THE LIFE OF THE EMPEROR Theodosius the Great.  
Written originally in French by the famous Abbot Flechier, now Bishop of Nimes, of the French Academy, for the Use of the Dauphin.  
Englished by Mr. FRANCIS MANNING.  
Est quoddam tentare. Ovid.  
Decemb. 15. 1692. Imprimatur Edmund Bohun.  
LONDON, Printed by F. L. for F. Saunders, at the Blue Anchor in the New Exchange; And T. Bennet, and J. Knapton, at the Halfmoon and Crown in St. Paul 's Church-yard. 1693.   

TO THE Deservedly Honoured Charles Duncomb, Esq  
SIR,  
I Am bold to present you with the Life of the Great Theodosius, whom Pagan's Authors have extolled above the Princes his Predecessors, and whom the Fathers of the Church have proposed for an Example to Christian Princes, who ought to pursue his Steps.  
This History, Sir, includes great Events, and one may collect from hence Instructions of singular Importance. You will observe herein, on one side Barbarians repulsed to their ancient bounds; Rebels brought overby Swetness, or reduced to obedience by Force; Tyrants rewarded for their Cruelty and Perfidiousness, and the Empire thrice established by the Valour of Theodosius: On the other side Heresy pulled down, Idolatry confounded, the Abuses of the Age reform, and the Church, after an Oppression of several Reigns, restored to its former Liberty, by the Edicts of this wise and pious Emperor.  
You will observe here, Sir, the Spirit and Character of a Prince, who tempers his Power by his Goodness; who never separates the Interests of Religion from those of the State; who knows how to give Laws to Men, and to submit himself to those of God; who triumphs over his Enemies, as much by Virtue of his Faith and Prayers, as of his Courage and his Arms, and who unites in his Person, Valour and Piety, the Grandeur of the Age, and a Christian Moderation.  
I doubt not, Sir, but you will admire, the different Virtues, that he practised in the different Conditions of his Life. He served Emperors, as soon as his Age would permit him to bear Arms. Scarce had he served any time in the Armies, but he was found capable of commanding them. The Reputation which he gained in great Employments, procured him the Envy and Disgrace of even those, who ought to have protected him: but he supported his adverse Fortune without Weakness, as he enjoyed his Prosperity without Pride. He came to the Empire at a time, when there was not only a Necessity to govern it, but to re-establish it; and his first cares extended to the making his Subjects happy. He was a lover of Peace, and feared less to suffer an injustice, than to commit one. He put an end to several Wars through his Valour, and undertook not one through Ambition. He was always more inclined to pardon, than to punish; and having once abandoned himself to his Anger, he expiated by a public Penance the Fault, which he had committed rather by the Persuasion of his Mnisters, than by a Depravation of Mind.  
This long Retinue of glittering Actions might induce you to believe, Sir, that I send you the Panegyric of this Emperor, and not his History; but you will see, that I don't aggravate his Virtues, nor yet dissemble his Faults: and that without exceeding those bounds which are prescribed me, I expose the actions, which are advanced as real truths, founded upon the Testimony of ancient Authors, and not as Ideas of Perfection, that are only imaginary.  
It were to be wished, that the manner of Writing were answerable to the Dignity of the Subject. But I hope, Sir, that you will excuse what is wanting in the one, and that you will approve of the choice which is made of the other. As for me, I pretend to nothing▪ but the Glory of having brought in the execution of my Design, all the Care and Exactness I am capable of: Happy, if my Labours shall become acceptable to You, whose extraordinary Merits have engaged me to take the Liberty of presenting you with this piece, which may serve to divert you sometimes, after the Fatigues of weightier Business.  
It is sufficiently known, Sir, that your endowments are excellent, that your thoughts are equally strong and sublime, that you have not less of Delicacy, than Penetration and Vivacity, and that your Answers are as just and agreeable, as ready and decisive. All these advantages of Mind, that shine in you, in a peculiar manner are supported by a noble Air, a greatness of Soul, and a Thousand Virtues which distinguish you so advantageously in your Country.  
These eminent Qualities don't render you inaccessible to those, who are inferior to you; and far from discouraging my approach to you, they have suggested to me the Design of giving you this Testimony of that profound Respect, with which I am,  
SIR, Your most Humble, and most Obedient Servant, F. M. Tuddington, Jan. 1st. 1693.   

The CONTENTS of the First BOOK.  
I. PReface. II. The Birth and Education of Theodosius. III. Changes in the Empire. iv Election of Valentinian. V Valens associated to the Empire. VI State of the Empire. VII. State of Religion. VIII. England is ravaged by the Barbarians. IX. Theodosius the Father is sent thither, takes his Son with him, defeats the Enemy. X. Theodosius the Son signalises himself in this War. XI. Theodosius the Father discovers a Conspiracy. XII. Revolt of Firmus in Africa. XIII. Theodosius the Father is sent into Africa with his Son against the Rebels. XIV. He treats with Firmus. XV. He defeats the Rebels in two Battles. XVI. He makes a Treaty with Firmus. XVII. He re establisheth the City of Caesarea. XVIII. He punishes the Deserters. XIX. He finds himself engaged in the Mountains. XX. He happily escapes the danger he was in. XXI. Theodosius the Son is sent to Court. XXII. Valentinian associates his Son Gratian to the Empire. XXIII. Expedition of Valentinian against the Germans. Theodosius the Son has Orders to follow him. XXIV. Irruption of the Quades, and the Subject. XXV. Theodosius the Son is made Governor of Maesia. XXVI. Theodosius the Father pursues Firmus. XXVII. He declares War against the Isaflians. XXVIII. Battle against Igmazen King of the Isaflians. XXIX. Igmazen sues to Theodosius for Peace. XXX. Imprisonment of Firmus, his Death; End of the African Wars. XXXI. Theodosius makes Peace with the Isaflians. XXXII. Valentinian's Expedition against the Quades. XXXIII. Embassy of the Quades. Death of Valentinian. XXXIV. Divers reasonings upon the death of Valentinian. XXXV. The part that Valentinian had in the Election of St. Ambrose. XXXVI. Valentinian the younger is made Emperor. XXXVII. The cause of the disgrace of the two Theodosius'. XXXVIII. Erterprises against the Emperor Valens. XXXIX. Magical Consultation. XL. The Answer. XLI. Theodorus is seized, and condemned to die. XLII. Persecution of Philosophers, and others. XLIII. Valens order the destruction of several persons whose names begin by Theod. XLIV. Subjects of Jealousy against Theodosius the Father. He is condemned to die. XLV. Exile of Theodosius the Son. XLVI. 〈◊〉 of Theodosius into Spain. XLVII. Original, Progress, Division and Religion of the Goths. XLVIII. Eruptions of the Huns. XLIX. The Goths chased by the Huns. L. The Goths sue for a Retreat into Thrace. LI. The Goths are received by Lupicin. LII. The Goths revolt, and vanquish Lupicin. LIII. Siege of Adrianople. LIV. Valens persecutes the Catholics. Themistius pacifies him. LV. War of the Saracens against the Romans. LVI. The Persians declare War. LVII. Valens sends to Gratian for Succour, and concludes a Peace with the Saracens and Persians. LVIII. News of the Battle, and Retreat of Trajan and Ricomer. LIX. Gratian marches to the Relief of his Uncle. LX. Famous Victory of Gratian over the Germans. LXI. Generous Answer of Trajan. LXII. Valens arrives at Constantinople. He is murmured against. He departs. LXIII. Prudence of Fritigern King of the Goths. LXIV. Valens i● ill advised. He deliberates whether he shall An. 395 give Battle. LXV. Fritigern amuses the Emperor. LXVI. Valens marches to the Enemy. Fritigern makes new Propositions. LXVII. The Armies engage. The Right Wing of the Romans disordered. LXVIII. The Left Wing defends itself valiantly. LXIX. Entire Defeat of the Romans. LXX. Valens saves himself. He is wounded, and burned alive in a house. LXXI. Great loss of the Romans. Gratian stops at Sirmium. LXXII. Reflections of Gratian. LXXIII Re-establishment of the exiled Bishops. LXXIV▪ Gratian calls home Theodosius. LXXV. Occupations of Theodosius during his Exile. LXXVI. Di verse Erterprises of the Goths. LXXVII. Th' Goths beaten by the Saracens before Constantinople LXXVIII. St. Ascole defends Thessalonica by his Prayers. LXXIX. Horrible Massacre of the Goths in the East. LXXX. Theodosius arrives at Sir mium. LXXXI. Theodosius defeats the 〈◊〉 LXXXII. Theodosius' Dream. LXXXIII. Gratian is resolved to choose a Colleague. LXXXIV. Theodosius destined Emperor. LXXXV. Ausonius' i● made Consul. LXXXVI▪ Victory of Theodosius confirmed.  
THE LIFE OF Theodosius the Great. BOOK I.  
II. THE Empire began to fall from that State of Grandeur and Power wherein Constantine had fixed it by his Piety and victorious Arms. Constantius and Constance, two of his Sons, governed one the East, the other the West; but as they enjoyed not the great qualities of their Father, so were they neither beloved of their Subjects, nor feared of their Enemies like him; and they had much ado to sustain a part of that burden, which he himself had born with so much glory.  
It was about the ninth year of their Reign, when Theodosius was born at Italica, a little City of Spain, upon the banks of the River Betis. He was of a very Noble Family, and descended from the race of Trajan, whom he was always very desirous to resemble. His Father's name was Theodosius, and his Mother Thermantia, both endowed with all the virtues that were agreeable to their Sex. He soon made appear an admirable nature, and he was educated with abundance of care. He had for his Tutor, one Anatolius, a learned man, that despised Riches, but forgot nothing for his advancement to Honours. This Philosopher taught him the first principles of humane Sciences; and foreseeing that they would soon rob him of his Scholar to send him to the War, he made haste to frame his Genius, and rendered him in a little time capable to judge of the merit and works of learned men. He made it his principal business to inspire him with good and generous Sentiments, by observing to him in History those Examples, which he ought to pur●●e; and gave him the first impressions of honour and probity, which since ruled all the actions of his Life. Scarce was Theodosius past his Infancy, but his Father, who by his valour and his prudence was advanced to the chief employments of war, resolved to take him along with him to the first expedition, that should be attempted against the Barbarians.  
III. In the mean while the Empire in a little space of time had undergone several revolutions! Constance had miserably perished by the treachery of the Tyrant Magnentius: Constantius his Brother was dead in Cilicia, vexed at the ill success of those wars he had as ill sustained against the Persians. Julian his Successor being inconsiderately engaged in the conquest of Persia, had been killed in battle. And Jovian, a valiant and religious Prince, after having reigned eight months, came to die suddenly in his bed, being stifled with the smoke of Coals, which had been kindled in his Chamber, in order to make it dry.  
iv The Troops, which were then in Bythinia, advanced as far as Nicaea, and without giving leisure to pretenders to make their factions, the Army assembled to elect a new Emperor Valentinian was proposed; and although he was absent, and there was some reason to fear his austere and inflexible humour, he was notwithstanding unanimously chosen. He was born at Cibalis in Pannonia.  
Gratian his Father had raised himself by his virtue above his birth, and of a simple Soldier was become General of the Roman Armies. It is reported that he was so strong, that five men 
Aure●. ●●ctor.  could not force out of his hands a Cord, which he held tied fast. It was by that means he came to make himself known to the Emperors. Be it as it will, he fell as suddenly as he was raised; and the same Constantius who had loaded him with honours and possessions, deprived him thereof, being much disturbed that he had received in his house the Tyrant Magnentius.  
Valentinian having found the fortune of his Father ruined, was obliged to labour himself to the advancement of his own. He passed through all the degrees of warfare, and acquitted himself of those employments which he had, with so much courage and prudence, that the Soldiers saw him prosper without envy, and were accustomed to say of him, that he deserved much more than was conferred upon him. Jovian had made him Captain of his second Troop of Guards, and left him at Ancyra, the chief City of Galatia, to command there.  
It was there they deputed to him, to give him advice of his election. He departed forthwith, and came to the Army the 24th of February. He would not appear the next day, because 'twas the day of Leap-year, which an ancient superstition made pass for unlucky amongst the Romans. The day following, the Army being assembled in the morning, he came to the Camp, and was conducted with ceremony to the Tribunal, which was prepared for him. He was invested with the Purple and the Crown, and proclaimed Emperor in the accustomed forms. After he had enjoyed for some time the pleasure of the military acclamations, he was for making an Oration to the Army: but scarce had he opened his mouth, but there arose a great noise amongst the Troops. Whether it was a Cabal of discontented Officers, or nothing else but a whimsy of the Soldiers, they cried from all parts, he must have a Colleague. It seemed either that they repent of the choice they had made, or that they had a mind to impose Laws upon him, whom they had elected for Master.  
Valentinian observed this tumult without disorder; and regarding first on one side, then on the other with a severe and threatening behaviour, he made a sign with his hand, that he would speak.  
As soon as there was a silence made, he turned himself towards those that had appeared to him the most warm; and after he had called them mutinous and seditious, Companions, said he to them, to give me the Empire was at your Disposal; but since I have received it, it depends upon me to judge of the necessities of the State, and 'tis your business to obey me. He pronounced these words with so much assurance, that all the World was silent, and remained in that respect which was due. Then smoothing himself a little, he gave the Army thanks for the honour they had done him, and assured them that he would choose a Colleague, when it should be convenient; but that he would precipitate nothing in an affair of that importance. He descended from his Tribunal, encircled with Eagles and Colours; and went quite through the Camp, marching fiercely in the midst of a crowd of Officers, who ranked themselves about him, the better to court his favour.  
Some days after, whether it was to accommodate himself to the necessity of Affairs, or that he had resolved to satisfy the Troops; or that he had a mind to succeed more dexterously in the design he had to associate his Brother Valens to the Empire, he assembled together the chief Officers of the Army, and asked their advice concerning the Choice he was about to make. Degalaïfe, General of the Horse, answered him with freedom: If you love but your own Family, my Lord, you have a Brother; If you 
Ammian. lib. 26.  love the State, choose one that is able to assist you in the government of it. The Emperor was touched at this Answer, but he dissembled his displeasure, and resolved to do himself by Authority, what the Soldiers would hardly have done by Complaisance.  
V He parted then from Nicaea in haste, and arrived the first of March at Nicomedia, where he made Valens Great Master of the Horse, and General of the Armies of the Empire. He raised him to these Dignities, in order to dispose him insensibly to ascend to a greater. But being come to Constantinople, he kept no longer any measure. He carried his Brother into the Suburbs of the City, and without troubling himself about the consent of the Army, or the forms of Election, he made him to be proclaimed Augustus, without having before declared him Caesar; which thing had not as yet been practised. He put the Diadem upon his Head, and invested him with the Imperial Robes; and, to conclude the Ceremony, he carried him in the same Chariot along with him. Valens had not one quality that might attract him the esteem, or friendship of the People; for besides his swarthy Complexion, his Eyes staring, and something of rude and despicable in all his person, he had an irregular mind, which joined to an insupportable presumption, an extreme ignorance: so his Election was no further approved, than as they durst not oppose it. Valentinian himself did not dissemble his defects, and held him in so great a dependence, that one would have said he had made him his Lieutenant, and not his Colleague.  
VI The Empire was then in a deplorable condition: it seemed that all the barbarous Nations were combined together at the same time, to ransack and destroy all the Provinces of their Neighbourhood. The Germans made a horrid waste in Gaul. The Sarmats and the Quades were entered into Pannonia. The Picts 
Ammian. lib. 26.  and Saxons disturbed the Peace of England. The Moors made Incursions in afric. The Goths came to pillage Thrace, even to the very Precincts of Constantinople. The King of Persia renewed his ancient Pretensions upon Armenia, and threatened to break the Peace he had but just concluded with the Romans. It was to be feared too, lest these disorders should continue under two Emperors, whereof one had not sweetness enough to gain the People, the other neither capacity enough, nor resolution, to bring affairs to an end with his Enemies.  
VII. The business of Religion was as much embroiled, as that of the Empire. The Reign of Constantius had been a time of continual persecution against the Church. This Prince had spared no endeavours to extirpate the Faith of the Nicaean Council, and to establish the Heresy of Arrius. Jovian was not content to persecute the Church, he had used all his efforts to destroy it; and after having solemnly abjured the Faith of Jesus Christ, wherein he had lived near twenty years, he undertook to restore the adoration of false Gods, and to renew the Pagan Superstitions. Jovian his Successor being desirous to remedy these disorders, protested to the Soldiers, who chose him Emperor, That he would not accept of the Empire, but upon condition they would all prove Christians like him; and they unanimously cried, They either were, or did design to be. A little while after he recalled the exiled Bishops, and favoured the Catholics; blaming the rest, but yet referring them to the judgement of their Conscience, without being willing to enter into the bottom of different ecclesiastics.  
It was believed that Valentinian would carry his Piety farther, as well because he was naturally hot, and went to his ends without much conduct; as also, that he had formerly confessed the Faith of Jesus Christ with abundance of zeal. The business was thus; Julian, after his Apostasy, went one day to the Temple of Fortune to offer Sacrifices there, according to his usual custom. He was accompanied with a crowd of Courtiers, whereof the greatest part disposed themselves, through Policy, to the Religion of the Prince. Valentinian marched behind him in the quality of Captain of his Guards. As they were upon entering the Temple, one of the Ministers of the Sacrifice, whose business was to attend them there, with an intent to purify them, cast water upon them which was consecrated to Idols. The Emperor, and those of his Retinue, received the Ceremony with respect. But Valentinian being sensible of some drops of this water upon his left hand, and discerning more upon his clothes, struck the Man rudely that came to throw it, in presence of the Emperor, than shook his hand, and tore off that part of his garment which had been sprinkled. Julian, offended at the injury done to his Gods and him, expelled him his Court, and banished him to Melisina in Armenia. His Brother Valens follewed him, preferring rather to be degraded from his Arms, and to renounce his Fortune, than to act contrary to his Faith.  
The remembrance of this bold Confession filled not a few with hopes, that the two Brothers would highly re-establish Religion. But they were deceived herein; for Valentinian was more remiss thereupon than could be imagined, and protected the Catholics without disturbing the Arrians. Valens on the other side so far abandoned himself to the Arrians, that he oppressed the Catholics.  
Such was the disposition of the Empire, when the two Emperors divided it amongst themselves. Valentinian chose the Western Provinces with all Illyrium, and left those of the East to his Brother. They came together as far as Naisse, where they shared the Armies, and the chief Commanders, and at last parted at Sirmium, the one for Milan, the other to return to Constantinople.  
VIII. Valentinian immediately applied himself to examine the condition of those Provinces that lay most exposed to the Insults of Barbarians. He passed into Gaul, and fought the Germans, who had made an Incursion therein with a great Army. After their defeat, he departed from Amiens to go to Treves. There he was in hopes to enjoy in peace the advantage of his late Victory, when he received advice from several places, that all England was ransacked and wasted by the Enemy; that the French and Saxons had made a descent therein on that side nearest Gaul; that the Picts and Scots made a destruction to the very heart of the Country; that they had killed the Governor, and surprised the General of the Army; and that if things were not suddenly remedied, the Empire would infallibly lose one of its fairest Provinces.  
IX. This News astonished the Emperor, and occasioned to him great disturbances. He commanded Theodosius, the Father of him whose History we writ, to pass into that Island with Troops that were advanced that way, judging him alone capable of restoring to a better state an Affair which appeared desperate. Theodosius departed in haste, and took his Son with him, that he might learn the Trade of War. He rend vouz d at Bologne the Army that was destined for him, and crossing the Sea with an assurance, which seemed to foretell the Event, he advanced towards London, and searched for the Enemies to give them Battle. He routed several of their Parties which he found rambling through the Country. He took away their Men, their cattle, and all the rest of the Booty which they dragged along, and made a Declaration in all places round about, that every one should come to see and repossess his own, reserving but a little part of the Booty for those Soldiers who were most fatigued. His chiefest care was still to ease the People, and his first Instructions to his Son were Examples of Humanity and Justice; necessary Virtues, but rarely known to Men of War. After these first Successes, he entered London, and encouraged the City, who already acknowledged him for her Deliverer.  
As he had to do with Enemies who dispersed themselves, and rallied at all moments to surprise him; he resolved to baffle them at their own game, and to weaken them by little Skirmishes, being unable to engage them to a Fight. Whereupon he took the Field, possessed himself of advantageous Posts, divided his Army into several Bodies, and falling without delay upon one or tother of these Barbarians, who had their separate Interests, and who came rather with a design to pillage than to fight, he defeated them entirely, and established security in City and Country. In all these Encounters he made appear as much of Valour, as Discretion; 
Ammian. lib. 28.  and 'tis reported of him, that he never commanded his Soldiers to an Attempt, but he first gave himself for an Example.  
X. Theodosius shown himself a worthy Son of this renowned Captain, and afforded in these first occasions, marks of his future greatness. Maximus, by birth an English man, who took a pride in boasting of his Descent from the Race of Constantine, served at the same time in the same Army. These two young Men, who were one day to dispute between them the Empire of the World, came to know one another, and signalised themselves by Emulation in this Expedition. They were almost of the same age, their spirits, their courage were alike; and both enjoyed the same great passion to exalt themselves by way of Arms; but they were different as to manners. Theodosius was free, courteous, and generous; Maximus deceitful, morose, and jealous of the desert and reputation of another. The one was brave by virtue, the other so by fierceness; the one pretended to no more than the glory of serving Emperors, the other would gladly have consented to usurp their place.  
XI. Scarce was this War concluded, but a Conspiracy was found of no less danger. The Heads of which were arrested, and condemned to death. But it was not judged convenient to put them to the question, lest there should be too many Accomplices to punish, or their despair should revive those Troubles, which were but just appeased. After which, Theodosius returned to the Court of Valentinian, and presented to him his Son, who had been the Companion of his Labours. It was there that this young Lord made himself known to Prince Gratian, who, altho' a very Child, was already much inclined to favour Virtue and Desert.  
XII. The Joy which was entertained for the happy Success of the English Affairs, was soon disturbed, by the News which was received of an Insurrection of a part of afric Firmus, one of the chief Lords of the Country, was Captain of the Rebellion. He was accused for having caused the Assassination of one of his Brothers. The Roman Governor of the Province had attempted to destroy him; he supported himself by his Friends, and Reputation. They wrote to the Court, the one his Accusations and Complaints, the other his Justifications. Valentinian was of a humour severe enough; but there were some convenient moments, when he suffered himself to be easily wrought upon. In the greatest necessities of Affairs he had been careful to ease the People, but not so vigilant upon those, that governed them: and altho' he was, of his own temper, inexorable for the slenderest Faults, yet he would not so much as hear Complaints relating to his Officers; whether it was that he thought to hurt his own Authority by lessening theirs, even when they abused it; or else, that according to his Politics, it was necessary to treat the People with an extreme Rigour.  
XIII. This was the occasion of the Revolt of Firmus. He had Advice, that they had suppressed his Letters at Court; that those of his Enemy were looked upon; that the Ministers were won, and the Prince prepossessed. As he saw himself upon the point of being overwhelmed, he had recourse to Arms. He raised the People, that were even impatient at the Violences and Rapines of their Governor, took on himself the Crown, and was proclaimed King. He took the Field forthwith, consumed all that made resistance, surprised the City of Caesarea, which he abandoned to his Troops, (lest Fire and Sword should be omitted) and ●ngross'd his Army with a great number of Moors, who came in multitudes to fight under his Banner. Theodosius had Orders to departed with his Son in haste, in order to oppose the Rebels. He embarked with the Troops that were designed him, and descended upon the Coast of afric. There having met the Governor of the Province, he learned of him the posture of Affairs; and after having softly reproached him for the Disturbances he had caused, he sent him to give Orders for the security of Places, and to visit the Garrisons. In the mean time he advanced as far as the City of Setifi, where he sent to Firmus to enjoin him to lay down his Arms, and to return to his Duty, and that he should take his choice either of Peace, or War. Whilst he expected his resolution, he considered how to manage his Troops, who were not accustomed to the heats of those Climates, and to prevent the Tyrant, who was no less formidable by his Artifice and Cunning, than for his Arms and Force.  
XIV. Firmus was at present uncertain of the Choice he was to make. A little while after he sent Deputies to Theodosius, to represent to him, that he had taken up Arms through Necessity, and not through Ambition; that he aimed not at the Empire, but a particular Enemy, who abused the Emperor's Authority; that he had not pretended to revolt, but to defend himself; that he might have Justice done him, or at least his Life preserved, and he would abandon his Resentments, and disband his Army. Theodosius promised him his Pardon, if his return was cordial and sincere, and ordered him to send Hostages. In the mean time he visited the Coast, made his Legions assemble, joined to them some Troops of the Country, and commanded all his Officers to observe an exact Discipline, saying, That the Roman Soldiers ought not to subsist but upon the Expense of their Enemies, and that they were no better than Rebels, when they incommoded the Citizens: which attracted to him the affection of the People.  
Firmus was of a Family that was numerous and powerful, by reason of the Lands which it possessed, and by its alliance with the principal Lords amongst the Moors. Mascizel, and Mazuca his Brothers, marched with two great Bodies of an Army; and Cyria his Sister, a Lady of great courage, assisted them with Men and Money, and raised by her Intrigues all Mauritania.  
XV. Theodosius foreseeing that it would be difficult to oppose so many Forces, if he should give them time to join, advanced by great Journeys towards Mascizel, and presented him Battle. The Moors accepted of it, and vigorously sustained the first charge of the Legions: but at length they were broken; the Vanguard cut in pieces, and the rest saved themselves in disorder. Theodosius made himself Master of the Field, and took some important places for his security, where he made great provisions of Necessaries: and as he went to advance further in the Country, he had advice that Mascizel was returning with the Moors which he had rallied, and some fresh Troops which he had received. He joined him in a little space of time, fought him, routed his whole Army, and pressed upon him so briskly, that he scarce left him opportunity enough to save himself.  
XVI. The Rebels were in a consternation at the loss of these two Battles; and Firmus not knowing whom to address himself to, had recourse to some Bishops, whom he entreated to repair to Theodosius, and to obtain of him a Pardon for his Rebellion upon any condition whatsoever. These Deputies were received with Honour; and upon the favourable Answer they brought back, Firmus himself departed with a small Attendance, and came to the Camp of Theodosius, where this General attended him without his Tent. The Legions were under Arms with their Ensigns displayed, and every Soldier at the first noise of the arrival of the Captain of the Rebels, had redoubled his fierceness.  
Firmus alighted from his Horse, as soon as he perceived Theodosius; and approaching him with a profound Respect, he prostrated himself at his Feet to the very ground, and asked him pardon for his offence, his tears in his eyes, sometimes accusing his rashness, sometimes his misfortwe, with all the marks of an unfeigned repentance. Theodosius received his Submissions but coldly, and after a long Conference which they had together, the Accommodation was concluded. The Conditions were, that Firmus should furnish Provisions for the Army; that he should leave some of his Relations for Hostages; that he should release all the Prisoners he had made since the Troubles; that he should restore to the City of Icosium the Roman Ensigns, and all that he had taken upon the Subjects of the Empire; and after that he should licentiate his Troops, and enter into the Emperor's Favour.  
XVII. Firmus returned well satisfied, and accomplished in less than two days the greatest part of the Treaty. Theodosius seeing such fair dispositions to a Peace, marched towards Caesarea, to repair the Ruins of that City which had been burnt in the beginning of the Wars. He received in his way a deputation from the Maziques, a People of afric, who had unseasonably joined with the Rebels, and came to ask Pardon for their Treason; but his Answer to them was no more, than that he knew how to forgive his Enemies, but that he could not endure Traitors; and so sent them away●with menaces, that he would soon ●e with them toochastise them▪ He was jus●come out of Caesarea, where he had left the first and second Legion, in order to repair the Fortifications of the place, when he received information that Firmus had only disguised his Treachery under appearances of Peace and Submission; that he debauched with Promises and Money the very Troops of the Empire; that a Squadron of Archers had gone over to his Party; and that a Tribune had had the insolence to put his Collar in form of a Diadem upon the head of this Rebel.  
XVIII. Theodosius resolved to use all the extremities of War against the Traitors. He marched with an incredible diligence towards Tagavia, where he surprised a party of the revolted Archers, whom he delivered to the vengeance of the Soldiers, in order to make them learn to fear what he made them exercise against the culpable. The Tribune was executed, after his hand cut off▪ the other Officers were beheaded, and all the rest punished, as they deserved. This irritated General besieged, a few days after, a Fortress where the most seditious of the Moors were retired. He took it by Storm, put the whole Garrison to the Sword, and razed the Walls to the very Foundations. He presently turned upon the Coast of Tangier, where the Maziques were assembled, and after having defeated them several times, he afforded them that Pardon which he had refused before.  
XIX. At last the heat of War having engaged him in the Enemy's Country further than he imagined, Cyria, the Sister of Firmus, suddenly caused an Insurrection of the whole Province. All the People put themselves in a posture of Battle, as if the Signal had been given, and marched against the Romans. Theodosius, who had then but a little Foot, with a Body of 3500 Horse, and who saw this innumerable crowd of Enemies, was some time in suspense, whether he should hazard a Battle, or retire. The shame of yielding to those Enemies so many times overcome, and the fear of disgracing the Arms of the Empire, determined him to fight. But after having considered the condition of Affairs, he judged that it was better to want the obtaining of one Battle, than to lose the advantage of all the rest which he had gained. So he retired, always possessing himself of advantageous Posts, for fear of a surprise; but the Enemies pursued him obstinately, cut off all passages, and reduced him to the necessity of exposing himself to an unequal Combat in order to save himself.  
XX. Hazard kept off the danger, for the Maziques, whom he had just fubdued, were obliged to furnish him with Troops, and they performed it. Some Roman Squadrons advanced before to conduct them to Theodosius, not knowing the condition he was in. The Moorish Couriers discerned this Succour at a distance, and returned full speed to give the Alarm to their Camp, as if entire Armies were approaching to disengage the General. They that kept the passages abandoned them, and Theodosius taking the advantage of the moment, and gaining the Defiles, went to encamp under the City of Taves, where he secured his Army in the beginning of the month of February; from thence he observed the Enemy, and laboured to disunite them by secret Negotiations, till he might be able to reduce them by force.  
XXI. In the mean time he dispatched his Son to the Emperor Valentinian, to give him an account of the state of the African Troubles, and to procure new Troops, in order to the entire destruction of the rebellious Party. The young Theodosius was received at Court with all the consideration that his Father's Services and his own deserved. Gratian was extremely glad to see him again, and from this time he conceived an esteem for him, which was since known to the whole World.  
He was a Prince▪ in whom was scarce accomplished thirteen years, who was already very understanding; and who made great advances in the study of Learning under Ausonius his Tutor, one of the finest Genius's of his Age. He won the affection of the People by his sweet and obliging ●at●e● and it was judged from thence that he would have the good qualities of his Father, without his defects. He had been declared Augustus not long since in a conjuncture pressing enough.  

Ammian. l.  XXII. Valentinian was fallen into a distemper, whereof it was not expected that he would recover. Every one destined him a Successor according to his fancy, as if the Empire had been certainly vacant: The Gaulish Officers, that were of credit in the Army, cast their eyes upon Julian, first Secretary of State, cruel, and violent. Others made their Intrigues for Severus, Colonel of the Foot, who was not a whit more moderate than Julian. The Emperor being cured, contrary to all appearance, reflected upon the danger he had run, and resolved to break all these Cabals, to associate his Son to the Empire. He sounded the inclinations of the Soldiers; and as he was assured of their intentions, he ordered the Army to assemble in a spacious plain, where he came in Person, with his whole Court. He ascended upon his Tribunal, taking his Son by the hand, whom he had brought expressly for the purpose; and after he had shown him to the Troops, he prayed them to consent to the resolution he had taken to share the Empire with him.  
He represented to them that he did not pretend to use his own Rights any further, than as the Army should think them reasonable, and that he would always have more regard to the Interests of the State, than to those of his Family; that he presented to them his Son, that was brought up amongst them, and destined to fight with them for the defence of the Empire; that indeed he was a Child, that had neither strength nor experience, but who appeared so well born, that it was probable he would be no dishonour to them; that he applied himself already to the study of Sciences, and to all sorts of noble Exercises, to the end that he might be pleasing to them, and know how to distinguish persons of merit; that he would soon put him in a condition to march with them under the Standards of the Empire, without fearing the incommodity of Seasons, or the fatigues of War; that he would recommend to him above all things the observance of the public good, as his own, and to prefer the State above his Family.  
At these words, the Soldiers, transported with joy, interrupted him, and strove who should be loudest in proclaiming Gratian, Augustus, by clattering of Arms, and sound of Trumpets. The Emperor encouraged by these Acclamations invested his Son with the Imperial Habits, than he kissed him, and with a gravity mixed with joy and tenderness, Behold yourself, My Son, said he to him, invested with the Purple of Emperors. I was desirous of doing you this favour, and our Companions, whom you see here present, have agreed thereto. Endeavour to make yourself able to ease and assist your Father, and your Uncle, whose Colleague you commence, from this time: Dispose yourself to remain under Arms with the patience of a simple Soldier; and to pass over the Danube and Rhine frozen, at the head of the Foot: spare not, if 'tis convenient, your blood and life for the People whom you govern: Esteem nothing below you that has any reference to the safety or glory of the Empire. This is the principal Advice I can give you here. The greatest employment of my Reign hereafter, shall be to instruct you how to reign. Then turning himself towards the Troops, As for you, said he, support the Honour of the Empire by your Arms, continue to assist us in our Wars; and preserve to this young Emperor, whom I refer to your cares and affection, an inviolable fidelity.  
Thereupon arose another mighty Shout: Euphraxus Secretary of State cried out, that Valentinian and his Son deserved yet more. The whole Army renewed their Acclamations, and every one pressed forward to view this August Youth at a nearer distance: whose Eyes were lively and sparkling, his Face agreeable, his Behaviour sweet and noble; and a certain modest Majesty, without Pride, drew him the Love and Admiration of all that beheld him. This Prince, from this time, was the Delight of the People, and his Virtues increased with his Age.  
XXIII. Valentinian was then upon the point of entering Germany with a puissant Army, to tame that wild and troublesome Nation, that always kept the Frontiers of the Empire in alarm. His Son he took with him, and carried him beyond the Rhine in the Enemy's Country, to accustom him betimes to the fatigues and even dangers of War. This Expedition was an important one, the Emperor undertook it of himself, and went there to command in person. Wherefore he made choice of his best Troops, and all his Officers of Reputation in the Empire. He ordered the young Theodosius to follow him, and observed in him so much Valour and Prudence in the divers Events of this War, that he judged him capable of commanding the Armies in chief, and resolved to employ him. The sudden irruption of the Quades soon furnished him with an occasion, to the great satisfaction of Gratian, who already interessed himself much in the fortune of Theodosius.  
The Emperor Valentinian, who loved glory, and was always meditating upon some great design, that might tend to his Honour, and the Advantage of the Public, attempted to make a Causey be continued from the Springs of the Rhine, to its very mouth in the Sea. He made himself a draught of the Forts he would have erected on both sides of the River, according to the disposition of the places; and having perceived that the Waters insensibly ruined a Fortress which he had built upon the Neckar, he turned the Course of the River by a Channel which he caused to be made, by force of Labour and Silver: He had a mind to fortify the Banks of the Danube, like those of the Rhine, to serve as two Barriers to oppose the barbarous Nations, and to render the Empire inaccessible to them. He sent Orders to Equitius, who commanded in Illyrium, to pass into the Country of the Quades, and there to erect a Citadel, where he might hold a considerable Garrison.  
XXIV. The Quades lived peaceably then under their King in Moravia; and as they had no design to usurp the Lands of their Neighbours, they thought themselves under no necessity to mind their own. It was formerly a puissant, and warlike People; but they had degenerated from their ancient Valour, and languished for some time in a Laziness, which rendered them almost despicable. Equitius preparing himself to execute the Orders of the Emperor, the Quades remonstrated to him softly the injury that was done to them, and sent Deputies to Court for to complain. Equitius during the time an answer was expected, gave Orders for the works to cease, for fear of exciting Disturbances: but Maximin, a man cruel and active, accused him of Negligence and Cowardice, and charged himself with the Commission. He went upon the place, and ordered the continuance of the Forts which were begun, without ask the consent of the Barbarians, which they would undoubtedly have granted, rather than have brought a war upon themselves. Gabinius their King went to find him, and represented to him modestly, that it was an insult committed upon them without reason; that it was but just to let a peaceable Nation live in Peace, that disturbed not that of others; that they had no longer the Ambition of Conquest, but that still there remained with them that of being Masters in their own Country; that they left the Grandeur and Glory of subduing the World, to those who were spurred on thereto; that as for them, they esteemed themselves happy enough in their freedom; In a word, that they asked no Favour, but begged that they might have no Injustice done them.  
Maximin made an appearance of being affected with the reasons of this Prince; and for a testimony of his Friendship, invited him with some of his Retinue to a great Feast, where he caused him to be inhumanly murdered. The People, after having lamented for some time the death of their King, took up Arms to revenge it. Despair was to them in the place of Courage; and the Sarmats being joined to them, they passed the Danube together, and dispersed themselves in the Country, burning the Villages, and destroying all they met in their way. The Princess Constantia, Daughter of the Emperor Constantius, who had been betrothed to Gratian, was coming then from the Eastern Court, to that of the West, and was taking some refreshment at a Country House. Her Train was pillaged, some of her Servants taken, and she herself had fallen into the hands of these Barbarians, if Messala, who had been sent to receive her, had not clapped her into a Chariot they met by accident, and brought her full speed to Sirmium.  
Probus the Praefectus Pretorio, a fearful man, and little used to War, was in the City, and prepared his Horses to make his escape in the night. They endeavoured to make him understand, that the Danger was not so great as he imagined, that his flight would discourage the Citizens, and that he would answer for all the mischances, that should happen to the Princess. At last, he recovered himself a little from his fright, and gave orders to repair the Fortifications, forthwith, and to get dispatched from the Neighbouring Garrisons some Companies of Archers, to defend the place in case of a Siege.  
The Enemies were contented to keep the Field. There was sent against them two of the best Legions of the Empire, who would, undoubtedly, have given them a defeat: but they fell out about Pretensions, and Disputes of Preference; and the Sarmats having forced them separately into their quarters, cut them in pieces one after another. The young Theodosius was sent to stop the course of these disorders; and that he might act with more Authority, he was advanced to the Government of Moesia, and the command of the Troops of that Province.  
XXV. He parted without delay; and after having observed the posture of affairs, he assembled a considerable body of an Army. His first application was to establish an exact Discipline amongst his Troops, and to chase out of the Country a remainder of rambling and disbanded Barbarians, who pillaged it with Impunity. He put some to death, and contented himself with having expelled the rest out of the Limits of the Empire. Aster which, having information, that the Sarmats appeared upon the Frontier▪ and that their Army was enlarged by a multitude of People in League with them, he resolved not only to oppose their Passage, but likewise to draw them to a fight. The Enemies, who confided in their numbers, divided themselves into several bodies, to make eruptions through divers places: But Theodosius beat them in every encounter; and after having obliged them to reunite themselves, he went to attack them in ●●eir very Camp. Notwithstanding the opposition they immediately made, he forced them, and made so great a slaughter, that they entreated him for a Peace, upon such conditions as he thought fit to impos●▪ and durst not infringe it, so long as he continued in this Province.  
XXVI. Whilst Thoodosius the Son served the Empire so successfully in Moesia, the Father was employed in the Reduction of the revolted Moors in afric▪ He had already disengaged a great number from the Interests of Firmus, some by Menaces, and some by Promises and Rewards. Firmus, who perceived some alteration, fearing on one side to be abandoned, and on the other vexed to entertain so many Troops at his own expense, went out of his Camp by night, and saved himself in the Mountains. As soon as Theodosius had advice, that this Army without a Captain was divided, and retreated in disorder, he took the field, defeated one part of them, and obliged the rest to lay down their Arms. This multitude of enemies being thus dispersed, he put in the City's Governors of an assured fidelity, and pursued Firmus to the Mountains.  
XXVII. Scarce was he entered therein, but he was informed, that the Captain of the Rebels was fled to the Isaflians, and that he was assured of their protection. Theodosius turned his cour●e on that side, after he had refreshed his Troops, and summoned the people to deliver up to him to Firmus, Mazuca his Brother, and the Chief Officers that were with him. As they refused to do it, he declared War against them, and begun it by a battle, wherein they were defeated, Mazuca mortally hurt, and Firmus put to flight with the remainder of his Troops. It was then Igmazen, King of the Isaflians, assembled all his Forces, and ●arched against the Romans, who were already far advanced into his Dominions. He went himself to meet Theodosius with a small attendance, and being come to him, he asked him who he was? and why he came to disturb the peace of a King, who had an independent power, and was answerable for his actions to no one, but himself? Theodosius replied, That he was one of the Lieutenants of Valentinian, the Emperor, and Master of the World; that he was come to chastise a Rebel; and that if he was not delivered into his hands, he had orders to destroy as well Kings, as People, that should be so unjust as to protect him.  
Igmazen retired stung with this Answer, and the next morning betimes presented himself in Battel-Aray at the head of 20000 Men. He had left hard by a Body of Reserve, and hid behind his Battalions some auxiliary Troops, who were to break out in round Bodies, in order to encompass the Romans, who were in little number. Theodosius on his side put his Troops in order, laid before them their past Victories, and encouraged them so well, that they fought an entire day without their Ranks being disordered. Towards evening Firmus appeared upon an Ascent, covered with a rich Vesture of Scarlet, and cried out to the tired Soldiers, That they would be certainly overwhelmed by number, and that they must expect no quarter, if they delivered not up their General to the King Igmazen. This discourse encouraged some to fight more fiercely, and so disturbed others, that they abandoned their Ranks.  
XXIX. The Night having put an end to the Engagement, Theodosius retired with little loss of his side, and severely punished all those Soldiers whom the threats of Firmus had discouraged. A little while after having reinforced his Army, he renewed the War, and defeated in several Encounters the best Troops of the Isas●ians. Igmazen vexed that he should be so often overcome, and observing that he had to do with a cautious and successful Captain, who would at last overwhelm him and his Dominions, began to consider how to live in peace. He sent him secret advice, that he was at no Controversy with the Empire, and that he would abandon to him Firmus and all the Rebels; but that his People were gained, and himself no more their Master; that the only means to fix them to their duty, was to afford them no respite, and to reduce them to consider their own proper safety, rather than the defence of a Stranger; that it was necessary for the Inconveniencies which they received to be much greater than the Advantages they were promised, and that Theodosius should make himself more formidable, than Firmus had made himself beloved.  
XXX. Theodosius made use of this advice, and omitted no occasion to fatigue the Isaf●ians, sometimes defeating them in Parties, sometimes forcing them from their quarters, burning their Cities and Towns, and ravaging the whole Country. Igmazen abandoned them to their evil Counsels, and made their Losses appear to them more considerable than they really were. They found themselves at length so weak and tired, that they began to look to themselves. Firmus observed this coldness, and mistrusting the King, upon some Conferences he had with Masilla Prince of the Maziques, he had a desire to fly once more to the Mountains. Then Igmazen discovered himself, and stopped him. The Rebel seeing himself enclosed, and guarded at a distance, resolved to prevent his punishment by a voluntary death. He made his Guards drunk in the Night, and as they were asleep, he arose, and finding by chance under his hand a Cord proper for the design he entertained, he strangled himself in a corner of the Chamber.  
XXXI. Igmazen, who was to have conducted him the next day to the Camp of Theodosius, was sensibly displeased at this Accident. He attested the public Faith, brought Masilla for a Witness of this misfortune, and charged the Body of this Wretch upon a Camel, which he went to present himself to Theodosius, as a pledge of the friendship and affection which he had for the Empire. Theodosius made the Body be acknowledged by the People of the Country, and by some Prisoners, who all swore that it was the Body of Firmus. Then he made great Caresses to the King, and a few days after he took the Road of Siti●i, and was received in Triumph in all the Cities where he passed. He hoped that he should be called to Court after so long and fortunate an Expedition; but he had Orders to remain in afric, and to fix entirely the Affairs of that Province, which the avarice of the Governors, and the cruelty of the Rebels had almost brought to Ruin.  
XXXII. In the mean time the Emperon Valentinian made great preparations for War; and departed from Treves in the beginning of the Spring to go into Illyrium in all haste. All the adjoining Nations were startled, and sent Ambassadors to him upon his way, humbly to sue for Peace. His answer was no more, than that he came to chastise them, if they were culpable, and that he would judge of that when he came upon the place. Every one thought, that he came to punish the Assassinate of the King of the Quades, or the disorders that were excited in the Provinces, at which the Governors were alarmed. Notwithstanding he used towards them his usual Policy, and gave them not so much as a Reprimand. He passed almost the whole Summer, at Carnunte in Pannonia in gathering his Troops, and supplying his Magazines: and of a sudden having laid a Bridge over the Danube, entered into the Country of the Quades with his Army, being resolved to exterminate them for their last irruption.  
Although this Nation, poor and fearful, was not in a condition to defend itself, they put all to Fire and Sword that they could meet with, both in City and Country, without distinction of Age or Sex. The greatest part of the Inhabitants saved themselves in the Mountains, being amazed to see amongst them Roman Eagles, and an Emperor in person; and regarding at a distance their Cities smoking, and their Habitations reduced to Ashes, they lamented the Destruction of their Neighbours, and the Desolation of their Country. Valentinian a few days after changed his mind; and whither it was that he wanted provisions, or that the season was too far advanced; or whether he was asham●● to insult over a People, that was more unfortunate than culpable, who could make no resistance, he repassed the Danube, and put his Army into Winter Quarters.  
XXXIII. The Quades returned a little from their fears, and made choice of the most qualified amongst them to go and ask the Emperor's pardon, with assurances to serve him upon what conditions he would be pleased to impose on them. These Deputies arrived at Bergiteon, a little Castle in Pannonia, where Valentinian was retired. There they obtained at last an Audience, where they were introduced by Equitius; and falling at the feet of the Emperor, they continued there for some time without rising, seized with respect and fear; then they most humbly entreated him in the behalf of all the Nation to pardon them, and to afford them Peace. Valentinian. surprised at the Poverty and ill looks of these Ambassadors, cried out that he was very unhappy in having to treat with such a sort of People; and reproached them with their insolence and perfidiousness. As they cast themselves upon frivolous excuses, he fell into a passion, and spoke to them with so much vehemence, that he broke a vein, and fell half-dead amongst his Officers, the Blood issuing out of his Mouth. He died some hours after in Convulsions, upon the seventeenth day of November▪ in the Fifty fifth year of his Age, and the twelfth of his Reign.  
XXXIV. Every one reasoned upon this death 
Ammian. l. 3. Zoz. l. 4.  according to his fancy; some observed that a Comet had appeared a little before; that a Thunderbolt had fallen upon the Palace; that a great Owl had perched upon the top of the Imperial Baths, from whence they could not chase it away; that the Emperor had seen the Empress in a Dream with a mourning habit▪ and going out that morning, with more sadness in his looks than was usual, with an intent to get on Horseback, the Horse fell a prancing against his Custom. The wiser sort, instead of those vain and ridiculous observations, remarked that he died as he lived, in trouble and agitation; that he was a severe Judge, rather than a good Master; that of all the Emperors, there was none but him that had passed his Reign without signing one Pardon; that one would have said, he punished more out of Peevishness than Justice; that there was a little avarice in this severity, and that confiscations too often followed the condemnation of Criminals; that he made War in fury, and never went to engage the Enemy, but he had a design to exterminate them; and that by a just judgement of God▪ his anger, which had occasioned so many deaths, was at last the cause of his own.  
Many said in his favour, that he had endeavoured to overcome his temper, but could not; that this excessive severity was not becoming an Emperor, but had been very useful to the Empire; that in ordering the first Eunuch of the Palace to be burnt alive for having injured a Widow, he had thereby saved all Widows and Orphans from oppression; that as to the rest, he enjoyed more Virtues than Defects; that he had spared the goods of the People, 
Ammian. l. 20.  lessened the Taxes, regulated the Soldiers, trained up excellent Officers, fortified the Frontier Places, and obtained battles by his Lieutenants, and by himself; that he had led a life pure and irreproachable, banished from his Court Corruption and Debauchery, as well by his Edicts, as his own Example, and shown in all his conduct Spirit, Courage, Politeness and Grandeur.  
The Zealots for Religion blamed him, for having espoused Justine, an Arrian; for suffering himself to be carried over to the Principles of 
Sozam. l. 6. c. 6. & 7.  Auxentius Archbishop of Milan, who made an appearance of being a Catholic; and above all for having permitted every one to live according 
Socrat. l 4. c. ●  to his Belief, and for not concerning himself, under the pretext of a Layman, in the differences of the Church. Others alleged on the contrary side, that this was necessary policy, that Jovian had used the same before him; and that it was much better to persuade men to truth by sweetness, than to draw them to it by open force. They agreed notwithstanding, that this Prince had always retained the Faith of the Church in its Purity; that he was at variance thereupon with his Brother Valence, so far as to refuse him succour 
Theod. l. 4. c. 31.  against the Barbarians, as an Enemy to God, whom it was his Duty to abandon; and that he begged Saint Ambrose to reprehend him, if he was wanting either in Piety, or the Doctrine of the Church.  
XXXV. It will not be improper to give a relation here of the part Valentinian had in the ordination of this Archbishop, of whom we shall so frequently speak in the course of this History. Auxentius the Arrian being dead, after having held for several years the See of Milan, Valentinian desired the Bishops to assemble in order to elect a new Pastor. He advised them to choose a man of a profound knowledge, and irreproachable life, To the 
Theod. l. 4. c. 6 & 7.  end that, said he, the Imperial City may be sanctified by his instructions and examples, and that the Emperors, who are Masters of the World, and cease not to be great Sinners, may receive his advice with confidence, and his corrections with respect. The Bishops prayed him to nominate himself such a one as he desired; but he answered to them, that it was an affair beyond his capacity, and that he had neither wisdom, nor piety sufficient to be concerned therein; that this choice belonged to them, because they had a perfect knowledge of the Laws of the Church, and were filled with the lights of the Spirit of God.  
The Bishops upon this assemble with the rest of the Clergy to proceed to an Election, and the People whose agreement was required, were called thereto. The Arrians named a person of their Sect, the Catholics were for one of their Communion. The two Parties grew hot, and the Dispute 
Socrat. l. 4. ●. ●0.  was turning to a Sedition, and an open War. Ambrose Governor of the Province, and City, a man of sense and probity, was advertised of this disorder, and went to the Church to appease it. His presence made all the controversies cease, and the Assembly being reunited on a sudden, as by a divine inspiration, demanded Ambrose for their Pastor. This thought appeared to him fantastical; but as they persisted to demand him,▪ he remonstrated to the Assembly that he had always lived in secular employments, and that he was not yet so much as baptised; that the Laws of the Empire forbidden those, who are exercent in public charges, to enter in the Clergy without permission of the Emperors; and that the choice of a Bishop ought to be made by an inspiration of the Holy Ghost, not by a popular fancy. Notwithstanding all his reasons, and his resistance, the People would conduct him to the Episcopal Throne, to which God had designed him, he was ordered Guards for fear he should escape, and a Request 
Paulin. in vita Ambr.  preferred to the Emperor to beg his consent to this Election.  
The Emperor most willingly agreed to it, and gave Orders that he should be forthwith baptised, and consecrated 8 days after. It is reported that this Prince would himself assist at his Consecration, and that at the end of the Ceremony lifting up his Eyes and Hands to Heaven, he cried out transported with Joy; I render thanks to thee, O God, in that thou hast confirmed my choice by thine, in 
Theod. l. 4. c. 7.  commiting our Souls to him, to whom I had appointed the Government of this Province. The holy Archbishop applied himself entirely to the study of the Sacred Scriptures, and the establishment of Faith and Discipline within his Diocese. Having observed the commission of some abuses by the Magistrates under the Emperor's Authority, he went to find him in his Palace, and remonstrated to him the zeal he ought to have for the Service of God, and the observation of Justice.  
This Prince replied to him wisely, that he received his advice in good part; that he knew him him of a long time for an upright Man and incapable of dissimulation, or flattery; that in accepting of him for his Bishop, he had well foreseen, that he chose to himself a Judge incorruptible in his life; that he had not ceased to confirm his Election, judging that one could not give too much Authority to a good Man; that he might use then his ordinary liberty; that he might reprove by a holy severity the irregularities of the Court; and that he should not fear to advertise even him of his mistakes, and to apply those remedies which he should judge convenient according to his Prudence, and the Maxims of the Law of God.  
The holy Archbishop supported by the Emperor's power, laboured to exterminate the Errors, which his Predecessor Auxentius had sowed in the Imperial City: all the Church expected much from this protection, but this Prince died a little while after, as we have already said. His body was carried to Constantinople, and laid in the Sepulchre of the great Constantine with the usual Solemnities.  
XXXVI. Gratian, the eldest Son of Valentinian, and of Severa his first Wife, had been associated to the Empire about seven years before, and was then at Treves, where his Father had jest him. The young Valentinian, Son of the second bed, between eight and nine years old, was coming forward with the Empress Justine his Mother; and as he was not far from the Army, the chief Officers conspired together to create him Emperor. Cerealis his Uncle managed all the Intreigue with Dexterity, and presently obtained Merobades, who commanded the Infantry. They cut off the bridges, and guarded all the passages which led to the Quarters of the Gauls, Troops that were mutinous and disaffected. All that were suspected to them had orders to march, before they understood any thing of the Emperor's death. They took care to remove in particular the Count Sebastian, a firm and peaceable man, but too much beloved of the Soldiers in such an occasion. After having thus disposed all things, Cerealis went to seek his Nephew, and made him to be declared Augustus' six days after his Father's death.  
They that were concerned in this Election, wrote to Gratian, that the Enemies having retaken courage since the death of his Father, the Army wanted the presence of an Emperor; and that they had been constrained to elect the Prince Valentinian, before stirring spirits could have time to take other measures; that they begged his Majesty 
Zoz. l. ●▪  to excuse them, i● they had not stayed for his consent; and to pardon them a fault, which they had not committed but for the good of the State, and the interest of his Family. Gratian being offended at their proceed, was upon the point of being severe with some: but he was appeased almost at the same time, and confirming the Election of this young Prince, he not only accepted of him for a Colleague, but would also be to him instead of a Father. He contented himself with the Provinces which are on this side the Alps, and left him Italy, afric, and Illyrium to govern.  
XXXVII. The death of Theodosius the Father, and the disgrace of his Son arrived in this time, by the jealousy of the Ministers of the Empire, and the Intrigues of the Emperor Valens, who could not endure those whom he thought worthy to succeed him. This hatred was founded upon Predictions and Horoscopes which he thought inevitable, and yet would endeavour to avoid them.  
He was a Prince who had many defects, and whose good qualities were extinguished by the bad. Sometimes he took Resolutions good enough, but he often wanted the force or capacity to execute them. He stopped the Ambition and Insolence of the Grandees, but it was almost always in their oppression. He might have enjoyed the glory of being a good Friend, if he had known how to choose his friendships. He did not charge the Provinces with Taxes, but he ruined the best houses of the Empire, and would regain upon the confiscations of particulars, what he lost in lessening the public Imposts. As soon as any one was accused before him to be rich, 'twas sufficient to prove him guilty; and without putting himself to the trouble of discerning truth from falsehood, he never ceased to punish when it would prove to his advantage. He was always ready to give long Audiences to Flatterers, and was tired when they began to justify themselves; which gave occasion for Oppressions and Calumnies.  
XXXVIII. There had been divers Attempts made against him since his Reign, which made him fearful and suspicious. Some corrupted Courtiers made their advantage by this infirmity of the Emperor, and persuaded him at every turn, that he incurred some great danger; some to get themselves esteemed, and to render themselves necessary; others to get rid of their Enemies without punishment, by accusing them of disaffection to the Prince. All the Intrigues of Court rolled upon none but false Reports, and imaginary Attempts. Matters were come to that point, that it was a Crime to explicate a Prediction, or to speak of the Successor of Valens; this easiness to believe and fear all things, was the occasion of the loss of several great Men, and particularly that of old Theodosius.  
Palla●ius, a Man of an inferior birth, and much given to Magic, having been arrested as an Accomplice of some Lords at Court, who were accused for robbing the Exchequer, was put into the hands of Modestus Praefectus Praetorio. He was 
Ammi●n. lib. 29.  examined, and would discover nothing. He was put to the Rack, which he soon endured with constancy enough; but when he found himself still pressed with Torments, he cried out that he had things to tell of more importance than those he was examined for, and which had relation to the person of the Prince. He was permitted to recover his breath, and as he was encouraged to speak, he declared that there had been lately held a secret Cabal, wherein by Witchcrafts and detestable Presages, they had learned the Destiny of the Emperor, and the Name of him who was to succeed him in the Empire. He went so far as to name those who were assistant in it; they were arrested upon the spot, and durst not deny a thing, whose circumstances were already known.  
XXXIX. It was an Intrigue of some persons of Quality, and several Pagan Philosophers, who were associated to know what should happen after the Emperor's death. The Aversion which they had for the Christian Religion, and the desire of 
Sozom. l. 6. ●. 34. Zoz. l. 4.  seeing theirs established, gave them this Curiosity. They were in hopes the Oracle would name some of their Party; they had already beforehand cast their eyes upon Theodorus, one of the Secretaries of Valens, of a very noble Family amongst the Gauls, esteemed for his Probity, his Parts and Courage, who lived in the quality of a mighty Lord, and in a tumultuous Court was beloved of all the World, besides that he kept up in his actions and discourses a generous liberty. These great qualities made him to be looked upon as a person capable of restoring the worship of the Gods, to which he was very much disposed.  
These Philosophers being possessed by this thought, assembled privately together in one of their houses. There they made a Trivet of Laurel Branches resembling that of Delphos, and consecrated it with Imprecations, and extraordinary Ceremonies. They put over it a Basin composed of different metals, about which they ranked the four and twenty Letters of the Alphabet at an equal distance. The most expert Magician of the Company, being covered with a linen cloth, and bearing in his hands some Vervein, went forward, and began his Invocations, bowing his head sometimes on one side, then on the other. At last he stopped short, holding upon the Basin a Ring tied to a File●. As he made an end of murmuring his magic words, it is reported that the Trivet 
Amm●●n. lib. 29. Zoz. ●. 4.  was suddenly observed to move the Ring to leap and agitate insensibly, and at length to fall here and there upon those Letters it seemed to have chosen. These Letters being thus touched, left their places, and went successively to rank themselves upon the Table; one would have said that an invisible hand had thus collected them together: they composed Answers in heroic Verses, which all the Assistants diligently remarked.  
XL. The first thing that the Oracle informed them, was that their Curiosity should cost them all their Lives, and that the Emperor should soon after die at Mimas of a horrible kind of death: then they were for knowing the Name of his Successor. The enchanted Ring continuing to jump upon the Letters, collected these two Syllables The-o: the d came presently to join them. Whereupon one of the Assistants interrupted the Charm, and cried out, That their wishes were accomplished, and that it was the Orders of Destiny that Theodorus should reign after Valens. They asked no further; and without considering the misfortune that the Oracle had foretold them, as 'tis natural to believe easily what one wishes to come to pass, they all expected the accomplishment of the destiny of Theodorus.  
XLI. As soon as the Affair had been thus discovered at Antioch, Valens knowing that Theodorus was at Constantinople for some domestic Affairs, sent Guards thither to take him, and to bring him safe: which was done. He was examined, and he replied that he had no share in this Intrigue; that since he came to know it, he had a design to reveal it to the Emperor, but that he was assured it was nothing else but a Philosophical Curiosity; that it was a hideous Crime to attempt the usurpation of the Empire, but that it was lawful to expect from Destiny, whose Orders were inevitable; that as for him, he had neither enterprised, nor depended any thing thereupon. Letters were produced to him, by which he was convicted of having flattered himself with the Prediction, and consulted his Friend about the time, and means of putting it into execution.  
XLII. The Emperor caused his Head to be taken off, and commanded an enquiry after all his Accomplices, and to exterminate all the Philosophers that since the Empire of Julian made open profession of Magic. It was represented to him, that all the Prisons were already full of persons convicted, or suspect, and that some favour would be most just in the number: but he was offended with this Remonstrance, and gave Orders for all to be put to death indifferently without other form of Process. This cruel Sentence was executed, the Innocents' were confounded with the Guilty, some perished by the Sword, others by Fire, many were torn in pieces by the Rack; above all, they burned the Magicians with their Books, and no one durst appear in a Gown throughout all Asia, lest the resemblance of the Habit should make them go for 
Ammian. l. 31.  Philosophers. There was nothing to be seen in Antioch but Blood diffused, Houses consumed, and Fires kindled; which rendered the Emperor so odious, that they made throughout the City this public Imprecation against him, That Valens might himself one day be burnt alive.  
That which was most deplorable herein, was, that they made a sovereign judgement upon simple Suspicions, without entering into any manner of discussion. A Lady was condemned to die, for boasting that she was recoved of a Quartan Ague 
Ammian. l. 29.  by pronouncing certain words. The Estate of a Great Lord was confiscated, for having got the Nativity of one of his Children calculated. A Rich Burgess was executed, because there was found amongst his papers the figure of one of his Brothers, named Valence. A young man was put to death, for having affirmed himself to be cured of a distemper in the Bath, by carrying his Fingers one after another to his Stomach, and naming the vowels so many times.  
XLIII. As great passions are not only criminal, but also ridiculous: Valens imagined to himself, that he could destroy this fatal Emperor, which the Oracle had expressed but by halves; not thinking that there is a Divine Providence, that laughs at humane fore▪ sights, and that a Tyrant never killed his Successor. He attempted to destroy all Persons of Quality, whose names began by the two syllables suspected, and made so exact an 
Sozom. l. 6. c. 26.  enquiry, that many to preserve themselves, were obliged to quit their names, and to take others not so dangerous,  
XLIV. The Theodosivs' had acquired too much reputation to escape the persecutions of a Prince, so cruel and suspicious. Theodosius the Father was still in Africa, where Valentinian had esteemed him necessary for the repose of the Province. After he had extinguished the fire of Rebellion, he had informed the Court of the misery of the People, and made high complaints of the Roman Count, who had consumed them by his avarice and inhuman deal. He had rigorously punished some of his Accomplices, and feared not to publish the intelligences of this Governor with some interessed Ministers, who made an advantage of his concussions, and protected him near the Emperor. This firmness of Theodosius had procured him the hatred of those powerful men, who stuck close to the Prince after having abused him, and who affording themselves the freedom of committing things unjust, would debar others of that of discovering them, and making complaints.  
The Emperor Valens was contented to entertain these enmities▪ underhand, without daring to attempt any thing in the life time of Valentinian; but after his death, he kept no measures any longer, and took the same ascendant over his Nephews, that his Brother had formerly taken over him. He gained the Ministers of Gratian, already prepossessed by their Jealousies. He joined with the Empress Justine, an Arrian, as violent as himself, and made so good a use of the favourable conjuncture of these new Reigns, that mixing the Interests of the State with those of Religion, and the Passions of others with his own, he brought Theodosius to his trial. He was arrested in Carthage; and whether he was accused for intending to make himself Master of afric, or had other crimes supposed against him, he was condemned to die in those very places, where he had triumphed a little before.  
XLV. Theodosius seeing himself oppressed by envy, employed the remaining part of his time in thoughts of his Salvation. He received Baptism, which through the evil custom of that time he had deferred, and died innocent before God, as he had lived without reproach, and with Glory before 
Oros. l. 7. c. 33.  men. His Son was still in Moes●a, where he commanded the Army, beloved of the People, esteemed of the Soldiers, and dreaded of the Enemies of the Empire. As he was no less to be feared for his virtues than his Father, he would infallibly have run the same fortune with him; but he quitted 
Ambros. in fun. Theod.  all his employments, and fled forthwith into Spain, where he sheltered himself from the persecution of Valens, who upon the subject of suspicions, was not of a humour to leave a crime imperfect. Although the Emperor Gratian was at an age to apply himself to business, and was acquainted with the disgrace of Theodosius, whose deserts he knew, he left him in his Exile; and whether it was that he feared to displease his Uncle, or that he had not the force to express the passions of his Ministers, or else that things were concealed from his knowledge; and he would not put himself to the trouble of examining them himself, he abandoned the two greatest Captains of the Empire to the oppression and violence of their Enemies. Thus the best Princes, by a soft Policy, or criminal Laziness, become oftentimes as dangerous as the bad.  
XLVI. Thoodosius passed some years in Spain, using this exile as a time of repose, and living obscurely with some of his Relations and Friends, till such time as the affairs of the Empire were embroiled in such a manner, that they were reduced to run to him, as the only man capable to establish them. I think myself obliged to recite here a little at large all these troubles, as well to give an account of the state of the Eastern Empire, and make the course of this History the more intelligible, as to show the methods which God made use of to chastise the Emperor Valens, and to fix Theodosius in his place.  
XLVII. Of all those barbarous people, that went out in multitudes from the Northern parts, and drove one another to the very banks of the Danube and the Rhine, there was none more formidable to the Roman Empire than the Goths. They inhabited originally a part of that wild and barren Country, which lies between the Northern Ocean and the Baltic Sea. Being weary of a place so unfruitful, and pushed on by their natural fierceness, they descended as far as the adjacent parts of the River Vistule, above three hundred years before the birth of Jesus Christ. There being increased by a crowd of Vandals whom they had subdued, and finding themselves too much straitened, they extending their limits upon the Neighbouring States, and advanced since as far as the Palus Meotis, under the conduct of King Filimer, forcing all they encountered in their passage. The resistance which they found in this place constrained them to turn their course to another side, and to pass at length after many wind into the Country of the Dacians and Geteses, where they remained some time in peace. The correspondence which they had there with people, that were more human and polite than they, having made them lose a little of their grossness, they imposed Laws upon themselves, and divided into two Nations under Commanders worthy to govern them. They that possessed the most Eastern parts were called Ostrogoths, or Eastern Goths, and acknowledged for their Kings the Princes of the Royal Family of the Amales. They that inhabited towards the West took the name of Visigoths, or Western Goths, and disposed themselves under the Princes of the ancient Race of the Baltes.  
These Barbarians, who were then no otherwise separated from the Provinces of the Empire than by the Danube, made oftentimes eruptions into Thrace, Illyrium, and Pannonia; notwithstanding as they made War in disorder, they were almost always beaten, and made no progress. But after they had been a long time either Enemies, or Allies to the Emperors, they accustomed themselves to Discipline, and by serving the Romans they learned to conquer them.  

Sozom. l. 6. c. 37.  Division being introduced amongst them under the Empire of Valens, they came to an open War, there happened a bloody Battle; Athanaric King of the Ostrogoths remained Victor, and Fritegern King of the Visigoths was defeated. The last had recourse to the protection of the Emperor, who sent him a very considerable Relief. He overcame Athanaric at his turn, and as an acknowledgement to the Emperor, and so many Christians, who came to his assistance, he embraced the Christian Religion, and would have his Subjects do the 
Theodor. l▪ 4. c. ult. Oros. l. 7. c. 32.  same. Valens did not lose this occasion of advancing the Arrian Sect, pursuant to the Vow he had made at his Baptism. He sent forthwith to Fritegern men that were passionate for this Doctrine, who inspired the Prince therewith, as also his Subjects by the treachery of ulphilas their Bishop, the first Inventor of the Gothick Letters, and Translator of the Holy Scriptures into his Language, which they had effected in the time of his Embassies at Constantinople.  
XLVIII. These two Kings began to reunite, and demanded nothing more than Peace, after so many foreign and domestic Wars, when they were assaulted of a sudden both one and tother, and expelled with their whole Nation from those Lands which they had conquered. A People unknown, and till then enclosed between the River Tanais, and the frozen Sea, went out of their own Country, and dispersed themselves like a Torrent into all the adjoining Provinces.  
They were the Huns, a Nation without Honesty, Justice, or Religion, hardened to Labour from 
Ammian. l. 31. Zoz. l. 4.  their Infancy, nourished with savage Roots, and raw Flesh, always encamped, and avoiding Houses as if they had been Tombs, wandering all day, and sleeping at night on Horseback, being accustomed to fall out with one another, and to be Friends again immediately, without any other Reason, than that of their natural Inconstancy.  

Claudian. in Ruff. in l. 1. Jornand. c. 24.  Their innumerable Horse, and prodigious number of Chariots which followed them, loaded with their Wives and Children; their manner of fight in round Bodies, and of rallying again, a moment after their defeat; the very figure of these Men, in stature small, but strong, and well compact; their Faces rugged, their Eyes but small, and Heads of an unsuitable bigness: all this cast a terror in the minds of People, who were not so barbarous as they.  
XLIX. They attacked the Alains presently, who were constrained to seek their Friendship. They pushed on their Conquests as far as this side the Boristhenes, driving, or massacring all that made resistance, and extended themselves towards Datia. At the noise of this formidable march, all the Goths run to their Arms. Athanaric, who was the most exposed, collected all his Troops, and advanced himself towards the Banks of the River Danast, in order to dispute the Enemy's passage. 
Ammian ibid.  He sent in the mean time several Parties above twenty Leagues beyond, to observe them, and to bring him the News. But notwithstanding all his Precautions, the Huns prevented these Parties, and passed the River by favour of the night, partly by fording, and partly by swimming. Although Athanaric had hardly leisure to put his Army in order, yet he sustained their first Attack with abundance of vigour: but as he saw himself overwhelmed by number, he retired with as much of his Army as he could save, and gained the mountains, where he retrenched himself, whilst the Enemies amused themselves by laying waste the Platcountrey.  
L. In the mean time the affrighted Goths advanced all towards the Banks of the Danube; Videric King of the Grotungues, a Youth under age, came to join them under the conduct of Alathee, and Saphrax, two excellent Captains. They were too great a number to subsist in so small a space, and too few to oppose such powerful Enemies. In this Extremity they sent an Embassy to the Emperor Valens, humbly to request of him some Lands in Thrace, where they might live in peace under his protection, promising to serve him in his Wars, and to preserve themselves the Frontiers of the Empire. The Affair was debated in Council. They that consulted the Public Good, were of opinion to reject the Proposition, and remonstrated to the Emperor, that it was necessary ●o mistrust a People who had often broke their Faith with him, and would become insolent, as soon as they should cease to be miserable.  
Others, to accommodate themselves to the humour of the Prince, represented to him, that it was for his glory to give Retreat to the unfortunate; that he might increase his Armies with a great number of these strangers; and that discharging the Provinces from the Recruits they were obliged to furnish, he might draw from them every year considerable Sums as a compensation. These Reasons affected the Emperor. He granted the Goths their demands, and sent Orders to Lupicin Governor of Thrace, to furnish them with Necessaries, and to receive them into his Province, upon condition still that they should enter therein without Arms, that they should not exceed the limits which should be set out to them, and that they should send their Male Children into the East, to be 
Zoz. l. 4.  brought up there in the exercise of Roman Discipline.  
LI. Lupicin went as far as the Banks of the Danube, accompanied with Maximus, Commander of the Foot. They saw King Fritigern arrive with his Subjects, and distributed Provisions to them, and some Lands to cultivate. The River at that time had overflowed, so that this multitude of Barbarians were many days and nights in passing over. Valens, as if he had secured the Empire, 
Socrat. l. 4. c. 34. Sozom. l. 6. c. 38.  thought he had no further need of the old Troops, levied no more new ones, and neglected the Recruits, which he ordered to be paid him in money, to the value of fourscore Crowns in gold for every Soldier. In a little time the Armies grew weak, and the Officers were discontented.  
The Goths on their side began to want Provisions, and found themselves reduced▪ by the avarice of the Governor, to give their Goods, and sell their very Children for bread. They endured these Extremities, till such time as Despair made them begin to murmur. Lupicin, mistrusting a Revolt, being resolved at the same time not to relax, kept himself upon his guard, and got the Thracian Army together on this side. Alathée and Safrax, to whom Valens had refused to give Retreat, coasted the Danube at that time, and finding some places but ill guarded, made shift to get some Boats, and made their Horse pass over in disorder. As for Athanaric, he durst not ask any favour of the Emperor, who had hated him of a long time, and threw himself upon a quarter of the Sarmats, where he established himself by force of Arms.  
In the mean time King Fritigern retained the Fury of the Goths, and dexterously managed the humour of the Romans, till he could discover his resentment with more security. Having information by Spies, that Alathée and Safrax had passed the River, and foreseeing that he should have occasion for Horse, he marched towards them by small Journeys, and By▪ ways, to give no suspicion of intelligence. At last he encamped near Mart●anopol●, where Lupicin received him into his house, and entertained him magnificently. Whilst they were at Table, some Goths coming to the gates of the City to make their Provisions, the Soldiers of the Garrison repulsed them; they grew hot on both sides, came to handy Blows, all the Burgesses took Arms, and the whole Camp of the Goths mutined.  
The Governor being advertised of this disorder, was not much disturbed at it; and as he was half drunk, he gave Orders softly to murder those 
Ammian. l. 31.  of the King's Retinue, who attended him in the next Hall. This Order could not be executed so secretly, but Fritigern mistrusted it, and even heard the Cries of those whose Throats were cut. He arose from the Table of a sudden, without giving the Governor time to take any Resolution, and went out of the City under a pretence of showing himself, and to chastise the mutinous. As soon as he was in safety, he took Horse, and run every where to encourage his People to revenge. In a little time, the whole Nation risen up, and Valens had for Enemies those whom he looked upon as his Hosts and Allies.  
LII. They presently fell a ravaging the Country, and put several Villages to Fire and Sword. Fritigern let them satiate their first anger, after which he put them in what order he could, and made them march under their Colours▪ Lupicin on his side assembled his Troops, and thought his appearance would suffice to disperse this storm: but he suffered himself to be surprised, and this crowd of Barbarians without order, and hardly arms, having fallen upon him and his army, he made a scandalous flight. The Goths after having killed the greatest part of the Soldiers and Officers, took the habits and arms of the dead, and pillaged all Thrace without resistance. The Slaves which they had sold for necessaries, broke their Chains, and run to them from all parts. A Troop of 
Ammian. ib.  Malcontents came to join with them, and shown them places where they might enrich themselves, 
Zoz. l. 4.  and where to retrench. At the same time an ancient Regiment of Goths, which had their Winter quarters at Adrianople, was expelled thence by the Inhabitants, albeit it had not concern in the revolt, and had always served the Empire with fidelity.  
LIII. These Barbarians being full of indignation at this treatment, sent to their Companions for succour, and besieged Adrianople. They made several assaults, and were always repulsed. Fritigern, seeing that they consumed themselves in vain before this place, made them understand that they should fight with Men, and not with Walls; that it was of little importance to take a City, when they might gain several Provinces, where there was more spoils to take, and less danger to incur. These Troops, pursuant to the King's advice, raised the Siege, and dispersed themselves into Thrace, Moesia, and Pannonia.  
LIV. The Emperor Valens was then at Antioch, where by the counsel of some Arrian Bishops, and applications of the Empress, he was employed in persecuting the Catholics. Some died in Torments, others were cast into the Orontes. The most holy Prelates were expelled their Churches, and Fire and Sword were carried to the very solit●des of Egypt. The Pagan's themselves were mollified and reduced to pity: and the Philosopher Themistius went to find out the Emperor, to tell him, That he persecuted good men without reason; that it was not a crime to entertain different thoughts, and a belief different from his; that he ought not to be amazed 
Socrat. l. 4. c. 32. Sozom. l. 6. c. 36.  at this diversity of Opinions; that the Gentiles were much more divided amongst themselves, than the Christians; that every one had a prospect of the Truth through some place, and that it had pleased God to confound the pride of men, and to render himself the more venerable by the difficulty of knowing him. The Emperor was touched at the discourse of this Philosopher, and diminished a little of that false zeal of Religion which had possessed him entirely. He received almost at the same time the news of the Revolt of Fritigern, the defeat of Lupicin, and the desolation of the Provinces. Then he repent of the Faults he had committed, and resolved to revenge himself for the ingratitude of the Goths, and to fall upon them with all the Forces of the Empire.  
LV. This Affair wonderfully disturbed him, because he had already many Adversaries upon his hands. The Saracens were the most formidable. They had lost their King some time since, 
Socrat. l. 4. c. 36. Sozom. l 6.▪ c. 38.  and the Queen Mauvia his Wife was left Regeut. Although she was an Ally of the Romans, they began to trouble her, and thought they might with safety provoke a Nation, that was governed only by a Woman. She made her Complaints, and could receive no satisfaction. She broke the Alliance then her Husband had contracted with the Emperor, took the Field with a puissant Army, and ravaged Palestine, Phoenicia, and that part of Egypt which is between the Nile, and the Red Sea. The Governor of Phoenicia presented himself often to oppose her passages, but he was always beaten, and lost the best part of his Troops. He must have recourse to the Count Victor, General of the Eastern Armies. This General advanced with a great Body of Horse and Foot, and slighting the Governor who came to join him, he ordered him to stand aside, and to leave him the honour of a Victory which he could not obtain himself. With this assurance he approached, gave Battle, and lost it; his whole Army was defeated, and himself had perished▪ if the Governor had not run to disengage him, and to favour his flight. After this Victory, the Queen was in a condition to push on her Conquests further without controlment.  
LVI. At the same time the Persians required the Emperor to abandon Armenia, which was a subject 
Ammian. l. 30.  of perpetual War between the two Nations. The Emperor sustained his Rights; and after divers interpretations of the last Treaties, and several Embassies on both sides, it was resolved to determine this difference by Arms, which they could not decide by Negotiation▪ King Sapor sent Orders to his Lieutenant-General to render himself Master of some places, and disposed himself to march at the head of an Army in the beginning of the Spring.  
LVII. There was no less occasion to fear within the Empire, than without. The Provinces being tired with the Tyranny of the Governors, and the persecution of the Catholics, were upon the point to rise. Valens, who was afraid of being overwhelmed, dispatched Couriers to the Emperor Gratian his Nephew for assistance, and made haste to satisfy the Persians and Saracens, that he might have only the Goths upon his hands, and might collect all his Troops into a Body.  
He gave immediate Orders to Count Victor to go and find Queen Mauvia, and to conclude a Peace with her upon any Conditions whatsoever. This Negotiation was more fortunate than War; for the Queen, who had as much Wisdom as Valour, stopped the course of her Victories, and was contented with having reduced an Emperor to fear her. Victor of his side managed the humour of that Princess with so much ingenuity, running upon her admirable qualities, and making it an honour to be overcome by her, that in a few days she granted him a Peace, and even bestowed her Daughter upon him in marriage. Nevertheless, as she was zealous for the Christian Religion, which she had but lately embraced, she would not consent to sign the Treaty, before he had engaged to let her have for a Bishop one of her own Subjects, called Moses, who lived in the reputation of holiness in the 
Sozom. l. 6. c. 38.  solitudes of Egypt. The Condition appeared very agreeable, and the Treaty was concluded and executed almost at the same time.  
Victor had Orders to pass into Persia, in order to terminate as well as he could the differences between the two Crowns, and to bring along with him those Legions which were in Armenia, as soon as there should be a Peace determined. The Emperor relaxed much from his Pretensions, and consented to an Accommodation, which would have been scandalous, without a real necessity; it was even convenient to bear with some infractions of the Treaty, whereof it was not a time to complain, and to dissemble an Affair which was not at that juncture the most pressing. There remained nothing more than to satisfy the People, which was done by repealing the exiled Bishops, and letting every one live in the exercise of his Religion without disturbance.  
LVIII. Valens then thought his Affairs to be in a good posture, and was preparing to go from Antioch, when he received advice that Trajan, who commanded the Legions of Armenia, had attacked the Goths in Thrace, that he had put them to the Rout, and chased them to the very straits of Mount Haemus; that he had gained the Defiles upon them, and had kept them enclosed for some time; but that hunger and despair having made them perform extraordinary things, he had been constrained to retire, and to abandon to them the passages. A little while after he learned that Trajan had joined Ricomer, a French Prince, that was sent from the West with some auxiliary Troops; that these two Captains had approached the Camp of the Goths, with a design to force them in their Trenches if it were possible, or else to fall upon the Rearguard if they decamped in disorder, as they were used to do; that after they had observed one another for a long time, they came to handy blows; that the Fight had lasted from morning till night; and that the number of the Barbarians having at last prevailed over the Valour of the Romans, Trajan had made his Retreat as a Soldier▪ and Ricomer was returned to the West, in order to bring a more considerable Relief.  
The Emperor was so much the more disturbed at this News, in that he learned that a great many Officers were slain, and that the Goths securely made Eruptions to the very Suburbs of▪ Constantinople. He dispatched a Body of Horse to Trajan, that he might keep the Field all the rest of Autumn.  
LIX. In the mean time Gratian, in the impatience he was in to relieve his Uncle, had made the greatest part of his Army pass towards Illyrium, and prepared himself to march in the midst of Winter to be in the East at the opening of the Campagne. He left Merobaudes King of the French in Gaul, to secure it; and knowing that the destiny of Princes is in the hands of God, and that they ought to expect Victory rather from their Piety, than the Number or Courage of their Soldiers, he 
Ambros. de Fide ad Grat.  had entreated St. Ambrose to compose for him a little Treatise of the True Faith, which he might read during his Expedition.  
LX. But as he was upon the point of parting, the Germans thin●●ng to take advantage of his absence, passed the Rhine upon the Ice in the month of February, and began to destroy the lands of the Empire. For all they were above forty thousand men, this young Emperor shown nothing of amazement; he made the Troops march, which he had retained in Gaul, and recalled those which 
Ammian. l. 31.  he had sent towards Pannonia. He advanced himself at the head of them, and encountering the enemy about Strasbourg, he attacked them so seasonably, and with so much resolution, that he gave them an entire defeat. There remained upon the place five and thirty thousand, all their Commanders, and their King himself being killed Gratian pursued those that fled to the very Woods and Mountains, and compelled the whole Nation humbly to request a Peace, and to give as Hostages all the young men of the Country, whereby he reinforced his Army. That being done, he gave orders, and marched by great journeys towards Pannonia, notwithstanding he was extremely incommoded with an intermitting Fever.  
LXI. Valens on his side went very slowly to Constantinople; and gave out orders to his General Officers, who met him upon the Road. Trajan came before him, to give him an account of the condition of those Troops he commanded. As soon as he appeared, the Emperor fell into a passion, and charging him with the loss of the last 
Theodoret. l. 4. c. 33.  Fight, reproached him outrageously for his small Conduct and Valour. Trajan heard these Reproaches without being moved; and as he was a person of great Piety, he replied to the Emperor, If we are overcome, my Lord, 'tis you that obstruct our Conquest. You make War with God himself, and God assists the Barbarians who are at War with you. 'Tis he that gives Victory to those who fight in his Name, and takes it away from those who are his declared Enemies. You will acknowledge that you are so, if you consider what the Bishops are, whom you have banished from their Churches, and those you have advanced in their places. The Emperor being offended at this discourse, was going to fly out; but Arintheus and Victor, the Generals of his Army, made him understand, that he had very sensibly touched a Man of Courage; that the zeal of Religion had made him speak; and that it was convenient to pardon this Remonstrance, which was perhaps but too well grounded. Valens was a little pacified, and was contented with depriving Trajan of his charge of Colonel of the Foot, which he had exercised with much Reputation.  
LXII. At last the Emperor arrived at Constantinople towards the end of May, with part of his 
Socrat. l. 4. c. 38.  Army. The Goths continued their Courses to the very gates of the City, and to ransack the Country as before. As for him he kept himself enclosed, whether it was that he durst not undertake any thing before he had received News from Gratian, or that he had a mind to chastise the City by Soldiers who consumed it within, and the Barbarians who pillaged it without; for he was not reconciled to it, since it had taken the Tyrant Procopius' part against him. Whereupon they began to murmur, and talk openly that the Emperor held intelligence with the Barbarians, and delivered his Subjects to them; insomuch that one day when he assisted at some Horse-courses, they cried out on all sides, Let us fall to our Arms, and go out and 
Socrat. ib, Sozom. l. 6. c. 39  take the Field, whilst the Emperor diverts himself in the Circus. He was touched at these seditious words, and departed the City in anger upon the 11th of June, threatening to return after the War, and destroy it without remedy.  
He retired to Melanthias', a Pleasure-house of the Emperors, some few miles from Constantinople. There, as he got his Troops together, he received Letters from Gratian, which purported to him the defeat of the Germans, and assured him of his sudden arrival with his victorious Army. In effect, he was upon march with his Horse, and came to Sirmium to attend his Foot and Equipage. On the other side, the Count Sebastian, who kept the Field with 2000 choice Men, had surprised several Parties, and made a great slaughter of Goths near Adrianople.  
LXIII. In the mean time King Fritigern judging that it was necessary to come to a Battle, ceased his pillages and wasting of the Country, and commanded all his scattered Men to come and join the gross of the Army, as well to prevent their falling into the Ambuscades of the Romans, as to accustom them to the discipline of the Camp. He sent Couriers to Alatheus and Safrax, to pray them to approach in diligence with their Horse. He encamped 
Ammian. ib.  no longer but in Plains, and near Cities, for fear of being surprised, or at a loss for Provisions. As soon as he had advice that the Emperor was near, he retired as if he had an intention to avoid the fight, and covered so well his march, dividing his Army into several different bodies, that the enemy's Scouts could discern but a part of them. He had detached some Batallions, to seize upon the advanced Posts: and had cut off the provisions of the Romans, if he had not been prevented. In a word, he managed himself with so much prudence and caution, that one would have taken Fritigern for the Roman Prince, and Valens for the Barbarian.  
LXIV. As soon as the Emperor was come to Adrianople, they that had been sent to view the 
Ammian. ibid.  Goths, reported to him that they were not above ten thousand men; that they were retired in disorder, and durst not be seen out of their Trenches. Then he believed the Victory was certain. At the same time Ricomer came from Sirmium, to advertise him that Gratian was upon the march, and that he would suddenly arrive. This young Prince wrote to his Uncle, and conjured him to attend him, and suffer him to partake at least the fatigues and dangers of this War, if not the glory of it.  
Valens assembled the Council, and put the affair into consideration: Victor, General of the Horse, was of opinion to precipitate nothing; and represented, that the Enemies were stronger than was imagined; that their Army might be increased in a little time with an infinite number of Troops, that were dispersed in the Country; that they had a vigilant Captain, who knew how to make use of opportunities; that it would be a hard matter to force them in their Camp, or to defeat them in battle with the single forces of the East; but that they might be assured of subduing them without recovery, if they attended the assistance of the Gauls. He added, that it was to offend an Emperor, who came in person to relieve them, to fight without necessity when he was upon the point of arriving. The chief Officers of the Army were of the same opinion.  
Sebastian on the other side sustained, that it was necessary to give Battle forthwith. This was a 
●oz. l. 4.  great Captain, lately come from the Western Courts, where he could not agree with the Ministers. He commanded the Infantry since the disgrace of Trajan, and sought all occasions to signalise himself in his charge, and to get into credit with the Emperor. As long as he observed this Prince to be amazed and irresolute, he advised him to continue near Constantinople with his Army; but as soon as he saw him disposed to fight, he propose● to attack the enemy, whom he represented to ● weakened by his losses, frighted and trembling ● his Camp, and not in a condition to recollect his scattered forces. All the young men of the Court and Army took this part, some to comply with the Emperor, others to acquire glory; even many stirred up by a false emulation, cried out, that they would never suffer others to come and conquer for 
Ammian. ●. 31.  them. Valens, who was assured of Victory, and was otherwise jealous of the reputation which his Nephew had acquired, chose the counsel which flattered most his passion, and resolved to go directly to the enemies before Gratian's arrival.  
LXV. Fritigern on his side knowing that he should have two great Armies, and two Emperors upon his hands, if the Affair was not soon determined, judged it convenient either to compound with Valens, or suddenly engage him to a genera Battle. Whereupon he sent Ambassadors to him, and made him reasonable Propositions in very respectful and submissive terms. He hoped thereby that the Emperor would either grant him Peace, or that he would interpret his Submissions for marks of fear and weakness, and be the more desirous for Battle. The Bishop ulphilas, who had the Secret of the Embassy, went without delay to the Camp of Adrianople, where he was honourably received, and presently conducted to an Audience. He presented his Letters in public, by which the King his Master, in the name of all his Subjects, requested the Emperor to leave undisturbed an unhappy Nation, chased from all parts, which had not taken up Arms but in extremity, was ready to depose them, and considered only how to live and serve the Empire, and to manure in peace those Lands which had been afforded them in Thrace.  
This Prelate had Orders to demand a secret Audience, and to render a second dispatch into the Emperor's own hand, in case the first took no●effect. Fritigern wrote to Valens, that he was resolved to be his Friend and his Ally, and that he had endeavoured to reduce the Goths to Reason; but that they were Barbarians, who could not imngine to themselves that they durst be assaulted; notwithstanding there was nothing more to do, than to show them the Army, and they would fubmit to all things, as soon as they were frighted with the name and presence of an Emperor.  
LXVI. These Ambassadors were dismissed without any Answer; and Valens was so much the more impatient, inasmuch as he thought the Goths had an intention to shun him. He disposed all 
Ammian. ibid. Idat. in fast.  things, and marched the next day, being the 9th of August, at daybreak, leaving all his Equipage near Adrianople, in order to make the more haste. He arrived about Noon in prospect of the Enemy, and put his Army in Battel-aray, all fatigued, as it was, with a march of twelve miles, through difficult ways, and an excessive heat.  
The King of the Goths sent Deputies to the Emperor forthwith, to offer new Proposals of Peace; for as he was wise and ingenious, he feared the consequence of a Battle, and was desirous of getting time whatsoever happened, till the Cavalry, which he expected, was come up. In the mean time he visited his Camp, gave Orders to his Captains, and disposed his Troops behind an Entrenchment of all the Chariots of his Army. He gave directions for great Fires to be kindled throughout the Country, to the end that the Romans heated and thirsty by the sultriness of the day, coming still to breathe a burning Air, might be less in a condition to fight. At the same time he had advice that the Emperor had despised his Deputies, and would make no Treaty but with the Chief of the Nation. He sent him word that he would come himself, if he would beforehand dispatch to him some of the Lords of his Court as Hostages. This Negotiation made a kind of a Truce for some hours, during which time Alatheus and 
Ammian. ibid.  Safrax arrived with their Horse, and form two great Squadrons at the head of the Camp of the Goths.  
LXVII. The Proposition of the King was accepted in the Emperor's Council, and they had already deliberated upon the choice of Hostages▪ when the two Parties found themselves, as it were, insensibly engaged: for Ba●urius, Captain of the Iberians, who were placed at the head of the Right Wing, having perceived towards the Enemy's Camp a Body of Horse, composed of Huns, and Alains, detached himself without order, and immediately run to charge him. The Barbarians, without being moved, attended him, and repulsed him with great loss of his side; whereupon arose a great noise on both sides. Some Squadrons advanced to support the Iberians, who retired in disorder; but Alatheus suddenly thundered upon them, ●nd after having cut in pieces all that had the ●ourage to resist him, he pressed upon the rest so briskly, that he overturned Ho●se and Foot, and ●ut the whole Right Wing in disorder, insomuch ●hat it was never able to recover itself.  
LXVIII. In the mean time Fritigern went out ●o Battle with a part of his Troops, and run headlong upon the Right Wing, where were the Legions commanded by the Count Sebastian, and encouraged by the presence of the Emperor. Both one and t' other fought courageously, but at last the Goths gave way; and whether it was that they ●ould not sustain the Enemy's Encounter, or else ●ad a mind to draw them near their Camp, that ●hey might not escape; they retired as far as the ●ntrenchment of the Chariots. There they stood firm, as if they had resumed new Forces. The Romans also made their utmost efforts to keep their advantage: but some Companies of Archers who guarded the Camp, drawing upon them on one ●ide, and Alatheus on the other, who returned from pursuing the Horse, charging them in the Flank▪ and an innumerable multitude of the Barbarians encompassing them on all sides, they considered no further than to sell their Lives as dear as they could.  
LXIX. After having fought some time at a distance with flights of Arrows, they came to Spear and Sword. According as the Enemy got ground, they stood close, till such time as their Force being exhausted, and overwhelmed by number, they were for the most part cut in pieces▪ The Count Sebastian Colonel of the Foot, Valerian Great Master of the Horse, Equitius nea● Kinsman of the Emperor, and Great Master ● his Palace, a matter of five and thirty Tribunes▪ and an infinite number of other Officers remaine● upon the place. The Emperor seeing this disorder, could not tell what to resolve on. Two Companies of his Guards protected him with their Shields. Trajan was come to his assistance near his person, with the greatest part of the Volunteers, and cried out that there was Relief a coming▪ But all things were in confusion. The Batavians▪ who composed the Body of Reserve, had take● flight. Victor and Ricomer could not succeed i● rallying their Men. Then Night being come, Trajan advised the Emperor to save himself; and sustaining himself alone the whole power of the Enemy, he received several wounds, and generously died for his Country, and a Prince, who had abused, and shook him off not long before.  
LXX. Valens, to conceal his flight, joined company with some Soldiers, who fled as well as he. He advanced but little, because the night was dark, and the Country covered with dead bodies; and to complete his misfortune, he was hurt with an Arrow, by some rambling Barbarians, who shot at random wheresoever they heard a noise. He fell from his Horse, and was carried by some of his Domestics into a Country House they met in their way. They had no sooner stopped the blood, and laid on, as well as they could, the first apparel to his wound, but a Troop of disbanded Goths came in disorder with a design to plunder the 
Ammian▪ ●. 31.  House, without knowing its Inhabitants at that time. They attempted to force the doors; and as they found resistance, they renounced an Enterprise, which they thought not to succeed in, and where they did not expect to find much advantage. Notwithstanding to revenge themselves of those, who opposed them in the House, they set fire to it, and passed on.  
It was there Valens, overwhelmed with grief, and pressed with the remorses of his conscience, was burnt alive upon the ninth of August, in the fourteenth year of his Reign, and the fiftieth year of 
Ammian. ib. Zoz. l. 4. Hieronim. in Chronic. Oros. l. 7. c. 33. Chrystost. Epist. ad vid.  his Age. The Barbarians learned his death by one of his Domestics, who was saved from the combustion, and were afflicted at the loss of an opportunity to make an Emperor Prisoner, and to make advantage of his Spoils. Such was the deplorable end of Valens. He had the fortune of evil Princes; hated in his life, and dying without being lamented.  
LXXI. History reports, that since the battle of Cannae, the Romans had not sustained a more considerable loss. There remained upon the place 
Ammian. l. 31.  above two thirds of their Army, the rest were dispersed and lodged in the Cities on all sides. The Count Victor and Ricomer run with expedition to the Emperor Gratian, to give him advice of this defeat, and to hinder his advancement too far. In the mean time the Goths thought only how to gather the fruits of their Victory, and to plunder the Provinces, whereof they esteemed themselves masters. Gratian, touched at the loss of this battle, and his Uncle's death, which he understood at the same time, considered whether he should continue his March, or return. The Goths were powerful, he had but few Troops to oppose them; he lost the Empire, if he should be overcome. These reasons obliged him to retire to Sirmium, till he should assemble greater Forces, or that in the heat of Pillage, division should arise amongst the Barbarians.  
LXXII. In the mean while he reflected in his mind upon all the circumstances of this war; the blindness of the Court, who had taken for Defenders of the State, those who were its most dangerous Enemies; the imprudence of the Emperor, who had always either too much feared them, or too much despised them; the fatal adventure of this Prince, who came to experiment the cruelty of those, whose Faith he had debauched. He considered he had writ to him a little 
〈◊〉 ●. ●. de Fide.  before, That the blood of so many Martyrs, and the banishment of so many persecuted Bishops, was the true cause of the Revolutions of the Empire; that Princes could not assure themselves of the fidelity of men, when they are not themselves faithful to God; and that the insurrection of an Arrian Nation, against an Arrian Emperor, was an effect of the divine Justice, which punished impiety by impiety itself.  
LXXIII. To remedy these disorders, and to render Heaven favourable to him, he made forthwith an Edict, whereby he repealed the Bishops, that 
Theod. l. 5. c. 1 & 2. Socrat. l. 5. c. 2. Sozom. l. 7. c. 1.  were exiled for the Catholic Faith, and reestablished them in their Sees. He commanded Sapor one of his Lieutenant Generals, to go and execute this Order throughout the East, to chase the false Bishops from the Churches they had usurped, and to suffer none but those, who were in the Communion of Pope Damasus. Notwithstanding judging it convenient to manage the humours of the People, and joining Sweetness to Piety, he allowed every one the free exercise of his Religion, and prohibited no public Assemblies but to certain Sects, which appeared to him either ridiculous, or scandalous.  
LXXIV. After having delivered the Church from its Oppression, it was necessary to consider of means in order to save the State. Valens died without Children, and the young Valentinian, who had the Title and Quality of Emperor, was not yet of an age to exercise the functions of it; so Gratian alone was charged with all the cares of the Empire. He saw at the same time the Goths victorious in Thrace, and other barbarous Nations ready to make an irruption into the Lands of the Empire. Being unable himself to suffice the whole, or to know where his presence would be most necessary, he searched for a man that was capable to assist him in his wars, and to command in the East in his absence. He cast his Eyes upon Theodosius, whose Valour and Wisdom he was acquainted with; and whether he had already resolved to associate him to the Empire, or only designed to give him the command of the Army; he wrote to him, and sent him Orders to come forthwith to Sirmium.  
LXXV. Theodosius was then in Spain, where he was retired, as we have already said, to avoid the Persecution of Valens, and the Envy of those Courtiers, who could not dispense with his Reputation, nor his Merit. He lived in his retreat without complaining either of Emperors, or his Fortune. Sometimes he was at the City amongst his fellow Citizens, composing the differences of some, assisting others in their necessities, obliging 
Pacat. in Panegyr.  all the world, and preferring himself to no one; sometimes in the Country, where he manured himself his Gardens, and addicted himself, with satisfaction to all the cares of Husbandry. Making this advantage of his disgrace, he learned to gain the Friendship of the People, and accustomed himself so well, to all the Offices of a civil life, that he retained the sweetness and modesty of a private person, even when he was raised to Sovereign Dignity. He was in this condition when he received Gratian's Letters; he put his domestic affairs in order, and departed a few days after.  
LXXVI. In the mean time the Goths, after their Victory, went, against the advice of King Fritigern, 
Ammian. lib. 31.  to besiege Adrianople, where they received information that Valens had enclosed his Treasures, and all that he had most precious in the Empire. They made their approaches tumultuously, and gave several assaults; but it was with so much precipitation and disorder, that they were always repulsed and lost their best Troops. They had won some Soldiers of the Garrison, who were to deliver to them one of the City gates; but the intelligence was discovered. At last being incommoded with the rains that fell several days together, pelted with the Artillery of the besieged, and discouraged with the tediousness of the Siege, they passed as far as the Precincts of Perinthus, where they hoped to find a more considerable booty.  
LXXVII. As they durst not attack this place, they plundered the Countty, and a pproached Constantinople with a design to invest it, and to take it either by Assault or Famine. The Empress Do●inica, the Wife of Valens, opened the public Treasure, and encouraged so well, by her Discourse and Largesses, the Inhabitants and Soldiers, that they made a Sally, and charged a body of the Barbarians, which was advanced towards the City. The fight was bloody, and finished by an action which surprised the Goths, and cast a terror into their whole Army.  

Zoz. l. 4.  Some Sarazin battalions which Queen Mauvia had sent to the assistance of the Empire, and which Valens had left in Garrison at Constantinople, where at handy blows with the Enemy, and the Victory was yet uncertain, when of a sudden a Soldier of that Nation was seen to appear with a Dagger in his hand, and muttering some dismal words. He went out of the ranks all naked, and falling upon the first Goth he met with, stabbed him in the breast, and instantly cast himself upon him to suck the blood which trickled from his wound The Goths amazed at this brutish action, which they took for a prodigy, fled in disorder, and had not the courage to assault the Saracens.  
LXXVIII. They were not more successful before Thessalonica, they attempted several times to become Masters of this City, which was not in a condition to resist them: but St. Ascole the Bishop thereof, defended it by the sole virtue of his 
Ambros. Ep. 59  Prayers. It is reported that a secret fear possessed these Barbarians, as soon as they approached; that they lost, without knowing for what reason, that natural fierceness which they had at other times; and that the wisest of them were of opinion to abandon the attempt, and to leave undisturbed a 
Ammian. ●▪ 31. Hier. Ep. 3. Zoz. l. 4.  City, which God so visibly protected by the intercession of this Holy Prelate.  
At length after they had lost the Pillage of these three Cities, they threw themselves into Macedon, Thrace, Scythia, Mesia, and dispersed themselves as far as the Julian Alps, which confine Italy on this side, ravaging all these Provinces, and leaving every where fatal Testimonies of their avarice and fury.  
LXXIX. The East was going to fall into a like disorder, if there had not been a sudden stop put to the course of a Conspiracy, which was already form. When the Goths were received in Thrac●, one of the Conditions imposed upon them was, that they should give up their Children for Hostages, and Necessity obliged them to consent to it. They hoped by that means to secure the fidelity 
Zoz. l. 4.  of their Fathers, and to accustom the Children insensibly to the Laws and Discipline of the Romans, in order to make both serve in the Wars of the Empire. Julius, who commanded in the East, was charged with the Education of these Barbarian Youths. He dispersed them in the Cities of his Governments, and instructed them, according to the Orders he had received from Court. Many of them were already of an age to carry Arms, and notwithstanding the care which was taken to conceal from them the Victory of their Nation, they came to understand the News.  
Then returning to their nature, they concerted amongst themselves how to seize upon certain Cities, and to put those Garrisons to the Sword who should not be upon their guard. Those that were together, advertised their Companions secretly, and the Conspiracy was suddenly to take effect. Julius had advice of it, and was resolved to prevent them. He visited the places, gave Orders to the Governors, and proclaimed throughout the whole extent of his government, that the Emperor, to gratify these strangers, 
Ammian. l. 31. Zoz. l. 4.  and to engage them the stronger to the service of the Empire, had commanded to distribute to them not only Money, but also Lands and Houses, and that they should be treated as natural Subjects.  
The day was appointed for this distribution. The Barbarians hoping to take the advantage of the Money, and Favours which were to be allowed them, and to render their Rebellion more easy and secure, were softened a little. They came to the Cities whose Garrisons were underhand reinforced; and as they were assembled in the great Streets, some Troops that were lodged in the adjacent Houses, fell upon them with their Swords, and slew the greatest part: the rest thinking to save themselves by the cross-ways, were knocked down with stones by the Citizens.  
They did not so much as spare those who were not of an age to do an injury, and by an inhuman Prudence Julius delivered these Provinces from the danger they were in. The affair was managed with so much dexterity, and orders given and executed so opportunely, that this Massacre the same day went throughout the East, without the Goths conceiving the least suspicion of it, or the possibility of one's escaping.  
LXXX. Things were in this condition, when Theodosius arrived at Sirmium. Gratian received him so much the more favourably, inasmuch as he was ashamed of having banished him his Court, and that he was upon entrusting him with the most important affair of the Empire. He made him General of his Army, and dispatched him against the Goths with a part of those Troops he had in Illyrium.  
Theodosius marched forthwith towards Thrace, where the Enemies were assembled in a vast number. He knew that several Companies of Alains, Huns, and Taifals, had joined them since their last Victory, and that they were of opinion to have reduced the Emperor to dare no further to appear in Field. But he learned at the same time that their best Soldiers were disbanded, that the chief Officers were divided amongst themselves; that Fritigern was no longer Master of them, and that there was neither Order nor Discipline amongst such a heap of Barbarians, who were come to assist them in their Pillage, and not to fight.  
LXXXI. Then he advanced with much assurance; and having encountered the Enemy, he gave them Battle, slew the greatest part, obliged the rest to repass the Danube, and went himself to carry the News of this defeat to Court. Theodoret 
Theod. l. 5. c. 5. & 6.  reports, that Theodosius left so great a number of them slain upon the place, made so many Prisoners, and obtained so much Spoil, that being come with an extreme diligence to give the Emperor an account of his Victory, it appeared immediately incredible.  
His Rivals durst accuse him of having been defeated, and of having fled himself; and Gratian being astonished, was at a stand how to employ his Faith. Theodosius entreated him to send his Accusers upon the place, to the end they might examine the truth, and give a testimony of it themselves. The Emperor, to satisfy his pressing Solicitations, charged persons of degree and reputation to go forthwith and learn the particulars of this Action, and to return with a clear Information to him.  
LXXXII. The same Historian reports, that it was in this time that Theodosius saw in a Dream a Bishop, who put a Crown upon his head, and invested him with the Imperial Robes; and that one of his intimate Friends, to whom he discovered this Vision, assured him that it was a certain Presage of that Grandeur to which God would advance him.  
The Bishop who appeared to him, was since known for Meletius Bishop of Antioch. This holy Prelate, by virtue of the last Edict of Gratian, was then returned to his Church, after a banishment of several years. The Confessors of Jesus Christ were seen to pass through the whole Empire, some followed by a Troop of Infidels whom they had converted, others delivered from their Chains, and bearing still upon their Bodies the glorious marks of the Torments which they had endured. They transferred even with honour the Relics of those who died in their Exile.  
The greatest part were received with abundance of Joy by the People, whose Conduct and Protection they came to resume. But as the Emperor, notwithstanding all his Piety, had not Authority enough to make himself obeyed, there were some, who by the Cabals of Heretics, underwent more Misfortunes in this time of Peace, than they had endured in the time of Persecution. Many observing their Sees to be supplied with Arrians, offered to share with them the Government of their Flock, upon condition they would reunite themselves to the Catholic Faith and Communion. Others were even ready to yield up their Dignity entire, in order to establish the Peace and Unity of the Church.  
LXXXII. Amongst so many holy Bishops, it seemed that God had made choice of the most renowned, to give Theodosius the first hopes of the glory to which he designed him. This Presage was suddenly accomplished. For Gratian having learned that the People who inhabited along the Rhine were entered into Gaul, and moreover finding himself as it were encompassed with an inundation of Barbarians, who were dispersed in the Provinces of the East, resolved to associate Theodosius to the Empire. He considered that he must be unable himself alone to oppose so many Enemies; that a Lieutenant discharged him but of a part of his Cares; that it was convenient to have a Colleague, who should have his Wars apart, and should defend the State, as his own proper inheritance; that it would be more for his Reputation and Glory, to give one of his Empires voluntarily, than to retain it with disturbance; and that he was happy in the possession of any thing, whereby to recompense a great merit in the establishment of his own repose.  
LXXXIV. The Friendship and esteem which he had entertained for Theodosius from his Infancy, determined him still more; and the impatience which he had to go and relieve Gaul, where he was educated, pressed him to declare his design. But it was proper to attend the confirmation of the last Victory of Theodosius, to the end that his Rival's might themselves be obliged to approve his Election, after having suffered the confusion which their Calumny deserved.  

Claudian. Pacat. in Paneg.  This choice was so much the more glorious to Theodosius, inasmuch as he had not looked after it. He was even modest enough to refuse this honour, when Gratian offered it to him; and this refusal was attended with so many marks of Moderation and Sincerity, that it was easy to judge it was no vain ceremony, but a real wisdom, which made him regard, as a difficult and hazardous employment, this Dignity, wherein is sought for the most part nothing, but the repose and pleasure of commanding.  
LXXXV. About this time Ausonius was nominated Consul, although absent, and regardless of factions to procure this honour. Gratian, after having advantaged himself by his instructions, lost no occasion of testifying to him his acknowledgement. He raised him to the charge of Questor, and a little after to that of Praefectus Praetorio; at length he declared him Consul, and forgot nothing that he could imagine to be most obliging, and most honourable.  
He gave him for a Colleague Olibrius Gallus, a young man of a very noble and ancient Family: and as people were curious to know which of the two he named first; to favour Ausonius, without offending the other, he answered that he pretended to determine their rank, not by Birth, but Age, and the antiquity of their Praefecture. After that, he dispatched forthwith a Courier to Ausonius, to give him advice of his nomination to the Consulship, 
Auson. in great. act.  and wrote to him in these terms; As I considered some time since to create Consuls for this year, I invoked the assistance of God, as you know I am accustomed to do in every thing I undertake, and as I know it conformable to your desire. I was of opinion, that I was obliged to nominate you first Consul, and that God required of me this acknowledgement for the good instructions I have received from you. I render to you then what is your due; and knowing that one can never acquit himself towards his Father, nor towards his Master, I confess that I still own you what I have endeavoured to render you. To the end that nothing might be wanting to the favour which he had done, he accompanied this Letter with a Present, and sent him a very glorious Robe, wherein was embroidered in Gold the figure of the Emperor Constantius, his Father-in-Law. And Ausonius on his side employed all the force and delicacy of his Genius to make in Verse and Prose, the Panegyriek of his August Benefactor.  
LXXXVI. A few days after this action of Gratian's, those who were sent to the Army arrived, and reported that the defeat of the Goths had been very considerable; that the number of the dead, 
Theod. l. 5. c. 9  and prisoners, and the quantity of spoils went beyond what Theodosius affirmed of them. Then his very Enemies were obliged to commend his valour and modesty, and the Emperor thought it high time to share the Empire with him.  
The End of the First Book.   

The CONTENTS of the SECOND BOOK.  
I. GRatian shares the Empire with Theodosius. II. Theodosius goes to Thessalonica, and receives the Deputations there. III. He undertakes a War against the Goths. iv He sends Modarius to view them. V He surprises them, and defeats them entirely in Thrace. VI He grants them Peace, and returns to Thessalonica, where he learns the Victory of Gratian. VII. He has a design to pull down the Arrains. VIII. The Original and Progress of this Sect▪ IX. Theodosius falls sick, and is baptised by Ascole Bishop of Thessalonica. X. He sets forth an Edict against the Arrians. XI. Maximus the Cynic usurps the Episcopal See of Constantinople; his Crimes, and his Cheats. XII. Theodosius repulses Maximus. XIII. Perfidiousness of the Goths. XIV. The Goths attack the Emperor in his Trenches. XV. Treason of the Goths in the service of the Empire: Retreat of Theodosius. XVI. Theodosius rallies his Army, and receives the assistance of the Gauls. XVII. Consternation of the Goths. XVIII. Different Opinions touching Peace or War. XIX. Theodosius grants the Goths a Peace. XX. Divers Effects produced by the Edict of Theodosius for the Catholic Religion in Constantinople. XXI. Theodosius disbands the Gaulish Troops, and repairs to Constantinople. XXII. Theodosius receives the Civilities of the Arrians; the Catholics murmur at it▪ XXIII. State of Religion in Constantinople. XXIV. Theodosius declares for the Catholics. His Conference with Gregory of Nazianzum. XXV. He order all the Churches of the City to be restored to the Catholics. XXVI. He represses the Arrians, and goes himself to install Gregory of Nazianzum. XXVII. Policy of Theodosius. XXVIII. Difference of Fravitas and Eriulphus. XXIX. Malice of the Historian Zozimus. XXX. Conspiracy of the Arrians against Gregory of Nazianzum. XXXI. Sweetness of Gregory. XXXII. New Edict of Theodosius against the Arrians. XXXIII. Pride of Athanaric King of the Goths; his hatred against Valens, and against the Empire. XXXIV. Fritigern unites himself with the Grotungues, and after several Incursions they chase Athanaric from his Territories. XXXV. Athanatic begs the protection of Theodosius. XXXVI. Theodosius gives Athanaric a Retreat in his Court. XXXVII. Theodosius shows Athanaric Constantinople: Original and Greatness of this City. XXXVIII. Death of Athanaric. XXXIX. Effects of the goodness of Theodosius. XL. Theodosius calls the Council of Constantinople. XLI. He calls the Macedonian Heretics to it. XLII. Number of the Bishops of the Council, and their different Prospects. XLIII. Respect of Theodosius for Miletius Precedent of the Council. XLIV. Election of an Archbishop of Constantinople. XLV. Gregory of Nazianzum is chosen, he refuses this dignity, is obliged to accept of it. XLVI. Points of Faith regulated. XLVII. Rules for Discipline. XLVIII. Synodal Letters addressed to Theodosius. XLIX. Death of Meletius Bishop of Antioch: Honours rendered to him by Theodosius. L. Theodosius Answers to the Bishops, and confirms the Ordinances of the Council. LI. Schism of Antioch; its Original and Progress. LII. It is proposed to choose a Successor to Meletius; Division of the Fathers upon this Subject. LIII. Theodosius calls the Bishops of Egypt and Macedon to the Council. LIV. Protestation against the Election of Gregory of Nazianzum. LV. Gregory resigns his Archbishopric, and goes out of the Assembly. LVI. Gregory demands his Congé of Theodosius. LVII. Last Sermon of Gregory, and his Retreat. LVIII. Theodosius complains of the Contests of the Bishops. LIX. Orders given for the Election of a new Archbishop. LX. The Emperor chooses Nectarius. LXI. Remonstrance of the Bishops to Theodosius. LXII. Ordination of Nectarius. LXIII. Conclusion of the Council: Translation of the Relics of St. Paul, Archbishop of Constantinople. LXIV. Victory of Theodosius over the Huns, Scyrians, and Carpodacks. LXV. King Sapor seeks the friendship of Theodosius. State of the Persian Affairs. LXVI. Famous Embassy of the Persian King to Theodosius. LXVII. Alliance of Theodosius with the King of Persia. LXVIII. Deputation of the Council of Aquileia to Theodosius. LXIX. Theodosius doth not consent to the Convocation of a General Council at Rome. LXX. New Intrigues of Maximus the Cynic. LXXI. Theodosius reassembles the Bishops of the East at Constantinople. They refuse to go to Rome. LXXII. The Goths of Athanaric's Retinue praise the grandeur and goodness of Theodosius. LXXIII. Fritigern seeks the Alliance of Theodosius. LXXIV. New Instances of the Italian Bishops for the Convocation of a Council at Rome.  
THE HISTORY OF THEODOSIUS the Great. BOOK II.  

Anne. 379.  I. THE Army which was then in quarters about Sirmium, had Orders to Rendezvous, and upon the sixteenth day of January, Gratian repaired to it, accompanied with Theodosius, and the other Lords of his 
Socrat. l. 5. c. 2.  Court. He was conducted to the midst of the Camp; the Troops being drawn round him, he exposed to them the deplorable State of the Empire, the misery of the people, the weakness of the Armies, the eruptions of the Germans in Gaul, and the ravages, which so many barbarous Nations had committed in the Eastern Provinces. He represented to them that one single man could not sustain so many Wars at a time, nor remedy so many disorders. That as for him, he preferred 
August de Civit. De●.  the pleasure of having a faithful Colleague before the ambition of Reigning alone; and that in the design of making a choice, which should be advantageous to the S●ate, and agreeable to them, he had cast his Eyes upon Theodosius.  
At this name the Troops interrupted him, and testified their Joy by long applauses. Gratian continued his discourse, and after having made the Encomium of Theodosius, he gave him the Purple 
Aur. Victor in Theod.  and the Crown. Then the Soldiers who had heretofore esteemed him worthy of the Empire, redoubled their acclamation; and the Officers came in multitudes to Salute the new Emperor, who being but of the Age of three and thirty years, and joining to the strength and vigour of his Age, a great experience, and consummated Wisdom, caused them to hope for the entire re-establishment of Affairs.  
Gratian gave him for his Division Thrace, and all the Provinces that Valens had possessed. He 
Sozom. l. 7.  added thereto that Eastern part of Illyrium, whereof Thessalonica was Capital, taking off from the Empire of the West, that Province, which lay exposed to the courses of the Barbarians, and which neither he because of his Remoteness, nor his Brother Valentinian, by reason of his inferior Age, could defend. A few days after this Election, the two Emperors parted. Gratian took the Road of Gaul to go and chase the Germans, who plundered it; and Theodosius marched towards Thessalonica to rendezvous his Army there, in order to renew a war against a formidable multitude of 
Zoz. l. 4.  Alains, Goths, and Huns, who since his last Victory were again entered into Thrace, after having run through Mysia, and Pannonia.  
II. The noise was soon dispersed, that Theodosius was Emperor, and that he advanced with a part of the Western Army, which Gratian had enforced him with. The People, whom the Unhappiness of the last Wars, and Rigour of the late Reign, had extremely cast down, began to breath again. The Troops, which the Enemies had kept close in their Garrisons, took heart, and made Incursions in the Country; and the Officers, who saved themselves from the last defeat, and had got themselves into strong places, were ready to appear at the first order, and to collect the scattered remains of the Roman Legions, in order to conduct them to Theodosius. All the Cities disposed their Deputations; and Constantinople, which Valens had sworn to destroy at his return from the war, was glad to be under the dominion of a Prince, who deserved their love; and was capable to protect them.  
Theodosius in the mean time arrived at Thessalonica; where resorted immediately from all the Provinces of the Empire, those whose Rank or Duty called them to Court, and those who came to render an account of the public Affairs, or to solicit their particular ones. There he began to do all the Functions of a great Emperor, dispersing his Orders every where, receiving Persons of Quality and Merit with Honour, and the rest with Goodness; giving Audiences at every hour, and rendering Justice indifferently to all his Subjects; refusing nothing that he could reasonably grant; adding to his favours an obliging way of doing them, and sweetening refusals by expressions of good will. So they who obtained their demands 
Zoz. l. 4.  were satisfied; and they who could not, returned at least with comfort.  
III. The care he took for the satisfaction and repose of the People, did not hinder him from giving all convenient orders for preparations of war. The Chief Officers were already near his Person, the Infantry came out of their Garrisons, and the whole Army rendezvoused in the beginning of the Spring. Although it was not considerable in number, it was so in courage, and by the confidence it reposed in its Emperor. Theodosius then took the field, and advanced by great Journeys towards Thrace. The Barbarians were divided into several bodies, and without applying themselves to the siege of any place, wherein they never succeeded; they pillaged all the Country without opposition. They were armed after the Roman manner since the defeat of Valens: Fritigern, had taught them to rally, and to observe some Discipline, their Army increased every day with an infinite number of their Companions, whom the noise of Victory, and the hopes of a great Booty drew from all parts. Thus they were formidable. But they had scarce any Captains. Fritigern, whom they had refused to obey, had abandoned them. As soon as they gave themselves to pillage, they no longer observed any order; and this multitude, that came to join them, served but to increase the confusion, and to cause divisions amongst them for the sharing of the Prizes they had made.  
iv Theodosius entered into Thrace: He defeated immediately some Parties of the Enemy, who were separated from the body of the Army; and having learned of the Prisoners the place, where was encamped the greatest part of these Barbarians, he thought he might easily subdue them, if he could surprise them▪ before they were advertised of his March. He commanded Modarius, Prince 
Zoz. l. 4.  of the Blood Royal of the Scythians, who was in the Service of the Emperors, and by his fidelity and valour had deserved the first employments in their Armies, to advance with some Horse in order to observe the Enemy, whilst he marched himself withthe utmost diligence.  
A few days after, Modarius returned, and gave Theodosius notice, that the Enemy was not far off; that they were encamped in Plains, commanded by Ascents, which it would be easy to possess; that their Camp was defended but by one Entrenchment of some Chariots ill placed, which might be forced without any difficulty; that there was a great number of men, but few Soldiers; that in all likelihood they would not quit a Post, where they found all sorts of commodity to subsist on; and in a word not suspicious of any thing, but thinking the Emperor at a great distance from them, they might be oppressed, before they would be in a condition to defend themselves.  
The Emperor was extremely pleased to hear this News, and sent back Modarius with a great Detachment, to seize upon those Posts he should judge necessary, whether to prevent the Goths from being informed, or to fight them with advantage if they were disposed for battle. Pretty near the Camp, and almost in prospect of the Enemy, there was a little Hill which extended a good way, and towards the middle of its brow left a space of land compact, and large enough to lodge a reasonable number of Troops. Modarius in the night conveyed his there, without being discovered. He possessed himself of all the passages, and knowing that the Goths, without fear or caution we●e asleep in the Plain; he expected with impatience the arrival of the Emperor to charge them. At daybreak Theodosius being arrived, viewed himself the place, and forthwith disposed himself for an onset● He commanded the Soldiers to quit their heavy Arms, and to keep nothing but the Sword and Buckler. He gave orders to the Captains to extend the ranks, to leave nothing behind them, and to make the Army appear more numerous. He exhorted them all to fight with courage, without obliging themselves too much to the accustomed forms of warfare, in an affair whose event depended as much upon haste, as upon order.  
V The Goths in the mean time were in great tranquillity; some were just come into the Camp loaded with booty; others were gone to make incursions in the Country, and to gather up the remains of the other days Pillage. Many fatigued with the courses they had made in the Night, were lain down here and there, and the most part buried in Wine, flept in peace, in the midst of the provisions they had heaped up. Their Captains, men of little experience and power, notwithstanding the advice they had received of the appearance of Roman Troops, could not be persuaded that they would come to attack them. Even those that had seen them, took them not for the entire Army, but for a party come out of the adjacent places, who did not deserve to have Arms taken up against them, and who would soon enclose themselves in Garrisons.  
They were in this condition, when they heard the noise of the Trumpets, and cries of the Soldiers, which was the Signal of the onset. Modarius descended from the hill with the Foot which he commanded, enlarging his batallions, as he advanced in the Plain, and marched directly to the head of the Camp. Promotius, one of the Lieutenant-Generals of the Emperor, went to the Left with part of the Horse; and the Emperor with the rest coasting the hill to the Right, approached the Enemies to take them in the Flank. The Goths, who saw this Army pouring down upon them on a sudden, which their consternation made them think innumerable, judged very well that their ruin was inevitable: Their Captains were sensible of their fault, when it was no longer time to repair it; terror and confusion were dispersed through the whole Camp. Some running to their arms, lost their lives before they were in a condition to dispute them: Others to avoid the danger which they saw, met with another which they saw not, and found the enemies employed in every place. The number of those that fled, hindered them from flying. In a few hours all these Barbarians were either killed, or made prisoners. They took their Wives and Children, and four thousand Chariots, which served to carry them in their Marches. Thus all Thrace was once more delivered from the desolation, to which those foreign Nations had reduced it.  
VI The noise of this defeat being spread abroad, the Alains and Goths who plundered the other Provinces, stopped short, and made proposals of Peace. They would have been glad to have revenged the death of their companions; but as 
Sozom. l. 7. c. 4.  they knew the Emperor was coming to them, they submitted to what he pleased, and signed a Treaty, which they designed to observe no longer, than the first occasion they had to infringe it. Theodosius of his side granted them more than they demanded; for he preferred an honest Peace before a glorious War; and did not think it proper to expose the few Troops he had to doubtful fights, against enemies who had overcome the Romans, and suffered themselves not always to be surprised.  
All things being thus regulated, Theodosius visited the places, reinforced the Garrisons, and gave orders for the security and ease of those Provinces, which were almost consumed by War; then he took the Road of Thessalonica, to pass the Winter there, and to provide from thence for the most urgent necessities of the State. The Joy, which these first successes of his Reign gave to him, was still increased by the News of Gratian's being no less fortunate than himself; that having joined to his Troops, those that were commanded by Merobaudes 
Sozam▪ ib. Socrat. l. 5. c. 6. Zoz. l. 4.  King of the French, he had attacked the Germans, conquered them, and chased them out of Gaul; that he had cut in pieces the greatest part, and reduced the rest to shut themselves within their Country, from whence they could not come in haste to trouble the repose of People subject to the Empire. Theodosius rendered thanks to God in a solemn manner for his Victories, and for those of a Prince whose glory affected him, as much as his own.  
VII. As soon as he was discharged of the cares of war, he thought he should be unworthy of the favours, which he had received from Heaven, and the protection which he expected from thence, if he made it not his utmost application to establish the Catholic Faith, whereof he had made profession all his Life. In order thereunto he resolved to pull down the Arrians, which his Predecessors had set up, and which at that time filled the whole East with confusion and disorder. The attempt was difficult, and to succeed therein▪ there was need of much Resolution and Wisdom, as well as an exemplary piety.  
VIII. This Sect arose under the Reign of Constantine the Great, and occasioned against the Church a sort of Persecution, more dangerous than that of the Tyrants, from which it was just freed. Arrius was the Author of it. He was born in that part of Libya, which is adjoining to Egypt; and went to Alexandria in hopes of making himself known there, and to advance himself to the first charges of the Church. As he was ingenious▪ learned, and eloquent, with some appearance of Virtue, the Patriarches of this City thought he might be serviceable to them, and raised him soon to Orders, others to Ecclesiastical Ministry. But they soon observed that it was an unquiet, presumptuous, and untractable Spirit, ready to side with the good or evil Party, according as it suited with his Fortune, or his Pride. In his younger days he threw himself into the Schism of Meletius Bishop of Lycopolis, in the Country of Thebais. He left it, and returned again. At last he reconciled himself with the Patriarch Achillas, and feigned to be his Friend, in order to become his Successor. Then covering his Ambition with the veil of an affected Modesty, winning some by a fawning behaviour, deceiving others by an outward gravity and composedness, whilst he aspired secretly to the Bishopric.  
But his hopes were frustrated. The See came to be vacant, and the merit of Saint Alexander prevailed over the intrigues of Arrius. He was vexed at it; and the envy which possessed him, made him regard him as his Enemy, whom he should have respected as his Father. He resolved to ruin him; and being unable to exclaim against his Life, which was very innocent, and exemplary, he attempted to assail his Doctrine, although it was exceeding pure and wholesome. He accused him, as of a Crime, for sustaining, That Jesu● Christ was equal to his Father, eternal and immutable, as well as he, and had but one Essence: After having reproached him with this Truth, as a Heresy, he proposed himself his own Heresy as a Truth; and began to publish, That the Son of God was but a Creature. That the word had been made out of nothing; that his nature was mutable, and changeable; that he was the Son of God but by Adoption, and that if he was called God, it was not to be understood that he was so by Nature, but only by Participation. As he was learned in the Scriptures, and above all a dexterous Logician, he collected from the sacred books all that might favour his Opinions, and wrapped up the question in so many difficulties, and gave to his Error so much probability, that several went over to his Party. The Patriarch endeavoured to bring him over by his admonitions, his reasons, and his threaten; but finding that these ways of sweetness and exhortation served but to encourage him the more, and give him more opportunity to divulge his impiety, he excommunicated him in a Council ● an Hundred Bishops, whom he had assembled f● that purpofe out of Egypt and Libya.  
This blow astonished him, but not pulled him down. He retired to Palestine, from whence he wrote to the Emperor; he went himself to find him, and in a little time got some Protectors and a great number of Disciples, who fixed themselves to him, some through the sole love of Novelty, others through that false Compassion for a man oppressed, many were gained by his persuasions and caresses. Constantine being informed that the Bishops and People began to separate, and that Synods were assembled of both Parties, was afraid of the consequence of this division. He wrote from Nicomedia, which was at that time the usual residence of the Eastern Emperors, a common letter to St. Alexander and Arrius, to exhort them to reunite themselves, and to agree upon a matter which appeared of little importance for the Faith, and which would disturb the peace of the Church. Osius Bishop of Cordova in Spain, who was by chance near the Emperor, had orders to go into Egypt, to endeavour for an accommodation, and acquitted himself of his Commission with much fidelity, but with little success.  
To reduce this obstinate Sect, and determine the point of Doctrine in dispute, it was necessary to come to an Universal Council, that should establish truth, and condemn the error by a decisive Judgement. Nice, one of the chief Cities of Bithynia, was chosen for the place of this Assembly; the Bishops from all parts of the World were invited thither; they arrived there at the appointed time, to the number of threehundred and eighteen. Constantine himself was there, to be a Witness, and as Mediator of the Peace, and reunion of the Church. Arrius and his Partisans were called; They were heard, convicted, and condemned. The Divinity of Jesus Christ was acknowledged; and to take from the Arians all pretence of disguising their error under ambiguous terms, they were obliged to make use of the word Consubstantial in their Professions of Faith, and to sign the consubstantiality of the word. This expression since this time, was as a certain mark, which distinguished Catholics from those who were not so, or were, but not sincerely; and the Fathers of the Council inserted it in their Creed.  
Arius and the Bishops who protected him, after many difficulties feigned to submit themselves to the decisions of the Council, and to avoid the troubles they were threatened with, publicly abjured their Heresy. But they abandoned not their enterprise, and expected a favourable Season to disperse again abroad the poison, which they had been forced to shut up in their hearts.  
In the mean time they drew to their Party those who might assist them with their Credit, or their Favour. They made their submission to be thought sincere by the Emperor, in order to the more easy abusing of his goodness; and whilst they revered in appearance the Faith of Nice, they sought to ruin by calumnies and false imputations, those who were defenders of it. At length by the applications of Eusebius, Bishops of Nicomedia who was become the chief of their Party, by the credit of the Princess Constantia, the Emperor's Sister, and by reiterated protestations of fidelity and obedience, they came to be considered as Orthodox.  
Arius himself, being brought as it were in triumph by his Friends, to be received in the Communion of the Church at Constantinople, if he had not suddenly departed an unquiet and criminal Life, by a terrible and shameful Death.  
Although these Heretics were for the most part passionate and seditious Spirits, yet they durst not rise, and disturb openly the peace of the Church, as long as Constantine the Great ruled the Empire; for although he had sometimes a little too much easiness, yet he had much zeal for Religion, and as it was not impossible to surprise him, so it was dangerous if he perceived himself to be so. Thus they were obliged to be cautious of this Prince, who might be ignorant of the truth, but who was not able to suffer an injustice. But when they saw themselves fortified by the Authority of Constantius his Son, and Successor, they kept no longer any bounds. They not only published their false Doctrine, but they oppressed even those who had the courage to oppose them. Their insolence extended as far as to chase the most holy Prelates from the first Sees of the East, to proscribe even the Patriarches, and to take away the liberty of 
Athan. ad Sol. p. 831.  Votes in Councils, where the Emperor came in person to be an Accuser of the Saints, and said aloud, that his Will ought to stand for a Rule and Decision in the Church.  
The Reign of Valens was not less favourable to them. They exercised in his name their usual Violences. They obtained Letters of him to the Governors of Provinces to persecute the Catholics. They went even to the farthest part of the deserts of Thebais to chase from thence those solitary persons, who led a life perfectly Celestial. The persecution was bloody, and under a Christian Prince there were almost as many Martyrs, as under Infidel Tyrants. Such were the beginnings and progress of this Heresy.  
IX. Albeit it was not only difficult, but likewise dangerous in a new Reign to assault a powerful Sect, that had been of a long time accustomed to rule; Notwithstanding Theodosius, considering that the first duty of Sovereigns is to make him reign, by whom they reign; and suspecting but with reason the fidelity of those who had revolted against the Church, form a design to bring them over with sweetness, or to repress them with Authority. He went to publish his sirst Edicts at Thessalonica.  

Claudian. de laud. Seren.  The Empress Flaccilla his wife whom he tenderly loved, Thermantia, and Serena his Nieces, whom he had adopted since the death of Honorius his brother, were lately arrived there. Some of his friends were observed every day to come thither, particularly those who had been assistant to him in the time of his disgrace. He had invited them 
Aurel. Victor Theod.  to come from Spain into the East, to the end he might reward them, and raise them to employments. His gratitude increased with his power; and as soon as he was Emperor, he remembered all the services he had received when he was but a private man, and forgot nothing but the injuries which he had suffered.  
The Joy he conceived at the sight of persons who were so dear to him, was soon disturbed; for scarce was he come to Thessalonica, but he fell dangerously ill: He immediately disposed himself 
Socrat. l. 5. c. 6. Sozom. l. 4. c. 7.  to receive Baptism, and to die like a Christian. As he had a great affection for the Orthodox Faith of the Trinity, and was afraid of giving in this occasion any advantage to the Heretics; before he sent for Ascole Bishop of that City, he informed himself of his Manners, and the Faith which he professed. He learned that he was a Prelate of a consummated Virtue; that he had been educated from his Infancy in the Monasteries of Achaia; that upon the reputation of his Sanctity, 
Ambros. Ep. 28. 22.  the people of Macedon had taken him from his Solitude, to make him their Archbishop; that they had ordained him very young, without having regard to the rules of Age; that he had always been inviolably fixed to the doctrine of the Church; that St. Basil had honoured him with his friendship, and that Pope Damasus had a particular An. 379 esteem for him.  
Theodosius was very glad to fall into the hands of so holy a man. He ordered him to be called; and having been farther satisfied by himself, that he professed the Apostolic Faith, confirmed by the Council of Nice; he demanded of him, with respect, the Sacrament of Regeneration. He immediately received it with an exemplary piety, and esteemed himself more glorious in becoming 
August de▪ Civit. Dei.  a member of the Church than in being Master of a part of the World. Then he thought himself obliged to re-establish Religion through t●e whole Empire, and God blessing his intentions, restored him in a few days to a perfect health. He conversed several times with Ascole upon the means of executing his design. He instructed himself in the chief points of the doctrines in contest, of the difference of the new Sects▪ of the Faith, of the Bishops, and the state of the principal Churches of the Eastern Empire.  
X. After having thus examined all things, he thought it prudent to bring Men over gradually, and to begin with Laws, which should make them know his Will, and fear his Justice. Then he published an Edict dated at Thessalonica, whereby he ordered the People of his obedience to follow that Faith which the Church had received of the Apostles, and which was taught by Pope Damasus▪ and Peter of Alexandria, a Prelate of an Apostolical Sanctity, and enjoined them to confess and acknowledge one Divinity, in the Trinity of the Persons of the Father, Son▪ and Holy Ghost; pursuant to the Doctrine of the Gospel, and the ancient Tradition of the Church. He declares afterwards, that only those who should profess this Faith, were to be taken for Catholics; and that those who should reject it, were to be treated as infamous and senseless Heretics, who besides the Punishents they deserved from the Divine Justice, were likewise to expect from him Chastisements, suitable to the enormity of their Crime.  
XI. He addressed this Edict to the People of Constantinople, to the end that it might be forthwith performed in this Imperial City, which was as i● it were the Theatre of Heresy, and from thence might pass with the more expedition, into the other Cities of the Empire. It was about this time that Maximus came to cast himself at the feet of Theodosius, entreating him to maintain him in the See of Constantinople, which he had lately usurped Maximus was of Alexandria, by profession a Cynic Philosopher, of a moderate knowledge, an irregular life, and profound dissimulation. His Parents had brought him up in the Christian Religion, wherein he was notwithstanding but slightly instructed. He had spent part of his Youth in running from City to City, to acquire Wealth or Reputation, and had been every where cried down, where he endeavoured to fix himself; and although he was expertat disguising himself, he could not avoid being surprised in actions, which occasioned his banishment to the Desert of Oasis, where h● remained four years entire. At last seeing himsel without honour, and without recovery, spurred on b● his ambition and his misery, he went to Constantin●ple with the rash design of usurping that See.  
He declared presently, that he was of a Family illustrious by its Nobility, and still more by it● Piety; that his Father was dead for the defence of the Faith; that his Sisters were the example of Christian Virgins in Alexandria. He boasted that he had himself suffered a tedious exile for Jesus Christ, making that the glory of Religion, which had been the punishment of his crimes. The Fable of these pretended Martyrs, supported by so many premeditated circumstances, and some appearances of an affected piety, got him the esteem and friendship of all the Catholics in Constantinople. Although he was dressed after the Cynic mode, which Habit was not becoming a Christian, this outside was even excused him, so much were they possessed of the bottom of his Merit and Virtue.  

Anno 380.  Gregory of Nazianzum had at that time the care of the Church of Constantinople. He had been sent thither about a year before by the Council of An●ioch, according to some, or else had been invited by ●he People and the Bishops of Thrace, he seems to 
Greg. Naz. Carm. de vita sua.  observe himself. He immediately exercised by commission the pastoral Functions in that Church, where he revived the almost extinguished Faith, ●oyning the example of his Life to the force of his Eloquence, and reuniting by his cares the remains of a fold, which the late tempests had dispersed. But the number of Catholics being in a little time notably increased, they chose him for their Pastor. Peter Patriarch of Alexandria, confirmed this Election by his Letters and his Vote; and sent him ●he Marks of his Dignity. Notwithstanding that Gregory had refused to accept this Dignity, alledg●g that he could not be chosen but by a Council, ●ey did not cease to look upon him, as their Archbishop. He himself being touched at the testimonies f their Affection, redoubled their Zeal, and forot nothing that he thought capable to establish ●e Faith▪ and fervency of Religion. The Heretics An. 380 being unable to resist his reasons, made several attempts against his Person, but as he had convinced them by his discourse, so he edified them by his patience.  
He began to enjoy the fruit of his labours, when Maximus was presented to him. Gregory received him not only with civility, but also with respect, as a Confessor of Jesus Christ: he listened to the false history of his life, and judging of another by himself, he believed it. He kept him in his house, let him partake of his Table, and discovered to him his study, and designs; and supposing it was honourable and advantageous to have in a reviving Church a Man, taken for a Martyr, he proposed him for an example, and recited publicly a discourse, which he had made in his commendation.  
This Impostor on his side got more and more into the favours of this holy Prelate, by a dexterous insinuation, by frequent invectives against the Arrians, and by an Air of Piety, which appeared to be sincere. In the mean time he managed his intrigues with privacy. He engaged therein a Priest of Constantinople, to whom the Elevation and Merit of the Archbishop were become insupportable. They turned so well the Spirit of the Patriarch of Alexandria, by the powerful correspondencies they had near his Person, that he entered into the interests of Maximus, whether it was that he had a mind to favour his Countryman, or that he was afraid of giving occasion to the aggrandizing of the See of Constantinople, if he put in a man of extraordinary Reputation, or that he believed the Election, which he had but lately approved of, had not been done according to form.  
It was then by his orders, that seven Bishops were chosen to go and support the Party of this Philosopher, under pretence of conducting the Fleet, which conveyed Corn every year from Egypt to Constantinople: As soon as they were arrived, Maximus encouraged them by his discourse and presents. He won an Ecclesiastic of the Isle of Thasse, who came to buy some Marble for his Church, and borrowed his Money of him to distribute it amongst the Mariners, whom he had resolved to make use of. There remained nothing more, than to take a time for the Ordination. The Egyptian▪ Bishops at their arrival, had refused to communicate with the Arrians, and had united with the Catholics. Gregory had received them in his house, with much civility and respect. As the entrance of the Church was free to them at all hours, they came there one night, when this Prelate was carried sick to a Countryhouse 
Greg. Naz. Carm. d● vita sua.  near the City: They began the ceremony of the consecration of Maximus, in presence of a great number of Mariners, for the most part strangers, who represented the people. But the day having surprised them, and the Clergy running up and down, the whole quarter was stirred up; the people assemble, the Magistrates are called, and Maximus is driven away, with all his accomplices, who saved themselves in disorder in the house of a certain Flute-master, where they concluded their Sacrilegious ordination.  
The indignity of this action. which was matter of horror to the very Heretics, gave occasion to inquire after the life of this Impostor. People began to undeceive themselves of the Martyr he boasted of, and they discovered the crimes which he had the dexterity to conceal till then: which caused him to be shamefully banished from the City.  
XII. This ill success did not astonish him. After having wandered some time in Thrace, he went, accompanied with the Bishops who had consecrated him, to find Theodosius, to prepossess him, if he could, in his favour. But Ascole, to whom Pope Damasus had often sent concerning the affairs of the Church of Constantinople, was already advertized of all that had passed, and had informed the Emperor: Maximus being arrived with his companions, and entreating him to maintain him by his Authority, this Prince replied with indignation, That he was informed of his Cabals; That he hated all those who disturbed the peace of the Church, and hindered the progress of Religion; That he knew how to chastise him and his Partisans, as they deserved, if they had ever the insolence to pursue their attempt. They would have justified themselves, but the Emperor interrupted them, and sent them away, without the trouble of hearing them, or seeing them any more.  
XIII. Whilst Theodosius, who was now in a fair way of Recovery, took so much care for the advancement of Religion, he got his Army together, and prepared to take the Field, as soon as he should have regained his strength. The Goths, upon the information they had received of his sickness by their Deserters, and the Hostages they had of his train, made a mock of the last Treaty. They were so far from leaving the territories of the Empire, as they had promised, that they called in to their assistance some new Troops of Barbarians, and were more sevese in pillaging than before: Those of their Nation, who had entered in great numbers into the Emperor's pay, secretly advised them of their contributing towards an easy passage into the Provinces. Terror was dispersed amongst the people; the Soldiery receiving from the Court but slow, and undetermined orders, could not tell what to resolve on. Thus all things remained as it were immovable, by the indisposition of a Prince, who governed only by himself, and was not at that time in a capacity to act.  
Upon the first noise of this renewing of the War, Couriers were suddenly dispatched to the Emperor Gratian, to give him advice of the danger wherein Theodosius was; and to solicit him to send with expedition a considerable relief towards Macedon. Some Officers of the Army, with what Troops they could assemble, in the mean time opposed the enemies, and disputed the passes with them. But the number of these Barbarians increasing continually, they made themselves masters every where. As soon as they had received the succours they expected, they plundered the frontiers, and threw themselves into Thessaly and Macedon. Theodosius made his Army march that way, and went there himself, as soon as his health would permit him. After he had sent to view the enemies, notwithstanding he was so inferior in number, he advanced with a design to fight them; but he was prevented, and whatsoever cautions he had taken, he saw himself on a sudden betrayed by the Goths, whom he had retained in his service.  
This Prince, after the conclusion of the Treaty of the preceding year, considering the weakness of the Empire at that time, and judging that he could not improve it without the assistance of those very people, who had occasioned its decay, made it to be proclaimed in their Camps, that he desired to live with them in good intelligence, and that he would receive all those who would come into his Armies. These Barbarians came in multitudes to enrol themselves in the service of the Romans, and had obliged themselves before by execrable Oaths to take all occasions of doing them harm, in making an appearance of serving them. Theodosius thought he had engaged them to him by caresses and liberalities: notwithstanding being afraid lest their number should prevail, which already exceeded that of his own Troops, he made several detachments of them. He sent a party into Egypt, under the conduct of Hormisaas, a Persian by Original, Son of a Captain of that name, who assisted in the War of Julian against the Persians. He destributed the rest in places, where 
Zoz. l. 4.  there was a Roman Garrison, with orders to the Governors to observe them. The War being come unlooked for, those who seemed to be most faithful, were made choice of, and composed a Body to serve in the Field. These being resolved to accomplish their Oath, and becoming more affectionate to their Countrymen, as they approached them, gave them information of all that passed in the Emperor's Army, and promised to join with them, if they would come to assault him by night in his Camp.  
XIV. The Goths, upon this advice, prepared themselves for battle, and began to march. Theodosius on his side being advertized of their design, entrenched himself, put his men in order of battle, visited the quarters, particularly that of the strangers, whom he found more gay and pleasant than the rest, and more disposed in appearance to defend themselves well; and after having kindled fires throughout the Camp, and given all necessary orders, he attended the Enemy. The Night advanced, and the Barbarians taking the advantage of their number, and dividing themselves into several bodies, whereof each was almost equal to the whole Army of the Emperor, extended themselves in the Plain in tolerable order, and came with fearful cries to thunder upon all sides almost at the same time; but they found every where more resistance than they had imagined, and were repulsed with great lo●s of theirs. The strength of the attack fell upon the Emperor's Quarter, which they knew either by the signal that the Traitors had given them, or by the great number of fires, which they themselves had observed. They hoped to overwhelm this Prince, or at least to hold him employed there, whilst they laid a snare for him on another side. They gave several charges, but they lost so many men, that they were at length disheartened.  
XV. Theodosius saw things in this condition, when there arose a great noise towards the Quarter of the Strangers, which made him apprehend some disorder. He learned at the same time, that the Goths of his Army had joined the Enemies, and that he would be enclosed, if he was not cautious of himself. He detached immediately some Squadrons to seize upon certain Posts, which might secure his retreat; and as he knew that a party of the Legions were at handy blows with these Rebels, he ordered his Cavalry to advance in haste, which sell upon them so briskly and so opportunely, and withal made so great a slaughter of them, that there remained but few, who received no Recompense for their Rebellion. Those that supported them, had well nigh the same Fortune. But at length the Romans could not make such great efforts without much loss; and the Goths, whose number continually increased, had forced the Trenches in several places. Theodosius, before he came to be overwhelmed by the multitude, rallied his weakened Troops, who began for the most part to give way. He charged himself with the care of making his Retreat, amusing the Enemies by detachments made on purpose, turning head from time to time to assault those who pursued him in disorder, till he had gained the advanced Posts, which his men were possessed of, and had secured the remains of his Army.  
This battle might have proved entirely fatal to the Empire, if the Goths had known how to reap the advantage of their Victory; but they disbanded themselves immediately. Those who had fought least, were the sirst that run to plunder; and those who pursued the Enemy, were afraid of losing their part of the booty, and returned speedily to the Camp. Thus a retreat was made without much difficulty. Thessaly and Macedon in the mean time remained exposed to the insults and pillages of these Barbarians, who ravaged the Country, and left the City's undisturbed, because the Emperor had thrown some Troops therein, and they were in hopes of drawing from thence considerable contributions. After they had ruined all this Country, as if their Avarice and Revenge had been satisfied, they began to lament so many brave Soldiers, whom they had lost in battle, and their Victory appeared to them not so great as before. They found themselves in small number; and thought the Emperor was every hour at their backs to assault them.  
XVI. In the mean while Theodosius, who was retired towards Thessalonica, form a body of Troops sufficient to oppose their progress. He had received in his way some Recruits. A Party of the Legions of Egypt, which he had sent for, came to join him, and he was in a condition to take the field again in a few days, when Rusticus arrived from the Western Provinces, to satisfy him of the concernment of Gratian, and his whole Court for his indisposition, and their joy for his recovery. The Journey of this Officer had been tedious, because he had passed through Italy, and stopped at Rome to receive Baptism. There he had received new orders, and came with Letters from Pope Damasus, and the Emperor Gratian. The first wrote to Theodosius, to thank him for the protection he gave the Catholics, and to beg of him to establish in the Church of Constantinople an Orthodox Bishop, with whom might be preserved Peace and Communion. The second gave him advice, that he sent him a considerable assistance; that he would have conducted them himself, if the affairs of the Empire would have suffered him; but that he had picked out his choicest Troops, and his best Captains to command them; that they were upon March, and had orders to repair with speed to the confines of the two Empires, where they might know the course they were to take.  
Theodosius was wonderfully pleased to learn this news; and a little while after, he was informed, that the Auxiliary Troops were arrived upon the Frontiers of Illyrium. Baudon and Arbogastes, Frenchmen by birth, Captains of great Reputation, very affectionate to the Romans, and very skilful in the profession of War, who were the chief of this expedition, sent two of their principal Officers to Court, to know what they were to do. The Emperor dispatched to them forthwith Persons of credit and intelligence, to acquaint them with the posture of affairs, and to get them to approach towards Macedon, where he was resolved to come and join them. Upon which these two Generals advanced by great journeys, and happily fell upon some Parties of the Enemy, whom they cut in pieces. Theodosius at the same time began his March.  
XVII. Then there arose a consternation in the Army of the Barbarians, who believed that they were going to be overwhelmed, and that all the Forces of the East and West were united in order to fall upon them. The presence of the Emperor, the approach of two great Captains, the defeat of some of their Party, all astonished them. They assembled together, and fearing to be surprised in Thessaly, and Macedon, where two Armies came to thunder upon them, they fled into Thrace. But being unable to subsist there by reason of the destruction they had made the preceding years, and not questioning but they should be pursued, they sent Deputies to Theodosius, humbly to sue for Peace.  
XVIII. Albeit they were as yet in a state of fight, they consented to be treated as if subdued; and offered to retire into their own Country, or to serve the Empire; promising to accomplish faithfully all the conditions that should be laid upon them. The affair was put under deliberation. Baudon and Arbogastes, who were near the Emperor, advised the extirpation of these Barbarians, and represented to him that they were irreconcilable Enemies to the Empire; that they sued for Peace, only when they were uncapable of making War; that the Danube was a Barrier, which they had accustomed themselves to leap over; that their past infidelity ought to serve as a caution for the future, and that it was for his repose, and that of the State, to destroy a Nation always disturbing to the Emperors, whether in serving them, or making war against them.  
Others sustained on the contrary, that it was better to prefer a certain Peace before an uncertain Victory; that it was not humane to reject the submissions of the Enemy, nor safe to expose themselves to their despair; that they would be more quiet on the other side of the Danube, when they should be forced to repass it; that it was not Policy in the present Conjunctures to neglect the service of this Nation, and that it would be an easy matter to be cautious of their Treasons. In a word, that the Empire was a Body grown feeble by the long Wars, and could not possibly recover itself, but by Intervals of Peace.  
XIX. Theodosius praised the resolution of the first, and followed the counsel of the second. He granted the Barbarians a Peace. The Conditions were, that they should lay down their Arms, and swear never to resume them up against the Empire; that they should send the Chief of their Captains in Hostage; that they should immediately leave the Provinces of the Empire, whose Frontiers they should defend against other People; that they should furnish out a certain number of chosen Troops, to be distributed into all the Bodies of the Roman Army; and that the Emperor should also protect them, and look upon them as his Friends, and his Allies. The Goths accepted these Conditions, and began to execute the Treaty in reality.  
XX. In the mean time, the Ordinance of Theodosius in favour of the Catholic Faith, had been published in Constantinople, where it had produced very different effects. Those who professed the Faith of Nice, took courage, and united themselves▪ more strictly with Gregory of Nazianzum, whom they regarded as their Pastor. They run in greater throngs to his Sermons, and urged him often to make use of the Authority of the Prince, and to demand of the Arrians, the Churches which they had usurped: But as the Edict did not expressly bear this restitution, and that it was not yet time to touch that Point, the Saint moderated their Zeal, and exhorted them to attend the Emperor's conclusion of what he had begun.  
The greatest part of the Officers and Magistrates of the City, who favoured the Heretics before, were of opinion that they ought to accommodate themselves to the time, and respect the Religion of the Prince. But the Arrians proclaimed their resentments in every Encounter. The news of the Baptism of Theodosius had much alarmed them. They gloried in the honour of baptising the Emperors of the East till now; and as i● it had been a right of Prescription for the time to come, they complained that Ascole had administered this Sacrament to Theodosius, which Eusebius of Nicomedia had administered to Constantine the Great, Euzoïus of Antioch to Constantius, and Endoxius of Constantinople to Valens. They well foresaw the consequences of this Action.  
But afterwards when they heard published a Law, which disgraced them and condemned them, they were like furious persons; they complained highly that they were dishonoured without a cause, and fell upon Gregory of Nazianzum, who without making use of the advantages of the time, and the protection of the Prince, opposed to their Violences nothing but Remonstrances and Prayers. They proceeded to that excess of fury, that they massacred at Noonday a reverend old Man, who was just returned from Exile, where he had been sent under the Reign of Valens for the defence of the Faith. After which they observed no Bounds, abusing the Catholics, to deprive them of all hopes of being restored, and rising up against the Magistrates, to terrify the Emperor; and to make him fear a general Revolt, if he undertook to ruin a Party which his Predecessors had so firmly established.  
XXI. Theodosius was informed of these disorders, and wisely dissembled, till he was in a condition to rectify them. He pressed the Barbarians to execute the Treaty, and to repass the Danube, which they performed in a little time. Then he disbanded the Auxiliaries, after having distributed Rewards to the Officers and Soldiers, as if they had fought. He gave so many marks of esteem and good will to the two Generals, that they returned with the sole regret of not finding an opportunity to expose their lives 〈◊〉 ●im. At the same time he sent an Embassy 〈◊〉 ●he Emperor Gratian, to give him an account of the affairs of the East, and to render him thanks for the cares he had taken towards his assistance in this War, and to help him to preserve that Empire, which he had so generously given him.  
All things being thus composed, this Prince gave orders for the fortifying of the Frontier places, gave Quarters of refreshment to his Army, wherein he incorporated those chosen Troops, which the Goths had furnished him with; and after he had secured the adjacent Provinces from the insults of the Enemy, he took the Road of Constantinople. As he foresaw he should have to do with obstinate, and seditious Spirits, he thought it proper to march with a part of his Troops, and upon the twenty fourth day of November he was received in 
Idat. Marcell. Com. in Chron. Chron. Sozom. l. 5. Sozom. l. 4.  his Imperial City, where they had prepared for him not only a Magnificent entrance, as for a new Emperor, but also a Triumph, as Conqueror of the Barbarians, Some days passed in the reception of the different bodies of the City, who came to salute him, and in giving those pressing orders, which are necessary in all new establishments.  
XXII. As the affair of Religion was the most considerable, and aught perhaps to be regulated one of the first, it was expected what the Success would be. The two Parties, as it happens for the most part in divisions, observing all the motions of the Prince, to draw from thence conjectures upon their Interests. The Arrians seeing him appear with so much grandeur, whose Laws they had despised, expected to be used as they deserved. Although they were afraid to come near him, yet they could not dispense themselves from▪ going to see him, because they composed the Body of the Clergy, and besides it was of importance to them to discover what was suspected to have been resolved against them. The Emperor received them with honour, and without being willing to enter into any discussion of Religion, answered to their Civilities, as he had done to those of others.  
The Catholics, who were desirous to see them humbled, were offended at the good entertainment they had received. Although they were assured of the good intentions of Theodosius, they questioned his having the force to execute them. They affirmed openly, that he had made no distinction 
Greg. Naz: Carm. de vita sua.  between Catholics and Arrians; that he encouraged the Heretics in sparing them; that the present mischiefs of the Church could not be cured, but by violent applications; that it was strange, that wicked Emperors should be so fervent in maintaining Impiety, and that the good should be so slow and circumspect in keeping up the truth. 
Greg. Naz. ibid.  Gregory of Nazianzum himself complained of this conduct; but he was convinced at length that this Prince managed himself very prudently, because in matter of Faith, sweetness and complaisance is the most effectual means to bring over the minds of People, and that the business of Religion is to persuade, and not to command.  
XXIII. Theodosius, without seeming much concerned at these Controversies, stayed for a convenient time to execute his design. He judged that to re-establish the Orthodox Faith, it was most proper to begin with Constantinople, which was the common place of the East and West and as it were the Centre, where the extremities of the world reunite, and from whence the Faith would afterwards easily communicate itself to all the parts of the Empire. But the Enterprise was not without difficulty. This City had been founded by a Catholic Emperor, and instructed in the Faith by two of the holy Bishops of that Age. It had not long enjoyed the fruits of the Peace, which that Prince had there maintained, nor of the instructions which those Prelates had given there. The Emperors being turned Arrians at the solicitation of their Pastors who were already so, and the temporal Authority uniting with the spiritual for the destroying of the Faith, there happened in a little time a wonderful Revolution. The Clergy followed the Doctrine of the Archbishops, the Court framing itself to the Religion of the Prince, and the People was drawn by the example of both. Those who persisted in the ancient Faith were contented to bewail in private, or else were dispersed by the Persecutions.  
During these Troubles, divers Sects were established in this Capital of the Empire, where every Novelty found always Partisans. The Macedonians there made a Body, and a separate Communion. The Apollinarists held their Assemblies 
Socrat. l. 5. c. 8. Greg. Naz. Orat. 44. Sozom. l. 4. c. 25. Ruffin. l. 1. c. 23.  there in peace▪ The Novatians had public Churches there. The Catholics alone had neither the means nor liberty to assemble. They made from time to time some endeavours to raise themselves, but they were immediately oppressed. This oppression had continued for the space of 40 years, whe● Gregory of Nazianzum was sent thither. As ●e 
Greg. carm. l. p. 511.  was under the protection of Theodosius, whose Rescript he carried, they durst not persecute him▪ but not being able to obtain a Church for him and his, he made in the house of Nicobulus, hi● Kinsman, and his Friend, a Chapel which he called the Anastasy, or Resurrection, because 'twas there the Catholic Faith, which was as it were 
Orat. 26.  dead in Constantinople, had happily begun to revive.  
The cares and labours of this Apostolical Man had pretty well succeeded, and the number of the Faithful was considerably increased; but yet compared to the Arrians, they made but a small Body, and all the Church they had was the Anastasy. Demophilis, who had heretofore signalised himself by the persecution which he had made to Pope Liberius, and by the zeal which he testified for the Party; had been translated from the See of Ber●haea, to that of Constantinople. Valens had established him therein, and for about ten years he had governed this Church, encouraging his People to the defence of Heresy; and making the hatred he shown for the Catholics, to be a point of godliness.  
XXIV. Theodosius, after he had sedulously instructed himself in all these things, judged it high time to make himself appear. He went in Ceremony, accompanied with all his Court, to the Anastasy, where all the Catholics being assembled, received him with extraordinary Joy and Acclamations. Gregory advancing to salute him, the 
Greg. Naz. Carm. de vita sua.  Emperor embraced him with much tenderness, and publicly commended his Piety, his Prudence, and his indefatigable Zeal for the re-establishment of Religion; then turning towards the People, he exhorted them to persist in the Faith, and assured them of his protection. He assisted at the Celebration of the Divine Mysteries; and when they were concluded, he had a pretty long Conference with the Bishop. He discovered to him the design he had to use his Authority against the Arrians, and to restore the Catholics to their ancient Rights.  
This Saint reports, that he spoke to him in these terms, or to the like effect: God makes use of us, my Father, to establish you in this Church. 'Tis a Reward that is due to your Virtue, and your Labours. The whole City is disordered, and pretends either to contradict 
Greg. Naz. ibid.  my Orders, or to make me consent to leave it in its possession. But nothing aught to discourage a Prince that sustains so pious a Cause. The undertaking appears impossible to many, till such time as I shall have performed it. I go to work with the assistance of Heaven. I cannot make a better use of my power, than to employ it in the service of God, from whom I hold it, nor do any thing of greater advantage for one of the principal Churches of the world, than to prefer to it such a Pastor as you.  
Gregory replied to the Emperor, That the resolution which he had taken to maintain Religion, was worthy of him; that all good Men had expected to be happy under his Reign; that he was unquestionably designed to repair the faults of his Predecessors; that God would bless his Intentions, since he had none but just ones; and that after having fixed the Empire in peace, there remained no more than to fix the Church likewise therein.  
As to the honour Theodosius would do him, he returned him thanks in terms full of acknowledgement and humility, representing to him, That he demanded no other recompense for his services, if he had been happy enough to render any to the Church, than to be sent back to his solitude of Arianze, from whence he had been drawn; that he was not fit for the society of the Grandees of the Age; that whatsoever affection he entertained for his Flock, he would from henceforth abandon it without trouble, since he left it under the protection of so pious an Emperor; that he entreated so much the more instantly the permission of retiring, 
Socrat. l. 5, 6, 7.  because he was regarded by some as a stranger, who came to seize upon the Episcopal See of Constantinople. But notwithstanding all his Reasons, he could not obtain his Congé, and was not so much as heard upon this Point.  
XXV. Theodosius being returned to his Palace, and knowing the perplexity wherein the Arrians were, sent the same day to demand of Demophilus their Bishop, if he would embrace the Faith of 
Socrat. ib. Sozom. l. 7. c. 4.  Nice, and reunite the People in one Body. This Heretic answered, that he could not change his opinion, nor consent to an accommodation. Then the Prince commanded him, that since he refused to side with the truth, and that he persisted in his inclination to harbour a division in the Metropolis of the Empire, to abandon without delay all the Churches of the City, and to restore them to the Catholics, as they had enjoyed them under the Reign of Constantine the Great. Demophilus astonished at a Command so rough, and unexpected, was some time uncapable of speaking; and returned at last no other Answer, than that he would acquaint the People with the Emperor's pleasure.  
In the mean time he was thinking how to elude this Order, either by artificial Requests, or by affected delays, or else by an open Rebellion. But having considered the difficulty of resisting Power, and imposing upon an enlightened Prince, that was resolved not to relax upon this Point, he assembled the People in the Church, and rising up in the midst of them, exposed to them the Command he had received. After which he said to them, that being unwilling to subscribe to the decisions of the Council of Nice, and unable to oppose the Authority of the Emperor, he was reduced to follow 
Matth. 10.  this Precept of the Gospel, When they shall persecute you in one City, fly into another; that thus yielding to necessity, he would hold his Assembly the next day without the City. He departed in effect the same day with Lucius the false Patriarch of Alexandria, who had retired to his house for some time.  
XXVI. The Heretics were so affected at the words of Demophilus, that they put the whole City in emotion. Some taking up Arms ran to the Churches in order to seize upon them; others went in a tumult to the gate of the Palace, to implore the Emperor's mercy; some of them invested the Anastacy, and threatened to revenge the retreat of their associates upon the Bishop of the Catholics. The places and the streets were full of women, children, and old men bathed in tears. There 
Greg. Naz. Carm. devi●a sua.  was heard from all parts nothing but cries, and lamentations; and there was seen in Constantinople the image of a City taken by assault. Theodosius, who foresaw this disorder, had sent Soldiers in the principal Quarters, to disperse the Mutineers that assembled there, and particularly to possess themselves of the Cathedral Church, and to seize upon all the Avenues.  
There remained nothing more, but to install Gregory of Nazianzum, and he would be present at this action. He went to take him in the Anastacy, and carried him himself, as it were in triumph, in the midst of his Guards to the Church, where a thanksgiving was solemnly rendered to God. The prayers being ended▪ the greatest part of the People lifting up their Voices, wished a thousand blessings to the Emperor, and entreated him, as a compliment of favours, to give them Gregory for their Bishop. The Saint suffering impatiently the heat, which transported them, and being unable to make himself heard by reason of his weakness, prayed him that was seated near him, to speak to them from him, that they should cease to cry so; that they were assembled to adore the Trinity, and not to choose a Bishop; and that upon a day so happy as that, their only business was to praise and glorify God.  
The People received this correction with respect, and testified by their applauses how much they were affected with the modesty of this Prelate. The Emperor himself gave him great commendations, and put him in possession not only of the Churches, but also of the Episcopal House, and all the Ecclesiastical Revenues. Thus this grand affair was determined, by the cares and resolution of Theodosius. As he had very expressly 
Greg. Naz. ib.  commanded the Officers of his Troops to hinder Sedition without committing any Violence; all this tumult was appeased with so much order, that, there was but one single Sword drawn against some of the most zealous Arrians. It was an extreme joy to the Emperor, to have dispossessed the Heretics, without the price of any of their blood, of those Churches which they had procured by the death of so many venerable Persons.  
Whilst he thus weakened in the East the Arrians Party, he learned with pleasure, that the Empress Justine, Mother of the young Valentinian, vainly endeavoured to establish them at Milan; that the See of Sirmium being vacant, she had made a Journey thither on purpose to install a Bishop of her Sect; but that Saint Ambrose, whose place it was to preside at this Election, had diverted the stroke; that Gratian being importuned by the solicitations of this Princess, had granted her a Church of the Catholics, but that after having known the consequence of the gift he had made, he restored it to St. Ambrose, in whose right alone was the disposal of it, and that there was reason to hope, that this Heresy would lose much of its Credit and Pride.  
XXVII. After that▪ Theodosius had so happily executed what he undertook for the re-establishment of Religion he carefully applied himself to the affairs of the Empire. He began by regulations of the Soldiery. He created several Lieutenant 
Zoz. l. 4.  Generals, to whom he allowed great Pensions; he augmented the number of the Officers in Companies, knowing that there is nothing of more force to Armies, and contributes more to discipline. He made great presents to the Captains of the Barbarians who had served him, and forgot nothing that might win them to his service, giving to some employments which fixed them near his Person, marrying others of them into the richest Families of Court or City, and disengaging them thus from the Interest of their Country.  
This Policy preserved him from the Ambuscades, which Eriulphus and Fravitas, two of the chief Captains of the Goths, prepared for him. Whether they had been chosen for Hostages, or had commanded that body of Troops which their Nation provided, or else had voluntarily enrolled themselves in the Emperor's service, they were come with a design to take their opportunity, and encourage their men to a revolt. The Emperor retained them in his Court, and loaded them with Riches and Honours. Fravitas becoming amorous of a Roman Lady, he made her espouse him, and 
Eynap. Legat. Zoz. l. 4.  engaged him so well to the Empire's Party by this marriage, and by his favours, that he since served with an exact fidelity in all its Wars, and deserved at length to be advanced to the Consulship under the reign of Arcadius.  
XXVIII. This Captain forgetting his former resolutions, and applying himself by gratitude to the service of Theodosius, endeavoured to win over Eriulphus, and represented to him several times that it was for his Interest and Honour to give himself up entirely to a Prince, of whom he had received so many Favours, and might still expect more. But Eriulphus, who had conceived an irreconcilable hatred against the Emperor, persisted always in his design, and defended himself upon what he was obliged by Oath. There arose betwixt them upon this occasion a great controversy, which remained a long time concealed. Fravitas, hoping that Eriulphus would render himself at length, and judging that it was not safe to defer it; moreover seeing that he was not in a condition yet to do any harm, was contented to observe him, in order to break his measures.  
But the affair broke out all of a sudden; for one day having been invited to one of those entertainments, 
Aurel. Victor. Theod.  more decent than sumptuous, which the Emperor made from time to time for his Courtiers, the Wine made a discovery of what had passed. They both grew hot, and mutually reproached one another with perfidiousness. The respect of the Prince was an obstacle to their further proceeding. But Eriulphus going out to animate his men, Fravitas pursued him forthwith in order to prevent him, and having joined him pretty near the Palace, passed his Sword through his body, and killed him. It was not difficult for him to prove the ill intentions of the dead, because he knew his accomplices; and he since justified his fidelity through the whole conduct of his life.  
Theodosius was no less careful to regulate the government of the Empire. He made choice of qualified persons for the Magistrates; and recommended to them Probity and Justice; he made Laws, and made them to be observed. He resolved to abolish Paganism, as much as Prudence would permit him, not by persecutions, but by deprivations of favours, excluding those from Dignities, who made profession thereof; and punishing severely what they attempted against Religion, and the State.  
XXIX. The Historian Zozimus takes an occasion from hence to cry down his Government, accusing him of having minded his pleasures more than the necessities of the people; of having kept a Table of too much delicacy and magnificence, and too great a number of Officers to serve him; of suffering himself to be governed by his Favourites 
●oz. l. 4.  in the distribution of Charges; of having sold the Offices, and raised new Subsidies to maintain his indiscreet diversions and liberalities, which had been without doubt worthy of blame.  
But besides the suspicion one ought to have of an Historian that is visibly interessed, who supports what he affirms by no particular action, it would be unjust to prefer the testimony of one single man, before that of many Ecclesiastical and Pagan Authors, who have praised the Continence, Frugality and Moderation of this Emperor, altho' the one had not reason to conceal his faults, and the others were not used to flatter him. His inclination for Peace, his zeal for the Christian Religion, the deference he had for the Bishops, and the necessity wherein he undoubtedly found himself to raise some Imposts in the beginning of his Reign in order to carry on the War against the Barbarians, might serve as a foundation for what this Author has observed. But it is time to resume the course of the History.  
XXX. The Arrians had been shaken by the loss which they had sustained of their Churches, but they were not yet pulled down. Demophilus remained about Constantinople, and those of his Sect acknowledged him still for Bishop of that Imperial City, and went to confer with him, and to confirm themselves in their error. Some of them, who imputed the whole cause of their disgrace to the hatred which Gregory of Nazianzum bore to them, were resolved to get rid of him. They gained a young Man of a seditious and undertaking temper, who agreed to murder him in his Episcopal house. It was not hard to get near him at a time when People came in multitudes to congratulate him upon the happy success of the affairs of Religion. This Murderer having mixed himself in a crowd of Citizens, was introduced with them into the Chamber of this Prelate, where his indisposition and weariness retained him in Bed. The Company rejoiced with him for the new acquisition of the Churches, and after a thousand testimonies of affection and respect, retired, praising God aloud for having given them so wise and virtuous a Pastor.  
XXXI. The Assassin remained alone, and being terrified of a sudden with the image of that Crime he was upon the point to execute, and pressed with the remorse of his Conscience, he cast himself at the feet of Gregory to implore his mercy. Fear had put him to such a stand, that he continued in that posture without saying a single word. The Saint being surprised at so unexpected a sight, leaned on one side to raise him up, and asked him several times who he was, and what he desired of him: but having received for answer nothing but a few inarticulate words, and abrupt cries and sighs, he was moved to compassion, and began to cry with him. His Domestics run at the noise, and being unable to oblige this Wretch 
Greg. Niz. ●●●m. de 〈◊〉 ●u●.  to go from thence, carried him by force into the Antichamber, where being come to himself a little, he confessed the design he had, lifting up his hands to Heaven, and showing all the marks of a profound grief. They brought him before the Archbishop, to whom one of them came to tell him in a Consternation, Learn, my Lord, the danger you have incurred. This young Man, whom you behold, is an Assassin, who came with an intention to murder you. God has moved him, he has confessed his Crime, and the Tears which he sheds before you, is an Argument of his hearty Repentance. Gregory made the Murderer approach, and embracing him with much tenderness, God preserve you, my Son, said he to him; since he has saved my life to day, it is but just that I should save yours also. All the satisfaction I demand of you is, that you would renounce your heresy, and think upon your salvation. This Action was admired by his very Enemies. He would never make use of his credit with the Emperor against them, but for what related to the Church in general.  
XXXII. Although he had hindered the search after An. 381 the Authors and Accomplices of this Conspiracy against him, Theodosius knowing the malice of these Heretics, resolved to curb them with new Ordinances. He made an Edict which forbidden all his Subjects to give any Retreat to the Heretics, in order to the celebration of their Mysteries; nor to suffer them to hold their Assemblies in public, 
Leg. 6. de h●ret. Cod. Theod.  lest their permission to exercise their false Religion, should cause them to persist obstinately therein. He annulled all Edicts of a contrary nature▪ which might have been obtained by surprise. He ordained that through his whole Empire, according to the Faith of the holy Council of Nice, there should be acknowledged one indivisible substance in the Trinity; that they should abhor the Photinians, Arrians, Eunomians, and such like Monsters, whose Names ought not even to be known; that they should abandon all the Churches, and put them immediately into the hands of the Catholic Bishops; and that if they made the least difficulty of obeying, they should▪ be expelled the Cities, and treated as Rebels. This Edict was published at Constantinople upon the 10th day of January, and 
Theodor. l. l. 5. c. 22▪  Sapor had Orders to go and see it performed in the Provinces.  
XXXIII. Theodosius laboured thus to tame the Pride of the Enemies of Religion, when by an unlooked for Revolution he saw at his Feet one of the most formidable Enemies of the Empire. Athanaric King of the Ostrogoths sent to obtain his protection, and a retreat into his Dominions. He was a Prince of a fierce temper, brought up in Arms from his Infancy, who had been often chafed out of his Territories, and had immediately subdued others. He had joined himself with Procopius, in order to divest Valens of his Crown. He sustained against him a terrible War for three years, and▪ obliged him to purchase a Peace. When they came to conclude and sign the Treaty, he refused to pass the Danube, saying, That he had made an Oath never to set foot upon the Roman Ground, till 
Ammian. l. 27.  he had conquered it. Notwithstanding all that was represented to him concerning the Grandeur and Majesty of the Empire, he would have no interview, unlefs the Emperor treated him as an Equal, and came as far as he upon a Bridge of Boats▪ which was to be made upon the River for that purpose.  
Valens, whom other pressing Affairs called another way, underwent this hard condition; but he lost no occasion after that to be revenged upon Athanaric, assisting those who were at War with him, and refusing him all manner of Relief. The inundation of the Huns being come, this King, who was one of the first oppressed, yet would not have recourse to the Emperor in this extremity with the rest, whether he persisted in his design to have no Correspondence with the Emperor, or that he assured himself of being refused. He betook himself to the quarters of the Sarmats and Taifals, where he fixed himself with a Party of his Subjects by force of Arms. He remained there peaceably without being willing to enter into the Wars of his Nation, because he was not as yet well settled in the Country, and could not agree with King Fritigern, who commanded the Visigoths, and the confederate Barbarians▪  
XXXIV. He had learned with joy the death of Valens; and the Reputation of Theodosius had begun to render him less incensed against the Romans, when of a sudden he fell into a misfortune, which he could not recover. After the defeat of Valens, the Barbarians, who were no longer to be retained under any fear, lived without order, and without discipline. As it was a difficult matter to rule under the same Laws this heap of so many different People, Fritigern on one side assembled a part of his Goths; Alatheus and Safrax on the other rallied their Grotungues, and uniting their Affections and Interests, after having made a prodigious Booty, they detached themselves from the multitude, and marched towards the West. Vitalian, who had been sent to command in Illyrium, had not the courage to fight them. They posted themselves between the Rhine and the Danube, and after having forced all that opposed their passage, they advanced towards the Rhine, and made Incursions as far as Gaul.  

Zoz. ibid.  Gratian was disturbed at it; and to remove from him such dangerous Enemies, he offered to them some Lands in Pannonia, and the Upper Mysia, if they would retire there. They took it some time into consideration, and judging that from thence they might make a greater Progress upon one or t▪ other Empire, they accepted the Condition. They passed the Danube with a design to establish themselves in Pannonia, then to enter into Epirus, and to make themselves Masters of Greece. In this thought they collected vast Provisions, and to leave behind them no Prince that might afford them any suspicion, they fell upon Athanaric, because he refused to join them, and caused a jealousy upon the account of their ancient enmities. They won part of his Subjects, terrified the rest, and chased the King himself out of his Dominions.  
XXXV. This Prince reduced to this extremity had recourse to Theodosius, whose generosity was not unknown to him. He sent to him immediately one of his Captains to desire his Protection, and to tell him, That altho' he had not deserved this Favour, he had been informed that to be unhappy sufficed to obtain a favourable reception from him; that it would not be less honourable for him to have assisted the Goths upon occasion, than to have conquered them; that it concerned those who were Masters of the World, not to suffer the Prerogatives of Royalty to be infringed; that those who had chased him from his Dominions, had other designs than that of oppressing such a King as he; that he had rejected the counsels of those stirring spirits, to whom he was become odious, by this only consideration, that he might be an Obstacle to their Pretensions, and so he was become unfortunate, because time had made him wise; that indeed, through Pride, or Prevention, he had been formerly averse to the Empire, but that he could not be so, when he saw it governed by an Emperor as just as he is powerful; that he had entertained the boldness of pretending to be equal to others, but would think it glorious to live as his Subject in any corner of his Territories, if he would be pleased to receive him.  
XXXVI. Theodosius favourably received the Request of Athanaric; and as well to satisfy himself, as to attract other Princes by the good entertainment he should make to this, he sent him word, That he sympathized with his Misfortune; that he accounted as a great happiness the opportunity he had to protect him; that the Empire, as long as he was Master of it, should be always open to such Kings as he, who desired to live in his friendship; that whilst he could restore him to his Kingdom, he prayed him to repair to Constantinople, and to take no other Court for his Retreat; that he should be honoured there, as much a● he could be in his own; and that he would endeavour by all manner of delightful Treatments to comfort him, and make him forget that he was out of ●his own Dominions. He sent to receive him upon the Frontier, with Orders to all Governors in his way to give him the same Respect upon such occasions; that they were accustomed to give Emperors.  
Athanaric, surprised at all these Civilities, was persuaded to go to Court with most part of the Officers, who had attended him in his disgrace. The Honours which he received in every place, seemed but little agreeable to his present Fortune; but he did not cease to be sensibly touched thereat. 
Zo●. l. 4.  Theodosius prepared for him a magnificent entrance into Constantinople; and altho' he was but just recovered of an Indisposition, which had almost reduced him to extremity, he went himself a good distance from the City to meet him, and received him with an extraordinary goodness and generosity. He lodged him in his own Palace, and ordered his Domestics to serve him with so much Order 
Jornanl.  and Grandeur, that the King cried out several times in a profound Admiration, That the Emperor was a God upon Earth, and that no mortal Man, if he had but a grain of Reason left, durst set upon him.  
XXXVII. He was not less amazed, when ●e went to view the most considerable places of Constantinople, where Theodosius himself conducted him in the midst of all his Court. This City, by its Grandeur, by its Situation, and by its Riches, deserved to be the Imperial Seat. Constantine had built it about 70 years before, and had fixed himself there, whether it was in order to retain more conveniently from thence the barbarous Nations, who disturbed the Peace of the East; or to leave behind him an eternal Monument of his greatness; or else to give Rome a Jealousy, with which City he was not very well pleased, as well by reason of the Liberty the Senate preserved there, as upon the account of the Idolatry which reigned there still, therefore he called it New Rome. As it is an usual thing to mix something of Mystery in the original of Cities and States, to render them the more illustrious, it was believed that this Emperor had undertaken so great a design, by a secret order from Heaven. They published, that as he laid the foundations of a City near the ancient Ilium, an Eagle carried away the Workmen's line, and let 
Zonar. Niceph. l. 3. c. 4.  it fall near Byzantium, to mark out the place h● was to pitch upon; and that since, measuring the Circuit ●e intended for the Walls, he had been visibly conducted by an Angel; together with many other such like Prodigies.  
Be it as it will, Constantine having finished this City, which he loved as his own work, spared nothing for its ornament and grandeur. He built therein a Capital, a Cirque, an Amphitheatre, Squares, Piazza's, and other public Edifices, in imitation of those at Rome. He took from the noblest Cities of the East what was most valuable and curious for the embelishment of this. He ordered the Remains of the entire works of the Kings of Egypt to be brought thither; above all the Obelisk of Thebes, which was not conveyed without abundance of difficulty. He composed a Senate after that of Rome. He drew from all parts of the World, Men excellent in Sciences and Arts, for whom he had erected Colleges and particular Houses in divers quarters, and assigned them considerable Pensions. He appointed Funds for the subsistence of the Citizens, and the maintenance of the Buildings. He founded Churches and Academies, and perfected the design he had to make a City equal, and even superior to the ancient Rome.  
The other Emperors had not been less careful towards the beautifying of Constantinople. Constantius, besides the famous Temple of St. Sophia, in which he had enclosed the Basilick of Peace, and set up likewise terms which expressed his Name, and Porches enriched with Pillars, and Figures of Marble. Vatens, from the Ruins of Chalcedon, had made Baths, and an Aqueduct, where all the Springs of the Mountains round about being collected, after having composed a kind of a River, dispersed themselves through the City, or into private Houses, or into public Ponds or Fountains, which furnished water in abundance for all parts. The Civil Magistrates, to please the Emperors, had applied themselves to keep the Citizens in order, and the public Structures in their beauty; and the ver● People, being thus maintained in their Privileges, and enriched by Commerce, did not a little contribute, by reason of its neatness, and their frequent rejoices, towards the giving an Air of grandeur and politeness to this Imperial City.  
Athanaric admired all these things. He could not sufficiently behold the Port filled with Vessels from all the Nations of the World, and that affluence of People retained by the conveniency of the abode, or drawn thither by the relation the Provinces have to the Court. The Captains of the Goths, who followed him, and were only accustomed to the course stateliness of their Barbarian Court, conceived a great Idea of the Empire, and especially of the Emperor, who made them observe all that was curious with an extreme 
Themist. Orat. 6.  Civility, and exposed to them his very designs of augmenting and adorning the City, which he performed some years after with a magnificence, which surpassed that of his Predecessors.  
XXXVIII. Athanaric began to lose the remembrance of his misfortunes, and there was reason to hope that he might embrace the Christian Religion, which he had heretofore cruelly persecuted. But as in an advanced Age his Passions were yet lively, the grief which his misfortune had occasioned him having already weakened him, the joy of seeing himself so honourably treated seized upon him, and made such an impression upon his vitals, that he fell sick, and died 15 days after his arrival at Constantinople. The Emperor, who had rendered him all the offices of a good Friend, was much afflicted at his death; because he loved him, and was in hopes to have made use of him one day to reduce the whole Nation to a firm and constant alliance with the Empire. He caused him 
Ammian. l. 27. Zoz. l. 4.  to be magnificently in●erred, according to the ancient Ceremonies of the Pagans, and erected upon his Grave so rich and stately a Monument that the Barbarians and Romans were equally astonished at it.  
XXXIX. This goodness of Theodosius had a greater influence than he could expect upon the minds of the Goths. For besides that Athanaric, before he died, called about his Bed all the Captains that had attended him, and had recommended to them the obligations they were under to preserve an inviolable Fidelity to the Emperor during the whole course of their Lives, and to publish in their own Country, when they should return thither, all the Favours which they had received; they were themselves extremely affected with the Civilities of the Romans. Theodosius offered to them very honourable Posts in his Armies; but they excused themselves, saying, That they would be ne'er the less united to him, and that they went to serve him with more advantage in their own Country; which they executed afterwards, by guarding the passages of the Danube, and hindering the Romans from being assaulted on their side. Thus the Sweetness of Princes oftentimes produces greater Effects than their Power, and the People, who are won by kindness, are usually more firm in their Duty, than those who are conquered by Arms.  
XL. After so happy a Success, Theodosius seeing that the Laws he had made in favour of Religion, had stopped the disorders, but not reunited men's spirits, resolved to call together an Universal Council, after the example of Constantine the Great, whose Piety he made a Glory in following. From his coming to the Empire, he had entertained 
Theod. l. 5. c. 8.  this thought, because he judged that it was the most secure, and ready means to determine with sweetness, as he desired, the Ecclesiastical differences. But for the execution of it, he had stayed till it war fixed in Peace, and to render this Assembly more authentic, he had projected to hold it in the Capital of his Empire. He would be there himself, in order to dispose all Parties to an agreement, and to maintain by his Authority what should be decided by the consent of the Fathers. As soon as he put the Catholics in possession of the Churches of Constantinople, he thought that the Council might assemble there, with less trouble, and more dignity. He wrote then to all the Bishops of the East, to invite them to come to this Imperial City, in order to confirm the Faith of Nice, to establish a Bishop therein, and to constitute necessary Laws towards the strengthening of the Peace of the Church, and the Reunion of his Subjects upon the points of Religion.  
XLI. Of all the Heretics he called to the Council none but the Macedonians, because they were 
Socrat l. 5. c. 8. Greg. Naz. Orat. 44.  regular in their manners, distinct from the Arians; and although they composed a body, and communion apart, yet they were looked upon as Friends to the Catholics, and as men indifferently disposed to return into the bosom of the Church. These reasons had made the Emperor believe, that it was no hard matter to reduce them. They came to the number of Thirty six, the most part Bishops of the Hellespont, the chief of which were Eleusius Bishop of Cizycus, and Marcian Bishop of Lampsacus. This Prince exhorted them himself to acknowledge their fault, and represented to them that it was time to return to the Faith, and Communion of the Church; that they were engaged to it in the deputation they had formerly sent to Pope Liberius; and that a little time before, they made no scruple of communicating with the 
Socrat. ib. Sozom. l. 7. ●. 7.  Catholics. But they obstinately replied, that they had rather be reconciled and united with the Arrians, than the Orthodox Men. This answer obliged the Emperor to chase them away, as unworthy of the condescension he had had for them.  
XLII. All orders were given for the subsistence, and lodging of the Bishops; and Theodosius was no less magnificent in relation to this Council, that Constantine had been to that of Nice. The Bishops came from all parts of the East in haste, and arrived at Constantinople to the number of a Hundred and fifty, in the time that had been prescribed them. As the last Reigns had been times of Persecution, there were many of these Prelates who had composed excellent Works against the Heretics, or had suffered Exile and Torments for the Defence of the Faith. Never had the Church seen more Saints, and Confessors assembled. They were come with Joy once more to give their Votes for the truth, under an Emperor who had as much zeal to establish Religion, as others had to confound it.  
But there were also many, who, during the late Reign, were entered into Bishoprics, or had 
Greg. Naz. Carm. de vi▪ ta sua. Idem. car. de Episc.  maintained themselves therein by the favour of the Governors of Provinces, and Generals of Armies Even some of them, who having heretofore been placed in the room of Holy Bishops, who had been persecuted from their Sees, remained peaceable Possessors after their Death. These, ruling their Faith by their Ambition, and their Interest, were conformable to the time; and as they had been Heretics under Valens, they became Catholics under Theodosius. They came to the Council to observe the course of things, and to occasion troubles, if they could do it with security.  
XLIII. Meletius Bishop of Antioch was to preside over this Assembly. The Emperor had a passionate desire to see him, as well upon the account of the reputation of Sanctity, which this Prelate had got throughout the East, as also because he had appeared to him in a Vision, presenting to him the Purple in one hand, and the Crown in tother. Theodosius had always honoured him from that time, even before he knew him; and had often sent him considerable Sums, to assist the Poor of his Diocese, and to finish the Church which he caused to be built in honour of St. Babylas, beyond the River Orontes. As soon as the Bishops were arrived, they went all together to salute the Emperor; who being willing to try, if he could distinguish Meletius from amongst the rest, forbidden that he should be shown to him. He had fixed in his imagination so strong an Idea of his Face, that as soon as he perceived him, he observed him of himself, and affirmed him to be the same he had seen in a Vision. He advanced towards him with an impatience full of respect, and tenderness. He embraced him in a particular manner, and kissed his eyes, his head, his breast, and above all his hand, which had crowned him beforehand, and rendered to him those honours, which no body was jealous of, because every one esteemed him worthy of them. Then he behaved himself with much civility to the other Bishops, 
Theodor. l. 5. c. 6.  and entreated them as his Fathers to endeavour with all their power to answer the end, for which they were assembled.  
XLIV. The opening of the Council being made with much solemnity, they agreed upon beginning with what related to the Church of Constantinople. Although this affair was not the most important, notwithstanding it appeared the most pressing, because Theodosius was much concerned therein, and that it was convenient to supply with a Person of great merit, a See, whose Rights and Dignity were presumed to be augmented. Maximus had not desisted from his pretention: but his Ordination was so contrary to the Laws and Ecclesiastical Forms, that the Council had declared that he was not Bishop, and could not exercise the Functions thereof. Those, who had protected him, were blamed, and those whom he 
Sozom. l. 4. c. 9  had ordained were degraded, and judged unworthy of holding any rank amongst the Clergy.  
Gregory of Nazianzum had been chosen by the Suffrages of the People, and the Authority of the Emperor; he was without a See; that of Constantinople was vacant. He had been charged with the care of this Church, and went under the Title of it. Thus this Election 〈◊〉 have passed for legitimate. But Gregory, who lived without Ambition, would attempt nothing contrary to 
Greg. Naz. Orat. 27.  Disciplines, did not think himself engaged to a charge which he had not accepted. He alleged that a Prelate without a Title could not take possession of a vacant Church, unless authorized by a Council; and that the irregular conduct which had been held in reference to him, gave occasion for ambitious Ptelates to seize upon the vacant Sees, for the People to establish them in a tumultuous manner, and for Metropolitans to dispossess them out of humane considerations.  
XLV. It was not hard to determine upon two Subjects, whereof one was for being maintained in a Dignity which he deserved not, and the other demanded nothing but a renunciation, notwithstanding his right and worthiness of it. The Emperor, who was acquainted with the great qualities of Gregory, desired him for his Bishop. Meletius, who had a tender affection for him, was come particularly to install him. All the Fathers agreed upon it; and Gregory was the only person that scrupled to consent to his Election: He cast himself at the feet of Theodosius to entreat him to divert the blow: but this Prince represented to him, That it was just to give the conduct of this Church to him, who had form it with so much diligence, That the love of Peace and Solitude ought not to dispense him from labour, since he was called to it; That this approbation of the Council, was a visible Testimony of the Will of God; That being Bishop of this Imperial City, he might contribute to the re-establishment of Faith in the whole Empire; And that finding himself placed in the midst of the East and West, he might become as it were a Mediator, and perhaps unite together those two halfs of the world, which were unhappily divided upon the Subject of the Church of Antioch.  
Meletius represented to him, the same things in the name of all the Assembly, and obliged him by his reasons and his counsels to undergo the Yoke which was imposed upon him, and to sacrifice his repose to the Interests and Necessities of the Church. Thus all conspired to do Violence to his Modesty. He was placed upon the Episcopal Throne, where the People and the Clergy had carried him some time before, and where he would not since take his place. Nothing 
Greg. Naz: Carm. de vita sua.  was wanting to the Solemnity of this Action. Meletius performed the Ceremony, the Emperor assisted there, all the People run in crowds to see it, and several Prelates, amongst whom was Gregory of Nyssa, made very eloquent discourses upon that subject.  
XLVI. After they had thus regulated the affairs of that Church, they came to treat about the points of Faith. As the greatest part of the new Heresies had been condemned in the Council of Nice, the Decrees thereupon were ordered 
Ruffin.  to be read, and were confirmed. Then was produced the confession of Faith, which Pope Damasus had formerly sent to Antioch, and by his example they condemned the Error of Apollinarius, who destroyed the truth of the Mystery of the Incarnation. After which they proceeded against the Macedonians, who denied the Divinity of the Holy Ghost, and refused of late to communicate with the Catholics. For this effect, as the Creed of Nice, had annexed to that of the Apostles, by way of explication, what had been defined concerning the Divinity of the word; so the Creed of Constantinople added to that of Nice, What regarded the Person of the Holy Ghost, the Lord and Giver of Life, who was to be equally adored and glori●●● with the Father and the Son.  
XLVII▪ From the Doctrine of Faith they pas●ed to the Rules of Discipline. The enterprise of seven Bishops of Egypt, who were come to ordain Maximus at Constantinople, gave occasion for ●he renewing of that Canon, that the ordination of ●he Bishops of each Province, should be performed by those of the same Province, or by those of the 
Concil. Nice Can. 4, 5, 6.  Neighbourhood, who should be called for that purpose: and because it happened in the time of the Persecution, that some Prelates had passed into foreign Provinces for the affairs of the Church, which might cause a disturbance; they regulated the jurisdiction of every Metropolitan, and attributed the dicision of the affairs of Provinces to Provincial Councils. To honour the Imperial City, and to please the Emperor, it was declared that the Bishop of Constantinople, should hold the rank and prerogatives of honour next to that of Rome, because Constantinople was the new or second Rome. At length they decided many things concerning the juridical form of accusations against 
Sozom. l. 7. c. 9  Bishops, and they endeavoured to re-establish order in the Church.  
XLVIII. The Fathers of the Council after having thus decreed the points of Faith and Discipline, which they had esteemed necessary, reduced them into Articles, and presented them to Theodosius. They wrote to him at the same time a synodal Letter, by which they immediately gave thanks to God, for having placed him upon th● Throne in order to the settling the peace of th● Church, and the establishment of Religion They shown him afterwards, that having been assembled by his Orders, they had with one accord prescribed certain Ecclesiastical Rules, whether to condemn Heresies, or to correct the abuses of the time; and entreated him to confirm by his Authority what they had done, and to join high suffrage to theirs, in sealing with his Imperial Seal the dicision of the Council. They ende● with Prayers, and wished that his Reign might be founded upon Peace, and Justice; that he might endure a long Series of Generations, an that at length he might determine by the joys ●f a Celestial Kingdom ... The Council was wise in its behaviour thus: for besides the necessity of the Emperor's consent to make its Ordinances observed, it had a mind to extract from him a Letter of confirmation, as a public engagement of his Faith, to the end he might thereby be kept more firm to the right party, and might deprive the Heretics of all hopes of being able to seduce him.  
XLIX. Albeit the Bishops who composed this Assembly, were very different as to their manners, and inclinations, they had agreed to all the points proposed, and all went to end in a peaceable manner, when an unexpected accident produced disorder, and division. It was the death of Meletius, one of the two Bishops of Antioch, who had been chief, and as it were the Soul of the Council. The whole Eastern Church bewailed his loss. Theodosius, who loved him as his Father, and honoured him as if he had held the Empire of him, would have his Funeral made in resemblance 
Greg. Naz. Orat. in fun. Mel.  of a Triumph. He assisted therein himself, and gave public Testimonies of his affliction, and his Piety. The Body of this holy man was deposited in the Church of the Apostles, where the Psalms were sung by several Quires in divers Languages, and where the People running in multitudes▪ carried an infinite number of Wax-tapers and Flamboys, and brought back as a precious Treasure, some Linen which had touched his Face.  
The most eloquent Prelate of the Assembly made Funeral Harangues in his Honour, and represented 
Philost. l. 5▪ c. 4.  the Virtues he had practised, and the Persecutions he had suffered for the Faith. After they had finished all the duty of Piety, Theodosius ordered those precious Relics to be conveyed to Antioch, to be conducted through the most public 
Sozom. l. 7. c. 10.  ways, and to be received in all the Cities, although it was not the Custom of the Romans. All Constantinople went out of the Gates, and never did the number of the Inhabitants appear greater. There was running from all parts upon the Road to accompany this body in singing Psalms, till they had brought him to Antioch, and placed him near the Shrine of St. Babylas the Martyr, one o● the most celebrated Archbishops of that City.  
L. In the mean time Theodosius answered to the Council; and to confirm what had been there 
Idem. l. 7. c. 9  decreed, he published an Edict, by which he ordained, that the Faith of Nice should be generally received, and approved of in the whole extent of his Empire, and that all the Churches should be restored into the hands of the Catholics, who confessed one God in three Persons, equal in Honour and Power. To avoid the professions of an Equivocal Faith, he declared that those alone should be esteemed Catholics, who should be united in Communion with certain Prelates whom he specified in each Province, and whose virtue he was acquainted with, either by the correspondence he held with them, or by t●e Reputation which they had long enjoyed of governing their Churches with Piety.  
LI. There was some reason to hope, that this Council supported by the Authority of the Prince, would have great effects in reference to Religion, and that the Schism of Antioch, which divided the East from the West, would have been determined by the death of Meletius, who was the innocent cause thereof: but some Factious persons obstinately persisting in giving him a Successor, a disorder broke out; and the Eastern People themselves were disunited, and grew hot upon this occasion.  
This difference had begun under the Empire of Constantine the great, who upon calumnies invented by the Arians, had chased from Antioch Eustathius 
Chrystost. Hom. in St. Eust.  Patriarch of that City, and a great defender of the Divinity of Jesus Christ. The Arians being possessed of his See, and having put in his place five or six Bishops of their Sect successively, the Catholics were oppressed. Some of them submitted to violence; others continued firm in the Faith under the conduct of Paulinus, and called themselves Eustatians. Meletius enjoying since the Patriarchship by the Credit of the Arians, who took him to be of their Communion, and having forthwith openly declared against them, he saw himself upon a sudden abandoned of both Parties. The Heretics who had been chief instrumental in his being chosen, were mad at his ●ange; the Catholics praised his zeal, but approved not of his Election.  
As he had notwithstanding, besides an eminent Piety, a great Sweetness, and an admirable Talon to make himself beloved, he attracted in a little time much people to his communion. Some of them disengaged themselves from Paulinus to come to him. Several, that had groaned for 30 years 
Theod. l. 5. c. 227.  under the Arian Tyranny, run so much the more willingly to him, as he had been under the same weakness with them, and that he received them with much condescension and Charity. The persecution which he suffered a few days after, did but augment the veneration which was had for him, and the flock which he had begun to assemble, increased, and form itself, during his banishment. Although the Catholics of this City were all united in doctrine, they were separated in communion, and assembled in two different places; the one in a Church which the Arians had left Paulinus, by reason of the respect they had to his Age, and for the consideration that he was contrary to Meletius; the others in ● Church of the Suburbs, which they called the Palee, or the ancient Church.  
This Schism scandalised all the East. Lucifer Bishop of Cagliari in Sardinia, returning out of exile from Thebais, passed through Antioch, and undertook to accommodate this difference: but having found the Eustathians resolved not to communicate with a Bishop established by the Heretics, and besides being but too much inclined of his own hard and inflexible nature to pardon nothing in matter of Religion, he ordained Paulinus by his own private Authority. He thought that the party of Meletius, which seemed more disposed for Peace, would easily be reunited to the Eustathians, when they should observe a Bishop at their head, who deserved to be so, and who never had any correspondence with the enemies of the Church. But he was deceived; for the Friends of Meletius being offended at the injury that was offered to him, and that they had not condescended to consult them, protested that they would have none but him for their Past●r, and that he could not be deposed by a single Bishop, out of his Jurisdiction, and without being heard. They solicited him to come in haste, and obliged themselves to him more strictly than before.  
As soon as this Prelate was come from Armenia, where he had been a long time in Exile, they endeavoured to make him sit in the same Throne with Paulinus, and even pretended that the greatest number being for him, he made as it were the 
Socr. l. 5. c. 5. Ruffin.  Body of the Church; and that it was for other Communions, who were but Members and parts thereof, to reunite themselves to it. As for him, as he desired nothing but Peace, he was contented to re-enter into his Church of the Suburbs. He went to visit Paulinus, and prayed him to consent, that they might keep in common the Sheep, which the Master of the Flock had confided with them, 
Theod. l. 5. ●. 3.  and that they might all be assembled in one Fold. He proposed, in order to take away all subject of division, That the Holy Gospel might be put upon the Episcopal Seat; that they might sit one on the one side, and t'other on the other side of it; and that he who survived his Colleague, should remain sole and peaceabl● Possessor. Paulinus refused the Condition, and would have no society with a Man whom the Ari●●s had constituted Bishop.  
In the mean time this dissension had disturbed the whole Church. Paulinus, who was an Italian by birth, had more opportunities to prepossess the Roman Church, and all the West in his favour; and Pope Damasus, who knew him for a Man irreproachable both in his Manners, and his Faith, had embraced his part. All the East on the other ●ide was affected to Meletius, as to a Prelate that yielded not to the other in virtue, and who besides had been thrice banished for the defence of the Faith. There was mixed a little compassion with the esteem which was had for him, when ●t was known that he underwent the persecution of the Heretics, and that of the Catholics with the same patience, and that without using his Privileges or Credit, he demanded a Peace, and could not obtain it. But for all they found mistakes in their Elections, they did not cease to honour their persons; and it was agreed on both sides, that Meletius had been worthy of the See of Antioch, if he had not been advanced thereto by the Arians, and that Paulinus had merited to have been ordained Bishop, if it had been of another Church than that of Antioch.  
The Arians having at last been chased out of that City by virtue of the Edict of Theodosius▪ Meletius was put in possession of all their Churches in preference to Paulinus. But they agreed, that when one died, no body should succeed in his room, and that all the Churches should remain to the Survivor. Some Historians add, that this Agreement was signed by six persons of the Clergy 
Socrat. l. 5. c. 5. Zoz. l. 7. c. 3.  that were the most capable to succeed them who were made to swear that they would elect no one to that Bishopric, nor accept of it themselves, as long as one of the two Patriarches should live.  
LII. After all these Precautions, one might have believed that the death of Meletius would have determined their division, so much the rather, because this holy Man in dying had conjured the Bishops to give him no Successor, and to leave Paulinus in sole possession of the Church. But as they came to speak of this Affair, their minds were divided, according as they were disposed to 
Greg. Naz.  Peace or Discord. The most part of the ancient Prelates represented to the Assembly, that to elect a new Patriarch, was to perpetuate the Schism● that the Survivor had always led a life without reproach; that he was of an Age not possible to continue long; and that it was not only Charity to let him die in Peace, but also a piece of Justice to perform that Contract which had been made to him.  
But the young Men sustained on the other side, that it was not fitting for the Succession of an Episcopacy to be interrupted in so holy a Man as Meletius; that Paulinus was the Creature of Damasus; that he had been ordained by a Bishop of the West, who had neither the Privilege nor Commission to do it, and that so the Eastern Church could not acknowledge him without injuring itself.  
Gregory, who then presided over the Council, and who had not accepted of the See of Constantinople, but in the prospect of appeasing the troubles of the Church, was sensibly touched at this Controversy, whose dangerous Consequences he foresaw. When it was his turn to speak, he strongly opposed those who offered at a new Election, and shown to them that this Proposition was not only contrary to Peace, but also to Honour and Justice; That they ought to have more regard to the public Advantage, than to particular Pretensions; That the Episcopacy was one, and that they ought not to make so great a distinction between the Bishops of the East, and those of the West; That if they had so great a passion to ordain a Patriarch of Antioch, the death of Paulinus, consumed with years and labours, would soon afford them an occasion; and that so they would lose nothing by 
Greg. Naz. carm. de vita su●▪  suffering him to remain alone in his See, since they ●ight enjoy the right of giving him a Successor after his death, and satisfy their Consciences in restoring Peace to the Church.  
As wise as this Advice was, all the young Bishops rejected it, and alleged no other Reasons, than that they had had no share in the past agreement 
Greg. Naz. ib.  between the Bishops of Antioch; and that since Jesus Christ was pleased to appear in the East, it was just that the East should be preferred before the West. They drew after them a Party of the Ancients, who were afraid of exciting a greater Schism by their resistance. They vigorously entreated Gregory; but having found him inflexible, they looked upon him as a Partisan of the Western People, and could no longer dispense with him. A proceeding so unreasonable very much displeased Gregory, who being unwilling to consent to their Injustice, and despairing of reducing them to Reason, went out of the Synod, and the Episcopal house where they were assembled, and resolved to make a renunciation of his Bishopric, since he could not do all the good he wished therein.  
LIII. Theodosius being informed of this disorder desired nothing so much as to put a stop to it. H● exhorted both one and tother to unite for the common Interest of Religion. He approved th● Sentiment of Gregory. But the Conspiracy of th● rest became so general, that he thought it was no just to deprive them of the liberty of Votes, an● that it was impossible to reduce so great a Party All hopes were now at an end, unless the Bishop of Egypt and Macedon, who were expected ever● day, brought a calm. The Emperor had not presently called them to the Council; the first, because they favoured Maximus; the second, because they were Dependants of the Weste● Church. But as to the Affair of Antioch, ● thought that they might both serve to maintain the Rights of Paulinus; those of Egypt, because the Council of Alexandria had approved his ordination; those of Macedon, because he was tied to the Communion of Pope Damasus: But when they arrived, they considered only how to annul the Election of the Archbishop of Constantinople.  
LIV. Timotheus, Patriarch of Alexandria, protested that it was not lawful, since he had not intervened therein. Those, whom he had brought with him, being vexed that they had not stayed to consult them, joined with him. Although every one in 
Greg. Naz. Carm. de vita sua.  particular made a profession of honouring Gregory, and that there was not determined person whom they would advance in his room, yet they did not cease to fall upon him, in hatred to those who had elected him. Nevertheless, to cover their passion 
Idem de Episcop.  with some appearance of Justice, they alleged, that against the Canons he had passed from the Bishopric of Sasime to that of Nazianzum, and from this last to that of Constantinople. Although an ill Custom had at that time sufficiently authorized these frequent Translations against the ancient 
Hieronym. de Scrip. Eccl.  Laws, yet this reproach did not belong to Gregory, whatsoever some Ecclesiastical Authors have written. For two Metropolitans having at the same 
Rusfin. l. 2. c. 9 Secrat. l. 5. c. 7.  time pretended to the Bishopric of Sa●ime, he had yielded his Right for the advantage of Peace, and had never performed the office; and his Father having since called him to Nazianzum for his assistance in the government of that 
Greg Naz. epist. 42. & 46.  Church, he laboured therein as Coadjutor, not as Titular. Thus it was no difficult matter to justify himself thereupon, and to defend his promotion.  
LV. The Bishops, who had elected him, and were dissatisfied upon it, would most willingly have deserted him; but decency required them to support what they had done. Gregory, being a little concerned that he should be the sport of the passions of Men who accused him, or took his part as the fancy prevailed, made use of this opportunity to execute the design which he had 
Gr●g. Naz. Carm. de vita sua.  long since entertained of retiring. He entered into the Council, and said to the Bishops, That he begged of them to desist in what related to him, and to consider nothing but the peace and union of the Church; That since he was the cause of the Tempest, he would willingly, like another Ionas, be cast into the Sea; That he had received the Bishopric against his inclination, and that he resigned it with joy, as a Commission which had been entrusted with him; As also that his Age, and his Infirmities made him desire, after so many agitations, an interval of solitude and repose, in order to dispose him to die well. He bid them farewel, conjuring them, That since he had taken away the principal subject of their division, to reunite themselves in all the rest; and to give him a Successor that should be zealous for the good of the Church, and the defence of the Faith.  
This discourse surprised the Bishops, but it was not displeasing to them. Some had the satisfaction of seeing him fall of himself, who had been made without them; others were glad of being delivered from the trouble of maintaining an action they repent of. The resignation of the Archbishop was received, and he went out of the Assembly without any one's importuning him 
Greg. carm▪ 〈◊〉 vita sua.  to stay. Some holy Prelates stopped their ears, that they might not hear his resignation, and departed along with him.  
LVI. There remained nothing more, than to make the Emperor agree to his design. He went to find him, and after having begged of him to establish Peace in the Council, and to retain by his Authority those whom the fear of God did not retain, he petitioned him for his permission to retire. Theodosius, who was not used to be entreated for such Favours, was surprised at his Request, and endeavoured by strong Considerations to stop him; he would even interpose himself to maintain him in his Dignity. But the Archbishop represented to him, that it was not for so just and pious an Emperor as he, to prefer the Interests of a private Man to those of the whole Church; and that as for him, he thought himself obliged to make this sacrifice of his See, at a time when his old Age and Infirmities left him scarce any strength to assist his Flock, otherwise than by his Prayers and Wishes.  
LVII. After having procured the Emperor's consent, he assembled the People in his Cathedral, and pronounced, in presence of all the Fathers of the Council, that last and celebrated Sermon, where he rendered an account of his Administration, 
Greg. Naz. Orat. 32.  and his Conduct. He represented the state of the Church of Constantinople, how the Faith had been revived in his time, how it was increased, what he had done and suffered upon that subject. He explained the Doctrine which he had preached, and trusting to his innocence, after the example of Samuel and St. Paul, he took his Auditors for Witnesses of his disinteressedness, and the care he had taken, after having declared the Gospel to them, to be enclosed within himself, and to preserve the purity of his Priesthood. He exposed in a few words the principal causes of his Retirement, which were the Contests he saw raised in the Church, and the importunate Reproaches which were made him of treating the Heretics with too much Civility, and of keeping nothing in his Retinue, his Table, or his Person, 
Idem Orat. 32. & 49.  that testified the grandeur of his Rank: which they called ill supporting of his Dignity, and condemning too openly the excess and secular stateliness of others.  
In a word, after having exhorted the People to retain the Faith which he had taught them, the Heretics to be converted, the Courtiers to be reclaimed, the Bishops to reunite and quit their Sees like him, if they might thereby contribute towards a Peace; after having wished for his Successor a worthy Man, who without wanting Charity and Condescension, might have the Courage to procure Enemies for the sake of Justice: he took leave of each of his Churches, and particularly of his dear Anastasy, then of all the Societies and Orders of the City. He begged of them to remember him, and his labours, for which he demanded no other recompense, than the permission of retiring. Instead of the usual Applauses, there was heard nothing but Lamentations and Groans during this discourse: every one retired to his house drowned in tears; and the Archbishop being moved to compassion, but notwithstanding inflexible in his resolution, went to enjoy the pleasures of that solitude which he had always tenderly loved.  
LVIII. Theodosius, who looked upon the choice of a new Archbishop of Constantinople, as one of the most considerable affairs of the Empire, went the next day to the Council, and complained of those disputes, and continual dissensions, whereby 
Sozom. l. 7. c. 7.  the Catholics underwent a scandal, and from whence the Heretics reaped great advantages. He testified to the Bishops his displeasure, to see Gregory obliged to quit the See of his Imperial City, whereto it had been even necessary to call him, if he had been established therein, especially after the services he had rendered to this Church, and the dangers he had incurred in restoring Religion thereto. He told them, That notwithstanding his unwillingness to grant him his Congee, at a time when the Church had so much need of learned, peaceable, and holy Prelates, he had consented at his instant solicitations for the advantage of Peace: but that he requested of them to seek out a man, that might worthily supply his room, and to agree so well upon this choice, that there might be no longer a division amongst them.  
LIX. He ordered them to make each a memorial of those whom they esteemed capable of this 
Id●m. c. ●.  charge, and to present him all those names in a single sheet, to the end that he might elect one from amongst all the rest. The Bishops being satisfied with the obtaining of their design, and resolved to pacify Thoodosius, who appeared to them discontented at their past conduct, cast their eyes upon divers Subjects of their Acquaintance. As they were employed in this inquisition, Nectarius, born at Tarsus in Cilicia, of an ancient Family of Senators, who had exercised the charge of Governor 
Theod. l. 5. c. 8. Socrat. l. 5. c. 8.  of Constantinople, being about to return into his own Country, went b● accident to see Diodorus his Bishop, to know i● he had any thing to command him before his departure. They discoursed upon several matters: and as Diodorus' mind was full of this nomination, wherewith he was perhaps perplexed, he often considered Nectarius; and finding sweetness in his conversation, and something of Majesty and Veneration in his Behaviour, and in his Face, he resolved to propose him.  
Nevertheless without discovering himself to him, he prayed him to accompany him to a Bishop, to whom he presented him with a mighty character. Afterwards he recommended Nectarius to him in secret, and was very urgent with him to give him his Vote, and to write his name with the rest. This Prelate, who was probably commissioned to prepare the sheet, and carry it to The●dosius, laughed at the request of Diodorus: notwithstanding he put Nectarius in the number of Pretenders, altho' he saw nothing in him of more recommendation, than his old age, and agreeable aspect.  
LX. The Emperor, having demanded a few days after the memorial of the Bishops, examined it attentively; and after having viewed and reviewed the names of those who were proposed to succeed Gregory, he stopped at that of Nectarius, who was the least expected. He nominated him to the Archbishopric of Constantinople; whether it was that he knew him better than the rest, because he belonged to his Court, or else that he thought him the sittest person to maintain a peace in the present conjuncture. For excepting his sweet and regulating temper, he had neither talents great enough to afford protection, nor virtues sufficiently eminent to be an example to those who would not imitate him. Nectarius, whom Diodorus had entreated to defer his journey till then, had advice of this news, and could not believe it. The greatest part of the Fathers of the Council were astonished at this choice, and demanded of one another, who this Nectarius was? from whence he came? and what was his profession? But when they understood that he had not led a life pure enough to deserve to be thus raised on a sudden to the Priesthood, and moreover that he was not yet baptised, they imagined that the Emperor had been surprised, a●d that chance alone, as it often happens in these encounters, had presided over this nomination.  
LXI. They humbly remonstrated then to Theodosius, that with all the respect and deference they had for his will and pleasure, they could not hinder themselves from observing in Nectarius essential and canonical defects; that indeed his age, and the different employments he had enjoyed under Emperors, had given him great experience of the world, but that he had never passed through any degree of Clerkship, and that not having received Baptism, he was not in a condition to be a Bishop. Although there was nothing more just than this remonstaance, the Emperor had remarked so many Passions and Cabals in those, who offered it, that he thought since they had chased away the other Archbishop, they had a mind to exclude this also, in order to put one of their own party in the place. He persisted in his opinion, and the Bishops submitted without opposition.  
LXII. Thus Nectarius was elected by the Authority of the Prince, who found himself engaged to his election by the consent of the people, who admired his speech and obliging temper; and by the Votes of the Synod, who were afraid of displeasing Theodosius. He was baptised; and as he was yet invested with his robe of Neophyte, he was made Bishop, without appearing any otherwise disposed for the Bishopric, than by not pretending to it. As he had scarce any acquaintance with Ecclesiastical affairs, they left him Cyriacus Bishop of Adana in Cilicia, Evagrius of Pontus, whom Gregory of Nyssa had made Deacon, and some other Clergymen, the one to instruct him in the Episcopal office, the others to secure him from the surprises of Heretics. His life, after his ordination was exemplary, and his Faith always Orthodox: but he had so much easiness and indulgence for all the World, and so great an indifference for Discipline, that the Arians had remarkably prevailed over him, if the Emperor, to repair the fault he had committed, had not repressed them, and taken upon himself the vigilance and force, that was wanting to this Archbishop.  
LXIII. This affair being thus determined, they began to think upon the conclusion of the Council. Those who had not assisted at the first Sessions, signed what had been decided therein against the Heresies, and against the abuses, which had been condemned. Nectarius was observed in the number of those chief Bishops, who were, as it were, the centres of the Communion in their Provinces. Theodosius on his side renewed his Edicts in favour of Religion; and to close up the Council by some ceremony of note, he made to be transported to Constantinople the body of Paul, 
Sozom. l. 7. c. 10.  who had been heretofore Bishop thereof, and whom the Arians had inhumanely destroyed at Cucusa, a little City of Armenia, where he had been banished by Constantius. All the Fathers went to meet these venerable Relics, a good way beyond Chalcedon, and conducted them, as it were in triumph, into the City. The Emperor commanded them to be laid in a Church, which Mac●donius had built, after he had possessed himself of the See of this Saint. By this means the very Persecuter contributed to the glory of the Martyr; and Theodosius made appear by the honour which he rendered to the memory of those Prelates, who died in defence of the Faith, how little he esteemed those who fought against it during their life.  
Thus concluded towards the end of July this Council, which the East acknowledged for ecumenical, and which the Pope St. Gregory since put in the number of the four, which he revered as the four Gospels. Particular passions and personal interests disturbed the course of this Assembly; but the truth was nevertheless established therein against the error of the Macedonians. Thus God reunited for the confirmation of the Faith, the minds of men, which he abandons when he pleases, to their praepossessions and their own notions, and gathers from the contests and disorders, which oftentimes arise in Religion, the effects which his Providence has decreed to gather from thence.  
LXIV. The Bishops being separated to go each to his particular Church. Theodosius departed 
Zoz. l. 4.  in order to go and join his Army, which Promotius one of his Generals had Orders to rendezvous at the entrance of Mysia; the Huns, Syrians, and Carpodacks mixed together, had made an irruption on this side, and had cast so great a terror in all the Neighbouring Provinces, that all the People of the Country had abandoned their harvests, and were retired in disorder to remote Cities. The Emperor encouraged them by his presence; and after having made a review of his Army, marched directly to the Enemies, and gave battle a few days after. Historians report no other circumstances, than that he gained a celebrated Victory, and defeated this Army of Barbarians, whereof the greatest part were killed, and the rest obliged to retire into their own Country▪ from whence they durst not appear any more. After this defeat, the Troops thought themselves invincible under Theodosius; and the People being persuaded, that they could not hereafter disturb them with security, resumed the care and management 
Zoz. ibid.  of their Land. Then the past losses were repaired, and the Empire enjoyed the fruits of the just and glorious Government of Theodosius.  
LXV. It was about this time, that the King of Persia resolved to send a solemn Embassy to him, 
Oros. Hist.  in order to desire his Friendship, and to conclude a firm alliance with him. These two Nations almost always armed one against the other, either for the regulation of borders, or upon ancient pretensions, and unexpected differences, which often arise between States, that are equally powerful, and Neighbouring, and had for a long time entertained a War, which was interrupted but by some intervals of Peace, and but some truces of a few years. Constantius had often attempted to pass the Tigris or Euphrates, and to extend his Frontiers on that side: but he had rarely succeeded; and if he had carried from time to time some advantages by his Generals, he was always beaten when personal there. But the 
Ammian. l. 25.  misfortune fell only upon the Emperor and his Troops; and whether it was that the Persians had a mind to defend their Cities alone, or else knew not how to reap the advantage of their Victory, they did not gain an inch of ground upon the Empire.  
Julian continued the war: but having been killed in battle, and the Army which he had engaged in the Enemy's Country, finding itself upon the point of being destroyed either by Arms, or Famine, the Officers assembled to elect a Captain, that might be able to disengage them from the extremity they were in, and cast their eyes upon Jovian, whom they chose Emperor by the consent of the whole Army. This Prince, who found himself obliged to repair the fault, which his Predecessors had committed, sought all opportunities of fight, and even carried some advantages over the Enemies in some encounters. But Sap●r King of Persia, who knew that the Romans were reduced to eat their Horses, did not care to come to handy blows with them, but had a mind to let them be consumed by Famine. Notwithstanding, altho' he saw them in this necessity, and might have suffered not one to escape, he feared the despair of so many brave men, and considered that what he should acquire by treaty, would be more permanent and secure, than what he should obtain by force of Arms. He sent first then to make to them proposals of Peace, as a kind of a favour.  
This moderation, which he shown, did not cease to be very severe: for besides that he kept them four days negotiating, at a time when they 
Ammian. lib. 25.  endured an extreme hunger, he imposed upon them ignominious conditions, which the extremity they were in forced them to accept of. The terms were these, That the Emperor should yield to the Persians five Provinces upon the Tigris, with divers Castles; That he should restore to them the Cities of Nisibis and Singara; and particularly, that he should engage himself to furnish Arsaces' King of Armenia with no assistance against the Persians, notwithstanding he was one of the most faithful Allies of the Empire. Jovian was constrained to sign these Articles; and altho' he was urged, when out of danger, to infringe this agreement, which necessity alone had obliged him to make, and that the inhabitants of Nisihis had offered him to defend themselves, and to stop, as they had done several times, the whole power of the King of Persia, he would not consent to any proposal of Rupture, nor violate the Faith, which the misfortune of the time had compelled him to give. Hostages were sent on both sides, and a Peace concluded between the two Crowns for Thirty years.  
This Treaty was since a subject of division. The Persians swollen with this happy success▪ thought they might undertake all things, and ●he 
Ammian. l. 27.  Romans sought but for an occasion to counter vail the losses they had undergone. As Armenia lay between the two Empires, it might afford a considerable balance to affairs: So it was disputed on both sides who should become Master thereof. Sapor, after he had kept himself sometime in Peace, resolved to possess himself of this Kingdom. He solicited the Nobility to submit to him; he forced the People by continual incursions into the Heart of their Country; and having drawn by his Caresses and Testimonies of Friendship, the King Arsaces to an interview, he seized upon him, and put him to death in the Citadel of Agaban.  
Para, Son of Arsaces, fearing the same entertainment, went to throw himself by the counsel of the Queen his Mother, into the Arms of the Romans. Valens, the Successor of Jovian, received him, and sent him to Neocesarea, where he had the usage and education of a King. Sometime after he commanded Terentius, one of his Lieutenants, to carry this Prince back into Armenia, and to put him in possession of his Dominions, which required his presence. Although the Emperor had been very cautious, and had commanded Terentius to lead no Troops, and not to assist at the Coronation of the King; Sapor notwithstanding complained that Armenia was relieved, and that they were wanting in one of the chief Articles of the last Treaty. He entered with an Army into this Kingdom; and being unable to seize upon the Person of the King, who had saved himself in the Mountains, where he remained concealed for five months, he ravaged the Country, and after a very tedious Siege took the Fort of Artogerass, where the Queen Mother was enclosed with the Treasures of the late King.  
Valens, who saw the inevitable loss of Armenia, if a speedy remedy did not interfere, sent orders to Count Arintheus to march towards that side with the Army which he commanded, and to 
Ammian. l▪ 27.  relieve the Armenians, if they still persisted to attack them. Sapor, who knew how to be humble end haughty according to the time, stopped as soon as he heard of the approach of the Imperial Army. He applied himself to gain the mind of King Para, by promising to him an inviolable Alliance and Protection, and engaged him by the encouragement of some Courtiers whom he had won, to rid himself of two Ministers, who had been very faithful and serviceable to him. In the mean time he sent Ambassadors to the Court of Constantinople, to represent there, that the Emperor had no manner of right to assist the King of Armenia; and that if he continued to join with him, and to relieve him with his Armies, it was an Infraction, which the King of Persia would be obliged to revenge.  
Valens made no great esteem of this Embassy, and his Answer was nothing more than this, That he did not concern himself with the Controversies of the Persians and Armenians; that it was lawful for Sovereigns, to send Armies upon their Dominions, according as they judged it convenient for the good of their Affairs; that he made no League in prejudice of the Treaties; but that he had more right to protect the King of Armenia, than Sapor had to oppress him; and that if the one was against the Faith of a Treaty, the other was contrary to Justice, and all the Rights of Nations. Upon which he sent back the Ambassadors.  
Sapor took this answer for an open Rupture, levied Troops, and made great Preparations of War for the Spring. The Emperor on his side sent against him Count Trajan, and Vadcmaire King of the Germans, with orders to observe the Persians, and to commit no act of Hostility against them, till the utmost extremity. 
Ammian. l. 29.   
These two Generals marched with the Legions towards the frontier, taking always advantageous Posts for the Insantry, which made all the strength of their Army. There they kept themselves close, and even gave way on purpose, when they saw the enemy approach, lest they should be accused of being the first in the infringement of the Treaty. But at length, the Persians being come on to force them, in the consideration that they fled through cowardice, and not prudence, there was a necessity of coming to a close engagement. The fight was severe, and Sapor was constrained to retire to Ctesiphonte, after he had lost the Battle, and demanded a Truce himself, which was immediately accorded to him.  
In the mean time, those who had an eye upon the affairs of Armenia, wrote to the Emperor, that it was convenient to send thither another King; that all was in disorder; that Para misused his Subjects; and that he would oblige them by his pride to throw themselves into the arms of the King of Persia: which would be of great consequence in relation to the Empire. Valens having sent to desire his company, under pretence of conferring with him upon the present affairs, left him at Tarsus in Cilicia, without saying any thing to him; and gave him a good number of Officers, in appearance to serve him, but in reality to guard him. This young Prince being come to a sense of his imprisonment, and under a suspicion for his life, fled away one morning with so much haste, ●har for all he was pursued by the shortest ways, he gained his own Dominions▪ without falling into the snares which were laid for him in several places. He was received of his people with much ●●y; and dissembling all the subjects he had to complain of the Emperor, he continued in that fidelity he had sworn to the Empire.  
But those who commanded in Armenia and the adjacent Provinces, fearing lest he should give up his Kingdom to the Persians, wrote against him to the Court, and accused him of holding private intelligence with the Enemy; of having put to death two of his Ministers, that were affectionate to his service, and the Interests of the Empire; and above all, of meddling with enchantments and Magic. Several testified that he had a secret to transform Men, or to consume them by incurable languors: Those who pursued him, to excuse their ill success, affirmed that he had bewitched their eyes. Valens, who was credulous and mistrustful, and apprehended nothing so much as to perish by Enchantments, gave secret Orders, that they should either by force or artifice deliver him from so dangerous a man: which was put in execution not long after at a Feast, where this young Prince was inhumanely murdered.  
Sapor, being amazed at the loss of the last Battle, and still more at the death of the King of Armenia, with whom he was in hopes to have concerted infallible measures against the Romans, had recourse to negotiation. He sent Arsaces', one of 
Ammian. l. 30.  the chief Lords of his Court, to propose to the Emperor a friendly composition; and with their joint consent to ruin Armenia, which was without a King, and had been the single cause of their divisions, and their wars. Valens rejected the proposition, and replied, That he kept up to the ancient Treaties, and would innovate nothing.  
After several shifts and turn they came to menaces, and a little time after they prepared on both sides for War. Valens levied forces in the Country of the Scythians, and resolved to enter into Persia with three Bodies of an Army at the beginning of the Spring. Sapor solicited his Allies for assistance, and assembled a great Army. He even prevented the Romans, and threw himself upon some neighbouring Provinces, which they had newly won. The revolt of the Goths happening about that time, it was convenient to suffer all things from the Persians, and to make Peace with them upon conditions little honourable, but necessary.  
LXVI. Sapor enjoyed the advantages which he had reaped from the juncture of affairs; and as he had been brought up in War from his youth, he was always meditating upon new attempts; and his ambition in an advanced age was not diminished. But when he came to know that Theodosius was Emperor, and had heard of his great qualities, and the mighty actions he had performed, he dispatched a famous Embassy to him; and whether he was touched at the reputation of this Prince, or was afraid of losing under him what he had gained under his Predecessors, he instructed his Ambassadors to tell him from him, That he congratulated his promotion to the Empire; That after having been at War with four Emperors, whom he could boast of vanquishing in several encounters, he was extremely glad to find one, with whom he might live in a perfect intelligence; That he would do him a favour in granting him his friendship, and in permitting him peaceably An. 382 to pass the remainder of his days in his alliance. He offered even to terminate the ancient contests of the two Nations, and to regulate their pretensions upon Armenia and Iberia, by a reasonable composition.  
LXVII. Theodosius, who knew how necessary a Peace was for the Empire, and how expensive and incommodious Wars are to the People, even when they are glorious to the Kings that have undertaken them, understood these overtures of Peace with joy, and answered to the Ambassadors, That he thanked their King for the offers he made to him, and that he might assure himself of his friendship; That since he had been called to the Empire, ●e had not only laboured to put an end to the Wars which he had found, but had avoided the opportunities of raising new ones; That his Predecessors had unquest ionably some reasons to break with the Persians; but as for him, he would always answer to the intentions of Princes, who had a mind to live in a fair correspondence with him; and that their Master entertaining this resolution could not choose a more sincere Friend, nor a more faithful All●. The Emperor had received these Ambassadors with an extraordinary magnificence; and after he had retained them some time in his Court, in order to decide with them the principal affairs of the two Empires, he sent them back loaded with rich Presents, and full of admiration at his Grandeur and Civility.  
LXVIII. About this time arrived at Constantinople some Priests deputed from the Council of Aquileia, who came to condemn two Bishops of Illyrium, convicted of Arianism, They desired audience of the Emperor, and pre●ented him with Letters from this Assembly, whereof Ambrose of Milan, and Valerian of Aquileia, were the Chief. These Prelates, after having rendered thanks to 
Theodor. l. 5. c. 9  Theodosius, for delivering the Eastern Church from the oppression of the Arians, complained to him of the design which had been taken at Constantinople, of electing a Successor to Meletius; which they looked upon as a persecution made to Paulinus, who had been always of their Communion. They entreated him, in order to regulate those controversies, to convocate a Council of the whole Catholic Church to meet at Alexandria, and to confirm it by his Imperial Authority. Theodosius, who had no greater desire than that of seeing Ecclesiastical differences at an end, would willingly have complied with their demands; but because he would do nothing without advice, and was afraid of assembling Spirits that were already upon the ferment, and hard to reunite, he wrote to the Bishops of the East, and prayed them to return to Constantinople at the beginning of the ensuing Summer, in order to deliberate there upon the proposition of the Western People.  
LXIX. A little while after the Emperor received other Letters, by which the Bishops of the West, after having represented to him a new the necessity of an universal Council, to condemn the Heresy of Apollinaris, to make a determination with whom it was necessary to communicate, to examine the Election of Flavian, and to appease all the troubles of the Church, entreated him to convocate this Assembly, and to agree that it might be held not at Alexandria, but at Rome. The Emperor Gratian approved of it, and joined with the Bishops therein. The●dosius, who knew the delicacy of the Eastern People, who were spurred on by a false emulation against the rest, and jealous of certain Privileges which they vainly attributed to themselves, foresaw that they would not easily consent to go to Rome. He was satisfied, that they would never suffer any reflections upon what they had done at Constantinople, and by that means division would increase instead of lessening. He was not himself too much inclined to procure a new Council, where they proposed to give some blemish to that which he had held the year before. Wherefore he was not very fond of answering either to Gratian, or the Bishops, till such time as he had informed himself of the intentions of those whom he had sent for.  
LXX. In the mean time Maximus began his Intrigues again. Chased from Constantinople, and repulsed by Theodosius, he was retired to Alex●●dria, near the Patriarch, who had imprudently favoured him. There, meditating upon ways still to disturb the Church, he threatened this good old man to turn even him out of his See, if he did not make an end of settling him in that of Gregory of Nazianzum. Possibly he might have succeeded in it, if the Governor of Egypt, knowing his busy and dangerous Spirit, had not commanded him to departed the City. He was forced to live in the Country, where he kept in Peace for some time, even in spite of himself. But at the first noise of the Convocation of a general Council to Rome, he went immediately away, and arrived in Italy, to praepossess those who were not yet informed of his scandalous Life, and his ●ntrusion to the Bishopric. He went to find the Emperor Gratian, and being acquainted with his zeal for the Catholic Religion, he presented him with a Book, which he pretended to have composed against the Arians.  
After that he addressed himself to the Bishops, and said, That after so many ill Treatments he had received in the East, he was come at last into a place where Justice was observed, and where persecuted Prelates had always found their Asylum; That his Ordination was Canonical, done by several Bishops, authorized by the Patriarch of Alexandria, performed indeed in a private house, but at a time when the Arians were unhappily possessed of all the Churches; and that they had notwithstanding maintained Gregory, and had just elected Nectarius to his prejudice. He shown them his Letters of Communion with Peter of Alexandria, and was wanting in nothing that might move them to compassion for him, and stir them up against the Eastern People, with whom he knew they had Reasons to be dissatisfied.  
By this artificial Discourse he revived the Passions of several, who were already prepossessed against the Eastern Church; and the wisdom of St. Ambro●e was not proof against the dissimulation of this Hypocrite. These Prelates received him into their Communion as a worthy Man, who was persecuted in the East, and who was entitled, according to the Canons, to demand the Bishopric of Constantinople. Nevertheless, as they were not sufficiently informed of the matter, they referred the decision of it to the Council, which was to be suddenly assembled from all parts of the world, and contented themselves with writing to Theodosius, to entreat him to have regard to the interests of Maximus, as much as the peace of the Church would permit it.  
LXXI. Whilst these things passed in the West, 
Append. God. Theod. pag. 105.  the Eastern Bishops being called a second time by the Emperor, arrived at Constantinople: The most part of those who were present there the year before came again, and those who could not go out of their Provinces, gave their Consents by writing, and Power to act in their Names. There was none but Gregory of Nazianzum, who had no share therein, and who excused himself upon the little effect that was for the most part reaped from those tumultuous Assemblies, and upon his Infirmities which would not permit him to undertake this Journey.  
As soon as these Prelates were arrived, Theodosius communicated to them the Proposal of the Italian Bishops, and desired their advice upon the general Synod, which they had a mind to have held at Rome. They made answer, That they did not refuse to contribute towards a confirmation of the Faith, and the reunion of the Church; but they prayed him to consider, that there was no such urgent occasion to oblige them to go so far; That whilst the West rejoiced in a profound Peace, the East had been agitated with cruel Tempests; and that after these Persecutions, the Churches stood in need of the presence of their Pastors; That besides they had not the consent of their Brothers, but for the Council of Constantinople, and that there was not sufficient time to consult them upon the subject of that of Rome.  
They made the same Reply to those who had invited them to this Council. They added a profession of Faith, whereby they acknowledged the Trinity, and the Incarnation; and after having rendered them an account of the election of Nectarius, and that of Flavian, they desired them to approve thereof, and to abandon their particular Affections for the common Interest of the Church. They also deputed three Bishops of their Body to those of Italy, to testify their desires to see them, and to assure them of their inclinations for Union, and their zeal for the Faith. The Emperor observing under these demonstrations of Friendship and Religion, abundance of coldness and indifference in their minds, received their Excuses, and thought it convenient to hinder an Assembly that would be composed of two Parties already form, and which in all appearance would produce nothing but disturbances, like those he had seen at Constantinople with so much displeasure. Whereupon he sent word to the Emperor Gratian, and to the Bishops of Italy, That he had made serious reflections upon the demand which had been proposed for a general Council at Rome, and that the Prelates of his Empire, whom he had consulted thereupon, had alleged to him the difficulty of the Journey, in an advanced season, and the small likelihood there was, that they might be able to leave their Churches, in order to be present at an Assembly which was not of that necessity after the Council of Constantinople; That he could not resist these Allegations, but he prayed them to be persuaded that he would contribute towards Peace with the utmost of his power, and would dispose all those thereto, that were Dependants upon him.  
LXXII. In the mean time the Goths of Athanaric's Retinue, were arrived in their ●own Country. As they had not been chased away for any subject of particular hatred, they were received without any difficulty. The Fidelity which they had preserved to their Prince to the very last, appeared commendable to the very Barbarians; and Fritigern, to whom it imported to esteem so good an example, willingly retained them near his person, and favoured them upon every occasion.  
These did not cease to declare the mighty things they had seen at Constantinople, and above all to praise the magnificence and courtesy of Theodosius. They entertained the King and People with the Civilities and Endearments which he ha● shown Athanaric, and the Honours he had rendered to him after his death. They exposed th● Presents he had made to them: they repeated th● obliging words he had said to them, and by virtue of relating the great qualities of the Emperor they reduced their whole Nation, as much possessed against him as it was, to fear him and estee● him.  
LXXIII. Fritigern, who saw himself advance● in years, who was afraid of Revolutions, and besides knew how to prise and acknowledge virtue resolved to seek the alliance and protection of ● Prince, that was represented to him so puissa● and so generous. He proposed his design to th● Army. The Captains and Soldiers consente● thereto; the one being affected with the goo● entertainment of their Companions, the other● encouraged by the hopes of serving a liberal and gracious Emperor. The King solicited the Grotungues, who had been associated with him during several years, to pursue the same intention; bu● they refused it, whether it was that they wer● urged to go and join the body of their Nation● from which they were divided; or else that they were in hopes their Cavalry might still be able to make some eruptions upon the lands of the Empire, and carry off some considerable booty.  
Fritigern then made choice of the chief Captains of his Army, and sent them to Theodosius in ●rder to desire his friendship, and to entreat him ●o entertain for him and all his People the same ●oodness which he had discovered for Athanaric, ●nd those of his Retinue. He promised to be inviolably fixed to the interests of the Empire, and ●o do it as much service, if it lay in his power, as ●e had prejudice heretofore, under an Emperor ●ss wise and generous than he.  
Theodosius received this Deputation with all the ●onour and testimonies of friendship imaginable. ●e promised to treat the Goths as his Allies, and ●o love them as his Subjects. Although they had proposed to him no Condition, he made them very advantageous ones, giving Orders for the providing them with Necessaries in abundance, and assigning 
Zoz. l. 4. Oros.  to them Lands in certain Provinces of the Empire. The Goths from this time were always serviceable to the Emperor. There was a matter ●f twenty thousand who served in divers places ●mongst his Troops; the rest confined themselves ●o the banks of the Danube, to obstruct the incur●ions of other Barbarians into the Country of the Romans.  
LXXIV. About this time the Bishops of Italy ●enewed their instances with Gratian, upon the convocation of a general Council, which they pre●ended to hold at Rome: but this Prince referred ●hem to Theodosius, to discharge himself of this ●are, that he might not enter into the Disputes between the Eastern and Western Bishops. They wrote to Theodosius then upon this Subject. They added thereto Complaints against the Elections of Flavian and Nectarius. They even disapproved of that of Gregory of Nazianzum, and declared themselves in favour of Maximus, desiring that his Cause might be decided at Rome, as those of Athanasius, Peter of Alexandria, and many other Prelates of the East, who had recourse to the judgement of the Roman Church. The Emperor, to put an end to this affair, and to remove all subject of division, wrote to them smartly, That their Reasons were not sufficient to assemble an universal Council▪ That the Elections of Nectarius and Flavian having been made in the East, they ought not to be judged out of places where all the Parties were present; That the Bishops of the East had some reason to be offended ● their unreasonable demands; That as for Maximus, ● admired that such enlightened Prelates had been so credulous in relation to a notorious Impostor, whom he wa● resolved to punish, if he was impudent enough to come near Constantinople.  
Thus Theodosius was careful of the affairs of the State, together with those of the Church, and deserved the favour of God in so many wonderful Successes, which made his Reign worthy of admiration and praise.   

The CONTENTS of the THIRD BOOK.  
I. STate of the Eastern Empire. II. State of the West. III. Virtues and Defects of the Emperor Gratian. iv Revolt of Maximus. V He draws in the Pagans. VI He entices the Troops over. VII. He passes the Sea, and renders himself Master of Gaul. VIII. Gratian is abandoned of the Army, and the People. IX. Death of Gratian. X. Maximus sends Ambassadors to Theodosius. XI. The Empress Justine sends St. Ambrose to Maximus. XII. St. Ambrose stops Maximus on t'other side of the Alps. XIII. Theodosius associates his Son Arcadius to the Empire. XIV. Education of Arcadius. XV. Qualities of Arsenius, Tutor of Arcadius. XVI. Conduct of Theodosius in reference to the Education of his Son. XVII. Conduct of Arsenius in Relation to Arcadius. XVIII. Reflections of Arsenius, upon his Condition, and his Retreat. XIX. Theodosius assembles the Heads of the different Sects. XX. An easy Method to determine Ecclesiastical Differences. XXI. Theodosius disappoints the Heretics. XXII. Theodosius commands each Sect to give its Profession of Faith in Writing. XXIII. Theodosius tears the Forms of the Heretics. XXIV. Confusion of the Heretics. XXV. Edicts of the Emperor against the Heretics. XXVI. Clemency of Theodosius. XXVII. Wise remonstrance of Amphilochus. XXVIII. The Pagans attempt to rise in the West. XXIX. Humour of Symmachus; his request for the An. 383 altar of Victory. XXX. Consequence of the request of Symmachus. St. Ambrose writes to Valentinian to oppose it. XXXI. Answer to the request of Symmacus by St. Ambrose. XXXII. The Pagans lose their cause. XXXIII. New efforts of the Heretics. XXXIV. Edict of the Emperor against the Heretics. XXXV. The Jews prohited from keeping Christian Slaves. XXXVI. Birth of Honori●s. XXXVII. Treaty of the three Emperors. XXXVIII. Cruelties of Maximus. XXXIX. St. Martin begs the pardon of two Criminals. XL. Maximus endeavours to gain St. Martin, and makes him eat at his Table. XLI. Errors of Priscillian, and his followers. XLII. An Ecclesiastical cause carried to a Secular Tribunal. XLIII. Prudent remonstrance of St. Martin. XLIV. Condemnation of Priscillian; consequence of his death. XLV. Ordinance of Theodosius concerning Ecclesiastical judgements. XLVI. Sacrificing to Idols prohibited. XLVII. Reformation of manners. XLVIII. Deliverance of Prisoners at the Feast of Easter. XLIX. Death of the Princess Pulcheria. L. Death of the Empress Flaccilla; her Virtues. LI. Aversion of the Empress Justine for St. Ambrose. LII. Edict against the Catholics. Constancy of Benevolus. LIII. St. Ambrose is provoked to a Dispute before the Emperor. LIV. St. Ambrose refuses to come to a conference in the Palace. LV. Orders to deliver the Churches of the Catholics to the Arians. LVI. The People shut themselves up in the Cathedral. St. Ambrose refuses to abandon i●. LVII. Negotiation to have a Church in the Suburbs. LVIII. Vain Attempts of the Empress to reduce St. Ambrose. LIX. Deputation of Lords to the Emperor. LX. The Persecution ceases. LXI. Pretence of Maximus to enter into Italy. LXII. Irruption of the Gro●ungues; their Attempts to pass the Danube. LXIII. Vigilance, and Dexterity of Promotius. LXIV. Defeat of the Grotungues. LXV. Theodosius arrives at the Camp; gives Liberty to all the Prisoners. LXVI. The Grotungues enroled in the Service of the Emperor. LXVII. Rash Action of Gerontius. LXVIII. The Grotungues slain. LXIX. Theodosius citys Gerontius to appear; orders him to be taken up, LXX. Theodosius writes to Maximus, and to the Empress' ●uf●ine upon the subject of St. Ambrose. LXXI. Second Emhassy of St. Ambrose to Maximus. LXXII. Audience given to St. Ambrose. Maximus perplexed. LXXIII. St. Ambrose discovers the Intentions of Maximus. He is not believed. LXXIV. Entrance of Maximus into Italy. Flight of Valentinian and Justine. LXXV. Policy of Maximus. LXXVI. Valentinian and Justine arrive at Thessalonica. Wise remonstrance of Theodosius. LXXVII. Theodosius concludes upon War. Marries the Princess Galla. LXXVIII. New Impost. Sedition of Antioch. LXXIX. Resolution taken against the City of Antioch. LXXX. Desolation of the Inhabitants of Antioch. LXXXI. Descent of the Solitaries into Antioch. LXXXII. Journey of Flavian Archbishop of Antioch. LXXXIII. Discourse of the Archbishop to Theodosius. LXXXIV. Theodosius pardons those of Antioch. LXXXV. Malice of the Historian Zozimus. LXXXVI. The Widow Olympias refuses to marry Elpidius, the Emperor's Kinsman. LXXXVII. Persecution made to the Widow Olympias. LXXXVIII. Olympias restored to her Possessions. LXXXIX. Theodosius disposes himself to a War against Maximus. XC. Theodosius renews his Edicts against the Heretics. XCI. Maximus prepar●s for War. XCII. Treason discovered in the Army of Theodosius. XCIII. Valentinian and his Mother embark themselves. XCIV. Theodosius surprises Maximus in Pannonia. XCV. Passage of the Save. Victory of Theodosius. XCVI. Theodosius marches against Marcellin, and wins a second Battle. XCVII. Death of Maximus, and Andragatius. XCVIII. Moderation and Clemency of Theodosius. XCIX. False Reports dispersed by the Arians. C. Sedition of the Arians. CI. Ordinance of Theodosius against an Eastern Bishop. CII. Remonstrance of St. Ambrose to the Emperor Theodosius. CIII. St. Ambrose publicly reprehends the Emperor in a Sermon. CIV. Theodosius repeals the Ordinance. CV. Description of the Altar of Victory. CVI The several States of this Altar under the Emperors. CVII. The Deputies of the Senate petition the Emperor for this Altar; Theodosius denies it. CVIII. Theodosius goes to Rome to receive the Honour of Triumph. CIX. The Regulation which Theodosius made in Rome. CX. Symmachus pronounces a Panegyric in Honour of Theodosius. He is in disgrace, and recalled a little while after. CXI. Divers Regulations. CXII. News of the Ruin of the Alexandrian Temples. CXIII. Conversion of several Pagans. The use which 〈◊〉 made of the Golden Idols. CXIV. Departure of Theodosius. Death of the Empress Justine.  
THE HISTORY OF THEODOSIUS the Great. BOOK III.  
I. THeodosius reigned peaceably in the East. His people lived in quiet and abundance, and his Adversaries were become his Friends. Whilst the whole World revered his greatness, or were afraid of his power, he applied himself to regulate his Dominion, and to re-establish in its purity that Religion, which his Predecessors had oppressed; and he regarded the Peace which he enjoyed, as a Reward for that he gave the Church.  
II. The Empire of the Weft had been no less successful, if the weakness, or negligence of the Emperors had not afforded occasions for revolts, and Civil Wars. The young Valentinian who had 
Ambros. Orat. in  for his division Italy, afric and Illyrium, was not yet of a capable Age to govern, and the Empress his Mother abused his name, and his Authority. 
fun. Valen.  She was an Arian, and thought it a good piece of service to her Son, to render him so too. The cares of her Regency extended no further than to the obtaining of a Bishop of her own Party, or to the depriving the Catholics of a Church. She distributed her favours to those, who obliged her with a compliance to her passions, and she could not imagine that the State could have other Enemies, than those who opposed her error. All things were to be feared under an infant Emperor, in whom were imprinted ill apprehensions of things, and under a Heretic Empress, who was more sedulous for the advancement of her Sect, than for the peace and security of the Empire.  

Ammian. l. 31.  III. Gratian, who reigned on this side the Alps, was in the flower of his Age, formidable to his Enemies, over whom he had obtained several victories. He had a great fund of justice, and natural goodness, which might have gained him the affection of the People: but he abandoned himself to the interessed counsels of his Ministers, 
Aur. Victor. in Gratian  and had no manner of application to business. He was of a sweet temper, polite, modest, complaisant. He was a Scholar; and whether he was to speak in public, or write in Verse and Prose, it was easy to judge that he had improved by the instructions of Ausonius, and that Ausonius had sound in him an excellent Genius. As for his inclinations, they were all generous, and disposed to good. He enjoyed in the heat of his youth 
Auson. in Panegyr.  the chastity and temperance of an old man. He was not only sincere, but also liberal to his Friends. He loved to grant favours, and sought even to prevent desires. Never was Prince more active, or more vigilant in war: he was always at the head of his Troops, and marched the first to the Enemy. After the fight▪ he took care of the wounded Soldiers, whom he went to comfort in their Tents: he looked after all their necessities himself, and oftentimes dressed their wounds with his own hands.  

Ruffin. Ambros. August. etc.  All Ecclesiastical Authors commend his Piety toward God, and his most ardent zeal for the purity of Faith. So many great qualities, joined to an admirable grace in all his actions, and to the beauty of his Face, seemed as an earnest of his happiness. But he had so great an aversion for labour, and such an extreme passion for huntting, and other corporal exercises, that he consumed whole days in lancing the Javelin and shooting 
Victor. in Grat. Ammia●. l. 31.  beasts in a Park. His Governors entertained him in this idleness instead of exposing to him the inconveniences of it; and whilst this young Prince made an employment of a Recreation, and reposed all his glory in an unprofitable dexterity, they were Masters of affairs, and applied themselves to their particular Interests.  

Victor. in Grat. Ammian. l. 31. Sulp. Sever. l. 2. c. 62.  IV. Things were in this condition, when Maximus General of the Roman Army in England, made himself to be proclaimed Emperor. Besides that his Ambition had disposed him of a long time to attempt all things to Reign, and that descending from the house of Helena, the Mother of Constantine the great, he looked upon the Empire, as his propriety, he could not dispense with Gratian's preferring Theodosius before him. Nettled against one, and jealous of the other, he immediately won the chief Officers of 
Socrat. l. 5. c. 11.  the Army. He drew the most part of the English Lords to his side, and afterwards made use of all the favourable conjunctures to introduce rebellion into Gaul and Italy.  
Gratian had attempted to ruin the Religion of the Pagans, which his Father, through Policy, had always spared. He had already weakened it 
Symm. l. 5▪ E●. 11.  considerably, by retrenching the Revenues which the Priests enjoyed, and the Sums which the State had been obliged to furnish towards the maintenance of Sacrifices. He had invested the Perfect of Rome with power to examine all controversies relating to Idolatry. He would not even accept 
●oz. l. 4.  of a title, which ●avoured of superstition, refusing the name and habit of Chief Priest, which his Predecessors, for reasons of State, had retained till then. So generous a zeal incensed the Pagans, and especially some Roman Senators, who were the Chief.  
V Maximus finding them disposed to favour his revolt, made them hope that he would restore to their Gods the Honour which they were just deprived of, and that he would re▪ establish their Altars, their Priests, and their Sacrifices. Although he was a Christian, he appeared to them so much inclined to restore the Adoration of their Idols, that they respected him as their Deliverer, and began to extol him highly, as if Gratian had been the Tyrant, and Maximus ●he lawful Prince. Thus the one betrayed the Emperor by a prepossession of Religion, the other betrayed his Religion by a violent passion of becoming Emperor.  
VI He debauched the Army as easily as he had enticed the Senate. Gratian had not managed the Officers of the Roman Trrops as he ought to have done. He frequently preferred Alain Soldiers before them, and other Barbarians, whom he honoured with his Confidence and Favours; and whether he found them fit for his diversions, or was in hopes thereby to attract to his Service all their Nation, he kept them about his Person, and even took pleasure in dressing himself after 
Zoz. l. 4.  their Mode. This conduct made him odious to the Legions, who had ●erved him with so much advantage; and to obtain the affection of Strangers, he lost himself in the opinion of his own Soldiers. Maximus made use of this opportunity: He underhand solicited those Troops, who were already but too sensible of the contempt which was entertained of them. Some add, that he sent them advice of his secret correspondence with 
P atat. in Panegyr.  Theodosius, and that he acted in concert with him.  
One Empire did not suffice the ambition of this Rebel. He thought that after having ruined Gratian, he might easily compass the end of Valentinian, and his Mother Justine: The age of one, the infirmity of the other, and the hatred of all good men, which they had procured by persecuting the Catholics, made him hope to render himself Master of the two Empires, to become formidable at least to Theodosius, and to enjoy without disturbance the advantage of his crimes.  
VII. Upon this expectation he put himself to Sea, and came to descend with his Army towards the Mouth of the Rhine. The Troops 
Zoz. l. 4.  which were in Quarters about Germany, acknowledged him immediately for their Emperor, and all the Garrisons received him. Gratian, astonished at this Revolution, assembled that part of the Army, which he had retained near him, and advanced towards the Rebels, with a resolution to give them Battle. The two Armies were about five days in sight of each other, without Maximus' coming to a decisive Battle. Then the Legions dissatisfied with Gratian appeared disordered. All the Moorish Horse detached itself to go and join the Rebels; the body of the Army followed their example; the People, who love Novelty, and are always of the strongest side, declared themselves presently after, and Maximus was absolute in Gaul, as soon as he arrived there.  
VIII. Gratian, upon the first noise of this Revolt, had called the Huns and Alains to his Relief; but they did not come in time. There remained only near his Person a few Troops, whose Fidelity was suspected to him. Thus, being abandoned of his own men, refused of the Cities he passed by, scarce any one to defend him, nor even to accompany 
Zo●. l. 4.  him, he wandered in his own proper Empire. At length he fled towards the Alps, attended by Three Hundred Horse, which he had assembled with much ado, in order to assist him in his Flight: but he found all the Passages guarded by those he had reason to mistrust. He went back again, uncertain of the way he was to take to save himself. As he arrived at Lions, he had advice 
Socrat. l. 5. c. 11. Sozom. l. 7. c. 13.  from several places, that the Empress his Wife was coming to seek him, in order to accompany him in his adversity.  
IX. This Prince forgetting for a time the danger he was in, more affected with the misfortunes of this Princess, than his own, recalled in his mind all his Love, and passed the Rhine with a design to meet her. As soon as he was upon the Shore, he discerned a Litter encompassed with Guards. He hastened to it: but he saw come out, instead of his Wife, Count Andragatius General of the Horse, whom Maximus had dispatched after him in haste. This Traitor having surprized him in his Snares, seized him, and most inhumanely murdered him, the Four and twentieth of September, in the Eight and twentieth Year of his 
Ammian▪ l. 27.  Age, and the Sixteenth of his Empire.  
Such was the Destiny of this Emperor. He suffered Death with Constancy; and all the concern he had upon him was for the absence of St. Ambrose, who might have disposed him to a holy Death. The Church, which he had always defended, 
Ambros. in Orat. de obitu Gr.  bemoaned his loss; and those, who reign after him, may draw from him this instruction, that it concerns their Reputation, Peace, and even Safety, to govern by themselves those States, wherewith they are charged.  
X. Maximus puffed up with so many Successes, was ready to pass into Italy, and surprise Valentinian, a young Prince without Experience, and without Force. But besides ●hat, it was necessary to give some Orders in the Provinces newly subdued, he judged it convenient, before he passed the Alps, to sound the intentions of Theodosius. He sent Ambassadors to him, with Instructions to offer him his Friendship, if he would associate him to the Empire, or to declare War against 
Zoz. l. 4.  him, if he refused it. Theodosius being sensibly touched at the Death of Gratian his Friend, and Benefactor, had already resolved to revenge it; but as he had reserved himself but a small number of Troops, since the general Peace throughout the East, he was afraid lest Valentinian should be oppressed, before he was in a condition to defend him. He dissembled his design, and replied to the Ambassadors, that he accepted the Offers of Maximus; that he did not oppose what the Army had done for him; and since he possessed the place of Gratian, he looked upon him as his Successor to the Empire. The necessity of things 
Zoz. ibid.  obliged him thus to treat him as a Colleague, till he was in a posture to declare himself his Enemy.  
XI. But whilst he entered into Negotiation with him, the Empress Justine imagined every moment, that Maximus was coming to thunder upon Italy. She had neither Army to oppose him, nor expectation of Succour from her Allies. She resolved then to send Ambassadors to him, in order to prevail on him by her Submissions, and to stop him on t' other side of the Alps. But she found no one in her Court, who could, or would undertake so difficult a Negotiation: insomuch that she was constrained to have recourse to St. Ambrose. She suspended for a time the Hatred which she had conceived against him, and conjured him on the part of the Emperor, her Son, to undertake this Embassy. The holy Bishop willingly accepted of this Employment, and went away in haste, being resolved to sacrifice his Repose, and his very Life for his Prince and Country. He found Maximus in a state of enterprizing all things. His Conquests, instead of satisfying his Ambition, had incensed him. To be Master of Gaul, Spain, and England, he accounted of small importance, if he did not reign in Italy: He came from spilling the blood of one Emperor, he went to chase the other from his Empire.  
XII. But this Prelate spoke to him with so much force, and performed so well by his eloquence and address, that he made him abandon the resolution he had taken to pass the Alps. His Arms fell out of his hands, and whether the respect and veneration he conceived for this great man, had suggested to him some great moderation, or that he perceived his Passions to relent by his affecting free discourses, or else that God, who is the Master of Kings, and let's lose Tyrants in his anger, and retains them when he pleases, had prescribed his bounds to this; did, without knowing why, what St. Ambrose desired of him. Contrary to all appearance he stopped at Gaul, established at Treves the seat of his new Dominion, and took the Title of Augustus with the consent of the two Emperors. He repent afterwards of having lost so favourable an opportunity, and 
Ambros. E●. 33.  complained often that the Archbishop of Milan had enchanted him.  
XIII. About this time Theodosius observing his Son Arcadius to grow up, resolved to declare him Augustus, although he was but Seven or Eight Years 
Socrat. l. 5. c. 10. Sozom. l. 7. c. 12.  old. The Ceremony was performed in a Palace called the Tribunal, designed for the Coronation of the Emperors, in presence of all the Lords of the Court, and several Bishops. Every one testified by his Acclamations, the joy he had to see this Young Prince invested with the Imperial Habits, and wished that he might possess the Virtues of his Father, as he had received his Dignity.  
XIV. Theodosius was extremely satisfied with having made a new Emperor out of his Family▪ and with the public Approbation. But he was more intent upon his Education than his Establishment, and thought it was of little importance to leave him ample Territories, if he did not leave him Wisdom to govern them. He had a long time sought for the wisest and learnedst man of the Empire, to entrust him with this Infant, who was one day to be the Master of so many People. He had sent to the Emperor Gratian concerning it▪ and Gratian had entreated Pope Damasus to make himself a choice of so much moment, and to dispatch him to Constantinople, whom he should esteem worthy of this Employment. This Pope, who was well versed in good literature, had an exemplary Piety, and an excellent Judgement, cast his Eyes upon Arsenius Deacon of the Roman Church, whose Virtue and Learning he was acquainted with.  
XV. He was a man of a very noble Family, absolute in the Greek and Latin Tongues, in Human Sciences, and the Study of the Holy Scriptures. As worthy as he was of the greatest Stations, and the chief Dignities of the Church, he never had any other prospect than that of his Salvation. Although his inclination had ever disposed him to a retirement, and that he was very austere in relation to himself, yet he did not fly from an honest Society, and was troublesome to no body. Damasus proposed him as a wise man, who lived in the Court without being corrupted, and who would give not only good instructions to the Prince; but also good Examples to the Courtiers.  
XVI. The Emperor received Arsenius as a Treasure sent from Heaven itself, and prayed him to be careful of the Education of Arcadius, to look upon him as his own Son, to take over him all the Authority of a Father, and to make of him by his instructions a wise and pious Emperor. He recommended to this Young Prince, Docility, Obedience, and Respect, and repeated to him several times these words: Remember, my Son, that you will 
Apud. Metaphrast. 8 Maii. Sur▪ 19 Julii.  be more obliged to your Tutor, than to myself. You have from me your Birth and an Empire; you will learn of him Wisdom, and the Fear of God, and from henceforth he will more justly claim the Title of Father, than I. He was wanting in nothing, that might conduce to authorise the Master, and render the Pupil more respectful▪ for happening one day to enter into the Chamber of the Prince in order to assist at his Lecture, and having found him seated, and Arsenius standing before him, he complained of both.  
Arsenius would excuse himself upon the honour he thought himself obliged to ●ender to an Emperor; and upon the Respect which the Purple, wherewith he was invested, imprinted in him. But Theodosius without harkening to his excuses, commanded him to sit down, and his Son to stand, and be uncovered during Lecture▪ and to take away all subject of Decorum, he ordered the Prince to lay aside all the marks of his Dignity, when he went to his Study; adding that he should hold him unworthy of the Empire, if he did not know how to render to every one his due, and with his Learning did not observe Acknowledgement and Piety.  
XVII. Arseni●s applied himself not only to teach his Pupil good Literature, but also to educate him in the Faith, and in the Exercise of Christian Virtues. He studied his inclinations, and maintained them, or redressed them as they were good or bad. This young Prince was of a lively, openhearted Temper, of an easy and agreeable Humour, his Sentiments all noble and generous, and had a Soul naturally inclined to Religion and Justice. But he was averse to Labour, inconstant in his Friendships▪ ready and susceptible of all ●orts of Impre●●ions, and more disposed to credit those who flattered him in his defects, than those who endeavoured to reclaim him.  
Arseniu● foreseeing the fa●al consequences, that might proceed to an Emperor from these vicious Habits, after having attempted in vain to reform them by address, resolved to repress them by a discreet severity. He reproved him several times, he complained to the Emperor his Father of his ungovernable Temper; he joined at length chastisement to his complaints and reprimands. Arcadius took the correction for an injury, and had a mind to rid himself of his Tutor. He communicated his design to one of his Officers, in whom he reposed much confidence, and commanded him to deliver him from a troublesome man, wh● misused him. This Officer promised him to execute his Orders, for fear he should charge some body else with them, and went secretly to advertise Arsenius, that he might provide for his own security.  
XVIII. Although Arsenius saw well, that it was nothing but a Childish passion, which might have no consequence, yet making Reflections upon the unhappiness of Princes, who love almost as soon as they are born, those who delude them, and esteem those for Enemies who correct them, he seriously considered about leaving an Employment, wherein he hazarded his Life if he persisted in his constancy, and his Safety, if he took a soft, and remiss conduct. Heaven determined him almost at the same time to a profession more quiet and more holy▪ For as he asked God in the fervency of his Prayer, what method he should take to save himself, it is reported that he 
Ruffin. l. 3.  heard a Voice, which answered to him, Arsenius, avoid men, 'tis the means to secure thee.  
A few days after he went out of Constantinople disguised, and took Sanctuary in the Deserts of Egypt, where he passed above Fifty years among the Solitaries of Scete, without holding any correspondence with the world, living only upon Roots, scarce affording some few moments of sleep to the infirmity of Nature, employing days and nights in Prayer and Lamentation in his Cell, and fixing himself with an entire application of mind to his Salvation, till he arrived at the Age of Fourscore and fifteen years.  
The Emperor received with a very sensible displeasure, the news of Arsenius' retirement, without knowing the occasion of it. He made him to be searched for through the whole extent of the Empire, but God had a mind to conceal him from the world, after he had drawn him from thence, in order to make of him a perfect model of a penitent and solitary Life. Arcadius did not know the loss he had sustained; but the People felt the effects of it, when confirmed in his Passions, governed by his Women and his Eunuches, preferring and destroying his Favourites himself, he gave occasion for those Revolutions, which began to ruin the Roman Empire without recovery.  
XIX. Theodosius, after he had established his Son, applied himself to regulate the Affairs of the Church, which were no less considerable to him, than those of his Family. To satisfy his Zeal, and to leave no cause of Division in the East, when he should be in a condition to march against Maximus; he attempted on a sudden to confound all the Heresies, and to reunite all minds in the same Belief. In order to which, he summoned to Constantinople the Heads of the different Sects, to give an account of their Faith, and their motives of separation from the Catholics. They all repaired 
Socrat. l. 5. 6. 10. Sozom. l. 7. ●. 12.  thither, some to endeavour a re-establishment in those Bishoprics which they had formerly usurped, the rest to sustain their opinions in a regular dispute.  
The Emperor discovered his design to the Archbishop of Constantivople, and consulted him upon those measures he should esteem most proper for the Reunion of Religions. This Prelate, who had grown old at Court without any acquaintance with the holy Scriptures, or Ecclesiastical Rules, and moreover very little instructed in the state of the Questions and Controversies of the time, found himself in an extreme perplexity. He was afraid of Disputes and Confer●●ces, and knowing his own small Capacity, he had recourse to Agelas' Bishop of the Novatians. This Prelate sent him back to Sisinnus, who was as yet but a Reader in their Church, and did not cease to be very intelligent in all kind of Learning, well versed in the reading of Church Authors▪ This man advised him to obstruct disputes and contests in the Synod, saying, that they provoked men's minds, instead of persuading them; that the de●ire of conquest, or the shame of being overcome, carried the wisest to dangerous extremities; and that by this method Charity was almost always injured, and Truth never brought to light.  
XX. After which he proposed a compendious way to terminate those differences, without entering into long disputes of Learning. It was to take for the Judges of the present controversies the ancient Doctors of the Church, who had explained the Mysteries of the Christian Religion; adding that if the Heretics insisted upon the testimonies of the ancient Fathers, it was easy to convict them, and if they refused to submit thereto, they would render themselves odious to the People.  
Nectaries made good use of this advice, and came forthwith to confer with the Emperor about it. This Prince found that it was the most concise and easy expedient to succeed in his design; and rejoicing that he was disentangled from all those fruitless subtleties, which he did not understand, and that he could reduce to one single point so easy to prove, all the questions which divided the Church, he managed the affair with abundance of Prudence. One day when the Bishops were assembled, he entered into the Synod, spoke to them with much Sweetness and Gravity; and after having exhorted them to Peace, and a research after Truth, he questioned them concerning th●ir opinions of the holy Doctors, who had treated of the Faith, and Doctrine of Jesus Christ before the last Heresies; they answered, without Haesitation▪ that they acknowledged them for their Masters, and had a profound Veneration for them. Then Theodosius, Either condemn those, said he to them, whom you just now praised, or confess what they have written concerning the Divinity of Jesus Christ.  
XXI. He spoke these words in so firm and absolute a tone, that the most obstinate remained without reply, confounded that they had betrayed themselves by acknowledging the Authority of the Ancients. The Emperor, who saw them in disorder, urged them to make choice of one or t'other party: but as error is never at union with itself, there was a division amongst them. The Demi-Arians, who thought to be able to explain the Fathers in their favour, consented to a perseverance in the Doctrine of Antiquity; the rest, who could not save themselves but by dispute, demanded to come to a discussion of the points contested: They grew warm insensibly one against another, as far as to upbraid each other with their opinions, either as contrary to the Testimony of the ancient Church, or as unwarrantable in Reason.  
XXII. The Emperor taking the advantage of the disturbance they were in, declared to them that he would himself take care to unite them, and commanding every Sect to give him its Profession of Faith in writing, he went out of the Assembly. The most qualified amongst them were charged with the preparation of these Forms, which they concerted all together with an extreme exactness, weighing all the words and syllables, and seeking all the softest methods to reconcile the Emperor to them, without doing prejudice at the ●ame time to their opinions.  
Theodosius having sent for them a few days after they came to the Palace. Demophilus, who had, been chased from the See of Constantinople, declared by writing that the Son of God was but a creature; that he was not begotten of his Father, but had been created out of nothing; Eunomius Native of Cappadocia, a man of a busy and seditious Spirit, who had been Bishop of Cyzicum, and whom even those of his own party could not endure, brought his Profession of Faith, as impious as the other, but conceived in terms more magnificent and respectful in reference to Jesus Christ. Eleusius, Chief of the Macedonians, presented his at the same time, wherein he enlarged himself upon the Greatness and Dignity of the Son of God, but rejecting the term of consubstantial, and still adding some Blasphemies against the Holy Ghost. He was a wavering man, and of little solidity, who had repent twice of his error, and relapsed into it as often, and at last died in Schism. The Patriarch Nectarius, and Agelas a Novatian Bishop gave also their Confession of Faith, in which they defended ●he Doctrine of the Nicean Council, and maintained the consubstantiality of the word.  
XXIII. The Emperor took these Forms with ●uch civility, and retired into his Closet. He 
Socrat. ●▪ 〈◊〉 c. 10.  ●erused them, and after having made his Prayer ● draw the blessings of Heaven upon the Action e was going to do, he reentered into the Hall ●here were the Arian Bishops: There, tearing in ●eir presence their Confessions of Faith, and pre●rving none but that of the Catholics, he declared to them, That he was resolved to suffer no other eligion in the whole extent of his Dominions, than that ●ich acknowledged the Son of God to be Consubstantial to his Father; That it was time for them to reunite, and to receive the wholesome Doctrine of the ancient Church; That he would use all his Authority for the glory of God, from whom he held it; and that regarding them as his Adversaries, who should be those of Jesus Christ, he should know well how to make himself obeyed in a Point, wherein was concerned the safety and repose of his Subjects. After which he dismissed them, without staying for their Answer.  
XXIV. The Majesty of the Prince, their division, their surprise, the approaching ruin of their Sects, the shame of having so ill defended their Causes, caused trouble and confusion in their minds. They withdrew from Court, and soon observing themselves to be abandoned of the greatest part of their Followers, they at length assembled together the remainders of their Parties, and were reduced to tell them for all their comfort, That the number of the Elect was small; that the truth was usually persecuted upon earth; and that their Faith would be so much the more agreeable to God, as Men had more Authority to oppress it: which they had not been careful to declare, when they oppressed the Church themselves by force and violence.  

Cod. Theod. l. 11. & 12. de Haeret.  XXV. To accomplish the destruction of these Heresies, the Emperor immediately sent out an Ordinance, whereby he prohibited Heretics to assemble together, to instruct the People either in City or Country, to be possessed of any building that should have any manner of likeness to a Church, in a word to say or do any thing in private or public, that was contrary to the Catholic Religion; permitting all the good Men of his Empire to unite themselves in order to the chase from civil society all those who should dare to contradict this Ordinance. He likewise enjoined all Officers and Magistrates to oblige the Arians to confine themselves within their Cities and Provinces, lest by a too free communication with the People, they should disperse abroad their venomous Principles. And to be assured of the execution of his Edicts, he ordered the Magistrates of those Cities, wherein the Arians should hold any Congregation, to be most severely punished, and the houses, wherein they should be caught, confiscated.  
XXVI. There was need of an Authority like his, to repress a Sect so rebellious, so extensive, and so imperious. But notwithstanding all his vigour, he still retained much goodness. He terrified the 
Sozom l. 7. c. 12.  Heretics, without ordaining any Punishments for them. He kept them in obedience, without exacting forced Conversions; and leaving to God the affecting their hearts by his grace, he contented himself to humble them, by the little esteem he made of them, or to attract them by the favours which he shown to all those who returned to his communion, and never came to threaten, till he had practised all the ways of sweetness.  
This candid Behaviour oftentimes disturbed the Catholics, who, by an inconsiderate zeal, were always for extirpating their Enemies. It gave occasion for a wise Remonstrance, which was made to him by Amphilochus Bishop of Iconium. Theodosius had resolved, as we have said, to abolish the multitude of Religions; and in order to gain the heads of Parties, or at least not to frighten them, he had several Conferences with them, and invited them by very pressing Considerations to hearken to a reunion. The Conducts he had with them, and the Civilities which he shown them, gave a disturbance to several holy Bishops, who did not pierce into his designs. They were afraid of his being surprised by those artificial Men, who knew how to disguise their malice, and did not want Intrigues and Cabals in Court. They were also afflicted at his refusal to renew his Edicts against the Arians.  
XXVII. As they found themselves obliged to go in a Body to wait upon this Prince, in order to the performing of their Duties to him, and to his Son Arcadius, lately created Emperor; Amphilochus a Prelate venerable for his Age, the purity of his Faith, and the knowledge of the holy Scriptures, otherwise very simple, and unpolished, followed the rest to the Palace. As soon as he came into the Hall of Audience, and appeared before Theodosius, 
Sozom. l. 7▪ c. ●. Theod. l. 5. c. 16. Niceph. l. 12. c. 9  he made him his Compliment with a very profound respect; and approaching afterwards to Arcadius, who was seated by his side, God preserve thee, my Son, said he to him, smiling faintly, and stroking him upon the head. All the Company blushed, and the Emperor touched at this despising Behaviour, and those injurious Caresses which he made to his Son, made a sign to the Guards to take away the indiscreet old Man. Then the holy Bishop turning himself, said to him in a free and serious manner, You are offended, Sir, when your Son is not as much honoured as yourself. Don't you imagine that the heavenly Father is as tenderly sensible of the injury which is done to him, by those who refuse to adore his Son, and who blaspheme against him? The Emperor admired this rustical wisdom, which was of more account than all the prudence of the children of this world. He asked pardon of this Prelate, and after he had returned him thanks for his instruction, he gave him an assurance that he would make the best use thereof.  
XXVIII. Whilst the Heretics deplored their ruin in the East, the Pagans, under the conduct of Symmachus the Senator, endeavoured to raise themselves at Rome. The Conjunctures were favourable. Maximus amused them in this design, and Valentinian was afraid of incensing Maximus. They wanted nothing but an opportunity to demand the re-establishment of their Religion, it was not long before they found one.  
There happened this year a great scarcity of Provisions throughout all Italy, as well by reason of the Winds and Droughts, as the little foresight of the Magistrates. Rome found itself reduced to all the extremities of Famine. Bread was sold there at an excessive Rate, and was only to be had by measure; the People were constrained to live 
D. Ambros. E●. 31. l. 5. Symmach. l. 2. ep. 7. D. Ambros. Offic. l. 2. ●. 7.  upon Acorns and Roots; necessity increased every day. They were obliged to discharge this great City of part of its Inhabitants, and chased away the poorer sort, as if it had been lawful to add Exile to Poverty; and to consider those as Strangers, who were in the greatest want of Relief.  
XXIX. Symmachus at that time held the first Rank in the Senate. His Quality, his Eloquence, his Employments, and the reputation of his Probity, rendered him very considerable to the Emperors. But whether it was out of a strong prepossession for the worship of false Gods, or out of a vain desire to support a decaying Religion, and to govern in the Party, he became not only troublesome in occasions, but also unfaithful to his Masters. He honoured them more or less, according as they spared, or oppressed the Idols. All the Edicts against the Pagans appeared to him Sacrileges; and all the public Calamities passed in his mind for vengeances of incensed Heaven.  
This Man always ready for new Intrigues of Complaint, or to present Petitions for the service of his Gods, supposing that the Famine, and the other misfortunes of the Empire, were divine Punishments, made up an eloquent Request, which he sent to the Emperor Valentinian. He entreated him, in the quality of Perfect of the City, and in the Name of all the Senate, to re-establish the Religion of Rome; to have regard to custom, and to the antiquity of a reasonable belief; to leave to this People accustomed to their liberty, the use of their Consciences at least; to re-establish the 
Symmach. relat: ad Imp.  Altar of Victory, that Goddess, who had never forsaken the Romans in their military Expeditions; to retain the name of her, if he did not fear her power, and to be willing at least to dissemble, after the example of some of his Predecessors, what he had resolved not to permit.  
He introduced Rom▪ all bathed in tears, who redemanded of her Emperors that Worship wherein she had grown old, under which she had subdued all the World. He remonstrated as he went along, that it was too late to correct her; That if he was unwilling to acknowledge her Gods, he should leave them at least in repose; That it was credible, that all breathing the same Air, and being covered with the same Heaven, they adored in the bottom the same thing; That there were divers Philosophies, and that it was of no importance by what method they obtained the truth, provided they arrived there.  
He added, That it was strange that magnificent Princes should reform what covetous Princes had established; That the Royal Treasury, instead of being filled with the Spoils of the Enemy, was enlarged by the retrenched Pensions of the Priests and Vestals, who made Vows for the Prosperity of the Empire; That the Famine, and other public Misfortunes, proceeded neither from the influences of the Stars, nor the rigour of Winters, nor the droughts of Summers, but from the wrath of God, who took away Necessaries from all those People who deprived their Ministers thereof.  
He concluded by the Examples of the last Emperors; and exhorted Valentinian to leave Men the liberty which his Father of happy memory had permitted, and to consider that Gratian his Brother had followed the counsels of others, and did not know of his disobliging the Senate, when he attempted that change in Religion. He pressed the Council to determine suddenly thereupon, as if he had had measures to take upon the Answer which was to be received, as well to terrify the Court, as to give them no opportunity of consulting Theodosius.  
They well foresaw that this Emperor would not be favourable to them, for they knew that 
Zoz. l. 4▪  he had sent Cynegius, Praefectus Praetorio, into Egypt, with orders to shut up the Temples, to abolish Sacrifices, to prohibit the Pagans the exercise of their Religion, not only in Alexandria, but likewise throughout the East; which this Officer had begun to execute with much Authority, without committing at the same time any violence.  
XXX. The request of Symmachus, mixed with respect and boldness, presently astonished the young Valentinian. He feared all things, and had still before his eyes the bloody image of Gratian assassinated by his own proper friends. The Empress, who governed, considered her security, more than her Religion; and the reason of State was going to determine her against Justice and Piety. St. Ambrose had information of it, and opposing his lively and generous exhortations to the bold entreaties of the Gentiles, he wrote forthwith to Valentinian, and represented to him; That there was but one God, whom Emperors were obliged to obey, as well as the least of their Subjects; That it was to renounce his Faith, to consent to a profane worship; That the revenues of the Pagan Priests having been confiscated, it would not be to restore them 
Ambros. Ep. 30. ad Val.  their own, but to give them his; That they had much reason to complain of some retrenched privileges, they, who had neither spared the Churches, nor the very blood of Christians; That it was just to have regard to the demands of persons of quality and merit, but that in affairs of Religion he ought to consider God alone; That their zeal to support falsehood was an example, which ought to encourage him to perfect the truth; That to reserve to himself the liberty of committing no Sacrilege, was not to enterprise upon the Liberty of Rome; That it was matter of astonishment, that men of parts should demand of a Christian Prince the re-establishment of Idols.  
It was about two years since the Pagans had presented a like Request in the name of all▪ the Senate; but it was afterwards discovered, that it was nothing but a Cabal of some Senators, who abused the name of their Society, whereof the greatest part disapproved of this action, and put into the hands of Pope Damasus an act of protestation against the Request. St. Ambrose did not cease to allege this example, to lessen the fear he might conceive of the Senate. He made him at length apprehend the vigour and zeal of the Bishops, and said to him with his usual liberty, What will you reply to a Bishop, who shall tell you, the Church hath nothing to do with your presents, since you make them to the Pagan Gods? Go, and dispose of 
Ambr. Ep. 30.  your offerings elsewhere, you that raise up the Altars of Idols. Jesus Christ is not concerned to receive your homage, since you render as much to his adversaries. Has not he expressed to you in his Gospel, that one cannot serve two Masters? The Christian Virgins have no privileges, and you afford them to the Vestals. And do you think that the Priests pray for you, who prefer the prayers of Gentiles before theirs? will you cast yourself upon your minority for an excuse? Every age is perfect for Jesus Christ, and the very Infants have confessed him.  
XXXI. In fine, he conjured him to decide nothing thereupon, without knowing the opinion of the great Theodosius, who ought to be instead of a Father to him, and whom he had been used to consult in affairs of importance. In the mean time he asked Valentinian for a copy of this writing, and a few days after he composed an answer for him full of strong and judicious reflections. He protests immediately that in the necessity 
Ambros. Ep. 31.  wherein he finds himself of taking his precautions, and to illustrate this affair he searched the solidity of reasoning, leaving Symmachus all the glory An. 384 of eloquence and politeness, because 'tis the property of Pagan wits to dazzle the mind by colours as false as their Idols, and to say great things, being unable to express what's true. He makes Rome speak, and declare with much grace and gravity, That she has subdued the World by the valour of her Warriors, and not by the adoration of her Gods; That she doth not blush at her alteration, since she corects herself; That she doth not ground the goodness of her Religion upon years, but upon manners; That she had rather hear the will of God by the word of God, than by the entrails of murdered animals. That no body can speak better of God, than God himself; and that those men, who were not sufficiently enlightened to know themselves, could never arrive at the knowledge of their Creator.  
Afterwards he mocks at the Request of Symmachus, and represents that there is this difference between the Gentiles and the Christians, that the one entreat the Emperors to restore Peace to their Gods, and the others beg of Jesus Christ to grant Peace to the Emperors; That the one could not dispense with the least retrenchment of their revenues without complaint, and the others deprive themselves of their possessions, and resign their lives with satisfaction; That the Vestals wanted Privileges and Pensions, as if they were uncapable of being chaste for nothing; whereas the Christian Virgins content themselves with a course Vail, which hides their Face, and renouncing for ever their Riches as well as their Pleasures, they find all the reward of Virtue in Virtue itself.  
Then he remonstrated, that they were much to blame for attributing all the misfortunes of the State, to the retrenchment of the pensions of the Priests and Vestals; That if their God's revenge rhemselves upon the whole Empire, for the injury which was done to some particulars, they are unjust, and the vengeance is worse than the crime; That it is a long time since their Temples were deprived of all their privileges, and hitherto they have not minded to send down revenge; That nothing had been done for their pacification, and yet the Fields were covered with an abundant Harvest, and that the Plenty was universal. In a word, he laughed at the precipitation which they testified for the Altar of Victory, which was but a name and a success of battles; and he exhorts Valentinian to consider in this occasion what he owed his Faith, and the remembrance of his Brother.  
XXXII. This affair having being examined in tha Emperor's Council, although this Court managed itself rather by considerations of policy, than by rules of piety, it submitted to the reasons which St. Ambrose had alleged. The respect which they had for Theodosius, whose sentiments they were not ignorant of, prevailed over the fear which they conceived of the Tyrant Maximus, and it was judged better to afflict a small number of Senators, than to offend all the good men of the Empire. Insomuch that Symmachus carried away nothing but the glory of having exercised his Eloquence, and well enough defended his bad cause: which gave occasion for a Poet of that time to say, That Victory must be a Goddess very blind, or very ungrateful, since she had abandoned her Defender to assist her Enemy.  
XXXIII. If the single name of Theodosius stopped in the West the bold pretensions of Idolaters, his authority completed in the East the ruin of the Arian Sect, whose fierce and seditious humour he had feared. Gregory of Nazianzum, who then lived in solitude, did not cease to hold correspondence at Constantinople; and although he had made a resignation of the Archbishopric of this City, he preserved still the tenderness of a Father for that Church, which he had as it were raised from the dead. He was advertised by some of his Friends, that these Heretics had Houses of retreat in Constantinople, where they secretly dispersed their errors, and where they hoped by their intrigues to be able to elude the rigour of the Prince's Edicts. He learned at the same time, that those of the Sect of Apollinaris had the confidence to make a public Profession of their Doctrine, and openly to hold Assemblies, and that if order was not suddenly taken, all that had been hitherto done would be of no importance.  
XXXIV. This holy man wrote to the Archbishop 
Greg. Naz. ad Nectar.  Nectarius concerning it, with all the respect he owed to his Dignity, but with all the Zeal he had for Religion, and revived the dormant Piety of this Prelate, whose intentions were good, but who was neither resolute enough, nor sufficiently active. The Emperor having been 
Cod. Theod. l. 13. de Haer.  informed of this disorder, resolved to put an effectual remedy thereto, and ordered the publication of a solemn Edict, whereby he commanded an exact research after all those, who either taught or professed errors; that suspicious houses should be examined, and that without having regard to quality, or the protection of any one, those infamous Persons should be driven from the City, and from the Society of good men; so that living without correspondence they might be injurious to no body, but themselves.  

Cod. Theod. l. ●. de contra●. Emp.  XXXV. He regulated almost at the same time another disorder, which had reference to Religion. The Jews having lost all hopes of raising themselves, after the vain endeavours of the Emperor Julian to re-establish them, and being unable any longer to exercise their usual cruelties against the Christians, attempted to seduce some of them at least. To which end they bought Slaves that were baptised; and whether by persuasions, menaces, or force, they obliged them to renounce the Faith of Jesus Christ, and to embrace their Superstitions. Theodosius broke this commerce, and made an Ordinance, by which he prohibited their having any Christian Slave or Servant, preserving thus the unsteady Faith of the infirm from all the snares, which domestic and foreign enemies laid for it.  
XXXVI. Thus he reform in time of Peace the disorders of the Empire, when God, to recompense him for the cares he took of his Church, gave him a second Son, who was named Honorius. 
Socrat. l. 5. c. 12. Sozom. l. 7. c. 14.  All the Court was extremely joyful at the Birth of this Prince; and Theodosius observing the number of his Children to increase, and enjoying the sincere affection of the People, acknowledged that Piety was the true cause of the repose of States, and the Prosperity of Families.  
XXXVII. About this time Maximus had Ambassadors at Constantinople; and although he was peaceable possessor of those Provinces, which he had usurped, he still kept up his Negotiation with Theodosius. He had a mind to conclude a Treaty with him, in order to make appear that he was not only associated to the Empire, but also allied with the Emperors. The affair succeeded according to his wish. Theodosius made Valentinian enter therein, and the Alliance was accomplished between these three Princes. Their prospects were of a different nature. The Empress Justine, who absolutely governed her Son, engaged him to demand a Peace, to the end that being delivered from all fear, she might restore dejected Arianism, and humble the inflexible Spirit of St. Ambrose, who thwarted all her designs. Maximus, who watched but an occasion to throw himself into Italy, intended nothing but to honour himself by a Treaty, which he was resolved to infringe at the first opportunity. Theodosius, who feared the oppression of Valentinian, and was himself threatened with the irruption of the Grotungues▪ consented to all things. Thus it was probable a war would soon break out, since one was only retained by fear; the other lost nothing of his fierceness, or immoderate ambition; and that the last still maintained in his heart the desire of a just revenge.  
XXXVIII. In the mean time each governed his Dominions according to his temper. Maximus, after having rendered himself Master of the Empire, whether he thought his Reign not secure without the destruction of the principal Friends of Gratian, or else wanted the confiscation of their Estates, in order to satisfy those Troops, who had not betrayed their Prince for nothing, put to death 
Sulp. Sebastian: Dial. 3.  Merobaudes, a man illustrious for his Prudence, for his Integrity, and for several Consulships. He banished the Count Balion, one of the greatest Captains of his time, with orders to the Guards who conducted him, to burn him alive in the place of his Exile; which obliged him to kill 
Pacat. in Panegyr.  himself upon the way. He seized upon Count Narses, and Leucadius one of the most famous 
D. Ambr. Epist. 27.  Magistrates of Gaul; and making a crime of State of the fidelity they had preserved to their Emperor, he destined them to the last punishment.  
XXXIX. St. Martin Bishop of Tours, departed in haste in order to obtain their pardon. He cast himself at the feet of Maximus, and prayed him not to spill innocent blood; but he received only an ambiguous answer. He redoubled his instances, and threatening him with the judgements of God, 
Sulpit. Seu. de vita S. Martini.  he entreated him, as if he had been commanded; but still no positive assurance could be drawn from him. Yet Maximus had some difficulty to refuse his demands, and lost before this Prelate his natural haughtiness and brutality He called him oftentimes into his Closet, and heard him speak of heavenly things. He suffered his remonstrances, with his free and generous actions. He prayed him to eat at his Table; and when the Saint refused it, saying, that he would not participate of the Table of a man, who had dispossessed an Emperor of his Life and Empire; he answered to him, That the Army had raised him to the Throne against his will; that he had maintained himself therein by his Arms; that God himself seemed to have established him by so many wonderful successes; and that if any one had lost his Life, it had been the misfortune of war, and not his fault.  
XL. The Passion of obtaining this Bishop, so renowned for his Virtues, and his Miracles, the desire of sweetening the refusal which he had made him by outward Caresses, and especially the thoughts of winning, by appearances of Piety, those good Men whom he had scared by his Perfidiousness, obliged him to seek with so much haste the communication of the Saint, which he at length procured after long solicitations: but whatsoever Veneration he made appear for his Person, he had no regard to his Remonstrances, nor to his Prayers in the affair of Priscillian Bishop of Avila, and some of his Followers.  
XLI. These Heretics, Spaniards by Nation, joined to the Errors of Sabellius, and the rave of the Manicheans, all the impurities of Gnostics, in their nocturnal Assemblies with divers Women, whom they had ●uced. They covered all their Infamies with some appearances of humility, an affected negligence in their habits, and a surprising austerity of life. As this corruption, which an Egyptian had lately sowed in Spain, dispersed itself there, some Bishops opposed it: but their zeal not being accompanied with charity, they persecuted those whom they might perhaps have brought over by moderate Proceed. They were cited before Councils. The Emperor Gratian had granted an Order to chase them from the Cities and Churches where they were, and even from all the Dominions of the Empire. But they found means to get themselves established again; and by Presents, or Intrigues, they won the Ministers of the Emperor, and chased their Adversaries at their turn.  
XLII. These having learned that Maximus was An. 385 going to pass into Gaul, attended him there, went to find him at Treves, and presented to him a bloody Petition against Priscillian and his companions. They were all referred to a Council, which was to be held at Bourdeaux. Priscillian fearing to be deposed there, would not answer and appealed to the Tribunal of the new Emperor. The Catholic Prelates, by a shameful compliance, demurred to this Appeal, and this Cause Ecclesiastical in every Point became a Civil Cause. The Accused was brought to Court, and the Accusers followed him, being resolved to destroy him, without putting themselves to the trouble of converting him.  
XLIII. St. Martin, who was then at Treves, knowing that particular Passions had a greater share in this matter, than the love of Truth, remonstrated to them several times, That their Conduct was scandalous; That they lost the merit of their Zeal by their obstinate Accusations; That they subverted the whole Order of Ecclesiastical Judgements; That it was not a fitting thing to defend the Cause of God by humane Passions, nor becoming for Bishops to pursue to death any Criminal whatsoever.  
They, to whom this instruction was directed, were incensed at it, instead of making an advantage thereof. They were enraged to that degree, as to accuse him of being the Protector of the Heretics, and a Heretic himself. But the Saint laughed at this Calumny, and continued to pray the Emperor to let those miserable persons live, representing to him, That he ought to stand to the Sentence of the Council, which chased them from their Sees; and that it was a thing unheard of, for a secular Prince, such a one as he, to judge Ecclesiastical Causes. Maximus being affected with his Reasons, promised to save their Lives; but they provoked him in such a manner, that he referred the business of Priscillian to Evodius the Praetor, and made him condemn him to be beheaded.  
XLIV. This execution was the ground of several disorders: for the punishment of this Arch-Heretick did but corroborate his Heresy. Those of his Sect made a most stately Funeral for him, and honoured him as a Martyr; and those, who caused him to be condemned, abusing their own credit, and the favour of the Court, persecuted Men of worth at their pleasure. To fast, and love retirement, 
Sulpit. Seu. de vita S. Martini.  was sufficient to make a Man suspected to them; it was a Crime to be wiser, and more reform, than they. They, who had disobliged them, were presently Priscillianists, particularly when they might be Victims agreeable to the anger of the Prince, or might increase his Treasury with their Spoils; for they deprived of life and 
Pacat. in Panegyr.  possessions according to their fancy, and preserved the friendship of the Tyrant by Reproaches, Cruelties, and other Actions, resembling his.  
XLV. Whilst Maximus enterprised upon the Rights of the Church in the West, Theodosius reestablished them at Constantinople. For some Bishops having brought an Ecclesiastical Cause before a secular Tribunal, and persons, whom their Age and Characters rendered venerable, having been cited and examined, he was much displeased when he heard of it. He made an Edict immediately, whereby he prohibited all his Judges ordinary or extraordinary to undertake those Causes which related to Religion; willing, that the Bishops, or other persons consecrated to God, should have their particular Judges, their Laws and their Formalities of Justice apart, and that Ecclesiastical matters should be referred to the Heads of those Dioceses wherein they should happen.  
XLVI. He forbidden the Pagans almost at the same time to sacrifice to their Gods, and to search Futurity in the entrails of slain Beasts, as well to 
August. ep. 48. Ambros in Orat. fun. Theod.  stop the insolence of some, who might have prevailed by their Correspondences in Italy, as to take from them the occasions of vain hopes by superstitious Presages and Observations, which had oftentimes caused Troubles and Seditions in the Empire.  
XLVII. He applied himself also to a reformation of Manners, and repressed the liberty of certain 
Cod. Theod. l. 10.  singing Women and Players upon Instruments, who went from house to house, and by immodest Songs, and soft, effeminate Airs, corrupted the minds of Youth.  

Hier. ep. 10. ad Fur.  XLVIII. After he had thus restored Order and Discipline in his Dominions by severe Ordinances, he illustrated his Indulgence and his Piety by an Act of Clemency and Pardon. The Emperors 
Append. Cod. Theod.  had been used to deliver Prisoners every year towards Easter, in order to preserve some Criminals upon that day, wherein was accomplished the Mystery of the salvation of Mankind. Constantine 
Ambr. op. 33.  the Great had put the same in practice, his Children had followed his example, and the young Valentinian had made a Law of this custom. But the Piety of Theodosius went further; for he published an Ordinance, whereby he commanded the Prisons to be set open, and the Criminals to be released, to the end that partaking of the holiness and joy of the sacred Mysteries, instead of Complaints and Lamentations, they might send up to Heaven the cries of Praises and Thanksgivings, and that every one in this day of rejoicing might address in peace his Vows and Prayers to God, without being interrupted by compassion or heaviness.  

Chrysost. hom. 6. ad pop. Antioch.  He added those words which a Pagan Emperor once said, and which St. Chrysostom esteemed so worthy of a Christian Emperor: Would to God I was capable of opening the Tombs, as well at Prisons, and to revive the dead, as I do the living, by pardoning their Crimes.  
But lest a too great clemency should give occasion for the commission of all kind of wickedness, the Emperors made some exceptions in matters that tended to great consequences, and which deserved not to be comprehended in this Pardon.  

S. Greg. Nyss. in fun. Pulch.  XLIX. These diligent, and so important Cares which Theodosius took to regulate the Empire, were interrupted by his affliction for the death of the Princess Pulcheria his daughter. Although she was but in the first years of Infancy, he was very sensibly concerned at her loss. He ordered her Obsequies to be very magnificent, and Gregory of N●ssa, who was then at Constantinople, pronounced the funeral discourse. Scarce had he begun to comfort himself for this first misfortune, but there arrived another which rendered him inconsolable; for the Empress Flaccilla his Wife died suddenly in a Village of Thrace, where she was gone to take the Waters.  
L. This Princess was born in Spain, of the ancient Family of the Aelians, from whence the Emperor Adrian was descended: but she was become more illustrious by her virtues, than her birth. Her chief employments were Prayer, and the care of the Poor. She went to visit them, served them herself, and was proud of descending to the lowest Ministries of Christian Charity. She 
Theodor. l. 5. c. 1●.  took care of all the Sick in Hospitals and Prisons, and as horrible as their distempers were, she provided for them with her own hands. They would oftentimes remonstrate to her, that there was a devotion more conformable to her dignity, and that it was neither necessary, nor even becoming for her to condescend to those last offices of Piety, which she might entrust with some of her domestics. But she answered, That she left to the Emperor the care of distributing his Treasures, and to render the Church important services, by making the 
Theod. ib.  whole majesty of the Empire serve to the glory of Religion: That as for her, it was a sufficient honour to her to offer to God her little cares, and the humble service of her hands; and that she could not testify her acknowledgement to him, but by descending from the Throne wherein he had placed her, to serve him in the person of his Poor.  
This humility did but augment the esteem which the Emperor had for her, and gave her every day more influence upon the spirit of this Prince. She made use thereof to no other advantage, than to give him profitable advice, in speaking to him of the Divine Law, wherein she was perfectly acquainted, and inspiring him with that zeal for Religion wherewith she was inflamed. She often set before his eyes what he had been, for fear he should abuse what he was. Exciting thus his acknowledgement, by the recital of those Favours which he had received from God; and supporting his Piety, which the perplexity of business, and the exaltation wherein he found himself, might have weakened. She was more desirous to see him holy, than she was joyful to observe him Master of the World. Although she had great parts, she would never know more in matter of Religion, than was necessary for her salvation. She detested the impiety of the Arians almost as much as that of Idolaters, and frequently said, That, there was but little difference between those who adored 
Sozom. l. 7. c. 5.  Gods that had no existence, and those who would not acknowledge Jesus Christ to be one. So would she never entertain any Commerce with them, avoiding the snares which they laid several times for her curiosity, and taking no other rule of her Faith, than the decisions of the Nicean Council. She even averted the Emperor from the design, 
Sozom. l. 7. c. 6.  which had been suggested to him of going to hear Eunomius, who preached at Chalcedon over against Constantinople, and whom the Arians made pass for the finest genius, and most eloquent Theologian of his Age. By this means she hindered these Heretics from giving ill impressions to this Prince, and the honour he should have done to them, was of no service to increase the reputation of their Orator, or to authorise their Assemblies. Theodosius lost this dangerous curiosity, and even chased from his Palace some of his domestics, who had a secret correspondence with Eunomius.  
All these virtues of the Empress made her loss to be lamented. As soon as the news of her death was dispersed, all the City was in mourning, the Poor melted into tears, the People run in multitudes to the place where she was dead. Theodosius made her Body to be transported to Constantinople; and in the oppression he was, he could find no consolation but in rendering to this Princess all the honours which were justly her due. She left two living Children, and found again in Heaven two more, whom God had taken to himself a little after they were born. Gregory of Nyssa made her 
Greg. Nyss. Orat. fun. Flaccill.  funeral Elegy in presence of the Emperor, where he calls her the Pillar of the Church, the Treasure of the Poor, and the Sanctuary of the miserable.  
LI. It was about this time that the Empress Justine incensed against St. Ambrose, thought she might discover her resentment. The death of Gratian, the distance of Theodosius, the Treaty concluded with Maximus, gave her the freedom of acting in the whole extent of her power. The Catholic Bishop elected at Sirmium in spite of her, the Church which she had obtained by surprise in Milan, and which she had been obliged to restore, her Arianism reduced to her own Officers, and all her erterprises against Religion crossed, immediately returned into her mind. She resolved to destroy this Archbishop, who ruined all her measures.  
LII. She made an Edict in the name of Valentinian her Son, whereby ●he permitted to the Arians the public exercise of their Religion, and declared all those who should dare to oppose it, Authors of Sedition, Disturbers of the Peace of the Church, guilty of High-Treason, and worthy of Death. She called Benevolus first Secretary of State, and commanded him to draw up this Edict; but he excused himself, choosing rather to lose his station, than to authorise an Ordinance that was against his Faith. The Empress pressed him to afford her that satisfaction, and promised to raise 
Soz. l. 7. ●. 13. Gaudent in praefat. Serm.  him to higher Posts: but this Man, who esteemed himself more honoured with the Title of Catholic, than with all the Dignities of the Empire, replied to her generously, I must not buy your Honours at this price, Madam; resume that which I possess, and leave me my Conscience, and my Religion. At these words, he cast at the Feet of this Princess the Girdle, which was the mark of his Dignity, and retired to Bresse, where he passed the rest of his days in the exercise of Christian virtues.  
LIII. It was no hard matter to find an Officer to supply his room, and the Edict was immediately signed. But the Arians were at a loss for a Church, and had to do with an Archbishop, who was resolved not to yield them one. Justine had elected Bishop one Auxentius, a Scythian by Nation, expelled his Country for his Crimes, who had but an indifferent spirit, yet occasioned much noise. She was of opinion, that he should provoke St. 
●. Ambros. Ora●. in Aux.  Ambrose to a public dispute in the Palace, hoping to discredit him, if he refused it; or if he accepted of it, to declare him vanquished by Judges peculiar to her Interest, and so to drive him from his Cathedral. The Tribune Dalmatius had Orders to go and make the Proposal to the Archbishop, and to mark the day which the Emperor had taken for this Conference, to the end that he might repair to the Palace with the Judges he should have chosen on his side.  
LIV. The Saint being surprised at this Proposition, after he had consulted some Bishops that were near him, wrote to the Emperor, That the Proposal which was made to him, was contrary to the Rights of the Church, the Custom of preceding Ages, and the Laws of the great, Valentinian his Father; That it was not just for Laics, or Gentiles, to be Judges of 
Ambros. ep. 32.  the Controversies of Faith; That in matter of Religion, Emperors were to be judged by Bishops, and not Bishops by Emperors; That he might dispose of his Life, but that he could not oblige him to dishonour his Priesthood; That he would answer Auxentius in a Council; That he would treat of the sacred Mysteries in the Church, but that he could not come to the Palace for that end, nor acknowledge for a Judge of Faith a Prince as yet very young, who was not a Cathec●mene. He prayed him to pardon his liberty, which was neither against the Respect, nor the Obedience which he owed him; and to excuse him, if he did not come himself to wait upon him with an Answer, because the Bishops and the People retained him, and that to abandon his Church in this occasion, was to deliver it up.  
LV. The Empress being unable to engage the Saint to a Dispute, resolved to get him carried off. She corrupted, by Promises and Silver, a Man who waited for him several days in a house adjoining to the Church, with a Chariot always ready to seize upon him, and bear him full speed out of the City. But the Enterprise was discovered. There remained nothing more but to oppress this Prelate, whom they could not surprise. For this effect, Justine commanded all the Catholic Priests to leave their Churches. Auxentius had Orders at the same time to take with him as many Soldiers as he would, and put himself in possession of them.  
LVI. The noise being then dispersed about the City, that Soldiers were sent to seize upon the Churches, and to kill the Archbishop, if he made any difficulty of resigning them into their hands, the People run from all Parts, and enclosed themselves within the Cathedral, being resolved to defend both Church and Pastor to the last drop 
S. August. Confess. l. 9 c. 7. Ambr. in Auxent.  of their blood. St. Ambrose comforted the People by his constancy; by assurances of God's protection; by very edifying discourses of Piety; and by singing of Psalms which he had instituted, such as was practised in the East.  
They had passed some days and nights in this condition, when the Tribunes invested the Church with their Soldiers, and summoned the Archbishop by virtue of the last Edict to resign it to them, offering him, as an act of mercy, the liberty of retiring with those who had a mind to follow him. The holy Prelate answered to them, That they might oppress him in his Church, but that he would never leave it voluntarily; That if they came to question his Revenues, or even the Funds of the Church, he would dispense with that violence; but as for the inheritance of Jesus Christ, he would preserve it to the expense of his own Life; That indeed he had for Arms nothing but Lamentations, Tears, and Prayer; but that if he could not resist, however he would not fly; That he saw well how far the power of the Emperor might extend, but that he knew also how far the patience and constancy of a Bishop, who little esteemed the loss of his Life, provided he retained for God that fidelity which he owed to him, aught to extend also.  
LVII. Then the wisest Ministers remonstrated An. 387 to the Emperor the difficulties of this Affair, and advised him to get rid of it by some accommodation, since the Court was engaged therein. The Governor of the City, who was charged with this Negotiation, came the next day to find the Archbishop, and very civilly told him, That he had very reasonable Proposals to make to him; That the Emperor 
D. Ambr. ep. 33. ad Marcell. Soror.  left him his Cathedral, and was contented to have a Church in the Suburbs, which was called the Portian Basilick; That since the Prince was pleased to relax on his side, it was convenient, for the advantage of Peace, that he relaxed also; That furthermore, he counselled him as a Friend to satisfy the Court, and even to do it speedily. The People prevented the Reply, and unanimously cried, pursuant to the intentions of their Pastor, That there was no Composition to be had thereupon; That the Catholics should be left the Churches which belonged to them. The Governor then despaired of succeeding, and went his way, to give his Master an account of the unhappy effect of his Negotiation.  
LVIII. It was then that the malice, shame and anger of the Empress was manifested. She commanded all the Officers of the Guards to march with their Companies, and render themselves Masters of the Portian Church. They went there to execute their Orders; the People run in Arms to oppose them. It was the morning of Palm-Sunday; and St. Ambrose, after having preached, was going to begin Mass, when he received information of it. He did not cease to celebrate the Sacred Mysteries; and having learned in the time of the Offering, that an Arian Priest was fallen into the hands of the Citizens, and run the hazard of being torn in pieces, he sent his Priests and his Deacons to save his life. Then dissolving into tears, he begged of God to grant his People peace, and offered him his own life several times, for the safety of those who persecuted them.  
In the mean time all the City was in a terrible 
Ambr. ib.  confusion. There was nothing to be seen but Soldiers and Citizens armed, the one for the Prince, the other for Religion. The Magistrates to appease this tumult, filled the Prisons with a great number of Tradesmen, and condemned to heavy punishments those who seemed to be most warm. But these corrections, instead of putting a stop to this disordered populace, did nothing but incense it. There went some Counts, some Captains of the Guards, and Gothick Officers to St. Ambrose, in order to advise him not to retain the People, and to put an end to this disturbance, since the Emperor demanded of him nothing more, than a Church of the Suburbs, and that it was fit he should be Master in his own Empire. The Holy Archbishop answered to them, That the Emperor had no right upon the house of God; That he was ready to give up to him the small possessions he had left; That as for the Church, it was a crime for a Bishop to resign it, and a sacrilege for a Priest to seize upon it; 
Ambr. ib.  That for the rest, he was so far from exciting the People, that he restrained them, and exhorted them to defend themselves but with tears and prayer; but that if they had been once in a fury, it appertained to God alone to pacify them. These Officers had nothing to reply to him, and retired much improved by his conduct. The Archbishop went to visit a Church called the Ancient Basilick; and after having comforted the Inhabitants of that Quarter, he retired to his own house, and would never permit himself to be attended or guarded.  
In the mean time, the Empress resolved to go the next day with the Emperor to take possession herself of the Ancient Basilick. She sent some Soldiers there to seize upon it, and to set up the Imperial Canopy therein. They came in haste to inform the holy Prelate that this Church was lost, and that they heard the miserable cries of those who were within, who implored his assistance, and that it would be convenient for him to go in person to oppose this Usurpation. But he replied, That God would look after it; That as for him, he would not oppose force to force, nor turn the Temple of the Lord into a Field of Battle. He resolved notwithstanding to make use of spiritual Arms, and that Authority which his Ministry allowed him.  
In effect, being entered into his Cathedral, where an infinite number of People attended him, he solemnly excommunicated all the Soldiers that had the Insolence to seize upon the Churches. They, who had invested the Cathedral, having received notice of it, went in by couples, protesting that they entered not as Enemies, but as Brothers; and that they came to pray, and not to fight. St. Ambrose received them, and began his Sermon upon the Book of Job, which had been just read before.  
In the mean time they, who had possessed themselves of the ancient Basilick, were scarce got in, but struck with an inward remorse, they deputed some of their Officers to the Emperor, to tell him, That they had executed his Orders; That they attended him at the Church, in order to serve him there according to their Charge, if he communicated with the Catholics; but that if he was of the Arian Party, their Consciences obliged them to go and find the Bishop Ambrose. This unexpected Blow alarmed the Palace; it was necessary to take down the Canopy, and to renounce the Enterprise.  
LIX. The Emperor was still much more surprised, when the chief Officers of the Empire, and the principal Lords of the Court came in a Body most humbly to entreat him, in the Name of the whole Army, to go to Church in those days consecrated to the Passion of Jesus Christ, to the end that the People being a witness of his Piety, and the purity of his Faith, might be secured from all their fears. This deputation vexed him so much, that he answered to them angrily, I see well that I am here but the shadow of an Emperor, and that ye are. Men, who would deliver me up to your Bishop every time he shall give Orders for it. In the anger he was in, he sent upon the spot one of his Secretaries to St. Ambrose, to ask him, If he was resolved to resist obstinately the Orders of his Master? And if he pretended to usurp the Empire as a Tyrant, to the end that he might prepare War against him? The Saint answered to it wisely, That he had sustained the Rights of the Church, without deviating from the Respect which was owing to the Emperor; That he reverenced his Power, but that he envied it not; That he had nothing further to do, than to ask Maximus, If Ambrose was the Tyrant of the Emperor Valentinian? That Bishops were never known to be Tyrants, but it had often happened that they had suffered the Persecutions of Tyrants. Calligonus the Eunuch, Great Chamberlain, had a mind to make a Droll of it; and, to please his Master, he sent to tell the Archbishop, That he should cease to be disobedient and rebellious, if not, he would come himself to behead him in his own house. The Archbishop made answer to him, That he would receive the Blow without being amazed; That they should have both wherewithal to be content, the one to suffer what Bishops have 
Ambr. ep. 33. ad Marcell.  been used to suffer for the sake of God, the other to do what Eunuches ordinarily do for the pleasure of Men.  
LX. At length the Persecution ceased, when it appeared most warm. Valentinian began to be sensible, That his Authority was abused. The City in disorder, the Court displeased, the Army resolved to live in the Communion of the Archbishop, the visible Protection of Heaven upon the Catholics, the dangerous Consequences which might proceed from the Passion of Justine, if he persisted in following her. All these Reasons obliged him to restore things to their first posture, and to recall the Soldiers who had invested the Churches. At this happy news of Peace, the whole City was transported with joy. The People left their Arms. Every one ran to Church, not to guard it again, but to render thanks therein. Some went to kiss the Altars they had defended, others sung Psalms and spiritual Songs. They congratulated one another for their constancy, and casting themselves at the feet of their Archbishop, made for him a sort of Religious Triumph by their Acclamations, and their Prayers for his Prosperity. The Archbishop being affected with a Joy altogether spiritual and modest, referred to God all those Praises which were given to him; and by his lively, moving Exhortations, encouraged his People to lead a life conformable to the Faith which they had so courageously defended.  
The Empress alone remained obdurate, and employed the blackest and most execrable methods to destroy the Saint, demonstrating thereby how far extend the Passions of a powerful, incensed Woman, jealous of her Authority and Religion. But Fear put a stop to her Fury, and the necessity 
Paulin. in vit. Ambr.  of things obliged her suddenly to have recourse to that very Prelate whom she had so cruelly persecuted.  
LXI. Maximus, who secretly prepared to pass into Italy, and sought but for a Pretence to justify 
Theodor. l. 5. 6. 14.  his Irruption, wrote a Letter to Valentinian, to exhort him to persevere in the Catholic Religion, and to cease the Persecution of St. Ambrose, and of those who persisted at Milan in the Party o● Truth. He made him even apprehend, that he would declare himself the Protector of this Archbishop. He dispatched Order at the same time to his Ambassadors at Constantinople, to complain there of the Empress Justine, and to make it plausible, that he approached Italy in order to secure Religion.  
LXII. Theodosius, who could not be pleased with the violent Proceed of Justine, and saw well that Maximus, under this Pretence, went to seize upon the Dominions of Valentinian, had a mind to advance himself towards the Alps, to retain both one and tother in their duty. But Thrace was threatened with a new deluge of Barbarians, insomuch that he durst not be at a distance from it. The Grotungues, a cruel and disturbing People, had left the heart of Scythia, with a design to enter by fair means, or otherwise, into the Lands of the Empire. They were in prodigious number, all armed, and well enured to War. Alatheus and Safrax, Captains of their Nation, who had assisted at the defeat of Valens, had engaged them to this Enterprise, and their King Odetheus conducted them to it, as to an easy Conquest. Passage was granted to them in some places; they took themselves that liberty in others. After having compelled all that made resistance, and collected all that would join with them, they arrived upon the Banks of the Danube, and demanded permission to pass the River. Whatsoever Protestations they made to live in Peace, the Example of the Goths was too fresh, and Theodosius had not the same facility as Valens.  

Claud. de I. Consul. Honor.  LXIII. When they saw themselves repulsed, they resolved to pass in spite of the Romans. They had made in a few days 3000 Barks, and attempted the Passage in divers places. Promotus, who commanded the Army of Thrace, and had extended his quarters along the River, stopped them everywhere with great loss o● their side. But since he had Orders to spare the Troops, and besides feared 
Zoz. l. 4  the surprises or efforts of this multitude, he joined dexterity to force. He found in his A●my some Soldiers of an experienced fidelity, who understood the language of these Barbarians, and sent them into their Camp, in order to discover their designs, and to advertise him thereof. These feigning themselves to be Deserters and Malcontents, got to be presented to the King and chief Commanders, and offered to deliver to them the Army and General of the Romans: but they demanded such an excessive Recompense, that the Barbarians protested they had not where withal to requite so great a Service. After several Proposals made on both sides, they agreed at last upon a considerable Sum, part whereof was to be paid beforehand, and the other was secure for the day after the execution. They took the hour of embarking; concerted the Signal which was to be given; marked out the place of passage, and prepared all things for the following night.  
LXIV. It was resolved, that their best Troops should pass first to assault the Romans, whom they supposed to find asleep; that they should be supported by the rest of the Army, and that the Women and Children should come after without difficulty or danger in the Barks, which were intended for them. Promotus being informed of the design of the Gortungues, and of the order they were to observe, provided all things on his side. He linked together, three and three, the lightest of his Boats, and extending them about the space of twenty Furlongs all along the River, he form, as it were, a Chain, in order to obstruct the Descent upon the Shore. He designed the bigger Vessels to keep the River, and to fall impetuously upon the Enemies in the time of their passage. The Troops were disposed conformably to his Projections. The Moon made no appearance, and the night, to the satisfaction of both Parties, was very obscure. Odetheus' embarked in silence with the choicest of his Men, and thought of nothing less than a discovery. But scarce were they arrived at the reach of the Tract, towards the Bank of the River, but they were charged by the Roman Troops, who guarded the Shore. Then they began to know they were betrayed, and remained in suspense, not daring to advance, and being unable to draw back.  
As they were in this disorder, the Romans, who ascended the great Vessels, abandoning themselves to the current of the water, rowed with all the ●orce of their Oars, came to take them in the flank, and shocked them so rudely, that overthrowing one upon another with their Barks, they drowned the most considerable part of them Those who remained went to strike against the Chain of Boats, and were either knocked on the head, or made Prisoners. After the defeat of the most brave, it was no hard matter to compass the end of the rest, whom the death of their King, and their Companions had put into a Consternation, and were still in the disorder of the Engagement. Although they surrendered at discretion, the heated Soldier had put all to the Sword, but that Promotus made the slaughter cease, and even hindered them from pillaging the Camp, to the end that the Emperor, who was suddenly to come to the Army, might himself be a Witness of this Victory, and might know the consequence of it by the quantity of Spoils, and by the number of the dead and Prisoners.  
LXV. Never was Naval Fight more fatal to the Enemies of the Empire. The River was covered with the wreck of so many broken Barks, and overthrown Vessels. There was to be seen heaps of Barbarian Bodies, which the Waves had cast upon the Banks on both sides. Their very Arms were of such a make, that notwithstanding 
Zoz. ●. 4.  they ●ere weighty enough, they did not cease to reascend upon the water. Theodosius came time enough to have his share of this Spectacle. He presently gave his Prisoner's liberty, who, finding themselves without a head, and in despair of reaching their own Country again, gave themselves voluntarily to him, and were afterwards serviceable to him in his Wars. He ordered the Spoils to be divided amongst the Soldiers; and after he had commended the Prudence and Valour of Promotus, he entrusted him with the design he had to declare War against Maximus, and designed him for the command of the Army.  
LXVI. Of all these Grotungues, who took part in his Troops, he picked out the most courageous, and best made; and to secure them more firmly to his service, he made a Promise to them of double Pay, presented each of them with a golden Collar, and assigned them quarters in Scythia the less, about the City of Tomes. As they had been accustomed to live without much Discipline, they over run the Country licentiously, and were even incommodious to the City. Gerontius, who was the Governor, prohibited them entrance therein, and threatened them to come out with all his Garrison, and put them all to the Sword; but they despised his Threats. Then this daring and impatient Man assembled his Officers and most ancient Soldiers, and exposed to them the design he had to set upon these strangers; but they refused all to follow him, some by Prudence, others by Cowardice.  
LXVII. When he saw himself to be thus deserted, he took his Armies, gets on Horseback, attended by some of his own Men, and went to defy this multitude. The Barbarians laughed at his temerity, and were contented to detach some of theirs against him. Gerontius run upon the first that advanced with Sword in hand. There arose betwixt them an obstinate Combat, and after having mutually returned several useless Blows, as they came to close, one of the Romans having run to disengage his Captain, discharged so terrible a stroke upon the Grotongue, that he took off his shoulder, and threw him from his Horse stark dead. The Barbarians admired at the force of this Man, and were in a consternation at the Blow he had made. Gerontius, after he had got rid of one, attacked the rest, and those of his Retinue fought with the same vigour as himself: But what Exploits soever they performed, they could not long resist a great number; and their Presumption had been punished, if some Officers of the Garrison, who were upon the walls of the City, and saw their Commander in danger, had not speedily repaired to his assistance.  
LXVIII. These having stirred up the rest by their Example, they no more regarded in the Enterprise of the Governor the violence and passion of a private Man, but the glory of the Roman Name, and the common interest of their Nation. Inhabitants and Soldiers went out together, and so courageously assaulted these Barbarians, that there remained but a very small number, who had taken Sanctuary in a Church.  
Gerontius thought he had preserved Scythia that day, and made haste to give the Emperor advice of the Action he had performed, as if he had obtained a Victory, for which he was to expect Commendations and Rewards; but Theodosius was extremely displeased thereat. Besides the loss he had sustained of so many brave Soldiers, whom he had won by his Presents and Civilities, he was still afraid lest the rest of the Barbarians who were in his Pay, should be discouraged from the service of the Empire, or should revenge the death of their Companions, when they found an opportunity of doing it.  
LXIX. As he was upon the Point to undertake a considerable War, and that nothing was so dangerous as to weaken the Army of the Empire, and to alienate the minds of the Allies, Gerontius was sent for to Court, in order to give an account of his Conduct. He alleged, That the Grotongues had lived disorderly in Scythia; That after having ruined the Country, they had a mind to render themselves Masters of the City of Tomes; That he had often menaced them, and at last had been constrained to use them as Enemies and Rebels. Notwithstanding he was accused of not only assaulting without order, Troops, over which he had no Authority, but also of having reaped the advantage of their Spoils, and particularly the Gifts which the Emperor had made them.  
Upon this Accusation Theodosius having ordered his confinement, commanded a severe examination of this Affair; and altho' in the end Gerontius justified himself, and he was glad not to lose a Man of courage, capable of the first employment of War, yet he did not cease to retain him in Prison, and to threaten him with death, as well to teach other Governor's moderation, as to satisfy a barbarous Nation, who had complained, of the violence of this Man.  
LXX. For all Theodosius thought to have sheltered the Empire from the Insults of Maximus, yet to take away that Pretence of Religion which he made use of, he dispatched Couriers to him, to assure him, That he was no less offended than himself at Valentinian's persecution of the Archbishop of Milan, and all the Catholics; That he would employ his Credit with the young Emperor, to confirm him in the Faith of his Ancestors, and that he hoped to have success therein. He wrote likewise to the Empress Justine to remonstrate to her, That she should be cautious of the danger to which she exposed the Dominions of her Son, if she continued to disturb the Peace of the Church; That altho' the designs of Maximus were unjust, the motive appeared good; and that it would be a difficult matter to maintain against him a War, which the People would believe to be undertaken for the defence of Religion. These Remonstrances would undoubtedly have produced all the effect which Theodosius expected from them; but they came too late, and the Affair had already changed its Face.  
LXXI. It was heard at the same time, that Maximus made great preparations of War, and that he was upon the point of passing the Alps. Justine; and the Emperor her Son cast their eyes upon St. Ambrose, and prayed him to forget what was passed, and to undertake ● second Embassy towards Maximus. The happy success of the former, made them hope well from this. The design was to discover the intentions of this Prince, to divert him from his Enterprise, to maintain the Truce, and to make, if it was necessary, an overture of some new Treaty of Peace, in order to amuse him, and to afford Valentinian an opportunity of providing for his defence, and Theodosius to assist him. The pretence of the Embassy was, to require the Body of Gratian, in order to render him the last Honours.  
The Archbishop preferring the public Interest, and the Service of the Emperor before his own Repose, without reflecting upon the Injuries which had been done to him, or those he ●●ght receive from Maximus, who was dissatisfied with him, arrived in a few days at Treves. The day after his coming, he repaired to the Palace to demand Audience. An Eunuch▪ Gaul by Nation, great Chamberlain of the Emperor, was sent to ask him if he had his Credential Letters, and to tell him, 
D. Ambr. ●p. 27.  That he could not be heard but in full Council. He replied, That it was not the custom to use a Bishop after that manner; That he had very particular things to tell the Prince, and that he demanded a private Audience. The Eunuch reentered, and whether he did speak again to his Master, or was already acquainted with his intentions, he returned to him with the same Answer as before.  
LXXII. The Archbishop was obliged to retire. He came again the next day, and was introduced into the Council. As soon as he was entered, Maximus rising from his Throne, bend his body towards him as it were to kiss him. The Saint stopped; and when they made signs to him on all sides to advance, and the Emperor himself invited him, he answered to him, That he did not believe he would kiss a Man to whom he had denied a private Audience, and a Seat conformable to the Rank which he held in the Church, and to the Dignity of the Prince who sent him. Maximus threw himself upon Complaints, and reproached him with his former Embassy, and those fine words which had seduced him from passing at that time into Italy. But the holy Prelate replied to him generously, That he had taken care of the Interests of a Pupil Prince; That he was proud of it, as of an Action worthy of a Bishop; but that he had not blocked up the Alps from any one; That he had opposed neither Armies, Trenches, Rocks, nor yet false Assurances. After having justified his own conduct, he justified that of Valentinian, who ●ad disbanded the Huns and Alains, for fear of giving him suspi●●●n, who had always received his Ambassadors with honour, and had sent back his Brother to him, whom he might have put to death by way of Reprizals. In a word, he exposed to him his Commission, and demanded of him from his Master the confirmation of the passed Treaties, and the Body of the Emperor Gratian, whose murder he had without doubt commanded, ●ince he refused him burial. Maximus being pressed with the remorse of his Conscience, and the ●easons of the Archbishop, had nothing to answer him, but that he was willing to treat with Valentinian, and referred him to another Audience. Some days after having learned that he refused to communicate with him, and with the Prelates of his Court, who were of the Schism of Itacus, he made use of this pretence to command him to departed his Dominions.  
LXXIII. St. Ambrose immediately dispatched a Courier to Valentinian, to give him an account of the ill success of his Embassy, and to advise him not to confide in the golden words of the Tyrant, who under appearances of Peace, concealed a form design of making War. Valentinian, who had as yet no manner of experience, judged of this Embassy by the event, and sent Domitius, one of his chief Ministers, to renew the Negotiation, and to accommodate, by his ingenuity, what he thought the Archbishop had spoiled by his indiscreet zeal, or small capacity. Maximus received this new Ambassador with all possible civility, accepted all his Proposals, and dexterously engaged him to conduct some of his Troops to Valentinian, to assist him against the Barbarians that disturbed Pannonia. This Minister, glorious of the Honours which he had received, and the service he thought to have rendered, took the Road of the Alps, leaving, as it were in triumph, the half of an adversary Army, under the name of auxiliary Troops.  
LXXIV. Maximus followed him so close, that he entered into Italy almost as soon as he with his whole Army, and marched directly to Aquileia, where he thought to surprise Valentinian. The Consternation was so great, that no one put himself into a condition to resist him. Valentinian, who took him for his Ally, observing him to come as an Enemy, considered nothing but his safety. He retired immediately towards the Adriatic Sea, where he embarked with the Empress his Mother, and sailed towards Thessalonica, in order to go and implore the assistance of Theodosius. Maximus, 
Pacat. in Panegyr. Theod.  displeased that he had miss of the Emperor's person, dispersed himself like a furious Torrent▪ ruining Placentia, Modena, Rhegio, and Bologna, to all intents and purposes, and laying waste all the Cities he found in his passage upon the right and left. There was no Cruelty, Pillage, Violence, Infamy or Sacrilege, but what was exercised by his Troops. Part of the Citizens were put to the Sword: those, whom that had spared, languishe● in a miserable Captivity. There was none but Milan, that was preserved from these public miseries; and whatsoever hatred was had for the Archbishop of this City, they suffered him to preach in peace Repentance to his People, so venerable is Holiness even to Tyrants.  
LXXV. Then Maximus seeing that all things submitted to his Fortune, stopped, and commanded the Officers of his Army to make the Troops live in order, to the end that he might win the affection of those People, whose weakness he had a sense of. The first thing he did, was to send Ambassadors to Constantinople, to prevent Theodosius, and to remonstrate to him, That he was not entered into Italy with a design to usurp the Empire, but to confirm the Catholic Religion therein, which was going fairly to be ruined. He wrote the same thing to Pope Siricius, and sent him word, That his desire was absolutely to preserve the purity of Faith, without suffering any single Heresy. To gain the Gentiles, he restored the Sacrifices which Gratian had abolished, and gave them 
Ambr. ep. 29.  permission to set up again the Altar of Victory in the Capitol. He likewise kept fair with the Jews, by suffering the rebuilding of their Synagogues at Rome. Thus this politic Usurper fitted his Conscience to his designs and interests.  
LXXVI. In the mean time Valentinian, after having incurred several dangers upon the Sea, arrived upon the Eastern Coasts: from thence he sent one of his Domestics to Theodosius, to advise him of his flight, and the irruption of Maximus, and to entreat him to undertake the protection of a wand'ring Prince, who had the honour to be his Colleague, his Friend, and his Ally. Theodosius was very sensibly touched at the unhappy state to which this young Prince was reduced, and immediately gave all necessary Orders for War. After which he set out with part of his Court, and advanced as far as Thessalonica, where he found this fugitive Emperor, and the Princess Galla, whom the Empress Justine had brought along with her. He treated this afflicted Family with all the civility 
Aug. l. 5. de civ. Dei. e. 26.  and tenderness which he owed to the house of the great Valentinian.  
After he had comforted them, he spoke to them as a Father, and a most Christian Emperor, and 
Suidas verbo Valentinianus.  told this young Prince, That to remedy his misfortune, it was necessary for him to take away the Cause; That the War he had declared to Jesus Christ, had occasioned that of Maximus; That if he had not God on his side, all the Forces of the Empire would be of no other service, than to render his loss the more observable; That he ought to confide more in the justice of his Cause, than in the number and valour of his Soldiers; That Victory had always followed the great Valentinian his Father, because he had confessed the Faith, and God protected him; That his Uncle Valens on the other side, after he had supported an Error, persecuted the Bishops, and massacred the Saints, had been defeated, and burnt rather through his Impiety, than his Enemies Foroe or Art; That he should make his peace with God, and resume the Faith he had deserted, if he had a mind that the Succours, which were prepared for him, should have all the success which might be expected from them.  
LXXVII. This Remonstrance affected the mind of this young Emperor, whom his Misfortunes had already made to return to himself, and fixed him inviolably to the belief of the Catholic Church. Justine, to whom this Admonition was addressed more than to her Son, dissembled her displeasure, and making an appearance of renouncing her Heresy, encouraged Theodosius to War by her Tears and Prayers. This Emperor was determined upon it; and to give her an assured pledge 
Zoz. l. 4.  of his protection, he married a little while after; the Princess Galla, her daughter  
As he had resolved to take the Field at the beginning of the Spring with a powerful Army, he was obliged to impose a new Tribute to supply the charges of the War, whether it was that the People found it excessive, or that the Officers, who had a Commission to levy it, exacted it with too much Rigour; several Cities murmured at it, but the Inhabitants of Antioch passed from murmuring to Sedition. They despised the Orders 
Zoz. l. 4. Theodoret. l. 5. c. 19  which they had received from the Emperor; and pulling down his Statues, with those of the Empress Flaccilla, his first Wife, they dragged them through all the streets of the City. An Action so unworthy was accompanied with the most bitter and outrageous words that Fury could inspire them with. Some Historians report, that the night 
Sozom l. 7. c. 24.  before was seen a horrible Spectre, which rising above the City, and clashing the Air with a most dreadful noise, seemed to excite their minds to Sedition.  
As soon as the Emperor understood this News, his displeasure was so much the greater, as it was 
Aurel. vict. in Theod.  just. Besides, that he was of a hasty and sensible nature, the ingratitude of this People whom he 
Chrysost. hom. 20. ad Pop. Antioch.  had always favoured, and the dangerous effects which this example might produce in the beginning of a War, incensed him still more. But that which had the most lively influence upon him, was the injury which had been done to the memory of the Empress Flaccilla, who had been dead about two years since in the reputation of Sanctity, and whose name he held in singular veneration.  
LXXIX. To punish so great an Affront, he resolved immediately to confiscate all the Goods of the Citizens of Antioch; to burn down all its Houses, with all those that inhabited them; to demolish it to the very Foundations; to transport 
Zoz. l. 4. Chrysost. hom. 17. ad Pop. Antioch.  elsewhere every stone of the place, and afterwards to blow up the ground whereon it stood, to the end that there might remain no sign of this Royal City, which was the Capitol of the whole East. Although it was convenient to chastise the insolence of this People, yet there was excess in the anger of the Prince, who involved in the same condemnation the innocent and the guilty. So he came not to that extremity; he contented himself to send to Antioch two Commissioners, Elehecus General of his Armies, and Cesarius Praefectus Praetorio, in order to the discovering of the Authors and Accomplices of the Sedition, and to the making of an exemplary punishment thereof.  
LXXX. In the mean time this City was in an extreme affliction; Remorse, Fear and Despair had succeeded Fury. Several of its Inhabitants, 
Chrysost. in b●●●il ad Pop. Antioch.  afflighted at their Crime, and the threaten of the Emperor, forsook their Houses, which they thought designed for pillage. They who remained, had always the apprehension of death before their eyes, and expected nothing but the hour of their punishment. They had no other refuge than the Church, no other consolation than that which they received from the eloquent exhortations of St. Chrysostom, nor other hopes than what Flavian their Archbishop afforded them, who had undertaken to go and find the Emperor, and to intercede for them.  
The Commissioners found things in this posture at their arrival. They forbidden immediately all the Citizens the Theatre, and Circus, and prohibited them the public Baths. They deprived the City of the title of Metropolis of Syria, and of the East, and conferred it upon Laodicea; beginning thus to chastise a People so addicted to shows, and so 
Chrysost. hom. 17. ad pop. Antioch.  jealous of their glory, by the retrenchment of their Pleasures and Privileges. Which done, they made an exact enquiry after the Mutineers, and filled the Prisons with the guilty, and even those who were but suspected. They confiscated 
Chrysost. hom. 13. ad pop. Ant.  the goods of the greatest part of those Persons of Quality, who had committed or been accessary to the crime. Every one was in fear for his Neighbours, or for himself▪ and the very Judges could not see without pity so great a desolation. Notwithstanding they executed the orders of the Prince, and kept armed Soldiers about the Palace and the Prisons, left their despair should again excite a new Sedition.  
LXXXI. It was then the Solitaries, who lived in the Neighbourhood of Antioch, descended from their Mountains in order to afford some comfort 
Id hom. 17. ad pop. Ant. Theod. l. 5. c. 19  to this afflicted City. They suggested to some a disengagement from the world, and the contempt of death; they assured others of the protection of God, and the mercy of the Prince: they protested to all, that they were come to obtain their pardon, or to suffer with them.  
After they had remained whole days at the entrance of the Palace, to solicit the Judges, they lay down all night at the Prison gates, ready to give up their Lives and Liberties for the safety of their Brethren. Sometimes they embraced the knees of the Magistrates, sometimes they spoke to them with authority from God.  
One amongst them, by name Macedonius, a plain man, and without any experience of the world, but of eminent piety, meeting two of the Judges in the midst of the City, commanded them to alight from Horseback. These Officers, who saw nothing in his Habit, or Person, that might afford him any authority, grew angry immediately against him: but when they had learned what was the Sanctity of this Solitary man, they quitted their Horses, embraced him, and asked him pardon. Then this old man, filled with a divine Wisdom, raising his voice, said to them, Go, my Friends, and make this remonstrance to the Emperor from me. You are an Emperor, but still you are a man. You command Men, that are the Images of God. Fear the Anger of the Creator, if you destroy the creature. You are so offended at the overthrowing of your Images, shall God be less when you have thrown down his? Yours are insensible, his are alive and rational▪ Your Statues of Brass are already mended and repaired; but when you shall destroy men, how will you be able to redress your fault? Will you revive them, when they are once dead? These words, enlivened with Zeal and Charity, made an impression upon the minds of these Officers, and the Emperor himself was affected at them, when they were reported to him: So that instead of the threaten which he had made to the Inhabitants of Antioch, he justified himself; and discovering the cause of his anger, If I had been wanting, said he, they ought not to have carried their displeasure to a Princess, whose virtue deserves nothing but commendations. They, who should have felt themselves offended, aught to have directed all their anger against me.  
The other Solitaries were not less courageous. They went to find the Magistrates, and begged of them to pronounce a favourable judgement, and to absolve the Criminals. As they could receive no other answer, than that they were not Masters of An. 388 the affair; that it was dangerous to leave a crime of State unpunished, and that they pursued in their judgements the rules of Duty, and Justice: they cried out, We have a Prince who loves God, who is faithful, and who lives in Piety. Don't imbrue your Sword in blood. As great as the insolence of this City has been, it doth not exceed the mercy of the Emperor. In a word, they entered the Palace, just as they were going to pronounce the sentence of Condemnation against those who had been convicted of the Crime. They conjured the Judges to grant them some few days of delay, and to expect new orders from the Court. They offered themselves to go and find the Prince, and to appease him by their Tears and Prayers, and were so prevalent as to obtain what they demanded.  
The Commissioners the Emperor had sent, being touched with the generous sentiments of these Solitaries, prayed them to give their remonstrances in writing, and promised to carry them themselves to their Master; which they performed a few days after. The affair being in this posture, these admirable men immediately returned to their Caves and Cells, and the same Charity which induced them to leave them, shut them up close again.  
LXXXII. About this time Flavian, Archbishop of this afflicted City, who had parted from 
Chrysost. Hom. 20. ad pop. Antioc▪  thence towards the beginning of Lent, and who had considered neither the rigour of the Season, the inconveniencies of the Journey, nor his own Old-age; arrived at Constantinople. He went to the Palace, where the Prince was, and stopped at a pretty distance from him, as if retained b● Fear, Shame, and Trouble. He remained there without speaking, and kept his eyes fixed upon the ground as full of Sorrow and Confusion, as if he had been culpable, and begged a pardon for himself.  
Some also add, that he made the Children of the Emperor's Music sing the doleful Psalms, which 
Sozom. l. 7. Hist. Eccles. c. 13.  the Church of Antioch made use of in her public Prayers to express her affliction; and that these sad and languishing Airs softened the Soul of the Prince, and moved him so effectually to compassion, that he steeped the Cup he had in his hands with his own tears. But besides the little probability of this circumstance, St. Chrysostom, who has written all the particulars of this History, would not have failed to have been informed of it, and to have inserted it in his Relation.  
Be it as it will, this Archbishop insensibly prepared the mind of Theodosius, and endeavoured to affect him by his Sighs and Tears before he undertook to persuade him by his reasons. The Emperor drew near to him, and said to him with a great deal of moderation, That he had great reasons 
Chrys. hom. 20. ad pop. Antioch.  of complaint against the Citizens of Antioch; That he had preferred their City before all the rest of his Empire; That after the favours and kindness he had conferred upon them, he could not expect so rude a treatment; That he was not sensible, he had done them an Injustice; if he had been unhappy enough to have committed one, they might have fallen out with himself, rather than with dead Persons, who had not been wanting in their respect, He stopped at these words, and the Archbishop, after he had wiped away his tears, at last broke silence.  
LXXXIII. He began his discourse by a sincere acknowledgement of the crime, which those of Antioch had committed, confessing that there was no punishment sufficient to atone it. After having aggravated their ingratitude, by comparing it with the extreme goodness of the Emperor, he represented to him that the greater the injury was, the more glorious would be the favour, which he should afford those Criminals. He proposed to him the example of Constantine, who being pressed by his Courtiers to revenge himself upon some factious men, who had disfigured one of his Statues by force of Stones, did nothing but pass his hand over his face, and answered to them smiling, that he did not feel himself hurt. He set before his eyes his own Clemency, and made him remember one of his Laws, by which, after he had given orders for the opening of Prisons, and pardoning Offenders in the time of the Solemnity of Easter, he adds this remarkable expression: Would to God I could even revive the dead too.  
He made appear to him, that in this occasion there was not only concerned the Preservation of Antioch, but even the Honour of the Christian Religion. The Jews, said he, the Pagans, the Barbarians themselves, amongst whom the noise of this accident is dispersed, have all their eyes upon you, and expect the sentence you are going to pronounce. If you pardon the culpable, they will glorify the Christian's God, in praising you, and will say one to another, That this Religion is a powerful one; which gives a Bridle to the wrath of Emperors, and retains Sovereigns in a Moderation of mind, which we ourselves do not enjoy; and the God of the Christians is great, since he ●xalts man above nature, and makes them overcome the violence of their Passions.  
After this reflection, to take from the mind of the Prince the politic considerations of an ill example, if he left so great a crime unpunished, he represented to him, that he did not pardon through softness of temper, or incapacity to revenge himself, but through Goodness and Religion; and that the City of Antioch was more chastised by its terrors and remorse, than if it had been destroyed by sword or fire. In a word, he protested to him that he would return no more to Antioch, till it had regained the favour of the Emperor, and concluded his discourse in mixing Respect and Entreaties with the Threaten of the Judgement of God.  
LXXXIV. Theodosius was unable to resist the force of this discourse. He had much ado to retain his tears, and dissembling his emotion as much as possibly he could, he said these few words to the Patriarch: If Jesus Christ notwithstanding his Godhead has been willing to pardon those men that crucified him, ought I to make a scruple of pardoning my Subjects, that have offended me● that am but a Mortal man as well as they, and Servant of the same master? Then Flavian prostrated himself, and wished him all the prosperity that he deserved by the action he had done; and when this Prelate shown some desire to pass the Feast of Easter at Constantinople, Go my Father, said Theodosius, embracing him, and defer not a moment the consolation which your People will receive by your return, and by the assurances you will give them of the Pardon, which I grant. I know that they continue still in grief, and fear. Go, and carry to them for the Feast of Easter the disannlling of their crime. Beseech God to send a blessing upon my Arms, and be assured that after this war, I will go myself and comfort the City of Antioch. After that he dismissed this holy Old man, and even sent Couriers to him, after he had passed the Sea, to exhort him anew to make all imaginable haste.  
LXXXV. One may observe through the whole Relation that I have made, the malice of the 
Zoz. l. 4:  Historian Zozimus, who endeavours to excuse the violence of the Antiochians, in rejecting the fault of their Rebellion upon the severity of the Government. He says nothing of the Journey of Flavian, attributing all the success of this Negotiation to the Sophister Libanius against the belief of History, and the testimony of contemporary Authors, and particularly St. Chrysostom, who 
Chrys. ●om. 17. ad pop. Antiosh.  publicly reproached Philosophers with excess of weakness in this occasion. From whence one may conjecture, that those two discourses, which 
Bar. Ann. Eccl. 1. 4.  we find still amongst the works of this Caviller upon the subject of Statues, were either composed after his death, or else if he did them himself, it was nothing but an after-blow by way of Declamation.  
The affair of Antioch being thus happily concluded, the return of its Archbishop was a kind of a triumph. The public place was strewed with flowers; illuminations were seen every where; they covered all the way he was to pass with odoriferous Herbs; and every one touched with the Emperor's mercy, made wishes and prayers for him, and for prosperity to his Arms.  
LXXXVI. About this time Theodosius, at the solicitation of one of his Kinsmen, was urgent with the Widow▪ Olympias to marry. She was the Daughter of Count Seleucus, and Granddaughter of Ablavius, High Steward of the Empire 
Greg. Naz. Ep. 57  under Constantine. She had been married to a young Lord named Nebrides. Several Bishops had been assisting at her Wedding, and St. Gregory of Nazianzum, who upon some occasion could not be there, had sent her some Verses in form of an Epithalamium. She was a Widow at the end of twenty months, and pretended to nothing more than to apply herself to God alone. Elpidius, a Spaniard by Nation, and Cousin to the Emperor, had an extreme desire to marry her; for besides her illustrious Birth, she likewise possessed 
Pallad. in Dial. de vita Chrysost.  extraordinary Riches. For all he had pursued all kind of methods to make himself beloved, he could not succeed in his undertaking. He had recourse to the Emperor, and begged the assistance of his credit with Olympias. Theodosius being very sensible to all that related to his Family, and moreover being persuaded that his Protection and the Honour of his Alliance, would affect this young Widow, proposed this Marriage to her; but he could not prevail. She answered with a great deal of modesty and generosity all together: That she 
Pallad. ib.  would always receive with a very profound respect whatsoever the Emperor would do her the honour to propose to her; but she begged of him to permit her to live without engagement: That if Heaven had been pleased with her marriage state, it would not have deprived her of her Husband; and that since God had broken her Bonds, she was resolved to give herself to no one but him, and to live only in order to please him, and to serve him.  
LXXXVII. Theodosius did not think it a reasonable thing to reduce her by Authority to accept of the party, which he proposed to her. But as it is the misfortune of Sovereigns to be subject not only to their own Passions, but also to those of other men, he suffered himself to be prepossessed against her. The Relations, which had been won, complained that becoming Mistress of her Estate, before the Age required by the Laws, she had scattered it away in indiscreet Alms and Presents by the advice of some interessed Ecclesiastics, who governed her. Upon this complaint, the Emperor ordained that the Governor of Constantinople should have the care and administration of the Possessions of Olympias, till she had attained the age of Thirty years. Elpidius made this order to b● executed with extreme rigour. They took away from this virtuous Lady the entire disposition of her Revenues. She was not permitted even the liberty of having any communication with the Bishops, nor to enter in the Church, to the end that feeling all the inconveniencies of Poverty and Slavery, and enjoying no sort of comfort, she might be obliged to consent to the Marriage, which she had refused. But she could not be moved by a usage so unjust and violent. She suffered it not only with patience, but even with joy; and after having rendered thanks to God for it, she wrote to the Emperor in these terms. You have acted, Sir, in relation to your most humble Servant, not only as an Emperor, but also as a Bishop; since you have freed me from the care of my temporal concerns, and the fear of 
Pallad. ib.  not making a sufficiently good use thereof. Behold me discharged of a great burden. The favour would be entire, if you would order them to be distributed to the poor, and to the Church. It is a long time since I was afraid, lest Vanity should make me lose the Fruits of my Alms, and the Perplexity of temporal Riches should make me negligent of spiritual ones.  
LXXXVIII. She remained in this condition, till the war against Maximus was happily concluded. Then Theodosius perceiving that he had been surprised, and pitying the misfortunes she had so resolutely undergone, restored her to her possessions, and left her to her freedom, She exercised afterwards the employment of Deaconess in the Church of Constantinople, affording great examples of Modesty, discretion, piety, and a perfect renunciation of all the cares and pleasures of this World.  
LXXXIX. As soon as the Spring was come, Theodosius who still kept in suspense the Ambassadors of Maximus, declared that he was going to make war against him, and departed from Constantinople, 
Themist. Orat. 6.  where he left his Son Arcadius under the conduct of Tatian, a wise, faithful, and intelligent man, whom he had expressly sent for from Aquileia to make him Praefectus Praetorio; and of Themestius the Philosopher, whom he gave him for his Tutor. His Ambassadors had by his order renewed the Treaties of Peace with all the Neighbouring Princes of the Empire. He took into his pay the best Soldiers amongst the Goths, Huns, Scythians, and Alains, as well to reinforce his Army, as to weaken the Barbarians, who might be suspected to him. Arbogastes had brought him a considerable body of French and Saxons. Generals of great Reputation and Experience who were to command under him, and make discipline to be observed amongst so many different Troops. In a world, he had provided all things that might make succeed an enterprise so important to his own glory, and to the safety of the Empire.  
But his chief care had been to procure the blessings of God upon his Army, and to dispose himself for victory by his Piety. He gave orders for solemn devotions, and sent to entreat the most famous Solitaries of Egypt to recommend to God in 
August. de civ. Dei. l. 5. c. 26.  their Prayers the success of this war, and to li●t up their hands to heaven, whilst he fought. Above all he consulted the holy Abbot John, who gave him assurances of the Victory he was to obtain. This admirable man, who was as it were the Oracle of his Age, foretold him the principal events of his Reign, his Wars, his Victories, the very 
Evagr. vit. S. P. P. c. 1.  Eruptions of the Barbarians, which he observed to the least circumstances.  
XC. It was not sufficient in the Emperor's opinion to implore the assistance of Heaven by Entreaties and Prayers, he endeavoured it also by his Actions. For before he went out of Thessalonica, he renewed his ancient Edicts, and ordained new ones against the Heretics, forbidding them to hold Assemblies, to make Ordinations, to give, or take the name of Bishops; enjoining the Magistrates 
Leg 14▪ 15, & 16. de Haeret. Cod. Theod.  to hinder these profane Religions, which seemed to have conspired against the true one, from celebrating their sacrilegious mysteries in public or in private. And because the Arians had supposed, or interpreted some of his former Edicts in their favour, he declared by an express Law, that all they could expound to their advantage should be held false, and contrary to his intention. Thus he endeavoured to engage God to protect him, by undertaking with so much Zeal the protection of his Church, and went to join his Troops encouraged with a holy confidence.  
XCI. Maximus on his side observing that no positive answer was given to his Ambassadors, had put himself into a condition not only to defend himself, but to attack if it was necessary. To assure himself of the Gauls in his absence, he had left there his Son Victor under the conduct of Nuntius and Quentin his Generals. Part of the Germane People, whom he had reduced to pay him great contributions, was run to his assistance, and he had reason to be satisfied with the number and valour of his Soldiers. He divided his Forces immediately into three bodies. He sent Count Andragatius with orders to fortify the Julian Alps, and to guard all the narrow Passes. He commanded his Brother Marcellin to seize upon all the Avenues of the Drove, with a party of the auxiliary Troops▪ and himself with the Roman Legions advanced towards Pannonia, and stopped upon the Save. After he had thus made himself Master of the Mountains and Rivers, he thought he had shut up all the passages to Italy, and posted himself in such a manner, that he could in a little time join his Brother, whenever he should judge it convenient.  
XCII. Theodosius was scarce got out of Constantinople, but he was advised that some Treason was contriving in his Army, where Maximus had already won some Officers, and that is was necessary to put a sudden stop to an Enemy, that was more accustomed to bribery, than fight. This notice was given him by men that appeared to be very well informed, and the former conduct of Maximus made it but too probable. The Emperor then advanced in haste towards his Army, and made a very strict enquiry after the Agents of Maximus, and those who had held any correspondence with them.  
The noise was soon dispersed, that there was a treason which would suddenly be discovered, and the Traitors judged well that they should not escape the chastisement which they had deserved, if so be they did not hastily retire. They secretly concerted the time and place of their flight, and 
Zoz. ibid.  leaving the Camp in little Troops, they joined again at night, and fled towards the Woods and Marshes of Macedonia, with a design to hid themselves. Theodosius being advertised in the morning that a Battalion of Barbarians had deserted, was glad to be rid of those disloyal Soldiers; but fearing lest they should draw after them the Troops of their Country, and difturb in his absence the repose of this Province, he detached some Squadrons, who pursued them, killed the greatest part of them before they had gained the Marshes, and constrained the rest to betake themselves to the Woods and Mountains.  
XCIII. Theodosius being delivered from this disquiet, made Valentinian embark with the Empress Justine, and made them to be conducted to Rome in safety, whether it was that Italy had required 
Zoz. ibid.  them again, or that he imagined their presence would encourage those People, who were still affected to them, and could not dispense with the Tyranny of Maximus. After that he made very severe Regulations concerning the Discipline of his Troops, and obliged all his Officers to see them performed, to the end, that People might judge of the justice of his Cause, by the moderation of his Soldiers; and see the difference there was between an Emperor's Army, and that of a Tyrant.  
These Orders were so exactly observed, that there was no manner of confusion or tumult amongst 
Pacat. in Panegyr.  so many Nations that were accustomed to live without rule, and without constraint. Neither City nor Country was inconvenienced by their passage, and there being a want of Provisions for some days, there was not one Soldier but those rather to endure hunger with patience, than commit any disorder that might be displeasing to the Emperor.  
XCIV. All things being thus regulated, Theodosius marched by great Journeys, and thought that 
P●ilostorg. Oros. l. 7.  the good success of this Expedition partly depended upon the diligence of his march. Theodosius commanded the Cavalry, Timasius was at the head of the Legions, Arbogastes and Ricomer conducted the greatest part of the auxiliary Barbarians, and the Emperor had an eye over all. He divided his Army, like Maximus, into three Bodies, to conceal from him the course he was to take, and especially to cause the less disturbance in the Countries he passed through, and to keep his Men more easily in order.  
As he advanced in this posture towards Pannonia, he had advice that Maximus made a halt, and that he had encamped his Army about 
* Seisseg.  Siscia. It was a City that was considerable neither for its Greatness, nor its Fortifications, but for its advantageous Situation. It was upon the Banks of the Save, which dividing itself in two Branches, forms an Isle over against this place, serves as a double Bulwark to it, and renders it almost inaccessible. The Tyrant Magnentius had formerly possessed himself thereof, as of a very important Post, in the War he made against the Emperor Constantius.  
Theodosius got all his Troops together on a sudden, and made so much haste, that he was encamped between the Drove and the Save, before the Enemies could hinder him, and cut off the Communication of their two Armies. Then judging that Maximus would hold himself close, and that it would be a hard matter to draw ●m to a general Fight, resolved to pass the Save at what price foever, and to go and force him in his Post. He proposed his design to his Generals, who immediately found the execution hazardous. Notwithstanding the presence of the Emperor, who encouraged his Troops, the Valour and Prudence of the Officers, the Cheerfulness and Courage of the Soldiers, who thought the Enemy durst not hold the Field, made them believe that nothing was impossible to them.  
The Emperor made good use of the heat and confidence which he observed in his Troops, and marching at their head with an extraordinary diligence, he appeared hard by Siscia, and was immediately as ready to pass the River, as the Enemies to defend it. He cast a terror into their whole Camp, and at the same time made the passage of the River to be attempted in several places. Maximus, who by a strange blindness had believed Theodosius to have been still at a good distance, was presently surprised. He endeavoured to encourage his Legions, made them advance according to occasions, and supposed that if they could sustain these first efforts, it would be easy for him afterwards to keep them in good heart. In the mean time Theodosius, who was advanced upon the Bank to observe the posture of the Enemies, knowing by their motions, and their confusion, that they were disordered, would most willingly have gone to charge them, without giving them leisure to recover themselves; but the Save was very deep, and Maximus sent new Troops continually to reinforce those who were already upon the Shoar. Then seeing the fatal moment that might terminate this War, and fearing to let slip an occasion of conquering, which perhaps Fortune would not offer any more, he made Fords to be searched for, and prepared Bridges with an incredible diligence.  
XCV. As he was in this inquietude, Arbogastes brought to him some Officers of his Nation, who offered to pass the River. The Emperor commended their resolution, made them hope for great rewards, and assured them that he would be a Witness of their Valour, and would support them 
Pacat. in Panegyr.  himself with all the bravest Men of his Army. These Officers went to join their Squadrons, whom they encouraged more by their example, than their words. Arbogastes put himself at the head of them, and throwing themselves all together in the River, all dusty and fatigued as they were with a long march, they attempted a great many Tracts, and passed on Horseback by swimming in the sight of the Emperor, who supported them in person.  
The Enemies amazed at so bold a resolution, retired in disorder, and gave the Alarm to all the rest of the Army. Whilst Arbogastes, after he had gained the shore, cut all in pieces that he met, the other Troops which Theodosius sent over immediately, fell upon the Enemies on another side, and made a terrible slaughter. Many hurled themselves voluntarily into the River. Several were trod under the Horse's feet. The Country was covered with the dead; the Ditches of Siscia were filled with the bodies of those, that fled thither for Sanctuary. Maximus, after having several times attempted in vain to rally his Troops, applied himself to his own safety, and retired as well as he could towards Aquileia, where he pretended to gather up the fragments of his Army, whilst his Brother Marcellin should defend the entrance of Italy.  
XCVI. Theodosius, after having performed a Thanksgiving to God for his Victory, and rewarded upon the Field those who had distinguished themselves in this occasion, turned upon the right forthwith, and marched towards Marcellin with so much diligence, that he gave him not time enough to gain the narrow Passes of the Alps, nor even to understand the Defeat of his Brother. As soon as he was come near 
* Pettan▪  Paetovium, a little City upon the Drove, where Marcellin was encamped, he resolved to give him battle the same day; but it was late, and the Troops were weary: which obliged him to refer it to the morrow. Every one prepared himself in the night; and at break of day the Emperor gave orders to assault the Enemy, who appeared already to be agreed upon a defence. The Fight began with much vehemence on both sides. On the one, the desire of conquering, the glory of having already overcome, and the pleasure of serving a Prince, who acknowledged the services which were rendered to him; on the other, the hope of plundering all Italy, and the fear of being punished, stirred up the Combatants. But Marcellin had soon the Fate of his Brother. After this first resistance, some of his Troops were put to the rout; the rest threw down their Colours, and demanded Quarter.  
XCVII. Theodosius observing this war to be almost concluded, immediately detached Arbogastes with a body of Horse to go into Gaul, and seize upon young Victor, to whom Maximus had given the Title of Caesar. After which he pursued those that fled with an incredible eagerness. Andragatius, who had been sent to guard the Alps, had orders upon the first noise of Valentinian's embarking, to put himself to Sea with all the Vessels he could get together, and to take him upon his way. But he waited in vain upon the Coasts of jonia for Valentinian, who had already crossed the Sea, and he abandoned the Passes of the Mountains to Theodosius.  

Pacat. in Panegyr.  This Prince found there no opposition. The City of Hemona, and the rest, which he found in his way, received him with the testimonies of an extraordinary joy, and furnished his victorious Army with all the refreshments it had occasion for. At last he arrived near Aquileia, and besieged that place. Maximus, who after several turn and wind, had enclosed himself therein instead of retiring into Gaul, was sensible then that he could not possibly avoid a misfortune, which he should have foreseen, and recollected with himself what St. Martin had before told him, viz. that he should miserably perish in Italy, if he attempted to pass therein. He had a mind to make some resistance: but his Soldiers seeing his loss inevitable, opened the gates to the besiegers, and altogether siezing on his Person, pulled him from his Throne, where he was distributing money to some Moorish Cavaliers, who had attended him; and after having deprived him of all the Ornaments of his Dignity put him into the hands of the Conqueror.  
Theodosius did not abuse his Victory. He seemed more concerned at the misfortune of this Tyrant, than incensed at his Crimes. He reproached him with his perfidiousness in a behaviour, that argued more of compassion than of anger; and reflecting upon the justice of God's decisions, and the inconstancy of humane greatness, he was going to crown his victory by an act of Christian Generosity, in pardoning his Prisoner. But as he turned his head to conceal that emotion of Pity which appeared upon his face, the Soldiers snatched him from his mercy, and having drawn him out of his Tent, made him to be bèheaded in sight of the whole Army. Andragatius being advised a little while after of this news, and despairing of Theodosius' pardon for the murderer of Gratian, chose rather to throw himself headlong into the Sea, than to fall into his hands.  
XCVIII. A Success so happy and so expeditions, which regained the Empire of the West, and secured that of the East to Theodosius and his Children, was published through the whole World. But the goodness and moderation of the Conqueror made his triumph more illustrious, than the obtaining of two battles, and the absolute destruction of the Tyrant. For he contented himself with the death of two or three persons unworthy of pardon, 
Oro●. l. ● c. 35.  and received all the rest of the party, not as a Conqueror, but a Father. There was neither confiscating of goods nor losing of employments, nor spilling of blood. Every one had the liberty of returning to his house; and under a Prince of so much humanity, no body was sensible of having been overcome. He even allowed great Pensions to the Wife of Maximus, whose Daughters 
Ambros. Ep. 29. ad Theod. Aug. l. 5. de civ. Dei. c. 25.  he caused to be educated with abundance of care, and forgot nothing that might comfort them for their misfortune, or entertain them according to their condition. He would have granted the same favour to Victor their Brother, if (against his intention) Arbogastes, to assure himself of Gaul, and to take away from thence all subject of Rebellion, had not put him to death. That which was most great and heroic in this expedition, was not the subduing the whole Empire of the West; it was the restoring of it. As soon as he was Master thereof he re▪ established in it the young Valentinian, adding new Provinces to those which had been usurped, and reserving to himself for a compensation of his Labours, nothing but the Glory of a disinteressed Protection.  
XCIX. The fame of this Victory astonished the Arians of Constantinople, who had not expected it, nor even wished for it. Touched at the rigorous Decrees which had been declared against them, they maliciously dispersed false reports in the City, and determined this war according to their desires, even before it was begun. They assured that Theodosius had lost the ●attle, that he had much ado to escape, and th●● he fled before 
Socrat. l. 5. c. 13. Sozom l. 7. c. 14.  Maximus. They rendered this plausible falsehood by the circumstances which they added, even so far as to compute the number of the wounded and dead on both sides. One would have said, that they had been the Spectators of what was not yet come to pass. Those very men, that had at first spread abroad these false reports, gathered them up afterwards as really true, being persuaded by new particulars which were related to them, and believed the loss of the Emperor to be infallible; because they desired it. As there are always uneasy Spirits, who by a natural levity, or for particular Interests, are weary of the present Government; so many People noised abroad this news, that no body questioned it, or durst contradict it.  
C. The Arians made use of this occasion to revenge themselves for the deprivation of their Churches. They went out of their houses, like so many Furies, with Torches in their hands; and carrying every where tumult and disorder, they went to burn the Palace of the Patriarch Nectarius. They had proceeded to greater excesses, but the news of Theodosius' Victory being arrived at the same time, the fear of Punishment stopped the course of this Sedition, which the hopes of impunity had excited. These Heretics went to cast themselves at the feet of Arcadius, and entreated him with so much importunity to intercede for them with his Father, that being affected with their Prayers, with the repentance they shown of their crime, and the assurancs they gave of being more submissive, and moderate for the future, he engaged himself to ask for their pardon. Theodosius, who desired nothing so much as to accustom his Son to Clemency, and to encourage him to make such Petitions to him, immediately granted his Request.  
After some residence which the Emperor made at Aquileia, to refresh himself after the fatigues of war, and to give necessary orders for the security and peace of the Empire, he passed to Milan, where he published an Edict, by which he annulled 
Leg. 7. d▪ infirmand. his quae sub Tyrant.  all the Ordinances of Maximus, requiring that the memory thereof might be entirely abolished. It was about this time that some Bishops complained of the judgement he had given, and stirred up against him the Zeal of St. Ambrose.  
CI. It was the custom of the Eastern Churches to honour every year the memory of the holy Martyrs, to assemble together upon the day of thei● Festivals, and to make Processions, in singing Psalms and Hymns. The first day of August some 
Paulin. in vit. Ambr.  Solitaries, who were met together to celebrate the Feast of the holy Maccabees, went in procession through the Country, followed by some devout persons of their Neighbourhood. They passed through a Village named Callicin, where the Jews had a Synagogue, and the Valentinian Heretics a Temple. Whether this singing of Psalms was troublesome to them, or they took this ceremony for an Insult upon their Religions, they all went out, fell upon the Christians, and hindered them from passing further, after having abused them. The noise of this violence was soon dispersed: the Solitaries made complaints; the people were moved thereat, and the Bishop, transported with zeal, excited so well both the one and tother to revenge the injury, that was done to God and his Martyrs, that they went to burn the Synagogue of the Jews, and the Temple of the Heretics. The Emperor having been informed of the business by the Count of the East, ordered the Temple and the Synagogue to be rebuilt at the expense of the Bishop, and those who had burnt them, to be punished.  
CII. The Oriental Bishops found the Decree too rough, advised St. Ambrose of it, and conjured him to employ all his credit towards the repealing thereof. This holy Archbishop was then at Aquileia, to assist at the election of a Successor to Valerian Bishop of that City, who was lately deceased. Being unable then to go and find Theodosius, he wrote a Letter to him full of that generosity, wherewith he was accustomed to preach truth and justice to Emperors. He represented to 
Ambr. Ep. 29.  him, That if he did not hearken to the Prayers of Bishops, God would not attend to those, which Bishops made for him; That there was this difference between good and bad Princes, the one would have their Subjects free, the others would dispense with none but Slaves; That as for him, he chose rather to pass for importunate, than for weak and unserviceable, when the glory of God, and the safety of the Emperor were concerned; That indeed he acknowledged him for a pious Prince, and one that feared God; but that the most pious oftentimes let themselves be prejudiced by an indiscreet Zeal, and a false Idea of Justice; That he was indebted to his Majesty for an infinite number of favours, and that it would be a cruel ingratitude to suffer his Benefactor to be wanting by an unworthy complaisance.  
After that he made him see the consequences of this affair; That he reduced a Bishop to disobey him▪ or to betray his Ministry; and that he went to make either a Transgressor, or a Martyr, which would be unbecoming of such a Reign, as his; That the Enemies of the Church would triumph in those structures built with the Spoils of Christians, and the Patrimony of Jesus Christ; That to make him repeal his Ordinance of rebuilding the Synagogues, it sufficed to tell him, that Julian would have done it, and that the Fire of Heaven might fall to day, as it did then; That the Palace of the Patriarch of Constantinople was lately burnt, and that a vast number of Churches reduced to ashes, smo●kt still without any appearance of revenge; That there was no application but to erect profane Temples; That Maximus some days before he was forsaken of God, had made a like Deeree. Then he prayed him to take his freedom for a testimony of his respect, and to believe that it was a great proof of the zeal and tenderness he had for him, to dare even to anger him for his safety. He exhorted him at length to change his opinion, and not to be ashamed to correct himself, and made him apprehend that he endeavoured to reform him in private, lest he should be obliged to speak to him publicly in the Church.  
CIII. This Letter, of so much force and urgency, had not all the success which might have been expected from it, and Theodosius still deferred to give a favourable answer: which occasioned the Archbishop, upon his return to Milan, to speak to him before all the People pursuant to his threaten. For one day when the Emperor was at Church to assist at the Sermon, the Saint made choice of a Text suitable to the Subject he was to 
Paulin. in vit. Ambr.  treat of; and after having enlarged himself upon the advantage one ought to make of corrections, as the Auditors were in their greatest attention, he fell upon the affair of the burnt Synagogue. He directed his discourse to the Emperor, and made God himself speak in these terms: It is from me thou hast the Diadem. I have made thee Emperor of a simple private man, as thou wast. I have delivered to thee the Army of thine Enemy. I have made pass into thy Party those Troops, which he had raised against thee. I have put his very Person into thy hands. I have given thee Children, who shall reign after their Father. I have afforded thee an easy Triumph, and by an Ordinance thou hast just now made, thou goest to resign thy Victory to my Enemies.  
CIV. These reproaches so sensibly touched Theodosius, that he drew near the Archbishop, as he descended from the Pulpit, and said to him, as it were in a complaining tone, you have spoken against us to purpose, my Father. The Saint replied to him, that his intention had been to speak for him, and that he would have the same zeal, whensoever his safety should be concerned. Then the Emperor confessed, that the Order which he had given out against the Bishop was too severe, and that it was fitting to repeal it. Some Lords, who were present, alleged, to make their Court, that the Solitaries aught at least to be persecuted, who had been the Authors of this commotion. I speak at present to the Emperor, (replied to them the holy Prelate) and I know how to apply myself to you, when it shall be convenient. They durst not make any further answer to a man, whose constancy they were acquainted with. Thus ●e obtained the revocation of the Decree, and after he had twice received assurances thereof from the Emperors own mouth, he went to offer to God the Holy Sacrifice.  
In the time Theodosius was at Milan, all the considerable Bodies of the Empire sent Deputies to him, in order to testify the joy which they conceived for his Victory. The Senate of Rome was of the first in performing this duty. Symmachus, by his credit and intrigues, obtained the nomination of Deputies that were Pagans, like himself, and recommended to request in the name of the Senate, the preservation of the Altar of Victory, which Maximus had reestablished.  
CV. This Altar since the Reign of Constantine the Great, had been an original of Contests. It was erected in a Chapel, which was built at the entrance of the Senate. Here was to be seen a 
Herodian. Prudent. l. 2. in Symm.  Golden Statue, which represented Victory under the figure of a young Damosel, who had wings, and bore in her hands a Crown of Laurel. The Pagans, after having lost the greatest part of the Temples consecrated to their Gods, whose very names were become insupportable to the Emperors, had fixed all the hopes of their Religion in a 
Symmach. relat. ad Imp.  Goddess, whose name was so agreeable. They swore upon her Altar; they offered Sacrifices to her, and they made this fragment of Superstition and Idolatry pass for the Religion of the whole Senate. It was very uneasy to the Christians, who were at 
D. Ambros. contra Symmach.  the Palace, to observe before their Eyes the exercise of a worship contrary to theirs; to smell in the very Senate, the odour of Sacrifices; and to hear the vows they made to a profane Divinity.  
CVI The Emperors erected or pulled down this Altar, according as they were moved by principles of Policy, or Piety. Constantine had dispensed with it out of Prudence, judging his condescension necessary in the alteration of Religion and Empire. Constance his Son destroyed it by a motion of Religion. The Tyrant Mag●entius restored it to oblige some Pagan Senators, 
Ambr. ep. 31. Symmach. in relat ad ●al.  whom he had a mind to draw to his Party. Constantius pulled it down out of Ostentation, being desirous to let the Romans entertain a good opinion of his Faith, when he had deprived them of the Pope Liberius. Julian, by the inclination he had for Idolatry, and his hatred to the Christians, commanded the re-establishment thereof. Jovian, and the great Valentinian left it in the State, wherein they had found it, suffering a liberty of Faith. Gratian destroyed the Altar with all its dependences, and thought to have overthown it for ever. But Maximus, whether it was 
Socrat. l. 4. c. 1. Sozom. l. 6. c. 6.  to have nothing common with a Prince whom he had put to death, or to gain the affection of the Pagans against him, whom he designed to chase from his Dominions, permitted them to rebuild what they would.  
CVII. Thus the fortune of this Goddess was observed to change under each Emperor. The Deputies of the Senate being then arrived at Milan, rejoiced with Theodosius for the prosperity of his Arms; and after having performed all their compliments, they secretly negotiated with his Ministers the affair of their Religion. They had reason to hope for Success. The fear of leaving a party of Malcontents in Rome, the humour one is in to grant favours after a Victory, the little consequence it was of to dissemble a thing done, seemed to determine Theodosius to afford them the Altar they demanded. But St. Ambrose, who had so vigorously opposed Symmachus some years before, likewise opposed these Deputies, and remonstrated so well to the Emperor, that he ought not to abandon the Interests of God through considerations of policy, and false jealousies, that this Prince chose rather to disoblige these Magistrates, than to be wanting in his Duty to the Church, and so denied their requests.  
CVIII. Theodosius, after having passed all the Winter, and part of the Spring at Milan, departed from thence to go to R●●● in order to receive the honour of Triumph. 〈◊〉 made his entrance therein in the month of June, with all the splendour that the great Actions he had done, deserved. 
Soz. l. 7. c. 14.  The greatest Ornament of this Triumph was the modesty of him, that triumphed. He would have Valentinian, who was come to him after the defeat of Maximus, to share with him the glory of this day; and made him ascend into his Chariot with the Prince Honorius, whom he had sent for from 
Claud. dem 3. Consul. Honor.  Constantinople. He had carried before him the Spoils and Representations of the conquered Provinces. Then he came himself encompassed with all the Lords of his Court richly clothed. His Chariot was drawn by Elephants, which the King of Persia had lately sent him. The Senate, the Nobility, and all the People followed with acclamations, and applauses extraordinary. Although the solemnity of this entrance was very magnificent, there was nothing regarded but the Conqueror, for whom it was made. He spoke to the People upon the Tribunal in the Forum, and to the Senate in the Capitol with abundance of grace and majesty, and received very favourably the Speeches which where directed to him by all the Bodies, especially the Panegyric, which Pacatus the Gaulish Orator pronounced before him with the applause of the Senate, and all the Orders of the City.  
CIX. During the residence which Theodosius 
●acat. ib.  made at Rome, he gained by his civility and freedom the hearts of those People, who were still spurred on to maintain a remnant of their ancient Liberty. He went to see the public works; he rendered Visits to particulars, and walked without Guards and Solemnity, rather as a Senator, than Emperor. Above all, he employed his care to abolish the remainders of that Idolatry, which his An. 389 Predecessors had tolerated. He prohibited Pagan Festivals, and Sacrifices: He dispossessed of their 
August. de Civ. Dei l. 5. c. 26. Prud. adv.  Ornaments, all the Temples which they had left in the Capitol, and broke in pieces all the Idols, which had been adored there. He preserved notwithstanding those Statues, which had been composed 
Symm. l. 1. Hier. ep. 7.  by excellent Workmen, and drawing them from places where they served for a profane Worship, he ordered them to be set up in Galleries, or in public places as an Ornament to the City.  
CX. These things were done with so much applause, that the Emperor saw nothing so affecting 
Socrat. l. 5. c. 14.  in his Triumph, as the Joy which appeared in this occasion. Every one seconded his Zeal, and went to praise God, and bless Theodosius in those Temples, which had been so long profaned. There was none but Symmachus, who procured his displeasure by troublesome supplications and remonstrances in favour of his Idols. This man, who had entertained a strict confederacy with Maximus, and had pronounced a Speech in his honour, full of flatteries, unworthy of a person of his Reputation and Quality, was afraid lest Theodosius should resent it. Being accused by some of High Treason, and pressed with the remorses of his Conscience, he fled into a Church for Sanctuary, not thinking the protection of his Gods powerful enough to save him, after all the services he had done them.  
But observing that Theodosius made no great esteem of this accusation, he took courage; and to repair the fault which he had committed, he composed a Panegyric in honour of this Prince, which he recited in his presence in the Senate. But as Spirits strongly prejudiced always return to the subject of their prepossession, this man, towards 
Symmach. l. 1. Ep. 31.  the end of his discourse, cunningly fell upon Religion, and the Altar of Victory. Theodosius was offended at this obstinate solicitation; and after having thanked him for his praises, he commanded him to retire, and to present himself no more before him. He recalled him a little while after from his exile, and shown him the same friendship as before; being willing to obtain by sweetness that qualified man, whom he thought to have sufficiently corrected by this disgrace.  

Leg. 18. de Haer. God. Theod.  CXI. He was not contented to compass the single ruin of Idolatry, he was also for chase away all the Heretics that were to be found in this City; and particularly he ordered the Praefect Alb●n to suffer no Manichean there. He had likewise many conferences with Pope Siritius, after which he reform several abuses he had intimation of. 
Prud. adv. Symm. l. 1.  He set out very severe Edicts against Magicians, and against those who attempted to afford them a retreat, and to withdraw them from Justice. He purged the City of several kinds of irregularities, ordering places of debauchery to be demolished, and repressing the insolence of Thiefs, who drew the Citizens into their Snares, and particularly Strangers, whom they rob, or oftentimes kept them enclosed in subterraneous places. Thus this Prince was in continual motion for Justice and Piety; and was of opinion, that no Christian Emperor ought to reside some time in a place, without leaving therein more Safety, Religion and Continence, than he found.  
CXII. Theodosius received about the same time the news of the demolishing of the famous Temple 
Ruffin. l. c. 22.  of Serapis in Alexandria, which he had ordained to punish the Pagans for a Sedition they had caused. There was in Alexandria an old ruinated Temple, which the Emperor Constantius had formerly bestowed upon the Arians. The number of the Catholics increasing every day, the Patriarch Theophilus prayed the Emperor to grant him this forsaken Church. He obtained it, visited it, and had a mind to make some reparations therein. As they were digging they found dark Caves, more fit to conceal crimes, than to celebrate the Ceremonies of Religion. The Gentiles, who were unwilling to have the Shame of their Mysteries discovered, or those hidden places raked up, where they found parts of humane bodies dissevered, which had served for their wicked Sacrifices, hindered the Workmen from proceeding. The Christians insisted upon it; the thing came to an open Sedition. Notwithstanding the Christians were in greatest number, yet as they were more moderate than the others, they were beaten in some encounters. There were even some of them that were taken and barbarously massacred, because they would not oblige themselves to sacrifice to Idols.  
The Magistrates went several times to the Temple of Serapis, where the seditious had entrenched themselves, and endeavoured to make them return to their Duty: but being unable to force them, or to reduce them by reason, and threaten, they gave the Emperor information of it, who answered them, That the Martyrs which they had made were rather to be praised than pitied; but to avoid such disorders for the future, it was necessary to cut off the cause, that is to say, to destroy the Temples▪ This Letter being read publicly, the Christians testified their joy by extraordinary cries; the affrighted Gentiles hid themselves, or betook themselves to flight. They began to execute the Sentence by demolishing the Temple of Serapis, and by the overthrowing that famous Idol, which King Sesostris had got made. They divided it in several pieces, and dragged it along the streets.  
CXIII. They gave the same entertainment to all the other Pagan Divinities. Their Weakness appeared, the Delusions and Tricks of the Priests were discovered, and several were converted to Jesus Christ. Theodosius learning this happy News, lifted up his Hands to Heaven, and cried out, I give thee thanks, O God, in that thou hast destroyed the Errors of that superstitious City, without obliging me to spill the blood of my Subjects. He wrote immediately to the Patriarch, to rejoice with him for the favour which God had shown to his Church, and sent him an order to collect all the Idols of Gold or Silver which had been pulled down, and to distribute the value of them to the poor of his Diocese; adding that he should make appear to the Gentiles, that the Zeal of Christians was not mixed with any sort of Avarice, and that he should give them an example of a pure and disinteressed Religion. They sold every piece of those precious Statues. They made Vessels of Charity of other Metals, which had been of service to Superstition. Theophilus' reserved only an Idol, which he set up in the public place, to the end that Posterity might one day laugh at the Gentiles, by seeing the remains of their ridiculous Worship; which seemed to them more injurious than all the rest. This Patriarch built a Church in honour of St. John Baptist in ●he place of the Temple of Serapis. all the Bihops of Egypt followed this example, and a little ●fter this Province so tied to its Superstitions, had 〈◊〉 deliverance.  
CXIV. Theodosius more satisfied with the hap●y success of Religion, than his Triumphs, departed 
Sozom. l. 〈◊〉 c. 14.  from Rome the first day of September, in order to ●eturn to Milan, and from thence to Constantinople. He restored the Empire to Valentinian, and imprinted 
Ambr. Ep. & Orat. de obit. Theod.  so well in his mind the Catholic Religion, by his repeated instructions, that this young ●rince who was naturally disposed to do well, be●ame the defender of the Faith, and put himself 
Ambr. in fun. Valent.  ●ntirely under the discipline of St. Ambrose, whom ●e honoured as his Father to his death.  
The Empress Justine, who had taken so much ●are to inspire into him that Heresy, with which ●he was infected, had not the satisfaction to behold his triumph and re-establishment. God permitted her to die before the accomplishment of ●he war. She was the daughter of Justus, Governor of La March under the Emperor Constantius. She had espoused in her first Nuptials the Tyrant 
Socrat l. 〈◊〉 c. 26.  Magnentius, who after he had lost the battle of Mursa in Pannonia, became the murderer of himself, to avoid the punishment, which his Rebellion had deserved. The Great Valent●ian became amorous of her, and married her after the death of the Empress Severa his first Wife. She was a Princess fierce, imperious, fixed ●o her own sense, ●nd possessed with all the impieties of the Arians. The influence she had over the spirit of her Husband, and the Authority she ●ad taken over her Son, had occasioned great troubles in the Church and if God had not opposed to her a Bishop, a● 
Sulp. Sever. Dialog. 2. c. 6.  unshaken as St. Ambrose was▪ the Arians had become masters in Milan; and it had been experience● what an abused Princess can do, that joins to th● infirmity of her Sex, the violence of her passion.   

The CONTENTS of the Fourth BOOK. An. 390  
I. SEdition at Thessalonica. II. Anger of Theodosius appeased by St. Ambrose, and rekindled by Ruffin. III. Temper of Theodosius. iv Chastisement of the Seditious of Thessalonica. V Remonstrance of St. Ambrose to Theodosius. VI Repentance of Theodosius. VII. St. Ambrose excommunicates Theodosius. VIII. Ruffin endeavours to comfort Theodosius. IX. Ruffin negotiates an Absolution for Theodosius. X. Theodosius presents himself at the door of the Church. XI. Theodosius doth Penance publicly, and is absolved. XII. Theodosius places himself amongst the Laity. XIII. Heresy of Jovinian; Theodosius takes upon him to destroy it. XIV. Theodosius reforms divers Abuses. XV. Order of the Church for Penance. XVI. Disorder in the Church of Constantinople. XVII. State and Functions of Deaconesses▪ Regulation of their Age and Testaments. XVIII. Death of the Empress Galla. XIX. Theodosius returns into the East. XX. Theodosius chases a Troop of Barbarians out of Macedonia. XXI. Theodosius arrives at Constantinople. His Piety. XXII. Original, Manners, and Fortune of Ruffin. XXIII. Jealousy against Ruffian. XXIV. Quarrel of Promotus and Ruffin. Anger of Theodosius. XXV. Ruffin abuses Favor, destroys his Enemies. XXVI. New Revolutions in the West. XXVII. Edict of Theodosius against Relapsers. XXVIII. Valentinian order a Comedian Woman at Rome to be carried off. XXIX. Intrigues of Flavian. XXX. Revolt of Arbogastes. His Employments, his Manners. XXXI. Valentinian desires to be baptised by St. Ambrose. XXXII. Jealousy of Valentinian▪ Insolence of Arbogastes. XXXIII. Valentinian begs the succour of Theodosius; he writes to St. Ambrose. XXXIV. Death of Valentinian; his great qualities. XXXV. Eugenius is made Emperor. XXXVI. Theodosius learns the death of Valentinian. St. Ambrose makes his Encomium at Milan. XXXVII. Eugenius makes an Alliance with the People of the Rhine. XXXVIII. Eugenius sends Ambassadors to Theodosius. XXXIX. Eugenius grants the Pagans the restoration of their Temples. XL. Conduct of St. Ambrose in relation to Eugenius. XLI. Constancy of Eugenius. Edicts of Theodosius. XLII. Theodosius prepares for War. XLIII. He consults the Abbot John. XLIV. He lessens the Taxes. XLV. He regulates the Soldiery. XLVI. Edict of Theodosius for pardoning Injuries. XLVII. Order of Theodosius' Army. XLVIII. Army of Eugenius: different Prospects of the Leaders; their Cares. XLIX. Theodosius forces the passage of the Alps. L. Battle of Theodosius against Arbogastes. LI. Defeat of the Goths. Piety of Theodosius. Death of Bacurius. LII. Retreat, and considerable loss of Theodosius. LIII. Hopes of Eugenius. Theodosius holds a Council of War. LIV. Theodosius concludes upon fight. Miraculous Apparition. LV. Second▪ Battle of Theodosius. LVI. Confidence of Arbogastes. LVII. Resolution of Theodosius. LVIII. Arbetion resigns himself to Theodosius. LIX. The Victory uncertain. LX. Miraculous Wind. Victory of Theodosius. LXI. Death of Eugenius and Arbogastes. LXII. Clemency of Theodosius. LXIII. Affection of St. Ambrose for Theodosius. LXIV. Interview of St. Ambrose and Theodosius. LXV. Predictions of the Victory of Theodosius. LXVI. Ambition of Ruffin. LXVII. Confecration of the Apostles Church at Chalcedon. Solemnity of the Baptism of Ruffin. LXVIII. Synod hold at Constantinople. LXIX. Theodosius abolisheth Idolatry. LXX. Theodosius disposes himself to death; abstains from the Communion for a time. LXXI. The Children of Theodosius arrive at Milan. LXXII. Theodosius exhorts the Pagan Senators to be converted. LXXIII. Testament of Theodosius. LXXIV. Theodosius shares the Empire between his two Sons. LXXV. Stilicon is declared Tutor of Honorius. LXXVI. Theodosius orders himself to be carried to the Circus. LXXVII. Death of Theodosius. LXXVIII. St. Ambrose makes the Encomium of Theodosius in presence of Honorius. LXXIX. The Body of Theodosius is transported to Constantinople. LXXX. Character of Theodosius.  
THE HISTORY OF THEODOSIUS the Great. BOOK IU.  
THE Empire, since the defeat of Maximus, had enjoyed a profound Peace, and Theodosius reestablished at leisure the Affairs of the West, before he repassed to Constantinople, when he received the news of the Sedition happened at Thessalonica. The occasion of it had been inconsiderable; but the consequences were so great, that they make one of the principal parts of this History.  
I. Botheric Governor of Illyrium, and Lieutenant General of the Emperor's Armies, had received Orders to continue in his Government with the 
Sozom. l. 7. 5. 15.  Troops which were left him, to retain the People in their Duty, or to oppose the Barbarians, if they attempted to make any irruption upon the Lands of the Empire on that side. He resided at Thessalonica, a very rich and populous City, Capital not only of Macedonia, but also of several adjacent Provinces. From thence he observed and regulated all things with a great deal of prudence and justice, whilst the Emperor was employed in War 
Theod. l. 5▪ c. 17.  against Maximus. As soon as he had received advi●e of the Victory which Theodosius had won, he ordered public rejoicings in all the Cities of his Government. The Inhabitants of Thessalonica being affected for the glory of their Prince, and naturally disposed to all kinds of Spectacles, signalised themselves in this occasion. They celebrated, during several days, public Sports with an extraordinary magnificence.  
A Coachman of Botheric got herein a mighty reputation, and appeared so dexterous and expert 
Sozom.  in managing Horses, and conducting Chariots in the Circus, that the People could not sufficiently observe and commend him. He enjoyed this popular Favour but a little time, for having been accused and convicted of some infamous debaucheries, Botheric, a wise and austere Man, commended him to be seized, and confined him to a close Prison in order to correct him, and to retain all his People in modesty by this example of Severity and Justice. As they still prepared Horse-courses at Thessalonica, the People possessed with the address and dexterity of this Man, judging that he alone was capable of honouring this Festival, resolved to demand his Liberty. They who had undertaken to obtain it, being unable to affect the humour of the Governor by their humble Petitions, the People run in crowds to the Palace, and made new Solicitations: But Botheric would not relax in an Affair, wherein was concerned not only the Discipline of his Family, but also the Authority of his Charge; for which they seemed not to have a sufficient respect. Then the most seditious of them began to murmur; and taking this refusal for an injustice done to them, they demanded the liberty of the Prisoner, not only as a Favour, but as a Necessity. All the City was insensibly in motion. Some made to the Prison-gates, in order to force them open; others drove away by force of stones the Magistrates, who endeavoured to oppose them; and as there is nothing whereof the Rabble is not capable, when they are once hot, they broke open the gates of the Palace, dispersed the Guards who were there, and killed Botheric himself, who came before them to endeavour to appease them.  
II. The Emperor having information of this disturbance, was so extremely incensed at it, that he resolved to destroy that City, and condemned upon the spot part of its Inhabitants to death. St. Ambrose, who was acquainted with the humour of this Prince, and interessed himself for his real glory, 
Paui●. in ●it. Ambr.  was afraid lest he should abandon himself to his first motions, or to the inconsiderate counfels of some Lords of his Court. He inspired him so seasonably with sentiments of sweetness and piety, that he made him revoke the Sentence he had pronounced in the first heat of his displeasure. Several other Prelates joined their Prayers to those of 
Aug. de civ. Dei. l. 5. c. 25.  the Archbishop, and they obtained of the Emperor the preservation of the Lives of all those guilty People.  
But his chief Officers, and particularly Ruffian great Master of the Palace, who had a great power over his temper, took their opportunities to remonstrate to him, That it was necessary at last to repress the Liberty of People, which increased every day through the hopes of Impunity; That he h●d but too much pardoned already, since there remained no further respect for his Laws, nor security for his most faithful Servants; That he would find himself exposed to the Insolence of his Subjects, if he suffered his Authority to be walkner▪ by conniving at their Rebellions; That it was matter of amazement, for an Emperor, who knew so well how to subdue his Enemies, to be unable to chastise a few Rebels; That Bishops were always obliged to preach up Clemency, but that it was the business of Princes to ma●e use of it according to the necessity of their Affairs, because an Empire is not to be governed as a Diocese, the Church and State having different Rules and Maxims; That there was, in a word, as well excess in the pardoning of Crimes, as in the punishment thereof, and that it was time to put a stop to the disorders wherewith the State was threatened, by rigorously chastising that which was lately come to pass.  
Then they recalled in his mind the overthrowing of the Statues of the Empress in Antioch, the Palace of the Patriarch burnt by the Arians at Constantinople, and the Synagogue of Calli●in, destroyed by the indiscreet zeal of certain Solitaries. They made him foresee a thousand dangerous consequences, and rekindled his displeasure by these new Remonstrances to such a height, that he forgot his word, and resolved to abandon Thessalonica to the fury of the Soldiers. He went out of Milan, on purpose to avoid the Admonitions of the Bishops, and complained in his Council of those who took care to inform St. Ambrose of all the Resolutions which were there concluded on.  
III. Theodosius was of a hot and passionate temper, and easily permitted himself to be transported to anger against those who had offended him; but after this first emotion, whereof he was not always Master, he returned of a sudden to himself, and 
Aurel. vict. in Theod.  provided they did not turn the goodness of his nature by evil counsels, he pardoned so much the more readily, as his transport had been violent. 
Ambros in sun. Theod.  He took it well of those who corrected him i● these occasions; and whether he was ashamed of yielding to his Passion, or that he desired to repair his fault, or else believed that the anger of Princes was severe enough to support, he oftentimes pardoned Criminals, through the single Reasons of having reproved them too roughly. But he had, as the most part of good Princes, a dangerous confidence in those whom he supposed to be his Friends, and who gave life to his Passions, and concealed their own under appearances of the public good. Thus he let himself be sometimes surprised; and altho' his intentions were to do well, he was capable of committing things that were faulty.  
iv The Resolution then being taken of making an example of severity upon this City, the Affair was proposed in Council, where it was unanimously agreed, That Troops should be sent to 
Ambr. ep. 28.  Thessalonica, and all those seditious People put to the Sword. The deliberation was held secret. They dispatched Orders necessary for the execution, and in the Crime, which was going to be committed, they feared nothing but St. Ambrose's coming to be informed of it. The Officers, who were charged 
Ruffin. l. 2. c. 18.  with this bloody Commission, acquitted themselves with all the Policy and Cruelty which had been recommended to them. They amused, by certain preparations of courses, and public sports, this People, who ought rather to have expected Punishment, than Sights; and having drawn a very great number of them to the Circus, they gave the Signal which had been agreed upon amongst them.  
Then were seen to run from all sides Soldiers, who betook themselves, with Arms in their hands, to the Streets, Houses, and especially the Circus, where the People were assembled. There they 
Sozom. l. 7. c. 24.  put all to the Sword, without any distinction of Age, Sex and Quality. The first that was met with, was the first sacrificed. The innocent perished with the guilty, even strangers, who had no share in the Crime, were involved in the same punishment; and the Soldiers hot in murder, sought no longer to chastise a Crime, but to satisfy their brutal Fury.  
It was in this occasion that one of the richest Merchants of the City, observing his Family ready to undergo the fatal Massacre, cast himself at the feet of these Murderers, in vain endeavoured to move them, by his tears and his entreaties, and conjured them to take his possessions and his own life, for that of two Children, who were equally dear to him. Then, as if they had been touched with some pity, they replied to him, That the number of the dead inserted in their Commission, was not yet completed; That they could dispose but of a single Pardon, and bid him choose, with haste, which of the two he would have preserved. But this miserable Father being reduced to the sad necessity of delivering one for the safety of the other, and not determining soon enough upon this choice pursuant to the humour of these Barbarians, they could no longer bear with 
Paulin. in vit. S. Ambr.  this suspension, and inhumanely butchered the two Brothers. The City was abandoned to the Sword for the space of three hours, and there perished, to the number of 7000 persons.  

Theodoret. l. 5. c. 17.  Although one might have believed, that Theodosius of his own motion had not commanded this unlimited Revenge; notwithstanding as Princes ought to answer for whatsoever is done in their name, and for the excesses which are committed in the execution of their Orders, every one cast the blame upon him. The noise thereof was dispersed through the whole East. The News came to Milan, where several Bishops were arrived to assist at the Council, which was to be held against Jovinian, and his Partisans. These Prelates abhorred an Action so barbarous, and highly condemned the Author.  

Ambros. Epist. 28.  V St. Ambrose having learned that this Prince had a design to come to him, immediately composed a Letter to him to let him know the greatness of his Crime, and to exhort him to Repentance. He excuses himself for not having the honour to meet him. He declares to him with respect, That altho' he retains in his heart all the acknowledgement he ought to have for the testimonies of his Affection, and the Favours he had received from him, yet he no longer feels the same joy he had formerly conceived at his arrival; That he chooses rather to let him remain in peace, and give him opportunity of making reflections upon his Conduct, than to importune him by his overhasty Corrections; That he acknowledges him for a great Prince, one that fears God, zealous for the Faith; full of good intentions, but hasty of his own nature, and susceptible of the impressions which are given him, whether it be in relation to Pardon, or Revenge.  
After having thus drawn the character of the Emperor to the Emperor himself, he comes to the affair of Thessalonica, and represents to him▪ That it is a manner of punishment unheard of; That his Crime is so much the greater, as the greatness of it had been shown to him before he undertook it; That the assembled Bishops had been grieved thereat, and judged it necessary for him to be reconciled with God, before he ought to be partaker of the Sacred Mysteries; That he should lament and expiate his Sin by tears and penance, and not ●e ashamed of following David's example, who was a great King, from whom Jesus Christ was descended according to the flesh, and who was guilty of the death but of a single Innocent; That he did not tell him these things to confound him, but to excite him by this example to acknowledge his Fault, and to humble himself before God; That every man, as great as he may be, is subject to failings; That he advises him, and conjures him, as a Friend, and that he exhorts him, and admonishes him, as a Bishop, to repair his Fault; That it would be a deplorable thing for a Prince who had afforded such great examples of Piety and Clemency to remain obdurate, and after having pardoned so many Criminals, to make a scruple of repenting, for having caused the ruin of so many innocent persons; That whatsoever great Qualities he had to reign, and what Battles soever he had won, he had been more esteemed for his Piety, than his Victories; but that he had lost by one single Action, all the Glory which he had acquired by so many others.  
He declared to him afterwards, That the acknowledgement, the esteem and respect he retains for him in his heart, will not hinder him from pursuing the Orders of the Church, and from refusing to offer in his presence the Divine Sacrifice, till he had satisfied God; That moreover he wrote this to him with his own hand, to the end that he might reflect upon it in his own person; That he should rather choose to win the Favours of his Emperor by an honest Complaisance, than to disturb him by several Admonitions; but when the Cause of God is concerned, he is obliged to sacrifice his Inclination to his Duty.  
In a word, he exhorts him to accuse and condemn his Sin himself, and concludes by these words full of the renderness of a Father: Would to God, my Lord, that I had rather believed my own Instinct, than the experience I have had of your Goodness▪ But when I imagined to myself, that I have so often seen you pardon, and return from your displeasure, I confided too much in your custom; you have been possessed, and I have not provented what I ought to have feared, and what I was scarce able to foresee. God knows the affection I entertain for you, and with what fervency I entreat of him your salvation. If you are persuaded of the reality of what I say, pursue the counsel which I give you, if not, excuse my zeal, and take it not amiss that I will rather act what's pleasing to God, than you.  
VI The Emperor having received this Letter, was touched at so free, and so prudent a Remonstrance. The clouds of Prejudice being dispersed, he looked upon the Action he had done, stripped of the pretences and reasonings of Politics. His Soul pressed with the remorse of his Crime, was seized with a religious fear of the judgements of God, and the censures of the Church. In this condition being scarce able to support himself, and expecting no solid consolation but from the holy Archbishop, whose counsels he had not reverenced enough, and whose inflexible zeal he had experienced, he departed on a sudden for Milan.  
VII. As soon as he was arrived there, his thoughts were wholly taken up about giving some testimonies of his Piety, in order to take away the evil impressions which he had afforded of himself. To that end he would go to the Cathedral to assist at the public Prayers, and to partake of the holy Mysteries. The Archbishop was informed of it, and leaving the Choir of the Church where he was, went beyond the Porch to attend him. As soon as he saw him appear, he advanced some steps towards him, and said to him with that Authority which the character and sanctity of his life allowed him:  

Theod. l. 5▪ c. 17.  It is to be believed, O Emperor, that you do not yet comprehend the enormity of your Crime, since you dare present yourself here. Perhaps that possessed of the greatness of your Dignity, you hid your Infirmities to yourself, and that your Pride intoxicate your Reason. Consider that you are of a frail nature, that you were drawn out of a little dust, as other men, and that you will return to dust as well as they. Let not yourself be dazzled with the splendour of that Purple which covers an infirm and mortal Body. Those whom you command are of the same nature with yourself, and you serve with them the same God, who is the Master of Subjects and Sovereigns. How then do you attempt to enter into his Temple? Will you dare to extend your hands yet stained with the innocent Blood you have spilt, to take the Sacred Body of Jesus Christ? Will you dare to receive his adorable Blood in that mouth, which in the excess of your Anger has caused so many Murders? Retire then, and done't add a new Crime to that which you have already committed: receive rather with submission the Sentence I pronounce upon earth, and which Jesus Christ approves in Heaven against your Sin, since 'tis in order to your salvation.  
Theodosius being sensibly affected at this discourse, remained some time with dejected eyes in silence: after which he replied to the Archbishop, That he acknowledged his Crime, but that he hoped God would have regard to his infirmity; and as he alleged the example of David, who had committed a Homicide and an Adultery both together, the Archbishop answered to him, You have imitated him in his Sin, imitate him also in his Repertance. Then this Prince, who was perfectly instructed in the Maxims of Religion, and the Authority of the Church, instead of being offended at this resistance, looked upon it as a wholesome remedy for an evil, the consequences of which he had not till then discerned. He retired into his Palace with tears in his eyes, and continued eight entire months remote from the Sacred Mysteries, living as a Penitent, and scarce perceiving that he was Emperor.  
VIII. In the mean time the Feast of the Nativity 
Theodor. l. 5. c. 17.  of our Lord being come, Theodosius pierced with a lively grief, arose earlier than he was used to do; and as he could have no share in the solemnity of this day, he disposed himself to spend it in a profound sadness. Ruffin, great Master of the Palace, whom he honoured with his friendship, and his confidence, being entered into his Chamber, found him in this heaviness, and asked him the occasion. Having known it, he endeavoured to comfort him, by cunningly insinuating to him, That he ought to exalt himself above certain Fears, which were concealed under the name of Religion; That one should act as Master, when one had obtained to be so; That it was dangerous to be subjected to the Censures of Men, who had never governed States; That notwithstanding if he enjoyed that delicacy of Constience, he might satisfy his Piety without falling into a depression; That the evil was not so great as it was made to be; That, after all, he had reason to punish Criminals, and none to undergo ●o cruel as Affliction. Thus this Favourite, after he had disposed his Master to commit a great Fault, attempted also by his Flatteries to weaken his Repentance.  
Theodosius, so far from accepting these Consolations, appeared more concerned than he was be●ore; and after he had remained some time without being able to answer, Cease, Ruffian, said he to him with indignation, cease to laugh at my Affliction; ● am a ●etter Judge of my Condition, than you. Have ● not reason to be sorrowful, when I consider that the ●e●nest of my Subjects have the liberty to day of offering ●heir Prayers at the feet of the Altars, and that I am the ●ingle person to whom is prohibited not only the entrance of ●he Church, but also that of Heaven, according to that expression of the Gospel, Whatsoever ye shall bind on Earth, shall be likewise bound in Heaven.  
IX. Ruffin seeing no probability of dispossessing ●he mind of this Prince of that religious ●eat, which St. Ambrose had imprinted therein by his Remonstrances, offered to go and find this Preate, and to oblige him by his entreaties to take off he Sentence of Excommunication. Theodosius answered to him, That he had to do with an inflexible Man, who had no regard to the rank or power of Em●rors, when the Laws and Discipline of the Church were ●ncerned; That he acknowledged the Archbishop's Sen●nce to ●e just; and that it were better to finish the expiation of his Crime, than vainly to demand the favour of an overhasty Absolution.  
The ordinary practice of the Church, not t● receive Penitents publicly till towards Easter▪ an● to keep wilful Murderers several years in Penance induced the Emperor to believe that this attem● would be fruitless. Notwithstanding Ruffian wa● so instant with him to shake off his Concern, an● gave him such fair hopes▪ that this Prince permitted him to go to the Archbishop, and resolved ● follow himself a little after. Ruffin acquitted hi● self of his Commission with much dexterity; 〈◊〉 St. Ambrose observing that he made a Negotiati● of State of an Ecclesiastical reconciliation, repli● to him with his usual freedom, That he, who w● the first Author of the Crime, was not fit to be t● Mediator of the Absolution; and that for all the lit● tle shame and fear he retained of the judgements ● God, he ought not to think of the affair of Thessaloni● but to bewail the evil counsels which he had given to ● Master. Ruffin was not discouraged at these R● proaches: he employed the most affecting impor tunities and Prayers, and forgot nothing th● might have influence upon the spirit of the Arc● bishop. When he saw that he could obtain ●● thing, he gave him notice that the Emperor wou● soon be at the Church. The Saint answered 〈◊〉 him, without any surprise, That he would attend h● at the door in order to forbid him entrance; That if ● came as a Christian Emperor, he would not violate t● Laws of his Religion; That if, he would become Tyrant he might add the death of a Bishop to that of so many ●● nocents whom he had already caused to be slain.  
X. Ruffian having heard this Answer, gave immediate information to Theodosius, that the business ●ad not succeeded according to his expectation, ●nd that he prayed him not to come. The Emperor was already pretty far advanced, when he ●eceived this advice. He stopped, and after having ●aused awhile, he went on, and resolved to endure he confusion which he thought he had deserved. ●he Archbishop was in a Hall near the Church, ●here he usually gave his Audiences, when they ●ame to inform him that the Emperor was at the ●oor. He advanced towards him, and said to him, ●hat he did not perform the action of a Christian Emperor, if he attempted to force the Church; Tnat it was ● rebel against God himself, and to trample under foot he Divine Laws, to pretend to assist at the Sacred Mysteries, before he had done Penance for his Sin. Theodosius replied to him with abundance of submission, That his intention was not to enter by force ●nto the House of God, nor to violate the Ordinances of ●he Church: but that he came to conjure him to break his ●etters, and to open him the Gate of Salvation in the Name of Jesus Christ, who has opened that of his Mercy to those Sinners who repent sincerely. St. Am●rose asked him what Penance he had done, and what Remedies he had employed towards the Cure of so dangerous a Wound? I come to you as ●o the Physician, replied the Emperor, 'tis you that ●re to ordain what I ought to do.  
XI. Then the holy Archbishop represented to ●im the misfortune of a Prince who did not reguate his Passions, and who exposed himself to pronounce unjust Decrees, and to shed innocent blood, ●nd ordered him to make a Law that might serve as a curb to his displeasure, and to that of his Successors. This Law directed, That if the Emp●▪ rors, 
Theod. ib. Soz. l. 7. c. 25.  against their Custom, were obliged to make use o● an extreme Severity towards any one, after having p●● nounced the Sentence of Death, they should defer th● 
Theod. ib.  execution thereof an entire month, to the end that the●● Passions being relented, they might reflect upon their judgments, and distinguish, without prejudice, the innoce● from the guilty. Whether this Ordinance was th●● composed, or that it had been published eigh years before, as some Historians have remarked Theodosius gave Orders for it to be writ dow● immediately, signed it, and promised to o●▪ serve it.  
That being done, he was absolved, and havi●● been admitted into the Church, he prostrated himself, and began his Prayers by those words of King, such a Sinner and Penitent as himself, ●● Soul is fixed even unto the ground; Lord, give 〈◊〉 according to thy Word. He remained in this posture beating his Breast from time to time, lifting up h● voice towards Heaven, to ask for Pardon, and lamenting his Sin in the sight of all the People who were touched at it, and wept along with hi● when he was going to the Offering, he arose, a● vanced towards the Altar, where he offered h● Gifts as he was used to do, and went to place himself in the Choir amongst the Priests near the Blister.  
XII. The Archbishop having perceived him and desiring to abolish a Custom, which the come plaisance of Bishops, and the remissness of Discipline had introduced, sent to ask him what he e● pected 
Sozom. l. 7. c. 24.  there; and when it was told him from t● Emperor, that he waited for the time of bein● admitted to the communion of the Sacred Mysteries, he sent him word by one of his Deacons, That he was amazed to see him thus in the Sanctuary, That the Purple made him Emperor, and not Priest, and that he had no place in the Church but as the other People. The Emperor answered, That it was no design against the Order of the Church, nor an Affectation to distinguish himself from all the rest; but that he had thought the Custom was the same at Milan, as at Constantinople, where he placed himself in the Choir; and after having thanked the Archbishop for being so kind as to inform him of his Duty, he went out of the Balister, and took his place amongst the People.  
This Lesson remained so strongly fixed in his mind, that at his return to Constantinople, being in the Cathedral Church upon a great Holiday, he went out of the Qui●e, after he had made his Offering. And when the Patriarch Nectarius sent to desire him to re-enter, and to resume the place that was designed for his Majesty, Alas! said he sighing, I have been a long time finding out the distinction between a Bishop, and an Emperor! I am encompassed with People that flatter me; I have found b●t one Man that has set me in the right way, and has told me the truth, and I know but one true Bishop in the 
Theodor.  world, which is Ambrose. From this time the Emperor kept without the Balister, a little above the People, but below the Priests, such influence had the correction of a zealous and unblameable Prelate upon a Prince, who had some care of his salvation. All the Church was edified by the docility and faith of this Emperor. The holy Fathers in their Writings, have consecrated the memory 
Aug. de ●iv. 〈◊〉 l. 5. c. 26.  of his Piety: and by this example they have admonished all Sovereigns to regulate their Authority by Justice and not by their Passions; to distinguish good from evil councils; and to be 
Ambros. in fun. Theod. Paul. etc.  more ashamed of the sins they commit, than of the penance they ought to do for them.  
XIII. Theodosius after having submitted himself to the Laws of the Church, employed his Authority to make them observed, and repressed the insolence of Jovinian, and his Disciples, who● the Council of Milan had condemned. Jovinian had been a Religious in a Monastery of the Suburbs of Milan, which St. Ambrose entertained by his cares in an exact regularity. This giddy-headed and sensual man was soon weary of leading an austere and penitent life. He forsook it, and drew after him certain infirm Spirits, which he had infected with a contagious doctrine. He had some design to re-enter into this holy Society; but i● was judged that his repentance was not sincere▪ and that his conversation would be dangerous, insomuch that they refused to receive him. H● was so nettled at this denial, that he taught publicly, That fasting, and other exercises of penitence 
Hieronym. contra Jou. ●. 2.  were of no importance; That Virginity had no advantage over Marriage; That they, who are baptised, can't be dejected by temptations▪ That there was but one reward for all the happy, and several other Maxims, which tended to the remissness of manners, and the decay of discipline. Besides the badness of his cause, it was ill sustained, 
August de Har●s. c. 82.  because he had neither politeness nor eloquence in his Writings: but as it flattered the sensual inclinations of men, it was easy to persuade. Thus by debasing the glory of Virginity, he seduced several Roman Virgins; and by virtue of declaiming against Celibacy, he disposed good men to dissolution.  
Some holy and learned persons wrote against his doctrine and his life, which was very conformable to his opinions; and even reproached him 
Ambr. de Virgin. Hiero. l. 2. con. Jou. August de bono conjug.  with his delicacies, his luxury, and his incontinence very smartly. The Pope Siricius, a●ter having condemned this Arch-Heretick, sent his Legates to Milan, to call a Synod there, and to extinguish these new errors in the very place, where they were brought forth. This Synod, which began to assemble when the news of the affair of Thessalonica arrived, had judged Jovinian and his Companions, conformably to the Sentence of Rome; there remained nothing further to do, but to execute it. Theedosius took it upon himself; and by a Rescript dated at Verona the second day of September, he chased from Rome those irregular men, who still retained the name and habit of their first Profession, and banished them into remote 
Leg. 1. de anach. cod. Theod.  deserts, where they must have lived in a forced continence, if the Magistrates had been more exact in executing the order which they had received.  
XIV. The zeal of this Prince did not terminate here; for having learned that this Heresy had introduced strange disorders in Rome, he set out very severe Ordinances against several sorts of impurities; and very expressly commanded the Lieutenant of the City to put a stop to this corruption, 
Aurel. vict. in Theod. Ambr. ep. 66.  by Punishments proportioned to the Crimes, in order to restore amongst the Romans that decency of manners, to which Constantine the Great had formerly begun to reduce them. It was about this time that he prohibited, under very severe penalties, the marriage of Cousin-germen, renewing the ancient Edicts, which an unbridled Liberty had made absolutely void. He still established several Laws, which related to the quiet of the State, and the government of the Church▪ The Regulation which he made upon the subject of Deaconesses, deserves to be related here with all its circumstances, as well because the occasion he had to do it at that time made a mighty noi●e, as because Princes may draw from thence some instruction for their conduct.  
XV. The Church of Rome has always exacted from Penetints an open or particular Confession of their Sins, as a necessary Humiliation▪ and an evident mark of grief and repentance. Ministers appointed for the direction of consciences, heard the accusations which every one offered against himself, and ordained penalties and satisfactions proportioned to the Sins, which were exposed to them. The Bishop alone held this Tribunal of Penance, as long as Christians lived in the fervour and purity of the Rules of the Gospel. But 
Sozom. l. 7. c. 16.  their number being increased, and discipline being slackened as soon as the Persecutions had ceased, Sins became so frequent, and the Bishops found themselves charged with so many cares, that it was necessary to establish in every Church a Penetentiary Priest. This received the Confessions of Penitents, prescribed them the time and manner 
Socrat. l. 5. c. 19  of satisfaction: and after having tried them according to their necessities, by practices of Penance, he presented them to the Bishop to be reconciled.  
XVI. This Office, that had been long since established at Constantinople, was suppressed by the Patriarch 
Sozom. ib.  Nectarius, upon the occasion of a disorder happened in his Church. A young Widow of Quality, who in all probability, through a devotion of but little substance, had raised herself to the degree of Deaconess, made a confession of all her past life to a Penitentiary, who imposed on her, as an expiation of her faults, extraordinary Fasts and Prayers. As she was obliged to be a long time at Church in order to acquit herself of the satisfactions which had been prescribed her, She had an opportunity of seeing and conversing often with a young Deacon, in whom she had reposed too much confidence. These entertainments very serious at the beginning, degenerated on both sides into no very decent familiarities, and this spiritual correspondence became at length a criminal passion. This Widow being pressed at last with a remorse of Conscience, went to declare ●er Sin, and imprudently named him who had ●educed her.  
The Penitentiary had a mind to examine the ●ruth of the fact; The Patriarch was advised of ●t; the Deacon was deposed. The care which was taken to conceal the subject of this deposition, made every one more curious to inform himself of it. They presently discovered the crime, which some persons had already suspected; the noise was dispersed throughout the City. The People casting the fault of one Ecclesiastic upon the whole Clergy, were upon the point of making an insurrection. The Patriarch Nectarius, in order to put a stop to this commotion, and to take away for the future all occasion of such like scandals, suppressed the Office of Penitentiary in his Church, by the advice of one of his Priests named Eudemon. Whether he did abolish this Charge, or only interrupted for a time the practice of public Penance, he made a considerable breach in discipline.  
XVII. Be it as it will, Theodosius being concerned at the disorder which had happened at Constantinople, and willing to take from the Pagans all occasion of crying down the manners of the Church, set forth an Ordinance, whereby he regulated the Age and Testaments of Deaconesses. They were Ladies of a remarkable piety, who employed themselves in all that regarded the ease, instruction, or discipline of persons of their Sex. They distributed the charities of the faithful, 
Clem. l. 3. & 8. Const. Epip. Haeres. 79. Bona rer. Litur. c. 25. Paul Epist. ●d Rom. 16.  taught the Principles of Faith, and the ceremonies of Baptism, took upon them all the cares that were agreeable to modesty and decency, in immersions, unctions, burials; and although their employment was not an order in the Hierarchy, yet it was an ancient and considerable Ministry.  
There were two sorts of abuses crept in amongst them. Some, in their youth, through an impatient desire to distinguish themselves by their devotion, cut off their hair, and introduced themselves into the Church: from hence proceeded oftentimes scandal; always danger. Others, by an indiscreet liberality, were spurred on to give their possessions to the Churches and Hospitals, and often ruined their families to satisfy the avariece of the Clergy.  
Theodosius, to redress these abuses, ordained that no Widow should be received into the rank of Deaconess, who was not sixty years old, pursuant to the Precept of St. Paul; and prohibited those who were received to give away, under 
Leg. 27. de Episc. Cod. Theod.  pretences of Religion, their Gold, Silver, and Jewels, leaving them the entire disposition of the revenues of their lands; but not permitting them to scatter them away, or to alienate their grounds to the prejudice of their Children or Relations, nor to leave them by Will to the Clergy, to the Poor, or to the Churches.  
The first part of his Ordinance was generally approved of; but it was remonstrated to him, That it was not just to obstruct the good intentions of dying Widows, and to stop one of the chief Springs of Charity; That it was to encroach upon the Liberty of the Church, and even the Privileges of the Poor, to exclude them from the Patrimonies and Alms of the Faithful; and that Religion was already but too much weakened, and Charity grown too cold, without confining them still by Laws injurious to both. The Emperor, who was never ashamed to recant, when it was evidenced to him that he was under a mistake, received this Remonstrance so well, that two months after he published at Verona a revocation of this Law. He commanded it to be taken out of all Registers, to the end that no Pleader might allege it, and no Magistrate make use thereof in Judgements.  
XVIII. Whilst he was thus taken up at Milan, he received the News of the death of the Empress Galla his second Wife, who had remained at Constantinople. He was very sensibly concerned at the loss of this Princess, whom he had passionately loved, and whom he had enjoyed but a little time amongst the troubles of War, and the cares of the re-establishment of the Empire. He had withdrawn her from the Errors wherein the Empress Justine had engaged he●●in her Infancy, and had made her partake not ●nly of his Throne, but also of his Piety. She ●yed in the flower of her Age, and left but one Daughter named Placidia, who was afterwards so famous for her Beauty, for her Wit, for the extraordinary Adventures which happened to her, and the Testimonies she gave of her Faith, and of her Zeal for Religion.  
Her Obsequies were very magnificent. Arcadius a little while after caused a Pillar to be erected in the great place of Constantinople near the Church, whereon he ordered to be fixed the Statue of Theodosius in silver, with Inscriptions and Representations of his last Victories, with an intention that this work might be an eternal Monument both of the glory of the Father, and the piety of the Son.  
XIX. At last Theodosius resolved upon returning into the East, and upon going to enjoy himself amongst his own People the satisfactions of that Peace which he had established through the whole Empire. He had passed near three years in Italy, and had employed them in setting those Provinces in order, and instructing the young Valentinian, whom he loved as his own Son. Observing the credit that Symmachus enjoyed in the Senate, he had honoured him with the dignity of Consul, and had forgot nothing which might oblige that factious Man, who gave motion to Affairs, and was at the head of a Party. He had made at the same time very severe Edicts against the Adoration of false Gods, showing by this conduct that he did no injury to the merit of those persons whose Religion he condemned. After that he departed, leaving the Western Empire in peace, and the Emperor well instructed in the Art of reigning.  
XX. He had already made part of his Army march, in order to chastise, as they passed, some Barbarians who were got together to disturb the repose of the People. They had been drawn into the An. 391 Marshes of Macedonia by some of those Deserters of whom we have spoken, who were retired there, and had preserved themselves from the punishment which their Treason had merited. It was at first rather a Troop of Robbers, than a regulated Militia: but the number of them being increased by the defeat of Maximus' Army, they 
Zoz. l. 4.  observed some order, and made an irruption into Thessaly and Macedon. Their licentiousness augmented by the little resistance which they found, and in a little time they ravaged the whole Country. As soon as they had learned that the Emperor was returning with his Army, they retired into Forests that were encompassed with Lakes, and came out no more in a Body: they contented themselves to make incursions during night, and bid themselves with their Booty as soon as day appeared. One would have said, that they were rather Spectres than Men, and every one complained of their robbing, without being able to force them in their Retreat.  
Theodosius being arrived at Thessalonica; detached a Party of his Infantry to advance towards the Marshes, under the conduct of Tima●ius, and advanced himself a little after: He gave Orders for the Enemy to be searched for; and when they were tedious in coming to relate the News, he went out of his Camp without any noise, attended by five Officers well mounted, in order to go and observe those places where they might lie concealed. He happily discovered what he had a mind to know; for being entered into a little Countryhouse, to refresh himself after a long course, he there perceived a Man, whose wild aspect, and confused behaviour, gave him some suspicion. 
Zoz. l. 4  He secretly enquired who he was, and from whence he came: but being unable to learn any thing in particular of this unknown, he commanded his People to seize upon him. He would examine him himself; but he could obtain no answer, neither by threats, nor civility, till such time as being pressed by the torments they made him undergo, he confessed that he was the Spy of the Barbarians; that he was used to run over the Country all day, to give them notice of the Booty they might sei●e on in the night, particularly that he had orders to inform them of the passage of the Emperor, and the march of his Army. Then he declared the Number, the Forces, and the Retreat of these Barbarians.  
The Emperor departed immediately to go and 
Zoz. l. 4.  join his Camp, marched the next day with certain Troops, and made this body of Barbarians to be so vigorously attacked, that in spite of the difficulty of places, and the resistance which they made▪ he forced them in their Marshes. There was a great number of them killed; some were taken, and punished for examples; the rest were pursued from morning to night. Timasius seeing the Soldiers fatigued, prayed the Emperor to take a little rest, and to afford some to those who attended him. They sounded a retreat, they encamped in an adjacent plain; every one was permitted to rejoice, as after a victory; and in the confidence they were, they were not extremely mindful of the guard and discipline of the Camp.  
In the mean time the Barbarians being rallied, and having advice by some of their own men, who had saved themselves from the Camp, of the condition the Troops were in, came by favour of the night, and made a great ravage, before they were discerned. At length, they who were least sleepy having alarmed all sides, every one put himself in a posture of defence. They run to the Tent of the Emperor, who was risen at the first noise he had heard. There was a fight in the very Camp, whose success had been uncertain, if this Prince had not encouraged his men by his own example; and if Promotus, one of his Lieutenant Generals, who was not far off, had not happily arrived with some Squadrons of Horse, which completed the Enemy's flight.  
Theodosius had resolved to go in person to pursue them, in order to deliver his people from the inconveniencies they received from them. But Promotus represented to him, That they were not Enemies worthy to stop a great Emperor; That he should reserve himself for considerable expeditions, and leave to one of his Lieutenants the care of terminating an affair, where there was some fatigue to undergo, and no reputation to acquire. He took upon himself this commission, and discharged it so faithfully, that he shut up those Barbarians in their Forests, and made so great a slaughter of them, that there was not a single man escaped.  
The Emperor in the mean time continued his journey. All the people went to meet him with an extraordinary affection, and every entrance that he made into Cities was a Triumph. He arrived at Constantinople the ninth day of November, more glorious by the marks of love which he received of his Subjects, than by the victories he had obtained over his Enemies. His Son Arcadius came to receive him, and all the Bodies of the Empire testified to him with an emulation the joy which they entertained for his happy return.  
XXI. His first applications were to return thanks to God for all the prosperities of his Reign, to visit the magnificent Church he had built in honour of St. John Baptist, and to get conveyed thither from a Town near Chalcedon the relics of the same Saint, with abundance of Solemnity. He informed himself of the posture of the Church affairs; and having learned that Eunomius had held assemblies in the City, and published some of his errors, he made him to be expelled Constantinople. He ordered likewise the expulsion of all Heretics out of the neighbouring Cities, in order to take away 
Leg. 20. de Haeret. Cod. Theod.  from them all opportunities of enlarging their Sects, and corrupting the People by their infectious conversation.  
After having thus regulated what concerned Religion, he applied himself to know the necessities of the State, and to ease the Provinces which had been burdened; being willing to remit in Peace, those tributes which the sole necessity of War had obliged him to impose. Above all, he put a stop to some Cabals which had been form in his Court, as well by the intrigues of Ruffian, as by the jealousies which had been conceived against this Favourite.  
XXII. Ruffin was a Gaul, of the Province of Aquitain, of a mean condition, but of an elevated Spirit, easy, insinuating, polite, fit to divert a Prince, and even capable to serve him. He came to the Court of Constantinople: He procured there friends and protectors; he was known to Theodosius, he pleased him. He managed so well these beginnings of fortune, that he came in a little time to considerable employments. The Emperor gave him the charge of Great Master of his Palace, made him enter into all his Councils, honoured him with his friendship, and his confidence; and in a word, made him Consul with 
Zoz ib. Ambros. Epist. 53. Claud. l. 1. con. Ruffin.  his Son Arcadius.  
This Man maintained himself as he was advanced, rather by his ingenuity than by his virtue; His ambition increased with his fortune. He ought to enrich himself by the spoils of those whom he oppressed by his Calumnies. To have ●n extraordinary merit, and to be able to dispute with him the rank he held, was sufficient to be his enemy. Nevertheless as he feared to lose the afection of the Prince, if he did not preserve his esteem, he appeared modest and disinterested. He covered his evil counsels with pretexts of Justice, or Policy, and knew so well how to improve his good qualities, and conceal his bad ones, ●hat the Emperor, as discerning, and jealous as ●e was of his Authority, was very often deceived, ●nd governed, without perceiving it.  
XXIII. The principal Lords of the Court could ●t observe the elevation of this Favourite without envy. Timasius and Promotus, who came from commanding the Army, and rendering important ●ervices, had pretended to be preferred before him ●● occasions. Tatian, who had governed all the ●ast, in the absence of Theodosius, could not sub●it to see above him a new Minister, who had ●othing to recommend him, but the good fortune ●f pleasing the Prince. Proculus, the Son of Ta●an, Governor of Constantinople, a young man, old and daring, opposed Ruffian upon every occa●on. They conspired together against him, and resolved to ruin him. Ruffin being informed of An. 392 all their designs, prepossessed the Spirit of the Emperor, and represented to him, That the favours which he continually received from hi● Majesty, made him odious to all the Court ● That, what care soever he took to stop, by hi● moderation, the murmur of his Rivals, ther● arose every day factions and cabals against him That he should infallibly succomb, if the han● which raised him, did not support him; Tha● he confessed his little merit, and that he 〈◊〉 otherwise esteemed himself than by the goodner his Majesty entertained for him, and the acknowledgement he should always retain thereof.  
XXIV. After having engaged the Emperor t● protect him▪ he was not only cautious of surprize● but also took care to destroy his enemies. The● hatreds, which had been hitherto concealed▪ began to break out a little after; for being in Council with Promotus, there happened divers conte● 
Zoz. l. 4.  between them. The Emperor going out, the● disputes were renewed; both one and t'oth● would maintain his advice; they grew hot insensibly. Ruffian being come to offensive words, Pr●motus fell into a passion, and gave him a box ● the ear. The noise of this action was soon dispersed throughout the Palace. Every one judge thereof according to the engagement he had to e●ther, but the Emperor, to whom Ruffin went immediately to offer his complaints, was extream● displeased. He protested openly, That he was w●●y of enduring those divisions and intrigues, and those ● were the Authors of them: That he would teach th● how to live in peace, and to consider the persons wh● he affected; and that if those jealousies which w● entertained against Ruffian, did not cease, he would exalt him so much above his Rivals, that they should be obliged to honour him, and perhaps to obey him.  
XXV. This Prince, who spoke as a Master, and who knew how to make himself feared when it was necessary, pronounced these words with so much heat, that no body durst mutter any longer.  
He chased Promotus from his Court, and gave Ruffin almost at the same time the charge of Prae●ectus Praetorio. The new dignity of this favourite, and the protection of the Emperor, whereof he was assured, afforded him a more easy opportunity of revenging himself upon his Enemies. Pro●otus did not long survive this disgrace; for having received orders to go and join the Army, and to march against the Bastarnes, who pillaged Thrace, he was slain in an Ambuscade by a Party of these Barbarians: many accused Ruffian of this treachery.  
The death of Proculus was no less fatal. This Minister made him to be accused of several crimes, corrupted the Judges which had been appointed 
Zoz. l. 4.  him, obliged them under hand to condemn him to death, and so ordered his matters that the pardon, 
Ambros. ●●.  which Theodosius sent him, did not arrive till after ●he Execution, he got over Tatian in domestic concerns; and Timafius, had been no less unhappy, ●f he had not re-procured the friendship of this Favourite, and rendered himself the accomplice of his crimes. Such was the conduct of Ruffian, who ●espassed upon the goodness and confidence of his Master, and who five years after, being no longer ●etained by the fear of Theodosius, and living under weak and unqualified Emperors, was one of the principal causes of the desolation of the Empire, ●y his unlimited Pride and Ambition.  
XXVI. Things were in this posture at the Court of Constantinople, when the news of the treason of Arbogastes, and the death of, Valentinia● arrived. Whatsoever cares Theodosius had take● to leave this Prince a peaceable and well governed 
Ambr. in orat. fun. de obitu Val.  Empire, scarce was he returned into the East, bu● there arose new Cabals in Gaul. The Pagan Senators once more made a solemn deputation, ● request the re-establishment of their Temples, an● the free exercise of their Religion. The aff● was examined in Council, and notwithstandi● all the advices tended to the granting of their desires, Valentinian opposed it, and sent away th● Deputies of the Senate with a refusal, that le● them no further expectation.  
XXVII. Several, who had turned Christi● by policy, sought at that time how to renoun● 
Leg. 4. de Apost. cod. T●eod.  their Religion without punishment. Theodosi● had endeavoured to remedy this disorder whil● he was in the West: for having learned that sever● Persons of Quality, to agree with the time, a● to arrive at employments, had quitted the wors● of the Gods, and received Baptism, he judge that those could not be fixed in the Faith, wh● had engaged themselves therein by such weak 〈◊〉 humane motives. To deprive them of the Libert● of changing their Religion, he set out a ve● severe Law against Apostates. He declared the● incapable of testifying publicly, unqualified ● succeed, unworthy to be received into the socies of good men, dispossessed of the right of Vot● bereft of all Stations, Nobility or Dignity, wit● out ever being able to pretend to be reestablished commanding that they who had profaned the ● cred Mysteries, should be looked upon not only as men of unsettled Principles, but also as ruined Pe●sons, and that they should be abandoned of men, 
Leg. 5. ib.  since they had forsaken God.  
XXVIII. Those, who found themselves tied to a belief, which they had embraced but for a time, applied themselves to think upon making an Emperor, under whom they might desert their Religion without being deprived of their Dignities. 
Ambros. Or●t. ●un. de obit. Val.  At the same time Valentinian having been advised, ●hat there was at Rome a Comedian Woman of an excellent beauty, who debauched all the Youth, ●e commanded her to be taken out of the City, and brought to Court: He that was commissioned ●o execute this order, was easily corrupted with Money, and returned without discharging his ●rust. The Prince immediately dispatched men of more fidelity, who carried off this Courtesan, and conducted her as far as Gaul, where he was. He ●etained her there some time; but he would not see her, for fear of falling into an irregularity, for which he corrected others. Those, whom he deprived of an occasion of debauchery, and to whom he gave an example of continence, were exasperated at both, and entered into a League against him, because he crossed their Passions, and they could not upbraid him with the same.  
XXIX. Flavian Praefectus Praetorio, a man of capacity and great experience in affairs, but much addicted to Pagan Superstitions, entertained underhand 
Soz. ●. ●●▪  these Cabals. He was to be feared as well by the credit he had obtained, and the studied predictions which he published amongst the men of the Party, as b● the secret connexion's he had with Count Arbogastes, who being accustomed to play the Master in Gaul, took measures to preserve, in spite of the jealousies of the Emperor, the Authority he had got.  
XXX. This Arbogastes was a French Captains who had enrolled himself very young in the servio● 
Paulin. in vit. Ambr.  of the Romans. He followed Gratian in his Germane Wars, and acquired therein much reputation▪ After the death of this Prince, he refused to acknowledge 
Zoz. l. 4. Suidas. ver. Arb.  Maximus, and in the general revolt almost of the Officers of the Army, he kept fir● for the Party of Valentinian. He arrived at all th● employments which his fidelity deserved, joined to the great opinion which was entertained of his courage and his conduct. He won the affection of the Soldiers, who of their own accord invested him with the command of the Army, without th● Court's daring to oppose it. After the defeat of Maximus where he was the principal cause, he was sent into Gaul, to possess himself thereof, and to 
Paulin. in vit● Ambr.  command there. He reestablished the affairs of the Empire in that Country, and obtained several Battles against the Barbarians, and even against those of his own Nation, whom he constrained to sue for Peace.  
These great Services rendered him so fierce, and so absolute, that he took of himself the entire administration of the Wars of the Empire. The Army blindly pursued his Wills: for besides that he was valiant, successful in all his undertake, and very expert in the Art of War, he was an Enemy to Luxury, received no gratuity from the Emperor, but to have the satisfaction of obliging the Soldiers with it, dividing amongst them all the Spoils after his Victories, reserving to himself only the glory of having conquered, and led a life so frugal, so modest, and so active, that one would have said he was but the Companion of those whose General he was.  
Theodosius, who was sensible of his great qualities, and who had designed to have taken him along with him, judged it more convenient to leave him in the West, as a Man of known fidelity, who by his credit and his example might retain the Court of Valentinian in its duty, and be assistant with his counsels to this young Emperor, who had very good intentions, but not experience enough in business. Arbogastes imagined then that his great Services could not be sufficiently acknowledged, and became so much the more insolent, as he esteemed himself more necessary. He disposed of the employments of the Army; he regulated the Troops, and gave them new forms of Discipline: he made War or Peace, according to his fancy, despising or reforming the Orders of the Emperor, and enduring no other bounds of his power, than those of his Pride and his Ambition.  
Valentinian being come into Gaul, he could not suffer Arbogastes to command there as Sovereign▪ he attempted to humble him without proceeding to his ruin, and, if it was possible, his displeasure. To that end he gave out important Orders without his participation; he was oftentimes of an opinion contrary to his; sometimes he rejected his counsels, or preferred those of other Ministers, hoping thereby to accustom insensibly to a dependence a Man, who would have been very agreeable to him, if he had not affected to be his equal. Arbogastes, who did not love to be contradicted, and would not lose an inch of that Authority which he had been suffered to take, secretly confederated himself with all the Malcontents, and resolved to undertake all things, if he was pushed. In the mean time he secured the Officers of the Army, and opposed himself to the Will of the Emperor, when he did not fall into his opinion.  
About the same time it was reported that an Army of Barbarians advanced towards the Frontiers of Italy. Valentinian, who was then at Vienne in Gaul, disposed himself to pass the Alps, and to march against the Enemy at the head of his Troops. But before he engaged himself in this War, he would look to his salvation, by receiving Baptism; and to his repose, by disgracing Arbogastes, and taking from him the command of the Army.  

Ambr. ep. 34. a● Theod.  XXXI. As for Baptism, altho' there were in Gaul Bishops of a remarkable Piety, he desired to receive it from the hand of St. Ambrose, whom he called his Father and his Master. As he was going to send one of his Officers to him, he learned that the holy Prelate was coming to find him, for which he testified an extreme joy. Upon the first 
Ambr orat. 〈◊〉 f●n. Valen▪  noise of the Enemy's march, the Governors and Magistrates of those Cities, which lay most exposed, had addressed themselves to this Archbishop, and entreated him to go and remonstrate to the Emperor the danger wherein Italy was, if it was not speedily relieved. He had accepted the deputation, judging it necessary for the repose and safety of his Country. He prepared himself to departed the next day, when News was received at Milan, that the Prince hastened his Journey, that his Road was marked, that his Equipage was already well advanced, and that Orders were given out on all sides for the entertainment of the Court, and the quartering of the Soldiers. The Archbishop, who out of charity was never wanting in things that were necessary, and out of modesty never undertook superfluous ones, supposed himself then to be discharged of his Commission, and waited for the Emperor at Milan, when the Emperor attended him at Vienne.  
XXXII. In the mean time Valentinian every day more jealous of his Authority, and more offended at the insupportable arrogance of Arbogastes, attempted 
Zoz. l. 4.  to ruin him. He took his opportunity; and as he was one day upon his Throne, seeing him approach, and regarding him with indignation, he presented him with a Billet, wherein he ordered him to leave his Court, and to lay down the command of his Armies. Arbogastes took the Note in his hand. After having perused it, he tore it in his presence, and turning insolently towards him, 
Socrat. l. 5.  As you did not give me this Command, said he to him, you shall not dispossess me of it. Valentinian consulting nothing but his Courage and Resentment, seized upon the Sword of one of his Guards to kill Arbogastes. But the Guard retained him, and he was obliged to say every where, That this Prince being vexed that he could not do what he would, had a design to kill himself. Arbogastes after that, well foresaw that there was no more security for him, and that it was necessary to complete the Crime for fear of being prevented. Under a pretence that some powerful Men had resolved to destroy him, 
Sozom. l. 7. c. 22.  he assembled his Friends; he gained the Eunuches of his Chamber, and placed Soldiers, who were at his disposal, even about the Palace.  
XXXIII. The Emperor sent his Orders to the Camp; they made no account of them: he spoke 
Sulpit. Alex. apud Greg. Thuron. Philostorg. l. 11.  himself to the chief Officers; they durst not obey him: and finding himself almost abandoned on a sudden, and shut up in his own Palace, he dispatched immediately one of his Secretaries to Theodosius, to request of him some relief. He even deliberated some time whether he should once more seek refuge in the Court of Constantinople▪ but he imagined that St. Ambrose could deliver him from the unhappy state he was in. He wrote to him forthwith, to entreat him to come with expedition to baptise him, and to terminate his defferences with Arbogastes by some accommodation. The Saint, who had a great Ascendant over them 
Am●r. orat. in fun. Valent.  both, departed without stay, being resolved to reconcile them, to answer for the sincerity of their intentions, to give himself for an hostage to both, or to stick close to the Emperor, and defend him by his wishes and prayers, if Arbogastes should be inflexible.  
XXXIV. He had already crossed the Alps, when 
Zoz. l. 4. Philostrog. l. 11.  he learned with an incredible grief the death of Valentinian. Historians have differently reported concerning the tragical end of this Emperor. Some relate, that diverting himself after dinner upon the banks of the Rhine, Arbogastes surprised him, and slew him. Others have supposed, that after he had caused him to be strangled by Assassins', he made him to be hanged to a Tree with his own 
Socrat. l. 5. c. 24. Sozom. l. 7. c. 20.  Handkerchief, in order to make it credible that he had killed himself. That which bears most probability is, that he was betrayed by the Eunuches of the Palace, at the solicitation of Arbogastes, and that he was found strangled in his Bed, upon Saturday night the 15th of May, being Whitsun-Eve. St. Ambrose returned to Milan, continuing 
Epiph. lr de Mens. & pond. Idat.  to lament the misfortune of this Prince, whom he had tenderly loved, and whose extraordinary merit he was acquainted with.  
For scarce had he attained the age of five and twenty years, but he enjoyed already all the qualities which might make a great Emperor. His Stature, his Air, his Vigour, his Dexterity in all 
Sozom. l. 7. c. 22. Ambr. in fun. Valent.  kind of Exercises, and a certain natural grace which accompanied all his Actions, easily distinguished him from all his Courtiers. He had a lively and penetrating wit, and his opinions in Council were so just and weighty, that as young as he was, one would have said that he was consummate in business. He was chaste, liberal, obliging, constant in adversity, and moderate in good fortune. 
Ambr. ib.  Although he found his Exchequer exhausted by the misfortune of Civil Wars, he would never charge the People, and replied to those who advised him to create new Taxes, That it was better to consider how to suppress the old ones.  
Some Persons of Quality were accused of entertaining some design to deprive him of the Empire. He made so little account of these Accusations, which are for the most part very nice, that no Body under his Reign feared either Envy, or Calumnies. He had so much consideration for his Sisters, that he deferred his Marriage, for fear the love he should have for his Wife, might diminish that he had for them; and when he felt 
Ambr. ib.  himself assaulted by Murderers, he expressed nothing more than this, What will become of my poor Sisters? This tenderness however was not of capaeity to corrupt his judgement. These Princesses had the enjoyment of some ground, which the Empress Justine their Mother had left them, under another Title than that of the propriety. Those whom she had deprived of it, pretended to re-enter in their Rights, and confiding in the justice of the Emperor, referred the arbitration of this difference to himself. He sent back the Cause to the ordinary Judges; but in private he engaged the Princesses to restore generously the Land which was in dispute.  
Never was Prince more easie-tempered, and more ready to correct his faults. It was immediately observed that he indulged himself too much with Sights, and all the diversions of the Circus. He abstained from thence, and scarce permitted those public Sports at the solemn Birth-days of Emperors, and the great rejoicings of the Empire; some laid to his charge, that the passion he had for hunting diverted him from the care of business: he presently killed all the Beasts which he had nourished in his Park, and applied himself entirely to the government of the State by himself. His Rivals had no more to say upon his conduct, but that he sometimes advanced the hour of his repast out of intemperance. He made use of this advice, and became so abstemious, that he fasted very often, and eat but little, even in those magnificent Entertainments which he provided for his Courtiers.  
He lost no opportunity of demonstrating his piety towards God, and his Zeal for the true Religion, whether against Heretics or Pagans. He pursued in every thing the advice and instructions of St. Ambrose, honouring and loving him with as much fervency as he had formerly persecuted and abhorred him. Wherein he shown, that his past faults proceeded from the impressions which were given him, and not from his own nature. He reigned about Seventeen years, and was worthy 
Ambr. ep. 34. Ruffin. l. 2. c. 31. Soz. l. 7. c. 22.  of a more happy life and death.  
Those, who were guilty of his death, spread abroad that he had killed himself, and that being vexed at the resistance which was made to his unjust and extravagant passions and designs, he had rather choose to cease to live, than to be Emperor, and not Master of his actions. They let his body be taken up, and would do nothing that might procure them the public hatred.  
XXXV. In the mean time it was necessary to look after the Empire. Arbogastes, by an affected moderation, refused this honour which no body had disputed with him: and whether he did not really love stateliness, and was contented to govern the Empire without being Emperor; or whether he feared to pass openly for the Murderer of Valentinian, if he came to succeed him; or else thought the Romans would not voluntarily obey a Frenchman, nor the Christians a Pagan; he cast his eyes upon one of his friends named Eugenius, and resolved to invest him with the name and title of a dignity, whereof he would reserve to himself the whole power.  
Eugenius was a man of a low birth, who after having professed Rhetoric with some reputation, forsook the Schools, and fixed himself to the attendance of the Court. Ricomer, General of the Armies of Gratian, had received him into his family as Secretary, and going for Constantinople, had recommended him to Arbogastes, as a man of parts and understanding, who might be serviceable to 
Zoz. l. 4▪  him. Arbogastes then pitched upon him as one of his creatures, who being unable to pretend to the Throne, or to maintain himself therein without his assistance, would be absolutely his, by acknowledgement and necessity.  
Flavian, in the name of the Pagans, consented to this election, because he hoped that under so infirm an Emperor, he should have a greater 
Sozom. l. 7. c. 22.  share in the government; and that besides he knew Eugenius, notwithstanding his being a Christian, had a great inclination for Paganism. They had much ado to persuade this fearful man, who loved his repose, to accept of the Empire: but the one promised him so much assistance, the others foretold him so much success, that he at length took the Purple and the Diadem, and suffered himself to be Proclaimed Emperor.  
XXXVI. The news of the death of Valentinian extremely surprised the Court of Constantinople. 
Ambr. Ep. 34.  Theodosius was very sensibly concerned at it. He wrote immediately to the afflicted Princesses, Letters of consolation upon the loss of their Brother, and prayed St. Ambrose to take care of his Burial, and Funeral Rites. This Prelate, who had already prepared a Stately Monument of Porphyry, made it to be erected as soon as he had received orders, and solemnly performed the obsequies of this Pious Emperor, whose Funeral Elegy he made himself. He spoke of him as of a perfect believer, although he was but Cathe●umen. He assured that 
Ambros. orat▪ in fun. Valent.  he had not been wanting to Baptism, although Baptism was wanting to him: That his Faith and good well had purified him, and that one ought to impute to him a grace, which he had zealously desired, and instantly demanded, and to which he was disposed by a courageous confession of his Faith, in openly refusing the Pagans the re-establishment of their Altars. He declared notwithstanding that he would not pass one day without remembering him in his Sermons and Offerings, nor one night without praying for him.  
All the People being touched with the virtue and misfortunes of this Prince, renewed the affection and esteem which they had entertained for him. The Princesses, to whom the Archbishop directed part of his discourse, dissolved into tears. They had spent above two months in lamenting and praying in a Chapel, where had been deposited the body of their Brother. They could not be hindered from entering often, and they always came out almost dead. They would assist at his Funeral, and afterwards forsook the World, where they found nothing more agreeable, to go and bewail all the residue of their lives the loss they had sustained, and to seek in God alone those comforts which they could not expect from men.  
XXXVII. Whilst these funeral duties were performed to the memory of Valentinian, Eugenius assisted with the Counsels of Arbogastes and Flavian, considered how to confirm himself in his new dignity. He advanced on a sudden towards the Rhine with his Army, and made such advantageous 
Sulp. Alex. apud Greg. Theodor. l. 2. hestor.  Proposals to the Kings of the French and Germans, that they signed a Treaty of Peace, and renewed their ancient alliances with the Empire. Arbogastes reconciled himself with those Princes, whom he had treated with too much haughtiness in the past wars.  

Paulin. in vit. Ambr  It is reported, that in an entertainment which he made for them, they asked him if he was acquainted with the Bishop Ambrose, and having learned that he had had the honour to be in the number of his Friends, and to eat often at his Table, they cried out, that it was no wonder if he had obtained so many Victories, since he was beloved of a man, that could even stop the course of the Sun, if he would. This alliance with two Nations so enured to war, retained all the other Barbarians, and fixed the Empire in safety.  
XXXVIII. Then Eugenius sent Ambassadors to Theodosius, to know if he would acknowledge him for Colleague. Ruffin the Athenian chief of the Embassy, had orders to make no mention of Arbogastes. He was contented to send some Priests, in order to justify him of the murder he was charged with. Theodosius quietly gave audience to the proposal of the Ambassador, and when he saw no Letter from Arbogastes, and that they even affected to speak nothing of him, he complained of him, and accused him of the death of Valentinian. Then the Priests took up the discourse, and would evidence to him that he was innocent of the fact; but their premeditated speeches did but increase the suspicions, which were already conceived of his Treason.  
Although this Emperor had reason to repulse the Deputies of a Murderer, and a Tyrant; yet he spoke to them with abundance of Moderation. He retained them some time, that he might deliberate at leisure concerning the Party he was to take. After which judging that they designed to amuse him by Propositions of Peace, and that their was neither honour, nor safety in treating with Traitors, he sent back these Ambassadors loaded with magnificent Presents, without giving them any positive answer.  
XXXIX. In the mean time, Eugenius after having regulated the affairs of the State, consented ●o ruin those of Religion. It was agreed upon ●n his Council, that Flavian and Arbogastes should demand the re establishment of Sacrifices, and ●he Altar of Victory; and that after some difficulty they should obtain what they desired, so ●hat the Pagans might be satisfied, and the Christians not offended. Then they presented their Request. Eugenius immediately pretended to be ●nwilling to attempt any thing against the ●aws of his Predecessors, and his own pro●er conscience; but at length he consented to all ●hey would have him; protesting nevertheless that ●t was to his friends, and not to their Gods, that ●e allowed this favour; and that if he permitted ●hem to revive this Altar, and to re-establish these Sacrifices, it was not in respect to their Idols, which he laughed at, but to gratify persons of merit, to whom he could refuse nothing. He thought to have found a plausible medium, and 
Paulin. i● vit. Ambr▪  spared by these vain distinctions, a Religion, to which he was not very firm, and which notwithstanding it was not suitable for him to abandon.  
XL▪ St. Ambrose having learned a little after that he was coming in haste to Milan, would not attend him there, not through any fear that he conceived of his power, but for the horror he had of his Sacrileges. He went to Bologne, in order to assist at the Translation of the Relics of St. Agricole the Martyr, to which he had been entreated to come. He advanced as far as Faenza, where he sojourned for some days. From thence he descended into Hetruri●, to satisfy the urgent deseas of the 〈◊〉 of Florence, who had a mind to hear him preach, and edify by his doctrine. The holy Archbishop was not ignorant of the designs of Eugenius, and what would be the effect of the deliberations of his Council. Eugenius on his side did not question but that the Archbishop would have the courage to oppose his impiety, or at least to upbraid him with it. Theresore as soon as he was Master of the Empire, he wrote to him very obliging Letters, to seek his friendship, with a design to take advantage of it in the end. The Saint made him no precise answer, for fear of authorising his usurpation by civilities, which might be ill interpreted. He did not cease, notwithstanding to write to him in favour of some unhappy persons, who had had recourse to him; demonstrating by this prudent conduct, that he could not flatter against his honour and his conscience; and that he did not refuse to honour and entreat those, whom the Providence of God had invested with a Sovereign Power.  
But as soon as he had advice that this Emperor was arrived at Milan, he wrote a Letter to him full of zeal and piety, wherein, without meddling with his election, or the affairs of the State, whi● he lest to Theodosius to disentangle, he said to him, amongst other things; It is the fear of God, which I take as much as I can for the rule of my actions, th● has oblige● me to go out of Milan. I have been accustomed, Sir, to have regard to none but Jesus Chri●● and to make more account of his grace, than of the favo●● of Men. None ought to be offended that I prefer t● glory of God before his. In this confidence I take the liberty of telling the Grandees of the World what I think. I have not flattered the other Emperors, neither will ● flatter you. I apprehend that you have granted the Pagan● what your Predecessors had constantly refused them. Although the power of Emperors is great, consider that God is still greater; that he sees the bottom of your 
A●ud Paulin. in vita Ambr.  heart, and pierces into the inmost recesses of your conscience. You cannot suffer yourself to be abused, and yet you would hid from God, under humane decorums, the injury you do him. Have you made no reflection upon it? Should not you have more constancy to refuse the Gentiles a Sacrilege, than they had to demand it? Bestow upon them as many other favours as you please, I am not jealous of their fortune. I don't play the censurer of your bounties, but I am the interpreter of your Faith. Can you have the courage to present your offerings to Jesus Christ? Few persons will stop at appearances; every one will judge of your intentions. You will be accountable for all the Sacrileges which are done, and it is not your fault that all the world doth not commit them. If you are Emperor, show it by the submission you own to God and his Church. At last, after having testified that he entertains for him all the respect that is due to persons of his rank, he adds these words: But, Sir, as it is just that I honour you, it is also just that you honour him, whom you would have believed to be the Author of your Empire.  
XLI. Eugenius, so far from being affected with this Letter, flattered himself with the great hopes which Flavian inspire● him with, in relation to his Gods, of an infallible protection. He even disposed himself to War, upon the prediction of a celebrated Victory, which was to conquer him an Empire, and destroy the Christian Religion. Theodosius was more concerned to hear that Rome had opened the Temples of the Gods, and that those Sacrifices which he had so happily put down, smoked on all sides, than to see her under 
Leg. 12. de Pag. cod. T●eod.  the power of an Usurper.  
He set forth a new Edict through the whole East▪ whereby he prohibited all his Subjects to sacrifice Victims, to consult the entrails of Beasts, to offer Incense to insensible figures, and to do any other exercise of Idolatry, under the penalty of being treated as guilty of High Treason; declaring those places, where should be offered Incense to the Gods, to be confiscated; and condemning to a considerable Fine those Magistrates, who did not exactly pursue the execution of this Ordinance.  

Leg. 21. de Haret. cod. Theod.  He made yet another Law against Heretics, and forbidden them to make Ordinations, and to hold Assemblies, condemning the Clerks and Bishops of each Sect, that should act contrary to this Ordinance, to the Mulct of ten Livres of Gold for the first time. By these actions he drew upon him the assistance of Heaven, whilst Engeniw trusted in the force of Men.  
XLII. After which he applied himself entirely to the preparations of the War. He declared his Son Honorius Emperor, and resolved to leave him at Constantinople with Arcadius, to the end that their presence might keep up the tranquillity of the East, whilst he went in person to withstand his enemies. Troops were levied in the Provinces Ricomer, one of the most ancient Generals, was to 
Zo●. l. 4.  have had the command of them, but he died before the expedition. Russin had orders to continue near the young Princes, to assist them with his Counsels. All the General Officers were named, and departed in order to render themselves at the head of those Bodies which they commanded.  

Sozom. l. 7. c. 22.  XLIII. Theodosius was yet at Constantinople, and prepared himself to War by his Fasts, his Prayers, and frequent visit of the Churches. He had sent to the solitary John, who formerly foretold him the defeat of Maximus, ●● consult him upon the event of this War. The holy Man replied, That this Enterprise should be more difficult than the former; That the Battle should be a bloody one; That 
Evagr. vit. SS. PP c. 1. Theodores. l. 5. c. 24.  Theodosius should in the end obtain a famous Victory, but that he should die a little after in the midst of his Glory, and his Triumphs. The Emperor had received this news, the first with a great deal of joy, the other with abundance of courage.  
XLIV. Instead of imposing new Taxes to supply the charges of this War, as he had done heretofore, he suppressed entirely those which Tatian 
Aug. de civ. De● l. 5. c. 26. Leg. 23. cod. Theod. de anon. & trib. Leg. 12. co● Theod. de 'pon proj●rit.  great Master of the Palace had imposed two years before. Thus his Provinces had the joy to see themselves eased, whilst those of the Usurper were oppressed by new and excessive Impositions. He likewise ordered that all the Possessions of the banished Persons which had been confiscated, and reunited to the Imperial Patrimony during the Magistracy of the same Tatian, should be restored without any opposition either to the culpable who had been deprived, or to their nearest Relations.  
XLV. After that, being afraid lest the disorders of the Soldiery ●hould bring upon him the hatred of the People, and the vengeance of God, he resolved to repress the licentiousness of the An. 393 Troops. He sent Orders to his Generals, to publish in the Camp very express Prohibitions to all 
●eg. 3. cod. Theod. de Salgam. Leg. 18, 19, 20. de eron. mili▪ anon. cod. Theod. Leg. 4. m●●a●or. co●. Theod.  the Soldiers to exact nothing of their Hosts, not to ask the price of that sort of Bread which was provided for them▪ nor to take any other Lodgings than what should be appointed for them by the Harbingers; enjoining all the Officers to punish very severely t●ose who should make the least exaction, or the smallest violence, and particularly recommended to them the care of the repose and substance of the poor Families of the Country, as if it was their own Propriety.  
XLVI. He was not contented with having given such great testimonies of justi●e and goodness, he would still do an heroical Act of Christian Generosity, and pardon every Injury, as he had pardoned some years before the sedition of the People of Antioch. He made a Rescript to be prepared 
Leg. 1. S●quis maledi●. Imp●r. cod. Theod.  in these terms: If any one, against all the Laws of shame and modesty, has attempted to desame our Name, by any Action, or by any Slander, and has been transported so far as to cry down our Government, and our Conduct; We are pleased to remit him from the punishment directed by the Laws, or from any evil treatment: for if it is by an indiscreet Levity that he has spoken against us, we ought to despise him; if it is by Folly, we ought to pity him; if it is by an evil will, we are very willing to pardon him.  
XLVII. After these actions of Clemency and Piety, Theodosius departed from Constantinople. At 
●●z●m. l. 7. c. 〈◊〉.  seven miles ●rom thence he made some stay, in order to make his Prayer in a Church, which he had built in honour of St. John Baptist. After which ●e continued his Journey till he had joined his Troops, and advanced towards the Alps. Ti●asius commanded the Roman Legions which had fought with so much glory in the East against the Barbarians, and in the West against Maximus. Stilic●n, a Vandal Prince, who had married the Princess Serena the Emperor's Niece, conducted the Troops which had been drawn out of the Frontiers since the last Treaties. Gainas was at the head of the Goths, who had enroled themselves in the service of the Empire after the death of King Athanaric. After them marched Saules and Alaric with a Body of Barbarians that came from the Banks of the Danube to assist in this War. They were followed 
Ruffin▪ l. 1. c. 10.  by some Companies of old Iberian Soldiers, commanded by Bacurius, Captain of their Nation, as zealous for the defence of the Christian Religion, 
Claud. 〈◊〉 bell▪ Gildo●.  as for the service of the Emperor. Gildon, Governor of Afric● had had Orders to bring a powerful Relief; but he remained armed, without taking any Party, expecting upon whom would fall the lot of Arms, and considering rather how to revolt himself, than to chastise the revolt of 
Theodor. l. 5. c. 24. Prudent. adv. Symma●h. l. 1.  Eugenius. Theodosius encouraged his Army by his presence; and making the great Standard of the Cross to be carried before him, he hoped, with the assistance of Heaven, to terminate successfully this War, wherein was concerned not only the Empire, but also Religion.  
XLVIII. Eugenius on his side had assembled a puissant Army, composed of Legions, which had served under Valentinian; of a numerous Militia, which Flavian had got together in Italy, exciting the Pagans to go to the assistance of their Gods; and of an infinite number of Germans and French, whom Arbogastes their Countryman had engaged to his Party. These three Heads had different Prospects. Eugenius looked after Peace, and thought to be able to reign undisturbed after the gaining of a Battle. Arbogastes desired nothing but occasions of acquiring glory, and signalizing himself in Fights. Flavian aimed at the re-establishment of the worship of the Gods, and to render himself considerable, in becoming the chief of a Party. They agreed notwithstanding in this Point, that it was necessary to conquer Theodosius, and to abolish the Christian Religion. Eugenius, according 
Philos●org.  to some Historians, had already renounced it, being vexed at the retreat and liberty of St. Ambrose, and still more at the resolution of the Priests of Milan, who by order of this Archbishop had treated him as a sacrilegious Person, and would never be persuaded to receive his offerings. Then they left the City, and threatn● to exterminate 
Paulin. in 〈◊〉 Ambr.  the ecclesiastics, and to make of all the Churches in Milan Stables for their Horses after the defeat of Theodosius.  
Arbogastes, who was charged with all the cares of this War, advanced with the whole Army; and for fear of weakening it, by making a division thereof, as Maximus had done, he marched towards the Alps with all the Forces of the West, being resolved to attend Theodosius, and to block up against him the entrance of Italy. He placed Troops in the Passes of the Julian Alps, the guard of which was committed to Flavian: he ordered Forts to be erected upon the Ascents, and encamped in a great Plain along the River Frigiaus, which takes its rise in these Mountains. Flavian on his side sacrificed Victims, produced new Oracles, and made the Statues of Hercules and those of Jupiter the Thunderer, to be carried amongst the Ensigns at the head of the Army. They left Eugenius nothing but the Title of Emperor, and the care of enlivening the Troops by his Harangues. 
August. de civ. Dei. l. 5. c. 26.   
XLIX. In the mean time Theodosius arrived towards the Alps, went to observe the Enemy▪ and fell so briskly upon those who guarded the Passages, that Terror and Disorder being introduced amongst them, he made himself Master of their Trenches, and after some resistance carried those Forts, which Arbogastes had supposed not only impregnable, 
Zoz. l. 4. Sozom. l. 7. c. 24.  but even inaccessible. Flavian, who had promised to stop the Enemy's Army, or to destroy it in the straits of those Mountains, seeing 
Ruffin. l. 1. c. 33.  himself forced, chose rather to die fight, than to survive his misfortune, and to undergo the shame of having given false hopes, and been deceived in his Predictions. Theodosius passed immediately with his whole Army through the Road he had opened to himself, and went to present himself in Battle▪ array before the Enemies.  
In coming down the Alps towards Aquileia, one discovers a great Plain, capable of containing several Armies, cu● off on one side by the River Frigidus, and bounded on the other by Mountains, which are as it were second Rampires that Nature seems to have made for the security of Italy. It was there Arbogastes attended Theodosius to give him Battle. He learned, without surprise, that the Passages were forced, and encouraged his Troops, whom so resolute an Action had a little disordered. He extended in the Plain that Army of Barbarians which he had brought from Gaul, leaving Eugenius upon the Ascents with the Roman Legions to support 
Zoz. l. 4  them. After having given his Orders throughout, An. 394 and represented to the Troops the confidence which he reposed in their Valour, the necessity of 
Sozom. l. 7. c. 24. Victor. Socrat. l. 5. c. 24. Oros. l. 7. c. 35.  conquering, the importance of a Victory, and the Rewards they were to hope for, he put himself at the head of some French Batallions, to whom he had given the Vanguard, and expected the Enemy's motion.  
L. Theodosius lost no time, and to keep the same order of Battle, he made all his foreign Troops descend into the Plain, with an incredible diligence, and reserved himself with the Body of Roman 
Zoz. l. 4.  Soldiers upon the adjoining Hills. Whatsoever Ardour was observed in the two Armies, they gave themselves time to be put in order, and to take their advantages, till Theodosius gave the Signal to march. Gainas was the first at the charge with the Goths he commanded. Arbogastes opposed to them some French Troops, who received them with a great deal of courage and resolution. The Fight grew hot: The two Parties, assisted with the Bodies which were detached to support them, a long time disputed the Victory; but at length the Goths were upon the turn, and seeing themselves weakened by the loss of their chief Officers, and their most valiant Soldiers, and being overwhelmed by the number of Troops which fell upon them continually, they began to yield back, and falling one upon another, put the whole Army in disorder.  
LI. Arbogastes taking advantage of the confusion they were in, pursued them with some Squadrons of Reserve, and made a horrible slaughter. Ten thousand Goths were killed upon the place; the rest were almost rendered uncapable of fight, and all this multitude of Barbarians was going to be entirely defeated. Theodosius, who from an Eminence discovered the Rout of his Men, and saw his loss inevitable, if Eugenius came to fall upon him with his Roman Legions, had recourse to God in this extremity, and lifting up his hands to Heaven, he made this Prayer, Thou knowest, O my God, that I have undertaken this War in the Name of thy 
Ruffin. l. 2. c. 33.  Son Jesus Christ: If my intentions are not so pure as I thought they were, let me perish: If thou approvest the justice of my Cause, and the confidence I repose in thee, assist me, and done't permit the Gentiles to say, Where is the God of the Christians?  
He had no sooner finished these words, but he descends into the Plain with the Romans, whom he excited by his Piety and his Courage, and advances to snatch from the Enemies a Victory which they thought secure. In the mean time Bacurius gave marks of an extraordinary Fidelity and Valour; for after having rallied those that fled, and put himself at their head with his Iberians, he sustained all the burden of the Fight, keeping off all the Darts of the Enemy, who charged him on all 
Ruffin. ib.  sides, and putting a stop to their Fury, till such time as Theodosius was arrived.  
LII. Then the fight began afresh. Both parties used their efforts to overcome; the one flushed with their former success, the others encouraged by the presence of the Emperor. They attacked, they opposed without fearing danger, without drawing back of either side. But what attempt soever Theodosius could make, he could never gain any advantage over Arbogastes, who maintained himself by his valour, by his conduct, and by the number and courage of his Troops. At last the night put an end to the Battle, and each was obliged to retire to his Camp. The loss was not considerable on the side of Eugenius; and Theodosius lost several Officers, and particularly the brave Bacurius, who, after having several times dispersed the Enemies, and bore through their Squadrons with Sword in hand, fatigued with the labour of 
Zoz. l. 4. Ruffin. l. 2. c. 33.  the days work, weakened by the wounds he had received, came at last to fall, in the sight of the Emperor, upon a heap of Barbarians, whom he had slain with his own hand.  
LIII. The two Emperors passed the night in a very different manner. Eugenius made fires to be kindled through his Camp, distributed rewards to those who had distinguished themselves by some glittering action, and thought that he had won an absolute Victory. He did not so much as doubt, but that Theodosius had saved himself by favour of the night with the residue of his Troops. Theodosius on his side having regained his Camp upon the Mountain, called together the chief Officers of his Army, and held a Council of war. 
Theodor. l. 5. c. 24.  Timasius and Stilicon were of opinion to yield to the time▪ and to provide immediately for the security of a Retreat. They represented, That after the loss which had been sustained, it was necessary to think alone of re-establishing himself; That it was enough to have been conquered; That it was wisdom to take care of being entirely defeated; That it was to sacrifice the remainders of the Army, to expose it to the hazard of a second Battle; and that it would be a piece of rashness to pretend with a small number of disheartened Soldiers, to force an Enemy who confided in their multitude and valour; and who had lately obtained so considerable an advantage; That it were better to enclose himself in the strong places of the Empire, in order to assemble new Troops during the Winter, and to take the Field in the beginning of the Spring, and renew the War with equal Forces.  
The Emperor rejected their Counsel, and looking upon them with some indignation, God forbidden, said he to them, that the Cross of Jesus Christ, which appears in my Colours, should fly before the Statues of Hercules and Jupiter, which are born amongst the Ensigns of the Enemy! These words spoken with an holy confidence, inspired his Captains with that resolution he desired. He gave necessary orders for the morrow, and retired into a Chapel near the place where he was encamped, in order to pass the rest of the night in Prayer.  
LIV. It is reported that having fallen asleep towards morning, he saw in a Dream two Cavaliers 
Ib. c. 42.  mounted upon two White Horses, who encouraged him to fight, and passed their word for the success of the battle, assuring him that they were John the Evangelist and Philip, Apostles of Jesus Christ, sent from God to march before his Ensigns, and to show his Soldiers the way, that would direct them to a Victory. Whether this Dream was only the effect of the imagination of this Prince, still hot with the last engagement, and a new desire of conquering with the assistance of Heaven; or whether it was a sensible testimony of the protection of God upon him▪ he related, when he awaked, what he had seen, and went out of the Chapel attended by part of his Officers, in order to go and range his Army in battle. At the same time was presented to him a Soldier, who had the same night seen such another Vision. He examined him, made him several times repeat all the circumstances of this Dream, and taking 
Ibid.  from thence an occasion to encourage his Army he said to his Captains, That they could no longer doubt of the success of a battle after this new declaration; That he had resolved upon it against their opinions, but that it was by a secret order from God, who sent them invisible Captains for their Conduct; That all the force of mankind was not to be feared, since Heaven would undertake for them; That they should courageously fight under such puissant Auspexes; and that they should regard their Protectors, and not compute their Adversaries.  
This news being dispersed through the whole Army, revived the courage of the Soldiers; and as there is no stronger confidence, than that which is grounded upon Religion, they demanded nothing but a battle▪ They imagined that they saw all the Heaven armed for their defence, and expected, not a doubtful fight, but an assured Victory. Theodosius took advantage of this ardour, and made them forthwith descend into the Plain.  
LV. Just as he had made an end of distributing 
Sozom. l. 7. c. 24.  his orders, he received Letters from some Officers of the Enemy's Army, which was posted upon the Mountains, who promised to come over to his party, if he would afford them the same honours and the same rank which they held under Eugenius. The Emperor having borrowed a Table-book of one that was near him, marked the employments 
Oros. l. 7. c. 35.  which he destined for them, if they discharged their promises; after which he marched directly to the Enemy, guarding himself with the sign of the Cross, which was the signal of Battle.  
LVI. In the mean time Arbogastes disposed himself to receive it; and wondering from whence could proceed that assurance to men that had been overcome, and who had but few Troops remaining; he detached Squadrons continually to seize upon the advanced Posts, and ordered his Army so, that he might extend it in the Plain, to him in the Enemy. Eugenius from the top of a little hill, where he had erected his Pavilion, harrangued his Soldiers, and remonstrated to them, That they had but this fatigue to undergo; That it was an easy matter to break that body of despairing men, who rather came with a design to die, than to fight; That they should see the residue of that Army which they defeated the preceding day, give ground at the first onset, if they would charge it courageously, and complete a Victory, which was already far advanced. He promised to all rewards, and gave orders to the Officers to take Theodosius, and to bring him alive to him, oppressed with Irons.  

Theod. ib.  LVII. As the Armies were in sight, Theodosius observed that his Vanguard, at the prospect of so great a multitude of Enemies, marched a little 
Ambr oras. in fun. Theod.  too heavily; and fearing left Arbogastes should take advantage of this slowness, he descended from his Horse, advanced alone towards the first Ranks, and crying out with a holy confidence, Where is the God of Theodosius? he put new Life into his Troops, and led them on himself to the engagement.  
There was immediately discharged on both sides a shower of Darts and Arrows, which eclipsed the Air. They fell in pellmell a little after. The example of the Prince, and the hope of the assistance of Heaven excited the one; anger and indignation pushed on the others to make extraordinary efforts. The heat was alike in both Parties, and there was as yet no considerable advantage. Things were in this posture in the right Wing where Theodosius fought, when they came to advise him that his auxiliary Troops, which composed the left Wing, were vigorously attacked by Arbogastes, and that they would be in confusion, if they were not supported.  
LVIII. Theodosius took Horse without delay, and run, accompanied with some of his men, towards these Barbarians, in order to put himself at their Head, and to encourage them by his presence. But he discerned a body of the Enemy's Horse, who being advanced through the straits 
Oros. l. 7. c. 35.  of the Mountains, were come into the Plain, and seemed to design to fall upon his Army behind. He stopped, and put himself into a condition of defending himself with those few that attended him. The Count Arbetion, who commanded these Adversary Squadrons, was ready to charge upon 
Paul. Diac. hist.  Theodosius, and had infallibly overwhelmed him before he could possibly be relieved: but whether the fierce and majestic aspect of this Prince inspired him with Respect and Veneration for his Person; or whether he was come with a design to follow the best Party, he threw down his Arms, and disposed himself with his Troops near the Emperor, with an intent to stand by him, and to obey him.  
LIX. Theodosius seeing himself not only delivered from an important danger, but likewise reinforced with a considerable relief, turned towards his Left Wing, which he encouraged by his presence. But what effort soever he made in this bloody and obstinate fight, where the valour was so great in both Parties, and the number so unequal; the courage ●nd prudence of Arbogastes, the vigour and perse●erance of his Troops, the helps he found in the multitude of his Soldiers, had unquestionably ruled the Army of Theodosius. It insensibly decayed, ●nd was going to be, if not conquered, at least ●tigued by the tediousness of the Fight, when Heaven declared itself for this Emperor, by a miracle which the very Pagans could not dis●mble.  
LX. There arose from the top of the Alps▪ an ●petuous Wind, between East and North, 
Claud. in Paneg. Con. Honor. Oros. ib. Aug. de civ. Dei. l. 26. Ruffin. Socrat. Theodor. Sozom.  ●hich blowing on a sudden upon the Squadrons ●f Engenius, put them into a strange disorder. They ●ere shaken, notwithstanding their utmost endeavours to remain firm. Their Shields were snatched, s it were, out of their Hands. The Arrows ●hich they drew, either lost their force in the ●ir, or returned against themselves. The Darts, ●hich they let fly against them, being driven back ●y rapid Whirlwinds, fell upon their own breasts ●ith deep and mortal wounds. Clouds of dust, ●hich the Storm had raised, beat against the faces ●f the Soldiers, and deprived them of the use of ●e sight, and even respiration. Thus they contived as it were immovable, and tied by an inisible power, without being able either to attack, ● defend themselves, being exposed to the Darts and Javelins, which were directed against them ●om all parts.  
Then the Troops of Theodosius acknowledging the assistance of Heaven, which fought so manifestly for them, break through the Enemy with Swor● in hand, and make a horrible slaughter of the● Barbarians, who the day before had got so much advantage. Arbogastes, after having vainly ●●ployed his utmost capacity against Heaven an● 
Theod. ib.  Earth, saw no safety for himself but in flight. T● Captains of the Western Legions asked for Quater, and implored the mercy of the Conqueror ● whom God had made them subject, and Theodosius saw himself the second time a subduer of ● Tyrant, and absolute Master of the two ●●pires.  
He made the slaughter cease immediately. H● afforded all the Officers the grace which they implored, and gave them Orders, for a proof of thei● Fidelity, to bring E●geni●● to him. The chie● amongst them departed without delay ●o execu● this Order. They found upon an Ascent this Tyrant, who confiding in the first Successes of th● Battle, and not having been able to discern th● defeat of his Troops amongst the Storms and D● which covered them, expected every moment t● News of an entire Victory. He perceived th● Men, who came towards him full speed; ● beginning to triumph within himself, he aske● them, as soon as he could be understood, I● th● brought Theodosius to him, as he had commanded th● All the return which they made, was to carry hi● off himself, to dispossess him of his Imperi● Robes, and to draw him along to the fest of th● Conqueror.  
LXI. Theodosius regarding him with an Air ● Contempt, mixed notwithstanding with som● Pity, reproached him with the Murder of Valenti●i●n, the Usurpation of the Empire, the Disorders ●f a Civil War, and particularly the overturning ●f Religion, and the Honours rendered to the Statues of Herc●les and Jupiter: and as this miserable ●an, without other justification, cowardly begged ●is Life, the Emperor turning himself, abandoned ●im to the Soldiers; who cut off his Head in the 
Socrat. Sozom.  ● ᵈ year of his Reign, upon the 6th day of Septem●er. The unfortunate Arbogastes, after having candred two days through the Mountains, deserted ●f God and Man, and despairing of being able to ●scape those who sought after him to lead him to ●heodosius, took his punishment upon himself, and 
Claud. in 3. Consul.  directed two Swords one after another through his ●ody.  
LXII. The Emperor being satisfied with the ●eath of these two Criminals, pardoned all the ●est who were of their Party. Never was Prince ●ore moderate in his Victories. He never insulted over the Conquered, and often pitied them. ●is fierceness usually ceased with the War. He ●new how to pardon, but scarce how to punish; ●nd forgetting that he had Enemies, as soon as he ●nd overcome, he was even generous to those who ●ad born Arms against him.  
He was informed that the Children of Eugenius ●nd Flavian had taken Sanctuary in the Church's ●f Aquileia: he sent a Tribune immediately with ●n Order to save their Lives. He took care to ●ave them educated in the Christian Religion. He ●eft Possessions and Employments for them, and used them as if they had been of his own Family.  
After having given Orders for the preservation of his Enemies, he made large Compensations to the Troops, and distributed amongst them all the 
August. l. 5. de civ. Dei. c. 26.  Booty; and as he made those Statues of Jupiter to be taken away, which the Pagans had fixed upo● the Mountains, having heard some Soldiers to say pleasantly, That they would be glad to be thunder-str●● 
August. ib.  with those Thunderbolts of Gold, he bestowed the● immediately upon them. But as this Victory wa● rather God's than his own, his principal care wa● to make a solemn Thanksgiving throughout h● whole Empire to be rendered to him. He dispatched 
P●ulin. in vita Ambr.  Couriers to Constantinople, to advise the young Princes, whom he had left there, of t● happy success of his Arms. He wrote particular● to St. Ambrose concerning it, to entreat him ● thank God for his Victory.  
LXIII. This holy Archbishop had returned t● Milan, as soon as Eugenius and Arbogastes were d●parted thence; and what Terror soever they ha● dispersed in Italy, he had always hoped that G● would favour the good Party, and undertake t● protection of Theodosius. When he understood that this Prince had gained the Battle, and had ●ceived his Orders, he offered in his Name the holy Sacrifice, putting his Letter upon the Altar, an● representing it to God as an earnest of the Fai● of this pious Emperor. After he had performs this Duty, he sent one of his Deacons to him wi● Letters, by which, after having expressed his j● for the prosperity of his Arms, he represented to hi● That he ought to give God the whole glory thereof; T● his Piety had contributed more to it, than his Valour; ● that his Victory was still incomplete, if he did not pardon those who were involved in the misfortune, rather th● the Crimes of the Tyrants. A little while after he departed himself from Milan, in order to go and wait upon the Emperor at Aquileia.  
LXIV. Their interview was full of joy and tenderness. The Archbishop prostrated himself before this Prince, whom his Piety, and the visible protection of God upon him, had rendered more venerable than his Victories, or his Crowns, and ●ray'd, That God would load him with all the prosperities of Heaven, as he had loaded him with all those of the Earth. The Emperor on his side cast himself at the feet of the Archbishop, imputing to his Prayers the Favours which he had received from God, and entreating him to pray for his Salvation, ●s he had done for his Success. Then they entertained themselves about the means of restoring Religion to the state wherein it was before the War, and separated no more.  
LXV. In the mean time the Couriers which had been dispatched to Constantinople, arrived there; and the noise of the defeat of Eugenius being soon dispersed into all the Provinces of the Empire, ●hey made public rejoicings upon it. Some Hi●torians report, that this News had been already declared by extraordinary ways; and that at the very moment Theodosius forced the passage of the Alps, a Daemon whom they adjured, in the Church of St. John Baptist, which this Prince had built, wried out in a wretched manner, Must I then be overcome, and my Army put to the Rout? The Prediction 
Sozom. l. ●. c. 24.  of the holy Abbot John was yet more observable: Evagrius and his Companions, who at that time visited the Monasteries of Thebais, stayed some time with this wonderful Solitary; and as they took their leaves of him, after having received his Instructions, and admired his Sanctity, 
Evagr. l. 1. c. 1▪ Pallad. in Lausiac. c. 4.  he said to them in blessing them, Go in peace, m● dear Children, and know that they hear this day in Alexandria, that the Emperor Theodosius has defeated th● Tyrant Eugenius: But this Prince will not long enjoy the advantage of his Victory, and God will ere long withdraw him from this world The truth of the●● Predictions was observed in the times wherein this holy Man had marked them.  
The young Emperors forgot nothing that might conduce to make this Victory the more illustrious▪ They made great Presents to the People, gave them stately Shows, and particularly rendered thanks to God with a magnificence, which their presence and that of the chief Bishops of the East rendered very solemn.  
LXVI. Ruffin, who absolutely governed the Empire in the absence of Theodosius, had called those Prelates to Constantinople for an Ecclesiastical Ceremony. This Minister a long time disguised his Vanity and his Ambition under the appearances of an affected Modesty; and whether it was to give the Emperor, who loved him, a good opinion of himself, or to make the Courtiers less suspicious, who envied his Fortune, he became every day more powerful, without seeming to have more Pride. He softly looked after the means to enrich himself; and altho' he was naturally disposed to Figure and Noise, his Avarice retained his Pride. But when he saw himself assured of the favour of his Master, and loaded with the Riches he had received of him, or which he had himself unjustly got, he abandoned himself to his own nature, and became insolent, when he thought he might continue so without danger. He made himself a great number of Creatures, marched with a Retinue that was unbecoming a private Man, and built Houses of more splendour than the Emperor's Palaces.  
LXVII. One of his chief cares had been to build near one of the Suburbs of Chalcedon, called 
Sozom. l. 8. c. 17.  The Suburb of Oak, a House of Pleasure, so vast, that one would have taken it for a City; and so rich in precious Ornaments and Furniture, that it was scarce credible that a private Man could be able to supply those exceeding charges. On one side arose a great Church in honour of the Apostles St. Peter and St. Paul; on the other appeared in perspective upon a neighbouring Eminence a Monastery, which was to serve for a supply to the want of the Clergy of this Church. As soon as these Buildings were completed, Ruffian resolved to be baptised, and to celebrate at the same time with all imaginable Pomp, the Consecration of this new Church.  
The Emperors had rendered this kind of Ceremony very formal, in calling to it a great number of Bishops, and afterwards converting these Assemblies 
Euseb. l. 4. de vi●a Count. c. 4●. Socrat.  of Decency and Piety, into certain Councils and Canonical Assemblies. Constantine the Great had taken that method for the Dedication of the Temple of the holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem, and his Son Constantius had followed his Example in the Consecration, which he made of the golden Temple at Antioch.  
Ruffin proposed to himself these great examples, and mixing with a little Religion a great deal of 
Theod. l. 〈◊〉 c. 3●.  ostentation and stateliness, he called the Bishops from all parts of the East, especially those who held the chief Sees. He likewise entreated, by repeated Letters, the most famous Solitaries of 
Socrat. l. 2. c 5. Pallad. in Laus. c. 4.  Egypt, to leave their Solitude in order to come and assist at this illustrious Ceremony. The rank which he held in the Empire, whereof he had the chief direction under the Prince Arcadius, induced a great number of Bishops to departed upon the first advice they received, who brought along with them the most holy Persons of their Provinces. The Assembly was very numerous. There was therein three Patriarches, Nectarius of Constantinople, Theophilus of Alexandria, and Flavian of Antioch▪ Gregory Bishop of Nissa, Amphilochus of Iconium, Paul of Heraclea, Dioscorus of Helenopolis, and several other famous Prelates were of the first that arrived there. The Principal of the Nobility and Clergy with an infinite number of People resorted thither, some to honour this Festival, others to court this Favourite, many to satisfy their curiosity.  
This ceremony was performed in the month of September. The Church was hung with admirable Tapestry; thè Altar shined with Gold and precious Stones. The Consecration was done with all the Order and Magnificence imaginable. After the Offices were over, they proceeded with the same Pomp to the Baptism of Ruffin. The Patriarch Nectarius administered it to him, and the famous Evagrius of Pontus, who had been persuaded to come from Egypt with the Solitary Ammonius, 
Pallad. ib.  received from the Font this regenerated man, who di● not long preserve his innocence. Thus concluded that Solemnity, which had been one of the holiest and most magnificent of the Eastern Church, if it had not been attended with a profane luxury, and if this Minister by his actions, and his injustice, had not been of a humour to regain upon the People those excessive Sums, which he seemed to have employed for God in this occasion.  
LXVII. The Bishop's repassed the Sea along with him, and reassembled at Constantinople the 28th day of September, to decide the difference between Agapius and Gabadius concerning the Pretensions which both had to the Bishopric of Bostres. It was in this Synod, that it was decreed that a Bishop 
Zonar. Theod. Balsam.  was not to be deposed by one alone, nor by two of his Brethren; but that for a deposition in formis, there required a general Assembly of all the Bishops of the Province. Theophilus of Alexandria had opened this advice, and he was the first that infringed this Rule, in deposing by his own Authority Dioscorus Bishop of Helenopolis.  
These Prelates who were then at Constantinople, took part in the public Joy, and after having celebrated in presence of Arcadius and all his Court, the sacred mysteries in a Thanksgiving for the Victory, which the Emperor had obtained upon the Tyrants, they retired into their respective Dioceses, to acquaint their People with the wondrous works of God, and the Protection which he had given the Empire.  
LXIX. In the mean time Theodosius by the counsels of St. Ambrose applied himself to abolish the superstitions of Paganism, prohibiting, under very severe penalties, the exercise of all profane Religions; and declaring that if he had conquered by 
Ambr. in fun. Theod.  the assistance of God, he had likewise only conquered for his glory. He nominated Consuls, the two Sons of Anycus Probus, formerly Praefectus Praetorio under the Great Valentinian, and so illustrious not only in the Roman Empire, but also in foreign Kingdoms, that two of the wisest and 
Paulin. in vit. Ambr. Claud. de consul. Olib. & Prob.  most powerful Lords of Persia came into Italy to see, as two miracles of the World, at Milan St. Ambrose, famous amongst the Bishops, and at Roma, Anicus Probus, illustrious amongst the Roman Senators. This man had brought up his Sons in the purity of the Faith, and all the exercises of Christian Piety, and Theodosius, who in the choice of Magistrates, had regard to the merit of Persons, and to the honour of Religion, passed over the ordinary Rules, and put the whole Consulship into this virtuous Family.  
LXX. After having settled the most pressing affairs, whether he found himself in a decaying State, or had made serious reflections upon the 
Ambr. in fun. Theod.  Prophecy of the holy Abbot John, instead of his triumphs, he disposed himself for death. Howsoever just the war had been, which he had undertaken against the Enemies of God and the State, nevertheless as there had been a great deal of blood spilt, this Prince was willing to abstain some time 
Num. c. 31. Basil. ad Amphiloch. c. 13. Can. P●enit. 11.  from the reception of the Eucharist, judging himself unworthy, according to the Genius of the Law of Moses, and some Penitential Canons, to partake of these mysteries of Peace, till such time as he had purified his heart and hands, and had effaced by his repentance those gross impressions, which even lawful angers and revenges give to the greatest Souls.  
He departed from Aquileia with these inclinations, and came to Milan in order to a more quiet application to his conscience under the direction of St. Ambrose, who was gone a day before him, and to receive there more commodiously his Sons Arcadius and Honorius, whom he had sent for from Constantinople. Scarce was he arrived there, but he found himself weaker, and more indisposed 
Socrat. Sozom.  than he was before. Yet he did not relax any thing of his usual cares, assisting at all his Councils, hearing himself the complaints of the People, signing the acts of grace which he had afforded his Enemies, labouring to re-establish that order, which Eugenius had disturbed throughout the West, and believing himself obliged to act after this manner to the utmost extremity, and to sacrifice still the small remains of life to the good and repose of his Empire.  
LXXI. The young Emperors found him in this condition, when they arrived at Milan; and 
Paulin. in vit. Ambr.  the joy of seeing their Father again was soon moderated, by the affliction which they had to see him assaulted by a moral Dropsy. Theodosius would receive them in the Church, where he had caused himself to be conveyed in order to partake of the Sacrament, which a nicety of conscience and a profound respect had made him defer the reception of till then. There he embraced them tenderly, and after having returned thanks to God for the comfort which he gave him by reviewing these two Princes, he took them by the hand, and presented them to St. Ambrose, conjuring him before the Altars, to take the conduct of their consciences, to maintain in their minds those Principles of Religion and Equity, which he had endeavoured 
Ambr. in fun. Theod.  to inspire him with, and to be as a Father to them after his death.  
An. 395 LXXII. At his coming out of the Church, he was obliged to take his Bed, and the Fever being increased, he applied himself to give his last Orders 
Zoz. l. 4.  to the Affairs of the Church, the Empire, and his Family. He assembled in his Chamber the Deputies of the Senate, and the Lords of his Court, who were yet Pagans, and remonstrated to them, That he retained in dying but the single regret of seeing them still Idolaters; That he wondered how such wise and understanding Men should not apprehend their Error, or should rather choose to follow Custom, than Truth; That the defeat of Eugenius was a convincing proof of the vanity of their Oracles, and the impotency 
Oros. l. 7. c. 36.  of their Gods; That these Gods had been Men of impure and irregular Lives, and that it was unreasonable to adore them, since their Power was not to be feared, nor their Actions worthy of imitation; That they should permit themselves to be influenced by the force of Truth, by the example of the first Magistrates of the Empire, and also by the last affections of their dying Emperor, who for some time interrupted the thoughts of his Salvation, to put them in mind of theirs; That indeed his great desire had been to extirpate, during his Reign, all false Religions, and to make all his Subjects faithful Servants of Jesus Christ; That God had not esteemed him worthy of this Favour, but that he hoped his Children would be more successful than he, and would complete what he had begun.  
LXXIII. After having dismissed the Senators, he made his last Will, wherein he ordered, That 
Ambros. in fun. Theod.  the People should be discharged of the augmentations of Tribute, which the necessity of past Affairs had occasioned the imposing; desiring that his Subjects might enjoy the advantage of that Victory to which they had contributed by their Prayers, or their Labours; and recommending to his Successors the easing of the Provinces, without enlarging their Treasury with the substance of the Poor, and 
Claudian. in Cons. Honor.  scattering it away in vain and superfluous Expenses. This Order, after his death, was punctually executed.  
He joined to this Act of Goodness, an Act of Generosity and Mercy. He had granted a general Pardon to all the Rebels who were returned to their Obedience. He meant that they should be reestablished in their Estates and Dignities, and should resume in the Court the same Rank which they held therein before their Rebellion. But as he had not time to execute all his intentions, he was afraid lest after his death the new Emperors, by the evil counsel of their Friends, should stop the course of those Reconciliations which remained to come. He confirmed then by a Law, which he caused to be inserted in his Will, the Amnesty which he had already published, establishing his 
Ambr. in fun. Theod.  hopes in the mercy of God, upon that he himself shown his Enemies. He enjoined his Children religiously to observe this Order, and left them Examples and Commands deserving of a Christian Emperor.  
LXXIV. He divided the Empire between those two Princes, giving the East to Arcadius, and to Honorius the West. He recommended to them, above all things, a Piety towards God, and a zeal for Religion. He made them recollect what he had often said to them, That they should distinguish themselves from their Subjects, more by Wisdom and Virtue, 
Ambros. in fun. Theod.  than by Greatness and Authority, That it was a great piece of Indiscretion to pretend to give Laws to the whole World, if one is ignorant how to prescribe them to himself; That one did not deserve to command Men, if one had not learned to obey God; That they ought to found the felicity of their Reigns, not upon the prudence of their Counsels, nor upon the force of their Arms, but upon their fidelity to God, and the care which they should take of his Church; That this was the original of Victories, of Peace, and of all the Prosperity of Sovereigns. Then turning himself towards St. Ambrose who was present, These, said he, are the Truths which you have learned me, and which I myself have experienced; 'tis your part to make them pass in my Family, and to instruct, according to your custom, these young Emperors whom I leave to you. The holy Archbishop made answer to him, That he would be mindful of their Salvation▪ and hoped that God would give to the Children that tractable heart and easy temper, which he had given to the Father.  
LXXV. After that, Theodosius declared Stilicon Tutor of his Son Honorius, and Lieutenant General of the Armies of the two Empires, and recommended to him likewise his two Children. He thought himself obliged to testify this confidence to a Man, who had very faithfully served him in the most important Affairs of his Reign, and who had the honour to marry the Princess Serena his Niece. Stilicon was a great Soldier, and an excellent Statesman; wise in the counsel, bold in the execution, expert in managing the minds of People; fit to discover happy moments, and to 
Claudian.  make use of them▪ whether in Treaties or Battles; dexterous in finding out the Interests of the Grandees of the Empire, and piercing into the designs of Foreign Nations; beloved of the Troops, capable of supporting the burden of Affairs▪ of forming a young Emperor in the exercises of Peace and War, and diverting troubles by his Wisdom, or putting a stop to them by his Courage and his Valour.  
These great Qualities rendered him worthy of the choice which Theodosius had made of him, till being engaged by the jealousies of Ruffian, and his own ambition, ●lushed with his credit and the success of several Battles, reducing all public Affairs to his own private designs and interests, rekindling himself the Wars which he had extinguished, and recalling those Enemies which he had chased away, in order to make use of them upon occasion, he was weary of being nothing but the Tutor, the Father-in-law, the Favourite, and even the Master of the Emperor, and attempted to put the Empire in his own Family.  
LXXVI. Since the Emperor's arrival at Milan, this City had disposed itself to prepare a stately Triumph for him, and to celebrate by all kind of rejoicings a Victory, which had made him absolute Master of the two Empires. His indisposition had retarded the public Sports, which made the chief part of this Festival. But at length, after having settled his Affairs, he found himself much eased; and whether he was unwilling that the City should make in vain so considerable an Expense, or whether he had a design to comfort▪ the People, by showing himself once more in public, he gave notice to the Magistrates, that he would be at the Circus on the morrow to receive the honour which they intended for him. He 
Soz●m▪ l. 7. c. ult.  made himself to be carried there in the morning▪ and assisted some time at a course of Horses; after which he retired, more filled with the apprehensions of Death, than the Ideas of his Triumph.  
LXXVII. Scarce was he arrived at the Palace, but he found himself worse than before. He commanded his Son Honorius to go and hold his place in the Circus. As for him, he passed the rest of the day in conversing with St. Ambrose about the vanity of humane Grandeurs, and giving his Son Arcadius those counsels which he thought to be most important for his Conduct, and for that of his Empire. The same night his distemper being considerably increased, he was sensible of the diminution 
Prosper▪ Marcellin. Socrat. l. 5. c. 25.  of his strength, and some hours after he quietly departed this life upon the 17th day of January, in the year 395, being the 16th of his Empire, and the 50th of his Age.  
This death was lamented by all the People of the Empire, and even the most barbarous Nations. 
Zoz. l. 5.  Arcadius' returned immediately to Constantinople, in order to prevent those Confusions which might happen upon such Revolutions. Ruffin being at that time Praefectus Pratorio, accompanied him thither, vexed with envy and jealousy against Stilicon, whom they had raised above him, and revolving already in his mind the design of abusing the weakness of his Master, of destroying all that was an obstacle to his power, of embroiling the Empires and Emperors by his secret Intelligences with the Huns, the Goths, and the Alains, and to tender himself Sovereign, or at least independent both on his Masters and his Enemies.  
LXXVIII. Honorius remained near the Body of his Father, to render him the last devoirs of Christian Piety. He assisted at the stately Funeral which was made for him at Milan forty days after his death. St. Ambrose preached his Funeral Sermon, wherein he represented to his Auditors, That they had lost an Emperor, but that God ha●ing withdrawn him into his eternal Mansions, one might say 
Ambros. in fun. Theod.  that he had only changed his Empire; That his Piety was still alive; That he had by the constancy of his Faith abolished all the Superstitions of the Gentiles; That having no more to give his Sons, whom he had made Emperors, his only prospect in dying, was to leave his Subjects in peace and abundance, by remitting the injuries which they had done him, or the Taxes which had been imposed upon them; That his last Appointments ●ad been Rules of Charity and Mercy, and that they were rather Laws than Articles of a Will.  
Then he declares, That he will ever preserve in his heart all the tenderness which he had conceived for this Prince, who in his Wars had always trusted to the assistance of Heaven, and had never presumed upon his own Forces; who had more esteemed those who reproved him, than those who flattered him; and who, when almost at extremity, was more in pain for the state wherein he left the Church, than that wherein his Family would be after his death.  
He could not hinder himself particularly from commending his Clemency: That it is a great and extraordinary happiness, said he, to find a Prince pi●us and faithful, who being carried by his power to revenge himself upon his Enemies, is retained by his goodness! Theodosius, of august memory, thought to have received a Favour, when he was entreated to pardon an Offence, which had been committed against him. The more Passion he had discovered, the more he was inclined to grant the Pardon which was demanded of him. The heat of his displeasure was a prejudication that he would pardon. Instead of fearing their anger in other Princes, contrariwise they wished it in him. We have seen Men convicted by him of their Crime, terrified and repulsed by the Reproaches which he made them, obtain their pardon of a sudden. He was for conquering, and not punishing. He made himself Arbitrator of Equity, and not Judge of Rigour. He never refused to pardon those who acknowledged their fault. As for those who hide something from him, which they retained in the bottom of their Conscience, he told them, that he left the decision thereof to God. This expression of his was of more terror to them than the punishment, because they saw this Emperor so moderate and easy, that he chose rather to win Men to his service by Religion, than fear.  
At last the holy Archbishop directs himself to the young Emperor, who was attentive to him, and who melted into tears. He commends him for his Affection and his Piety, and the sensible Concern he was under for being unable to conduct himself▪ the Body of his Father to Constantinople. He comforts him, by representing to him the Honours which would be rendered to the memory of this Prince in all the Cities of the Empire; and after having given him a lively Idea of the glory which the great Theodosius enjoyed, he encourages him to imitate his Virtues, and to make an advantage of his Example.  
LXXIX. The Body of this Emperor was conveyed the same year to Constantinople, and whether in Italy, which he had delivered from Tyrants; or in the East, which he had governed with abundance of wisdom and goodness, he had Honours performed to him, which rather resembled. Triumphs, than Funeral Solemnities. Arcadius' his eldest Son received him upon the 8th of November, and caused him to be laid with a magnificence worthy of so great an Emperor, into the Sepulchre of Constantine.  
LXXX. The Ecclesiastical Authors, and the Pagan's themselves agree, that he was a most accomplished 
August. Ambros. Socrat. Sozom. Themist. Symmach. Aurel. Victor, etc.  Prince. Those who had consulted Histories, or seen the Pictures of the ancient Emperors, found that he resembled Trajan, from whom he drew his Original. He was like him, of a tall Stature, had a handsome Head, his Aspect great and noble, the turn and features of his Face were regular, and all his Body well proportioned.  
As for the qualities of the Soul, he possessed all the perfections of that Emperor▪ and had none of his defects. He was, like him, gracious, just, magnificent, merciful, and always ready to assist the unfortunate. He communicated himself to his Courtiers, and was only distinguished from them by the Purple wherewith he was invested. His Civility for the Grandees of his Court, and his Esteem for Persons of Merit and Virtue, obtained him the friendship of both. He loved free and sincere Minds, and admired all those who excelled in Letters, or in the noble Arts, provided he observed in them neither Affectation nor Malice. All who deserved to partake of his Bounties, felt the effects thereof. He made great Presents, and made them with greatness. He took pleasure in divulging to the least Offices which he had received from private Men in his first Fortune, and spared nothing to testify his Acknowledgement to them. Ambition did not make him attempt to conquer the Provinces of his Neighbours, but he knew how to punish them who usurped his own, or those of his Colleagues. Thus did he procure himself no Enemies during his Reign, but he vanquished those who became so. He was well enough versed in Learning, and made use thereof out affectation. The reading of Histories was not useless to him, and he applied himself to form his manners upon the Virtues of great Princes, who had preceded him. He detested often in public the pride, the cruelty, the ambition and tyranny of Cinna, Marius, Sylla, and their followers, in order to impose upon himself a happy necessity of pursuing a conduct opposed to that, which he condemned; above all he was a declared Enemy of Traitors, and ungrateful men.  
One may tax him with being carried fometimes to Passion, but it must be a great occasion, besides that he was soon appeased. His access was agreeable and easy; and what is extraordinary amongst Great Men, his Prosperities and his Victories, instead of puffing him up, or corrupting him, did but render him the more gentle, and obliging. He took care to furnish those Provinces, which the war had ruined, with Provisions in abundance, and he restored out of his own money considerable Sums, which the Tyrants had extorted from private men. In War, he always marched at the head of his Armies, exposing himself to danger, and sharing all fatigues with the meanest Soldiers.  
He was chaste, and by severe Laws he abolished those customs that were contrary to decency and modesty. Although he was of a constitution nice enough, yet he maintained his health by a moderate exercise, and diet. It was nevertheless one of his satisfactions to entertain his Friends at Table, and to improve Friendship by all kind of decent rejoicings. In these particular Feasts, where he consulted rather neatness and politeness, than luxury and profusion, he enjoyed the pleasures of society, and revealed himself with a reasonable familiarity, which afforded confidence, without lessening the respect which was owing to him. His principal diversions were conversation and walking, when he had a mind to recreate himself after the cares of business.  
Never did Prince live so well in his Family. He honoured his Uncle as his Father. After the death of his Brother, he was as careful of his Children, as of his own. He advanced to Employ, ments those, who stuck to his Service, and served as a Father to all his Relations. Thus after he had regulated in the day the affairs of the Empire, and given Laws to the whole World, he shut himself up with joy in his Family, where by his cares, his affections, and his goodness, he made appear to his own People that he was as good a Friend, as good a Relation, as good a Master, as good a Husband, and as good a Father, as he was a Wise and Powerful Emperor.  
This is the Character, which is left us of the Great Theodosius, by Pagan Authors who were his Contemporaries, although prejudiced against him for the interests of their Religion. The Philosopher 
Themist▪ Orat. 5. Symm. l. 2. Ep. 3.  Themistius, and Symmachus himself, that great Defender of Paganism, acknowledge sincerely, that the Virtues of this Prince exceed all the Praises which have been conferred upon him. There is none but the Historian Zozimus, who by premeditated falsehoods seeks to discredit those Christian Emperors, who have destroyed the worship of Idols. He disguises the truth according to his Caprice and his Passion, and endeavours to make vices of all the Virtues of this Emperor. He calls his liberalities profusions, his moderation laziness, his friendly barquets dissolutions, and that agreeable and sweet life he led in peace, a soft and voluptuous one. He is notwithstanding obliged by force of truth to confess, that in time of war there 
Zoz. l. 4.  was an extraordinary change of manners in him; that he forgot on a sudden his amusements and his pleasures, to take the cares and virtues that were necessary to the safety of the Empire; and that of an infirm and sensual Emperor, there was form a valiant and laborious Prince, by a kind of prodigy.  
Not but that Theodosius had his failings. His transports of anger, his easiness to believe those in whom he reposed some confidence, and his engagement in favour of those whom he had chosen for his principal friends, are stains that would a little obscure the life of this Emperor, if they were not confounded in an infinite number of glittering actions, or effaced by a severe repentance.  
The Holy Fathers who knew him best, could not be tired with commending his Piety. St. Ambrose, and St. Austin have left Encomiums of him in several places of the●r writings, and St. Paulin being retired to Nole made an Eloquent and Learned 
Hierom. Ep. 13.  Apology in favour of this Prince, which St. Jerome calls an excellent Panegyric, whose loss cannot be sufficiently Lamented.  
FINIS.