Fourteen QUERIES Offered to the Consideration of all the Faithful Adherents to the PARLIAMENT, And Public Interests: Who are not corrupted into the present DESIGN FOR OLIGARCHY.  
LONDON, Printed in the Year, 1659.   

Fourteen QUERIES Offered to the Consideration of all the faithful Adherents to the Parliament, and Public Interest, etc.  
Taking the great Cause so long contended for, to be the pulling down of Kingly Power, to make way for the securing of both Civil and Spiritual Liberty, the question follows.  
I. 
 Whether the Parliament, who never swerved from their principles of rooting our all footsteps of Monarchy (the irreconcilable enemy to liberty of conscience) with a full intent to settle an equal Commonwealth, under which kind of Government the persecution of conscience is incompatible. Or whether those, who with the notorious breach of faith and engagements have once already essayed to set up Monarchy, under which Government liberty of conscience is inconsistent, and cannot be preserved, are the fittest persons, in reference to liberty of conscience, as least likely to berray it, to be entrusted with the settleing of the Government.  
II. 
 Whether the late Interruption of Government, under pretence of securing liberty of conscience, when there had been the greatest tenderness of it that is imaginable, and not the least approach made to the infringement of it, be not hypocritical, fraudulent and deceitful, onpurpose to colour the design in some, for a Single Person, and of others for an an Oligarchy, or Triumvisate.  
III. 
 Whether an Army, who makes themselves a distinct Corporation, or a Commonwealth within a Commonwealth, are likley to settle an equal Government upon the single interest of public and common good: Or whether in the framing of the Government, they are not rather likely to set up their own particular interest above and superior to the public and common Interest; as that which will be as natural to them to do, as it always hath been to Monarches; and as it is to all mankind, to prefer themselves before all others.  
iv 
 Whether Soldiers, whose genious are of a different nature to that of Government, and whose breed have not been at all in Politics, nor out of their own Country▪ and who, according to ancient Maxims, are good servants, but bad masters, good defenders of Laws in some cases, the worst makers and executioners of them in the world, (witness the late Reign of our Pashas) are fitting persons to frame a new Government, especially those that join with them being no other to them then Jurnymen.  
V 
 Whether if any Government be settled upon the foundations of a double interest, we do not thereby utterly lose all that we have fought for; our engagements having been all along against the interest of Monarchy, to the end, to reduce all to the single interest of public and common good.  
VI 
 Whether it is to be believed, that those persons intends to set up a free State upon the single interest of the public, who takes into their counsels the greatest enemies to it; as such, who out of love to Monarchy deserted the Parliament at the death of the King, and were as violent maintainers of the late Usurper in all his Tyrannies: Or whether they are not likely to set up another single person, or an Oligarchy, and whether grapes of thorns, and figs of thistles are to be expected.  
VII. 
 Whether Cromwell's crooked and by ways are not exactly followed in designing the bringing these Nations into confusion, that thereby they may be necessitated, according to the healing question, to put the Sovereignty into one or a few hands.  
VIII. 
 Whether these Nations can expect any happy, settled peace, or quiet, until all powers are kept to their distinct offices, without double capacities, and acting only within their own shire, being all subject to the supreme civil power; and whether, if the Soldiers aim at good and righteous things, they will not in their Model of Government lay down some such foundation, as the self-denying vote not to be violated, to keep every one in a single, equal, and  capacity; and when they have done so, subject themselves to it, recommending all to the Parliament for their Sanction, who can only derive it lawfully to future ages.  
IX. 
 Whether the chief Author of the present Interruption, did not, in Richard's convention, argue strongly against the being of the other House of Parliament, from the Military Officers that was in it; saying, that so long as they were there, Parliaments might vote what they pleased, but the other would do nothing but what they pleased. And whether doth not the same argument lie against himself, and the rest of the Officers of the Armies, their being in any Civil power, so long as they will remain Soldiers.  
X. 
 Whether the interruption of the Parliament who only can lawfully derive any new form of Government unto posterity, doth not render all settlement by other powers unlawful, and usurped, and therein takes away all ties of Conscience, and the obedience of such powers, and exposeth them to be justly overturned, by the first Root, or Rabble that can get the Sword.  
XI. Whether the supposed Author to the healing question his former denying to own Cromwell, and his Adherents, because usurpers doth not teach all others, to do the same towards himself, and those he is joined with. And whether his present engagement doth not argue, that his former opposition proceeded from his being cozened of that share of Government he should have had, and not from any sound, and right principles. And whether the little Secretary, who in Richard's convention, told him of his sneaking Oligarchy, did not therein speak his knowledge, and is not able to prove the same.  
XII. 
 Whether the whole party of honest men, who have throughout been constant to the great Good Cause, are not in number small, compared to their enemies, and whether this last interruption hath not by dividing them weakened their heads and strengthened the hands of their implacable enemies to the great hazard of them and their causes.  
XIII. 
 Whether the private Interest of three or four persons ought to be put in balance with the public and common Interest, and whether former services be a sufficient ground for the Army to maintain them now upon in their disservices, and unjust designs, by such a horrid Rebellion and breach of Faith, as if not repent of God will surely punish.  
XIV. 
 Whether that since the Army of themselves cannot maintain the Government, and that by the late horrid Rape upon the Parliament they have lost most of their friends, there is any way left to preserve themselves, the good Old Cause, and the Adherents to it, but by once more calling together the Members of Parliament to the discharge of their duties. God having always owned them in their actings, and sufficiently expressed his manifest displeasure against these Nations, when with the breath of Faith they have been interrupted. And whether the Army hath not cause to cast that person out from amongst them, and abominate him; who at their meeting, whilst the Parliament was sitting, and some time before the interruption, stirred them up to this detestable Rebellion, by telling them, that all power was devolved upon them, and therefore wished them to take the government upon themselves, especially he being one that is known to be no lover of Liberties, but a great fovourite of Harry Cromwell when he was in Ireland, and a Votary to his Tyrannical Government.  
FINIS.