THE EMPEROR And the EMPIRE BETRAYED: By Whom and How.  
Written by a Minister of State residing at that Court, to one of the Protestant Princes of the Empire.  
Published for the satisfaction of all good Protestants.  
LONDON, Printed for B. M. at the Duke of Lorrain's Head in Westminster. 1682.   

TO THE READER.  
THE extraordinary Conduct of the Imperial Court and Council for some years past, having raised the Curiosity of a great Prince of the Empire, to find out at any rate the true Causes and Grounds of Counsels and Actions that had so much surprised him, he made choice of a Minister whom he judged best capable to execute this Design, and having given him Instructions for the purpose, dispatched him privately under other pretences to the Emperor's Court at Prague The Minister acquitted himself well, and gave his Master an ample account of his Business by Letter, of the 13. of February 1680. The Master (a right Germane, and truly generous Prince) laid his Commands on me to publish those important Secrets, the value whereof will soon appear by the reading, from which I will no longer detain you.  
Farewell.   

THE EMPEROR AND THE EMPIRE Betrayed. AND By Whom, and How.  
In a LETTER.  
My Lord,  
'TIS the duty of a Servant not to conceal any thing from his Prince and Master, especially when he is pleased to honour him with his Confidence, as your Highness hath done in sending me to this Court: To clear myself from the Gild and Reproach of having been wanting to this Duty, I take the liberty to give your Highness a faithful and candid account in Writing; what I have discovered most pertinent and Essential to the business, you were pleased to employ me in. I shall do it with the less scruple and reserve, having sent this Letter by an Express, in whom I have entire Confidence, and doubt not but he will, according to my order, deliver it into your Hands.  
To begin with the best part of what I have to deliver, I am to inform your Highness, that His Imperial Majesty is, in my Opinion, a pious Prince, good natured, and of a sweet and gentle Disposition, and not at all inclined to contend with the Princes his Neighbours, or make War on his Inferiors: That, pursuant to this natural Inclination for Repose and for Peace, this Prince hath an Antipathy against any thing that disturbs or opposes his quiet Disposition, and hath eased himself wholly of the management and direction of his Affairs of State, and of War, by committing all to the Conduct of his principal Ministers. 'Tis hard for a Prince to intrust a Minister with Affairs of this mighty Importance, without opening to him all his Mind, and imparting the greatest and deepest of his Secrets: And from hence, I believe it hath unhappily followed that this Prince, having by degrees accustomed himself to leave the greatest part of his Affairs to the Conduct of his Ministers, hath reserved to himself only the Title and Pomp, the Splendour and Name of the Dignities and Grandeur proper to his Character. In a Word, had his Imperial Majesty never so little minded his great Affairs, he would never have yielded to sign that shameful and ignominious Peace with France, subscribed by the Imperial Ambassadors at the Congress add Nimiguen; the unhappy Effects whereof we have seen in seven Particulars of great importance.  
First, His Imperial Majesty, by those few strokes of his Pen, hath in all probability, lost for ever the Esteem, the Friendship and Confidence of the Princes his Friends and Allies; who would have generously defended and preserved him from ruin, by the force of their Arms.  
Seconldy, That his own Troops have been shamefully forced to quit all the Countries of the Empire, while those of France have been actually there, and continue to this day insulting and Domineering as they please over the Princes, the Cities, the Countries and Provinces of the Empire.  
Thirdly, That by the Execution of this Peace, the Estates, the Persons and the Courts of the three Ecclesiastical Electors of the Empire, and of the Elector Palatine of the Rhine, stand in a manner exposed every hour to the violences and eruptions of the Arms of France; and consequently, in case of an Election of a King of the Romans, we may probably find by their Suffrages what may be expected from Slaves to that proud and ambitious Crown.  
Fourthly, That his Imperial Majesty having by that Peace tacitly consented to the late Session on made by Spain of the County of Burgundy to the Crown of France: It follows, that if His Imperial Majesty, (in Case of failure of Issue in the House of Spain) should in his own Right, or in the Right of the Arch-Dutchess his Daughter, the Heir to the Estates of that Monarchy, he hath by that Article of the County of Burgundy, released his Right to it, and deprived his Successors, and the Empire of the Convenience that Country might upon a favourable Revolution have afforded them to lead an Army without opposition into the heart of France: And should Lorraine be ever restored to the Empire, yet this Article will be an infallible means for France to maintain continually an Army on the Frontiers of Germany, and invade it as often as it shall appear to be for the Interest and Grandeur of the French to attack the Germans.  
Fifthly, That though Swizzerland be throughly convinced by the building the Fortress of Hunninges, of the Ambitious designs of France, and consequently concerned and inclined to make a League with all, or part of the Princes of the Empire, in defence of the Common Liberty; yet the unfortunate Session of the County of Burgundy hath furnished the Pensioners of France, (whom no Counsel or Caution of that Republic is free from) with a plausible argument, to persuade that Republic not to stir in its own defence, till it be perhaps too late, and out of its power to help itself: For, say they, What shall we do? The Cantons of Bern, Fribourgh and Sollurre cannot subsist without the Salt of that Province: Besides the Forces his most Christian Majesty keeps actually on Foot there, may justly alarm us to be cautious to the utmost, what measures we take, and consider all things before we engage in any: By such discourses as these (though groundless if we suppose an Union of the Forces of the Empire with the Swiss, which would infallibly draw in many more) it may fall out that this Republic (if the lowest party prevail not against those Traitors to their Country) may to its own mischief, and the ruin of others, lie still and look on, as unconcerned, and consequently be a Member wholly useless to the Public, for defence of the Common Liberty, which would be in the present Conjuncture of more mischievous Consequence han most are aware of.  
Sixthly, That by this peace the Duke of Lorraine, who hath had the honour to Marry a great Queen eldest Sister to his Imperial Majesty, hath found as little respect in this Peace, as if he had married the Daughter of a Burgomaster of Colmar; and hath been violently robbed, and entirely dispossessed of his Dukedoms of Lorraine and Bar, and several other Lands he held in Sovereignty, being his Hereditary Estates, and descended to him by unquestionable right of Succession: Which others looked on with so little concern, as if this Prince (stripped of all he could call his own) had lost no more than a Ring, or a Farm of a thousand Crowns value.  
Seventhly, That his Imperial Majesty, and the Empire by Signing a Peace (to give it its right Name) so unbecoming and unworthy, have raised the courage and hopes of the most Christian King to that height, that he looks on both with so much indifference and scorn, that he hath openly undertaken at once three things, which (I believe) were ever heard of in the Empire, at least when it had the advantage of a Head that had the least jealousy and care for its Glory.  
The first, that without any Lawful Mission, the Emperor being young, and in perfect Health, he solicits vigorously the two Electors of the North side of the Empire, for their Suffrage at the next Election of a King of the Romans. I mention only these two Electors, for as for the others, he makes no doubt by fair means or by force to dispose of them as he shall think fit.  
The second, that, as if he were dealing only with the Farmers of his Revenues, or the Poisoners of Paris, he hath by a Declaration erected at Metz (as formerly at Brisak) a Court composed according to the course of that Kingdom, of a dozen Hangm— where though the smallest Duke and Peer of France, is not obliged to appear; His most Christian Majesty, as Judge and Party, citys by some Catchpole of that Clandestine Jurisdiction, Princes of the most ancient Illustrious Houses of the Empire (which he hath nothing to do withal) to make their appearance, to give him Account by what right they possess what their Predecessors have for three or four hundred Years peaceably enjoyed. This invention, with the help of the Knight of the Post, and a Map of the Country drawn out at pleasure, (but of the old fashion, the better to colour the business) is the ground of his pretensions, that the greatest part of Lorraine, the whole Dukedom of Deuxpents, and the best part of Alsatia, as far as Lauterbourgh, are ancient Dependencies of the Bishoprics of Metz, Toul and Verdun, and must consequently be reunited to the Demeans of that Crown with as much ease, as the Lands of some wretched Treasurers of France have been resumed by his Majesty.  
The third is, that to the end his new Paper-pretences, may be as effectual as the right of devolution of the low Countries in 1667 and 1668. He hath upon the Frontiers on this side considerable Forces in readiness to Execute the Reunion, or rather, under that pretence, to do what he shall think fit in the Empire; when all this while, neithe his Imperial Majesty, nor any Prince of the Empire dares openly stir. As if what hath already been done to the Duke of Lorraine, and other Princes and Cities of the Empire in Alsatia, were not only a certain presage, but an unquestionable Precedent, whereby all other Princes and States of the Empire of what quality and degree soever, may clearly see the Fortune of those Princes and States, who have the misfortune to hold of that Crown, or be Neighbours to its Dominions: The consequences that naturally follow so untoward, and so unhappy a State of Affairs will oblige us to Conclude; Woe to his Imperial Majesty, if he do not wholly alter his Conduct, and God grant I speak not prophetically and truly, as Micajah when I say His Imperial Majesty will dearly rue his trusting his Council with the direction and management of Affairs of this Nature: And woe to His Imperial Majesty and the Empire, they ever signed that false and fatal Peace, whereby both will naturally fall (unless God by special interposition prevent it) under the slavery of that absolute and despotical Dominion. Yet I would not be thought to be of Opinion, that if all His Imperial Majesty's Council were such as it ought to be, Affairs would be in that ill condition we find them; but the greater part of that Council being weak or corrupted, as I dare say it is, we are not to doubt, but if it continues, things will still grow worse and worse: I have been bold to say, the greater part of the Imperial Council is Weak or Corrupt: And to make my words good, I will proceed by degrees from smaller matters to those of greatest importance, to prove what I affirm by unquestionable Instances.  

The first Instance.  
Commissary General Capellier surprised the Steward of his House in the very act of Traitorous Correspondence with the Minister of France, to whom he gave an exact Account of all he could discover at his Master's House. The Letters he sent to the French Minister and those he received from him were seized at the Imperial Post Office at Frankfort: And though this happened in the heat of the War between the two Nations, and the Traitor upon discovery of the matter was arrested, and carried to Philipsbourgh, & From thence to Vienna, yet he (a Fellow worth nothing) found at Court such powerful support, that he was set at Liberty, and cleared as a gallant Person.   

The second Instance.  
The Siege of Phillipsbourg, being formed by the Imperial Troops and those of the Circles, and the place so much straitened that they began to want Powder in the Town, two Brothers, Burgesses of Franckfort, corrupted by a French Minister, undertook to buy several Wagon Loads of Powder in the Empire, and to convey them into Phillipsbourg with other Ammunition. But the Convoy for executing the Design having been surprised by the Imperialists, and one of the Rogues taken and sent to Vienna, he was not long there but he was set at liberty as a very honest Fellow.   

The third Instance.  
He that commanded in Fribourgh, when taken by Marshal Crequi, could not deny himself notoriously guilty of Cowardice, or Treason; being arrested for his Crimes, and carried first to Inspruck, and thence to Vienna: he was looked upon as a Sacrifice necessary to be offered to expiate so heinous an offence against Equity, Policy, and the Discipline of War; but because he was related to a principal Minister, or rather because a Great One was afraid he might (if put hard to it) make some discoveries: He was fully acquitted, and cleared from all that was laid to his charge; and in such a manner, that he retired home as confident, and unconcerned, as ever the French Governor of Phillipsbourgh could have done, after the generous defence he made of the Post he commanded.   

The Fourth Instance.  
The Duke of Saxe Eisnach having had the Command of a little Army on the Rnine, being an active and brave Prince, neglected not any thing that might conduce to the worthy discharging the Duty of his place; those of the Imperial Council, who took part with France, having designs contrary to those of that Prince, were as active on the other side, by close and sudden ways to bring two things to pass: The first was to raise and establish a misunderstanding between this Prince, and his Highness of Lorraine; Commander in chief of the great Army of the Empire: The Second was, to order the distribution of Ammunition necessary for the Army in such a manner, that when it was provided of one sort, it should certainly want another: When it had Cannon, it wanted Carriages; and when it had both these it should have neither Powder nor Bullet: And to give those of the Council their due, their designs took effect to admiration, for the whole story of that Campaign is (in short) no more but a misunderstanding between these Princes, and want of Ammunition. But this was not enough, for the malice of these Emissaries, they poceeded further to hire one under the name of Dela Magdelaine, who having been instructed by the Major Domo of the Abbot S. Gall (of whom we shall have occasion to speak hereafter) was set on to seduce and surprise this Prince: In a word, he came to the Duke of Saxe Eysenach to propose to him the surprisal of a Fortress belonging to France in the higher Alsatia: The proposal was guilded over with so much probability of success, that the Duke animated with zeal to do something great for the Glory of his Imperial Majesty, and the Interest of his Country, greedily harkened, and quickly embraced the proposal. After some necessary precautions for the Enterprise, Duneewald was commanded to undertake the Execution, and having in the Action discovered the Cheat, the Duke used his endeavours to have the Criminal Arrested: But all to no purpose; for the Major Domo had already secured him in a place of safety: I make no doubt but every one will grant me, this Rogue deserved death, and had not any colour of pretence, to find esteem or safety in the Empire: But it proved quite otherwise upon his Capitulation, (I mean that with the Major Domo) for the Rogue, having played this excellent trick, had the impudence to go to the Emperor's Court, where he was very well received, and highly treated, and sent thence to Breslaw, where Count Shaftkutsch, Precedent of the Imperial Chamber in Silesia, pays him constantly, by order from above, annually a considerable Pension: This arrant Cheat goes now as formerly under the Name of Cygale, and gives out he is akin to the Grand Signior: But it hath been made appear in France and England, that he is a Native of Maldavia, and was Groom to a Prince of that Country: This is the true Character of him, the rest that is said of him are but inventions of Jesuits and Monks, who go snips with him in the Presents he receives on his Lying pretences. I have been more particular in my account to your Highness of this Fellow, to arm you the better against a surprise, by his Fictions and Artifices, which he continues to practise every day in hope to get something from those he can impose upon.   

The Fifth Instance.  
By what I have said formerly of Swizzerland, it may appear of what importance it may be to the Emperor and Empire to make that Republic sensible of their true interest, and treat with them for a League and Union of Forces in defence of the Common Liberty; and (to bring this about) to employ in the Negotiation, Persons not only capable and faithful, but acceptable to those they are to treat with: Yet as if the Emperor's Council made it their business to do in this as other particulars, only what may gain them the favour, or the Gold of His most Christian Majesty. 'Tis fit to know the Person the Emperor's Council employs in all those important Negotiations they have with that Republic. It is no other than the Abbot S. Gall's Major Domo, above mentioned, called Monsieur Fidelle, (Mr. Faithful,) but by the same figure of speech our Divines call the Prince of Darkness an Angel of Light: For this Fellow is notoriously known and confessed to be the falsest of Men. Yet being a Person of a very ready wit, a lively fancy, and naturally active in what he undertakes, sometimes he openly acts on the part of France, and publicly solicits Suffrages in this Republic in favour of that Crown; sometimes he turns his Coat, and is on the sudden all for the House of Austria: This man from a petty Pedlar of Italy, is become excessive Rich, which I mention as a circumstance whereby it may be the better known what a Man he is, how fit to negotiate the Interests of his Imperial Majesty, and to be the Confident and Councillor of the Ministers of State; His Council sends into these parts: And to make appear their Wisdom or Collution in this particular, I must acquaint your Highness with a matter generally known throughout the Swiss Cantons.  
That this man is owner of a Moiety of two Swiss Companies, now actually in the Service of the French, under the command of his Son in Law: (An Ordinary Traffic among the Swisses) That his most Christian Majesty hath within these three years bestowed on him a Rich Canonry, in the higher Alsatia, or Brisgow, which one of his Sons is invested in: That 'tis this faithful Minister of the Imperial Court, hath since the beginning of the last War, bought all the Horses his Christian Majesty had need of for his Armies, and caused them to be transported from the Port of Wasserbourgh in Germany (where his Master hath a Bailiff, and no small Power) to the Port of Rochas, in Swizzerland, which is a place whereof his Master is Sovereign Prince: That this man being the principal incendiary and Fomenter of all the troubles and broils happened in Switzerland, these last twenty years; is so generally hated by all good people of that Nation, that to procure the miscarriages of any affair of the Diets of Baden, there is no surer means than to make the Assembly suspect this man hath a hand, or is any way concerned in it. This appeared clearly in the affair of the County of Burgundy, for Count Cazatti, the Spanish Ambassador, having very unadvisedly resolved to make use of this man's Counsel and Conduct in a matter of that importance, that mighty affair was utterly ruined by that very means: Notwithstanding all, this man is the Confident and privy Counsellor of all the Ministers his Imperial Majesty sends to that Nation; and their first business, when arrived there, is to visit him, to consult him and communicate to him all their instructions: This about three years since, occasioned a pleasant passage at the Diet of Baden: An Envoy of his Imperial Majesty, (whom I purposely forbear to name) according to the Custom of his Predecessors in that Employ, and the Orders established, went presently after his arrival to consult this Oracle; going afterward to Baden, the Envoy was strangely surprised to find that Gravelle the French Ambassador had already Communicated to the Assembly all the private Instructions the Envoy had received from the Council at Vienna: Thus that Envoy's Nogotiations came to nothing, and so will all others his Imperial Majesty shall permit to be managed by the false and Corrupt Conduct of a Man so base, and altogether unworthy the honour of that Employment.   

The Sixth Instance.  
'Tis an infallible Maxim, that every Prince dispossessed of his Estate, may hold for certain, there will be nothing omitted on the part of the Usurper, or a Conqueror in possession to ruin him, if possible, and all his Generation. Therefore 'tis not strange, that the Ministers of France (though perhaps in this particular against the intention and without the order of his most Christian Majesty) leave no stone unturned for the destruction of his Highness of Lorraine: But it may surprise any man to find that the Imperial Governor of Phillipsbourgh, should (so openly and notoriously, as he did) have attempted the destruction of that Prince, by the trap he caused cunningly to be made in the bridge of that place, for that purpose, through which the good Prince fell headlong to the bottom of the Ditch: May we not justly infer, this Governor had capitulated and agreed with some Minister of the Enemy to commit so vile a Treason? May we not conclude so black an attempt against a Sovereign Prince, Brother in Law to the Emperor, and at that time representing the Person of His Imperial Majesty, under the Character of Generalissimo of his Armies, unquestionably merited exemplary punishment? No honest Man but expected the Criminal should have been made a Sacrifice to Justice and Vengeance, when he was taken and carried under a strong Guard to Vienna. But all that was mere show, for the Favourers of France had that influence over the Council at Vienna, that this Villain, as the former, past altogether unpunished.   

The seventh Instance.  
It appears publicly his most Christian Majesty since the Peace Arms by Sea and Land more powerfully than before; and France being not sufficient for the Levies he makes, he is come by his Ambassador to the Centre of the Empire, to Frankford and to Prague to complete them. He causes Fortresses and Places of strength to be every day built on Saar, the Rhine, and all the Frontiers of Germany, I think there needs no better evidence of his having a Design to reduce Almayn into a condition of disability of help itself, when he thinks fit to attack it; if we consider farther, that he causes his Commissaries to buy up all the Corn in Swabe and Franconia, which is daily carried away into his Magazines in Lorraine, Alsatia, and the County of Burgundy. Let us examine on the other side the conduct of the Head and Natural Defender of the Empire, or rather of his unhappy Council: This Prince hath since the Peace reform all his Troops; and in particular the Garrison of Rhinefeld, which is of principal consequence: Let us weigh the matter without prejudice: He hath disbanded most of his old Regiments, and kept on foot only part of the new. A man must be blind, and void of common sense, who comprehends not that the Imperial Council hath in this particular acted by intelligence with the Council of France, and by their direction, to deprive the Emperor of the only Officers and Soldiers capable to defend him, and to make them immediately go over into the service of France: The matter hath fallen out according to their design, and I leave it to any man versed in matters of State or of War, to judge what a Conduct so extraordinary as this doth naturally signify.  
I should be too tedious to give you all the Instances I know whereby to prove the Emperor is certainly betrayed by the greater part of his Council. But to be short, let it be observed, that the same Council that cleared the Steward of Commissary Capelliers, the Traitors of Frankfort who would have furnished Philipsbourgh with Powder in the Siege, and the Governor of Fribourgh: The same Council that hath protected at Brestaw the Villain who abused the Duke of Saxe Eisnach, and procured a Pension to be settled on him; the same Council that hath settled the Major Domo of the Abbot S. Gall. to be the Imperial Minister in Switzerland, and prevented the exemplary punishment of the Governor of Phillipsbourgh; the same Council that advised His Imperial Majesty to reform the greatest part of his Troops, and in the manner I have told you; this is the very Council hath clearly acquitted and approved of all the Conduct and public Robberies and Insolences of Commissary Capelliers, and others: and by causing His Imperial Majesty, to sign the late shameful Peace, have reduced the too good Prince into such a Condition, that (without a special Providence of God to the: contrary) no Prince will henceforth without much difficulty and caution rely on his Word or his Signet: So that considering the Activity, the Power and Interest of his Enemy, with the credit and influence he hath in the Emperor's Council, His Imperial Majesty, as to his Elective Imperial Crown (and I know not what to say of his Hereditary Dominions and Estates) seems reduced to the Condition of a Chilperic, or a Charles in France; for he hath more than one Pepin, or one Hugh Capet to deal with. Nor do I see he hath any greater Authority than had those two unfortunate Kings, who were violently thrust out of their Thrones; which neither they, nor any of their Posterity ever regained. The better to convince the World how foully His Imperial Majesty is betrayed by his Council, and in him all the Princes and States of the Empire, and that there hath been of a long time a horrid and villainous Plot carried on against them with great cunning and caution, give me leave to observe that it proceeds from the secret Engines of this Plot, that His Imperial Majesty's two Sisters were Married to Princes, both Rob of their Dominions and Estates: As to the Duke of Lorraine, Husband of the Elder, he continues to this day stripped of all his Estates, and if the late Peace hold, I see little hopes of his Re-establishment. And it cannot be denied but that the Duke of Newbourgh, though restored by the Peace to the Dukedoms of Juliers and Berg, was out of possession of both at the time of the Marriage of his Son to the Emperor's younger Sister. The Reasons of these Marriages were, that the Princesses being Married (as they are) to Prince's uncapable to afford His Imperial Majesty any Succour at need, neither His Majesty nor his Allies might have any benfit by the Marriages. And that when ever France should be desirous of Peace, there might be those in the Imperial Councils and Court, whose Interest would oblige them to desire and procure it, in order to their restoration and re-establishment in their Estates, and to free themselves from the necessity of begging their Bread elsewhere. It hath happened accordingly as to the Duke of Newburgh at least, for having not wherewith to bear the Charge of the Marriage of his Son with the Emperor's Sister, without being restored to the Dutchies of Juliers and Berg, which could not (at least so speedily) be effected without a Peace, what wonder is it, that this Prince hath for the time passed (being forced by his Necessities) joined with that part of the Emperor's Council that was for Peace, and assisted them in persuading His Imperial Majesty to sign it on any Condition: Nor can it appear strange, if this Prince for the future join with the same Council, and use all his Credit and Interest with His Imperial Majesty, never to enter into a War with France, though he have never so great Reason for it. For when wants and Necessities enter in at the Door, Honour and Friendship flieth out at the windows.  
His Highness of Lorraine (to give him his due) hath done bravely on his occasion, having generously chosen to run the Risque of losing all, rather than sign so shameful and unjust a Peace, as that proposed to him by France: And I shall be very much deceived, if he or his recover not their Estates rather by this than any other Conduct: For Revolutions are Common to all, and I have particular Reasons to believe it may one day happen so in the Affairs of his Highness.  
This I think is more than sufficient to Evince that His Imperial Majesty hath been basely betrayed by his Council.  
My next business is to show by what sort of People he hath been chiefly betrayed, and with what Covers they have guilded those Pills, which they have made this Good and August Prince swallow from time to time.  
To find the bottom of this business, we must look a great way back, as far as the beginning of the War, which France by Concert with England, the Elector of Cologne, the Duke of Newburgh, and the Bishop of Munster, made against the United Provinces in 1672. After several Alliances with the Deceased Elector of Bavaria, and Duke of Hanover, and others, which were but too visible during that War.  
Several pretences have been made use of to colour that Rupture, but the truth is, it was fomented only by the Court of Rome and the Jesuits: To give your Highness full and clear satisfaction in this particular, be pleased to permit me to put you in mind, that a little before the breaking out of that War, his Royal Highness of Savoy Deceased, having taken his Measures with the Court and Council of France, made open War against the Republic of Genoa. The Court of Rome wisely judging the Duke of Savoy would not have engaged in that Enterprise without assurance before hand of Succour and Protection from France, if needful; and that those petty Sparks might raise a General Conflagration in Italy, which in time might draw over thither all the French Forces, and consequently expose that Country to inevitable Ruin; that subtle and cunning Court, to save themselves from the storm, applied themselves seriously,  
In the First place, to put an end upon any terms to the War between the Duke and the Republic, which Monsieur Gaumont soon after effected.  
In the next place, being sensible what formidable Forces His Most Christian Majesty had then on foot, and that that Monarch could not forbear breaking out into a new War; the Court of Rome resolved to use all their endeavours to divert from themselves and their Neighbours, the Effects of the French Arms, and cause them to fall on some other Country of Europe, the most remote that might be from Italy, and where it might be most Convenient for the Interest of the Pope: The Jesuits having given directions to this purpose, the affair was managed with that subtlety, the Storm fell altogether on the United Provinces, the Court of Rome assuring itself, that if that Republic were once destroyed, the whole Protestant Party would naturally come to ruin, and the Papal Authority in a short time recover its primitive Grandeur and Glory. Great Obstacles were quickly discovered against the carrying on this mighty Project: The most Christian King who clearly saw what the Court of Rome aimed at, was, or pretended to be, unwilling to engage in Open War against the United Provinces, but on two Conditions.  
First, That the Court of Rome should secretly consent and give way that he might, if he could, join the Provinces of the Spanish Netherlands and Lorraine, with what he could Conquer from the States of the United Provinces, to form or restore the Ancient Kingdom of Austrasia.  
Secondly, that the Court of Rome should assure him, to their Power, to procure his Majesty and the Dauphin, (who was designed the New King of Austrasia,) the Imperial Crown.  
As to the point of the Spanish Netherlands, it must be observed, that to bring about the Design, it was absolutely necessary to manage his Majesty of Great Britain, (whose interests there were very considerable) and there could be no hopes to give him satisfaction without Sacrificing to him something very considerable of what belonged to the Spaniard. It would have been almost impossible for any but the Jesuits Interests, so different, to reconcile and overcome so great and Numerous Difficulties. The two Branches of the most August House of Austria, had heaped most considerable Favours, and showed their Bounties, on the Society of Jesuits: But when they are concerned for the Grandeur of the Pope, and the Interests of the Mitre (which (by the way) the Society looks on with the same Ardour a young Prince in Love would eye the advantages, the Glory and Interests of a Beautiful and rich Queen, whom he made no doubt but he should one day enjoy) all Thoughts and memory of the favours received from the August Family, are wholly laid aside on that occasion; the Jesuits fell immdiately to find out Expedients for two Reasons, full of Justice and Equity, according to the Politic Maxims of that Blessed Society.  
The first was that whereas the House of Austria in the present Conjuncture was notoriously unable to raise the Roman Bishops to their former Estate of Grandeur and Glory, and that there was not any but His most Christian Majesty, who by his Forces and Interests could work this kind of Miracle it was absolutely necessary to remove all Difficulties and Obstacles that might hinder the effecting an enterprise so Profitable and Glorious.  
The Second, That in case the Design should take effect, the Society was assured of having in recompense of their pains, two great Abbeys, Heads of their Orders, the one in the Ancient Kingdom of France, the other in the New Conquests: Which Abbeys were to be added to the vast Patrimony of this Society, besides the assurances they had by the protection of France, to obtain a Settlement in Amsterdam, and elsewhere. Upon these Grounds they procured the Treaties to be privately signed between France and Rome, and between France and England, by virtue whereof the War was quickly begun against the United Provinces.  
I pass over in silence the satisfaction his Majesty of Great Britain was to have, as impertinent to my present business: It may be observed, that as under the Reign of Philip the second France was to have been made (as far as it lay in the Power of Rome) a Sacrifice to the Interests of the Papal Mitre, and the Monarch of Spain, 'tis now become the turn of the most August House of Austria, (according to this Project) to be Sacrificed to the interests of the Papacy, the Jesuits and his most Christian Majesty. And that as the principal design of the Jesuits, and of France, was the absolute destruction of the Protestant Party, it was from hence it proceeded, that a League was formed and signed by most of the Catholic Princes of Germany, and incorporated into the Treaties above mentioned, wherein every of the Confederates had, or at least thought to have had his design, and compassed his ends, as afterwards appeared: Hence also it proceeded that France, having anciently had very strict alliances with the Protestant Princes of Germany, concealed very carefully the present design from all its ancient Allies of that Communion. The Court of Rome, and the Society as carefully concealed it from both branches of the House of Austria; and all this for reasons, than which nothing is more easily apprehended: For the same reason it was, that in the beginning of this War, nothing was omitted by the Pope's Nuncio, the Jesuits, and their Emissaries, to lull asleep the Councils of Vienna and Madrid; and that afterwards they did with all possible diligence reveal to the Ministers of France, all they could discover of the deliberations of the Imperial Council, or the Spanish. For the same reason it was, that his Imperial Majesty by the clear Remonstrances of the Elector of Brandenbourgh being made sensible of the Trap cunningly laid for him by the French, and having commanded an Army to join with that Elector on the Rhine, those Emissaries of Rome laid all their heads together, and for their Masterpiece to carry on the Design, effected two things.  
The first was the Rebellion of the Male Contents in Hungary, not yet Suppressed, whereby they endeavoured, if possible, to give the Emperor so strong a diversion, that it might not be in his Power to assist his Allies.  
The second, I have from an Anonimous Author of an Essay of the Interest of the Protestant Princes and States, Printed in the year, 1676. and treating of several things, in this respect very considerable: The Author in my Opinion deserves the more Credit, in that he hath lashed the Society to some purpose in his Discourse, yet not one of its Patrons or Partisans hath undertaken to refute him: The account he gives of the first Campaign, I will repeat Word for Word from the Original, as very suitable to my purpose.  
In the Year 1672. when the Arms of France were so prosperous, that all Europe looked on the States of the United Provinces as very near Destruction, His Electoral Highness of Brandenbourgh wisely foreseeing the Consequences to be expected from the Ambitious Erterprises of France, if not stopped in time, gained himself the Reputation, not only of having been the first Prince of Christendom who drew his Sword in Protection of that broken State, but by vigorous Remonstrances to the Court of Vienna, was the cause that His Imperial Majesty, awaking out of the Lethargy some corrupt Counsellors had cast him into, resolved to Arm vigorously, and join with his Electoral Highness in Defence of that Republic: His Electoral Highness in pursuance of this Resolution being advanced towards the Rhine, with a considerable Army, and Count Montecuculi being on his way thither in the Head of an Imperial Army, with design to act jointly, and to do something considerable in favour of the Republic. France, alarmed by the March of the two Germane Armies, had detached Marshal Turenne, with a Body of an Army to observe the motions of the other two: But by the several Marches and Countermarches these two Armies had made, especially that of Brandenbourgh, sometimes making as if they would pass the Rhine in several places, sometimes in being ready to fall upon the Allies of France beyond the Rhine, Turennes Army was so tired out and harassed, that about the end of the Campaign it was almost quite dissipated, and found itself in so miserable a Condition, that 'tis certain all Turenne was able to do, was to be on the defensive against one of those Armies, and that if both Armies had joined, Turenne had been inevitably lost, as was publicly confessed. His Electoral Highness of Brandenburg knowing how easy it was to destroy Turenne, and the Consequence of his Defeat, caused a vigorous Remonstrance of all to be made to the Council of Vienna; it was so effectual, that positive Orders were sent Montecuculi to join his Electoral Highness and Fight Turenne, without further loss of time; which would have broken all the open and hidden Measures of France, and by one blow freed the Empire and Holland from Oppression. But other matters were in hand for the Interest of Rome. His Majesty of Great Britain had permitted himself to be persuaded to publish about that time, a Declaration (whereof he made Report to his Parliament,) whereby a Toleration and Indulgence was granted in favour of the Nonconformists of his Kingdom. Though it may be thought it was not so much for favouring the particular Conventicles of the Sectaries of the Protestant Party, as, under the name of Non-Conformists, to introduce Popery again into that Estate, though contrary to the Designs and Intentions of His Majesty, who granted it only in favour of the tender Consciences of his Protestant Subjects: This Step towards Popery being the First Fruits the Court of Rome had promised itself from the Ruin of the States of the United Provinces, 'tis no wonder that Court set all hands at work to effect that Ruin. The then principal Obstacles of the Design, was the Resolution of His Electoral Highness against Turenne, the Destruction of his Army being capable to Re-establish the States of the United Provinces, and that Re-establishment would have destroyed all the Projects of the Jesuits in England. Here it was the Jesuits played their part to prevent the blow from fallin on Turenne, and they acted it too well for the general Good of Europe: for Montecuculi instead of receiving Express Order to join Brandenbourgh's Army, and fight Turenne, received Orders quite contrary; whereby he was absolutely forbidden to do the one or the other. To drive this Nail to the head; the venerable Society (whose impudence nothing can parallel) made it their business several ways to infuse into his Electoral Highness a jealousy of the Emperor, as insincere in his intentions: this was effected with the greater facility, for that his E. H. of Brandenbourgh, having received from the Court of Vienna, a formal Letter, which gave him an exact account of the true order his Imperial Majesty had sent Montecuculi to join him and fight the French, and his E. H. having summoned Montecuculi to execute that Order, Montecuculi, who knew he had Orders quite contrary, but knew nothing of the former, of which the Elector had account, could do no less than refuse the one and the other, nor could his Electoral Highness choose upon the refusal, but suspect the sincerity of the Emperor's Intentions. This was not enough for those Masters of mischief, for at the same time those Emissaries omitted nothing that might instill into Montecuculi, a suspicion of the sincerity of the Elector's Intentions. These Jealousies being but too deeply established, especially on this last side, 'tis no wonder His Electoral Highness was at last persuaded (as these Emissaries had by a third Hand insinuated to him) that the House of Austria treated underhand a separate Peace with France: Which appeared the more probable, by the daily Advice he had of the miserable estate of Turenne's Army, growing every hour worse and worse, and the obstinacy of Montecuculi, neither to join him, nor fight. The Emissaries foreseeing this misunderstanding would vanish intime time, when the truth should appear, made use of that conjuncture to set on the Duke of Newbourgh to manage a particular Peace between his Electoral Highness and France; which the Electoral, jealous of the Imperialists, and vexed at their proceedings, was at last persuaded to accept, and with so much the more reason, that as to Holland he pretended they had not satisfied their Engagements to him, and as to the Interests of the Empire he reserved himself entire liberty to arm in its defence, if France should attack it.  
The Elector was concerned in Reputation to make the Emperor sensible of his just Resentments of Montecuculi's proceeding: Montecuculi was strangely surprised, when at his return to Vienna his Master called him to a strict account of his Conduct, and the Reasons why he had neither joined Brandenbourgh's Army, nor fought Turenne, when express Orders had been sent him for both. But if Montecuculi was surprised at the Question, his Imperial Majesty was no less at the Answer, when his sage General produced for his discharge an Order of his Imperial Majesty, in very good form, expressly forbidding him either to join with Brandenbourgh or fight Turenne: And 'tis certain, this General found all the justice of his Cause, and the assurance his Master had of his fidelity, little enough to clear him of this unhappy Affair. I know this business is one of those Riddles never to be deciphered, unless the Author will voluntarily give us the Key. I know 'tis from hence it proceeds, that one of the principal Wretches of this Court hath been formerly charged with this Forgery: But to speak the truth, the whole guilt of this Affair lies at the Doors of the Emissaries of Rome in this Court, who by secret Contrivances with those of France, found the means to intercept the true Original Order, and in the same dispatch to transmit a false one, but very well Sergeant both the Hand and Seal: And that by People who are not now to learn that Trade. It being certain we should not have seen so many Troubles in Hungary, as daily are there, had these Emissaries less credit in the Emperor's Court.  
His Imperial Majesty, the Elector of Brandenbourgh, and Count Montecuculi know the truth of all that concerns them in this Affair: But I am well assured not one of the three knows the secret Engines set at work in the business. What I know thereof comes not from them, but from a place where every particular of this Negotiation was known, and by whom it was animated. Certain it is, if the point of the Catholicon in England had not been found; the Ministers of France could not have so easily compassed this Forgery; but by that every thing became feasible, the Directors of the Society having voluntarily undertaken to master all Difficulties.  
By the ingenious Deduction of this Relation, where the Author speaks plainly, as a man well instructed and acquainted with the fineness, and superfineness of the management, and by what I have said before, on the same Subject, and every one may of himself apprehend it appears that it proceeds from a Principle of a Papal, or Jesuitical Ambition, the Council of Vienna, from the beginning of the War, hath been so well penetrated, directed, or altered, that all the Expeditions of the Imperial Army (except with convenient distinctions, the considerable Important taking of Bonne, the long and langushing Siege of Phillipsbourgh, and the taking it at last, and the death of Turenne, which was merely accidental) I say all the Expeditions, these three Points excepted, have been from the beginnings of the Campaigns to the end of them, but so many Processions and Pilgrimages of Shame and of Misery, of Disorder and confusion, as the Subjects of the Empire know too well, who have been flayed to the bone, and had their Marrow suckedout by Winter quarters, without consideration, or mercy, but especially the Protestant States and people, and other Princes, Lords, Magistrates, Countries and Towns, who have felt the smart of that fiery Trial.  
From the same principle it is, that when by the Expulsion of the Swedes out of the Patrimony of the Empire, his Electoral Highness of Brandenbourgh, and his Highness of Zell and Osnabourgh were in a condition (notwithstanding the particular peace of the United Provinces and Spain) to transport the chief of their Forces upon the Frontiers of France, and by so glorious an Action, to oblige France infallibly to make a peace with the Empire in general and particular, according to Justice and Equity, than were the Emissaries of Rome, so powerful in the Council at Vienna, that they obliged his Imperial Majesty, to the prejudice of all his Treaties, to seal privately such a peace with France, as we have mentioned before; which hath been managed with so much dexterity, that that good (but for that time too credulous) Prince did believe, and perhaps is still of the same mind, that he acted according to the most judicious Maxims of Religion and Prudence: And because it may concern your Highness to be informed what Artifices were used by the Jesuits and Ministers of France, who went hand in hand, acting by concert in all this Affair, to engage his Imperial Majesty to sign that fatal Peace, there were sent from France under other pretences the Duchess of Meclenbourgh to the Court of Zell, and the Count of D' Epause to that of Brandenbourgh, and at the same time the Jesuits laboured so effectually, that his Imperial Majesty was made believe (though certainly without just ground) that the Houses of Brandenbourgh and Lunenbourgh had already agreed, or were just upon agreeing, to a separate Peace with France; whereby his Imperial Majesty would be left alone a prey to the French Ambition. True it is, if those Princes were in that Conjuncture (as is very probable) very willing to keep what they had conquered from the Swede: I think they had done well to have dismissed those Envoys from their Courts, which had they done, it would at least have taken away from the Emperor's corrupt Council, all pretence of rendering them suspicious to his Imperial Majesty, and hastening him in pursuance of that suspicion to sign the peace under Consideration.  
To sum up all, we may from what hath been said, reasonably infer these three particulars.  
First, That his Imperial Majesty hath been basely betrayed by the greater part of his Council; for I am not so malicious and unjust to confound the innocent with the guilty, and not to make an exception (out of the general clause) in favour of those of his Council, who are men of Integrity and Honour, who in truth I think are very few, and not much in Credit.  
Secondly, That his Imperial Majesty being so villainously betrayed by his Council, the Empire in general and particular, through the indissoluble union of the head and Members cannot but miserably participate the misfortune and sufferings of its Sovereign, as is very well known by a fatal, and too long experience.  
Thirdly, that 'tis easy for his Imperial Majesty, and the Empire, to know whom they have equally cause to complain of, and from what Principle not only this Treason is derived, but all the mischiefs that have afflicted Christendom, for above an Age, but especially the Empire since the beginning of the late War: I say for above an Age, as to the General; because that which his most Christian Majesty, instigated by the Jesuits, undertakes in our days, is but the same, which, by instigation of their predecessors, Charles the first, the Emperor Fardinand the Second, and Philip the Second of Spain, did in their days. As to the Empire in particular I say, since the beginning of the last War; because 'tis certain his Imperial Majesty hath been since that time by the means I have mentioned, so closely beset, and so strictly observed, that 'tis not in his power to speak, to advise, to wish, or do any thing, but the Society knows, and absolutely destroys it, if not suitable to their particular Interests and Designs: There is not a person in the Emperor's Court, but knows, that no man without certain ruin dare oppose in that Court that Cabal in any matter though never so little: To conclude this Point, His Imperial Majesty, as a Slave to the Society, as things stand at present, serves only to Authorise his own Ruin, the Ruin of his August Family, and of the Empire in general and particular: For the very Moment I write, France publicly solicits in the Empire, (as I said before) the Nomination of a King of the Romans in favour of the Dauphin, which in all probability will be managed with so much dexterity and subtlety, that his Imperial Majesty, if he follow the advice of his Council, Spiritual or Temporal, will think himself obliged in Conscience voluntarily to give way to it.  
This, my Lord, is the true state of his Imperial Majesty, and his Council since the last Peace. Three things remain to be considered.  
First, The particular Advantages the Court of Rome, and the Jesuits procured themselves by the late War.  
Secondly, What Advantages they designed themselves by the late Peace, and its consequences.  
Thirdly, What the Empire in general and particular may expect from the present state of Affairs.  
The Advantages the Court of Rome and the Jesuits procured themselves, by the late War, have not been so great as they promised themselves, for God having preserved the United Provinces, whose utter Destruction they had projected; 'tis certain, most of their Projects in England, and elsewhere, were defeated: Yet the Advantages of the Papacy over the Protestant Party, in the late War, are very considerable; and consist in five Particulars.  
1. That by the fire of War, kindled by the Artifices of Rome, and the Jesuits, between England and the United Provinces; those two Protestant Powers have unhappily consumed very considerable Forces in Men, Money, Ships, Ammunition, and loss of Trade, the Soul and Substance of the Riches of both Countries.  
2. That the United Provinces have in defence of themselves against France and its Allies in Germany, been forced to spend their Men and their Money, besides loss of Trade during the War.  
3. That Swede, Denmark, Brandenbourgh, and Zell, have consumed their Forces during all this War, kindled by the Artifices of the same Party, between Swede, and the three Princes of Denmark, Brandenbourgh, and Lunenbourgh, both by Sea and Land.  
4. That under pretence of this War, the Protestant States of the Empire, as well during the Campaignes as by Winter-Quarters, have been miserably harrassed and exhausted with Exactions, Burnings, Contributions to that degree, that most of the Protestant Imperial Towns are almost ruined; and several of them as well as the Palatinate, and other Countries, out of hopes of recovery in an Age; while the Hereditary Countries, and Bavaria, and many other places of the Roman Communion in the Empire, have been preserved as the Apple of an Eye, or so little oppressed they scarce feel it.  
5. That France by this War, having conquered the County of Burgundy, and kept it by the Peace free from Condition of Exchange, it is to be observed, that whereas this Province, belonging heretofore to Spain, was, by reason of its distance from the heart of that Kingdom, not in a condition to hurt the Protestant Cantons of the Swisses; now that it belongs to France, we art not to flatter ourselves, but it belongs to a Power which may every hour make a sudden irruption into the Canton of Bern, and under the specious pretence of Religion put the Protestant and Roman Cantons in disorder, and by degrees work their inevitable ruin; unless that Republic have the Courage and Judgement to enter into confederacy with those that aught to preserve it from destruction, which the building the Fortress of Hunningen, may sufficiently instruct them, is certainly intended them.  
I reckon all these to be real advantages the Court of Rome and the Jesuits have by the last War procured themselves against the Protestant Party: For where resolution is taken to ruin an Enemy under several heads, the best way to effect it, is to divide the Powers, and engage them as much as may be in War, one against another, to the Consumption of their Forces; and to fortify yourself on their Frontiers, that you may make sudden Inroads into their Countries when you please: The Court of Rome, and the Jesuits, by the Access they have had to the Council of France, and the House of Austria, and by the help of the Counsellors there, and in the Protestant Courts, have with great dexterity put these Maxims in practice during the late War: For His Majesty of Swedland, managed by France, His Majesty of Denmark, His Electoral Highness of Brandenbourgh, and His Highness of Zell, managed by the Imperial Court, will take the pains to search to the bottom, by what Motives and Artifices they have been all four engaged in a War, which hath ruined their Estates for more than ten years. I doubt not (with the respect and submission that is due to them) but they will find that the modern Romans have with great insolence and perfidiousness practised upon them what the ancient Romans did for divertisement to their Gladiators: for when these men had by bloody, and oftentimes mortal Combats, sufficiently diverted the Spectators, and the Magistrate made them a Sign to give out, they were bound to do it, and in what condition soever they were to go every one home, as these four Princes were in the end forced to do. This may serve for an excellent and important instruction for England, Holland, Swede and Denmark, and all the Protestant States and Princes of Germany, to avoid effectually the snares the Court of Rome every day lays for them the ways I have observed, with a settled design to destroy not only their Religion but their Temporal Estates.   

The Second Point.  
The Advantages the Court of of Rome and the Jesuits proposed to themselves by the conclusion of the Peace between his Imperial Majesty and France, may be reduced to three principal Heads.  
1. By the Maxims observed in the first part of my Letter, to fix (without danger of any probable variation) the Designs of France, and the Efforts of their Arms, against the Empire and Northern Countries, as most remote from Italy, and most convenient by the progress of those Arms to ruin the Prorestant Party and consequently to advance the re-establishment of the Papal Grandeur and Authority, the fall of the one producing naturally the exaltation of the other. And for attaining this end, to procure this Peace to be so made, that his most Christian Majesty might be fully persuaded the Court of Rome and the Jesuits (in prejudice to all other Powers of Christendom) studied nothing more than his exaltation, and an effectual settling and establishing in time an absolute Monarchick Authority over Europe: And that this project might be made appear so facile and easy to this Prince that he might be the better tempted to undertake it: In order to these ends, the Court of Rome and the Jesuits could not have done any thing whereby more effectually to demonstrate their zeal and close adherence to the Grandeur and Exaltation of the most Christian King, than by making (as they have done with so much craft and perfidiousness) a Sacrifice of the Emperor and Empire (with all that concerned the Glory and Interest of both) the better to carry on the Designs of the French: Their project in this particular hath proved so effectual, and discovered so many divisions, so much ignorance, weakness, and baseness, in the Empire, that his most Christian Majesty may by these appearances rationally judge he may probably succeed in whatever he shall attempt against the Empire (though I am not of opinion he will find it so easy a matter as he hath been made believe 'tis.) But we are to believe this Prince is persuaded, that to attain all his ends, the Empire being the natural obstacle against an Universal Monarchy, it must be his business to attempt the Empire in the first place. Nor can it be doubted, but the Court of Rome and the Jesuits, making full account the most Christian King will be very well able by his Forces to master the Empire, have hastened with all diligence possible the signing the Peace between his Imperial Majesty and France, upon design that his most Christian Majesty being by this expedient of the Peace free from War, in case the perpetual Plots of the Court of Rome, and the Jesuits in England, or elsewhere, should be so prosperous, as, with the help of Foreign aid, to effect the re-establishment of the Pope's Authority there, they might make use of the French Forces to invade that Kingdom, or other Countries, for the ends I have mentioned: And if by God's Providence the perfidious and damnable Conspiracy of the Jesuits against the King the Religion and State of England had not been discovered the last year, I believe England had e'er this felt the Effects of what I observe. Be pleased to allow me leave on this occasion to say, that unless his Majesty of Great Britain be willing to fall, with all his People, under the slavery of the Pope, the Jesuits, and France, he hath great Cause to take heed left the Warlike Preparations of all sorts made by the French in all their Ports, and on the Coasts of the Ocean, be not made upon some such design; for by the Scheme of the Plot Ireland is looked upon as a Country which may unquestionably procure France the absolute Dominion of the Sea, and of Trade, and the Conquests of the West Indies, according to their ancient and primitive project.  
3. The Court of Rome and the Jesuits having that influence over the Imperial Council, that it was in their power to do what they pleased there, there is no doubt but the signing of the Peace was pressed on this farther design, that His Imperial Majesty (the Peace concluded) finding himself in a condition to dispose of the greatest part of his Forces, they might easily persuade him to employ them to root out the Protestant Party in Hungary, and perfect the pretended Reformation in Silesia: And it was well for that People that God provided for their safety by very extraordinary means, I mean the Plague; for had not that broken out, it is not credible but Dunewald the Apostate, now a formal Creature of the Jesuits, had been sent thither with an Army to do something. Happy would it be for His Imperial Majesty, if by just and solid Reflections on the Disasters successively fallen upon his August Family, for having too much espoused the violent and cruel passions of the Court of Rome and the Jesuits, and by considering this Scourge of God which hath forced him to quit his Capital City, and in a manner follows him visibly wherever he goes, he would be sensible the Hand of God is not stretched out against him, as heretofore against David, for his Sin, but because he hath stretched out his hand to oppress the only Congregations of Christians in his Dominions, whose Worship is not infected with Idolatry, and who according to the Precepts of the Gospel adore the Sovereign and Supreme Creator in Spirit and in Truth. But far happier should His Imperial Majesty be, if by such reflections God would give him the Grace, as he did to the Emperor Charles the Fifth before the died, to acknowledge and own the Truth he persecutes; and (setting aside Policy) embrace generously the Profession of it. God Almighty would then certainly bless him, and 'tis credible he would not deny him the Power to humble the Proud, and those who by their enormous. Ambition, put all Europe into Combustion. I beg your Highnesses Pardon for this Digression; which the Matter I treat of, and my Zeal for the Faith and Salvation of others naturally led me to.   

The Third Point.  
To make some solid Prognostic, in a matter so delicate, I say, as to what the Empire in general and particular is no expect from the present state of affairs; we are to believe his most Christian Majesty (unless notably changed in his dispositions) would boldly and courageously carry on his business, I mean his pretention to make his Son, the Dauphin, King of the Romans: His Marriage with the Princess of Bavaria, the Envoys and magnificent Presents he sends to the Electoral Courts of Saxony and Brandenbourgh, and his arming so furiously, signify sufficiently two things. First, His Contempt of the Alliances and Oppositions His Imperial Majesty may make against him. Secondly, That he will certainly pursue his pretention. 'Tis of extreme importance for the Empire in general and particular to know, whether it be for the interest of the Empire to favour this pretention, or to oppose it. This with your Highness' leave, I intent briefly to examine; and to observe some order: It is to be considered,  
1. Whether it be better for the Empire in general, and every Member of it in particular, to live according to the ancient Customs, Rights and Privileges, under which they have lived for many Ages; or that the Empire, without striking a blow, submit voluntarily to the Yoke of a Government which acknowledges no Law, but that of a Power purely Despotical and Absolute?  
2. As a Dependent on the former Point, Whether it be better, as to the Revolutions since the Wars for Religion, that the Empire live occording to the Concordats and Agreements in the Peace of Munster, or Osnabrug, and the last Capitulations with His Imperial Majesty since his Election: or without regard to the one, or the other, that the Empire engage anew in a Civil War, which by a final Victory may decide the Quarrel in favour of one of the parties, concerning the Concordats, and those two Treaties of Peace, or the late Capitulations, as if never agreed or capitulated?  
I think it the more necessary to examine before hand these Points, for that we may hold it for certain.   

As to the first Point.  
In case the Dauphin be ever Elected King of the Romans, that from the days of that Election, whatever Capitulations shall be signed to the contrary, the Germane Empire will be annexed to, and made an Hereditary Province of the Crown of France. To justify this, you need only read several French Authors, who have treated of the Rights and pretensions of France, upon the Empire, particularly that of the Advocate Awbrey; for though he hath with good reason been laughed at for his Writings, yet if that Election take effect, we shall find his discourse solid and well grounded. Besides, you may soberly weigh what France hath already practised upon that part of the Empire which hath fallen to its share, and the Neighbouring Parts, both in Temporals and Spirituals: as to the Temporal Concerns, France seizes all boldly and openly in the Face of the Sun, without pretence of other Law, or Right, but that of convenience, with as much freedom and confidence, as it would take possession of any ancient Patrimony of that Crown: The Dukes of Lorraine and Deuxponts, Mentbelevard, and the Ten free Towns of Alsatia, sufficiently prove this; as to Spiritual matters you need only read the public Ordinance of the Bishop of Metz against the Lutherans of those Countries.  
For the Clergy in general, all the free Chapters of the Empire, whether Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Abbots, Deans, or Priors, may assure themselves, if this Election take place, they must go to France e'er they come to those Dignities; for to imagine the free Suffrages of the Chapters shall be continued, is sortishness and folly. The Bishoprics of Metz, Toul and Verdun, and (I doubt not for the future) Cambray, which were heretofore Principalities of the Empire, may teach us that under a French Government the only way to those Dignities is by a Writ of Presentation by the Kings, and consequently all that seek or depend on those Bishoprics must be Courtiers and Slaves. Not but that I believe if the Dauphin be chosen King of the Romans, his Council is too cunning not to make him promise expressly to maintain the Privileges and Ecclesiastical Benefices of the Empire: And that till he be fully settled they may be content to write Letters to the Chapters to choose the person the Court shall recommend, but in such a manner there will be no fear of refusal: Yet this course is not to be expected to hold ten Years to an end: Which I believe the rather for that France pretends (as hath been declared at large by several politic Treatises) that most of the great Benefices in Germany have been founded by Emperors, Kings of France, and that consequently the Court of France is the true Patron of them.  
The Princes of the Empire, Ecclesiastical and temporal, of what Rank or Degree soever, may from the day of that Election, provide for three things which will certainly follow.  
First they shall be reduced to the natural Rents and Revenues of their ancient Patrimonies, which cannot with Probability be denied to depend upon the ancient Kingdom of Austrasia, (which the Ministers of France suppose to be part of the French Monarchy) and consequently all natural Rights there being subject to the Law Salic, admit neither of Alienation nor Prescription. For as to the Taxes and Contributions now paid these Lords by their Vassals and Subjects, there is no doubt but they will be obliged to disclaim them, and consent with a very good Will, that the Head of the Empire shall in this Case Order what Taxes and Exactions he please to be Levied, and all for his use: To pretend Capitulations or Reasons to the contrary, will be to insist on Trifles, or commence Suits to be decided only by Military Execution.  
Secondly, They will be Disarmed, it being against the Honour of the policy of France, to permit any Prince, or Lord, under their Dominion, to have the Power to defend himself by force, be his Right to do so never so ancient and authentic.  
Thirdly, To gain the favour of the Head of the Empire, the Head of every House of the Secular Princes must actually wait on His Imperial Majesty at an excessive Expense, or send in his stead his Brothers or Sons to make his Court, or to receive Orders and Caresses, and sometimes Repulses and Checks: And the Empire being full of Divisions and Jealousies, there is cause enough to fear the Princes will strive who shall be most Officious, as the Princes and other Great men of France have done, to their utter Ruin, and total Consumption of their Estates.  
As for the Counts, and Barons, and all Gentlemen of the Empire, who are Vassals to Electors and particular Princes, my Heart bleeds to think how certainly and strangely their Condition will be changed, if ever a French King be made Emperor. Is it probable the Ministers of France will have more pity of the Germane Nobility and Gentry, than the Dukes, Marquesses, Counts, Barons and particular Nobility of their own Country have found at their hands? There is no doubt but the day they change their Master, they must bid an Eternal Adieu to all their Rights of Sovereign Justice and freehold: The Great Men and private Gentry of France, several of whom have the Honour to be descended in a right Line from Sovereign Princes, had no less Courage, nor were heretofore less Privileged, nor less Jealous of their Rights, than many of the Body of the Empire are at this present. Yet have they been forced one after another to submit to the Yoke, and lose all their ancient Privileges: Nor must they think any more (though they have right) to lay any imposition on their Subjects. For (as I said before in the Article of the Princes;) This is a sweet bit, which the absolute and Despotical Dominion of France always reserves for its own Tooth. They must never think more by Offices and Employments under particular Princes, or the Head of the Empire, to render themselves considerable, make their Fortunes, or Recover their spent Estates, as they could have done heretofore: At least but few of them shall be ever able to do it. For as to particular Princes, they will in case of a French Emperor be absolutely ruined, and forced to Retrench themselves and their Families to a very low Condition; and as to the Head of the Empire, whoever will have Office or Employment in his House or Courts of Justice, must think of buying it with ready Money, there being not an Office or Employment in the French Kings House, from the Steward of his House to the Scullion in his Kitchen, nor in his Courts of Justice, from that of Chief Precedent to the meanest Sergeant, but is sold for ready Money. So that there remains not for the Nobility and Gentry of the Empire, any Office or Employ, but what must be bought, save only the Military: But the Nobility and Gentry of the Empire are too Judicious, (at least, unless (as the French Proverb is) They are willing to be taken for Fools,) not to know they have no reason to promise themselves in this particular of Military Employment, any greater Privilege than is allowed the ancient Nobility of France, and consequently, that to procure the favour of the Prince or his Principal Ministers, they must serve in the Wars at their own Charge, as the French Nobility have done. The necessary Expenses of every Office exceeding yearly, by three fourth's, the pay of the Prince: That is, they most resolve to consume the Bulk of their Estates to be known at Court, and frequently spend a real Patrimony in pursuit of vain and chimerical hopes, which will infallibly Ruin their Families; and bring most of those who take these Courses to end their lives in Languishing Griefs and cruel Repenting: For thus it is, all the Nobility of France serve in the Wars, and such is the end most of them make. If we have heard of a Schomberg or a Ransan that became considerable in France by the Wars. Let the Nobility of the Empire be assured it was but a Lure which the Ministers of France (who have long since Plotted the Conquest of the Empire) thought fit to hold out to Delude and Cheat the Germane Nobility: They are like the Fires in the Night that lead them into Precipices, who are indiscreet enough to follow them: All this I know to be true, grounded on very Authentic Memoirs, and certain knowledge of the matters I mention.  
As for the Imperial Towns and free Cities of the Empire, Colmar, Schlestat, and Haguenau, and the rest of that Rank, situate in Alsatia, may teach their Magistrates and Councils, what value the Ministers of France put upon their ancient Rights and Privileges, for those are the things the Ministers there, or their Envoys under the name of Commissaries or Intendants, call in Derision Stories to make one Sleep, Illusions, and Old Wives Tales, that is, things nothing worth. If ever France come to the Empire, all the Cities of that Order are with Metz, Toul, and Verdun, and (last of all) Bezanson to denounce and disclaim all Rights of Justice, Magazines, Garrisons and Impositions, and to prepare themselves (at least all those that cannot, will be kept under otherwise) to see built in the highest place in the Town a strong Citadel at their Charge, and a Garrison put into it, which they must maintain, and consequently by degrees undergo, as well as all the Subjects of Princes, Earls, Barons, and particular Lords; and all Counts, Barons, and private Lords for their Estates in Land and all Necessaries for Life, with very little Exception, all the Impositions following.  

First upon Estates in Land, Money, and Trade.  
Aid, Octroy, Preciput, Equivalent, Crew, Taille, Estaste, Subsistence de quartier d'hyver, Garinzons, Mortpayes, Appointments des Governeurs, Debts & Affaires du Roy, Gratifications Extraordinaries, Den Gratuity, Frais de Recova usemens' & Contabilite.   

More upon Drinks.  
Aids sur le vin, Bieres, & Cidres, Plus le huitieme denier, Le Souquet, Le Patae, Imposts & Billets.  
[Instead of Censuring the Translation imperfect, in giving the Names of these Impositions (as in the Original) in French, let the Reader Congratulate his Happiness, that very few of these Most Christian Impositions have been Christened in England, and therefore they want Names in our Language.]   

More upon things Eatable.  
The Gabelle on Corn and Meal, which is taken in Markets or at the Mill, in several places, under the Name of Measure Coupee, or Octroy.  
The Toll called Pied Forchu, taken for all sorts of Beasts sold in Fairs and Markets.  
The Toll taken by Weight for every Pound of Meat sold in the Shambles.  
The Gabelle on Salt, which will raise the price of Salt so high, that what is now sold for a Florin, will then cost Fourteen Crowns.   

More upon all Necessaries for Life.  
The Mark of Paper, The Mark of Silver, The Mark of Tin, The Mark of Hats, The Mark on all Silk Stockings and Woollen, The Mark of Shoes, The Gabella on Perukes, The Gabelle on Tobacco, The Mark on all Stuffs of Wool or Silk, The Mark on Linen, The Gabelle on Ice, The Control of Exploits.   

More upon Noble Estates, from five Years, to five Years.  
The Tax of free Fifes, The Tax of new Purchases, The Fifths and Refifths, Amortissements.   

More upon the Offices of Judicature and the Treasury.  
The price of Valuation, The Mark of Gold, The two Sols in the Pound, The Seal duty, The Duty of Control, The Registers Duty, The Duty for Oaths; The Pressed for being admitted to the Annual, The Annual or Paulette.  
Besides many other Taxes to be paid from time to time, and many Retrenchments of Wages to be yearly undergone; for the Sovereign Courts have but three quarters Wages, the Subordinate but two, and the base or lowest Courts frequently but one.  
Add to all these the Reunion to the King's Demesnes, newly Executed throughout France on all Commonalties or Corporations of the Empire, that is, all that belongs in Common to any Commonalty, as Fuel and Pasture in Woods and Forests, Rivers, Ponds, and all other Common Rights of what nature soever.   

More on all sorts of Merchandises Imported or Exported.  
The Custom, The Custom for the Value, The Foreign.  
Besides the Custom of Lions, Bordeaux and Rouen, which take their Names from the Places, and are levied with all Rigour imaginable, not only upon Importation into the Realm, or Exportation out of it into Foreign Countries, but in most of the Frontiers of the Provinces, upon passing out of one into another, within the Kingdom. And we may expect the like Exactions to be established in the several Provinces of the Empire, on several pretences.  
All these Subsidies, and many others, (which, to avoid Prolixity, I pass over in silence) are one way or other punctually paid, wherever any Subjects of the French Monarchy live, with no other distinction, but that the Lords and Gentlemen have Right to hold free from Imposition so many Acres of Land, for their Maintenance, as may be Husbanded with two Yoke of Oxen, (provided the Owner hold that Estate in Demean) for as to what is let out to Farmers, as they pay the King Taxes for the profit of the Farms, they pay so much the less Rent to the Landlord; so that in effect the Nobleman in France pays Taxes as well as the Boor: Which the Princes, the Nobles, the Magistrates, and Subjects of the Empire, of what Degree soever, have reason seriously to consider. For, 'tis folly to fancy they can make their Capitulations so advantageous as to exempt them from paying these intolerable Subsidies. The Provinces of Guienne, Languedoc, Provence, Dauphine, Bourgundy, and Britain, and most of the other Provinces of France, had herefore their particular Princes, as most of the Provinces of the Empire now have; and the principal Cities and Towns in these Provinces of France, had then as great Privileges and Immunities as any Free Towns of the Empire: But the Kings of France having invaded all these Principalities, and seized the Liberties of the Cities, have, since the taking of Rochel, reduced them into so absolute Slavery, that the Citizens and Inhabitants have quite lost the Resolution and Generosity to endeavour a Recovery of their Liberties, and are so bridled with strong Garrisons and Citadels (and we may expect the like in all Countries of the Empire, if ever under a French Government) that they are not in a condition to stir, at least to any considerable purpose.  
This may suffice for the first point: I pass to the Second.    

The second Point.  
This deserves the more exact consideration, for that if ever the Dauphin be chosen King of the Romans, since the Court of Rome and the Jesuits, by the important Services these have done the Crown of France of late, and promise to do for the future, and the Cardinalships they flatter the Nephews and Relations of the principal Ministers of France with the hopes of, do what they please in the Council of France; and what is published to the contrary, on the account of Regalities, now in controversy, is but Cheat and Illusion; the cruel persecution raised and carried on some years last passed against the Protestants of that Kingdom, the disgrace of Pompone, being not of their Cabal, and of Theatin the Princess of Brvaria's Confessor, intimating sufficiently the extraordinary Credit that Society hath in the Court of France: I say, if ever the Dauphin be elected King of the Romans, the Empire is to expect two things. First, To see him at the Head of the best Forces of France, (upon the specious pretence of Religion, and restoring the Estates belonging to the Church) undertaking in the Empire against the Protestant Party what Charles the Fifth, and Ferdinand the Second attempted to execute. Secondly, That this affair will be so obstinately fomented & protected by the Court of Rome, that the Empire will be in danger to be involved in a War more cruel, more bloody, and dangerous, than any the former Wars raised for that Cause. And there is reason enough to believe, that the late War, as well as the Peace since made, were hatched and carried on by the Court of Rome, in hopes of being able, by the Power of the French Forces, to work the entire Ruin of the Protestant Party of Europe, which we see every day decay by degrees: And I am much mistaken if the Money sent by the Pope into Poland was not designed for a Project of this nature. Prince William of Furstenberg might, if he pleased, furnish us with clear Evidence of authentic Memoirs to this purpose; but we are not to expect it from him, lest by such a Discovery he lose the Recompense the Court of Rome designs him for the Pains he hath taken, and continues, to bring to effect this Popish Project in the Empire, and consequently in all Europe.  
By what hath been said, your Highness may see the Fortune of the Empire, if ever it fall (by any means whatever) under the intolerable Yoke of the Despotical Government of France: And I think I need say no more to convince every Member of the Empire, and all the States of it in general, (without any great depth of Policy, or knowledge of War) what their Duty to Religion, their Glory and Interest oblige them to do, for preserving themselves from falling under a Yoke of that nature.  
But to preserve themselves effectually from this Yoke, I conceive it extremely considerable to inquire first, Whence all this Mischief proceeds? Which known, will give us light what must further be done: And particularly, from what Part the first Attack may be expected, and what Defence is to be made.  
The Mischiefs I have mentioned unquestionably have their rise from the Designs and Fomentations of the Court of Rome and the Jesuits, who (at present at least) direct and dispose of the French Projects and Forces, and without any Mercy or Respect, pretend, with the Assistance of those Forces, and their own secret Managements of Affairs, to sacrifice all to the Re-establishment of the Papal Grandeur.  
I conceive in Right and Justice two things are to be done; but I doubt much whether the one will be. The first is, That since the Public Good and Safety of the Empire consists in living (without Innovation) according to the Ancient Rights, Immunities, and Privelidges, and the Concordats established by Law, (which every Member of the Empire is obliged to observe) and that the Pretensions of the Court of Rome and the Jesuits, are as inconsistent as those of France, with the Public Good and safety of the Empire: Every Member of the Empire, without flattering themselves any longer with hopes of Favour from Rome or from France, and without distinction of Religion, applying themselves seriously to procure and promote the Preservation and Public Good of the Empire, should without delay take such Measures, that neither the Court of Rome, the Jesuits, nor France, may attain their Ends. And in order to this, That every Member of the Empire should put itself into a Posture and Condition, by uniting their Forces, to oppose Force to Force: And if the Princes of the Roman Communion will Bona fide engage in this Union, it will be necessary, first, That his Imperial Majesty find means to gain the Amity and Assistance of the three Northern Princes whom I have formerly mentioned, engaged in War by his means, and afterwards cruelly abandoned to the Mercy of France and of Swede: Which (by the small Intelligence I have of Affairs) will be difficult enough to effect, especially with the Elector of Brandenbourgh, without giving him satisfaction in two Points, on which he doth with much equity insist. Secondly, That his Imperial Majesty gain over to the Interests of the Empire the Forces of the Crown of Swede; which will be no easy Task. Thirdly, That the Emperor, and all the Princes of the Roman Communion in the Empire, banish and root out of their Councils not only all Jesuits and Monks, (who by themselves or their Superiors have all Resort to their General at Rome) but every one that any way depends on, or hath Society with these Hypocrites, or rather Free Spies of the Empire; a Capuchin in this particular being as bad as a Jesuit. Though this be absolutely necessary, as matters now stand, yet (to speak freely) I very much doubt whether the Princes of the Roman Communion will have the Generosity and Courage to do it.  
The Second, and that I take to be the only solid means, is, That the Protestant Party being now clearly convinced that they are the sole Persons aimed at, and that all that hath been done since the beginning of the last War was really in order only to work their Destruction; all Kings, Princes, and Magistrates of that persuasion are every one in his Sphere to apply themselves with all industry and vigour, first, To Arm with all their Power, that they may be able to oppose Force to Force: Secondly, To enter into mutual Leagues and Alliances, that by joint Strength they may resist Forces so considerable as those of France, and others the Court of Rome and the Jesuits may by their Artifices bring over to that party. To begin so great and necessary a Work, we will for a while leave the Territories of the Empire; and looking abroad, I am of opinion that England and the United Provinces ought without further delay to use all means possible to enter into a League Offensive and Defensive, which may (if possible) be indissoluble; That Denmark and Swede are to follow that Example; and, That all the Protestant Princes and States of the Empire, with the Protestant Cantons of the Swisses and the Grisons, aught to do the like: For, 'tis not a Concern of particular Quarrels and Jealousies, but the Faith, the Religion and Temporal Estates of all the Protestant Party are now at stake. This I conceive will be more easily effected in this Conjuncture, for that by a special Providence of God there is no War at present between England and Holland, nor between Swede and Denmark, nor between the Princes of the Protestant Communion in Germany. If these three things be effected, and the particular Leagues incorporated into a General, and consequently, an entire Union of the Protestants of Europe, we need not fear the Designs or Attempts of the Court of Rome, or the Jesuits, or the Council and Forces of the French: for (these things effected) we shall have power enough not only to deliver the Empire from all just apprehensions of the Designs of the Court of Rome, the Jesuits, and of France, against its Liberties, but to reduce his Most Christian Majesty (by way of justice & right) to keep himself modestly within the Frontiers of his Kingdom, and (in case of Refusal) to do something more; which would infallibly produce a sure and general Peace.  
I am the more induced to be of this Opinion, while England and Holland on the one hand, and Swede and Denmark on the other, are labouring to put an end to all former Quarrels; and the Protestant Princes and Magistrates of the Empire endeavour (as I suppose) a League with the Protestant Cantons and the Grisons, that (to say the truth) I see no other solid and effectual Means to defend the Empire from the Oppression of France, and the Protestant Party in particular from the Oppression of the Court of Rome, the Jesuits, and France, all at once: For, (to rid our Hands of all false Maxims at once) What else can the Empire and Protestant Party reasonably ground their Safety upon? Will they ground it on His Imperial Majesty, as they ought, and without doubt might have done, had his Council been guided with right and sound Maxims? I cannot think, after all that his Council have caused him to do publicly, and what he still continues to put in Execution against the Protestant party, that any rational person of that party can expect the least Favour on that side, at least as long as the Jesuits and Court of Rome have that Credit, that Countenance and Support they have now in his Court. And that we have little reason to hope this Prince will rid himself of them, who have dangerously corrupted his Understanding and Reason, by their Education of him, and the prejudices instilled into him. And should the Protestants on this occasion expect help from the Court of Bavaria, as their Interest in the Empire obliges them, we may very well imagine the expectation will be vain, if we consider the late strict Alliance of that Court with France, or the ridiculous Monastic Bigotry reigning in that Court. If then you will rely on the Ecclesiastical Princes, who knows not their Disability, and that the greater part of them will do nothing but what the Jesuits shall insinuate into them?  
So that for the future (as well as the time past, at least, for the last Age, and more) the Natural Defence of the Empire hath (under God) no solid Ground, but the Forces and Industry of the Protestant Party. It was that Party saved it from the intended Oppression of the House of Austria in former times: And in the late War, when France attempted to Master it by its Arms and Intrigues, it was the same Party not only preserved the Empire, but the Emperor, from the Yoke of the French. And it will be the same Party which (by the Grace of God) shall easily preserve it for the future; at least, if the Potentates of that Party, or the greater part of them, apply themselves to do what I conceive they are obliged to.  
But to speak plainly, and make appear the necessity of such a Protestant League and Confederacy, we are to consider; His Imperial Majesty will either effectually perform what he ought in defence of the Empire, by saving himself from falling under the Dominion of France; or that he will do nothing but in show and appearance.  
If His Imperial Majesty perform as he ought, against the Enterprises of France, such a League can never be more seasonably made to second the Imperial Forces; nor can His Imperial Majesty in that case rely on any Forces (the Nature of the Quarrel considered) that will be more true to him than those of the Protestants.  
But if His Imperial Majesty intent merely to look on, as unconcerned, and not to engage really and effectually against the French Designs, which he is so highly concerned to oppose, there can be no doubt, but the Court of Rome and the Jesuits have secretly carried on a close Intelligence and private League between their Imperial and Most Christian Majesties, for the Ruin and Destruction of the Protestant Party; and, That by some private and mysterious Stipulation, some Protestant Estate in the Empire, or on the Frontiers, in the Low Countries, or Switzerland, is, according to their Project, designed a Recompense to the Duke of Lorraine, for the Dukedoms of Lorraine and Barre, which France hath taken from him, and hath no mind to restore. And by a captious Contrivance of this nature, the Protestant Party in the Empire shall find itself at once assaulted by the united Forces of their Imperial and most Christian Majesties (who are both of a Communion.) I leave to your Highness to judge, how much it concerns the Protestant party, by the Industry and Union I have mentioned, to prevent so great and dangerous an Inconvenience.  
My Suspicion of His Imperial Majesty is the greater, for that it is notorious there are in the Society of Jesuits Men of several sorts; some of whom are dispensed with not only to lay aside the Habit of their Order, but to Marry, and bear all sorts of Offices and Dignities: And that if his Imperial Majesty was in his younger days, out of too great a zeal for his Religion, unhappily engaged in this Order, under the Dispensations I suppose, there is no cause left for wonder at his Proceedings against the Protestants: For, though he had been but of the Lower Order, which is that wherein Marriage is permitted, and a Capacity allowed of bearing Offices and Dignities; yet as to all other things, and particularly in matters of Religion, he must have been under the Obedience of the General of the Jesuits, and consequently obliged to make Peace and War, as the General of the Society should judge most convenient for the Interest of the Pope and the Society. The continual War this Prince makes against the Protestants of Upper Hungary, contrary to all the Maxims and Rules of sound Policy, and contrary to the Privileges (one of his Ministers told me, and I am otherwise well assured) he hath sworn to that Nation; the vast Gifts he hath bestowed on the Society in Bohemia, Silesia, Hungary, Moravia, and generally in all his Hereditary Countries; with his shameful signing the late Peace, in prejudice, and contrary to all his Treaties with the Protestant Princes, smells rankly of an Obedience which acknowledges no Obligation, nor owns any Rule of Justice or Piety, other than the absolute Command of his Superior. And I see nothing in this Prince, as to his manner of Living, and constant Attendance at Jesuitical Comedies, Music, and Pilgrimages, sometimes to one Relic, sometimes to another, with all that may make out his natural or acquired inclinations, that may any way convince this Opinion of mistake.  
So that if it be so, (as to speak the truth) I very much suspect it is; and I am not alone in this Suspicion: I leave it to the Judgement of the Empire in general, and the Protestants in particular, what ground they have to rely on, or expectany Succour or Assistance from the Head of the Empire: For, in case this prove true, should his Imperial Majesty promise and design effectually to assist the Protestants, in defence of the Common Liberty; yet if on the morrow the General of the Society should order him, for some greater Good, (which, according to their Maxims consists frequently in a Massacre, a Poisoning, or Assassination) to join at a precise Day and place his Arms to those of France, for the entire extirpation of the Protestant Party in the Empire, there is no doubt but this Prince would be obliged to do it, either on the account of Obedience due to his General, or for fear the Society, in case of his disobedience, should dispatch him, as they did by themselves, or their Emissaries, Henry the Third and Fourth in France, Don Carlos in Spain, Duke Bernard of Weymar in Germany, and lately the Illustrious Princess of Inspruck, second Wife of that Prince, the last Duke of Brieg in Silesia: or as they have newly attempted to do against his Majesty of Great Britain. For Incendiaries, Assassins', and Murderers are the faithful Servants and inseparable Instruments of that blessed Society. Your Highness will not be surprised at the vehement Suspicion I have expressed of his Imperial Majesty, when you have considered, there have been two Kings of Poland of that Order, and that Philip the Second of Spain did (out of Policy) cause himself to be enroled amongst them. But the Order of the Jesuits is composed (as others) of two sorts of People, whom Politicians distinguish by the Names of Directors and Directed: And we are to observe, the two Kings of Poland were in this latter Class. The former, by promoting too zealously the Passions of the Society, having lost the Kingdom of Swede, to which he was Heir; and the second having by the same means incurred the irreconcilable hatred and aversion of the Nobility of Poland, to so extreme a degree, that to avoid the threatening effects of it, he was forced at last to quit his Crown, from a Sovereign to become a Subject, and go end his days in a strange Country, with no better a Character than that of Abbot of St. German in France. But as for Philip the Second (setting matter of Conscience aside) considering him only in quality of a Politician▪ I boldly assign him a Place in the Class of Directors; for he directed his Affairs so well, he missed but little of subduing France, and effectually seized the Crown of Portugal, and the East-Indies as an Appurtenant. I am obliged, by the Respect I bear his Imperial Majesty, to leave it to your Highness to think which of the two Classes he is to be ranked in.  
But whether his Imperial Majesty be a Member of this Society, or not, I have said enough to make appear to your Highness the absolute necessity of a League and Confederacy between the Protestant Powers of Europe, to enable them to defend themselves against the pernicious Designs of their Enemies. I will conclude with minding your Highness, That this is the Occasion that calls upon you, to show to all the World your zeal for your Religion, and the Good of the Public; And that since my longer stay in this Court will be useless, your Highness will do me the Favour to permit me to leave it as soon as may be, that I may have the honour to wait on your Most Serene Person, and continue the performance of my most humble Services. To that happy time I respite acquainting you with many Particulars I dare not trust to Paper, (though altogether confirming what I have most confidently affirmed, as to the most Essential Points of my Letter.) And in hopes to receive speedily the honour of your Commands to that purpose, which I humbly beg, I remain with all due Respects,  
My Lord, Your Serene Highnesses most humble Servant, etc. Prague, 13 Febr. 1680.  
FINIS.