THE EARL OF STRAFFORD Characterised In a LETTER sent to a friend in the Country. 1641.  
Anno Dom. 1641.   

The Earl of STRAFFORD CHARACTRIZED In a Letter sent to a friend in the Country, 1641.  
Noble Sir;  
I Am enforced to complain of your impetuous commands, and the tax you impose on me (above all the rest of your vassals) but especially of this of my Lord of strafford's; as though I alone were inspired with an illumination beyond the wisdom of the Parliament, which on so long consultation hath not yet determined the articulate point of your question, yet thus much I shall positively deliver as a part of my belief: That howsoever my Lord of Strafford be cried up for a most incomparable and accomplished instrument of State, yet he is humane, and subject to such infirmities as were incident to our first Progenitors, and this is a particular of my faith, not of my opinion.  
But if it may satisfy your curiosity to be informed of the general conceptions, I shall then present you with as various a collection of votes and censures, as there are fancies in the several fuctions daily raised by the work of Art and Time which qualifieth poison, mollifieth flints, and changeth the fuce of all things from their first beings and appearances which have much befriended my Lord of Strafford.  
But whether his Lordship be guilty of high treason, I cannot determine.  
Sure it is many foul things stick upon him by manifest proofs, which neither his fineness of wit, nor all the fig-leaves in Paradise can cover.  
True it is the House of Commons stand stiff to make good their first charges, which are now enforced and prosecuted to the last Article this very day, which should it not prove Treason on joint rehearsal of the House, and so adjudged by the Lords, it would then seem to me to be a strain of popular fury, rather than the legitimate issue of a Court of Parliament.  
True it is, that before the quarter-part of the accusations were charged on him, he was by way of prejudication acquitted by many of both Sexes, and favoured not of a few of both Houses, and some of his Majesty's Council, and the Papistical party his friends and followers, and generally by Ladies.  
The first reasons are best known unto themselves.  
By the second, for respects due to their Patron.  
By the third, for interests and obligations of dependency.  
By the fourth, (if well considered) for many feminine and affected considerations. As the natural pity and consideration of women simpathizing with his afflictions, with sadness of his aspect, their facility with his complacences, their lenity with his pathetical oratory.  
On the other side, there is a rigid strong and inflexible party, that say if he be not found a Traitor, the Parliament must make him so for the Interest of the Public.  
And so I shall present you with the inclinations of another party, and of no despicable number of Account, which pretend to have a more solidity of judgement then to be carried away with private interest, partial respects which seem to be touched with the Kings and the Commons safety, and to be sensible of the Commons sufferance.  
And these commonly rip up his life and conversation together, with the progress of his estate and fortunes, and all concluding for his descent and Family to be of the noblest and highest rank of Gentry under the degree of Barronage, his Patromy so plentiful, as that it equalizes, most of the Barons of the Land, his education noble, and to these of his own acquisition of strong and able natural parts.  
And (if the adage be true that multa ex vultu dinoscuntur,) and though they mark him for a wise and promising face, yet they unhappily observe in him a dark and promiscuous countenance, clouded, unlovely, and presaging an envious and cruel disposition. And this general Quaere is made of him.  
What was that which he would have had who (suspicion excepted) might have been a King at home, hand not restless ambition (habituated in his nature) interrupted the course of his repose, and disordered the many helps he had to have lived in plenty, and died in felicity.  
But disquited (as all ambition is turbulent) in his cogitations and in his first exposition (agitated by the blasts of his own aspire) it is said of him that in his own Country he was transported by the violence of his will to carry all before him (and come what would of it) to overthrow all that withstood him.  
Of such predominant a pitch he was in his own Constellation and propension which could not rest there, but must break out into a wider extent, for his thoughts soared so high; (as men who knew him well affirmed) that he held himself injuried by the State, that he came no sooner to the Helm.  
Wither to come, he journyed thorough a Wilderness of popular acclamations, and affected the dangerous name of Fame of being Sovereign Protector of the Commonwealth.  
For which he so much pretended that in all Parliaments he became an other jacques the Ortinell. And they aver it for truth, that in those times his intimate friends and associntes thought it wisdom to shun his conversation, so forward he was in taxing the motions of the King and State.  
And (as it is said) not without a malignant humour, and a repugnant spirit, always withstood the King's profit, and stinted the Parliamentary Contributions at his own will and pleasure, crossing the designs of State, and infusing, by his stubborn example, a spirit of Contradiction in the Assemblies of these times, which how fatal they have been to ours, I leave to your judgement, and which hath ever since bred an aversion in his Majesty towards his people and his Parliaments.  
An office wherein they say he did fare more mischief than in this for which he stands now arraigned for his life.  
And this is the Description or Abstract of the first part of his life, as he was the Minion of the people, which (they say) he esteems as the folly of his youth.  
May you now be pleased to receive something of his second Act, as he was a Minister of the Kings, into whose service, as they say, and I think not untruly, to have purchased and and bought from the affections of the people at a higher price than all the Pr●vadoes of Ed: the second, and Richard the second: For that this only man hath cost and lost the King and the Kingdom more treasure and loyalty than Peirce, Gaveston, and the two Spencers, and the marquis of Dublin, did ever cost, their being all put together.  
And sure I am, it is the common opinion of the Kingdoms that should be taken out of the hands of Justice, and the revenge of the public made frustrate, and the expectations of the three Kingdoms disappointed (who hath invaded the whole by the power of his Counsels, and the parties by the grievous oppressions of his Majesty's good people, wheresoever he had to do, they say that his Majesty's Dominions▪ stand in greater danger and hazard, than even; and (as it may fall out) to be of a more lamentable Consequence than is fit to be expressed.  
How fatal may one man's ambition be, and his exorbitant humour work towards the distraction of a State, which they do thus demonstrate by way of suspicion.  
First admitting the King's affections may be disposed together with the great party which he hath in the upper House to acquit him and others.  
And that thereby the House of Commons should hold themselves bound by the interest committed unto them by their Countries to make protestations against the Lords.  
What then may be of a divided body: Secondly it is questioned whether any future Subsidies will be granted, Customs and Impositions be paid the King without any Insurrection.  
Thirdly, whether the Scots will departed the Kingdom; and if they should, whether on good cause they may not return, when they shall see a division to tend to a fatal confusion, both in the heart of the State, and in the body of the Kingdom, rather than they will give opportunity to the Papists and Libertines to come in for a share.  
Wherefore it is generally concluded by the best and most impartial judgements, That there is no proportion between the riddance of a few menstruous and exorbitant members and the general safety of the King and his Kingdoms.  
That there is a necessitated policy of my Lord of Strafford, the Bishop, and some others, should be given up as just sacrifice, to appease the people, and to make a compensation for the injury done to them and the public.  
And thus have you the second Act of the great Vice Royes' progress, with the opinion of all and the best judgements here about the Town, which I find to be suitable to yours in the Country.   
FINIS