Die Sabathi 20 Novembris, 1680.  
THis House being moved, That David Fitz Gerald Esq; may have leave to Print his Information given to this House, concerning the Horrid Plot and Conspiracy in Ireland; It is Ordered by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament Assembled, That the said David Fitz Gerald hath hereby leave given him to Print and publish the said Information.  
Jo. Brown Cleric. Parliamentorum.   

ADVERTISEMENT.  
WHereas there is one John Fitz Gerald, or at least goes under that name, who is said to be formerly a Friar or Priest, upon whom there has been some scandalous reflections, this is he who was seized in Bristol, going for Ireland to search for Commissions in Old Wall; I would only beg of the Reader, not to take me for this man.  
David Fitz Gerald.   

A NARRATIVE OF THE Irish Popish Plot, For the betraying that KINGDOM Into the hands of the FRENCH, Massacring all ENGLISH PROTESTANTS there, And utter Subversion of the GOVERNMENT AND Protestant-Religion; As the same was successively carried on from the Year 1662.  
Given in to both Houses of Parliament.  
By DAVID FITZ GERALD Esq;.  
LONDON: Printed for Tho. Cockerill, at the Three-Legs in the Poultry over-against the Stock-market, 1680.   

A NARRATIVE OF THE Irish Popish Plot.  
SInce we have manifestly found by woeful experience, That the Princely favours, and tender proceed of His late Majesty towards the Irish, proved altogether ineffectual to contain them within the bounds of Loyalty and Duty, but still they suffer themselves to be led blindfold into fatal Rebellions, by the pernicious Counsels of their Priests, the World may easily believe (by their proceed in the last Rebellion) that their designs are always on foot, and tending to no less than the utter subversion of the English Government in Ireland, and establishing the Power in the hands of their own Natives and Religion. For confirmation hereof, we need not look back so far as the Testimony of that Franciscan Friar, one of their Council, who declared, That the Session of Parliament held at Dublin, being Prorogued in Aug. 1641, and the time drawing nigh for putting their designs of surprising Dublin-Castle, and all other places in possession of the English, into execution, there was a grand consult, or meeting of the Romish-Clergy, and principal Laymen of their Faction, appointed to be at the Abbey of Multifarvan in the County of Westmeath, where amongst other matters there debated, the Question was, what course should be taken with the English, and all others that were found in the whole Kingdom to be Protestants; and by their subsequent Practices it appeared, that no less than a general Massacre was resolved on: Though the poor Friar had no other Reward or Recompense for the Discovery, save only a Confinement: In which restraint he continued, till the Romish party getting the upper hand, found him in the Prison, and there most cruelly Murdered him.  
It would be too tedious (and unnecessary, seeing they are so notoriously known) to give an account of the several contrivances of the Popish Clergy of Ireland, ever since the Conquest of that Kingdom, to shake off the English Government; and the horrid and barbarous cruelties they have practised in order thereunto: Therefore I will confine myself to such particulars as have happened since His Majesty's Restauration, taking notice only, That their Ignorance produces so blind a superstition towards the Popish Religion, that they will most willingly venture their lives (all that their many Rebellions have left them, and those perhaps too much too, unless they make better use of them) to further any thing, which they are made believe tends to the Honour of Holy Church: As on the other side, their malice to the English (who are possessed of their Estates) is so great, that they would be content to be in worse bondage to a Foraigner, so they might but gratify their revenge so far, as to have the English equal sufferers with them. Though they apprehend no danger of that, taking themselves to be already such slaves, that they fancy their condition cannot be worse by changing their Masters (especially for a Prince of their own Faith) witness their late agreement with Spain, and their present one with France, which these Papers set forth.  
No man that has any insight into the affairs of Ireland, can be ignorant, that the Romish Clergy of that Kingdom have publicly and privately the enjoyment and exercise of their Religion according to the manner of the Church of Rome, more freely since His Majesty's happy Restauration, than in several years before, by the very great indulgence of the late Governors. They have their Titular Primates, Archbishops, Bishops, Vicar's General, Provincial Consistories, Deans, Abbots, Priors, etc. who all live freely, though somewhat covertly amongst them, without control, exercising Jurisdiction over the people. They have also their Priests, Jesuits and Friars, who are of late years exceedingly multiplied, and in great numbers returned out of Spain, Italy, France, and other Foragin parts (where the Children of the Natives of Ireland, that are devoted to that way, are usually sent to receive their education) much to the damage and disadvantage of the Protestants in that Kingdom; and no less to the Papists themselves, if they would but have the patience to consider what miseries they have endured by the means of Ignorant Popish Priests, who value no Religion so much, as the want of their Impropriations, Glebes and Monasteries. But that which causes the greatest admiration in me, is, that Noblemen, private Gentlemen, and others that are Roman Catholics, and enjoy great part of their Estates, if not all, should be thus infatuated and misled by such a parcel of designing Hypocrites, to act contrary, not only to their Allegiance, but their Honour and Interest too; forgetting the Calamities, by their means and wicked industry, brought upon that Kingdom of Ireland, to the utter ruin and destruction not only of many Thousand English Families, but of many of their own Nation and Relations, who were ignorant of their horrid designs; yet did upon the same account perish, and in some sort suffered more than the Conspirators themselves.  
Within few years after His Majesty's happy Restauration, one John Mullowny a mean man by birth, but now Titular Bishop of Killalow, and several others of the Popish Clergy and Gentry of that Kingdom, united in a Conspiracy against His Majesty's Government in Ireland: For the said Bishop Mullowny having, whilst he was in France, received in Paris the sum of One hundred thousand Lieures to promote a Rebellion in Ireland, did engage the ensuing persons to carry on the said design (to wit) Colonel Miles Riley, Colonel Cullen, Colonel Byrne, Colonel Mortagh O Bryan, and Colonel Dudley Costellow, the last of whom failed not to perform his part thereof, as presently I shall relate: But first, for its progress, the Reader must note, That after the last Act of Settlement in Ireland, the Popish Clergy being void of all hopes of His Majesty's favours, or any Toleration established by Law, employed several Emissaries into all parts of Ireland, to give notice to all persons, whose desperate fortunes (occasioned by their own or their Ancestors Rebellion) or any hardships which they apprehended they endured had made discontented, of the said designs, and to prepare and engage them therein, and used endeavours to make all the interest in Garrisons and strong holds throughout the Kingdom that possibly they could: And where they had no interest, appointed some of their confederacy to be in readiness to surprise such places and holds. These Emissaries were going about for a year and an half before this commotion began; and then the said Colonel Costellow being forward to perform his part thereof, before the rest were fully ready, and before he received his part of the Money of Mullowny, rashly engaged himself; For making a party in Connaught, he fell upon, and was sufficiently revenged upon the Lord dillon's Tenants and Estates in that County, upon some former grudge he had against him. And afterwards he made his interest about Longford, and engaged in it a Gentleman of that Country, whose name I shall omit, he being then in the English Army; yet by the insinuation of the Popish Clergy, was tricked into the said Rebellion, by which the people of Longford were then Murdered, and the whole Town Fired; and in the Action the said Gentleman was shot dead, and his Head brought to Dublin and set on the Gate; and Costellow himself suffered upon the same account, but not at the same time. Colonel Mortagh O Brian was killed by one Reerden, who was formerly a Lieutenant in his own Regiment. Colonel Byrne was some years after in Restraint in Dublin, and which way he escaped is best known to those that were accessary to it: and what became of the rest I cannot tell, but the Conspiracy was very formidable, and had it gone on till full ripe, would have had very dire effects. In the Relation of which I have been thus brief, because myself was not engaged in it, and so cannot of my own knowledge say positively how far the contrivance in particulars was carried on; but I can give a sufficient account how I came to know what I have here set down, when ever I shall be required.  
And shall now address myself to speak of those things which fell within my particular cognizance, and which I can affirm upon knowledge. As follows,  
IN March 1673, or thereabout, several Officers out of France Landed in Ireland, under the pretence of raising Recruits for Colonel Hamilton, then in the French Service, to wit, Captain Daniel Macnamarra, Captain John Lacie, Captain Con Oneale, one Macmahan, and Lieutenant Hurley, and several others; many of the said Officers being my former acquaintance (before they were employed in the French Service) upon their coming into Ireland, I met several of them, and entering into communication with them (having formerly heard a general Rumour of the French designing upon Ireland, and considering that the said persons being employed, for some years before, in the French Service, might be capable to give some particular account thereof) I enquired of Lacie, whether there was any probability of the French's invading Ireland, or any such matter intended? He answered, That if the Dutch were once subdued, he did not question but the French would establish the Roman Catholic Religion in all the Northern parts of Europe; and (as far as he could understand by Marshal Turene who was then his General) that we should have the same Laws established in Ireland that are in France; and when the French had completed what they had in hand, that we should suddenly after see a great alteration both in Church and State: The said Lacie then uttering more words than I shall mention here. He likewise gave me an account of the Number of Irish that they had then Training up in France, and that our welfare in Ireland did much rely on the success of their Forces in France; and that he did admire that any persons of Quality, that did understand the design of that War, should stand so much in their own light as to slip so good an opportunity, and so just a Cause, being altogether to destroy Heretics, and to abolish their Laws; and that he did not question, with the Assistance of the French, but that it would be accomplished notwithstanding all oppositions; and that such persons of Irish extraction as did not engage themselves in the said Wars, would not in the future be esteemed, especially such persons of quality as had no charge of Families. That he did admire why they did not consider their own present Condition, and the occasion of their last Ruin; saying, That it was rather for want of Conduct than Courage; and that he did not doubt (if they were not wanting to themselves) that their loss in the former Wars, would be retrieved in the next, if they did prove true to their superiors (meaning thereby the Titular Popish Bishops of the several Dioceses in Ireland) who were able, not only to instruct them, but also to forward and enable them in the said Design; and that he was confident that the French had that interest that would not receive such a repulse as the Spaniards did in King sale; alleging, that the fault was rather to be imputed to the Irish than to the Spaniards; That the Articles betwixt Philip Osullevan on the behalf of the Irish were not duly performed with the Spaniard; and if the Irish had been in Arms to unite themselves with the said Spaniard, according to the said Contract, they might have been ever since possessed of their Estates and Liberty of Religion. I made answer, that the Irish, had been persuaded into so many Engagements and Rebellions, that the name of an Irish man was become ridiculous and scandalous. The name of an Irish man (said he) is only ridiculous to such as enjoy their Estates; and it is rather for their poverty, than for any other reason that we are contemptible, and therefore it will concern us to remedy that fault by regaining all our Estates.  
After this Discourse was over, I told the said Lacie, that I had a desire to Travel into France, and inquired of him, whether there was any probability that I might procure a Commission under Count Hamilton? Who said, there was; and that Captain Anthony Hamilton would be suddenly in the County of Limerick; and as soon as he had notice thereof, he would give me an account whether the said Hamilton had any Blank Commission left undisposed; but soon after, upon information to the Lord Deputies of Ireland, there were special Orders to secure the Officers, and stop the men, which barred their Voyage that time.  
A little time after I met Captain Neal, 
This Captain O Neale, is Son to Ewen Row O Neale, who was General to the Irish in 41.  and understood by him, that Count Hamilton's Regiment was divided, and in factions, one party for Hamilton, and the other for Dungan, which gave me but little encouragement to proceed; and acquainting the said Neal, that I did resolve to Travel into France, the said Neale said, that he did prevail with a great many young Gentlemen to venture their Fortunes abroad; and that he did believe, if they did generally know in Ulster how the Game was playing for them, that there would be hardly any left in the whole County, but would all unanimously go for France; but added, that he did conceive it would be of dangerous consequence to him to declare what his knowledge was of the affairs abroad, and how likely they were to have good success in their undertake, if they did prove obedient to such as were entrusted to give them timely notice; and that it was for want of good and prudent management, 
Viz. Costellows  the last design, so long in agitation, was discovered.  
These Officers being crossed in their Voyage (and their men dispersed) went back into France again, from whence, about a year after, the said Lieutenant Hurly returned into Ireland, and resided in Newcastle or thereabouts for half a year or upwards, where it was credibly reported, that he did train up several Gentlemen, by teaching them to Exercise Pike and Musket: And it was generally affirmed then amongst the Papists, that in several parts of Ireland the like method was used, in order to being in readiness, to receive Commands from such as were appointed for the carrying on the said Conspiracy in the Kingdom of Ireland.  
About the year 1675, Captain John Lacie came out of France into Ireland, giving an account of the affairs abroad to Bishop Mullowny and the rest of the Popish Clergy in that Country, giving them full assurance, 
The Romish Religion in Ireland established.  that all was working on for the better, chargeing and commanding them to be very urgent with the people, and to omit no opportunity, and that they should suddenly see their Religion better settled in Ireland than ever before, and that they would be rid of that yoke of Heresy which they had so long suffered under; and that now the minute was nigh at hand, on which their Fortune depended, or their utter Destruction. These words he did utter in the presence of several of the Clergy, as I have been told by the said Mullowny and others; and the said Lacie declared the same in effect in my company.  
About the said year, News came fresh into Ireland, That the King of England was very ill; and the report sometime after was strong, that His Majesty was dead; some affirming, that if he was not, that it was impossible for him ever to recover, which gave great encouragement to their design 
The King fell ill, which gave much encouragement to the said design. : At which time there flocked great multitudes out of France into Ireland, giving notice, That they would be in Arms, and such as had none, should use their endeavours to procure some, and that the time was come on which they would execute their designs. But His Majesty (by God's Mercy) recovering from the said Distemper, gave them much discouragement for that time, instead of their former hope 
His Majesty being well recovered from his sickness, gave much discouragement to the party.  s; insomuch, That those desperate persons returned into England (as we in Ireland supposed) and continued there some time before the Parliament assembled, and then returned into Ireland with no less hopes of good success than formerly; declaring to the people there, that there was great industry used, in preparing a Bone to throw between both Houses of Parliament, which gave the Malcontents there, 
The Officers gone out of Ireland.  hopes, that by means thereof they would bring their horrid designs, long in agitation, to effect; That is to say, to abolish the Laws established, and the Protestant Religion, and upon the Ruins thereof, to erect Popery, and establish Arbitrary Government: 
Again returned with new hopes.  But coming short of their wicked expectations, they returned into France.  
About the year 1676, I saw Doctor Creagh, otherwise called the Titular Bishop of Cork, 
Bishop Creagh came out of France and Rome.  who (as I was told by one Doctor Stretches) was newly come from France and Rome; afterwards, in Limerick, happening to be in the company of the aforesaid Bishop Mullowny (who was my former acquaintance, and knew that I was privy to several passages and intrigues of this kind) he told me, that they had received further intelligence concerning the said affairs, by Bishop Creagh, and several others of the Popish Clergy, who were lately arrived in Ireland, and that they had instructions to proceed, and authority from his Holiness the Pope, for to quit and discharge the Roman Catholics of Ireland from their Allegiance to the King of England, saying, That the King of England had no Right to Ireland, but what he had from the Pope; and that the King being an Heretic, the same right returned to the Pope again; and said, the French were not then in a condition to perform what was formerly agreed upon; Bishop Mullowny 
This is the same Mullowny that fomented the former Rebellion.  saying, That the Articles, in order to the carrying on of the said design, were in the hands of the Titular Archbishop of Tuam, and did not question but every point therein mentioned should be faithfully performed; adding, that there were those in England appointed for to supply His Majesty's Wants, 
One Lynch.  and keep off Parliaments until this were accomplished.  
It was a general rumour throughout Ireland, amongst the Popish Clergy and Gentry for several years before, especially 1675 and 1676, That his Royal Highness, in 1677 ensuing, at the furthest, should be King. As soon as I had this intelligence from the said Mullowny and others, I acquainted John Piggott Esq;, a Justice of the Peace, 
Acquainted John Piggott Esq; with the said particulars.  with that in particular in the aforesaid years; who being examined before the Lord Lieutenant and Council, in November 1679, did not only acknowledge the same, but gave it in his Examinations under his Hand and Seal; and so far I refer myself to the said Examinations, which are now in the custody of Sir John Davis Secretary of State in the Kingdom of Ireland. How this and a French design, and the Plot discovered against His Majesty's Life here in England doth agree, I will not take upon me to determine, but refer the inferences to the Judicious Reader.  
On or about the 2d of November 1677; Colonel Pierce Lacie invited me to go with him to Limerick, he being then to treat about the said design with the Lord Brittas, Mr. John Macnamarra of Crattellagh, and several others who were engaged in carrying on the same, as I have been told by the said Lacie, Bishop Mullowny, and many more of the Popish party.  
About January 1677, The Lord Brittas, Captain Thomas Bourk, and several others with them, came into the Barony of Conollue in the County of Limerick, where they had several private Consultations, one whereof was at the House of one John Hicks Innkeeper in Rathkeal in the said County of Limirick, there being at the said meeting, in number Twenty, or more, who were accustomed to meet at Night 
Twenty or more in number met at John Hickes in Rathkeale Innkeeper. ; but some English Gentlemen coming suddenly there, 
Gibius and Palms.  barred them of treating of the particulars at that time: Therefore they agreed to have another meeting at the same place the week following, and another at New Castle in the said County, where they met accordingly, but the particulars they then concluded upon, I know not.  
On or about the Fourteenth of February, in the same year, I met Mr. Eustace White upon the Commons of Chrough Burgess in the County of Limerick, who told me, that he had Two Letters to the Lord Brittas, one from Sir John Fitz Gerald, the other from Mr. Hurly, or Mr. Poor; I enquired of the said White, what did Sir John's Letter import? The said White answered, That they did understand the Lord Brittas had received his Commission, and that Sir John Fitz Gerald did expect to be his Lieutenant Colonel, 
White owned the same.  and that the said White did expect a Captains Command under the said Lord Brittas. Sir John Fitz Gerald being examined before the Lord Lieutenant and Council, in November 1679, did own to have sent such a Letter by the said White, at the same time, to the Lord Brittas.  
Many of the Irish which are well to live, 
Many who were not at the last Rebellion at the least concerned, suffered more than the Actors.  and restored to part of their Estates, if not all, were very much discontented at those proceed, who though they knew not the particulars, had a general notion of the Evil coming upon them, and did fear that their Innocency might smart for the Nocency of others; several of Ireland, who were not only innocent in themselves, but harboured and protected several English Families, having smarted for the Rebellion of others, in a manner more than those that have been Actors in the said Rebellion, as by woeful experience I can justify and maintain.  
The English likewise in those last years, 
The English had Forty-one in their memory.  having Forty-one fresh in their memories, were much dismayed to see and hear of those great multitudes meeting both publicly and privately; and mistrusting that there was some evil or mischief intended them, commanded that strict Watches be duly kept through the Country.  
In the years 1676 and 1677, several Emissaries went to and fro, giving intelligence of foreign affairs, and how managed abroad; likewise several Letters were come down to the Country with feigned names to them, one whereof I had in my hand, and perused it, it was directed to Capt. Edward's, and subscribed by Capt. Jones, both feigned names, which said Letters were writ at their grand Cabals in Dublin, 
The Gran Cabals in Dublin.  or thereabouts, as I did understand by Coll. Lacie and several others; and that which I did read, he said was come from one Dr. Cusack near Dublin, whom I have never seen nor known; the substance thereof I delivered to Sir John Davis Secretary of State: These were the methods that were used in the said years, for the better managing the said design.  
On or about May 1678, an Agent being then appointed to go into France, by name Dr. Hetherman, the Emissaries of the Jesuits, and the rest of the Clergy in those parts that were the principal men, consulted together, and pitched upon Coll. Lacie to be a fit person to go to Dublin to confer with Coll. Richard Talbot, 
Coll. Lacie to Dublin in May 78.  and others there, and to bring what advice and instructions they had there, to the said Agent that was bound for France, as soon as the said Lacie returned from Dublin; Coll. Lacie being short of Money, borrowed 60 l. of Simon Eton Esq;, under the pretence of discharging Rent and Arrears to Sir William Talbot Agent to his Royal Highness in that Kingdom: The said Lacie, after the receipt of the said Money, went to Dublin as aforesaid, and was away until August following, 
Returned in August following.  then returned to his own House, being there but Three days or thereabouts, when the Popish Clergy of that Diocese assembled together at the House of Dr. James Streitch in Rakeal, Priest, 
Bp. Dowly, Father Creagh, Dr. White, etc. assembled.  To wit, James Dowly Titular Bishop of Limerick, Dr. Hetherman Vicar General of that Diocese, Dr. Creagh, Dr. White, Father Fox and several others, they and Coll. Lacie being together, for a good while before I came there, I do not know what the particulars of the said instructions given by the said Lacie to the said Hetherman were, but being intimately acquainted with all the Company except Hetherman (that being my first acquaintance with him) who conversed altogether in French or in Latin, several circumstances in general terms were treated of upon the former subject; after Dinner was over, Coll. Lacie and myself walked abroad in the Street for an hour at least, and he told me how forward they were in managing and carrying on the said design, and that Dr. Hetherman (who was then Agent bound for France as aforesaid) was as fit a person to manage the affairs in France and Rome as any in that Kingdom; the said Lacie saying, that it was proper for me to renew my acquaintance with the said Hetherman. After we returned into the House of the said Streitch, and several discourses being treated in general terms about the said Design, the said Hetherman and I walked abroad in the Garden of the said Streitch; the said Hetherman was very earnest to learn of me what force or strength I conceived the Protestants to be in that County; 
A Roll in Paper, with the number of Papists and Protestants.  I made answer, that I never enquired into the particulars. He told me I was to blame for it; whereupon he produces me a Roll in the nature of a Panel, but in Paper, where he shown me each Parish in particular, and the number of the Protestants and Papists in that County; the Papists by the return of the said Hetherman, had in number amounted to Fifteen for each Protestant in the said County, and that he had the like return from the County of Cork, County of Clare, County of Kerry, etc. not mentioning the numbers of the said Counties then to me. I asked him then, how came he to have such an exact return of the Protestants and the Papists? He said it was not difficult to him, prescribing the ensuing methods used in those affairs; saying, that every Parish-Priest had always an exact Catalogue of Protestants and Papists in their Parishes, and returned the same twice a year to the Bishops, and likewise said, that he had a List of the Nobility that were engaged in managing the said Design, but did not show me the same; and did say, that he did trust in God that the Natives of Ireland would not be long Subjects to Heretical Government; and for his part, that he would use all the industry and interest he had to effect the said Design; and that he did conjecture, that the County of Kerry might be the most convenient Landing-place for an Army in Ireland, it being a remote County, and convenient, having but few there to oppose them, being far from any assistance; that he did not doubt, if the persons engaged in carrying on the said design did perform their undertaking, that before the English Forces in Ireland had full notice of the Army landed, there would be but few left to give opposition; and pitching upon the Month of November following to be the time appointed for their Landing, 
A Design to surprise Limerick, and many other strong holds in Ireland to be delivered up to the French.  said, that some were desirous to have the said Army Land in the North of Ireland, but that (upon consideration of the English and Scotch there, and their strength and numbers in that Country) at the general Consultation of the Popish Clergy about Dublin, it was agreed to begin in the Province of Munster, and to secure all the Forts and strong-holds there, and that there were persons engaged in the said Design, that could, without much danger, deliver up several Forts and Cities in the said Kingdom; and in such Cities and Forts where they had not interest in the Officers within the said Cities, that they had persons appointed throughout the Kingdom to surprise all such strong-holds and Cities aforesaid, saying, that if the said Design had miscarried, considering what great assistance and friends they had both at home and abroad, that the Irish should never expect but to live in misery, reflecting upon the miscarriages in all former designs, blaming the undertakers, 
Much reflection upon the management of all former Designs.  saying, that if the Irish did unanimously unite and rise in Arms when Coll. Dudley Castellow first began the Insurrection in Connought, that they would by that time have Ireland freed from Heresy; and now, that they had no other way then to Rise all in a night, and to proceed in a general Massacre throughout the said Kingdom, and to kill Man, Woman and Child, and not to leave a Protestant living in the Kingdom of Ireland. The said Hetherman in three days after the said meeting, went away for France; before the said Hetherman parted, I acquainted Sir Thomas Southwell with all the particulars, and desired that he would secure Hetherman and all his Papers, and likewise told him who the Officers were that were appointed to carry on the design; but he did nothing therein, but often promised that he would send to acquaint the Earl of Orory with the Proceed, but did not (as far as ever I could understand) and sent to Colonel Lacie, and the rest, to acquaint them of such matters as I had imparted to him about the said Design, as hereafter shall appear more at large.  
On or about Novemb. 1678, the French were expected to Land beyond Tarbutt, in the River of Shanan, in the County of Kerry, in the said Kingdom; the persons concerned to perform their parts of the Design in that Country, did often Consult together in those days (viz.) the Lord Baron of Brittas, Colonel Pierce Lacie, and several others having continual Intelligence, that the time was drawing nigh, the day being appointed on which the said Design was to be effected, notice being thereof throughout the Kingdom, as far as I could learn; the time for Landing being the 20th of Novemb. 1678, 
They were afraid that the French would not answer their expectation at the same time appointed.  as aforesaid, and to surprise Limerick the 23d; some were for surprising thereof some days before the French had Landed; others opposed it, thinking that if the French did not come at the time appointed, that it were of dangerous consequence for them to hazard themselves in the undertaking, and so concluded to make no noise or insurrection, till they had the assistance assured unto them: But the said Lord Brittas, Colonel Lacie Macnamarra, and several others made it their business for several years before to be free and familiar with the Officers of Limerick, by treating and entertaining them, in hopes thereby that their Design might be the easier carried on, sitting up early and late with the said Officers, in Taverns, Inns, and all suchlike places, that at last they brought them to that familiarity and acquaintance, 
Names of the Officers that died, and those that went about naked.  that they might go out or come into the Gates at all hours of the night that they pleased; and wrought so far upon the said Officers, that by excess of Drinking, three of the said Officers of Limerick died. I could say more of this, but I think this is sufficient.  
The said Lord Brittas Macnamarra, 
Capt. Feign, Cap Ashburnham, Lieutenant Damnell, and many more.  and the rest of that party run themselves deeply in Debt in treating the said English Officers; and that as far as I could then understand, it was a Custom at that time, used in most Garrisons of Ireland.  
The persons concerned in the said Conspiracy (as the Lord Brittas, and others) gave out, that they were to have Commissions sometimes to Raise men for Holland, and other times for Tangier, that by the Rumours thereof, the less notice might be taken of their public meetings and Treaties, and to avoid all suspicion whilst they were managing the aformentioned Contrivance. The English in those parts all this while imagining what the matter should be, were in bodily fear, seeing so many great meetings as aforesaid, and likewise some of the Irish who were abroad, and knew the Laws of France, and the rigour of Arbitrary Government, being now possessed of some of their Estates, if not all, were in much fear that the Popish Clergy of Ireland, by their contrivance, would bring destruction upon the Innocent as well as the Nocent, the like having happened often before in Ireland.  
In March 1678, or thereabouts, Sir John Fitz Gerald visiting some Friends in the County of Limerick, amongst the rest went to Coll. Pierce Lacie, who told Sir John, that he was highly obliged to Sir Thomas Southwell, saying, that the said Sir Thomas did send him word by Mr. John Hurly, that I should tell and acquaint the said Sir Thomas, that Coll. Lacie, one Easmond, and others, were engaged in the Conspiracy then on foot in Ireland; Sir John Fitz Gerald did ask Coll. Lacie whether he did see me since he received that Message? Coll. Lacie replying that he did very often, but never did tax me with it, desired the said Sir Johu to say nothing of it at present; whereupon the said Sir John denied to stay to drink with the said Lacie (as Sir John told me) and Road strait to the House of John Hicks Innkeeper in Rakeal, whither he sent for me, spoke these ensuing words after we met, in the presence of Mr. Maurice Fitz Gerald, Capt. William Fitz Gerald, and John Hicks the Innkeeper; Cousin, when will you take as much care of me as I have done for you within this two hours? Then I asked Sir John, if it were any private business of importance, to walk in the next Room; he answered, that he would not, and where there was one, he wished there were Twenty, 
Sir John Fitz Gerald reflecting upon Sir Thomas Southwell.  and that it was a business not to be smothered, repeating the said message sent from Sir Thomas Southwell, by Mr. Hurly, to Coll. Lacie, and that if I did tell Sir Thomas Southwell such a thing as Coll. Lacie said (meaning the discovery of the Plot in Ireland to the said Sir Thomas Southwell) that he was no better than a Traitor to his Country in betraying me; and that if I did not repeat the same to the said Sir Thomas Southwell, that he was a Rascal for abusing me; and then asked when I saw Mr. Hurly, Mr. Mackmechiny, Mr. John Burk, Capt. Purdon, or Coll. Lacie? I told him lately. Then says he, did none of your Friends and good Relations acquaint you with this business before? I told him, not. Then says he, look to yourself, and take it from me, as a special Caveat, 
Sir John's Caveat to me for the future.  that for the future you avoid all their Companies; for I do assure you, that they have an eye upon you, which for aught I know, may cost you your life, except you have a special care of your person; saying, that as soon as he heard it, he could not rest until he had given me a full account thereof.  
The Lord Brittas' being examined before the Lord Lieutenant and Council in November 1679, under what pretences he did give out, that he was to have a Regiment of Horse? or under whose Command? or from whom was he to have his Commission? He answered, that it was by the Earl of Orory's interest (who was newly dead) who promised to procure him a Commission to raise a Regiment for the Service of Holland, but could not prove that he had spoke with the Earl of Orory in several years before, nor could produce the Messenger that brought him that Message, nor a Line under the Earl of Orory's hand.  
Coll. Lacie being also examined, 
Examined before the Lord Lieutenant and Council.  owned to be at several Consultations aforesaid, and that at the same time after his return from Dublin, to be at the meeting in Rakeal, where the Popish Clergy of that Diocese Assembled together, and did confess, that Dr. Hetherman was appointed Agent for France; and that at that time, from thence, he went away for France; but said, he did not know what about.  
Mr. Eustace White examined, 
Examined.  whether he received a Letter from Sir John Fitz Gerald, to carry to the Lord Brittas, in February 1677, or thereabouts? owned that he did.  
Mr. John Piggott being examined, 
Examined.  whether I told him the particulars aforementioned, in the year 1675, 1676, 1677 and 1678, who owned some of the particulars, and all the other part in general terms, as by his Depositions doth appear.  
John Gilbert Clerk, being brought up to Dublin, to prove the meetings in Nighttime in Rakeal and other parts of the Country for several years before, did own their private meetings, both of Clergy and Laity, and did conceive it to be of dangerous consequence to the English, as by his Depositions doth appear.  
John Hicks the Innkeeper, in whose House the designs upon that County were for the most part contrived and discoursed of, 
Hicks Examined and proved a Rogue, and did not declare what he knew, as shall hereafter appear.  did not own much thereof; But it will be proved by Three persons of Quality, who are not yet brought to give their Evidence, that Hicks told them in the year 1677, that he was sure, and did understand no less by the Company that frequented his House, that there would be a sudden alteration, and several other particulars to that purpose, which I am confident he would declare otherwise than he did, had he not been dissuaded from it.  
Sir John Fitz Gerald being examined before the Lord Lieutenant and Council in Dublin, in November 1679, whether Coll. Lacie told him that Sir Thomas Southwell did send him such a Message by Mr. Hurly, or whether Sir John did acquaint me with the particulars aforesaid, in the year 1678, the said Sir John did acknowledge the same, as by his Examinations given before the Lord Lieutenant and Council will appear.  
On or about the 26th of March in the year 1679, I went to the House of the said Sir Thomas Southwell, to charge him with sending the said message to the said Lacie, by the said Hurly; but not meeting him, met with his Son-in-Law, Mr. Piggot, and discoursed the business with him, and acquainted him what Sir John Fitz-Gerald told me. Whereupon the said Piggot was very angry with Sir Thomas Southwell, and was very much concerned for me, considering the danger I was in; The said Mr. Piggot would have me stay until Sir Thomas got out of bed, which I refused to do. Then the said Piggot promised me that he would give me an account of what Sir Thomas his Answer should be to him that afternoon; the said Piggot seeming to be much concerned both for Sir Thomas and me, in regard that he had Married Sir Thomas' Daughter, and his Sister had been my former Wife. In the afternoon the said Piggot, and one Patrick Peppered came with him to my house, and brought me a Certificate from the said Sir Thomas Southwell, in manner following.  

THese are to certify all whom it may concern, 
The Certificate.  That Mr. David Fitz-Gerald did not reflect upon Col. Lacie, or any other Gentleman, directly or indirectly in my hearing. Witness my hand the 26th of March 1679.  
Thomas Southwell. Being present, John Piggot.   
I Set down this Certificate here, to show that Sir Thomas Southwell's Allegation before the Lord Lieutenant and Council in Novemb. 1679, 
Observations upon Sir Tho. Southwells Denial of the knowledge of the Conspiracy before Aug.— 79.  wherein he says, that it was upon the account of a Dispute between him and myself the 26th of August 1679, that I made use of his Name, is false and scandalous: But to avoid all such suspicions and false allegations, I thought it convenient to mention the precedent particulars, and the said Certificate; and I desire only such people that be apt to give their Censures of me according to their Inclinations, or such as are desirous to know the truth of the whole matter, 
Now Reader observe March 78, 79. & Aug. 79. and the said Sir Tho. Deinal.  that they would consider the time that Sir John Fitz-Gerald first acquainted me with the Message from Sir Thomas Southwell to Col. Lacie, being in March 1678, the date of the said Certificate, viz. the 26th of March 1679, and the 26th of August subsequent to the said Certificate in the said year, is the first time that Sir Thomas alleges he and I had any discourse concerning a Conspiracy in Ireland; and let any one but Sir Thomas judge, whether what he pretends to cover so great a mis-behaviour (not to call it worse) be probable.  
The next day after I had received the said Certificate, as aforesaid, from Mr. Piggot; Sir Thomas Southwell sent one of his Servants to invite me to Dinner that day; 
The Servant that came to invite me, was John Herbert.  and being in company with him, after Dinner, he prayed me to go to Col. Lacie, and to tell him that I did not acquaint Sir Thomas with any such matters as were formerly discoursed of; and for the better satisfaction of the said Lacie, to show him Sir Thomas his Certificate. I asked Sir Thomas what he meant by the said Certificate? He answered, That it may be a means to prevent me from receiving any mischief from the said persons. Whereupon considering the Murder of Sir Edmondbury Godfrey, 
The Names of those that were by when I spoke to Col. Lacie, and shown him the said Certificate, was James Dowley. Titular Bishop of Limerick, Mr. Pierce Lacie, and the Lady Coming.  and the nature of the people that I had to deal withal, and the dangerous consequences that might upon that occasion happen, I complied with the said Sir Thomas, and road straight to Col. Lacy's, and did no less there, than what the said Sir Thomas directed me to do, which I conceived with myself was requisite for me to do, if I had not had his advice. Then after I parted with the said Lacie, I returned back again to the said Sir Thomas, and met him at the house of James Estreitch, Innkeeper in Rakeal, where he and I tarried until two of the Clock at night; then he promised me faithfully to acquaint the Duke of Ormond, or the Earl of Orory with the Design against the Government. Then I told the said Sir Thomas Southwell, 
No safety for me after he betrayed me to the Conspirators, but to appear openly.—  that seeing they brought my name upon the Stage; That if the said Sir Thomas did not forthwith propose some way to bring the business to light, that I would ride to Dublin and declare the whole matter before the Lord Lieutenant and Council, and that I had no way to avoid being guilty of Misprision of Treason, but to justify that I have from time to time acquainted the said Sir Thomas with the aforementioned particulars, and general Design of the Conspirators against the present Government; And told the said Sir Thomas, 
Requested Sir Thomas to make a fair end.  that it would be convenient for him, Mr. Piggot, and me, to meet, and to find out some way for to discharge and clear ourselves from the knowledge of the said Conspiracy, laying the Dangers before them, and telling him what danger I was in myself by his means; and had I not conceived myself in much danger, in regard the said Sir Thomas did me that private injury, I do declare before God Almighty, that I would never have appeared upon the Stage in the nature of an Informer, yet would have kept in with them, and destroyed all their wicked designs privately; and they should never have known nor suspected who should be the instrument thereof; for I would be content to be a preserver of peace and quietness, and yet not glory in the Action; and I take very little pleasure in being called the King's Evidence; 
If it be gain and honour to others, it's loss, and the greatest dishonour to me that ever I had, and never knew what trouble was before, but now am experienced.  besides, my having formerly considered, and being very sensible what affronts and abuses do always attend such persons, whose ill fortune it is to be concerned in such affairs, (the truth thereof I have since found by several lamentable experiences, and great inconveniences which I have met withal, as hereafter shall appear, and be fully proved by such as are of Honour and Quality) are not certainly prevailing Motives to encourage any one to undertake the Employment purely out of love to it.  
And to show how dangerous a thing it is to render my King and Country, that faithful Service of Discovering a Horrd Conspiracy against the Life, Crown and Dignity of the one; and Liberty of the other, I shall now proceed to acquaint the World with the Usages that I have received upon the account of coming to be concerned in giving my Testimony in the aforementioned matters of Treason. 
The many inconveniencies that I met withal upon the account.   
In May 1679, or thereabouts, I went to the said Sir Thomas Southwell, and sat with him a whole afternoon; who told me, that he did send private intelligence of the particulars to the Earl of Orory, which afterwards proved quite contrary, as hereafter doth appear.  
In July following, having intelligence that his Grace the Duke of Ormond was to be in Thomas Town in August following; I told the said Sir Thomas Southwell, that I thought it convenient for me to wait upon his Grace, and give him an account of the Designs in Agitation against the Government, and that I must make use of the said Sir Thomas Southwell's name therein. Then the said Sir Thomas told me, That if I did mention any thing of him, that he would have an Action of 10000 l. against me; I told him I would try that, and so both discontentedly parted.  
In August following, being fully satisfied that his Grace the Duke of Ormond was come to Captain Mathews, in the County of Tipperary, it being less than 30 mile's distance from my house thither; The 26th of August aforesaid, I went again to the said Sir Thomas Southwell, and told him, that I was resolved next morning to set forth for Thomas-Town to wait upon the Duke, who I understood was to be there. Then he was earnest with me to pass all by, and say no more thereof; He finding that I would not comply, he pretended that I owed 5 l. for a parcel of Land, containing forty Acres, which he held by Lease from Brook-Bridges, Esq; now here in London; which said Land lying convenient to my concerns, I bought a Tenant's interest therein, and possessed myself thereof, and told him that I did not understand any Debt that was owing from me to him. But if he could justly claim any, he should be immediately paid, and told him that 5 l. would not break squares betwixt him and me: but he swore he would have an Action of 10000 l. against me; and so parted. And whilst I was upon my Examinations afterwards in Dublin, to avoid all manner of suspicions, and false pretensions of Debt or Debts to be due from me to any person or persons whatsoever; I declared that I had renounced all manner of Protections that may be granted to preserve me from my Creditors, and left myself open to the Law. Thus far I refer myself to his Grace the Lord Duke of Ormond, the Right Honourable Arthur, Lord Viscount Granard, Henry Lord Bishop of Meath, and the rest of the Lords of that Honourable Privy-Council.  
Now to return to give a further account of what happened with me after I parted with Sir Thomas Southwel: The 26 of August 1679. As aforesaid, I returned home to my house; and that very night about twelve of the Clock a great multitude of People assembled together about my house, In number 62, Whose names ensue.  


These are they who broke my House about 12 a clock at night.  John Barratt.  
Thomas Fisher.  
Thomas Fisher, Junior.  
Garrett Lao.  
John Pounsey.  
Edmond Newland.  
Morris Ornane.  
Tobias Barrett.  
John Magynane.  
James Herbert.  
Maurice Herbert.  
Humphrey farrel.  
Nicholas Halpin.  
Francis Halpin.  
James farrel.  
Daved Lewis.  
John Lewis.  
Robert Poor.  
Charles Cullanon.  
Henry Gibbens.  
James Stretch.  
Nicholas Stretch.  
James Mc' Teigue O Coner.  
Morough Madagane.  
Patrick Mc' Cook.  
Samuel Parker.  
Chill O Coner.  
John Wall.  
John Bluet.  
Edmund O Daniel.  
Teige Shaughinssy.  
Michael Noane.  
Donough Mc' T●ige.  
James Bren.  
John Creagh.  
Richard Nash.  
Charles Harrison.  
Gerald Simkin.  
John Spicer.  
James Mc' Nichas.  
Francis Taylor.  
John James.  
Maurice Rauleigh.  
Garret Rauleigh.  
Hugh the Butcher.  
John Mc' Teigh.  
John Murfey.  
John Mortimer.  
Daniel Cavanaugh.  
John. Mc' Teigh.  
Maurice Lewy.  
Michael Honahan.  
Mortough Shea.  
Teigh Mulkerin, etc.  
Others to the number above mentioned.   
All the said persons were well armed, some with Swords naked, some with Axes, Sledges, Pikes and Spades, and such like Arms, they broke down my Gate and the Door of my Dwelling house all to pieces, and I had no other way to keep them off, then by throwing Chairs Tables and such Rubbish in their way to bar them from coming up Stairs; They all Unanimously crying out Kill the Rebel and Knock him in the head before he goes any further, or brings Sir Thomas Southwel and the Gentlemen to trouble: Those words they spoke in the hearing of twenty sufficient People, who have already proved it, though to little purpose, they being Countenanced and Favoured by Judge Reynolds, rather than brought to Condign Punishment; At last with much ado and with the assistance of one Philip Glissane a Gunsmith who came with some work to my house that night, 
Slipped down by one Philip Glissain out if a Window some two stories high for to save my life about 1 a clock at night.  the said Glissane going up to a Garret where he was in bed; brought me down a peace of Irish Freeze, and got one end thereof bound under both my arms, and twisted the other end about the Frame of a Table, and pulled down a Pane of the Glass, and slipped me down out of the Window some two stories high, and by that means I made my escape.  
As soon as I got out at Liberty, I sent several of my Servants and Tenants etc. 
Mr. Aylmers' assistance to me to secure the said persons.  Into several parts about me, and went myself to Mr. Aylmer, a Justice of the Peace, who did not only command the Constables, but several others to be aiding and assisting to suppress and apprehend the said persons; so that after I returned from Mr. Aylmer, being a mile and a half distance betwixt his house and mine, in two hours' time I got together about thirty men and apprehended ten of them within my house, and twenty about it, the rest made their escape, and two other persons that we apprehended made their escape likewise, and those that were in Custody were brought before Mr. Aylmer; after examinations taken the said Mr. Aylmer Writ a Mittimus to have the said Persons committed to Limerick Goal: In the interim two of Sir Thomas Southwels Servants road with all speed after the said persons, 
The said Persons discharged by Sir Thomas Southwels Supersedeas.  and produced Sir Thomas Southwels Supersedeas under his hand and Seal, and on sight thereof the Constables, who had the said People in Custody, dismissed them from being Prisoners, and so returned home again.  
Mr. Aylmer, 
Sir Thomas Southwels request to the Sheriff.  and I continued together in an Inn all this while, and about an hour and a halves time or more after the said People were discharged, the high Sheriff of the County of Limerick's man came to me in the presence of Mr. Aylmer, and told me that the Sheriff would speak with me, I road strait to the Sheriffs, being two mile's distance from that place, 
Apprehended upon an execution being bound for a relation of mine  when he and I met, he told me that he was sorry that he could not avoid apprehending me upon an execution granted the Assizes before, I being bound for one David Fitz-Gerald a near relation of mine, to the Commissioners of His Majesty's Revenue, he being Receivour of part of the said Revenue in the County of Limerick, and not dischargeing his Accounts I was sued upon the Bond as aforesaid, but says the Sheriff, 
A Letter from Sir Thomas Southwel,  Mr. Fitz Gerald I pray you not to be dissatisfied with me, and though I appear against you, it is not my action, than produced me a Letter from Sir Thomas Southwel to him, the Contents thereof importing that the said Sir Thomas Southwel did understand that the said Sheriff had an execurion in his hands against me upon the account aforesaid, and that I was then at the house of Mr. Aylmer, and that if the Sheriff did not immediately execute his Office on me, that the said Sir Thomas would send to the Commissioners to acquaint them thereof, and that the Sheriff himself should become liable for the payment of the said Debt, if the Sheriff did not perform what Sir Thomas requested as aforesaid. That night I lay at the Sheriffs, and instead of close imprisonment, I had my Liberty, and had one of the best Lodgings in the house, and very good entertainment, and next day discharged myself thereof, being a Sunday, and staying at Captain Odells, who was then Sheriff, till after Sermon and Dinner, in the mean while comes one Henry Gibbins Servant to the said Sir Thomas Southwel, 
The second letter from Sir Thomas Southwel.  and coming up to the Room, delivers a Letter from Sir Thomas Southwel to the said Sheriff, after he perused the said Letter, he gets up from the Table, and calls me into a Drawing Room, and shown me the said Letter, which imported, the said Sir Thomas requesting the Sheriff for to keep me in Custody until he had Clapped an action of 100●0. l. against me for making use of his name in the Conspiracy. The Sheriff returned his answer that he knew his Office better than to do Illegal things, and that he was sorry that Sir Thomas Southwel should stand so much in his own light as to propose it.  
That night I returned home to my own House, and was come no sooner thither than I had notice that Sir Thomas Southwel sent Messengers to and fro to all the Popish Gentry thereabouts, and that the said Sir Thomas, John Piggot, John Purdon, John Bourke and several others were all the day before, until ten of the Clock at night contriveing together which way they might prevent my informing against them, or take away my life, their skill a little time after I found out by experience, some of their own Company sending me a full account of their proceed from time to time, they having at last concluded to charge me with high Treason (but God be praised they could not Impeach me of a meaner Crime,) at the last there was an Instrument procured, who as I have been told received five pound in money, a weather-beaten Periwig, and a cast suit of clothes, and that the said Instrument by name Walter Huet a Glazier should give his Information before Simon Eyton and John Piggot Esquires, and before no others, one being my Father-in-Law, and the other being my Brother-in-law, think-that they would for my sake Compound and Patch up the business and stifle the Evidence of the said Huet, or Thwart me in the Prosecution of the Conspiracy aforesaid, but finding nothing done in it that night, next morning having some occasions to speak with the high Sheriff, I had ordered one of my own Servants to meet me with Fresh Horses in the Road at a place called Bruree, in order to go that night straight to the Duke of Ormond at Thomas Town, and went then to the Sheriff, and after I had done with him, rid away, and met my Servant at the place appointed, who told me that most of the Gentlemen of that part of the County were in Rakeal, Nameing Colonel Eyton, Sir John Fitz-Gerald, Major Fitz Gerald, Mr. Piggot, and at least twenty more, and that it was reported that I Fled upon the the account of High Treason sworn against me by Walter Huet, and that I was gone to the Duke of Ormonds, in hopes to discharge myself thereof, and impeach them: Taking the thing Immediately into consideration I did conceive myself in danger and returned back to the Sheriff again, who did very well approve of my return; then I took Pen and Ink and writ some part of depositions, and desired him to send an express to the Duke of Ormond that night, which was done, and I went myself to this meeting in Rakeal, in the Road I met Sir John Fitz Gerald Galloping towards me at a high rate and Sir Thomas Southwels man, besides his own Servants with him; he told me that he was very glad to meet me and that I saved him that Journey, and that he had no other business but to follow me to the Duke of Ormond at the request of Sir Thomas Southwel and several others, and told me that there was high Treason sworn against me by Walter Huet, before Simon Eyton and John Piggot Esquires: I told him I did not value what any man in the Kingdom could swear, or say against me, Sir John saying then, that it was the desire of Sir Thomas Southwel and the rest, that I should Omit proceeding any further in the said design, and that they would prevail with Walter Huet to desist his prosecuting me; I told him that I never did exceed the Limits of the Law, and did understand the liberty of a Subject, and as long as I kept myself within the bounds thereof, that I did not value any malicious contrivance or prosecution; then the said Sir John returned into Town along with me, and I being fully satisfied by what Sir John told me, 
Proffered Major Fitz Gerald Mr. John Hurly securities.  and that the said Magistrates had received an Information against me of Treason, I went to them where they were in the presence of Sir John Fitz-Gerald, Major Fitz-Gerald, Mr. John Hurly, Mr. White and several others, gave one of the said Magistrates my Sword, to another my Pistols, and submitted myself to the Law, and asked them whether I was bailable. Whereupon they said I was not, than the Information was repeated over by the said Huet in these words.  

WALTER HVET'S Information.  
THat in March, 1677, he heard Mr. Fitz-Gerald say (meaning me) that he wished for the King in France to be landed in Ireland with threescore or fourscore thousand men, and that Mr. Fitz Gerald said that he himself would raise men and help the French against our Majesty the King of England; 
Huers' Information against me.  and that he the said Huet did ask Mr. Fitz-Gerald what would maintain such a great Army in Ireland, and that Mr. Fitz-Gerald told him, the King of England's Revenue; that then the said Huet should ask Mr. Fitz-Gerald what he would avail by that, and that Mr. Fitz-Gerald said that thereby he could repossess himself of his Estate, which he has been unjustly kept out of, this was on Monday the 30th. of August. 1679.   
Then I spoke to the Two Magistrates in this manner. Gentlemen you see what Walter Huet swears against me, as well as you have been pleased to examine him the particulars of what he had Sworn against me, I shall desire that you will reexamine him to show reasons why he did not declare this since March, 1677, before this time being August, 1679, They knowing that I seldom or never miss one Assizes or Sessions in Limerick for several years before. The said Huet being commanded to show his reasons why he did not prosecute me sooner, said that he did conceive that I was a Resolute Gentleman, and that he was afraid that I should run him through or Pistol him; then I desired that he may be questioned why he did not being once at the Assizes at Limerick and seeing me there at the Bench, he said then that he thought I had too many Friends there, and that he did suppose they would not take notice of him; then I desired to know what Motives induced him now more than at any time past to come before them Two Magistrates which he knew to be the nearest Friends that I had, than said he I give no more reasons than I have, and so parted.  
That night I had liberty of the Magistrates to go home to my own house without any Guards, next day I returned to them, and desired that they should send their Warrant with me to Limerick, and had a Guard to attend me thither of thirty horse, the Assizes being just coming on three days after, at which I expected my Trial: after I got into Limerick and was received by the Marshal, there all persons in the Counties of Limerick and Clare, admiring what my Crimes should be, I had several of the best of them come to me there, to know what the occasion should be.  
In the mean while the Sheriff, having sent part of my Depositions to his Grace the Duke of Ormond, as I formerly mentioned by express, his Grace upon perusal thereof sent Special Orders to the said Sheriff, that he should on sight thereof come along with me to Clonmel, where his Grace was then, the Judges being then upon the Circuit, the said Sheriff having received the said Order, at the bounds of that County, where he was to receive the Judges, all coming together to Limerick on Saturday night, the said Sheriff as soon as he came thither, came to me to the Marshal sea, and shown me the said Order, which was very welcome to me, because it would set me at Liberty (never having been a minute in any restraint before those three nights).  
Then the said Sheriff, and I got ready to go to the Duke, and did set forth from Limerick about a elven of the Clock the said night, the night following his Grace being told that we were come to Town, sent for me, and upon further discourse of the said matters, after he had taken part of my depositions, asked me whether I feared any thing of the Treason sworn against me in Limerick as aforesaid, and if I did suppose that there would be any danger, that his Grace would give me a Pardon, I answered that for my knowledge in the said Conspiracy against the Government that I would accept of his Majesty's gracious Pardon, though I did not doubt to prove that I had discharged myself thereof, by acquainting Magistrates from time to time, of my knowledge thereof, and for any other Crime, excepting the same, that I renounced all manner of Pardons and Protections, and that in Limerick, I would trust to a fair Trial, this I refer to the Duke of Ormond.  
Whereupon his Grace was pleased to order the Sheriff to return me my Arms, and not to be used in the nature of a Prisoner, and then we returned to Limerick to receive my Trial, the Assizes sitting then, the Grand Jury as I was informed were unwilling to return Billa vera upon the Information of Walter Huet, against me, I having notice thereof, used my interest in the said Grand Jury, and desired that they might find the Bill against me, that the accusation might be publicly known, and the occasion thereof, which was accordingly done, the under named persons impannell'd for to try me.  

The Names of the Jurors.  
Sir George Inglesby, Kt.  
Ralph Wilson, Esq  
David Wilson, Esq  
George Ailmer, Esq  
Arthur Ormesby, Esq  
John Croker, Esq  
Nicholas Munckton, Esq  
John Bury, Esq  
Hassard Powel, Esq  
John Mansfeild Esq  
George Evans, Esq  
John Dixon, Gent.   
Then they proceeded to the Trial, and after hearing of the Witnesses, who contradicted each other very Materially, nor did either of their Tales agree together, the matter appeared so frivolous or rather set up by Practice, that the Jury without any Hesitation pronounced me not Guilty.  
Then the Grand Jury returned Billa vera upon the Indictment against the persons who broke my house; 
Sir Richard Reynolds would not admit the Trial at the request of others, but dissmissed them.  then the Clerk of the Crown called them by their names upon their Recognizance, the number of fourteen or fifteen did appear, Judge Reynolds adjudging the Indictment to be Vexatious having 31 mentioned therein, but would not have the patience to hear the Trial, being worked upon by others as I will Justify, put me off, having at least twenty witnesses then in Court to prove the matter of Fact, and ordered the said people to be dismissed, and addmitted them not to their Trial; then I prayed his Lordship in open Court to do me Justice, and to let the Trial of the said persons that did appear, proceed, but all to no purpose.  
Afterwards I went up to Dublin, and petitioned to the Lord Lieutenant and Council, and did set forth in the said petition the greivances and Injustice done unto me by Sir Richard Reynolds as I conceived, by putting off the Trial aforesaid; after the said Petition was read, I was called to appear before the Lod Lieutenent and Council, the Lord Chief Justice Keating alleging before the Lord Lieutenant and Council, that the people aforesaid were extra, But Sir Richard Reynolds could not deny they were in Court: 
Keating, and Reynolds.  Which I will justify, maintain and prove by many good witnesses, but they having no other way to smother the Illegal proceeding in Limerick, than to say that the people did not appear.  
The Lord Lieutenent and Council upon full consideration of my complaint did grant the ensuing Commission to examine the matters aforesaid.  

Ormond. By the Lord Lieutenent and Council of Ireland.  
WHereas David Fitz-Gerald of Rakeal, in the County of Limerick Esq; hath exhibited an Information at this Board of several enormous Abuses done to him to the Scandal of his Majesty's Government. We therefore appoint and Authorise the High Sheriff of the County of Limerick, Sir William King Kt. Governor of Limerick, 
The Commission from the Lord Lieuten.  Sir George Inglesby, Kt. Simon Eyton, George Ailmer, John Odel and Richard Maguair, Esquires, or any four or more of them to examine the matters in the Information hereunto annexed, and make speedy return of the truth thereof to this Board by examination of Witnesses, or otherwise in Convenient time, that such course may be taken therein as to Justice appertains,  
Given at the Council Chamber in Dublin the 23th. of December, 1679. 

Michael Armachanus, Chan.  
Johan. Dublin.  
Aran.  
Henry Midensy.  
Blessinton.  
Ranalaugh.  
Robert Fitz-Gerald.  
Thomas Jones.  
John Davys, Secretary of State.     
The said Commission was executed the third, fourth and fifth days of February; 1679. By Garret Fitz Gerald, Esq; high Sheriff of the County of Limerick, Simon Eyton, George Ailmer and John Odel, Esquires, Upon the full examination and hearing of ten sufficient witnesses, who proved the particulars mentioned in the said Information as aforesaid, and finding twenty more ready to aver the same, Returned the said Commission to the Lord Lieutenant and Council with the depositions of the ten that swore positive to the names of those that broke my house, and heard them say kill the Rebel and knock him in the head before he goes any further; and the said Commissioners did Certify to the Lord Lieutenant and Council that there had been a great many more ready to depose the same, as the ten did in their depositions aforesaid.  
Whereupon several of the riotous persons aforesaid were again taken up, and brought to Trial, and though the breaking my house in the night, and menacing words before recited were fully sworn against them by divers Witnesses, against whom they had no colour of Exception, yet such was the prevalency of the Conspirators, and the Jury so prepared, that they would not find them Guilty.  
After which I went to Dublin, and from thence came for England, to give in my Testimony to His Majesty, as I had before done to His Grace the Lord Lieutenent, and Council, from whom I had good encouragement to proceed, and which I have herein before punctually published.   

An Appendix in a Seasonable Address to his Countrymen, The Natives of Ireland.  
Dear Countrymen!  
MY Family and self having so severely suffered for their Loyalty, by the late Rebellion in Ireland, and having the opportunity to discover another most horrid Conspiracy against our Gracious Sovereign, for investing a Foreigner with that Kingdom; and subverting his Majesty's Government there, I thought it incumbent upon me as a Christian, and in duty obliged as a Loyal Subject to my King, and in Charity and kindness to all you my dear (though many of you very much misled) Countrymen! to bring the same to light, that so a vigilant eye and strict hand being kept over the malcontents in that Kingdom, that they may not be seduced by the ill arts and specious pretences of their cruel Priests, whereby the Blood and Confusions, the horrors, and desolations necessarily attending such insurrections and desperate Rebellions, may be obviated and prevented.  
I confess my Education and course of life (more influenced by Mars than Mercury) renders me very little skilled in the art of persuasion, and had not this extraordinary occasion, and the command of Authority obliged me, I should have been far enough from appearing in Print, but since I have so just and necessary a call thereunto, I would gladly improve the opportunity to give a few advertisements which well weighed and pursued might be of good use to you and your posterity.  
I know I make this address to you upon very disadvantageous Terms, for 'tis not to be doubted but your crafty Priests (who make no Conscience of standering any man's name (nay of Murdering his person, where it may either tend to conceal their own Villainies, or advance their Devilish cause) have already filled you with abundance of prejudice, and represented me to you as the worst of men, but my satisfaction is, that as God and my own Conscience bear me witness that I have declared nothing but what is most punctually true, so there are too many of you (the Priests and Gentry especially) that know it to be so, and that how loud and and causelessly soever, they may rail at me, yet at the same time their own Souls give their Tongues the lie, and therefore my comfort is that how much soever what I shall say to you may be against your present bigoted humour, yet it is still most conducive both to your duty and your real Interest, which I hearty wish you may not too late be sensible of, it being much better to prevent than Repent.  
Affliction, (sayeth the wisest of men) makes people wise, and 'tis a Proverb that Experience is the Mistress of Fools. How incorrigibly stupid then must you be, whom such tedious (I am sorry I cannot say undeserved, nor unprovoked) Afflictions, and so many repeated lamentable Experiments of the ill success and fatal consequences of Intriguing with Foreigners, and Rebelling against your Lawful Governors, has not yet been able to contain within bounds of Loyalty and obedience; tell me seriously and in earnest, do you think that the blood of two hundred thousand peaceable Protestants and Loyal Subjects by you most Barbarously Butchered in the Rebellion begun, 23 October, 1641, does not yet Cry loud for vengeance upon you, the persons, or at least defendants of those, whose accursed hands were embrued in that detestable Massacre? And yet what did you gain by it, though you had the Pope's Blessing, and his Bulls of Pardon, and his Nuncio to head you, and promises from Spain to assist you, and though you started your Rebellion at a Juncture when Scotland, and presently after England (by the arts of the same Jesuitical and Popish Incendiaries who blew you up into a flame) were engaged in a Common Combustion, and consequently in the eye of Reason unable to yield any assistance towards crushing the hellish designs, yet do you not remember that Providence was pleased to defeat your Projects, to blast your erterprises, to confound your Forces, to give you up to so total a conquest, till at last you became the scorn of all the world, and there wanted but little to render you as vagrant, as contemptible, as odious as Jews, and root out the memory of the Irish Nation from off the face of the Earth.  
And since by the Mercies of God and superabundant Indulgence of our Gracious King, great numbers of you are returned from a desperate Exile, and reinstated in your forlorn Possessions, (at least to a greater degree than most of you had reason to hope for) what a most prodigious Ingratitude both to Heaven and your Earthly Sovereign will it be for you again to to tempt the fates, and engage yourselves in new Rebellions? What can you expect from such undertake (equally foolish and wicked) but everlasting slavery and utter irretreivable Ruin?  
Wherefore since those attempts however guilded over with plausible pretensions by your designing Clergymen (who having nothing themselves to lose, are like the desperate fallen Angels, always tempting you to mischief, that they may have the more numerous partners both in their Gild and punishment) are in themselves most nefarious and unjust, and tend to nothing but destruction; I shall endeavour to lay before you the sandy foundations wherein all the hopes are built, and demonstrate that you have as little Policy as right in such black (and hitherto still blasted) endeavours.  
As for your Army which you expect out of France, I am apt to think it's a delusory medium drawn over your eyes by the Jesuitical party to deceive you; and no Prince will give you any assistance, until you yourselves first appear in action, for till then, they cannot give any trust to you (as it happened in the three Spanish Invasions) and after you are broken into action, you must depend upon their Charity and discretion whither they will aid you or no, but be assured their supplies will be but faint and small, as you have found before (from the Spaniards) by sad experience: There is no confidence to be put in the power of any Foreign Prince, but it will be your duty as well as wisdom to rely upon the goodness of your own natural Prince, he having been so merciful and indulgent unto you  
Nor is it reasonably to be imagined that any Christian Prince, much less the most Christian King should commit or countenance so horrid an act, as to raise a Rebllion in the Territories of another Prince, who is the greatest and best (I had almost said) the only friend he hath in Europe; but I am not ignorant, that it is a French Maxim, that a man ought not to be a slave to his word, that Interest is Right, and all things Lawful that make for their Prince's Glory and Grandeur; suppose therefore he should permit some of his forces to go over into Ireland, as he did unto Portugal contrary to the faith of the Pyrenaean treaty, and the Irish Papists to join with them, it will assuredly prove the ruin and confusion of them; if it be considered, that the English have all the strong holds in that Kingdom at their command, and how easily an Army may be transmitted out of England and Scotland into Ireland, and what an obstinate defence the English there will make, before they will departed with these estates they now enjoy, and which they have acquired with so much expense of blood; the French have reason to understand and remember the English gallantry; if they have forgot, let them inquire at Poiteer, Agincourt or Cressey, and they will tell them; But in case the French King should own the action, and vigorously appear for them; without doubt there are some so highly concerned in point of interest (considering the Situation of that Kingdom) that he will draw the greatest Naval power of Europe against him, and of what pernicious consequence it may be to his glory, its suitable to his great judgement to consider; except he could post his Naval as he did his land forces, that they could not (as they said) be attacked; yet that imagination was confuted at the relief of Mons, and in case the French King should transmit an Army into Ireland, the conquest of it would not be like a Goal at football, in an instant, but a work of time, and the more forces they send thither, the Irish for want of provision would the sooner be undone, for a Famine hath ever put a period to all invasions or rebellions there; it cannot reasonably be conceived that the French should relieve them by Sea, when they will have such a great power against them; for if the French keep the Sea, they will be fought, and then let them consider the consequence; if they keep in Breast, which is their only Port from whence they can expect relief, they will be blocked up, or their Ships fired in the Port; the Glory of that action of Blake, at the Canary is worthy of their great consideration, who entered their Port and fired all their Ships in Harbour, though there were thirteen block houses, Castles, and works where an innumerable multitude of Cannon were planted, and most furiously fired against the English Ships; where there is a good wind and tide, and noble resolutions (as I hope they will find there is in the English) they need not fear any artillery whatsoever: Let the Irish remember their success when they were encouraged by the Spaniard (and assisted by the Pope) to rebel, the Spaniard being then the most potent Prince in Europe; And in case the most Christian King should put an Army into his Fleet to land, except he were Prince of the Air, and could command the Sea, and Tempests, he is not sure to land them; let him think of the expedition of Charles the 5th. against Algiers, and the ill and untimely fate which did attend it, however I am sure he cannot forget Goree.  
Nor let the Irish who have Estates, and who differ from the English in point of Religion, imagine that the communion of profession may exempt them more than the English from the Ambition, and Covetousness of the French; what they may expect from a Foreigner they may conjecture by the answer which the Duke of Medina Sidonia gave in this case in Eighty Eight, that his Sword knew no difference between a Catholic and a Heretic, but that he came to make way for his Master And let them be assured that, that which the English have left them of their Estates, the French will take from them, for though themselves be Catholics, yet their Estates will be Heretics; It's possible that some of the meaner sort of Irish (if the French should prevail) may mend their conditions, but those who have Estates will by their adhering to the French be assuredly undone; For the French will not think them fitting to be entrusted with their Estates, or to be faithful to him, who were rebellious to their own natural King and Sovereign Lord.  
For King Charles the second is your natural Prince, descended from your own Blood Royal, he being lineally descended from Firgatins, Second Son of the then Reigning King of Ireland, and first of Scotland, which was anciently peopled from thence; So you ought to pay His Majesty the Allegiance due from natural born Subjects, not from a conquered people, which now you can no more esteem yourselves.  
There are about 10000 Irish born to Estates, and are partly disposseth these for their losses, and others for restraint of, and in matters of Religion are discontented, but they do not consider their own Rebellion caused their ruin; by their murmur I perceive let the sentence be never so just, it will not hinder the condemned from rising against the Judge.  
Though some Bravoes, Hadlanders, and Needemites may join with Foreign Forces, I am apt to think the wise and considerate people (tho Papists) will not forfeit their Allegiance to their natural Prince; for proof of which fidelity in this kind you need go no further than the late Wars in the time of the Earl of Tyrene; wherein they were assaulted with as powerful temptations to move them from their Loyalty as possibly could be presented unto them, for at that time not only the King of Spain did confederate himself with the Rebels and landed his forces at Kinsale for their assistance, but the Bishop of Rome also, with his Breves and Bulls solicited the Nobility and Gentry of Ireland, to revolt from their obedience to the Queen, declaring that the English did fight against the Catholic Religion, and aught to be opposed as much as the Turks, promising the same favour to such as should set upon them, as he doth unto such as fight against Infidels; And yet for all these promises and threaten of the Pope, which was also seconded by a Declaration of the Divines of Salamanca and Validolid, not only many of the Lords and Gentlemen did constantly adhere in their Allegiance to the Queen, but were also encouraged so to do by the English Priests within the Pale in the Connty of Wexford though they were of Popish profession.  
I pray consider that horrid Massacre of the English by the Irish committed after they had lived together for forty years in the greatest security and happiness, how by the English they were so broken, that there were scarce an Irish man through Ireland that durst hold up his hand against them; and the Kingdom became so depopulated, that considering what vast numbers of people were destroyed by those three great Judgements of Heaven the Sword, Famine and Plague, it's thought that in the Conclusion of that war, there was not left living the eighth part of all the Irish nation, the whole Country being wasted and consumed; where for ten sometimes twenty or thirty miles, nay indeed almost all the Kingdom over (except about the English Garrisons) one should nor behold man, bird or beast appear, the very wild Fowls of the air, and the wild beasts of the Fields, being either dead or having departed out of those desolations, and thousands of the Irish were daily starving for want of Food, who did in their extremity, ordinarily feed on the Soldiers Horses, for which no satisfaction was at any time received but with the loss of their Lives, nay the Famine at last grew to that height that they did not only feed upon Horses, but upon dead Corpse taken out of the Graves. All which must be acknowledged a just Judgement of God inflicted on them for their notorious Barbarism committed in their Massacring of the English.  
A sad Tragedy, and may it never be reacted; but now His Majesty, having out of his Princely goodness restored many Irish Papists (which did little deserve so signal a favour) to their Estates, and to live where they please without any restraint, and to enjoy all things in plenty; and the whole Kingdom beginning to flourish and recover its glory; now to rebel against so gracious and merciful a Prince, and to bring the same Calamities, and worse (if possible) upon the Nation, and by betraying it into the hands of a Foreign power, are Acts so full of horror and amazement, that no man I should think, (were I not convinced from their own mouths to the contrary) could be so ungratefully wicked.  
You cannot rationally think, that France will ever give you any considerable assistance, but may engage you in a Rebellion, and then leave you to shift for yourselves: And so by that means bring a ruin and extirpation upon yourselves and Posterities; consider the late, but never to be forgotten case of the Messinesses, who cast off their Obedience to the King of Spain their Natural Prince, and fled to the protection of the French; after they had by their Taxes and Oppressions drained away all their Money, the French deserted them; and they thereby became exposed to the displeasure of an enraged Prince, and to all the Miseries and calamities imaginable: The Messinesses of all People on the Mediterranean, being before the most flourishing, but since their Rebellion the poorest and most miserable. Let this example be an Answer to all the French Charms the Priests shall lay before you, and take time to consider, if you shall be so imprudent and desperately wicked as to cast off your Obedience to your Natural Prince, whether the same Fate and Calamities may not attend you. Take it for a Maxim of Eternal Truth, and which you must understand by your dear bought experience, that after a Rebellion is suppressed, the King is more King, and the Subject more Subject; Many whose Ancestors were deep in the late Rebellion, by his Majesty's Royal favour are now resettled in their Estates, if not in all, yet in such a part as may give them a comfortable subsistence (and I must tell you it's better to have a piece of Bread, than no Bread at all.) Have you not a free exercise of your Religion throughout the whole Kingdom? Have you not your titular Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Vicar-General, Provincial Consistories, Deans, Abbots, Priors, etc. Who without control exercise a voluntary jurisdiction over those of the Romish persuasion? Are the Penal Laws put in execution against you? Have you not as great, if not greater freedom, and indulgence than those of the Evangelical Communion? Certainly if all these Princely Favours and tender proceed of His Sacred Majesty towards the Papists in that Kingdom cannot contain them within the due bounds of Loyalty and Obedience, they deserve to be made standing Monuments of his Justice.  
But imagine the worst, let it be granted that the French are Landed in Ireland, and possessed of a Port or two there, and that many of the Natives (for all 'tis like will not forfeit their Allegiance) revolt and resort unto the French, yet I hope there is no such danger, as is vulgarly conceived in losing that Kingdom, now that they have timely notice to prevent. For a Plot discovered is more than half prevented, and if after such fair and frequent warning we should suffer such an important place to be lost, we are sure the most careless or infatuated People in the World.  
For Ports gained must be maintained and supplied by Sea; which how uncertain and difficult it is to effect, our Fleets being better than theirs, is unanswerable: To attend the defence of them only would but multiply their trouble and charges, and give the English there no other Harm then some inconvenience; from the which, time will free them; for no tenable Fortifications can ever hold out the Siege of a powerful Assailant, that is Master of the Field, and so it must be granted the English will or may be.  
An Invader whose Object is Conquest, must not contain himself in a Port, but draw into Field; great Armies require a World of Horses for the draught of Artillery, Ammunitions, Victuals, Utensils for the War, Tents, Baggage, etc. Which cannot either be brought from France nor furnished by the Rebels. The County of Kerry is the Place designed for their Landing, a very remote Part as any in Ireland, yet furnished with a good Haven; but the English will be very imprudent (wheresoever they shall Land) if they drive not the Country before them, whereby they will fail both of Horses for draught, (without which they cannot march) and of Victuals or any thing else, which may be useful unto them.  
So did the French deal with Charles the Fifth Anno 1536. Who entered France by way of Province, with an Army of 50000 Horse and Foot, they Commanded all the Horse and Cattle in the County to be driven out of the Enemy's reach, the Corn, Straw, and what else might be food for Horses, and all other Movables to be carried into Places of Safety.  
The Ovens and Mills to be broken down, the Wines in Casks to be Staved, & for corrupting of Water's cause Corn to be cast into the Wells, leaving the Country like a vast Desert; whereby the Emperor's Army within few days (almost starved and diseased) was not 25000 strong.  
If Charles could not upon a Continent, provide himself of Carriages sufficient for the use of his Army, or Food for his hungry Soldiers in the plentiful Country of Province, how much less shall an Invader by Sea be able to bring them with him?  
Province being thus used, and the Cities well guarded, the Invader for want of Relief in the Country, must eat up his own Stores: And within short time (if they be many) will be Consumed, if few will be Forced out.  
In the number of Horses the strength of Armies principally consists, the Transporting of 5000 Horse requires more Tonnage than 30000 Foot; and how they will be able to Transport any number of Horse (without which they are of no Power) the English Fleet being at Sea, I must confess I am to learn.  
The way of Conquest is to provoke Battle, the advantage of the Defendant is to avoid it, but upon appearance of an assured Victory, which the Masters of the Field may do at Pleasure.  
The linger of time daily consumes the Invaders, both by Sickness, light Skirmishes (which upon every days March, at Fords, Bridges, and straits they cannot avoid) and by other Casualties.  
Their supply will be slow, and subject to peril, whilst wants of the English (they having their Country to Friend) will easily be supplied.  
But you will say the French can at their pleasure supply them, with Men, Victuals, and all things necessary for their carrying on the War, by reason of their great number of Ships.  
I am apt to think this will prove a great mistake in you, they will find it impossible to give any succours, when the English Fleet is at Sea, as you may assure yourselves it will be, when there is the least appearance of an Invasion; and I must tell you it's not the multitude of Ships that promise Victory, a few good nimble Ships of War are a stronger Fleet, than any Fleet can be composed of greater numbers, over pressed with heavy Luggage, they are not only in themselves useless, but a cumber to those that should Fight, and the losing of them is the apparent loss of the Enterprise.  
There was never a more Magnificent Fleet swimming upon the Ocean, then that which Philip the second brought upon the English Coast, a Navy so well Manned and Ammunitioned, that the like till than was never seen, it was the Glory of the Sea, yet it was defeated by her Majesties own Fleet, built in her own Realm, the Captains, Pilots, Master Gunners, and Sailors, all her natural Subjects, nothing was borrowed from her Neighbours, whereby her Triumph was more glorious; that famous Victory was not gotten by chance or by favour of Winds, and Storms, but next unto God, by the goodness of the English Ships, the Valour and Dexterity of their Gunners, and Sailors; and especially by the conduct and direction of the Commanders: Why then should the French Fleet be now more terrible than that was in Eighty eight, nay the English are to doubt them less, since by the Providence of His Majesty the Royal Navy, and the Merchant's Ships are now more in number, better fitted for the War, and greater of burden than they ever were.  
If you begin a War (or rather a Rebellion, for so it is) consider all Home and Foreign Commerce will cease, Justice falls to the ground, good men oppressed, Innocency trodden under foot, Churches destroyed, your Country wasted, Christians murdered, Women deflowered, and the Laws contemned, what shall I say, consider your own and Ireland's late mournful and deplorable Condition. I shall therefore ever put it into my Litany, from Heresies, Schism, Sedition and Rebellion, Good Lord deliver us.  
There are Five things which will secure Ireland against any Power whatsoever.  

I. A Navy well Furnished, to cut off all their correspodence with any King or State.  
II. An Army well paid to keep up Garrisons.  
III. Laws well executed to alter their mischievous Constitutions.  
iv A Ministry well settled to Civilize and instruct them.  
V And lastly, Strict care taken to punish all Priests, and Jesuits, that are the Nurses of Rebellion, disturbers of States, Mortal Enemies to all Protestant Governments, and indeed the Common Incendiaries of the Kingdom of Irelnad.   
But I shall not enlarge or presume to direct particularly on these necessary Heads, but humbly leave them to the consideration of Authority.  
Whilst to you my Beloved, (as long as you shall continue Loyal) Countrymen! I apply myself, whatever ill Thoughts that you may have of me, all I shall return in answer is, Am I your Enemy because I tell you the Truth? I have represented to you the fatal Consequences of your past Rebellions, and shown you the improbability of these present designs, which I certainly know, many ill men are fomenting and carrying on amongst you. But besides all these Moral and Politic discouragements, I would further have you take notice, that there is a most just God in Heaven, who by his Providence and uncontrouble Power will assuredly blast all your attempts; and Revenge the Blood of Innocents', and punish Murder, and Rebellion, and Treachery; and support and preserve his true Religion and Worship against all the most crafty, most plausible, and most powerful devices whatsoever; therefore as you love your Peace, your Safety, your Estates, your Lives, and your Souls, Study to be quiet: Harken not to the vain charm of your Priests, who design only to make as much slaves of you in Temporals as they already do in Spirituals; exert your Reasons, and suffer not yourselves to be led hoodwinked into destruction, by a vain empty foolish story of Tradition and ridiculous Customs and Notions; open your Eyes and give your rational Faculties but leave, impartially to inquire and examine things, and you will certainly find, that you have hitherto been befooled and Priest ridden, and that what you call Catholic Religion, in all things wherein it differs from what is believed, owned and enjoined to be practised by the Protestants, is nothing in the World but a cheat; contrived to support and gratify either the Ambition or Covetousness of your self-designing Clergy.  
This much however, (having this public opportunity to discharge my Conscience, and express my sincere Affection to you) I thought fit to say, protesting that in all that I have discovered and here written, I have had no aim at Temporal advantage, private Revenge, or any other sinister design; but that I have done it only and purely for the Glory of God, the Service of my King, the Preservation of the Government, the Real good of you, my dear Countrymen! and the disburthening of my own Soul. To which good ends I Hearty wish these poor Papers (though never so inartificially dressed) may be effectual: And with that satisfaction commit them, and myself, to the World's Censure, and God's Protection.  
FINIS.