparandis; e Britannia canes grandi pecunia summa comparabat, ex Sicilia mulos, a Neapoli spetiosoes equos, ab Africa genus parvulorum leonum. Com. lib. 9  these rarities are ensigns of greatness, and provided for Princes an great personages. Every petty Prince and mean Lord hath the command of macellarios, usurarios & ferrarios, of Butchers, Brookers and Braziers; but every mean Lord hath not a command of a loyal gentry and prudent nobility; Renegathoes are fit attendants for Turks and Tyrants, but for Christian Princes Potentes & Nobiles; 
jer. 1. Lam. 15.  wherefore the Prophet Jeremy doth not complain in his lamentations, that God took from him his macellrios vel usurarios, sed abstulit magnificos meos de medio mei, he took his nobles from him; but yet as it is in the natural body, if the foot shall swell and equalise the head in greatness, there is a depravation of nature, and a deformity in the body; so it is in the politic; if any one of the Peers shall so fare outstrip his fellows in magnificence that the rest must depend upon him, here are two Suns in the Firmament, and this body is out of order; wherefore Maecenas wisely counselled Augustus that he should not suffer any of his Peers to grow too great; what inconveniences have grown by suffering of Peers to grow too great, see Com. lib. 3. of the Earl of Warwick, lib. 4. Of the Constable of France, jean du Seres. Of the Majors of the King's Palace in Clotaire. Clovis 2. Thiarry 2. Childerick 5. and in Pippin, and Dion. Case. of Sejan. lib. 57 & 59  
* 55. Galfridus justitiarius Angliae.  
Geoffrey a justiciary of England by reason of his allies was more feared then beloved of the King.  
Offences are sometimes taken, not given; Matthew Paris speaking of this justiciary giveth this Encomium of him that he was firmissima regni columna, and that after his death the Kingdom was quasi navis sine gubernaculo, Mat. Paris. in joh, An. 1213.  
* 56. Fatum potentiae est quod raro sempiterna.  
It is destinated unto greatness not to be of long continuance.  
The world by the ancients is aptly termed a game of inconstancy, wherein there is nothing but shuffling and cutting; the Card that now is on the top, anon is in the bottom, anon discarded. Tib who whilom ruled as Commanders, the next dealing, if trump withdraw his Colours, are of no better esteem than a common Card; vix horae momentum nonnunquam inter est inter solium & solitudinem (saith Seneca) heur & malheur se suivent tour a tour, good luck and bad follow each other turn by turn; O dii boni (saith the Orator) quid est in hominis vita diu! O good God what is there of any continuance in the World! 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, such as are most powerful with their Princes are aptly compared to counters which now stand for a ●ound, anon for a Cipher; every mortal thing is fading, fleeting and transitory; 
n De Ludovico iidicitur quod dicere solebat naturam hominis novitate delectari, ideoque crebro mutasse cubicularios. Com. lib. 9  The minds of men are desirous of changes and alterations, and those whom we now most affect, anon after we most neglect. Besides the many examples which our author hath set forth, see one memorable one in the general History of the Turks, in the reign of Solyman the magnificent of Abrahem, the Visier Basse Precedent of the Council.  
* 57 Hugo de Burgo proto-justitiarius Angliae.  
Hugh de Burge chief justice of England.  
Invidia virtutis comes; besides the testimony which our Author hath given of Hugh de Burgh, Matthew Paris goes further, and saith, that he was miles strenuus & fidelis, Constable of Dover Castle, which he stoutly defended against Lewis of France and the Barons of England, in the behalf of the King; who when Lewis sent unto him after the King's death, 
Mat. Par. in joh. An. 1213.  to have him deliver up the Castle, with large promises that he would make him one of his Council, and confer upon him many honours, returned this answer, though the King be dead, yet he hath left behind him filios & filias qui ei debent succedere, and that to the uttermost of his power he would in their behalf defend and keep it, 
Mat. Par. in H. 3. initio.  ne illud turpiter reddendo notam proditionis incurreret: yet notwithstanding by the instigation of Peter Bishop of Winchester, the King did not only withdraw his affections from him, and deprive him of his Offices, but prosecuted him with all severity.  
* 58. Plebe vix manibus temperante.  
The people hardly forbearing to lay hands upon him.  
Demosthenes' being banished Athens, lifting up his hands towards the City, made a bitter invective against it, saying, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; O Minerva that hast the government of the City committed unto thee, why dost thou harbour within thee three most insufferable beasts, the Nightbird, the Dragon, and the Common-people? he ranks the multitude in Athens with the most unlucky creatures; and not without cause; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; for the common sort of people in Athens are a most ingrateful and barbarous kind of people, persecuting them most, that have most deserved of them; nullum fretum, nullus Euripus, tantas, tam varias habet agitationes fluctuum; the Sea doth not so often ebb and flow, as the unstable multitude change their minds; if one sheep transgress the bounds of the pasture, all the rest will follow after, and for no other reason, but because he went before.  
When Earl Vlrick Ciliensis was banished by Ladislaus, the people's hatred was such unto him, that had not the marquis of Brandenburg brought him to the Gates of Vienna, the people would have stoned him; yet when the King the next year received him into favour again, 
Aeneas Sil. Hist. Europe. c. 22.  eadem plebs (as Aeneas Silvius observes) quae paulo ante l●tum & lapides in fugientem jactare tentavit sternere viam floribus qua redeunti transitus fuit, non dubitavit; the very same people that threw dirt in his face the year before, strewed flowers in his way the year after When the Nobility of Hungary deposed Maria, and set up Carolus Parvus, the common people cried, susus & colus sunt arma mulierum, & imperium mulieri non aliter quam clitella bovi convenit; down with her, down with her, for that it is against the Law of nature, that men should be subject unto women; Spindle's and Distaffs do better become women than Sceptres: yet not long after, as soon as ever he was Crowned, 
Bons. dec. 3. lib. 1. perun Hunger.  they fell off from him, & quem iniquè (as saith Bonfinius) imprudenterque multitudo affectavit, mutatis subinde animis oderit, whom not long before they so much affected without any reason, within a short time after they hated and neglected; cum fortuna statque caditque fides populi.  
* 59 Inquilini sui putant juris esse.  
Natives think it their Birth right to be governed by men of their own Nation.  
Some have been of opinion, that there is no better way to advance the good of a City then to open the gates to let in strangers into it; for that thereby the City is empeopled, which is the glory of a City; but these men neither taken into their consideration either that of Eunius, Moribus antiquis res stat Romana, virisque, that thereby the foundation of the City, the ancient Laws and Customs are endangered, for that strangers desire to be governed by their own Laws; or the seditious and tumultuous Insurrections which thereby usually are occasioned, for that Natives will not endure that strangers should carry away the fat and sweetness of their Country; or the Laws of Lycurgus, who by his Laws; advenas in urbe residentes abegit ne alieujus noxae doctores forent; others have gone further, and have thought it a special means to advance the good of a City to suffer strangers to execute places of authority there, because thereby correspondency is kept with Foreign Nations; but King James utterly opposeth it, and therefore amongst many other things which he giveth in charge to Prince Henry in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he giveth him this Caveat, cavendum est ut ne peregrino homini publicum mupus committas; and Lipsius shows the inconveniences; thereby (saith he) the Prince draws much hatred upon himself; for when the Natives of a Country, where many able men are to be found, do perceive the Prince to prefer strangers before others, they do alien their affections from them, and oftentimes betake themselves to the service of Foreign Princes; Again, the Commonwealth cannot be well governed, for that it is impossible that strangers should know the manners and conditions of the people, or the state of the Commonwealth in any degree like unto Natives; or if they did, yet generally they fail in fidelity and true affection; nam qui potest in alienam remp. benè agere, in qua illud semper cogitant, mihi istis nec seritur nec metitur? how is it possible that they should advance the good of a Commonwealth, that have always in their mouths, we neither sow or mow there, win or lose, whither it flourish or decline? Again the Counsels of strangers have been ever fatal to all Commonwealths. Alexander malè audire caepit, cum Persas audivit, Alexander then began to fall into exorbitant courses when he listened to the Counsel of the Persians; and then did the Roman States begin to decline, when the Grecians and other strangers bore the sway there; it is observed that as soon as ever Charles the Eighth, King of France, placed Frenchmen to rule over the Neapolitans, by whose assistance he had driven the Spaniards out of Naples, the Neapolitans suddenly revolted; and that as soon as William King of Sicily had made a Frenchman his Chancellor, the Nobility of Sicily conspired together, and in one night slew all the Frenchmen in the Country; wherefore take this for a rule (says one) as it is a certain sign of a funeral cum vespilones, when they that are appointed to carry the dead come into a house, so it is a certain sign of a declining state, when strangers are preferred to sit at the stern, and to govern the Commonwealth.  
* 60. Plerumque isti atque omnes etc.  
Both they and their adherents are ruinated.  
It is fabled of Perseus, that when he went to wage war with Medusa as against the Common Enemy, all the Gods lent h●m a helping hand; Apollo furnished him with a head-piece, gave him wisdom and understanding to consult, Mercury with wings speedily to execute what deliberately was agreed upon: and the other Gods furnish him with other arms fit for a Soldier; and so being armed Cap a Pee, he adventured upon her, and overcame her; a Traitor in a state is like Medusa in Hiberia, hateful both to God and men; he may flourish for a time, but on a sudden he shall perish as if he had never been. In the first and second Scene of the Tragedy, Sejanus may have his statue erected among the Princes of the Nations, may be courted and honoured as a Prince, have solemn prayers made for him, 
Dion Cas. lib. 7.  and the day of his Nativity celebrated, but in the end of it we shall see his statue demolished, the day of his Execution proclaimed holiday, 
Dion Ca●. lib. 58.  and the people vilifying him and insulting over him; nay, more we shall see his children dragged to Execution and thrown into the Gemonyes; 
Tac. lib 2. Arnal.  his beloved daughter, (cui forma eximia fama integra, habilitas corporis, & ingenium tali corpore dignum; so excellently adorned and proportioned both in the outward lineaments of her body, and the inward endowments of her mind that nature could not have framed a more perfect creature) crying, ob quod delictum, & quo traheretur, neque facturum ultra, alas, what have I done, whether will you carry me, forgive me this one time, I will never do so again; nay, more we shall see this beautiful Lady, who by reason of her years was scant sensible of the punishment, not to be permitted to die a simple death; for it being inauditum among the Romans to strangle a Virgin, she must be delivered to the common hangman to be deflowered, and then strangled, and cast into the common jakes; nay we shall not only see Sejanus and his children, but his friends and adherents suffer for his sake; for as Dion observes, 
Dion. Cas. lib. 58.  si nullum aliud crimen objici poterat, satis erat ad erogandam poenam quod amicus Sejani fuit, it was a sufficient cause to question any man for his life that he was a friend to Sejanus; and so much is specified in that Pithy Apology of M. Terentius in Tacitus. 
Tac. lib. 6. Annal.  M. Terent. a Roman knight, being indicted and arraigned for that he was a friend to Sejanus, confesseth and avoideth, fateor (saith he) me amicum fuisse Sejano, & ut essem expetisse, & postquam adeptus eram laetatum; I confess I was Sejanus his friend, and desired so to be, and was glad I had obtained his friendship; for I saw, ut quisque Sejano intimus, ita ad Caesaris amicitiam validus: contra, quibus offensus erat, metu ac sordibus afflictabantur; as every one was inward with Sejanus, so was he graced by Caesar; contrariwise such as were neglected by him, lived in fear and were oppressed; admit Sejanus was advanced without desert, what is that to us? non est nostrum inquirere quibus de causis super cateros tu quempiam extollis; tibi summm judicium dii dedere, nobis obsequii gloria relicta est; aspicimus cui plurima juvandi nocendique potentia datur, quam Sejanum habuisse nemo negavit; It belongs not unto us to censure him whom thou dost advance above other men, nor to inquire for what cause: judgement belongs unto thee, to us obedience; we look who hath most power to do us good or harm, which Sejanus to have had no man will deny; this was a part of his plea; but had he gone no further, he had suffered as many others did; but he goes on, now (my Lords of the Senate) I shall desire your Lordships to take into your considerations not Sejanus his ultimum diem, but his sexdecem annos; if Sejanus became an enemy to the Commonwealth, and plotted Treason in his latter time, let them suffer that did adhere unto him in those his conspiracies; but if Sejanus during the sixteen years that I followed him, carried himself loyally to Tiberius, I hope your Lordships will not confound the times passed with the times present, and include me in the number of them that did adhere unto him in his conspiracy because I was once his friend; and so wisely distinguishing of the times he saved his life; yet hence we learn with what difficulty they escape that have any dependency upon such as are Enemies to the Common Wealth.  
‛ 61. Nihil efficacius Religione sciebat.  
He knew there was no better way to effect his design then to make religion the cloak.  
It hath been a saying of old, that the whole world consists of fools, and that they are the most notorious fools, that think themselves the wisest men; but it is most certain, universum agere histrioniam, which the Grecians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that the whole world consists of dissemblers, and that he that will be free from them must seek an habitation (as Aeneas Silvius observes) ultra Saurom●tas & glacialem Oceanum under the North Pole; perpauci, immò nulli, qui non aliud externè, aliud internè, aliud vestitu, aliud una praedicant; there are few or none to be found that do intent what they speak, or practise what they profess: all are dissemblers. intonsum caput, circumtorta barba, torva supercilies, multoties tegunt animum evangelicum; ècontra cucullus & pallium, vestis cineritia & zona coriacea animum diabolicum; under a rude and rustic vale is couched oftentimes a great deal of honesty, and under the the vale of simplicity and sanctity a great deal of villainy; there are divers degrees of hypocrites in the world, but amongst them the last that I have mentioned is the chiefest; for without doubt there are none so abominable as they whom our Saviour compares to the Scribes and Pharisees, crepantes Christum Christum & Templum domini, that make religion a vale to cover their villainy; an open enemy is easily avoided: but a white Devil, Arsenic infused into Nectar and Ambrosia, an enemy that fights under the banner of love and familiarity, and dissimulation guilded over with sanctity, is hardly avoided, Pippin used religion as a cloak to effect his design; see Du. Seres in Children. in fine.  
* 62. Nihil tam utile quam brevem esse potestatem.  
There is nothing so requisite as that great offices should not be of long continuance.  
It hath been a question amongst such as have written of commonwealths, whether it be better for the commonwealth to have Magistrates perpetual or changeable; and without question it is better both for Prince and People to have them changeable; for if they have any command of Provinces and Armies, and are mischeivously disposed, they have opportunity to effect their designs having a perpetuity in their places; and the very conceit that they may within a short time be private men, will deter them from committing divers exorbitances; yet without doubt it is not good for the CommonWealth for the Prince often to change them, and that for divers reasons; first, the Commonwealth would suffer much prejudice by it, haud pareit populo regnum breve; for knowing their time to be but short, they would like the evil spirit in the Gospel go about seeking whom they might devour, and make a prey of every thing; and therefore Tiberius being asked, quare ministris diutissimè utebatur, adeò ut plerique iisdem muneribus consuescerent, why he would suffer his officers to continue their places until they came to be old men, gave them this answer, 
o Tac. lib 1. Annal.  hirudines quae multo sanguine rumpuntur, quiescere solent, recentium verò morsus sunc acerrimi; he that is once full will like the leech that is glutted fall off of himself, but if he should often change them, they would like new leeches suck out the very marrow of their bones; to which purpose the answer of the fox in the Apologue is very pertinent, who being taken in a gin, and being much annoyed by the flies, was asked by a goose whether he should drive them away: but the crafty fox answered, deh non far par dio, for God's sake let them alone; for if you should drive away those, others would come in their places that will more annoy me; again the Commonwealth would in a short time be turned up side down; for that there being as many several minds in men as there are men in the world, innovations would daily be induced, for that new Lords would ever be devising of new laws; again are imperandi being ars difficillima, there must be time to learn this art, which being attained unto, then to remove them were to remove a master, to induce his scholar; again able men would not be found to execute those places, for when they know that within a short time they shall be removed, they will not forgo the course of life which they are in for an uncertain preferment; again no sedition (which is the principal cause why the Prorogation of Magistracy is cried down) is hence occasioned; for when deserving men attain to dignities per gradum, no man will repine at them as 
o Quicquid subitò inclarescit obnoxium est invidiae, unde vox odiosa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud Graecos, apud Romanos novorum hominum Cognomen, apud utrosque t●rrae filiorum & è Caelo delapsorum.  they usually do at such as attain unto them per saltum and for money only; so that where the Writers of commonwealths cry down Prorogation of Magistracies, they do intent ●o other than such as in the Persian Dominion was the office of Chiliarchus, in Naples of the Demarchus, among the Turks the Precedent of the Council, whom they called the Visier Bassa, in France the Majors of the King's Palace, and among the Romans the Dictator's.  
* 63. Decemviri.  
The Decemviri were ten select men chosen out of the Nobility that did govern the Roman state until such time as the laws of the twelve Tables, which they had gathered out of the ancient Greek Laws, were confirmed amongst them, they held their places without limitation of time, and during their Government, the authority of the Senators, Consuls and Tribunes were in suspense.  
* 64. Dictatores.  
The Dictator's among the Romans had rigidam & regiam potestatem, a royal power in their hands for the time, and were never chosen but upon special occasion, and continued no longer then for the space of six months, at which time they were tied under a great penalty to yield up their places; according to Livy they were set up in the year 253. after the building of Rome, to the end to suppress the sudden insurrections and tumultuous rebellions which were frequent about that time among the common people; the Grecians called him that held the office of Dictatorship 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi duplicem Consulem or bis Consulem, because he had fraenum Reip. the whole power of the Commonwealth in his hand; he had power to proclaim peace and war, and in his power were the lives and estates of the Citizens; when he went abroad, four and twenty torches, and as many axes, as ensigns of his power, threatening vengeance● to such as should oppose that, were carried before him, and whatsoever he decreed, pro numine habebatur.  
* 65 Ostracismus inventus est Atheniensibus.  
Amongst the Athenians the punishment of Ostracism.  
The punishment of Ostracism was a banishment for ten years (as Aristotle hath it) and it was first invented by Chlisthenes (as appears in Sigonius) he manner whereof was thus; 
Arist. lib. 3. polit. c. 9  
Sig. lib. 1. Athenien.  on a certain day every Plebeian brought a Shell to the Market place, where the Archontes who were the chief Officers of the City met them, 
Diod. Sic. lib. 11. Bibleoth.  and took an account first of the number of the persons that brought the shells; for if they were not full six thousand, there was no sentence given; that being done, they received the Shells of every one; and if the name of any man was found in the greater part of the shells, he was forthwith by the sound of a Trumpet pronounced to be banished. This punishment Aristides underwent, 
Plu●. in Aristid.  for that there being some difference between him and Themistocles, Themistocles prevailed with the people, for that he was grown popular by reason of his justice and integrity, to have him banished by the sentence of Ostracism. Plutarch hath a pretty Tale of a Countryman who going to Market with his shell, met with Aristides, and not knowing him, wished him to write down Aristides name upon it. Aristides then demanding of him, whether the man whose name he would have written down ever did him wrong, answered, no; Neque est mihi notus, verùm valdè stomachor, quod passim justum dici audiam. Neither is he known unto me, but it troubles me much that he is a most just man. This punishment was not inflicted upon Malefactors, but upon such as were grown popular by reason of their virtues: 
Plut. in Pericle & Nicaea.  Cymon underwent it, that had so often enriched Athens with the spoils of their enemies, and because it was inflicted upon so mean a man as Hiperbolus, to whom it was accounted rather an honour then a punishment; it was utterly aoblisht in the Athenian Commonwealth.  
* 66 Syracusanis Petalismus.  
Among the Syracusans the punishment of Petalisme.  
Petalisme was a banishment for five years, which was first induced into the City of Syracuse upon this occasion; 
Plut. in Dionys.  the government being Aristocratical, there was one Tyndaris, that endeavoured to reduce the power into his own hands, which the other Lords perceiving made this Law, that if any one should attempt to make himself absolute Lord of the City, that his name should be written in an Olive leaf, and delivered unto him, and without any other Ceremony he should be banished for five years; by which means the Government in time came to be changed: the Lords banished one another, and the Common people came to be Governors: So the Commonwealth from an aristocraty became a Democraty: Nam destitutis bonis viris rep. pessimus quisque sibi Magistratus poscere caepit.  
* 67. Periculosum est ut authoritas in filios descendat.  
It is a dangerous thing to suffer authority to descend.  
It is a Maxim in the Law, that if a man do enter into another man's possessions, and hold them peaceably all his life-time, and die seized, of them, that the true owner cannot regain them by his entry, but must bring his action, and in a legal way recover them, because by the continuance of possession without interruption, and the dying seized, the Law doth suppose (until the contrary do appear) that he hath a right due to them. In eclesiastical cases nothing is more frequent, then for Parishioners to plead a Prescription per modum decimandi, after two or three Successions, and so debar the present Incumbent to demand his Tithes in kind, whereas the Composition in the beginning was voluntary. It holds in Cases of Honours and Dignities; if a Prince shall graciously confer any great office upon any of his Peers during his life, and after suffer his heir to enjoy it during his, the next heir will not stick to claim it, as his inheritance; so did the Majors of the King's Palace in France to the utter extirpation of the Royal blood; wherefore Q. Fabius Maximus, whose Father, Grandfather, and great Grandfather had been consuls, and he himself five times, seeing the Senate fully determined to confer that honour upon his Son, (tendering more the welfare of the Commonwealth than his own private family) earnestly desired them, us Fabiae genti consulatus non amplius deferretur, that they would not settle that honour upon his house, or make choice of his son; not because he thought him unworthy, or less deserving, than any of his ancestors, but because he thought it a thing of dangerous consequence, ut summum imperium in una domo continuaretur: Nobile quidem dictum, & tali viro dignum; utinam Germani imperatores summum imperium tanquam jus haereditarum sibi vindicantes illud in memoriam revocent.  
* 68 Necessarium est ut princeps plures oculos, etc.  
Aristotle admonisheth Princes to use many eyes and hands, etc.  
It is fabled of Juno that in revenge of the wrong which jupiter did her, in bringing forth Pallas without her assistance, she petitioned the Gods that she might conceive and bring forth a Child without him, and that the gods granted her request, and she brought forth the Monster Typhon, who unnaturally rebelled against jupiter; such as seek with the strength of their own brain to manage the affairs of a State, bring forth Children like unto Typhon, that disturb the peace and tranquillity thereof.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the burden of a Kingdom is too heavy for one man to bear: Tiberius being tendered it, at the first modestly refused it, 
Tacit. l. 1. Annal.  because of the weight of it: if Thales himself (saith Livy) were King, 
Liv. l. 44.  and would undertake to manage all affairs with the strength of his own brain, superbum potius quam sapientem judicarem, I should judge him rather to be presumptuous then wise. Moses the wise Lawgiver, 
Numb. 11.  considering the weakness of humane frailty and his own infirmity acknowledged, non possum solus sustinere hunc populum, quia gravis est mihi. Pericles is commended because he ever used the assistance of skilful men in the managing of the affairs committed to his charge; 
Amirat. l. 5. dissect. polit.  in rebus forensibus, the assistance of Maenippus, in rebus domesticis, of Esialtes. Metiochus is condemned, and the fiddlers sang it every where, Metiochus est dux, aedilis, omnia, pereat; wherefore as that Merchant cannot be said to be provident, that adventures his whole estate in one bottom; so he shall never deserve those attributes that have been given to the most renowned Princes, that relies wholly upon his own brain, or the judgement of any one else.  
Quid gravis Antenor, Prianus quid  
suadeat ipse,  
Consul, queis aetas long a magistra fuit,  
Is good Council, and not to be neglected by such as sit at the stern, and govern the Commonwealth; magna negotia magnis adjutoribus indigent, many weighty affairs do need the assestance of many ablemen; let a man search into all ages, and he shall find that great States did ever use divers Counsellors; one man may see some few things; at esse debent (as Xenophon hath it) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Princes ought to use many eyes. King James in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Prince gives him this advertisement; ne uno eodemque homine in omnibus negotiis utaris: 
Xenoph. l. 8. de Paedia.  and Xenophon gives this testimony of Cyrus, quòd numerando & honorando, that by his liberality, and heaping of honours on such as did him faithful service, he purchased to himself many eyes and ears, so as nothing could be said or done that tended to his dishonour, or the hurt of the State, but he had suddenly notice of it; 
Arist. l. 3. pol. c. 12.  wherefore Aristotle wisely admonisheth Princes to use many eyes and ears.  
* 69. Pessimum est unum magistratus plurimos obire.  
It is most inconvenient to suffer one to undergo many Offices.  
Aristotle condemneth the Lawgivers in Carthage, 
Arist. l. 2. c. 9  that they did not make a Law to prohibit that one man should be & tibieen & suitor, a fiddler and a cobbler; for as in Military discipline, both by Sea and Land, every one hath a proper office assigned him, so should it be in Civil Government: vitiosum est enim eundem multos magistratus gerere. Plato in the second book of his Commonwealth, where he induceth Socrates and Adimantus debating what persons are most necessary in a Commonwealth, after a long debate, concludes, the husbandman, the architect, the textor, and the tailor, to be the most necessary; then Socrates puts this case; is the husbandman bound to spend his whole time in tillage, and communicate the fruits of his labours to the other three, or may he spend the fourth part of his time in husbandry, and the other three in building, weaving and making of shoes; he gives the answer himself, non per jovem; nam sicut bos ad aratrum, equus ad cursum, canis ad venatum, ita quisquam debet eam artem exercere quam didicit, for as the ox is ordained for the plough, the horse for the race, and the dog to hunt; so is every man to follow that vocation which he hath learned, and in which he hath been bred, neque moleste ferat quispiam, quod non est excellens in omnibus; nam sicut impossibile est, ut idem sit & lo montanus' & Melitaea Catella; aut quod vinea ferat at ficus, aut olea botros; ita impossibile est, ut unus excellat in omnibus; neither let it trouble him, that he is not excellent in every thing; for as it is impossible, that one and the same thing should be a Lion upon the Mountains, and a little Dog of Melitum, or that the vine should bring forth figs, or the olive grapes; so it is impossible that any one should excel in every thing. The same Plato in Timaeus, where he bringeth in the Egyptian Priest talking with Solon, concerning the antiquity and government of Athens, saith, that the Egyptian laws and the laws of Athens are in some sort alike; the Artificers in Athens use their trades as they do in Egypt, severally, and not confusedly, every one confining himself to his own trade, and so do the shepherds and husbandmen; and if at any time they transgress their bounds, they are severely punished, by which means, it happeneth that the husbandmen, shepherds and artificers of those places are more skilful in their professions, than the people of all other Nations.  
* 70. Teneriores cum vetulis.  
Prince's should ever join with grave Senators young Gentlemen.  
Examples profit more than precepts; the Senate house and the places of public meetings were the Schools, wherein the Senators did train up their Children. 
Plutarch in Lycurgo.  It was a custom amongst the Lacedæmonians (as Plutarch observes) for the Fathers to bring their Children to their solemn feasts and public meetings, as to public Schools, to hear their grave discourses, and to observe their gestures and behaviour; that so when they grew in years they might be able to tell their Children what they had learned from their Fathers, when they were Children, concerning matter of state and government; yet ever at those meetings the grave Senior, the eldest of the company, did show the door to the rest, thereby intimating unto them, that that which had been spoken of there, must not go out at the door, and be made public to the multitude, but be locked up close in their own bosoms.  
* 71. Princeps interdùm alios praeter Consiliarios debet audire.  
A Prince ought sometimes to converse with others besides his Councillors.  
Every general rule hath an exception; the golden means is nor always to be preferred, as in the case where truth is searched after; verissimè dicitur (saith Erasmus) quod mediocritas saepenumero locum non habet; nam ut inter Cantores ubi voluptas quaetur, nemo magis placet quam qui insignitèr benè cecinit aut egregiè malè; ita ubi veritas quaeritur aut insigniter honesti, aut egregiè stolidi sunt praeferendi; it is fabled of Luna that she would sometimes set apart her Majestical Robes, and vouchsafe to come upon the earth and converse with the shepherds, especially with Endymion whom she favoured above the rest. Children and fools speak truth (which the French thus express, les fols & les infants prophetisent souvent, and the Grecians thus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and whatsoever proceeds from them is well taken, which if it should proceed from wise men, would sometimes be capital; the vulgar in respect of the wise are no other, into whose company Princes have thought it no disparagement to come sometimes in disguised habits, where they have heard those things of themselves and of others which they should never have heard elsewhere; for the Collier when he comes near unto Croyden, having his carcase well lined with Northdowne Ale will talk as familiarly of the King and the Council, and the Lord Major and his brethren, as Hermolaus did of Alexander at his death. Commines amongst the virtues of Lewis the eleventh accounts this not the least, quod diligenter de singulis rebus percontabatur, & cupidè audiebat omnes, never Prince (saith he) gave audience to so many men; never Prince was so inquisitive after occurrences, or desirous to be acquainted with so many strangers: whereby he knew all that were in authority, in England, Spain, Portugal, Italy, and the Signories of Burgundy and Brittanny, as well as his own Subjects; wherefore as it stands not with the Majesty of a Prince to expose himself to the view of the multitude every day, Perche (as saith Castil.) non è al mondo cosa tanto eccellente, nelle quale gli igneranti non si satiano, e non tengono poco couto vedendole spesso; because there is nothing so rare and excellent in the World, but the multitude will undervalue it, and vilify it if they see it frequently; so it stands not with the wisdom of a Prince so to mue up himself as the Kings of the East Indieses in times past did, who never were seen of their Subjects, but spoke unto them arundine ori admota, in a reed or cane through a wall; or as the Kings of France in times past did, who never shown themselves to their Subjects but once a year, leaving the managing of the affairs, of the Commonwealth wholly to the Majors of their Palace, (as Cedrenus hath it) but upon every good occasion to give audience to men of the meanest rank.  
* 72. Nihil difficilius est quàm benè imperare.  
There is nothing more hard then to govern well.  
Aeneas Silvius amongst his choice sentences (which he calls Nomologias) saith, that to govern well is the art of arts: to obey well is a hard thing, sed benè imperare difficillimum, but to govern well is the hardest thing. Socrates upon a time hearing some country fellows talking what they would do if they were Kings and Consuls, wished that there were a law to punish such as should presume to take into their mouths things of so high a nature, being out of the reach of their vulgar capacity. See the fable of Phaeton in the second Book of Ovid's Metamorphosis, how Phaeton was punished for taking upon him a matter wherein he had no skill; in which is showed quod repellendi sunt a gubernaculo Reip. qui nullam habent rerum experientiam.  
* 73. Galba trium arbitrio regi solebat.  
Galba was governed by his three Paedagouges.  
Galba his Paedagouges, were Titus Junius his Leivetnnant in Spain, Cornelius Laco the Captain of the guard, and Icelus one of his freed men, whom he honoured with the degree of Knighthood; the first was basely covetous, the second was intolerably proud, the third as bad as either of them.  
* 74. Talis ipse judicatur.  
He is thought to be of that condition as they are whom he doth use in the managing of his affairs.  
Chara est formicae formica, cicada cicadae.  
The Greek Orator in his Oration unto Nicocles King of Sition adviseth him in the administration and government of the affairs of the Commonwealth, never to make use of any ignorant or infamous person, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because that all such as are strangers unto thee, will judge of thee by them whom thou usest in the managing of thy affairs; the Italian says, la molta famigliarita col cativo fa suspettosa la vita di buono, who so doth make a knave his mate, though he be good, encurrs much hate, and the Poet says, Qui juxta claudos habitat subclaudicat idem, Admistusque malis di itur esse malus, he that is a companion of unworthy men, or that uses such men in the managing of his affairs, will be thought to be of their condition; wherefore Lipsius saith, nullum majus judicium bonae mentis Princes potest ostendere, quam ut adjungat sibi & familiaritèr utatur viris honestis, & fama candidis, that a Prince cannot show a more manifest token of a Noble mind, then by courteously entertaining and receiving into his service worthy and deserving men; it was an observation long ago that the Commonwealth doth not suffer so much detriment in this, that the Prince is effeminate and given to his delights, as it doth in his neglect in choosing worthy men to manage his affairs.  
Plutarch in an Epistle which he wrote unto Trajan the Emperor, saith, that it did much rejoice him to hear all men say that there was nothing in him that deserved dispraise; but was sorry to hear them say, that there was nothing in his officers that deserved praise; and that he should more gladly have heard, that which was spoken of his officers to have been spoken of him; and that which was spoken of him, to have been spoken of them: because the people can easily brook the imperfections of their Prince, but not the exorbitances of his officers. Seneca in an Epistle which he wrote unto Lucilius, told him, that he took it for a special favour, that he should make a journey to Rome, of purpose to visit him; but if by reason of his absence his officers should make a prey of the people, he should have been better pleased if he had stayed at home. It is a true rule that Commonwealths flourish or decline according to the dispositions and inclinations of the Irenarchae, and of such as are in Authority under Princes; if an injust Censor be a Superintendent in a City, the City declines; if a just one, it prospers. Aelius Spartianus in the life of Antonius Pius reports, that he upon a time taking a progress to inquire of the behaviour of his Censors, coming into Capua, one of the Town told him, that upon his knowledge the Censor that was set over them was a most unjust man; for that when time was he being importuned by a friend, requested of him four things, having no desire to have him grant them, because he knew he could not do it by the rule of justice, yet without making any scruple he granted them all; and he verily thought if he had been his familiar friend, as he was a stranger unto him, he might aswell have had four hundred things, as four: Of such Officers Princes ought to take heed, because it is most inconvenient that they should have power to condemn, that aught to be condemned: but in another manner doth Cicero speak of M. Cato, happy waist thou O Cato (saith he) unto whom no man durst once open his mouth in an injust cause; he was used to say, that it is not enough for a censor to be just in his judgements, but that he should be of such esteem amongst the people for his integrity, that no man wittingly should dare to open his mouth to him in an unjust cause. Not without just cause therefore doth Commines conclude it to be the greatest part of wisdom in a Prince, to make choice of honest men to serve him, quia aliena haec fama valdè ad suam famam pertinet, because that their good report redounds to his honour, in making such a choice; and as it is a point of the greatest wisdom in a Prince to make choice of such men to manage his affairs, so it is the greatest happiness that can befall unto a nation, if God so dispose of the affections of the Prince, as to settle them upon such men, as tender nothing more than his safety, and the welfare of his people; and the greatest misery when he suffers the Prince for the sins of the people to dote upon unworthy men. During Ner'os Quinquennium whilst Byrrhus and Seneca sat at the stern, all things succeeded prosperously in the Empire; but when Tigellinus had a predominant power, all the miseries that could be imagined fell upon it; wherefore the daily prayers of the people of all nations should be, that God would so dispose of the affections of Princes, as to settle them upon honest men; tales enim talem in ipsos principes potestatem habent, qualem ipse princeps in caeteros; his se totos ferè trudunt, arcana omnia communicans, & eorum arbitratu & rem familiarem & remp. administrant (as saith Muretus') for these men generally have the same power over the Prince, as he hath over other men; into their breasts he freely emptieth his seorets, and commends aswell the managing of his private affairs, as the affairs of the Commonwealth.  
* 75. Omnium suae aetatis optimus.  
He was one of the best men of his time.  
 pupilla in oculo, & anima in corpore, ita Agrippa in rep. ovi nemo par, nemo secundus; as the apple in the eye, and the soul in the body, so was Agrippa in the Commonwealth, having no equal, or any that came near in goodness to him. Augustus had two special favourites, M. Agrippa, and C. Maecenas; Agrippa he so much honoured, that he advanced him to the highest degree of honour, from so mean a place that he was ashamed to speak of; made him twice Consul, and 
p Agrippa first married Marcelia; but Augustus' desirous to do him all honour, procured a divorce, and married his daughter Livia to him.  married his daughter to him, and it is said, that Augustus never did himself more honour than in advancing him; for that in all his victories he ascribed the honour still to Augustus. After that he had overcome Pompey, in which victory he deserved navalem Coronam & vexillum caeruleum: and whenas Anthony told Augustus, that he was of a heavy and sleepy constitution; for that before he could get out of his bed in the morning, Agrippa had vanquished his Enemies: Agrippa assumed nothing to himself, but gave the honour thereof to Augustus, by which his sober and temperate carriage he won not only the heart of Augustus, but of the Soldiers and Common people, and was accounted the best man of his time.  
* 76. Brutidius Niger artibus honestis copiosus.  
Brutidius well seen in many good Arts.  
Brutidius Niger was a Rhetorician, an Orator, and an Historian. Senec. lib. 2. Controvers. & Lips. in annotat. in lib. 2. Annal. Tac.  
* 77. Allegat exemplum cujusdam.  
He told him a Story of a certain man that used all lawful means and could not prevail.  
Ingens telum necessitas, & apud Platonem non minus egestas quam opulentia morbus animi appellatur, it is often seen that extremes in both fortunes turn topsy turvy the very frame and fabric of nature; that honours and preferments make men swell and occasion pride, cruelty, and oppression, that wants and necessities drive men into desperate courses, and occasion mutinies, insurrections, and rebellions; for as the patiented that hath no means to advise with the Physician, applies himself to the Empiric: and the Client that wants a purse to retain a Counsellor or Advocate, makes unto the Attorney and Proctor; so the poor man that wants ability to make in to the best, is of necessity compelled to take up his lodging with the worst, who by (buzzing into his ears this enchantment, 
Aude aliquid brevibus giris, 
juven. Sat.  &  
carcere dignum,  
Si vis esse aliquid; probitas laudatur  
& alget;   
If thou desirest to thrive, do what deserves imprisonment, for honesty is little esteemed) corrupts his manners, and in the end makes him become like himself; for as love neglected turns into hatred, so virtue into vice and villainy, nam ubi nullus honos virtuti est, extrema experiri necessitas cogit. 
Alex. ab Alex. lib. c. 16.  Alexander ab Alexandro hath a Story of one that was well versed both in the Greek and Latin tongue, and a man beyond exception in his conversation; nihil tamen praesidii ad degendum parare potuit, yet could not get  for his back or meat for his belly, who when he saw there was no way to preferment by virtuous and honest courses, eo vesaniae processit, ut obscaenis & libero homine indignis artibus vacaret, de quibus non licet dicere ita faedae & pudenda sunt, betook himself being in want, to so base a course of life that he was ashamed to speak of it.  
* 78. Plures fraude quam virtute.  
More raise themselves by fraud then by virtue.  
This tenet machivel Secretary to the Duke of Florence in the second Book of his Commentary upon Livy, sets down for a Principle: but without doubt it is a Paradox; for greatness is no greatness that is not founded upon goodness; 
Horat.  Aesop's crow is no crow, moveat cornicula risum, furtivis nudata coloribus, and a blazing star is no star, it appears and vanisheth like the lightning and the Morning dew. Sejanus, Cleander, Tigellinus and Asiaticus may peradventure for a time be mounted aloft; but to what end? certainly to none other, than malefactors are lifted up at their death, ut lapsu graviore ruant, that their shame may be the greater; yet this position may in some times carry a show and shadow of truth; it is true that under Tiberius, Commodus, Nero, and Vitellius, more were advanced to a show of greatness by vicious courses then by virtuous; under Tiberius (as Tacitus observes) nemo consulatum imp●trare potuit nisi per Sejanum, neque 
p Fuit aulica nubes Excludens reliquos & meliùs meritos:  neque virtutes, nec Mars, nec musa, nec arts, a radiis regis quae meruere ferant.  Sejani benevolentia nisi scelere obtineri potuit, no man could attain to any place of honours and reputation but by Sejanus, neither was his favour to be obtained but by wicked and unjust ways; under Commodus no man was raised but by Cleander, during all the time that he was in favour, ad arbitrium Cleandri praetores aut retenti aut oc●isi, & libertini in Senatum electi; at his disposal were all honours and preferments, 
Lamp. in Commod.  and in his power were the lives and estates of the Senators and Governors, neither was Cleander's favour to be obtained but by doing of mischief; 
Tac. lib. 2. Annal.  under Nero no man was preferred but by Tigellinus during all the time that he was in favour, he by his lewd devises had so screwed himself into Nero's bosom, that he would do nothing without him; under Vitellius, unum ad potentiam iter, scilicet prodigis epulis, 
Tac. lib. 2. Annal.  saginaque satiare inexplebiles Vitelli libidines; there was but one way to honour and preferment, which was to gluttonise and carouse with him. Again in the time of war more may peradventure raise themselves by fraud, then by open and plain dealing; for that which is fraud in time of peace; is wisdom in the time of war; to circumvent an enemy, is no fraud, but wisdom; quod leonina pellis non potest, vulpina potest, was the saying of Lysander (as Plutarch hath it in Lysander) upon whom the Poet thus discanted: 
Vbi vincere apertè  
Non datur, insidias armaque tecta parat.   

Vid. Supplem. ad Commin post. lib. 6. in principio.  In time of war ars decipiendi est ars necessariae; the Lacedæmonians allowed it, and Lewis 11th often read that lesson to his Son; but in times of Peace in settled Governments for a man to raise himself by such juggling devises, is to be raised to no other end then to fall again.  
Non habet eventus sordida praeda bonos.  
Nam malè parta, malè dilabuntur.  
* 79. Exequere munus tuum diligenter.  
In thy calling go on cheerfully.  
The Polypragmon is cried down both by sacred Scripture, and all profane writers generally; qua vocatione vocatus, in ea ambula, saith St. Paul, in the first to the Thessaly. the fourth. item, sitis quieti, agite propria, 2. Ecclesiast. 22. item quae mandata sunt cogita sanctè. item, Spartam nactus hanc orna.  
* 80. Cogitet multa sibi non licere.  
It is not lawful for him to do many things.  
Omnia non pariter rerum sunt omnibus apta, saith the Poet, 
Prop. lib. 3.   
Non omnia omnibus decora (as saith the Orator)  
As there are several Estates and degrees in the world, so there are several and particular actions incident to each degree; and those things which may be done by men of one degree with praise and commendation, cannot be done by men of another degree without disparagement. When the Duke of Orleans Lewis the 12. came to be King of France, 
Ami●at. lib. 5 polit. disse●t.  certain ill-disposed Courtiers told him that now he had opportunity to revenge the many wrongs which were done unto him when he was Duke of Orleans, to whom he most Princely answered, non decet Gallo●um Regem injurias ducis Aureliensum vin●icare, that it was not fit for the King of France to revenge the wrongs done to the Duke of Orleans. When as Aristides sat as judge between two, 
Plut. in Aristides  one of the parties to incense him against his adversary, told him that he had not only wronged him but Aristides also; to whom Aristides like himself answered, that he came not thither to revenge any wrong done to himself, but to do him right. When Parmenio would have had Alexander to have done something which was more fit for a private man to do then a Prince, he gave him this answer, ego id agerem si essem Parmenio, I would do it if I were Parmenio, but being that I am Alexander it stands not with my honour to do it. 
Plut. in precept. polit.  Themistocles after that he had obtained a famous victory against his enemies, walking up and down amongst the dead corpse, espied a chain of gold about one of their necks, and wished him that was not Themistocles to take it of; Polybius being in a dump, Seneca to rouse up his spirits set upon him thus: remember yourself I pray you, do not show yourself so indiscreet as to hurt yourself to no purpose; quid tam humile aut tam muliebre quam dolore consumere? 
Senec. ad Polib.  it is sufficient that you loved your friend whilst he lived, and performed all friendly offices for him, and expressed as much at his death; the World hath a great opinion of you for you worth and valour, and exspects that you should show yourself more manly; a common Soldier may quit the field, having received but a scar, and no notice taken of him; but for you to show yourself so pusillanimous for so light a wound will be a great dishonour to you; nam multa tibi non licent quae hominibus in angulo jacentibus licent.  
* 81. Non ob propriam virtutem.  
Thou shouldst never think that thou art raised for any worth of thine.  
When the Painter saw a Fantastic admiring his own Picture, and preferring the workmanship thereof before the workmanship of all his other pictures, told him that he did much wonder that it being so excellent a piece did not sell better; that Alexander's picture did usually bring him so much money, Hector's so much, Ajax so much, but as for his, no man would give any thing for it; there is nothing so prejudicial to the servants of Princes as an over weaning opinion of their own worth; nam quantum sibi ipsissimi videntur, tantum a Rege vilissimi tenentur, for the more highly they do esteem of themselves, the more vilely do they appear in their Prince's eyes: for that they generally (as Commines hath it) do more affect them on whom they have conferred honours without any desert, than they who having deserved well think them bound to reward them. Lewis the eleventh took great delight to make himself merry with these kind of men, who having at one time received a great Sum of money, was pleased (to the end to stir them up) to ask what he should do with all that money, and where are now all my servants and followers to whom I own any thing? it were good for them to come whilst I have it in my Treasury; of which his words (the alarm being given) the Courtiers came in as the hawk to the lure, every one hoping to get something; and when the King beheld one above the rest max mè hiautem & quasi oculis pecuniam devorantem, looking upon his money as if he would have devoured it with his eyes, asked him, what hast thou to say? Sir, an't please you (quoth he) I have been your Falchoner so long, and the hawks that have been commended to my charge have been as good as any Prince in Christendom ever had, but they cost me a great deal of money, and a great deal of pains; another shown what service he had done, and a third what he had done, extolling themselves to the highest; the King having heard them all, his Chancellor standing by him, asked him, what sayest thou my Chancellor? truly Sir, (quoth he) plùs recepi quam promeruerim, nec ulla de re magis sollicitus sum, quam ut regiae tuae munificentiae responderem, I have received more of your highness than I have deserved, neither doth any thing in the World more trouble me then that I cannot tell how to deserve so much as I have received; well (quoth the King) do thou take the money; as for these fellows, erit alia exspectanda occasio, they shall stay until another time. Here we find that verified in the fable of Narcissus, who admiring his own shadow pined away; wherefore Amiratus most religiously admonisheth them upon whom the Prince hath cast a more gracious aspect then upon their fellows, never to ascribe any thing to themselves or their own merit, but to the providence of God, who hath been pleased to incline the affections of the Prince more towards them then towards other men.  
* 82. Tametsi Burrhus  
Though Burrhus had promised, yet he did not perform.  
Melius est vota stultae promissionis non implere quam crimen admittere; though Nero had commanded, and Burrhus had promised to kill Agrippina, yet he did not perform; Castilio puts the case whether a servant be bound to obey his Master in all his commands; and the answer is negative, cum jubet ea quae in prima tabula vetat deus, aut vetat ea, quaejubet deus, non est observandus, if he commands those things which by the law of God are prohibited, or prohibit those things which by the law of God are commanded, he is not to be obeyed; so did the Mid wives refuse to kill the Children of the Hebrews according to the command of King Pharaoh Exod. the 1. so did the three children refuse to worship the golden Image which Nebuchadnezar had set up; so did Obadiah refuse to obey the Command of Jezabell in killing of the Prophets; 1, Kings 18. and so did Mathias refuse to obey the command of Antioch in offering up of Sacrifices to the Idols. Joseph. lib. 1. de bell. Jud. Cap. 1, 
* 83, Templa per Asiam & Achaiam.  
He defaced the Temples in Asia and Achaia.   
It is a fault for the poor to trespass upon the rich, a greater for the rich to make pillage of the poor, but the greatest of all for either of them to invade the Temples and Holy Places; the Temples are the places of God's habitation, and to trespass upon them is to rob God of his honour; of this foul offence julian the Apostate, Dionysius the Tyrant, and Nero the bloodsucker have been foul guilty, and for it have been branded with infamy to all succeeding ages.  
Of Nero's cruelty how he spoiled the Temples both in Asia add Africa, how he set Rome on fire, and accused the Christians with the fact, how he caused them to be clad in the skins of wild beasts, and to be torn in pieces with dogs, how in the day time he fastened them to crosses, and when night came burnt them for lamps to give light; how he made ascents in his garden, to behold those bloody prospects; See Tacit. lib. 15. Annal. and Suet. in Nerone.  
* 84. Longinqui ruris secessum orat.  
He desired leave to spend his days in the Country.  
Hippolytus being resolved to wear out his days in a single life in the Country, it so happened, that Phaedra the wife of King Theseus fell in love with him; and that she might divert him from that course, prevailed with a Bawd thus to assail him, 
Sense in Hip.  cur tu tot viduas miserè teris, o teris horas? why do you lie languishing like a woman that lately buried her husband, and suffer your golden days to pass away without taking any comfort in them? consult with nature, and she will tell you, quòd laetitia juvenem, frons decet tristis senem, that mirth is as proper to youth, as gravity unto grey hairs; and that if all Creatures should tread in your steps, orbis jacebit squallido turpis fitu, vacuum sine piscibus stabit mare, alesque coelo deerit, there would be a general desolation in the world; there would be no birds flying in the Air, no fishes floating in the Sea, no sesitive or reasonable Creatures upon the land. Omnibus est eadem vitae via, non tamen unus Est vitae cunctis exitiique modus. there is but one way to come into the World, but divers ways to go out of it, and we die daily, and if this defect be not supplied, there must needs follow a vacuum; wherefore rouse up your spirits, and shake off this solitary humour, and come and revel it with us in the City; to whom Hippolytus shaped a sharp answer dii te fecere mulierem, & tu te facis cloacam publicam, in quam se evacuant impuri cujuscunque generis, qui non habent te pro amica, sed pro matula; follow you your wanton course of life, and give me leave I beseech you to follow mine; for although the course of life that I lead, seem tedious and irksome to you, yet certainly, non alia est magis libera & vitio carens vita, there is no life more free and angelical, or cometh more near to the most innocent and happiest times of our forefathers then the Country life, non torta clausas fregerit saxo balista portas, non hominum strepitus, audit, non ille rotarum, he never hears the sad alarms of the cannon beating at his gate, or the clamorous complaints of the poor at his doors, or the wheels of the Chariots grating on his ear; the chirping of the birds are the sounds whereof he is most sensible; which course of life though it seem tedious, I say unto you yet, I prefer it before the delights of my father's Court, 
q In hac noverca verificatur etymologia. Noverca quasi novus Orcus, unde poeta in versu plusquam argenteo; Lurida terribiles miscent aconita novercae. Ovid. lib. 1. Metam.  or the love of the Queen my Stepmother. Seneca in his declining time used his best Rhetoric to persuade Nero to give him leave to spend the remainder of his days in this course of life. See an eloquent oration of his in the 15 Book of Tacitus to that purpose, wherein he acknowledgeth the many favours that he had received from Nero, and that now being grown in years, and not able to wield so great a burden as he had in charge, desires him after the example of Augustus his great Grandfather, who licenced Murcus Agrippa, and Caius Maecenas in their declining times to retire themselves, to give him leave to lead a private life.  
* 85. Ars ministri.  
It is the wisdom of a Servant at no time to oppose his Prince importunately, unseasonably, without respect of time and place.  
Cum inter omnes est observanda quaedam dexteritas, tum praecipuè quandò cum principe agendum est, quod si fit comitèr & dextrè, paulo post plus habent gratiae qui obstitêre quam qui obsecundarunt; quod enim cupiditati placet, temporarium est, at quod recta ratione geritur perpetuò laudatur, (saith Erasmus) As in all our deal with men of our own degree, there is a certain kind of dexterity to be used; so more especially when we have any thing to do with our Prince, which if we duly observe in the carriage of ourselves soberly and discreetly towards him, we shall have more thanks of him in the end, though we do sometimes oppose him in his desires, than they shall have that do second him; because what pleaseth his fantasy is but temporary and vanisheth, but what is grounded upon reason, is of continuance and abideth. It is reported of Cassandra, that she did ever truly foretell the people of the event of things, yet they never gave any credit to any she said. The Counsels of servants, which unseasonably admonish their masters, are like unto the counsels of Cassandra; whatsoever they say it is not regarded; wherefore Aristotle when he commended Calisthenes his Scholar, and Kinsman unto Alexander did advertise him, that by all means he should have a care of his tongue, quia nonnunquam unica vox temerè excidens, nonnunquam jocus intempestivus est maximé nocivus, because that a word spoken unseasonably, or a jest broken is fatal many times; that he should speak unto him but seldom, quia difficillimum est simul, & multa, & opportuna loqui; and when he did speak unto him it should be without sharpness: but Calisthenes forgetting what Aristotle had taught him, ●un himself upon a rock, quod debebat dicebat, sed non quomodo debebat, he spoke no more than what was fitting, but because he did not observe a decorum in his speech, he drew the wrath of the King upon him. Princes are not to be reform like other men by telling them plainly of their errors and imperfections; bluntly to direct a Prince what course he should pursue (saith Pliny) savours of arrogancy, 
Plut. lib. 3. Ep. Ep. 18.  laudare veró opimum principem, ac per hoc posteris veluti è specula lumen quod sequantur ostendere, multu utilitatis habet, arrogantiae nihil. Phalerus being requested by Ptolemy to put him in mind when he did amiss, answered, that he was of a slow speech, and had not the gift of utterance, but that he would prefer unto him, a Councillor meaning a Chronicle of his own Kingdom, that should do it to the purpose. When Nathan the Prophet reproved King David for killing of Vriah, and commiting Adultery with his wife, he told him a tale, how there was a rich man that had multa armenta & greges, 
2. Sam. 12.  and a poor man that had but agnam unam quae de frusto ejus comedebat, de ●nculo ejus hibebat, in sinu ejus cubabat, & erat illi tanquam filia; and that when a stranger came to this rich man, he spared his own, and took the poor man's Lamb to entertain him; the King not dreaming that he meant him by the rich man, and Vriah by the poor man, gave this sentence, that he should die the death, and restore the Lamb , and so condemned himself in the person of another. This is the way to reform the errors of Princes, that is, by condemning their errors in others, or by commending the contrary in them, without seeming to glance or reflect upon them; which though it be the further way about, yet it is the surer and safer way; see somewhat to this purpose in the sixth book of Commines, of Oliver the Barbour, who forgetting that reproofs should be used in private without bitterness, and praises in public without flatteries, is much blamed for his irreverent behaviour towards Lewis the eleventh.  
* 86. Gaudebat talem amicum habuisse.  
He was glad he had such a friend.  

Petrarch l. 7. Ep. 18.  It was Petracks' request to his friend Hieronymo, that he would deal freely with him, and rather personate Juvenal then Horace, a Satirist then a harper. Every Garden can bring forth Heliotropium, 
Aulici Gnathones assimilantur Heliotropo eò quòd cum sole flectit acumen.  but not laurum, Marigolds, not Bays; every Age can produce a Clio and an Agis that will make Alexander believe he is a god, but not a Scythian Ambassador, to put him in mind of his mortality; every Age can produce smooth Rhetoritians, and temporizing orators to lull Augustus' asleep in security, but not a Maecenas to put him in the right way when he is wand'ring out of it; such friends are hard to be found, and Augustus was glad he had such a friend.  
* 87. Pulchrum est eminere inter viros Illustres.  
It is a famous thing amongst renowned Lords to ring.  
It is reported of Aemilius Secretary to Nero, that having built a stately house in Rome, he had a great desire to have Seneca to see it; and for that end one morning invited him to a breakfast, and whilst it was providing took the opportunity to show him his house, and withal, acquainted him how he had disposed of the several rooms and lodgings therein, how such and such rooms were provided for lodgings for strangers, such for entertainment of Ladies, such for negotiations with Suitors, such for his domestic Servants▪ and such and such were for other offices: Seneca having viewed them, highly commended the plot, the architecture, and the conveniency of every lodging, being framed alike in all dimensions; Aemilius then took him into his dining room, where after they had refreshed themselves, Seneca t ok his leave; and going to his horse, he looked upon the house as if he had never seen it; and demanded of Aemilius, dichi é questa Casa, whose house that was? Aemilius wondering that he should ask such a question, with a smile answered, Sir, did I not invite you to a short repast, and did I not tell you I would show you my house, and have I not been as good as my word? and do you ask me whose house it is? excuse me I beseech you (quoth Seneca) it is true I confess, you told me you would show me your house, and you brought me where you shown me lodgings for strangers, ritramenti per donne, retiring places for Ladies, places for negotiations with Suitors, lodgings for your domestic Servants, and stables for your horses, but you shown me never a room which you said was yours; and therefore being that you built it for strangers, and for your friends, I conceive that you have the least interest in it; Sir, between you and me there have been and are many engagements; we are fellow servants of one Master, and besides the kind entertainment which I have now received, I am engaged unto you for many noble favours, and therefore suffer me to open myself freely unto you; Guests are accustomed to pay money for what they receive, Parasites requite courtesies with flatteries, Buffoons with making sport, but friends with mutual love and advice; and therefore as to my loving friend and fellow I speak it, I would have you, Piu tofto con buone e virtuose opere doppo morte acquistar fama, che con edefitii che il tempo consumano, rather with virtuous actions to eternize your memory after your death, then by building of houses subject to ruin and destruction; for whatsoever is wrought by the hand of man, time turns topsie turvie, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (as the Greek Orator hath it in his Oration to Demonicus,) but the praise of virtue endures for ever; wherefore amongst the many learned Lectures which Maecenas read unto Augustus, this was one, 
Dion cas● lib. 59  That he should not seek for fame and renown by erecting statues of gold and silver, for that they would require a great deal of pains and expense, and to no purpose; for being not founded upon worth and virtue, they would rather be Trophaea maliciae & monumenta injustitiae quam honoris & gloriae, and the longer they stood, the greater dishonour they would be unto him; but that he should with 
* Argonautarun expeditio admonet generosos homines ut illustribus rebus agendis gloriam quaererent; ferunt Carolum ducem Burgundiae mirifice delectarum fuisse lasosonis fabula, ejusque exemplo incensum flagrasse maximarum rerum agendarum desiderio ideoq instituisse societatem aurei velleris.  Jason, seek for praise and renown in the performance of Noble achievements. Sic universa terra erit templum, pro delubris omnes urbes, omnes homines pro statuis, quorum in animis semper cum gloria insidebit: So in every corner of his dominion he should have a Temple dedicated to his name, in every man that he met he should find his portraiture and effigies; in every City that he passed through, he should hear the Heralds blaze his Arms: one generation should tell another, and there should be no end of his greatness; of which Cyrus was not ignorant, when he gave that in charge to his sons upon his deathbed, to undertake noble achievements, and thereby erect to themselves Monuments more durable than the iron and adamant. Pulchrum est eminere inter viros illustres.  
* 88 Displicent civilia ingenia filiorum.  
That is distasteful to Princes to see their sons have popular wits.  
As the greatness of Subjects is the Glory of Princes, so popularity in Subjects is distasteful to them: When the people began to honour Sejanus in the same degree as they did Tiberius, then did Tiberius abhor Sejanus; the glory of the Sun is not eclipsed by the Moons being in her Compliment, but by her Interposition; the greatness of Subjects is no eclipse of Sovereignty: but when the Subject shall stand between the Prince and the people, and divert the affections of the people from him, that causeth an eclipse; wherefore it is distasteful to Princes to see their sons have popular wits.  
* 89. Pertinax memoria verborum acerborum.  
Bitter words make a deep impression in the minds of great persons.  
The use of speech and reason is proper unto mankind only; other Creatures express themselves in confused sounds; the Lion roars, the Horse neighs, the Dear brays, the Cow allows; man only being endued with reason, either delights the hearer with the melody of his speech, or offends him with the harshness of it: Speech by the Grecians, is aptly termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the light of the mind; for as by the light of the Sun which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the light of life, we see the superficies of the earth; So by the light of our words are our intellectuals discerned; If they are mild and gentle, they are Ensigns of contentment in the mind, and prevail much; if bitter and harsh, they are Ensigns of discontentment in the mind, and provoke much. Johannes Salisburiensis hath a Tale of a Lion, 
lib. 5. c. 17.  who being set apart to devour Andronicus, instead of devouring him, licked and kissed him; and why? because he spoke mild unto him, and when time was, pulled a Thorn out of his foot; this Appion says he saw amongst other sights which he saw at Rome. As courteous entertainments allay the fury of great spirits, so sharp reproofs kindle and inflame them; and though for a time they may seem to bury the fire in the ashes of oblivion, yet in the end it will break forth and burn the incendiaries; witness those bold speeches of Gallus to Tiberius, 
Tac. lib. 1. Annal.  when the Senate was pleased in all humility after the death of Augustus, to entreat Tiberius to take upon him the charge of the Empire; and when as he modestly answered, that the charge of the whole would be too great a burden to him, and that he would willingly accept of any one part of it: Gallus malepertly and saucily stands up, and would needs know of him, quam partem reip. mandari voluit; of which, though Tiberius took no notice for the present, yet he conceived implacable hatred against him; and although afterwards Gallus would have excused it, and magnified Tiberius for the noble acts which he did in the days of Augustus, 
Gallus verificatum invenit illud Virgilii judicium Paridis ma●et alta ment repostum; & proverbum, facilius est evocare daemonē qua abigere.  yet he could never win his favour again. Witness likewise those speeches which the Constable of France used to the Earl of Embercourt, when the Ambassadors of the King of France and the Duke of Burgundy met together to conclude a peace between them, the Constable with others being assigned for the King, and the Chancellor of Burgundy and the Earl of Embercourt for the Duke; it fell out that in the parley the Constable gave the Earl of Embercourt the lie, which (as Comines says) Summam & extremam perniciem ei attulit; for when the Duke of Burgundy had notice of it, taking it (as it was ndeed) as a wrong done to himself, the Earl representing his person, he revived the agreement at Bonvines concerning the death of th● Constable, and put that in execution: witness likewise those speeches which Enguerande gave to Charles the brother of Philip the fair; there being some difference between two Peers of France, Enguerande standing for the one, and Charles for the other, in debating of the matter, both being in the height of choler, Enguerande gave Charles the lie; which (as Paulus Aemilius says) Nobilitati omni vulnere gravius, and which in the days of Lewis Hutin, cost him his life; for though that was not urged against him, yet that did incense Charles, and occasioned him to accuse him de crimine peculatus; wherefore Comines gives this Caveat, 
Lib. 3. lib. 5.  Qui sunt in magno loco apud principem, cavere debent ne quid atrocius dicant: And Lipsius this, Cavete vos caniculae, periculosum est leonem vellicare; beware how ye awake a sleeping Lion, especially ye that serve your Prince in any high places.  
* 90. Commemoratio meritorum gravis. It was fatal to Clitus and Philotas, that Alexander heard that they boasted of the good service which they had done him.  
It is observed of young children, quò celerius loquuntur, tardius gradiuntur, that the sooner their speech comes to them, the longer it is before they go: And of the Cedars, quo magìs florent; eo minus fructus ferunt, that the more gloriously they appear to the eye, the less fruit they bear: (the Frenchman says) les grand diseurs sont sovent les petit faisours, the greatest praters are for the most part the least actors, as the greatest barkers are the worst biters.  
Dolia plena cient nullum pulsata fragorem,  
At digito tactum vas quod inane sonat.  
The emptiest vessels and shallowest currents make the greatest noise. The Mousecatcher with his traps, 
Altissima flumina minimo sono labuntur. Curt.  and the Carman with his coals, will make the streets ring of them, when the Merchant deals in silence without any noise. Wise men do and say little, Fools brag and babble and do little. 
* Ostentatio est certum signum levitatis & stultitiae; nam quo quisque minus valet, magis se dilatat ostentatione. Cicero.  Res ipsa loquatur nobis tacentibus (saith Seneca) a servant of a Prince should be no Rodomontado; for by talking too much he loseth the honour due unto him. What a shame was it to Terentius Varro, to give forth at the Battle of Cannae, that the same day that he displayed his Ensign against the Carthaginians, he would utterly defeat them, and to suffer himself to be shamefully beaten by them? 
Liv. lib. 2. dec. 3.  (as Livy hath it) And what a dishonour was it to the Lord Tremoile, to write unto Lewis the 12. that he would deliver Maximilian la Sforza into his hands, as before he had delivered Ludovick his Father, & in the end to be beaten by him with the loss of two and twenty pieces of his great Artillery? 
Guicciard lib. 1●.  (as Guicciardine hath it) It had been a great deal more honour unto him to have said and written less, and to have done more: Laus in proprio ore sordescit, 
Qui sese laudat, laudis se munere fraudat, ideo non inutile consilium, Non sua laudabit studia aut aliena reprendet. Hor. Castil. lib, 1.  the praises which are an honour to a man, when they proceed out of the mouths of strangers, are a dishonour when they proceed out of a man's own mouth; The people pitied the Soldier when they beheld the many wounds which he had received in the field; but when they heard him foolishly babbling that those many wounds seemed to him but as so many flea-bite, than they laughed at him. The Ladies likewise thought it an honour to their Festivals, 
Castil. ib.  to have them honoured with the presence of him that had been a General in the Field, but when as being requested to dance with them, he began to talk of his Arms, and how many men he had killed, than they wished that he might be hanged up in his Arms until there were use of him, and were afraid that he would have killed them. In the account of Philotheos', Gnatho and Thraso, a Rodomantado and a Philauto are numbered amongst the most vile and contemptible sort of men: When Philotheos' and Philocompos that had been bred together in their minority, accidentally met, having not seen each other for the space of many years before, they both stood amazed, each viewing and beholding the other; Philocompos wondered that Philotheos', being old, should seem to be so young; and Philotheos' on the other side wondered that Philocompos, being young, should seem to be so old, and desired each other to give an account what course of life they had pursued. Philotheos' began, showing, that after he had left the Grammar School, he betook himself to the University, where after that he had spent some few years, he returned home and married a wife, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, like to himself in every degree, equal in parentage, equal in portion, and not differing in condition, that he had spent a great part of his time in the study of the seven Liberal Sciences, In the morning searching into the deepest mysteries, 
Horis matutinis homo tetus est homo dum omnia mentis organasunt tranquilla; post prandium vix semi homines sumus, cum animus cibis ●onustus gravatur.  in the afternoon into matters of less difficulty, that he ever associated such as were of approved integrity, especially Philagatho, and abandoned the company of Gnatho and Thraso, and their Associates, as carefully as Ulysses, did the charms of the sirens, and in this course of life had spent his time. Philocompos then began and showed how he had followed another course of life, how as soon as he had left the Grammar School, he betook himself wholly to his delights, that he ever hated the name of a wife, because he could never endure to be confined to one woman; that he had studied 27. Arts; but the Art wherein he took most delight, was the Art of Whoring, and to satisfy his desires he had crossed the Seas, and had spent many years in France and Italy, where he ever spent the morning in his bed, studying what Mistress he should visit in the afternoon; that he visited none so often of the feminine Sex, as Dalila, Flora, Lais, Lamy, Archenasse, and Aspasia; and of the Masculine, as Gnatho, and Thraso, the Policleti and Patrobii, and their Associates, and in this course had he spent his time: Philotheos' having heard him, made no wonder then to see him so decrepit, and so poor in fortune, but wondered to see him alive, and repent that he had taken notice of him, fearing that in future times he would he a burden to him, and so took his leave of him, with a desire never to see him again; in this account we see in what account with wise men a Philauto and Selfprayser is.  
* 91. Ne praemiorum petitione sit gravis.  
Let not a servant be ever craving and begging.  
Castilio gives this advertisement to such as are attendants on the Courts of Princes, 
Lib. 2.  ut rarissime a principe mendicarent, and if they do at any time move him in the behalf of any man, to be sure that his cause be honest, to the end that if his request be denied, it may be no disparagement to him; if granted, the Prince may have no cause to repent himself. It is reported of Lewis the Eleventh, and Maximilian the Emperor, that they did usually sport themselves with the hungry Courtier. Of Lewis it is said, that during the time that he made his abode in the Duke of Burgundy's Court, after his hunting he did usually retire himself to the house of Conon, who did for the most part entertain him with a dish of Raspes; that afterwards when he came to be settled in his Kingdom, this Conon by the solicitation of his friends, brought him a present of the same fruit; but being pinched with hunger upon the way, he did eat them all, except one of an extraordinary bigness, which he presented to the King with great alacrity, and the King received it with greater, and commanded that it should be deposited inter ea que habebat Charissima, and that he should have for a reward a thousand Crowns; the fame whereof being spread abroad, and coming to the understanding of a greedy Courtier, he forthwith presents the King with a fair Gelding, thinking with himself, si sic pensavit rapam donatam à rustico, quantò munificentius pensaturus est equum donatum ab aulico? if the King so liberally rewarded a Countryman that presented him with a Raspe, how much more munificently will he reward a Courtier that presents him with a horse? the King perceiving how he went a fishing with a silver hook, casts about how to reward him, and at last bethinking himself of the Raspe which Conon had given him, caused it to be brought unto him, and with his own hands delivered it to the Courtier, telling him withal, quod beve pensatus est equus Cimelio quod sibi constitisset mille coronatis; that he was sufficiently recompensed: for that the jewel which he gave him stood him in a thousand Crowns, and so the fisher was taken in his own net, and became the subject of laughter. The like is reported of Maximilian the Emperor, who having a desire to advance a young Gentleman, sent to the Citizens of a certain City to borrow of them a sum of money, intending it or the greatest part of it to the Gentleman: who prevailing in his suit, knowing the Emperor's mind, returned part to the Emperor, and retained part to himself, whereof the Emperor's Officers being given to understand, forthwith acquainted the Emperor, plus aceeptum fuisse quam exhibitum, that he had received a great deal more than he had paid in, and importuned the Emperor to call him to an account for it; the Emperor seeming not to understand how the matter had been carried, sent to the Gentleman to have him to come to an account; the Gentleman came accordingly and expressed his willingness to perform the Emperor's commands, but notwithstanding departed without doing any thing; whereupon the Emperor sent to him a second time to bring in his account, who as before expressed his willingness, yet departed without doing any thing; the Officers than began to be incensed, and plainly told the Emperor, non esse ferendum quod ille tam palam illuderit Caesari, it was not to be endured that he should so palpably deceive him; whereupon the Emperor a third time sent unto him, and told him that without any further delay he must bring in his account, assidebant Officiarii paratis adio codicillis, nec diutius tergiversandi locus, he would be dallied with no longer, his Officers were there ready to take his account; the Gentleman then plainly told him that he was a young man and never had been versed in the art of accounts, that the Gentlemen that stood by him were well experienced in it, and if they would but show him some of their Precedents, they should find him to be an apt scholar, and did not doubt but to learn to account as well they did, nimirum ut bona pecuniae portio penès ipsum remaneret; the Emperor smiling at the ingenuity of the young gentleman told his Officers that he demanded no more than was reason, and so dismissed both the one and the other: so do Princes oftentimes reward importunate suitors with neglect and derision.  
* 92. Hilari vultu injuriae ferendae.  
If thy Prince do offer thee any hard measure, undergo it with all alacrity.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Hesiod, a fool is he that will contend with one whose power doth his transcend; obsequendo & obtemperando, was the answer of an old Courtier to one questioning him how he continued so long so gracious in Court; there is no sacrifice so acceptable to Princes, as is the sacrifice of obedience and observance, nor any thing so distasteful unto them, as to have their words retorted upon them with an 
t Dictum est de Olympia matre Alexand. quod p●●●icum habuit, quae acceptam vocem septi●s redderet, quam oppidani Heptaphonon vocabant, qua reptehendebant veteres objurgarores qui solebant convitium unum convitiis multis remunerari.  Heptaphonon. Philip of Macedon by his own Example taught his followers how to carry themselves in the affairs of the Court, who being most contumeliously reproached by an Athenian Ambassador, desired no other satisfaction of the Athenians for the wrong done unto him, but that they would be indifferent judges, which of the two deserved more praise, he that had a patiented ear to hear those opprobrious speeches, or he that had a tongue to deliver them; posse & nolle nobile; as it is a badge of clemency and of a Princely disposition in a Superior to connive at wrongs, and to construe things ever in the best sense; so it is a high point of wisdom in an inferior; wherefore Erasmus wisely, as they deserve the name of fools, qui pro ictu apum mel relinquunt, that for a little stinging of the ●●ees will quit the honey in the hives: so they deserve no better attributes, who upon every sleight occasion will take an offence, and quit the service of their Master; injuriae spraetae vilescunt (saith Tacitus in the fourth of his Annals) injuries neglected pass for nought, and vanish with the smoke. cum Lentulus sputum & purulentiam in os Catonis injecit, when Lentulus' spit or spewed rather in Cato's mouth, Cato put it of merrily, saying, if any man in future times shall make a doubt whether Lentulus have a mouth, let him come to me, and I will resolve him; and when Xantippe washed her husband, having before shaved him with words keener than a razor, he good man said no more than post●tonitrua imbres, after thunder he looked for rain; vincit qui patitur, there is no such weapon to encounter potency as patience, and no Mediators like unto petitions and supplications.  
* 93. Otium penitus auxit.  
As before he advanced war, so now he studied to advance Peace.  
Castilio in his second Book says, that it is the property of a wise Courtier to avoid envy and malice which is ever an attendant on such as serve their Prince in any high place; to frame and fashion his behaviour to the fashion of the Country where he liveth; and his discourse to the capacity of the people with whom he converseth, ever having a respect to their age and condition; 
q Apud Italos osculo ●alutant viri viros, apud Germanos si facis. absurdum; ibi pro osculo dextram porrigunt, in Anglia viri salutant mulieres etiam in templo; in Italia flagitium habetur; in Anglia porrigere poculum in convivio civilitatis est, in Gallia contumeliae.  Apud Italos salutare more Italorum, apud Germanos Germanorum, apud Gallos' Gallorum, & apud Anglos Anglorum; with the Italian to salute after the manner of Italy, with the Germane of Germany, with the French of France, and with the English of England; towards old Men and Matrons to carry himself gravitèr, applying his discourse to the times wherein they flourished towards young men and maidens comiter, 
Senes gaudent ea memorari quae multorum fugiunt memoriam, admiratores temporum in quibus ipsi floruerunt- Matronis dulce est refricare memoriam ejus temporis cum a procis ambirentur.  
r De sua cuique arte grata est confabulio.  in the Country to advance husbandry, in the City mechanical trades and occupations, in times of war military discipline, in times of peace civil government; briefly in all companies and in all places to behave himself so, ut fines rationis non transiret, that he never transgress ●he bounds of honesty and civility.  
94. Ne familiarem se nimis.  
Let not a Prince's servant make himself too familiar with him.  
Ignorat vulpes cum quo ludit; the Lion, the Fox, and the Ass as it is in the Apologue meeting together, agreed to go seek their fortune, and what they got to put into a joint stock, and to share it equally and indifferently; who after they had wandered long about the wood met with a prey, and it fell to the Ass' lot to make the division, who like a silly creature divided it into three equal shares, and presented it to the Lion to make his election, 
Luc●●. l. 1●  who finding his presumption, fell upon him and devoured him; omnis potestas impatiens consortis erit, as the old Poet hath it. Princes expect to be reverenced afar off, and will not endure to have their servants come so near as to tread upon their heels; Caesar will not endure a Superior, nor Pompey an equal.  
* 95. Ne Principem a rebus ●erendis.  
Let a Prince's servant be careful that he do not take upon him to direct him.  

Cu●t. l. 7.  The saying of Cobbaris to Bessus in Curtius is observable, Servo utilius est parere dicto quam afferre consilium, it is more safe for a servant to obey then to direct: for if things fall out successfully, he may perchance have thanks for his labour; if otherwise, it is fatal unto him; V alerius Maximus, and Aulut Gellius have a Story of Posthumus Tubertus, who for that his Son his eldest and beloved Son fought with his enemy of his own accord contrary to his command, though hee● overcame him; cut off his head; for it is a thing of dangerous consequence, that a servant should neglect the precepts of his Master, a Soldier of his General, and a Subject of his Sovereign. Castilio debates the question, whether it be lawful for a servant to transgress the bounds of his Commission upon a supposition that what is enjoined him may be better effected another way, and he holds the negative, and produceth two severalll Precedents; the one of the Son of M. Torquatus, for that he executed his Father's Commission in fight of a duel, suffered for it, though he had the glory of the day; the other of a certain Engineer, to whom Mutianus sent to have the greatest of the two shipmasts which he had seen sometimes in Athens, to be sent unto him to make him a ram to batter the walls of a City which he had besieged in Asia, to whom the Engineer sent the lesser, knowing it to be the better for that purpose; sed quia consilium dare potiùs quam obtemperare maluerat, Mutianus committed him to Prison, and caused some corporal punishment to be inflicted upon him.  
96. Cautè omnia faciat.  
Let a Prince's servant be ever cautelous.  
The Council which is given by the Son of Syrack is not to be neglected; separate thyself from thine enemies, and have an eye unto thy friends; for there be many that will sit at thy table, and eat of thy meat, & in secundis tuis erint tanquam tu, which in adversity will fall from thee, and discover what they can to defame thee; let him be cautelous therefore and wary. When the Sultan of Babylon demanded of Melchisedeck the rich jew of Alexandria, quale de la tre leg colui reputa la vera'ce o lafoy Giudaica, o la saracenà, o la christiana, which of the three laws he thought to be the true law, either the law of the jews, the Saracens, or the Christians, thinking by his answer to have entrapped him, the jew merrily answered him with a tale of a ring, and told him how there was a certain man which had a ring which he highly valued, and gave it out that he to whom he gave that ring, at his death, should be his Heir and inherit his Possessions; that it fell out accordingly that he was his Heir that had the ring bequeathed unto him; that this custom continued in the family for many descents, the Heir of the house being generally known by having the ring; that in the end it so happened that he that was Heir, had three Sons, whom he so entirely loved that he intended to make them all joint-Heires of his Possessions, and to that end caused two other rings to be made so like unto the first, that Argus with his hundred eyes could not distinguish them; which being given to his Sons upon his death bed, there grew a great contention between them after his death about his Possessions, each pretending to have the right ring; and this was all that the Sultan could get out of the jew, reserving the interpretation to himself. When the high Priests and Elders set upon our Saviour, and would needs know of him, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by what authority he did those things, he answered them, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Baptism of John whence was it of heaven or men? 
Mat. 21.25  When the two shepherds met together, and the one would needs know of the other quibus in terris Tres pateat Coeli spatium nou● ampliùs ulnas, 
Alii hoc aenigma de quodam profundo puteo volunt intelligi, in cujus imo si quis fuerit, tantum Coeli spatium conspiciet, quantum sola latitudo putei fuerit.  the other answered, 
s Alterum aenigma exponunt ut Hyacinthum significet, in quo flore flebilis illa Graecorum uòx 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inscripta invenitur, ut Naso Poeta lepidissimè narrat.  dic quibus in terris in scripti nomina regum Nascantur flores. Virg. Ecl. 3. To answer an insinuating Sophister with an aenigma or a dilemma, and a curious inquisitor with an impertinent answer, is a point of wisdom; a wary distrust is requisite in every one, but more especially in them to whom any office of trust is committed, they are as eyes to the body, and as sentines to an Army, and should (as Erasmus says) confidere paucis, quamvis arridenti, ●omplexanti, immò dejeranti.  
* 97. Sit modestus & humilis.  
He will always be of a lowly spirit, and so stop the passages of envy.  
It is reported of Cato, 
Plu. in M. Catone  that he was forty times accused, yet ever came off with credit, to the shame of his accusers: There is no better way to allay the fury of malignant spirits, than an honest and virtuous life.  
Vivendum rect● tunc propter plurima, 
juu. at. 9  tunc his  
Precipuè causis, ut linguas mancipiorum Contemnas,  
As saith the Satirist; for whosoever he is that can say with Gracchus when he returned out of Sardinia, I have served my Prince so many years, and if during that time I have taken, or was privy to the taking of a bribe of any man to the value of a halfpenny, Omnium nationum nequissimum existimatote, let me be the chiefest knave in Poneropolis, and accounted the veriest villain that goes on the earth; he needs not fear the displeasure of any. 
Prov. 10.9.  Qui ambulat simpliciter, ambulat confidenter, saith the Wiseman; he that walketh uprightly, walketh safely: Conseia mens recti famae mendacia ridet, for he that knows himself to be innocent, cares not what men say, neither fears greatness or power.  
* 98. Immodicos honores fugiat.  
Let him never desire to climb too high.  
When Icarus was to cross the Seas with his waxed wings, his Father did advise him to fly neither too high, nor too low: Nam si dimissior ibis, Vnda gravet pennas; si celsior, ignis adurat; but to keep the middle road, lest on the one side the Sun should send forth his beams, and burn him; or on the other side, the water her vapours, and make his wings flag; but he neglecting what his Father had warned him of, perished in the waters. Mediocria firma, superflua nocent; 
Sen. Ep. 39  sic segetem nimia sternit ubertas, sic rami onere franguntur, sic ad maturitatem non venit nimia foecunditas, saith the wise Heathen; the Golden Mean is to be preferred; the House that is situated neither upon a hill, nor in a dale, but between both, is freest from winds and waters. A Ship cannot sail in a storm, or in a calm: Foelices quibus obtigit sor● ne● summa, nec infima, sed sanè modica: The man that lives between supereminency and baseness, is freest from scorn and envy; wherefore the counsel that Daedalus gave his son, is not to be neglected by the Servants of Princes; for if honour be a burden, great honours must needs be a great burden; and if a man do overburthen himself, he may perchance break his back.  
* 99 Immodicas opes fugiat.  
As great honours, so great possessions are not to be desired.  

juu. Sat. 10. Opuleutia ebrii ausi sunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contra stimulos calcitrare, con●ra torrentes niri, donec in exitia sunt educti. Tac. lib. 3. Annal.  Quamplures nimia congesta pecunia cura, strangulat, saith the Satirist, when the sponge it is full, it is crushed; Cum saginati sues mactantur in coenam domini: When the Hog is fully fatted, he is destinated for the Shambles; Great Fortunes and Estates are attended with great envy; when one man shall gain the estates of many men to himself, it cannot but draw the envy of many men upon him. When Seneca began to be exceeding rich, then, and not before, did Suilius begin to upbraid him, how he was an enemy to Claudius' friends, and was deservingly banished by him, how he wrought upon the weakness of young Gentlemen, and by his subtle devices within the space of four years had gotten infinite Treasure; how at Rome he beguiled Legataries of their Legacies, and drained Italy and the Provinces adjoining with excessive usury. When Italy abounded with treasure, than did the Italian complain how his Country, Tutta via è prae a ●spostà a genti strane per le motle richezze di chi è pienà, was always exposed as a prey to strange Nations, by reason of the exceeding great riches wherewith it did abound. When Sophocles grew rich, his own sons, to gain his estate, accused him before the Judges pro deliro & ●fatuo quasi qui rem familiarem temere profunderet, & opus habere videretur curatore, that he was grown childish and needed a Guardian to manage his estate; whereof Sophocles being given to understand in his old age, wrote that elaborate Tragedy, entitled Oedipus Colonaeus, and acted it to the life before the Judges, which when they heard, t●ey asked his sons, Num illud carmen videretur esse carmen delirantis, whether fools did use to make such Verses, and so with much difficulty freed himself; yet hence we learn, how the estates of some men draw their own houses upon their heads, and make their children to neglect them.  
* 103 Ne publica praedia sibi acquirat.  
Let him be careful, that he do not make a prey of the Commonwealth.  
It is fabled of the Crow, that being stung by the Adder, cried out, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, woe is me that have made such a purchase as will be my ruin, who in the extremity of sickness desired his mother to pray for him: but she asked, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which of the gods (my son) will compassionate thy case, being that thou hast been an enemy to the Commonwealth all thy life time? for where is he whom thou hast not trespassed upon in the stealing of his Corn, by reason whereof thou art esteemed no better than an enemy to the Commonwealth, and art hated of God and men? It was a constant custom among the Romans, as often as the Senate met together, to consult of the affairs of the State, to give this in charge,  caverent ne resp. aliquid detrimenti caperet. As often as Caesar sent any Letters abroad to his Ambassadors or Agents, he ever added Simo reip. commodo fieri potest; when he wrote unto Labienus and Tribonius,  ad certum diem adessent, he adds this, Si reipublicae commodo fieri potest. King James says, that in all cases which concern the Commonwealth, it behoveth a Prince to be strict and severe: but in cases which concern his own private affairs, to be easily entreated: Nam quaedam scelera (as he saith) sine scelere condonaeri non possunt, for that there are certain offences which cannot be pardoned without offence, as Murder, Incest, Witchcraft, Poisoning, and the Sodomitical sin, which the Grecians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of which abominable Sodomitical sin the Apostle speaks in the 1. to the Romans, saying, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; in which cases a Prince should be very circumspect how he grants any pardon, because it is more consonant to reason, and more pleasing both in the sight of God and man that one suffer, then that the Commonwealth suffer. Friends are dear, and kindred are dear, and Parents are dear, and children are dear, Sedomnes omnium charitates patria una complexa est, pro qua quis bonus dubitat mortem appetere (as saith the Orator.)  
* 101. Si superbiam fugiant.  
If they banish pride.  
As there is no virtue that gives a greater lustre unto greatness, than affability and courtesy; so there is no vice that doth more eclipse it, than pride and arrogancy, Insuaves enim sunt ad omnem vitae consuetudinem superciliosi & caperatafronte magistri.  
* 102. Tardius hoc usus est.  
He used the remedy too late.  
Sero sapiunt Phryges', sero ga●eatus ab armis; when the Soldier hath received his press-money, it is too late for him then, Palinediam canere: When Seneca hath enriched himself by the service of his Master, and incurred his displeasure, it is too late for him then to desire to retire himself. Castilio puts the case, whether a man being once admitted into the service of a Master, may without prejudice leave his service; the case is controverted; on the one side it is said that he may, especially if he see him running into exorbitant courses, for that he will be thought to be accessary to his exorbitancies: For as the Astrologers report of Mercury (whom the Poets feign to be the servant of the Gods) that it is a Planet indifferent, and good or bad as it is in conjunction with other Planets; if it be joined with Sol, Jupiter, or Venus, it produceth good effects; if with Saturn or Mars, evil: So are servan●● regularly reputed to be as their Master● are. On the other side it is said, Exorandus est Deus ut bonos nobis Magistros concedat, utcunque tolerandi sunt; that we must pray to God to send us good Master's, for when we are once admitted into their service, we must take them with all their faults, and for many respects not to quit their service; for as it is a hard thing to get up, so it is dangerous to come down, for that the most just man in the world cannot carry himself so upright, but he shall commit many slips, which every Plebeian will be ready to take hold of, when he sees him stand by himself: wherefore Seneca should either in the beginning, or not at all, have quit his Master's service.  
* 103. Destruit ingentes animos longius aevum.  
Long life is a dishonour to a man when he survives his honour.  
Philodoxos ambitious of fame, came to his friend to know what he should do to get him a name, who gave him this answer, 
Non ignoro, honestum illum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (quem vulgo Sergeant votamus) multum contum●liae perpessum.  Imitare Erostratum qui incendit templum Dianae, aut Zoilum qui laceravit Homerum; imitate Erostratus that burned the Temple of Diana, or Zoilus that tore Wild in pieces. O but (quoth Philodoxos) I would not be known by doing of villainies, but by the performance of noble achievements; why then (said his friend) pursue the ways of honour, and look not after honour, for it is the nature of it to fly from those that follow it, and follow those that fl●e from it; imitate Aristides, Photion, Socrates, both the Cato's, all which deserved well of their Countries in their Generations: O but their fame was attended with envy, Aristides was banished, Photion and Socrates poisoned, Cato signior was forty times accused, Cato Vticensis was guilty of his own death; and I would have honour, but not attended with envy; why then you must (said his Friend) with Codrus and Decius perform some Noble work, and in the very acting thereof desire of God to take you unto him; for if you survive it, envy will follow you as the shadow doth the body, and long life will redound to your dishonour. How many may we call to mind that in their declining times have been most unfortunate, who in the flower of their youth were most fortunate? Let us behold Priamus who lived to see not only the destruction of his Kingdom, but of his hopeful children; Let us admire Dionysius who being driven from Syracuse where he had reigned a long time, became a poor Schoolmaster in Corinth, and got his living by teaching of children. ●et us behold Croesus, Xerxes, Polycrates, M●thridates, Pompey, Longshampe, Wolsey, who if they could now rise out of their graves, would tell us that our lives are prolonged for the most part, rather to add to our afflictions, then for our content; if Priamus had died before he had seen the destruction of his Kingdom and children; if Dionysius, whilst he was King of Sicily; if Wolsey and Warwick in the height of their fortunes, how advantageous had Death been unto them? The Historians then in future ages would have had no cause to have styled them Ludibria Fortunae. The Thracians never lamented the death of their children and friends, for that it did disengage them of many miseries, but their Nativities, and when they were in the world to see them survive their senses and reputations; Non ego, quos ra●uit mors, defleo, defleo vivos quos uru●t longo fata futura metu (saith the epigrammatist) there is no such torture as to anatomize a living man, he that survives his reputation is anatomised whilst he lives, and long life is a dishonour to him.  
* 104. Quod mors invito, ho tu sponte fac.  
That which death doth against thy will, do thou thyself willingly.  
The justiciaries hold that there is a twofold death, a natural and a civil death; the one is when our days are run out according to the course of nature, the other when we abandon the world and the delights thereof; this kind of death doth Evenkelius persuade the servants of Princes in the height of their fortunes to undergo, to prevent future mischiefs.  
* 105. Multum habent contumeliarum ut intres.  
Thou canst not come into them without reproach.  
They were discreet and wise answers which a Physician gave once to his Patient; a Patient being troubled in his eyes, in his ears, in his stomach, in his estate, and in his mind, came to a Physician to seek for remedy, who prescribed him for his eyes à Meretricibus abstinere, to forbear the company of lewd women, for that there is nothing so offensive unto them as those kind of Cattles; for his ears, 
a Balnea, vina, Venus, valde nocent oculis.  that he should have a special care how he married Rixosam foeminam, 
b 
Quidam jocosus de quadam foemina quae fuit valdè formosa, sed valde rixosa taliter jocosè scripsit, 
Tacta places, oculisque places,  
& dum taciturnaes,  
Tota places, neutro non  
taciturna places.  Aliter alter de altera foemina quae ●uit admodum prudens & modesta, sed valdè incurva & deformis.  
Tacta places, audita places;  
si non videare,  
Tota places; neutro si videare places.   nam ut fumus est oculis, ita faemina procax est auribus, for that the smoke is not so offensive to the eyes as a scolding wife is to the ears; For his stomach, that he should abstain à Cardinalis mensa; Nam nihil magis sanitatem impedit quam ciborum varietas. Destruit ingentes stomachos confusio pastus, Quisi sit simplex nausea nulla foret, for that there is nothing so offensive to it, as variety of meats; for his estate, (although that did not lie within the compass of his profession, yet he would tell him freely what he thought) Quoth a Judaeo mutuum non acciperet, that he should never have any thing to do with a jew about matter of money; And for his mind that he should carry himself so towards all men,  aulas dominantium non ingrediatur, that he might have no occasion to attend the Courts of justice, or the houses of great men; Quia multum habent contumeliarum ut intres, plus cum intraveris, because thou canst not come into them without reproach, or stay there without greater.    

Epilogus.  
When Panurge consulted with the multitude concerning his marriage, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Friar John utterly dissuaded him from it, and why? because the bells sounded forth nothing else, but marry point, marry point, point point, point point, si tu te marry, tu t'en repentiras, tiras, iras coqu seras, marry not, marry not, not not, not not, if you do, you will repent, penned penned, for you will be a Cuckold; which put Panurge into such an agony that he never durst adventure upon a wife by reason of the sound of the Bels. We read of a people living in Utopia that have seven tongues, and every tongue divided into seven parts, and every part speaking seven several languages, that praise and dispraise without reason or sense, and judge according to fancy as the Bells direct them, whom Plato resembles to a monster with seven heads whom we call the multitude; from this kind of people I wash my hands, I dare not meddle with them, they have too many tongues for me to deal withal; it is not for them that I provided this service, it is too hard for their digestion; but for you my friends wheresoever you are, either in the Academyes or in the City, to whom God hath given two ears, and but one tongue. And for no other reason, but because (as I have said in the beginning) I conceive it to be both useful and delightful; for as he that travails into Italy having never been there before, hath need of a guide and an interpreter, otherwise he may perchance fall into the hands of the Banditi before he is ware; and as he that is to cross the Seas hath need of a Pilot if he have no skill in navigation, otherwise he may fall into Scylla and Charybidis; so it is with them that converse in the Courts of Princes, which are in the body politic as the heart in the natural body, and as the centre in the circumference where all the lines meet; they have need of Intelligencers, Interpreters, Counsellors, and all little enough; and because I conceive this stranger to be an excellent truchman, and to be able to show unto you on the one side the dangerous ways of dishonour, that you may avoid them by the examples of such as have perished in them, and on the otherside the ways of honour, to the end that you may pursue them by the examples of such as have lived and died in grace and favour with God and men; I have here made him speak unto you, (to the end you might be acquainted with him) in your own language; who could with more ease have acted my part (by saving the transcribing of it) in the Authors own language, desiring you to be advised by him, and for no fading, momentary, windy profit, pleasure, or honour to neglect his advice.  
AFter I had passed over this little treatise, and considered how they that had obtained the greatest honours and preferments, have come to the most untimely and unfortunate ends; the saying of the Psalmist came often into my mind, man that is in honour and understandeth not, is like the beast that perisheth, Psal. 49.12. which occasioned this short meditation.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: you know not what you ask: 
Mar. 10.38  was the answer of our Saviour to the sons of Zebedee that desired to be preferred before their fellows. When the Hawk is full gorged she flies from her Keeper, and the Prodigal in prosperity runs from his father, but hunger and adversity reclaims them and brings them home to the lure again; the school of affliction is the school of instruction and humiliation, and in this school doth Christ train up his scholars; here are read Lectures of divinity and humanity, and here we learn our duties both towards God and our Neighbours; affliction giveth underderstanding, and the rod bringeth wisdom saith the wise man, and whosoever will be a fellow with Christ in heaven, 
P●o 2●. 15.  must first be a probationer in this school; through many tribulations we must enter into the Kingdom of heaven; the pleasures and vain delights of the world like strong wine dazzle our senses; and lead us hoodwink to destruction; but by crosses and tribulations as a tender mother with sour t'hings weanes the child from the dug, doth Christ wean us from the world, and brings us home to himself; in my trouble (saith the good Prophet) I called upon thee, but in my prosperity I said I shall never be removed. Sol and Boreas the Sun and Wind upon a time conspired to try their power in disarming a traveller of the weapon (being his cloak) which did defend him against them, and by consent the wind was to make the first assault, who in the morning early went forth to seek his prey, and meeting with the traveller upon the road, in a furious manner set upon him, but he holding his weapon in his hand stoutly withstood his first encounter; anon after he set upon him again, and so violently that he gave him a blow which made him reel and stagger, yet the traveller stoutly still held his weapon; a third time like a Lion enraged he set upon him more furiously than before, and so far prevailed notwithstanding he lay cauteously at a close ward, that he came within him and struck up his heels, thinking then certainly to have disarmed him; but the poor man stoutly ●●ill held his weapon, and would not yield it upon any conditions; the Wind then being out of all hope to prevail, betook himself to his wings, and in a great rage flew away; the Sun standing by and observing the valour and magnanimity of the poor man, and that in a rigorous way there was no dealing with him, in the afternoon set upon him in another manner; he came not like a Lion, but like a Fox, not as an enemy, but as a friend, and in a friendly manner by his delightful beams insinuated himself so into his bosom, that within a short time he made him lay down not only his cloak but his coat also; the blustering winds of adversity make us more vigilant and cautelous, but the delightful beams of prosperity dazzle our eyes and deceive us; whilst the Prodigal was in prosperity, swilling himself in pleasure with his Mistresses he never dreamt of his father: but when he once tasted of adversity, than he cried out; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Luk. 15.18.  I have sinned against Heaven, and against thee, and am not worthy to be called thy son, suffer me to be one of thy hired servants; the dearest of gods children have been over-taken with the foolish delights of this vain world, and they whom the storms of adversity could never move a jot, have been allu●ed in times of prosperity to do those things which a modest ear would blush to hear; as David in the case of Vriah; he that in adversity preserved the life of his Enemy, 
1 Sam. 26, 9  in prosperity took away the life of his friend that fought in his behalf; but thou, 
2 Sam. 11.  O thou Bersheba, wast the cause of all; beauty, riches, honours, pleasure, profit and promotion, which Saint john in his first Epistle set forth by the concupiscence of the flesh, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. joh. 2.16.  concupiscence of the eyes, and the pride of life, bewich us; beauty whose fuel is gluttony, whose flame is ignominy, whose ashes and end is beggary, like Judas, with a kiss betrays us; riches with their cares and fears consume us, as a moth doth the garment, and the rust the iron; honours and preferments transport us beyond ourselves, and whilst they set us up on high, and make us known to the world, they make us forget ourselves, our neighbours, and our Saviour; yet these are esteemed the chiefest and choicest commodities in the great fair of the world, which indeed make a glorious show to the eye, but being touched and weighed they prove not Gold but Alchemy, mear frippery and vanity, (as the wise King, who was a great dealer in them hath sufficiently showed out of his own experience) he that kept for his pleasure 700 Wives, and 300 Concubines, that had the rarest Musicians of both sexes, 
1 Reg. 10. A 1.  that had his Vineyards, gardens, orchards, fishponds, and whatsoever else could be thought upon to please the senses in a most exquisite manner, that had an Estate that exceeded all the Princes of that Age, 
2 C●ron. ●  having his very footsteps made of beaten Gold, by whom silver by reason of the abundance of it, was esteemed no better than Stones, that was honoured a d sought unto by all the Princes of the earth for his wisdom and magnificence, delivers this opinion of these so choice and much desired commodities; 
Ecclesiastes, 1.2.  vanity of vanities, and all is vanity. Saint Paul values them according to their worth, I have not esteemed (saith he) the riches of the world better than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Phil. 3.8.  dung, dung indeed they are, or very little better if we duly consider of what materials those merchandises that are so highly prized are composed; what are the precious stones of which there is so great an opinion, but the froth and superfluity of the Sea coagulated, esteemed only for rarity, and of no use, nor in the eye of our law valuable; and what is Gold and Silver but earth refined? what are Silks and Velvets but the excrements of worms woven and knit together by poor labouring men? what are those rich furs of Martin's, Sables and Ermines, but the skins of little beasts esteemed only for rarity, and in no degree so useful as are the skins of sheep and oxen? what is the finest Scarlet Cloth but the wool of sheep, painted over with an artificial dye to please the eye only? what are the sumptuous buildings of the world, but heaps of wood and stone, laid together by a company of poor labouring men, set apart in the Commonwealth to gather sticks and stones, and to pile them handsomely together? what is beauty but a flower, subject to the blasting of every wind, and to be defaced by the scratch of a hand or pin? and what is honour without virtue but a puff, a smoke, a bubble, a nothing? Saint Austin desirous to suppress the market where these Commodities are uttered, in some indignation thus informs against it; O vile and miserable world, whose vexations are certain, whose pleasures uncertain, whose troubles are durable, whose joys momentary, whose torments insufferable, whose gifts contemptible, whose promises prodigal, whose performances base and miserable, who despisest them that love thee, and beguilest them that trust thee! It is extreme folly for a man to dote upon a woman that hath neither portion or proportion, nor yet any good quality or condition in her; but for a man to settle his affections upon earth and stones, upon dung and excrements, and upon things of the like nature is extreme madness; God hath given dominion unto man over all the sublunary Creatures, and hath placed him in degree little inferior to the Angels, to the end that he should look upwards, and settle his affections upon heavenly things; 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Quia sursü oculos tollit  and for him to lose that sovereignty which God hath given him, by making himself too familiar with these base earthly commodities savours of brutishness and pusilanimity. Love is of a transcendent nature, and is cast away where it cannot be requited with love again; love thy Lord thy God, and thy Neighbour as thyself because they are able to render unto thee love for love, like for like; but despise the world and the vanities thereof, because they are trash and dung, and cannot in any degree recompense compence thy love. There were upon a time two Gentlemen that much frequented one Inn upon the road; the one was very prodigal in his expenses, the other provident, and it fell out at last, that he that was so profuse fell into poverty, and coming to his Inn, he enquired for his old host, who being told by his servants who he was, and having notice before that he was in wants, came unto him, but looked upon him as strangely as Nabal did upon King David's Servants; the Gentleman wondering at it, asked him whether he did not know him? 
1 Sam. 25.10.  truly Sir (quoth the host) I think I have seen you, but where and when, I cannot call to mind; I have been an old guest to your house replied the Gentleman; it may be so (quoth the host) many honest Gentlemen frequent my house whom I know not; the Gentleman desirous to make himself known unto him, asked him whether he did not know such a one; yes very well, he's an honest stout Gentleman, and whensoever he comes to my house he brings money in his purse and pays well; I marvel (said the Gentleman) that you should so well remember him and forget me; for we two often met here together, and were merry; now the truth is, he had good cause to remember the other, for whensoever he found him false in his bills, he would send for him and cudgel him handsomely; and at one time above the rest finding the totals to exceed the particulars in his bills he broke his pate, and cut his nose into the bargain, which gave him just occasion to remember him, and to commend him for an honest stout Gentleman, and that he paid him well; if the other had paid him after the same manner, he would not so soon have forgotten him; non est hic habitandi locus sed commorandi diversorium (saith the orator) there is no place for us here to settle ourselves, but as an Inn to rest for a short space; so the Apostle, 
Heb. 13.14: Psal. 39.14.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we have here no continuing City, but we seek for one to come; so the Prophet David, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I am a Sojourner as all my fathers were; the life of man is a mere pilgrimage, from the womb to the tomb we take our journey; the world is our Inn where as Pilgrims we take up our lodging for a few days, and then come to our long home: Now if in this our pilgrimage we spend our days in pleasure and vain delights, as soon as we are gone we are forgotten; but if we husband's our time well, and manfully subdue our unruly affections, by withdrawing our eyes from those allurements and tickling delights, which Dalilae our hostess presents unto us, and suffer her not by her flatteries and enchantments to deceive us, then shall we be remembered with praise and commendation in our Inn, at our journey's end, and ever after: Oingnes villain il vous poindra poindrez villain, i'll vouz oindra (saith Rab.) anoint a villain, and he will annoy and sting thee; but sting and annoy him, and he will anoint thee; the way to make a knave know himself, is to neglect him; and the way to have honour in the world, is to trample upon the world, and to neglect it; especially that frothy windy honour which consists in popular applause. Who have been more renowned in all ages since their time, throughout the Christian world, than the Patriarches, Prophets, and Evangelists, and then they who when they were in the world, were not of the world, but lived 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Deserts, 
Heb. 11.38  in Mountains, in dens, and caves of the earth? who are at this day more honoured throughout the Christian world then S. Peter and S. Paul? the way unto honour is humility; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, He that humbleth himself shall be exalted; 
Luk. 18.14  and he that out of the pride of his heart, thinketh himself worthy of honour, for that very reason he is not, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he that exalteth himlsefe shall be brought low. Who more humble than old Father Abraham, the Father of the Faithful? then S. Paul, one of the chief Apostles? then the Prophet David, a man after Gods own heart? then S, John? Shall I (saith that good old Father) speak unto my Lord that am but dust and ashes? 
Gen. 18, 27  S. Paul of himself acknowledgeth, 
1 Cor. 15.9  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he that was not worthy to be called an Apostle: David not worthy to be a doorkeeper in the house of God; 
Luk. 3.16.  S. john 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I am not worthy to lose the shoe latchet of my Saviour: Yet of these men that were so lowly in their own eyes, the Christian world hath taken more notice then of all the Nobles of the earth; God in the dust shows his power and Majesty; he ever prefers the humble before the proud, the youngest oftentimes before the eldest; he raised Abel above Cain his elder brother, Isaac above Ishmael, Jacob above Esau, Joseph above his brethren, and David above his, because they were more humble, because they were more worthy, because they were more virtuous in their conversations then their elder brethren; the same stock that brings forth the Rose, bring forth the Briar, the same Father that begot Abel, begot Cain; both were alike nobly-descended; but because the one pursued the ways of honour, and the other desisted it, therefore was the one ennobled, and the other a runagate upon the face of the earth; honour is the reward of virtue, and he that will be honourable must first be virtuous; that is the foundation, and if that fail, the Fabric cannot stand; there may be a resemblance and an imaginary honour without it, but no true honour. Thersites may peradventure act the part of Achilles in a Comedy, an ignoble man of a noble, but it is but honos titulo tenus, an honour that extends no further than the bare title; for when the Comedy is ended, he is Thersites still, and no better a man than he was before it began. I have seen (saith the Prophet David) the wicked in great prosperity flourishing and spreading himself like a green Bay tree, 
Psa. 3●. 3●.  but he suddenly vanished, and I sought him, but he could not be found.  

Baruc 3.16, 17, 18.  Baruck makes an enquiry, where are the Princes of the people that took so much pleasure in hunting after the beasts of the earth? Where are they that spent their time in hawking after the birds of the air? And where are they that hoarded up gold and silver? Deleti sunt & in sepulchrum descenderunt, they are in the dust and clean forgotten: The memory of the licentious man is like unto ashes (as Job saith) and unto chaff (as the Prophet David saith) which the wind drives from the face of the earth; 
job. 13.12.  
Psal. 1.4.  but the memory of josias shall be tanquam mel in ore & instrumenta musica in convivio, 
Eccl. 49.1.  
Psal. 11●. 6.  as a sweet perfume in an Apothecary's shop, as Honey in the mouth, and as Music at a Banquet. The just shall be had in perpetual remembrance; the means then to have thy memory to smell sweetly in the nostrils of posterity, is to live justly in this present world; this is that one thing that is necessary; direct the Compass of thy affections to this port, here thou shalt find true honour, and here thou shalt find wisdom and knowledge, that will so temper and regulate thy prosperity and worldly blessings which God hath given thee, that though they be instruments of shame and confusion (as the Wiseman saith) to the fool, 
Pro. 1.32.  yet to thee they shall be instruments of honour, of praise, and of glory: Beauty which is to him a stumbling block and a means to lead captive silly women, 
Gratior est virtus veniens è corpore pulchro  shall make thy virtues more transparent, through which as through Crystal they shall appear more gloriously to the world: Riches which to him are like the plague of Flies to the Egyptians, to thee shall be servants and handmaids and instruments of Charity and Hospitality: Honour, which is to him as a frenzy to make him run hither and thither, he knows not whither like a mad man, to thee shall be quasi Chiara lampa che manifesta l'opere buone, as the Italian saith, as a Lamp to show others the way to virtue; and as his shame shall be the greater by how much he hath been the occasion by his example to lead others unto ruin and destruction, so thy honour shall be the greater, by how much thou by thy good example hast been the means to show others the way to virtue; pursue then the ways of honour ye whom God hath honoured, and set above your brethren, and spend that short time that is allotted you in that way: so shall you have your Coats of Arms beautified and adorned with additaments of Honour, and smell like josias in the nostrils of posterity; otherwise you must expect to hear that of yourselves which I have before remembered out of the nine and fortieth Psalm, and to have your arms defaced by posterity with gores and gussets, 
Posteritas suum cuique rependet, Ta●. l. 4. Ann.  which diminutions and abatements incident to such as addict themselves to dishonourable courses. So now being at a period, I must needs acknowledge with the holy Father Saint Bernard, (who was used to say, Se nullos habuisse magistros praeter quercus & fagos, intimating, that by prayer and meditation among the Trees in the Desert he composed the greatest part of his Works) that this Meditation of mine upon this Psalm was hatched amongst his Masters in the Park of the good old Gentlewoman my worthy Aunt by alliance Mistress Anne Fleet, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: whose great Grandfather was high-sheriff of the County of Warwick, Anno 1485. and was slain at the Battle at Bosworth that year.   

Conclusio.  
Quàm vana, momentanea 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sit magnatum potentia & opulentia, utinam Deus optimus maximus voluisset ut aliundè potiùs quàm domi ex intestinis dissentionibus disceremus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   

Errors in the Printing.  
PAg. 19 lin. 22. r. yet. p. 23. l. 13. r. drained. p. 25. l. 28. r. Enguerande. p. 29. l. 13. r. but. & l. 21. r. and. p. 33. l. 17 r. john. p 42. l. 7. r. shame. p. 45. l. 5. r. dung▪ p. 49. l. 13. r. supercilious. p. 60. l. 22. r. ignominy. p. 63. l. 13. r. of a molehill a mountain. p. 77. l. 5. r. yet. p. 111. l. 9 r, Vopiscus. p. 253. l. 8. r. Isabella and Anne whom he married into the royal blood, Isabella to George Duke of Clarence, the brother of King Edw. the fourth, who was drowned in a butt of Malmsy, and Anne first to Edw. the fift. In the Margin r. Edmondsbury.