CAROLUS gustavus King of Swethens, Goths, & Vandals, great prince of Finland, Duke of Esthonia, & Carelia. Lor ᵈ of Ingria. & Crowned Anᵒ Dom̄: 1654.  P S excudit  portrait of King Carl X Gustav of Sweden   

THE HISTORY Of the Troubles of SUETHLAND AND POLAND, Which occasioned the Expulsion of Sigismundus the Third, King of those Kingdoms, with his Heirs for ever from the SUETHISH Crown.  
WITH A CONTINUATION OF THOSE Troubles, until the Truce, An. 1629. As also, a particular Narration of the daily Passages at the last and great Treaty of Pacification between those two Kingdoms, concluded at Stumbsdorff in Prussia, Anno 1635.  
CONCLUDING WITH A BRIEF COMMEMORATION OF THE Life and Death of Sr. GEORGE DOUGLAS Knight, Lord Ambassador Extraordinary from the late King of Great BRITAIN, for the Treaty above mentioned.  
Faithfully couched by J. FOWLER, Secretary to his Lordship for that Embassy.  
LONDON, Printed by Thomas Roycroft for Thomas Dring, and are to be sold at the George near Clifford's Inn in Fleetstreet, 1656.   


Collegium S. S. et Individuae Trinatatis in Academiá Cantabrigiensi    

TO HIS HIGHNESS THE LORD PROTECTOR,  
MY LORD,  
THE remembrance of having read, that a Great Emperor was once graciously pleased to accept of an Apple from the hand of a poor Peasant, hath encouraged me to the presenting of the ensuing Discourse unto your Highness.  
As that Prince was (doubtless) induced to deign the reception of so slight a Gift from 〈◊〉 mean a Giver, not for any merit either in the Person or Present, but by the conjecture he made of the dutiful affection wherewith it was Offered; so, I am willing to hope that, the boldness of this address may be the more excusable, in regard, the like affectionate duty is, in the most of submissiveness, herewith tendered.  
Your Highness hath moreover (I humbly conceive) a Peculiar right hereunto, as being the sole adequate Parallel to the famous Princes of the Gustavian Line, mentioned in the following Narrative; for if they were great in Arms, which none can deny, and that their Heroic Actions have rendered their Memories renowned to Perpetuity; Your Highness' Name is certainly engraven in Characters indelible upon the never decaying Pillars of immortal Fame, whose Trumpet hath sounded your more than Admirable Successes, unto the most Remote Regions: Nor, is Caesar's Veni, Vidi, Vici, lesse illustrated by your Highness' Portrait than it was by his Statue.  
As Victory did constantly accompany the Second and great Gustavus whilst living, and attend him even in death, contrary to that observation of the famous marquis of Malvezzi, That the death of valiant Leaders is the loss of Battles; So, it is truly affirmed, that whensoever your Highness hath led on your Forces, your Foes have as often fallen before you, and the most Numerous Enemies that have ever hitherto dared to look you in the Face, have been always constrained to turn their backs: Neither can the most black-mouthed Detraction gainsay this Truth.  
Your Highness hath one Advantage more, which was not by Providence permitted unto that Great Monarch; in that by the Protection of the Almighty, you live to reap the Fruit of your Labours, in Praising the God of your Salvation.  
May your Highness, Religiously and Magnanimously, still go on to do worthily in this our Judah, and to be famous in our Israel; and after a continued Series of Glorious Triumphs here below, remain Triumphantly Glorious above in the Mansions of Eternity.  
So craving Pardon for this Presumption, I rest In all humble Obedience At your HIGHNESS' Command, J. FOWLER.   

THE PREFACE OR ARGUMENT To the ensuing DISCOURSE.  
THERE is nothing new under the Sun, saith the wisest of Kings. This, as it is in itself a certain truth, so it is not more evident in any thing then in the Stupendious alterations which History in general doth manifest to have happened in Kingdoms and Commonwealths, even from the Flood; the recapitulation whereof would not only outswell this bulk, but likewise tyre the Reader, whose curiosity therein may be elsewhere abundantly satisfied.  
Many in England may perhaps think, that the Changes we have seen of late years among ourselves admit of no Precedent. The Pages ensuing will show otherwise; and that what hath been done of late times in this Nation, hath been in great part formerly presented upon Foreign Stages; yea, within the memory of Men yet living, if diligent Scrutiny were made into the Actings in other Regions, and wherein they have come short of Ours, it may seem, by their published expressions, that they regretted the overslipping of opportunity. The subsequent Discourse is a Narrative truly Epitomised out of the Public Acts of the Suethes: The passages of the Pacification ensuing, with other German Occurrences of those times, are no less faithfully annexed.  
The Method used is, First, A brief mention of Poland's exaltation from a ducal to a Regal Government, An. 1000 with a particular deduction of their Kings from the time that Jagello, great Duke of Lithuania (in the right of his Wife) was there Crowned; whose merits toward that Kingdom are still celebrated by the Polanders, and whose Descendants have constantly swayed that Sceptre (until this present) for the space of two hundred sixty nine years: The interposition of Henry Duke of Anjow, afterwards King of France, the third of that Name, usually styled Henry of Valois, only excepted.  
The next thing presented is a like deduction of the Kings of Suethland (much more ancient than the other in the Title of a Kingdom) from the time of Magnus Erickson, surnamed Smeeke, in favour of whom and of his Posterity the Suethish Crown (always formerly Elective) was rendered Hereditary by a general Act of Union at Varburg, An. 1343.  
A more strict Hereditary Union is next exhibited in the Reign of Gustavus Erickson (the Deliverer of his Country from the slavery of Strangers) and the same confirmed and corroborated by the whole States of Suethland, An. 1544. in whose Race that Sceptre hath ever since remained and doth still continue. Nine Crowned Kings have (within the third degree) descended from his loins, Viz. Erick, John, and (harles, his three Sons; Sigismond the son of John (King of Poland and Suethland) Gustavus Adolphus the son of Charles; the late Queen Christina of Suethland; Vladislaus and Casimir, the sons of Sigismuna, consecutively Kings of Poland; and the present King of Suethen, Carolus Gustavus, great Grandchild to the forenamed Gustavus Erickson, as being the son of the Princess Catherine Daughter to the foresaid Charles, who All act their parts in the Scenes of the ensuing Narrative.  
The Marriage of John forenamed, than Duke of Finland (afterwards King of Suethland) with a Royal Virgin of the Polish Jagellonian Race, and the Election (by virtue of that Alliance) of Sigismond their Eldest to the Regal Chair of Poland, with his Coronation in Suethland after his Father's decease, follows next in order.  
The dissensions afterwards arising between King Sigismundus and his subjects of Suethland are mentioned: His taking up Arms; Their opposition and raising of Forces, under the Conduct of his Uncle Charles (than Duke of Sudermannia, etc.) by them Parliamentarily Constituted Governor of Suethland, is demonstrated.  
The heads of the several Letters which passed between that King and his said Uncle in that conjuncture (and even when the Armies of both sides were in the Field, and in sight of each other) are touched: The King's bad success; the accord ensuing between them, with his Retreat into Poland, contrary thereunto, set forth: Contents of their subsequent (as well as preceding) Acts of Parliament, inserted: Their renouncing of Fidelity and Subjection to him and his Heirs for ever, with their exaltation of the forenamed Duke Charles unto his Nephew's Throne, manifested: The Wars (thereupon) between them (with advantage to the Suethes) and upon other intervenient occasions, a Truce mediated and concluded for six years, An. 1629. hinted.  
That Truce near expiring, a second Treaty being set on foot, An. 1634. for a final Peace or longer Truce, and the latter for six and twenty years, assented unto by both Parties the year following, the daily passages thereof are faithfully couched.  
Lastly, A brief Commemoration of the Ambassador; who, from England, did Mediate that Truce: A touch likewise of sundry (as aforesaid) Emergencies in Germany (relating to England's and the Protestant Interest there in those times) not unnecessary for the better understanding of Passages referring, as well to the said Treaty, as to the Ambassadors Person and Death, wherein sundry occurrences not usual may be observed, with a cursory mention of the now Reigning Princes of Suethland and Poland, and the present posture of affiares in those Nations, conclude the Triple Narrative.   

SUETHLAND AND POLAND'S TROUBLES; Preceding, Causing, and Ensuing the Expulsion of King SIGISMOND the Third from the Crown of SUETHLAND.  

The Rise of the WARS between Suethland and Poland.  
THE Crown of Poland (as also that of Suethland, until of latter Ages) hath ever been and still is Elective; and albeit not near so ancient as the other (in the Title of a King 〈…〉 yet at present, not of consideration inferior to most in Christendom; the same being the only Bulwark in those parts against the encroaching power of the insulting Turk, and his Bloodhound the numerous overrunning Tartar.  
Unto the time of Boleslaus (sur-named) Chrobrus, that Country was governed sometimes by Dukes, otherwhiles by Palatines: But Otho the Third, the German Emperor (who in the year 997. first instituted the College of Electors for the choice of future Successors to the Imperial Crown) after an expedition by him made into Italy, undertaking a Journey into Poland to visit the Tomb of S. Adelbert, and being there Magnificently received and entertained by the said Boleslaus, in requital thereof, and to tie him in the more strict Bonds of Amity 
Poland erected into a Kingdom, An. 1000  towards himself and the Roman Empire: Of Duke, styled and Crowned him King of Poland, about the year of Grace 1000 After whom the said Title continued by the space of 82. years, unto the time of Vladislaus the first, who abandoned the same, using only that of Prince, or Duke; in which frame the Government remained for the term of 213. years, at the end 
Settled elective, An. 1295.  whereof, Lescus Niger deceasing (and the State, distracted into divers Factions, being for some time without a Prince) the supreme Rule was at last electively settled upon Primislaus (surnamed) Posthumus, who resumed the Title of King. An. 1295.  
That Royal Title hath been (ever since) retained by his Successors, yet not fully established until the Reign of Casimir the second, styled the Great, after whose death his Nephew Lewis, King of Hungaria (son to Charles King thereof, by Elizabeth, Sister of the said Casimir) succeeding electively to the Regal Chair of Poland, deceased without Heirs Males, and Mary eldest Daughter of the said Lewis, being chosen Queen of Hungaria; Heduigis the younger was elected to the Crown of Poland, and married unto Jagello, great Duke of Lithuania, who 
Commencement of the Jagellonian Race in Poland.  in contemplation of the said Match and the Crown of Poland, whereunto he was thereby advanced, became a Christian in the year 138●. by the name of Vladislaus the fifth, and wrought so with his Subjects the Lithuanians, as that they also embraced the Christian Profession; and likewise united his said Duchy of Lithuania, with Samogitia, and that part of Roxo●ania which was under his obedience, unto the Crown of Poland for ever. To which three conditions he was obliged by the Articles of his Marriage.  
The first was forth with, the second soon after effected, albeit not without reluctancy, as may be conceived, where a 
Lithuania Christianized.  People is rooted and thereby become obstinate in Idolatry.  
The third point, the Union, was yet more hard to compass and took more time of deliberation, neither was it fully accomplished until of latter years. For the Princes of the Race of Jagello (who after him succeeded to the Crown of Poland) being unwilling to deprive their Posterity of their Hereditary Estates, and to submit the same to the election of the Polanders, least being pre-termitted therein, they might remain deprived of their ancient Patrimonicall Rights and Dignities, deferred the fulfilling thereof from one time to another, alleging that the States and people of Lithuania would not consent thereto, as apprehending future prejudice by that Conjunction.  
But at last, seeing that of the one side their Prince's Males began to fail (as they did in the time of Sigismundus Augustus) and on the other part apprehending the power of the Russians, and the renewing of former pretensions; the Lithuanians condescended to the Union, in the Reign of the said Sigismundus, 
Incorporated by union into Poland.  who procured that the Lithuanian Bishops, the Palatines and a certain number of Castellans should have Session and Vote in the Parliaments of Poland at the election of their Kins, and all other Privileges which the Native Polonians have, whereby the Rights of the Lithuanian Princes to their Patrimonial Estates might seem secured.  
It may be generally observed that in those Elective Kingdoms, 
In Kingdoms elective, regard usually had to the next in line.  regard is had to the next in right line, unless known to be unfit and unworthy of so great a Power, as is apparent in Hungaria, Bohemia, and Suethland (before the same became Hereditary) in Denmark also, and in Russia most usually, and at present is and hath been practised in Germany since the time of Charles the fifth.  
By virtue of this regard to the Progeny of well deserving Princes, the Jagellonian Posterity hath continued successively elected to the Crown of Poland, ever since his death, about 137. years, under the Reign of six Kings; Viz. Vladislans the sixth, his Son; Casimir Son to the said Vladislans, John Albert 
Succession of the Jagellonian Race in Poland.  second Son of Casimir, (the elder being pre-termitted by reason of his embracing the Crowns of Hungaria and Bohemia) Alexander the third Brother, and these two dying without Issue, Sigismond fourth Son of the said Casimir succeeded, and to him, his Son Sigismundus (the second sur-named) Augustus the last Prince of the Issue Male of Jagello, who deceased about the year 1573.  
After him was chosen Henry of Valois Duke of Anjow, second Son to Henry the second King of France: The only mere stranger to the blood in all the Catalogue of the Polish Kings, who secretly deserting that Crown and Kingdom (upon notice of the death of his Brother Charles the nineth) conveyed himself privily into France, where An. 1574. he succeeded by the name of Henry de Valois, his Reign in Poland not during one whole year.  
Sigismundus Augustus had left (albeit no Sons to whom that Crown might accrue) two Sisters, of whom Anne the elder was wedded to Stephen Bathor Prince of Transilvania, an unequal Match, her years (much exceeding his) considered. He was thereupon chosen King of Poland, An. 1579. having been also recommended to that Crown by Amurath the third, than Emperor of Turkey, which administered occasion to the proud Sultan of boasting that he had given the Polanders a King.  
During the Reign of Sigismond Augustus, John Duke of Finland, 
Alliance (the Iniation of conjunction) between Poland and Suethland.  brother to Erick King of Suethland had been sent into Poland to treat a Marriage between his Brother and Catherine the second Sister of the said Sigismond; but upon his Brother Ericks mean and unworthy matching with another, himself espoused that Princess in the year 1562. by means whereof Sigismundus (their firstborn) being descended from the Jagellonian Regal Race was (upon the death of Stephen) preferred before all the other Candidates (as the Duke of Parma, the Archduke Ernest of Austria, the Wayvode of Transilvania, and his Kinsman the Cardinal Bathory) to the Sceptre of Poland, and was there Crowned during the life of his Father John, who (having seized his Brother King Erick, whom he kept in Prison until his death) then reigned in Suethland, as will appear more particularly, when the Suethish Princes of the Gustavian Race shall be deduced, which now follows in order to the matter in hand.  
Suethland according to Bureus (a Native there) is a most 
Suethland an ancient Kingdom.  ancient Kingdom, the people whereof issue from that Scandia, or Scandinavia, comprehending the two Northern Countries of Suethen and Norway: Ancient Writers have called the same the Shop of Nations, and some have termed it the Magazine or Storehouse of People, for from thence flowed not only those Warlike Suevians, Normans, Vandals, but likewise the Terrors and Tamer's of the World, the Stock or Race of the (homebred Goths and Suethes, the) Visi-gothes, or Westro-gothes, and Ostrogothes, who having penetrated into sundry Realms, and wearied out not a few of the European Kingdoms with often renewed Wars, seated themselves at last in Spain, where they continue (even hitherto) their Empire.  
Gothland (if I may use the words of Johannes Magnus) seated between the Suethes and Danes, too mighty and scarce ever well agreeing Nations, fearing lest if the same were infested by both, it should be constrained to an unequal defence, did enter into a perpetual conjunction of Amity and Society with the Suethes, either in regard of their Potency, or the conformity between them of dispositions and manner of living. Thus far he.  
Jornandes (according to Bureus) writeth, that Rudolphus King of Scandia leaving his own Kingdom, went into Italy to visit Theodoricke a King of the Goths there, & was (as saith the said Bureus) the 85. King of the Suethes. It is likewise apparent (say their Authors) that the Goths were in Graecia and Thracia before the time of Alexander the Great, whom he pronounced were a people to be shunned. They were also (before the birth of Christ) a terror to the Romans, by means of whom they dared not to extend their bounds beyond the Danubius. And even the Romans themselves, not concealing the Military virtue of others, that they might extol their own, have recorded to posterity how the Visi-gothes and Ostrogothes had like a deluge overflowed other Nations, under their several Princes, the Theodorick's, Attalarick's, Totila's, Tesa's, Radagir's, Alarick's, Attulph's, Sigerick's, Villia's, Roderick's, and other like cognominations.  
The same Author saith further, that from the time of the first introduction of Monarchy amongst the Suethes, both the Nations, viz. they and the Goths were subject (mostly) to one and the same Prince, and became as one and the same people; and howbeit that sometimes (through emulation) they might have distinct Princes, yet those breaches were seldom long lasting, but they re-peiced and renewed their former concord, with mutual force opposing each others enemies: Neither may it seem unworthy of recordation that the Goths, who were so famous amongst all Nations for warlike fortitude, as (in a manner) they became formidable to most in Europe, did nevertheless so far submit unto the Suethes remaining in their Native soil, that (as the most ancient Laws of the Westro-gothes affirm) the power of electing or rejecting a King for both those peoples remained unto those of Suethland.  
Alphonsus Carthaginensis doth also assert the same; saying, albeit the Goths did many times divert to other parts & people, their Rulers who had the government of the whole Nation remained in Scythia; now what that Scythia is, Rodoricus Sancius doth explain; saying, that Isidorus & other writers agree, concerning the original of the Goths, that they are of the Island of Scandia, to wit, Scythia Septentrionalis. And A. Kranizius, treating of Suethen, in his first Book and first Chapter, comprehends the sum of those things which were performed by the Goths, after the time of Alexander the Great, in these words: The renown of the Goths in remote Military expeditions was great, and famed with most losty Titles, for that in contestation with the Romans (than most Masters of the known world) sometimes repressed they rested quiet; but other while, they afflicted the Romans with greater blows, and not seldom retired on equal terms: And at last, treading the Roman Empire under foot, they overspread Italy, and having sacked Rome, kept there their Kingdom many years: They infested Gaul; laid the foundations of their Monarchy in Spain, and have from thence derived a Stock of most noble Families of Princes. So far he.  
Wolfgangus Lazius relates, that out of those Septentrional Islands many and great Bands went frequently toward their people, the Visi-gothes who had planted themselves in France, and the Ostrogothes seated in Illyrico and Italy; yea, that before the destruction of Troy, sundry of the Goths being as then in Thracia, several Colonies removed toward them; Nor were those expeditions undertaken constrainedly; but they, alured with the success of their Compatriots in foreign parts, and with the fame of their exploits, did emulously flock unto them; which being observed by the then Kings of Suethes and Goths, Laws (for preventing the utter desertion of the Original territory) were there enacted, that no persons abandoning their native soil should retain any inheritance therein; and that (in regard of the uncertainty of the death abroad of such as so removed, and for avoiding the intricacy of contention between their nearest of blood) he, who so departed, should be reputed as dead from that very hour, and his nearest kinsman possessed of the inheritance: And therefore it seems not consentaneous to reason that the Original Seats should be subject to the extraneous Goths, for if the Kings of that people who warred abroad, had retained a power over them that remained in the Ancient and Paternal Soil; they would not, probably, have permitted that they who marched under their Standarts, and with them underwent the dangers and uncertainties of foreign Warfare, should have been dispossessed of 
Suethland anciently elective.  their Inheritance at home.  
But leaving these things, it is evident from their Authors, that the Suethes have anciently been an elective Kingdom, and free to choose either a Native or Stranger to possess the Regal Chair; with this Obligation enjoined, that the King (who ere he were) should defend the Multitude committed unto him from injury and violence, and should endeavour the enforcement and observation of their Laws, ancient Customs, rightful Constitutions and Privileges, according to the received custom in all well regulated Nations: Notwithstanding which freedom of Election, they always made choice of the Son to succeed the Father, where they found the Rays of Virtue corresponding to the Royal Dignity, as being conformable to the Laws of Suethen, and the continued Annals of that Regions History.  
The truth hereof may appear by the Royal Progeny of Ericus Sanctus, whose Son Canutus obtained the Regal Wreath; of King Suercherus also, to whom his Sons Charles and John succeeded; after them Ericus Balbus, the Nephew of Ericus Sanctus, by election ascended the Royal Chair, next whom Valdemarus Nephew to Ericke (last named) by his Sister and Birgerus that Illustrious Prince of the Ostrogothes, obtained the Sceptre, which was afterwards swayed by his Brother Magnus (sur-named) Ladulas: Birgerus the Son of Magnus was next elected; and he (ejected for Cruelty and Fratricide) was succeeded by Magnus Erickson (his Nephew) surnamed Smeek. 
Virtue and beroick Actions to be preferred to a Crown before all other pretensions.   
The Suethes, as themselves assert, have always esteemed that (beyond the Proximity of blood, pretence of hereditary right, or utility of friendship) Virtue only and Heroic Actions were worthy of a Crown. This freedom of Suffrages or Votes in the election of their Kings, flourished amongst them many Ages, even until latter times, wherein they (not moved with the wind of Levity (to use their own words) but induced by the strict Law of necessity, having first at Strengnesia upon the sixth of June, 1523. proclaimed, and afterwards at Vpsall, on the eighth day of January, 1528. Crowned Gustavus Ericke Son (sprung from Illustrious Ancestors, and 
Suethland of elective rendered hereditary.  worthy of the Regal Charge, as having freed them from the Tyranny of Christian the second, King of Denmark) did at Orobrogia, the fourth of January, 1540 by an Act of hereditary Union of their whole Senatoriall College, with a numerous Circle of the equestrial Order, assume his Heirs Males (from the first to the last) into a right of Succession: which Act was by the universal States of Suethland, assembled in Parliament, confirmed and established at Arosia, the 13. of January, 1544.  
Thus of Elective, the Crown of Suethland became hereditary: Neither did their Rulers thereby obtrude aught of new (or never before practised) upon that Nation, but followed the steps and examples of their Ancestors: For about 200: years before, the whole Orders of that State, had bound and obliged themselves (almost in the same manner) to the forenamed Magnus' Smeeke, and to his Sons Ericus and Haquinus, under such limitations and conditions as are contained in the heredirary Union made at Varburg in Holland, An. 1343: whereunto the Curious are referred.  
Yet for the better comprehending of what hath been said, 
Succession of Suethish Kings from the time of Magnus 4. surnamed Smeeke.  we will deduce the Succession of their Kings from the said Magnus (the fourth sur-named) Smeeke; who having (in his own time) conferred Norway upon his second Son Haquinus, was, after the death of Ericke his eldest, to whom he had designed the Crown of Suethen, ejected by the practices of his Nephew Albert, Duke of Meckleburg.  
But by the forenamed Bureus, this Magnus is taxed of contempt of things sacred, of libidenous lust, and inhuman cruelty, deserving the name of a Spoiler of the Public: And that he, not brooking the co-partnership of his Sons, which he had seemed to desire, had caused to attempt the murder of his Son Ericke, who, the Traitor being suppressed before he could perpretrate the Fact, was soon after poisoned by his Mother Blanca (or Blanch) a French-woman: Magnus being not long after taken in Battle by his second Son Haquin King of Norway, yet soon freed, fled into Denmark: He intercepted the Duchess of Holstein his Sons betrothed, and obtruded upon him Margaret of Denmark, & whilst he prepared greater Forces, he thundered out Proscriptions against the Suethish Nobility.  
Albert Duke of M●ckleburg, Son of Euphemia, Sister of the said 
Albert of Meckleburg:  Magnus, was by the proscribed Peers (in prejudice of Haquin King of Norway) elected to the Crown of Suethland, in the year 1363. but being afterwards vanquished, An. 1387. by Margaret Queen of Denmark and Norway; the Widow of Haquin forenamed, after seven years' detention (desirous to regain his liberty) to her he resigned the Kingdom.  
Margaret Queen of Denmark, Suethland, and Norway (by 
Margaret of Denmark and Norway, Queen also of Suethen.  some styled the Semiramis of Germany) having united the three kingdoms under her Sovereignty, caused an Act of State to be passed in Calmar, for a perpetuation of the said Union to her Successors, the Laws & Priuliedges of each Kingdom reserved entire: She is by the Suethes taxed of extreme covetousness and of breach of promise; hated of them, she departed into Denmark, having by threats and terrors obtained the Kingdom for her Nephew Ericke, a youth of fourteen years of age: It was she, who being admonished not to commit the Forts of the Kingdom unto Strangers, contrary to her agreement; replied, Keep you those Our Covenants the best you can, We will take care for the securing of the Castles.  
She (being dead) was succeeded by Ericke Duke of Pomerania, 
Epic of Pomerania.  in the year 1411. by virtue of the said Union, and of his Adoption by the forenamed Margaret, being the Son of her Sister Ingelburgis: He Reigned over the three Kingdoms, but was expelled from them all by a strong faction, as some say; Others (as the forenamed Suethish Author) that enleavened by his Aunt, he was a Violater of promises, an Extirpator of the Nobility by extraneous Wars and unseasonable tempestuous Navigations, a Spoiler at home: He had for Antagonist, Engitbert a Prince, elected out of the Nobility of the Dalicartes, and he being bereft of life by Danish treachery, Carolus Canutus was appointed Governor of the Kingdom. He fled into Denmark and (there also hated) attempting a return into Suethen, seized on Gothland, from thence infesting the Aquilonian Navigators with Piracies: At last besieged by Carolus Canutus, and distrusting the Danes, he retired to his ancient Inheritance and rest when he had Reigned from his Coronation fourteen years, this happened, An. 1433.  
Christopher Count Palatine, and Duke of Bavaria in title only, Son of another Lady Margaret, Sister of Ericke forenamed, promoted 
Christopher Count Palatine.  by the endeavours of the Danes, and their exceeding commendation, was (not without much reluctancy) consented unto by the Suethes, in the year 1442. His laudable beginnings, by dessention and mutual supplantings, changing to worse; he prepared by craft to have surprised Lubeck, but in vain, for suffering Shipwreck on the Suethish shore, he was necessitated to quit the design of attempting upon the Vandalian Cities: His libidinous desires were by divine Justice punished with Famine and a Plague through the Kingdom, himself having lost by Sea the treasure he exported from Suethen, deceased in Denmark without Issue, An. 1448.  
Carolus Canutus, the Governor forenamed, after a vacancy 
Carolus Canutus.  of some years (albeit not of the chiefest of the Nobility) was by the great Ones, who disdained an extraneous Yoke, Crowned King, An. 1458. He subdued the Norwegians, and sorely vexed the Danes then waging War: The people, moved by the insolency of his Commanders (the Archbishop of Vbsall sounding the Alarm) make insurrection, and whilst Charles retired to Dantzig to crave aid of the Polish King, they call in and Crown Christian of Denmark. In the mean time Catillus (Nephew to the Archbishop) Prelate of Lincopia, turning Soldier, gathers Forces from several parts of the Country, and expels all that favoured Christian: and having defeated himself in a memorable Battle given upon the Ice, he recalled Charles out of Prussia, who recovered the favour of the people, and placed over them more mild Governors; and finally, full of Honour both for his Virtues and his Reign, deceased An. 1470.  
After Charles, some place the forementioned Christian, called in by a Faction of the Suethes, but soon again ejected, and the Kingdom governed for a time by Marshals: yet he, by promises drew the Norwegians to his subjection. After him, his Son John King of Denmark and Norway, in An. 1458. was received (say they) by the Suethes, whom the Russians then overpowred; but their turn served, they forthwith expelled him, returning to their former Government by Marshals. And lastly (they name) Christian the second, the Son of John. But Johannes Magnus, omitting the three last named (whom he esteems but as Usurpers or Kings of a factious Party) accounts of none but of the three following, who ruled under the notion of Princes only.  
Steno Stir, Sister's Son to the forenamed Charles, having totally 
Suethland governed by Steno Stir.  routed Christian the first, who had brought a Navy and an Army to the Gate of Stockholme, compelled him to desist from attempting upon Suethen all his time. He likewise repressed his Son John, who had entered the Kingdom, and was Crowned by faction, at such a time when as Suethland was infested by the Russians, and that Emulation had sprung up between Steno and Suanto. Afterwards conducting the Queen of Denmark (whom he had taken) into Smaland, to her Husband King John, at a Feast, he contracted sickness, whereof he died in the year 1503. and of his Government the thirtieth: A man of most eminent Virtues, yet (by this) the more eminent, in that he refused the Diadem when offered unto him.  
Suanto Prince of the Ostrogothes, a Counsellor of the Kingdom, 
Suanto.  was constituted Prince or Governor of Suethland: He confederating with the Lubeckers, waged War with Christian the second, the Son of John, who seemed to be now desired by many, against whom whilst he made greater preparations, he departed this life, An. 1512. and of his rule the eight. A man endowed with most choice Virtues, liberal and free from praevious severity.  
Steno Stir the younger, the Son of Suanto, prudently evaded 
Steno Stir the younger.  the Traps and Snares of Christian the second, by sending Gaddus Bishop of Lincopia and Gustavus Erickson to the Parley desired by the Dane: But whilst he valiantly opposed Christian who had invaded Suethen with a new Army, he was, in a most violent conflict, slain with a great shot, and the Suethes being 
Slain in battle.  (by his fall) discomfited, Christian was received by the Nobles of the Danish Faction, and Crowned, and on his very Coronation day and Feast, beheaded the chief of the Nobility, whom he conceived to be averse unto him; for which outrageous cruelty he was expelled the Kingdom the first month of his Reign, being in the year 1520.  
But let it not seem tedious that here be inserted what that excellent Historiographer Thuanus hath written more fully concerning these three forementioned Danish Kings, Christian the first, John his Son, Christian the second, the Son of John, who had each (by faction or otherwise) been Crowned over Suethland.  
Christian the first (the Stock of the ancient Regal Race 
Christian first Earl of Oldenburg, made King of Denmark, after of Suethen.  of Denmark being extinct, was (from the Earldom of Oldenburg) advanced to the Sceptre of Denmark, by the Suffrages of that Kingdoms Senators; but chiefly by the recommendation of his Uncle Adolphus, Duke of Holstein: Sedition arising in Suethland, and Carolus Canutus their King being forced to withdraw himself, Christian was called in (by the faction of John Benedict Archbishop of Vbsall) and constituted King, from thence came the Danish pretensions to the Crown of Suethland. John (his Father being dead) held the Kingdom of Denmark thirty and two years; and he also (Steno the elder, who had succeeded 
John King of Denmark and Suethen, driven out by Suanto.  his Uncle Canutus, being rejected) was by the tumultuous Goths elected King, but soon after driven out, and being in many Battles defeated by Suanto, who through the favour of Heningius Gaddus, the stout Lincopian Prelate, was substituted to Steno, he betook himself into Denmark.  
Suanto dying in the City of Arosia, a Prince of so eminent Virtues as not to be equalised by many: his Son Steno Stir the younger, after many contentions (as being opposed by Ericus Trollus of the Danish faction) was by the Senators of the Kingdom (the fresh memory of his Father's merits prevailing) ordained King. Two years after the death of Suanto, Christian the second, succeeding his Father John in Denmark, resolved to pursue by Arms the revenge of those great defeats his Father had sustained, and the pretensions of right to the Crown of Suethland, which he derived by succession from his Father and Grandfather.  
Steno, being (as he thought) confirmed in the Kingdom, became corrupted by the counsel of flatterers, doing many things amiss, and the minds of the Peers being alienated from him, he lost liewise the love of many of the people: The Dane observing this, and conceiving it to be very advantageous to his pretences, raiseth a great Army, and therewith begirt Stocholme the Regal City; yet upon the approach of Steno he raised the Siege: But when, by reason of contrary winds, he could not in three month's time transport his Forces back, being oppressed with extreme want of all things; from Steno, who endeavoured to merit and obtain his friendship, he received supply and permission to retire securely with his Army into Denmark.  
This exceeding humanity the Dane recompensed four years after, with as great (and detestable) ingratitude and treachery: For pretending to a Parley with Steno, when but little wanted that he (unwarily) had adventured his person into his Enemy's Ship, he (finding himself frustrate of that hope) carried away Gaddus and Gustavus Erickson (sent by Steno to treat with him) Prisoners into Denmark, contrary to his faith given.  
Christian having thus exhibited a notable testimony of a 
Treachery of Christian 2: of Denmark.  violated faith, gave in the year following, no less demonstration of cruelty and treachery at once; for falling upon Westro-gothia with a much greater Army than before, a Battle was fought upon the congealed Baltic, wherein Steno wounded in the thigh with a great shot forthwith died: And the General being slain, the numerous Army of the Suethes was immediately routed. Christian thus victorious, was received by the Nobles of his Faction, and dignified at Stocholme with the Regal 
Crowned King of Suethland.  Diadem, and on his Coronation day (fearing lest in his absence the Children of Steno might be again restored to the Kingdom by the Princes of the adverse party) the City Gates being shut, he caused the chief of all the Orders whom he had invited 
His inhumans' cruelty.  to the Feast (to the number of ninety four persons) to be beheaded (the people gazing and trembling) and commanded the dead Carcases to be left (for the more horror) three days before the Court gate: Even the body of Steno, not long before committed to the Earth, was by order of this new Tyrant again digged up, and with the rest consumed by fire. Last, the Widows and Children of the Murdered were bereft of their Goods.  
This done, he departed from Stocholme when he had exercised various cruelties upon many: The Suethes upon the rumour of this Fact, gathering in Arms to the number of 30000. he, 
Andexpulsion.  through Woods and unwonted Paths conveyed himself away, yet more by night then day Marches, and hardly at last returned into Denmark, where cruelty by so many slaughters, being changed into his nature, when he could not abstain from satiating his Savage thirst with the blood of his own; he was Warred upon by his Uncle Frederick Duke of Holstein, and those of Lubeck: And his conscience being terrified, he with his Children and his Wife, the Emperor's Sister, fled into Zealand, the third year after the Stockholmian butchery, which was An. 1523. Thus far out of Thuanus.  
Gustavus Erickson of Illustrious extraction, escaping out of 
Gustavus Erickson crowned in Suethland, An. 1528  the hands of the Dane, did under pretence of soliciting the Affairs of Steno's Widow, marry with the Daughter of Steno, and by favour of the Princes, assisted also by those of Lubeck, attained the Vacant Royalty; but the more easily in having through many personal hazards (as is by the Suethes acknowledged) vindicating his bleeding Country from the forenamed unparallelled Tyrant, and was not only (as hath been said) proclaimed at Strengnesia in the year 1523. and Crowned at Ubsall, An. 1528. but had the Crown also entailed upon his 
Hereditary union, with motives thereto.  lawful Male Issue at Orobrogia, in the year 1540 which Act of the Senatoriall College, and the equestrial Order was confirmed at Arosia, in January 1544. by the whole States of Suethen assembled in Parliament.  
Other Motives there were inducing them thereunto (declared by themselves) as the future avoiding of those cruel dissensions and contests with the Senatoriall College, had many times fallen into about the Election of this or that man; of a Native or Stranger, as affection or interest suggested, and power was prevalent, to the unutterable prejudice of the Common-weal, by intestine Seditions, Sanguinolent effusions, and multitudes of other mischiefs tending to the ruin of the Nation, but more particularly since the time of Magnus' Smeeke, in whom sailed the Progeny of the ancient Suethish Kings, as may be (by what hath been already said) observed.  
Further reasons (given by themselves) for their so gratifying this deserving Prince, were his freeing that Kingdom from the horrible darkness of Romish Superstition, and being the first who (to use their own expression) sent down from Heaven, brought them into the light of the divine Word: Neither was he less careful of the Kingdoms Laws & Statutes, and of introducing the best ways of Policy; yea, that night and day he studied the good and Emolument of his Subjects by animadvertancies into, and contrivances for their Tillage, Structures, and other Rural advantages, from which they derived plenty of profits, and do therefore record his Providence and Paternal care, with extraordinary testimonies of praise and thankfulness. Nor do they acknowledge him to have been less industrious (howbeit to his own excessive toil) in searching out the Metal Mines, wherewith Suethen abounds, or of inventing means for the more easy gaining of them, as artificial Fabrics, poised Engines of immense weight, useful Aquaducts, and other beneficial Mountaneous Works: As also in erecting (throughout all Suethland) of Work-houses, or houses of Correction, for vagrant and idle people: Neither did his care extend only to things present, and which might occur during his own time, but even to those that might befall his dear Country, when his Princely Spirit should have forsaken its earthly Mansion.  
To which end, that he might timely obviate all disturbances in the Kingdom, but especially to decline the Seeds of contention from his Children; He framed a laudable and most Christian Will and Testament, which he imposed strictly as a rule, not only to his Posterity, but even to all the Orders and 
His Will and Testament.  States of the Kingdom; The bounds whereof they were not any way to exceed: The scope of the said latter Will, was, that his Children and the whole States of Suethland should preserve, worship, and zealously maintain, the honour and service of God and his most holy word, even to their utmost, in that manner in which himself by Divine assistance had settled the same, without mixture of humane traditions; and this they were to observe as they hoped for Heaven, or desired to avoid the loss of eternal blessedness: He admonished his Children to continue in mutual fraternal affection, and each to rest contented with his condition: As also faithfully, diligently, and by all ways and means, to procure the Weal of the Kingdom and people, to study and embrace Peace and Concord, to avoid and (like Poison) detest the Pest of Suspicion, with those other mischiefs (dissensions, tumults) which like a Torrent flow from that Fountain.  
Last, he exhorted his Sons, that neither by themselves nor any other, they should procure or permit the limits of the Kingdom (which had been bounded with much blood of their Ancestors) to be in the least sort diminished, but rather to enlarge, and with all their industry, power and might continually de●end the same; With such zeal of affection towards the good of his Country, was this most excellent Prince transported: And therefore (say the Suethes) they could not but account them for bruits, and unworthy to be numbered amongst the Sons of men, whom such Ardour of Royal Benevolence, did not inflame to some grateful compensation towards so true a Father of his Country and his Posterity.  
For the reasons before alleged, the States of Suethland, to the end, so large and various benefits might remain in perpetual memory: and in some measure to testify their thankfulness for the same, did in their forementioned solemn Assembly at Arosia, unanimously ordain and decree, that so soon as this Incomparable Gustavus should be translated from this Vale of misery to the Mansions of Eternity, his eldest Son should sway the Sceptre, and after him his firstborn, and so, that 
Designment of the Succession.  whole Line successively: And that, if it should so happen that the eldest Son should depart this life without heirs Males, than the second Son of this great and good Gustavus should ascend the Royal Chair, wherein also his lawful Male Issue was to succeed so long as any of them should survive: but the Male Posterity of the second likewise failing, the third, and (in the like case) the fourth of the Gustavian Virill Race were in the same manner to inherit, according to the Prescript tenor of that Act, whereunto the curious are referred.  
There have been the more particularities used in setting down the last Will and Testament of this deserving Prince, because we are now entering, as it were, upon the Threshold of those differences that for so many years caused a vast expense of blood, and Inundations of other Miseries between the two flourishing Kingdoms of Suethen and Poland, and the rather, because (as the Suethes affirm) the breach of most, if not of all the heads of this Testament, gave beginning to those differences by causing the expulsion of his Grand child, Sigismundus (King of Poland, with his whole Posterity for ever) from the Crown of Suethland, which also gave birth to the promised Treaty of Pacification.  
This Royal Gustavus Erickson (of whom it may be said, 
His Wives and Issue.  that to his Subjects he was like a second Titus, the delight of mankind) after thirty eight years of a most laudable Reign, changed the same for one more glorious, upon the third of the Calends of October, 1560. By Catharine, Daughter of Magnus' Duke of Saxony, he had Ericke who succeeded him in the Kingdom. His next Consort was Margaret the Daughter of Ericke Abraham of Loholme Knight, Governor of the Westro-gothes, who brought unto him John Duke of Finland (afterwards King of Suethland) Katherine, whom he married to Echardus Earl of Frizeland; Cecilia, who espoused Christopher Marquis of Baden, Magnus, Duke of the Ostrogothes; Steno, who died a Child, Anna, wedded to George Joannes, Count Palatine of Rhyne, and Duke of Bavaria; Charles who forthwith deceased, Sophia married to Magnus' Duke of Saxony, Elizabeth Wife unto Christopher Duke of Meckleburg, and Charles Duke of Sudermannia, Nericia & Wermelandia; his last Wife was Catharina daughter to Gustavus Olaus of Torpa, Governor of Westro-gothia, by whom he had no Issue.  
Ericke his eldest succeeded and was Crowned, An. 1561. He 
Ericke his eldest succeeds.  for sometime waged strong War with the Danes and Lubeckers, and not only incurred the hatred of his Neighbours, but provoked also the dislike of his own Subjects. He married so meanly (say the Suethes) as was not only to the dishonour of his Crown and Race, but likewise to the contempt of his Nobility, whose extirpation he endeavoured, and the perpetration of that horrible Tyranny at Vbsall, by the wicked counsel of others, and his own naturally malicious disposition.  
John, Duke of Finland, to whom the ways of Ericke were little pleasing, having (as hath been said) married the Princess Catherina, younger Sister to Sigismundus. Augustus' King of Poland, and was thereby allied unto the Jagellonian Family, (whose merits towards that Crown have been already mentioned) had lent unto his Polonian Brother the sum of an hundred thousand Rixdollars, for which he received (in pledge) certain Forts and Governments in Leifland, and so returned to Revalia in Finland, where he was by his Brother King Ericke, (who out of a suspicious nature made a sinister construction of Duke John's actions, as intended for a Confederacy with the Polander and the Dane against him) oppressed with cruel War, and himself with his Wife and Family taken at Abo, a Town in Finland, and brought to Stocholme, where he was publicly accused, many of his Familiars executed; four whole years 
Taken and imprisoned by his brother.  he was under restraint, but afterwards set at liberty, and the year ensuing (the chance of War being turned) he seized upon his Brother Ericke, whom he kept incarcerated until his death. This happened in the year 1568.  
Duke John having thus disthroned his elder Brother, was 
John Duke of Finland, King of Suethland.  with great applause, and the unanimous consent of the Peers, and all the Orders of Suethland, declared King, and Crowned An. 1569. He likewise waged War with the Dane, but with the Muscovite both cruel and long. Toward the end of his 
Sigismond his eldest elected King of Poland, & crowned there 1588.  Reign, his Son Sigismundus descended by his Mother (as hath been showed) from the Jagellonian Race, was elected King of Poland, and there Crowned, An. 1588. Not long after, viz. An. 1590. The former Orobrogian and Arosian constitutions for hereditary Union were renewed in favour of Sigismundus and his lawful Heirs Males, and they failing in the like to his Brother Prince John, which also failing, Charles Duke of Sudermannia, Nenicia, and Wermelandia, was, with his Male Posterity to succeed.  
At this Convention there passed also an absolute exhereditation 
King Erickes Posterity expelled by Parliament.  of the Children of the late King Ericke, and all his Posterity, for the reasons before expressed.  
John followed the same Profession (in point of Religion) as did Gustavus his Father, which was that of the Evangelicall or Augustane Confession: And albeit his Son Sigismundus (instructed by his Mother) had secretly embraced that of Rome, yet did not the Father decline from the Augustane, but constituted his Brother Duke Charles (who was strongly Lutheran) as a pledge to the people, that therein no innovation should be made, having by Testament appointed him for Governor over them, until the return of Sigismundus from Poland.  
King John, as he observed his Father's Testament in matter of Religion, so he was no less solicitous, that the Sueth●sh Dominion should receive no diminution by his Son's accession to the Polish Crown; and to that end he strictly enjoined Earl Brake and Ericus Sparre, whom (at the instance of the Polanders) he had sent as Ambassadors to treat and conclude about his Son's Inauguration to that Kingdom, not to consent to aught that might tend to the prejudice or impairing of Suethland, as by their instructions dated at Vastena the fourth of May, 1587. may appear, whereunto the Curious are referred.  
This Prince having Reigned three and twenty years, or thereabouts, changed his mortal life in November, or December, An. 1592. His memory is celebrated by the Suethes, for many benefits conferred upon their Nobility and the people in general, and for freeing them from the rigid and cruel government of his Brother Ericke, with the tyranny which other persons (under him) did exercise over them; for which in the forecited convention (at Stocholme) 1590. they not only confirmed 
Hereditary union renewed.  the former hereditary Unions, in favour of his and the forementioned Princes, Heirs Males (as hath been showed) but further also enacted that if the Nobler Gender of the Royal and ducal Line should totally fail, the eldest of the unmarried Females of the same should succeed unto the Crown, 
Assumption of Females, Male Issue failing.  each in order according to their birth: And that they would not enforce or obtrude upon them any Husband against their own will and consent; nor admit of their alliance with any People, Kingdom, or State that were at enmity with or sought the prejudice of the Suethish Nation, but rather endeavour to match them with some One (who should be acceptable) of the Princely Families of Germany, descended from the Illustrious Gustavian Race, unless the same were prohibited by proximity of blood: And that they would provide the other Regal and ducal Daughters of Dowries corresponding to their Dignity: Conditionally that they also should not contract Matrimony either with Forraigner or Native, except by the approbation and consent of the States of Suethland.  
His first Wife (as already said) was Katherine, second Daughter to Sigismond the first, and Sister to Sigismond the second, 
His Wives and Issue.  Kings of Poland, whom he married, An. 1562. and had by her Sigismond (the third of that name King of Poland and) King of Suethen, also one Daughter the Princess Anna.  
In second Bed, he wedded Gunila, the Daughter of John Axle Bielke of Heresetter Knight, Governor of the Ostrogothes, in the year 1585. who brought unto him John, hereditary Prince of the Kingdom, and (afterwards) Duke of Ostrogothia, who in the year 1612. took to Wife the Illustrious Mary, daughter to the forenamed Duke of Sundermannia, etc. but then King of Sueth and, by the name of Charles the ninth.  
Thus far hath been for the deduction of the Polish Kings from Boleslaus Chrobrus the first, but more particularly from (Jagello, or) Vladislaus the fifth of that name, King of Poland; as also of the Suethish Princes from Magnus' Smeeke, but chiefly from Gustavus Erickson, the Liberator of his Country from extraneous bondage, and the Founder of his Family. & likewise of the alliance thereof with Poland, with the conjunction of both those Crowns in the person of the last named Sigismundus, elected in Poland, hereditary of Suethen, Crowned in both, which was promised at the beginning of this Narrative. The disjunction and dessensions ensuing thereupon between these two Crowns, follow next in order to be handled.  
It will not (nevertheless) be unnecessary (for the better 
Former grudges between Suethland and Poland.  understanding of all the differences between those two Potent Nations) to insert that, before their latter discords, about the expulsion of Sigismundus and his Heirs from the Crown of Suethland, several grudges and jars had been on foot concerning certain parts of Leifland; The Polanders and Suethes having (both) encroached thereon, whilst the same was under the Russian, each catching at what lay most commodious for them, and not seldom reaving from one another: Albeit the Polish Authors assert that Joannes Basilides the great Duke (or rather Tyrant) of Russia, whereunto all Leifland formerly belonged, was forced to quit the same wholly to Stephen King of Poland, in the year 1588. whereby he became deprived of the best and richest Country of his Empire (by reason of the Commerce that Province hath in the Balthicke Sea) in which was numbered thirty four Castles. Notwithstanding which, the Suethes seized on Tolezeburg, Vdsenburg, Bercholm, As and Est, which they gained from the Russian, and from the Polander, revel, and Badis in the Province of Haria, Vitenstein also, the chief Fort in the Duchy of Gervanlandia, with the Towns and Palaces of sundry of the Nobility of that Dukedom: To the Duchy of Esthonia the Kings of Suethen (to this day) entitle themselves. The Polish Forces had in like manner wrested from the Sueths Karxhaus, Helmeth, Rugen, and Parnaw, a fair and well fortified Castle and Town joying to the Sea, all of the Province of Esthonia aforesaid. In the Bishopric of Habsell, the Suethes had gotten both City and Castle being the Episcopal Seat: Lode a strong Castle, and Lehall both City and Castle were possessed by their Forces, besides sundry other important places; All which premised, we proceed.  
It hath been already said, that King John of Suethen had by his instructions enjoined his forenamed Ambassadors, that no Alienation of aught belonging to the Suethish Crown, should be accorded in contemplation of his Son's assumption to that of Poland, but rather to break off the Treaty: Notwithstanding 
Ambassadors stretching their Instructions.  which charge the said Ambassadors did act and conclude sundry things contrary thereunto; for (say the Suethes) in the third Article sworn unto and signed by both parties, at the great Parliament, in or near Warsaw, An. 1587. it is expressly provided, that the King Elect should be bound to incorporate that part of Livonia or Leifland, which the King of Suethland then possessed, unto Poland or Lithuania: And the then Queen Dowager of Poland (Aunt unto the said elected King) was to secure the same by Caution out of her own peculiar Goods, as well in the Kingdom of Naples and the Duchy of Baresano, Duoano and Foggiano, as out of her Dowry, and any other goods and Possessions, movable or immovable, within or without the Kingdom of Poland.  
This Concession, which (accordingto the Stipulation of 
The first complaint of the Suethes.  the Ambassadors) Sigismond the King Elect, was to sign at his entry into that Kingdom; the States of Suethen object, as the first breach of the Auitall Gustavian Testament, and that these Transactions were unknown, and contrary to his Father's mind and will, may appear by a Schedule to his Uncle Duke Charles in his Letter from Calnear, the second of December, 1587.: wherein he expresseth to this effect. 
That albeit some weak hopes concerning Leifland, unwitting to us and our dear Lord and Father, and without our command or permission, were given to the States of the Kingdom of Poland; yet notwithstanding the Ambassadors of Poland present, with those of the lower house, have ingeniously granted, and by Covenant and Oath have secured Us that no such thing shall be exacted of Us, as We also have firmly concluded with Ourself never to yield up that which the Kingdom of Suethland hath gained, with the blood of many famous men, besides a notable expense of labour, treasure, and time.  Dated as abovesaid.  
And in his first Letter to his Father, after his reception of that Crown, dated at Cracovia the first of May, 1588. he insinuated the same thing, and that he had been urged to declare himself in the matter of Leifland; but that he by the advice of the Suethes (then attending him) had answered in these words: That this matter should be wholly deferred, thereby to oblige the Polanders to forbear the importunity he might otherwise have received thereupon; promising withal (to his said Father) never to grant them any further hopes thereof, or to do aught therein contrary to his Majesty's mind: And that he had already told them, he would rather renounce the Kingdom by them tendered unto him, then alienate aught of the bounds of his most dear Country, purchased with the blood of so many gallant men of the Suethish Nation.  
His Father King John deceasing (as hath been said) An. 
Death of King John.  1592. Charles (his Uncle) Duke of Sudermannia, etc. before named, took upon him the Government (as next of blood) during the absence of his Nephew. His first Act was to call to Stocholme, and reconcile to himself, sundry Counselors of the Kingdom, with others of the Senatoriall Order, who had been long in the late King's displeasure, and who had likewise provoked himself: To them (passing by former Injuries) he granted Letters of security, An. 1592. and both from the one and other received Letters Obligatoricall, dated January 1593. to join unanimously in Counsel and endeavours for the public good, and to be in all things assisting and subservient to him the said Duke, reserving their fidelity and obedience to their lawful hereditary King.  
Duke Charles had advertised his Nephew King Sigismundus 
King Sigismond advertised thereof by Duke Charles.  of his Father's decease, by Letters from Stocholme, of the twenty fifth of November, 1592. and desired his acceleration withal due conveniency, to receive the Crown of his Native Kingdom: The like he did from Vbsall, by Olaus Suerkerus, the seventh of March following; to him he gave instructions to assure his Majesty, that he would contain the Kingdom in peace and tranquillity, and so resign the same into his Majesty's hands: That he hoped likewise and expected, that his Majesty would maintain his Subjects (of what condition soever) in the true Religion and Divine Worship, as also preserve inviolably the Laws of Suethland, with all the Privileges granted by his Predecessors in each, and all the points and Articles of every of them, with several other circumstances contained in those Instructions, the whole in thirteen Heads or Sections.  
Not long after, King Sigismundus so desiring, Turo Bielke of Nynes was by Duke Charles, sent Ambassador into Poland, with Letters and Instructions, dated the 26th of May, 1593. importing as before, preservation of Religion, as established in the latter times of Gustavus Erickson, and the first of King John, and as the same had been lately approved and confirmed at a generally Synod held at Vbsall, the maintenance of Laws and Liberties to great and small, poor and rich were likewise inserted, and security thereof (with other points touched in the said Instructions) to be by the Ambassador humbly desired under the Royal Signature.  
The twenty seventh of July following, Ericus Sparre, and Claudius' Bierke, were sent to Dantzig with other Letters, and a Fleet to receive and attend his Majesty honourably into Suethen.  
Sigismundus returned answer by Turo Bielke, referring the Peace to ensue with the Russian (which had likewise been touched upon in the forecited Instructions) and the security desired by the Prince and Counselors of State, in the name of all the Orders of Suethen, until his arrival and Coronation there, at which time he would confirm to every one freedom of his Religion, observation of the Suethish Laws, retention of ancient Privileges and Liberties, not prejudicial to the Regal and Ducal Succession, with all other things convenient to be secured unto them, under his hand and Seal, and that the same might be then done much better and more commodiously then at such a distance. These were dated at Dantzig the eighteenth of August, 1592.:  
But the Suethes complain in that he gave not present assecuration 
Second complaint of the Suethes.  in the point of Religion, and those other things desired in the Ambassadoriall Instructions, but that (overpassing them) he proceeded on his Voyage; whereby (say they) he not obscurely discovered, that either he would not give, or not observe (when given) any such security, especially touching Religion. It was likewise observed, that the Duke meeting King Sigismundus and his Queen, upon their landing at the Bridge of Stocholme, after congratulation of their safe arrival, with a long Oration, did admonish him so to receive and govern his Hereditary Kingdom, as he might with a good conscience answer before God and the World, and particularly those of the Suethish Nation: Whereunto the King gave but small regard, and made but a short reply.  
The Coronation time approaching, and the chief of all the Orders repairing to Stocholme to attend the King to Vbsall, where that Solemnity is usually performed: They besought him to confirm their Liberties and Privileges: Which he, whilst there remaining, delayed with uncertain hopes; wherewith the whole Political and Ecclesiastical Orders being moved, did by Letters and Emissaries Solicit the Duke to mediate with his Majesty not to procrastinate longer, but to dispatch those and other Emergent Affairs, lest longer delays might beget some stop to the Regal Ceremony; and some of the said several Orders were in the name of the rest, deputed unto his Highness (than at Gripshold Castle) to request his repair to the Solemnity, and his Intervention with the King for their satisfaction: Whereupon the Duke by Letters of the nineteenth of January, 1594. did in most faithful and friendly manner advise his Majesty, to take the desires of the States into his serious consideration.  
King Sigismundus, nevertheless still delayed, until almost the Coronations Eve, from whence they gathered that he had no propension to their desires, especially in the matter of Religion, seeing that, notwithstanding all instances used both by the Duke and Senators, seven weeks were wasted before aught could be effected, or the Coronation celebrated: Which consumption of time was chiefly imputed to the obstinacy of Francisco de Malaspina the Pontificial Legate, who by injunction from the Romish Prelate, severely prohibited his assent, but was at last constrained to advise and persuade the King to grant (unto the States of Suethland) the Assecuration desired, which he was the rather induced unto, as having (on his Holiness behalf) one starting hole remaining; to wit, That Faith was not to be kept towards Heretics: which (say they) was afterwards verified; and that King Sigismundus observed no Covenant contained in his Coronation Oath, or in his Letters of Assecuration.  
It is (by them, and not without detestation) likewise affirmed, 
Criminations by the Suethes against King Sigismond.  that Sigismundus intending mischief to the Duke his Uncle, appointed some Ensigns of Heyduckes to lie in wait to murder him; which had been effected, but that a certain person (Hieronimo Strozzi) discovered the design, and that this not succeeding, a second plot was hatched to have been perpetrated by Italians in disguise, by means of a Comedy to have been by them acted (with naked Swords, a thing unusual) amongst whom was Salvator Fabriz, Author of, an Actor in that Scene which should have ushered in the fatal Tragedy; and that this cursed Plot is testified and confirmed by James Tipotius a great Sectator of the Romish Religion, and not ignorant of the designs of the Jesuits and Polanders, himself being then at Vbsall. But the Duke by his absence from those sights (contrary to expectation) prevented the intended butchery.  
Neither (say they) were those Traitorous Counselors, 
And some Senators.  who afterwards induced King Sigismundus to infest his Native Soil with armed Bands, unwitting of these treacherous devices: But that it was they who did first blow the coals of this pernicious discord, albeit they kept close sometime; that so, if the Tragedy had taken the wished effect, they might have seemed innocent, and with Pilate have justified themselves; but that God of his goodness by withholding the Event did frustrate their Machination.  
They likewise assert (for clearing the Duke from suspicion of ambitious affectation of the Crown) that even at Vbsall before the Coronation, his Highness was, by many of the States, not once, but often urged and invited to take the Diadem; and this ingemination frequently used Your Highness is the 
Crown of Suethland tendered to Duke Charles.  only remaining Son of King Gustavus; and as your Predecessor (of happy memory) appeared a Father and Defender of his Country, so We doubt not, but that your Highness will advance the Common-Weal of Suethen: but from this King Sigismundus We cannot hope for aught of good. Which desire of theirs, Duke Charles not only rejected, but like wise frustrated the purpose of certain of the several Orders, who would have committed the reins of the Sovereign Rule unto Duke John (as then of tender years) who should have been Crowned at the age wherein he might have Legally secured the Liberties of the Suethish Nation. Whence (say they) all people of what Condition soever, may easily collect from what Root these Seeds of discord first sprung: but let us now (with them) turn our Pen and Sickle to the remainder of these growing Weeds:  
They allege also, that it was apparent whereat Sigismundus 
Further Criminations.  aimed in bringing such a troop of Popish Priests into the Kingdom, the chief of whom was the beforenamed Malespina, who in the Metropolitan Arch-Episcopall Seat of the Suethes, Goths, and Vandals, did dare to attempt the Crowning of their King, wherein he was withstood by all the Orders of the Kingdom, but mainly by Adamus Adracanus Archbishop Elect of Vbsall, who stoutly showed that it was contrary to their Statutes, and the Laws of Suethland, that any but the Vbsalian Prelate should perform that Office, and that before the consummation thereof, it behoved the King to bind himself by Oath to observe those things, which (in the Augustane Confession were exhibited to the Emperor Charles the fifth, above sixty four years then past, and likewise) had been decreed by Gustavus and King John his Grandfather and Father, as also ordered by a late Synod at Vbsall to be observed in Suethland, where into no Church other then of that Profession was to be admitted: But that the King (whilst there) might have a private Chapel in his Palace; Whereupon the Legate interceded that (at least) with the Evangelicall Religion, the Romish erroneous and idolatrous Superstition might be tolerated; In prejudice of the Gustavian admonition and testament, which was not granted.  
SIGISMUNDUS III. D G REX POL. M: DUX LIT: RUSS: PRUS: MASS: SAMO: LIVO: NEC NON SVECOR: GOD: VAD HAEREDI: REX The Most Excellent Prince Sigismundus 3d King of Poland etc. 〈…〉   portrait of King Sigismund III Vasa (Zygmunt III Waza) 
He gave likewise Letters Assecutoriall to the like effect, to 
Letters of security.  all the States, under his hand and Seal, at Vbsall the ninteenth of February, 1594. wherinto the Curious may make inspection. It being intended here to mention only the heads of things most necessary to be inserted, in reference to the ends before proposed.  
Contrary to this Oath, King Sigismundus is (by them) 
Contrary actings  charged to have erected a Popish Church in the Regal City, to which end, he purchased a Stately Structure of Stone from a stranger there inhabiting: He is likewise taxed for placing Count Ericke of Visingsborg (a most zealous Adherer to the Romish Sect) Governor of Stocholme Castle, in which the Regal Ornaments, with the Records of their Cancellariae, are usually deposited; as also the Arms, Ammunition, and the great Ordinance of the Kingdom: And in the Port whereof the main body of their Navy was reserved, contrary to his forementioned Letters of Assecuration.  
To a certain Jesuit, Adam Steinhall by name, he committed the Arcensian Temple, placing also his Romish Priests in the Queen's Island, and in the Vastenan Monastery, contrary to what he had given under his hand and Seal, to this effect: That neither in the Ecclesiastical or Political Affairs of that Kingdom, he would use the help of any person who did not profess the Religion then generally received in Suethen.  
They further argue, that he no sooner returned from his 
Further Objections.  Coronation to Stocholme, but that he gave the reins unto his Polish and other Romish affected followers, to enter their Churches, and disturb their Service and Devotions, by tumultuous perambulations in all parts of their Temples, with loud voices and scandalous Gestures (during their Sermons and other Religious Exercises) to the great oppression and scandal of minds; yea, to the hazard of men's lives, branding and reviling them with the name of Heretics, and other infamous and scurrilous Appellations, insomuch as they were constrained to set Guards about their Ministers ascending their Pulpits; and complaint being made unto the King of these abuses, the Plaintiffs were dismissed with reproaches and contumelious words, no redress at all afforded.  
It is moreover objected, that besides extraneous Forces introduced 
Continued.  at his Arrival, he ordered others to be brought from Dantzig by Ernest Wejerus, and other Commanders, furnished as to a declared War; whereby Floods of blood might have over-flowed, if by other weighty Affairs he had not been recalled and induced to return into Poland: but what he could not then (say they) effect, he afterwards endeavoured at the Papal Legatorian instance, when with a numerous Army he reentered Suethen in the year 1598.  
In this manner do they charge King Sigismundus, that he no 
Hit second departure from Suethland.  way observed his Regal Oath and Assecuration in point of Religion: after which he departed the Kingdom (as at first he had done) without the consent and approbation of the States thereof; leaving behind a Romish affected Governor in his chief Fort and City, besides several Churches with the Vastenan Monestary filled with Jesuits and others of that Erroneous Sect, whereby much dissension a rose within the Land soon after his departure.  
Hereupon certain Senators of the Kingdom thought it expedient to write unto the Duke, signifying the King's departure, and that they had endeavoured to their utmost, that the weighty Affairs of the Realm might have been settled before his Exit, several whereof remained yet unperfected: That 
Duke Charles sought unto by seem Senators.  therefore they besought his Highness to afford a helping hand with his wont Patriotall affection, for the dispatch of things as necessity required. That touching the form of Government, which his Highness had (by Copy communicated unto them, to be) desired of his Majesty, no proceed had been made, as he might happily have understood by Ericke Gustavus one of their number: That the Regal Ensigns were deposited in the Stocholmian Castle, whereof Count Ericke was appointed Governor, against whom they had protested in his own presence, and had entreated his Majesty to ponder the same more maturely: Other things also were in the said Letter contained, as their most earnest desire for his Highness speedy repair to Stocholme: These were dated the fifteenth of July 1594. and their requests reiterated by a second invitation of the twentieth ejusdem.  
The Duke returned answer to their first the eighteenth of the same, therein expressing, that albeit most willing (as by duty obliged) to procure his dear Countries good, yet the same seemed a work of no small difficulty, the King having prescribed no direct form of Government, especially in those disturbed times, wherein the public Treasure was much exhausted the Kingdom obvious to the inconveniencies of a Russian War, and uncertain of obtaining a wished Peace; the Crown Revenues so diminished (during his Majesty's being there) as they appeared not a little deficient: That nevertheless he would not be wanting to afford his utmost of counsel and assistance for the redress of things amiss, whereunto his Propinquity of blood and maturity of years invited him; conditionally, that they would join with him for the Weal of his Majesty and the Kingdom, whereof he desired their speedy resolution and compliance to those things that for the said ends should be decreed; and that they would not separate until conclusions were taken concerning the frame of future Government, to which effect he would (upon their intimation) speedily repair to Stocholme. These were dated from Nicopia.  
In pursuance hereof they again instance unto him, that his 
Again desired to assume the Government.  presence was both their hope and expectation, renewing their requests that he would assume the Government. Promising that they would not be wanting to their power in Counsel, Assistance, security, and Obedience for the good of the Kingdom, the glory of God, and the Emolument of the Natives. This was dated the ninth of August, 1594. and signed by Nicolaus Gyldenstierne, Gustavus Banner, Turo Bielke, Hogenschildus Bielke, Claudins Bielke, and Gustavus Gabrielis.  
Duke Charles thus invited, repaired to Stocholme, where, no 
The Duke comes to Stocholme.  sooner arrived, but he cleared the Arconsian Temple, the City, and the Queen's Island, of the Romish Priests, and likewise deprived their great Patron, Count Ericke, of his Command of the Regal Castle; for he being a strong Promover of the Papal Creed, was formidable to those of the contrary Profession, by reason of his power and great Alliances within the Kingdom; His Sister being Wife to Ericke Sparre the Chancellor: his Aunt married to Claudtus Flemingius Governor of Finland, and his Uncles, Ericke Gustavus, Aruidus Gustavus, and Carolus Gustavus, were Rulers and Governors of the Westro-gothes, the Ostrogothes, and Smaland, with others of no mean power.  
To the former Criminations against their King, they add, 
Further criminations against Sigismundus.  that contrary to his Regal Oath, and promise under his hand and Seal, to protect from injury the Poor, as well as the Rich, he permitted (without punishment or inquisition made) the Nightly Watches to be abused and beaten: The Polanders (of his Train) to be day and night in Arms; by whom (with others of the Natives who delighted in such mischiefs) sundry of the said Night-watches being frequently murdered, were so found lying in the Streets, others miserably wounded; yea, even their houses were unsecure from violence: and notwithstanding complaints were many times preferred, yet no redress was granted, nor Justice executed upon the Murderers.  
Sundry other things to the same purpose, they repeat; as the Concession (formerly mentioned) of Leisland to the Crown of Poland; as also, the diminishing of the Navy and Ordnance, to the great damage of the Commonwealth: And that, unwitting to the Duke or States of the Kingdom; in prejudice also of the Gustavian Testament, and the Constitutions of Calmar, An. 1587. he had transacted with the Neighbour Princes, touching certain most weighty Affairs of Suethland; the peculiar Badge or Cognisance whereof he had alienated, requiring by Ericke Sparre, his Ambassador, a dilation or prolonging of the compromissoriall transaction about the said Badge; viz. The three Crowns, which in the year 1591. at the Treaty with the Dane by the River Flakesiobecke, had been at their earnest and most instant request suspended until An. 1597: And that Sigismundus (by that Embassy sought to attain by entreaty from the Dane that which he had formerly (not without much difficulty and suit) obtained from the States of Suethland, thereby alienating the right of the Suethes to those three Crowns, the proper and peculiar Badge, and one of the chief Regalities of the Kingdom, which he ought not to have done.  
And this he did (say they) by the persuasions of his said Counsellor Ericke Sparre, the better to compass his hostile intentions towards his Uncle the Duke, to the notorious breach of the foresaid Testament; the express words whereof are, viz.  
Our dear Sons, not only he, who with his posterity shall succeed us in the Regal Chair, but the rest likewise of our dear Sons, shall neither by themselves apart, or with their familiar Counselors, Servants, or Subjects, attempt, treat, or decide any Affairs wherein the welfare and honour of the Kingdom are concerned; by concluding of War, Peace, Leagues, or other Concernments of the Commonwealth, of weight and moment, except by the counsel and consent of them all, with approbation of the Prime, States of the Kingdom jointly.  
They further objurgate his causing of Arrest to be made at Lubeck (and other Maratine Cities) of their Ships and Goods, and spoiling them of their said Goods and Merchandizes: And that, some years past (Suethland being afflicted with a great dearth of Corn, whereby many thousands perished, and the residue much exhausted, in their Substance) he, by the counsel of Steno Banner, Olaus Suercherus and Lindormias Bond, severely prohibited those of Dantzig and other Sea Ports of the Polish Dominion, from administering relief to those of Suethen; and at the same time enjoyed those of rivel (albeit incorporated into Swethland) not to furnish them with any provision, and solicited the like with other Marine Places belonging to the Romish Empire.  
By all these things, they show, that his second departure produced no better fruit than his first (both being without the privity of the States) and that, as his first discession, to receive an Extraneous Crown, occasioned a conceding of Leifeland to the Polander; So, his second left them in a confusedness, without any perfect form of Government, contrary to his promise; which Comedy (say they) was commenced by those Counselors who were unwilling to be longer ruled by the Gustavian Line, but that themselves might prevent each other in the domination of the parts, whereby would have ensued the ruin of the whole.  
King Sigismundus (say they) precipitating his departure, 
Plenipotentiary sent unto D. Charles.  had sent to his Uncle, then at Nycopia, by Ericke Gustavus and Claudius Slatte, a certain plenipotentiary, importing that, induced by his urgent Affairs and by his promise, he now intended to repair into Poland; and that, to the end his Native Country might not be destitute of good Government and Administration of Justice, until God should grant him a return, he committed the same unto him his said Uncle, as being a Prince Hereditary, and chief among the other Orders of the Kingdom, together with others the faithful Senators thereof, to whom with him this Plenipotentiary was jointly given, to be governed and administered accordingly; Provided, that in the first and chief place, he and they should honour and acknowledge him and his Heirs Males (if any should be) for lawful Heirs and Kings of Suethland: and next to them his Brother John Prince of Finland, that they should endeavour and by all means procure his and the Kingdoms good, preventing all prejudice and loss by Mature Counsel, and Administer the other affairs of the Kingdom with the joint Senatorial consent and concordall unanimity conform to the Laws of Suethland, that no damage or detriment might thence redound. But that, they should not celebrate or call any public Assembly, 
Prohibition distasteful.  or Parliament, nor upon any occasion make or enact Laws without his special and express consent, as being agreeable to and demonstrative from the Reversoriall Letters given unto him by the Duke and Senators: In order whereunto he commanded all and every the Subjects of Suethland and inhabitants thereof, of what eminency, degree, or condition soever, to render and perform to his said dear Uncle (as to the chief in Government) and to the Senators, according to the state and dignity of each, all due obedience, honour, and assistance in all things which they should enjoin for the good and emolument of the King and Kingdom, given in the Port of Elsnaben the eighteenth of July, 1594.  
But this Plenipotentiary was by Duke Charles rejected as imperfect, 
Rejected as impersect.  and a draught more ample (by Letters from Nycopia of the twenty third ejusdem) scent to the King for the Regal Assent and Signature, with a Schedule annexed, wherein his Majesty was desired (in case that Peace intended with the Russian should not take effect) to consider of some way whereby the Nerves of War might be supplied; Provisions made of Victual, Ammunition, and other Necessaries equally incident, which with other particulars mentioned in either, are referred to inspection into the Original by such as are curious.  
But the King was gone, before this answer could be tendered unto him, leaving Suethland in much disorder: which the Duke considering, and that only a lame form of power and government was left, and that others were ordained with equal, yea, greater power both in Suethland and Finland (albeit the same appeared not until his Exit;) So as almost in every Province some or other did rise up, boasting himself Governor in the Royal absence, from which Fountain many misfortunes, mischiefs, and miseries might have flowed: Tumults and dissensions would have sprung up on each side, to the ruin of the public Weal, unless timely obviated: for the better effecting whereof, the Duke by the Senatoriall Consent, indicted a Parliament at Sudercopia against the month of October, 1595. To which general Convention, the whole Senate and Orders 
Parliament at Sudercopia.  of the Kingdoms, Counts, Barons, Bishops, Knights, Gentry, Clergy, Commanders of Forts and Forces, Burgesses, and common people, did emulously flock to consult upon the Urgencies of the Kingdom, wherein (they assert) many things were treated and transacted tending greatly to the good of King Sigismundus and the whole Nation, if due execution had not been obstructed.  
In these Parliamentary constitutions, after thanks rendered to the Divine goodness, for having (by tolerable conditions) freed them from apprehension of a long and bloody Russian War, so as being then in Concord with all their Neighbours, they might more freely endeavour a settling of the like at home which was their aim in that assembly; they unanimously by virtue of their respective Provincial Plenipotentiary, and each for himself particularly, did bind themselves to observe their Oath and promise made to King Sigismundus, in the points of Fidelity, and obedience, to him and his Heirs: And that whereas his Majesty at his Coronation, had promised the entire liberty of their Religion, with exclusion of all other, which was not yet effected, and that certain of the Romanists had already begun to use threatenings, in confidence of their increase: They therefore enacted and concluded, that all Conventions public or private, used by the Papalists or any other Sects, by what notion soever frequented, should be taken away; their Priests and Preachers banished, and to depart the Kingdom within six weeks after the rising of that present Parliament.  
That none of the Commonalty of that, or any other Sect, separate from the Profession there generally received, should be admitted to any Office within the Kingdom, but all Pensions toward such to be revoked: yet that they, living peaceably, might still remain and enjoy the Laws, Liberties, and Privileges of Suethen; but if doing otherwise, either in public or private, to be punished and exiled as the others were.  
That, in reference to the Vastenan Monastery, whereas the Regal Assecuration did bear that no Scholastic Exercise or Function Ecclesiastical, contrary to the Augustane Confession, and the Vbsalian Synod, celebrated An. 1593. should be obtruded upon the Kingdom, or be suffered to impede the received Religion, but that therein the proceedings should be according to the last year of King Gustavus (forementioned and the first of King John: Therefore all abuses in the foresaid Monastery, and the present Incumbents were to be thence excluded.  
That (furthermore) whereas the most Illustrious Duke Charles had then, before all the Orders of the Kingdom, signified that by reason of several notable defects, represented sometimes Orally, and also in the written Paper then exhibited unto them, he desired to be freed from the Government, unless those were removed. They therefore in regard his Highness was a Prince hereditary of the Kingdom, whom it merely concerned, that the Affairs thereof should be rightly and orderly administered, humbly desired that his Highness would 
The Duke desired to embrace the Government.  embrace the same for the good and emolument of the King and his Successors, as also of the younger Brethren, and in a word, of the whole Regal and ducal Heirs, according to the Acts of hereditary Succession; whereby the Subjects and Inhabitants of the Kingdom might (in like manner) freely enjoy the Nations Laws, with their legally acquired Liberties and Privileges: And that whereas his Highness had consented to undergo the Administration of the Government, with the Senators of the Kingdom jointly; They (therefore) the respective Orders thereof, Ecclesiastical and Political, Nobility, and Commonalty, high, and low, did promise, that to their utmost they would acknowledge and observe his Highness as their Prince and Governor in his Majesty's absence, and until his return into the Kingdom; and accordingly render unto his Highness all lawful obedience, fidelity, and duty, saluting and intitling him the Governor of the Kingdom: yet no way to any prejudice of the Regal Jurisdiction or Dignity, conform to the litterary transaction, approved of between his Highness and the Kingdoms Senators: Wherefore, that what Affairs soever of weight and moment, relating to that Kingdom, his Majesty should desire to be there expediated; were first, and before all others to be signified unto his Highness and the Senatoriall College: But if otherwise, and whosoever he were who should obtain any Commission, he should have no power of appointing or acting aught in reference thereunto, before his Highness and the whole Senatoriall Order were consulted therein, who undoubtedly would thereupon conclude and ordain, so as might be most conducing to the honour and advantage of his Majesty and the Kingdom, according to the Oaths and Assecurations alternatively given:  
It was concluded also, that no trouble or molestation should accrue to the King, by seeking or desiring any determination or resolution in Poland concerning the Affairs of Suethland, in regard his Majesty had not (there) those persons near him, to whom he might commit the expediting of the Suethish Affairs; for which cause (they concluded that) all Juridical Process, Grievances, and Controversies, should be examined & defined within the Kingdom, conform to the Laws of Suethland and the Decree relating thereunto, published at Vbsall, An. 1593. which the King himself had confirmed: And that they should not be transmitted into Poland, nor that any sentence or resolution (touching them) should be expected thence, but that if any one thought himself injured thereby, he might appeal unto the King's return, whether that any Regal Sentence given without the Kingdom should obtain execution within the same; Otherwise no man to be prohibited to repair or seek unto the King about his private Affairs, or other things lawful and rational, not tending to the prejudice of any, especially of those who sat at the Helm: Provided, that (as aforesaid) the King's Mandates and Writs should be first directed and addressed unto his Highness and the Senatoriall Order, the execution of them not to be immediately committed unto any other.  
Concerning the Offices of the Kingdom, it was decreed that his Highness and the Senatoriall College, with the counsel and consent of the chief other Orders (whom the matter might concern) should as occasion required, in his Majesty's absence, consider of meet persons, so that such men and Servants might be preferred to Offices and Charges in the Kingdom respectively, as did rightly belong and were tied by Oath to the King and to the Commonwealth, and that special and serious regard were had to ancient and well deserving persons: As also that none of the Prime Offices of the Nation should be entirely committed to any one, before the Provincial Inhabitants where such an Officer was requisite, and any others therein concerned, might have free Suffrages or Votes, by whom three Candidati or persons elective were to be named, as the Laws of Suethland (to the observation whereof his Majesty had sworn) concerning the chief Offices, do in some sort mention, which three persons elected, were to be signified unto his Majesty, out of which number he might appoint one whom he best approved of; and if it should so happen, that the King had no rationally lawful objections against them, and did nevertheless defer the approbation of some one of them, perhaps not without detriment to the Kingdom and the Government thereof, his Highness had power to place one of the three (so elected) in the said Office; yet that no Officials formerly perferred by his Majesty, should be dismissed, unless lawful causes were found; whereby upon due inspection and examination, they might appear worthy of deprivation, neither that any one should be advanced to a greater Plurality of Offices than he could commodiously, and with utility to the Kingdom undergo.  
These things being by them enacted, the Duke on the other 
Duke Charles excepts thereof.  part, did stipulate in these words.  
We Charles by the Grace of God, hereditary Prince and Governor of the Kingdom of Suethland, Duke of Sudermannia, Nericia, and Wermelandia; do promise that we will diligently (assisted by the Senatoriall Order, as well of Spiritual as Secular Persons) endeavour to the utmost of our abilities so to manage the Kingdoms Affairs, as we shall know or conceive to be most advantageous to his Majesty, commodious to this our most dear Country, beneficial to the Orders and faithful Subjects thereof, and Emolumentall to all persons: whereby every one may be maintained and protected in the pure Evangelical Religion, according to the Augustane Confession, and the Profession of faith instituted at Ubsall, and agreeable to the Laws of Suethen, and those Privileges and Prerogatives which each man, conform to his condition, enjoyeth, and hath obtained from precedent Kings and Governors: As also that we will govern the Kingdom of Suethen and the Affairs thereof, wholly according to the Oath which his Majesty at his Coronation at Ubsall, did swear to his Subjects, and did secure unto them by writing; and as We with Our best and clearest judgement shall find or can imagine may be profitable to his Majesty and Emolumentary to the Orders and Subjects of the Kingdom, as well of the Clergy as the Laiety, even as we desire, God assisting, to answer for the same before God, his Majesty, and the (respective) Orders of the Kingdom.  
Whatsoever likewise shall by Us, with the free advice of the Senators, which without any prejudice they may safely communicate, be approved and concluded (as We will not decree aught in weighty Affairs relating to the Kingdom, without the Senatoriall Suffrage) We will unanimously maintain and defend, that the same may be preserved firm and irrevocable, to the present and future times: And that We will accordingly, All as One, and One as All, profess and protect the same, if in process of time it shall be needful and requisite.  
Lastly, in testimony that We do willingly constitute and approve of this Transaction, in manner as aforesaid, for the good of his Majesty our most gracious King; the prosperity of the Kingdom and the Inhabitants thereof, and do ordain the same to be unviolably observed word for word, according to the clear literal sense thereof, without prejudice or violation to the Regal Eminency, and Jurisdiction, and our Oath, as the Laws of Suethen require: We Charles by the grace of God Hereditary Prince, and Governor of the Kingdom of Suethland, Duke 
Mutual agreement.  of Sudermannia, Nericia, and Wermelandia: And We the Orders of the said Kingdom forementioned, have hereunto affixed our Seals, and subscribed the same with our hands. And if We, or others present, or absent, who have not assisted at this Convention (which We are not willing to impute, as proceeding from pertinaciousness or disobedience) shall refuse to approve with Us, of what before recited, concluded for the Common good of his Majesty and our Country, (whereof the Parliament being ended, intimation shall be given to all the Provinces) and that by previous information and admonition, they shall not offer or produce any lawful reasons in contradiction hereunto, which they have free liberty to do; We, certainly will send Messengers unto them, and will hold them for nonconforming and disturbing Ministers of the Kingdom; and whosoever shall not adjoin themselves hereto, if constituted in any of the Eminent Offices of the Kingdom, We will endeavour to diminish their public Authority and Power, as We shall judge consentaneous to equity and reason; lest the Kingdom of Suethland, should from thence receive detriment and seeds of dissension. In like manner they who shall detract or apostatise from this our general, free, and unanimous Transaction; Whether for favour of great Ones, peculiar profit, or other causes, under what notion soever comprehended, or shall refuse to contribute their endeavours hereunto, whereby force, secretly, or openly may be obtruded by any whosoever, in prejudice of what his Majesty hath given assecuration to the Kingdom, and whereupon this our Transaction is founded; We shall account them as persons treacherous to the King, and seditious to the Kingdom, perfidious men, and to their Country Traitors, and that we will mutually assist each other to their prosecution and extermination. Enacted at Sudercopia the twenty second of October, 1595:  
Moore particularity hath been used in reciting (albeit briefly) the heads of this Parliamentary Act and its conclusions, then is intended with others the like; this being that which King Sigismundus (afterwards) so much endeavoured the disannulling of, and which the Suethes do so much instance and justify themselves upon.  
In this manner was Duke Charles designed Governor of the Kingdom, which was no way pleasing to King Sigismundus; 
King Sigismond, displeased.  (suspecting the like) had severely forbidden all men the repair to that Convention, and afterwards endeavoured the frustration thereof, by discouraging and diverting the observances requisite, and partly by Letters Patents, partly by threatenings, by promises and rewards, he drew sundry to his party.  
But the States of the Kingdom, foreseeing (as they affirm) great disturbances to arise, which were of necessity to be crushed, assembled in full body; valuing more the general good than the Regal Injunctions in prejudice thereof: Albeit several (and of the Finlanders not a few) did decline their appearance: Nor did the King by his Letters only endeavour (say they) the annihilation of this Convention, but likewise stirred up most grievous tumults and dissensions in Finland, where, by the Tyranny of the Governor there, so cruel Wars were raised as sundry thousands of innocent Rustics, Tenants (or Tributaries) of the Crown, were miserably slain for opposing themselves to unheard of Exactions and Military (Stations, or) Quarterings; great numbers of Soldiers being there kept on foot along time, whom the King by the treacherous insinuations of the Claudius Flemingius, Aruidus, Ericke, and Axle Kurike alured to his side, arming and incensing them to the ruin of his Country: And when the Country's grievances were dilated unto him, they were (say they) slighted, and no redress obtained, by means whereof the Soldiers and Subjects exasperated against each other, did rush together with mutual Wounds and Slaughtering: Many of the forementioned Crown Tenants (or Tributaries) losing not only their Goods but their lives: For the Lawless Soldier first spoiling the Inhabitants of their Possessions, the poor people were provoked to resist force with force; whereby the Militarians finding themselves frustrate of gorging their licentious desires, did with armed Bands assault the unarmed Rural Menie, whom they miserably slaughtered, and (a sad sight to see) extended on Wheels.  
These things (say they) thus perpetrated: King Sigismundus 
Sent his Ambassadors into Suethen.  soon after the Sudercopian Parliament, sent as his Ambassadors into Suethland, Count Ericke of Visingsburg with his Uncle Aruidus Gustavus, and from the Crown of Poland were emitted Stanislaus Dzialinskie and Nicolaus Sapieha, who vehemently accused Duke Charles, and those States of the Kingdom that had assisted at the forecited Convention, or assented to the conclusions thereof: But because the accusatory Oration of the Polanders (albeit most elegantly delivered) with the Criminatory Articles of Count Ericke, and Aruidus Gustavus, as also the reply to either, and the refutation of the several particulars in each contained (as well by Duke Charles apart, as by him and the Senators jointly) are overlong to be here (Verbatim) inserted, I shall refer the more diligently Curious to the Acts themselves long since published, and only deliver the heads of either with as much brevity as the circumstance will permit.  
THe Oration did begin with the comparison of a Kingdom 
The O●ation.  under one Prince, to the body of man united in its Members by such a strict conjunction, voluntary consent, mutual co-intelligence, and admirable sympathy under the government of the head; that any of them being ill affected, the rest moved with the danger, do with all diligence endeavour its remove; but that they all are jointly carried on with far more earnestness to preserve the head safe & unhurt, as knowing that upon its welfare, dignity, and authority, the well-being of the whole body depended, and that the same being forsaken by the Members, a total decay, disturbance of their Order, with the dissolution of the whole, speedily ensues.  
That the same harmony ought to be between the Subjects of one and the same Prince, and that instructed by the same admirable Office of Nature, they should be linked with bonds of love, and nourish mutual Peace and Concord, and not offer, but divert and resist any prejudice that might accrue to either; but chiefly to provide that the Dignity, Authority, and Preeminency of their Prince and Sovereign, as head and Director of the whole body of the Commonwealth should not suffer the least diminution or derogation: And that exhibition of due honour, fidelity, and obedience, should not be wanting in all Services that were to be rendered, especially from the Subjects, in regard that by violation of the Rights of Majesty, or their Usurpation, the Harmony Politic was disturbed, and the Kingdom's ruin must consequently follow, even as the hand or foot indulging themselves, and refusing their service to the head, the same would soon langish, and the whole therewith perish.  
He next commemorated several former Leagues and Alliances between Poland, with its dependencies, and Suethland, but mainly (as nearest related) that by the present Sigismundus the third, King of both the Realms; but Suethlands Nursling and the true Progeny of the ancient Suethish Kings, begotten upon a Jagellonian Polish Infanta, and adorned with all Princely gifts, Sanctimony, Piety, Justice, Prudence, Fortitude, Wisdom, and Magnanimity: the pattern of all Virtues, merciful to his Subjects, devout, meek, gracious; To his Friends most friendly, but to his Foes a terror and destruction.  
That to this Sigis. the third, Heir, Inaugurated and Crowned King of Suethland, Elected also and Crowned King of Poland, and of the great Dukedom of Lithuania, the said Nations and People did owe obedience, and did acknowledge honour and reverence as the sole Ruler and Moderator of both the Kingdoms, whose Reign they wished might exceed Nestor's years: And that the Orders of both the Kingdoms, aught to take equal care, that as their mutual peace and tranquillity was (under God) from him to be derived, so the Dignity, Majesty, Regal Rights, and Prerogatives of their mutual Prince should be preserved unviolated, with his Majesty's particular Rights, Dignity, and Praeeminency in all things, saving to each Kingdom their own, for otherwise any one might easily judge that neither of the Kingdoms could remain safe and entire.  
That the late Parliament at Warsaw in Poland, understanding what things (there purposely published) had been enacted at the Sadercopian Parliament in Suethland: the Senators of Poland, with the Lithuanian Orders, had appointed this Embassy principally for the nearer conjoining of those Potent Kingdoms in peace and unity, and as thereunto conducing to inquire into the whole matter, as not being of particular concernment to Suethland only, but had like reference to the (not to be violated) Regal Dignity of his Majesty, who was of both those Realms the sole Lord and King, from whom they had obtained permission to treat with his Highness and the Senators of Suethen, in a way of Brotherly Charity and Amity, which is not wont to act rashly.  
That the Senators and Orders, of Poland and Lithuania doubted not but that the Orders of Suethen would continue faithful toward their King, to whom they were astricted by Nature, by Oath, and hereditary Right, even as they had professed in that Sudercopian Enaction: but that notwithstanding they could not but apprehend the intervention of sundry things at that Parliament, which (unless corrected by Mature Counsel) might breed disturbance in the Kingdom; such Initiations usually springing up, when slighting the Lawful Lord, public Counsels were convened by another Call, Laws were enacted, the form of Government changed, Ministers placed by the King, removed from their Charge, things peculiar to the Royal Majesty, transferred upon others: All which may easily appear to be full of, and obnoxious to many dangers.  
That the Polonian and Lithuania Orders did conceive the Suethes could not be ignorant of his Majesty's affections towards his Paternal Realm, or that he desired to have a regardful eye unto the good of his Subjects, nor would have refused, but rather granted them a Parliament (if he had seen it necessarily requisite) that Method and Order consentaneous to the Laws of the Kingdom might have been observed: It being undeniable that a Convention in a Kingdom cannot be rightly called without the consent, authority, and presence of the King, but that as then no such thing had appeared wanting either in reference to the Kingdom, or its ancient accustomed Laws and Constitutions, his Majesty having concluded a peace between them and the Russian, and so disposed of all things within the Kingdom, as that no detriment or disturbance could rationally be feared.  
That the said Convention was not only made without public necessity impelling, contrary to his Majesties and the Pedish Senatoriall expectations, and wanted the consent and authority of their lawful Crowned King, but even contrary to his Edicts prohibiting the same: yea, that many things had been therein enacted diametrically opposite to the Regal Rights and Superiority. As the Call itself in manner as aforesaid: The remove of persons entrusted by the King with Forts, and these committed to others; Exauthorization of the Royal Mandates, coining of money in other (than the Regal) name: Appeals to his Majesty, and therein the Regal Dignity itself many ways circumscribed.  
That these things having been weighed in an equal Balance, the Senators and Princes of Poland and Lithuania, with the respective Orders of the depending Provinces, Dukedoms, and Cities, did by them their Ambassadors earnestly desire his Highness to preserve entire his Majesty's Rights and Dignity, wherein the Kingdom's welfare was involved, as their propinquity of blood required; and did also in Brotherly manner admonish and entreat the Senators of Suethland, as such to whose vigilancy, prudency, and Fidelity, that Kingdom's care was by him committed and entrusted, to return a diligent demonstration of their duty and fidelity toward their hereditary and crowned King; and by a vigorous resistance of any who affecting Innovations (as in large Empires many times happens) would for private disturb the public Interest, manifest to the world how freely they had employed the Talon entrusted unto them from Heaven and his Majesty.  
That all Innovations in Kingdoms were perilous and pernicious, but especially such as tended to violate the Rights of a lawful, hereditary crowned King, as might be evidenced by France, which by a thirty six, and the Opulent Belgian Provinces by a twenty seven years' War were almost reduced to an utter extermination: And that those Rights neither could nor ought to be impaired, but by that Majesty by whom King's Reign and Princes decree Justice. That wicked men did never proceed at first to open height of evil, but by peicemeals plucked up the Fences, until that from faithful Subjects they had wrested the Power; whereby (having overturned the Kingdom) to augment their own Wealth and Greatness, Which evils it beseemed his Highness and their Lordships to obviate timely, and to abolish any Laws, Constitutions: or Confederations, contrary to his Crown, his Dignity, and Regal Rights, and by their prudence and authority, to divert the course of ill undertaken Counsels, lest the head thereby weakened, the Kingdom's body might faint and fall into decadence.  
That the Duke and Senators of Suethland might assure themselves, that his Majesty (albeit at present detained by greater cares for Christendomes universal good) would never intermit his due regard of his native Country, no more than suffer the Rights of Royalty to be disjointed: But that whatsoever faithful Subjects should crave in a just and orderly way, (his Dignity preserved) he would undoubtedly grant. That therefore his Highness and their Lordships ought to prosecute his Majesty with due return of Love, observance, obedience, and faithful endeavours: The rather, for that his Majesty did no way oppress or burden them, but like to an indulgent Father, with a mind truly Royal, more prone to mercy then to cruelty, was willing to pass by offences, the more grievous because proceeding from his own, by whom he ought not to have been injured: Notwithstanding which, he Promised no less for the future, then that amidst the Community of Christendomes concernments, whereof Suethland did partake, he would endeavour their good; and as a return of his Highness and their Lordship's constant and faithful affections towards his Majesty, was no way doubted of by the respective Orders of Poland and Lithuania, so the continuance therein was their earnest desire.  
That the Polanders, as they had abundantly testified by a voluntary conferring their Crown upon his Majesty, and according to their Nation's custom, had vowed unto him their Fortunes, Liberties, life itself, so they were now ready to bestow all those, and what else could be dearer unto them, for the vindication of his Regal Rights and Dignity, and would to that end unanimously join with his Highness, their Lordships, and that Kingdom's Orders, and did promise (as the present Oration might testify) that they would never be wanting to endeavour the repair of the least injury done to his Majesty, or Kingly name, whereunto they expected and did promise to themselves a mutual, assured, and an untergiversing concurrence from his Highness & the Orders of Suethland; from whom, for conclusion, they earnestly desired they might receive an authentic written answer to the several heads of their Embassy, whereby their diligence and faithful delivery of what they had in charge, might be approved to their principles.  
In like manner Count Ericke and Aruidus Gustavus (forenamed) did present certain Articles Criminatoriall against Duke Charles, the substance whereof followeth.  
THat the chief points of the Ambassadoriall instructions, were to rememorate, how frequently his Majesty after 
Criminations against Duke 〈…〉 by the A 〈…〉 rs.  his Coronation, had by Messengers and Letters, dealt with his Highness, concerning a form for governing his hereditary Kingdom during his absence, and that the same had been much and long time disputed between his Majesty and the Senate of Suethland, which was at last concluded to be signed and sealed by his Majesty, and had been afterwards sent to his Highness and the Senators.  
That albeit his Majesty did then conceive that Ordination to be such, as nothing he could confer (his Prerogative Salved) conducing to the Kingdom's well-being, was therein wanting, he had nevertheless understood partly by Ambassadors, partly by Letters, that his Highness did not lacquiesce therein, but desired a more ample Plenipotentiary; which as he could not grant, without detriment to the Regal Title, so he had gravely admonished him to forbear such molestatious requests, and to rest therewith satisfied, in regard it was not for perpetuity, but in vigour only until his Majesty's return into Suethland, which he intended speedily, for disposing, ordering, and reforming things needful: But that his Highness impatient of deferring the matter so long, had incited the Kingdom's Orders to celebrate the Sudercopian Parliament, to gain by their Suffrages a larger Power: That his Majesty was much displeased that his Subjects (bound to him by Oath of Fidelity) should have appeared contrary to his Edict; or have made conclusions contradictory to his intentions.  
Yet that his Highness might see how constantly his Majesty desired the Religious observation of that fraternal mutual respect, which their proximity of blood imposed; and that the Orders of the Kingdom might perceive his Majesty's willingness to a wholesome and timely preventing of all confusions, tending to the disturbance of the Kingdom, he had been pleased to send (besides his Royal Exhortatoriall Letters) Ambassadors fully instructed to interpose and provide for the removing of all brands of dissension, and that the form of Government his Majesty left at his departure, might be submitted unto, and repugnancies therefrom abstained; especially for that many particulars were inserted in the Printed Sudercopian Decrees, which seemed to trench upon Treason, by a violation of such things as by the Swethish laws did rightly belong to the King: All which, his Majesty did challenge to himself and his Posterity, and would so leave unto the Kings his Successors, as from his Progenitors he had received them; unto the maintenance whereof the Subjects of Swethen were bound by the Laws and by Oath.  
That the Ambassadors were also to endeavour from his Highness an Antiquation of the Sudercopian Decrees that contradicted the fore-specified Ordination, and that he would acquiesce in the King's former grants and Statutes, and that the Orders and Offices appointed might remain in full Vigour.  
That the Kingdom's Rents might be collected by those thereunto ordained, and to be issued by them, according to his Majesty's Orders or Letters granted to any thereupon.  
That Officers might be continued in their respective Charge, and that such as have been removed be re-integrated.  
That the Crown Forts, Garrisons, Provinces, Cities, Governments, and all other things formerly committed to his Majesties sworn Servants be restored unto them; and that his Highness' Servants be removed from them, and receive no stipend from the Crown.  
That all regal Protections be had in due regard, and that no person having such, be exposed to Prison or other punishment, until their cause be heard and legally tried.  
That all justly acquired Privileges have their due respect and vigour, and that the contraries thereunto be expunged and made void.  
That unwonted Burdens, Exactions, Structures, and Hospitable Expenses, be not imposed upon the Subject, without the Regal command or permission.  
That fit Salary be duly paid to the ancient Court-servants, and that such as by Age are not longer serviceable, have necessary maintenance allowed them.  
That whereas the Hereditary Title of his Highness is more magnificent and honourable (as well towards Strangers as Natives) then that of Governor of Suethland, lately given by the Sudercopian Decree; and for that the same is ambigious, and not understood by all alike, and doth neither increase nor impair the Duke's Power and authority. The Ambassadors are to endeavour his renouncing the same, as not being formerly used in the times of Legitimate Kings, and that he rest satisfied with his accustomed Title, as being of sufficient Dignity and estimation amongst all men.  
That his Majesty will not, that the broils raised against Flemingius proceed any further, but requireth that all things committed may be cleared or corrected by the Law of the Land.  
That in regard of the great scarcity of Grain, causing dearth, his Highness would not permit any transportation thereof abroad, for prevention of Famine, poverty, and calamity to the Subject, whereof his Majesty is very solicitous.  
Last, That the Accounts of the Kingdom's Revenues, which his Highness hath had for some years in his hands, might be forthwith stated and cleared, that so his Majesty at his return into the Country, may know what debts of the Kingdom have been satisfied, and what otherwise.  
To the fore-specified Oration, whereby his Highness, the Senators, and whole Orders of Suethland, did hold themselves aspersed and reproached, as also to those criminations by Count Ericke and Arnidus Gustavus, the Duke with the Senators returned Answer, as hereafter is showed: But to the King's particular Objections against the Duke, the ensuing 
〈◊〉 〈…〉kes an 〈◊〉 the cri 〈◊〉.  reasons were by his Highness exhibited for their refutation.  

That the Duke had altered the, prescribed, form of Government. 
Object. 1.   

That he had neither altered nor seen any Form of Government, an imperfect Plenipotentiall excepted, brought 
Ans 〈…〉.  unto him by Ericke Gustavus, not containing the form of Power requisite in a well constituted Commonwealth, whereto he had never acquiesced; nor would he have accepted the Government, but for the earnest reiterated requests of the Senators and Orders of the Kingdom, who desired him to have more regard unto the public welfare, then to the defects in that prescribed Form.  
Moreover, That a certain Form for a Kingdom's government in the Regal absence, cannot be prescribed to Subjects, by reason of frequent emergent alterations and Novations, not inclusible within the limits of a straitened Form. And that albeit Laws be enacted, for a perpetual Rule of the Inhabitants actions, yet necessity urging, they are changed or abrogated, and others instituted more conducing to, present, public good.  
That whereas he is taxed of many things not couched in that Plenipotentiary, it follows, either that he is unjustly argued of having acted contrary thereunto, or that the same must be imperfect, as not containing all things which his Majesty required in a well regulated Empire.  
That the said Form was even repugnant to itself, for his Highness being thereby enjoined to Act for the good of the King and Kingdom, is nevertheless prohibited the calling of Parliaments, without which the public weal cannot be rightly provided for, as is manifest, in that seldom any Kings without Parliaments, have laudably administered the Common wealth.  
That the same did likewise contradict the Regal Oath, and that Kingdom's Privileges: That his Majesty having sworn to govern his Hereditary Country by the Counsel of the Duke and the Senators thereof, they had neither approved of, nor been consulted in the draught of that form, but the same had been compiled by Strangers, and the Subjects compulsion to its obedience would be a violation of the Regal Oath: Next Suethland, by most ancient Privileges had power to call Parliaments in the Royal absence, which Privileges the King had by Oath bound himself to maintain.  
That whereas it had been insinuated, his Highness ought to have rendered obedience to the foresaid Form, albeit imperfect, by reason it was not for long duration, in regard of his Majesty's intention for a return within short time into that Kingdom: It is answered, that Emergencies in Kingdoms admit not of delays: That a month only may produce unremediable evils, how much more two years: That the King at his departure had deprived them of all hopes of his return, having affirmed to the Senators and Orders of Poland, that he would remain with them to the end.    

That his Highness had disposed of his Majesty's Fee-farmes or 
Object. 2  Copyholds, which by the Law was reserved to the King solely, in Sign of his Supreme Praeeminency.  

That if his Majesty will rightly discern the sense of their Laws in that case, his Highness cannot appear to have done 
Answ.  aught therein contrary to the Regal Authority: That the Assignation of certain Lands or Manors to some honourable persons in satisfaction, out of the Annual proceed for sums of money, long owing to them by the King and Kingdom, that so the Capital sum might not, to the detriment of both, increase by interest, was not an alienation of those Lands: That if this were unacceptable, the King, who had been several times advertised thereof, should have showed by what ways those Debts (whereof, as being just, the Creditors could neither be denied, nor aught to be by force defrauded) might have been discharged, and the course of interest stopped: And that whatever he had conceded unto any, it was upon condition they should obtain the Royal Assent, which might evidence that he did acknowledge a Superior, without whose approbation he would not conclude in aught that peculiarly belonged unto his Majesty.    

That his Majesty's faithful Ministers had been oppressed and removed from their Offices. 
Object. 3.   

1. That his Highness cannot be taxed to have oppressed his 
Answ.  Majesty's faithful Ministers, for having deprived some (infected with the Romish Pontificial Leven) of those Governments which the King, without consulting himself and the Kingdom's Senators, had promoted them unto, forasmuch as by the Regal Assecuration the entry into those Honours and Offices was forbidden to such.  
2. Distributive Justice prohibited maintenance from the Crown Revenues to those who by the Royal Cautionary prescription were not to bear Office, and were unserviceable to the Kingdom:  
3. That forasmuch as (his Majesty's Oath being salved) those persons could not pretend to more than a common enjoyment, with the other Inhabitants, of the Kingdom's Privileges, Laws, and Immunities; the permission to them of more, would have been an offence against the same: Wherefore his Highness had not oppressed them (if it were so to be styled) but they first themselves, by declining the received Religion and transiating into the Tents of Rome; and next, his Majesty, who by his assecuration had deprived them of Office and Dignity.  
Moreover it was evident that part of them so preferred, were uncapable of those duties and unprofitable to the Subject; neither were they by consult admitted according to the prescript Laws, and therefore legally deprived: As also that some of them were charged with heinous Crimes: And it was not meet that such should rule over others who could not govern themselves, neither were they to be numbered amongst the King's faithful Servants, in regard it would be a reproach to his Majesty to make use of their Service.    

That his Majesty's Letters of Inhibition, and other Patents 
Object. 4.  were slighted.  

That his Highness had never slighted any Legal Regal Mandates; neither did he conceive that by constraining some 
Answ.  of evil Fame, accused of notorious Crimes, to appear in Judgement with other lying Detractors, who against himself had published many false Criminations; or that by diminishing the power of such as had opposed the Sudercopian Decree, (who by Patents had been all received into the Royal Protection) he had trespassed in aught against his Majesty's Inhibitions, when as by Law such were void.  
Next, that his Majesty could not by his Patents protect such persons, having sworn to preserve the Kingdom's Laws in their Entry; and in them is expressly couched, That he who is tainted by Common Fame, must acquit himself from suspicion: Neither doth the Imperial Power extend to the taking away the right of a third, nor to pardon a wrong done to any until the injured party be first satisfied: and therefore his Majesty's Inhibitions could not free the Defamers of his Highness and others from process.  
That the Sudercopian Parliament tended wholly to the welfare of the King and Kingdom, and to concord in Religion, and had not therefore been wrongfully called; so that the Letters which protected the Impugners thereof were invalid, and opened a great gap to dissensions and disturbances (as was then evident in Finland) from which Fountain ruin to Kings and Kingdoms doth usually flow.  
Lastly, that such Letters were repugnant to the Regal Oath, and the Municipal Law of Suethen, wherein is expressed, He shall defend his Subjects, especially the quiet and peaceable, who live conformable to Law, not only from Strangers, but likewise from turbulent and contentious Inhabitants: Chiefly, he shall maintain Ecclesiastical Immunities, etc. But such had been excepted in the King's Patents. Open War raged in Finland; the Subjects, there, so exhausted by new Exactions as they could not pay the King's Rents: Sundry hundreds had perished by hunger; That other grievances were here omitted, as Rapines, Rapes, Stuprations, open Violences, Violation of domestic Peace, and the like: which not only were hitherto unpunished, (notwithstanding several advertisements given) but his Majesty did also prohibit proceedings against the Author or head of those mischiefs. That as to any other of the Royal Mandates, their Authority, when conform to the Laws and Royal Oath, had ever been entirely preserved.  
Moreover, that not only in Suethland, but almost in all other Nations, it had been a received custom, that Kings when absent did direct their Commands (concerning aught to be done) unto him who was over the Kingdom: And it had and might happen that by false Narrations of the procurers of such Patents, his Majesty had and might be led into error, and issue forth such Letters and Grants as would be much prejudicial to the Kingdom, if put into present execution.  
Lastly, his Majesty had promised by Oath to govern that Kingdom (during his absence in Poland) by the Counsel of the Duke, and the Senators of the Kingdom.    

That new Exactions, Structures of Edifices, and burdensome 
Object. 5.  entertainments are imposed:  

That since his Highness undertook the Government, he had altogether endeavoured an alleviation of the Subjects 
Answ.  former pressures, as could be witnessed by themselves. That the contribution condescended unto at Sudercopia, had been by joint consent of the Subjects unanimously concluded, upon the Senators report to the other Orders, concerning the Kingdoms debts, which without their assistance could not be discharged, whereupon their result was desired; & that himself had given charge to the Collectors not to require more from any Subjects than their estates would bear, and themselves willingly undergo. That the same was more tolerable than those new exacting ways whereby the Subject's Goods were ensnared, and they reduced to extreme poverty.  
That those Levies had not been made but in cases allowed by the Laws, and that albeit peace had been concluded with the Russian, yet the Soldiers, and others who had lent great sums of money, for waging that War, were not paid their Salary and Debts. This was the cause of that imposition, as if in the Exigency of War, in regard the Debts therein contracted were not satisfied:  
Next, that there were some Illustrious Persons also; Kings Daughters, who demanded their Dowries from the Kingdom: yea, that the King himself had required the Duke to impose a contribution upon the Subject, for the marrying of the Princess Anna a Regal Virgin: So that his Highness was injured whilst blamed for onerating the Subject with new exactions, and the more in regard the Subjects willingly consented to those contributions, and affirmed that by Law they ought to pay them. Hereto is added that the Kingdom's necessities which are above all Law, required them.  
As to new Structures, his Highness remembered not any to have been by him commanded, otherwise (than by the Laws of Suethen) the Subjects were obliged unto; Viz. Repairing the Forts, Frontiers, and Navy, with other like, for defence of the Kingdom, and the repulsion of hostile Eruptions; Nor that in them he had not exceeded the constitution made by his Majesty's late Father, and left (when dying) to his Majesty's performance: But that if his Majesty thought good they should be wholly neglected, he would surcease.  
That for the entertainments insisted on, how, or by whomsoever obtruded, and whether right or wrong, his Highness was confident that neither of him nor his Servants any just complaint could be made in that matter.    

That the Crown Kevenues were not rightly administered, and the Duke therefore desired to render account. 
Object. 6.   

That what he had received had been by him issued toward 
Answ.  the discharge of the Kingdom's debts and necessary expenses, and that he therein referred to the Auditors accounts: But the Copper, Butter, and other Merchandizes received by his Ministers he challenged to himself, for payment of money and other things, lent sundry years passed unto his Majesty's Father and the Kingdom, whereof a considerable sum was yet unsatisfied, as might appear by the respective Instruments.  
That if his Majesty would reflect upon the profusions made of the Crown Revenues by his Largesses and Mandatory Epistles, he should find but small cause to call him to account: That the Demaines of Finland had been so lavished, and the Inhabitants Estates so attenuated and exhausted by Soldiery entertainments, as they could render no Debit either to the King or Kingdom: That himself had contracted envy from many for endeavouring a right conservation of the Kingdom's Rents, and had likewise improved them, as was evident by the Revenue of the Mines, which might have yielded yet more profit, had not the same been obstructed by the disobedience of certain persons.    

That Innovation in Religion was endeavoured. 
Object. 7. Answ.   

That he had not altered ought in Religion; But that the Senators, Bishops, and other Orders, remembering the dissensions and discords of former years during the Reign of his Majesty's Father, had convened at Vbsall to compound controversies and settle uniformity in Religion, as the strongest bond for conciliating the minds of Subjects, as on the other side, no greater distraction could be of wills and affections, nor greater disturbance to the public, then proceeded from difference and disparity in Religion: That what had been there concluded he had left to them, and was therefore unjustly aspersed therewith; but that the same might more deservedly be retorted upon his Majesty, who had, contrary to his Oath and Assecuration, planted his Emissaries, Romish Priests, to disperse Pontificial Superstitions and books in public, as Stocholme, with the Monasteries of Dortningolmense and Vastena could witness.  
That moreover, in latter days, his Majesty had by writing exhorted his Subjects to embrace the Papal Superstition of Elevation, Salt and Tapers, with other like, not grounded on Sacred Writ: And unbiased Judgements might discern whether this rather were not an attempt upon Religion: Which a godly and free counsel, if called by his Majesty in imitation of that Synod, would not have been, but his Oath and Regal Assecuration had remained unviolated: The dispersing of Popish books, seducing the Children of honest Natives, nor practising upon the illiterate youthful Menie, would not then have needed, as hath been in former years and still is done.  
That his Highness was also confident, that if any useless or scandalous Ceremonies, resembling Romish Idolatries, had been abrogated, the same could not be called innovation in Religion: That he rendered thanks to the most High, for so enlightening his mind by the Divine Word, that he could discern the true word of God from the traditions of men; and that the constitutions of their Church did permit those abrogations that had therein been made.    

That his Highness had Ministered occasions of mutation in the 
Object. 8.  State of the Commonwealth.  

That he was ignorant of any such occasion administered by him: That by God's goodness he had studied the pure Religion, 
Answ.  and (without boast) had maintained the Laws and good Order in the Kingdom: That by these no motives to alteration could be tendered, but that by their neglect or violation a Kingdom becomes liable to ruin: And that therefore he entreated his Majesty not to afford matter of change, as not being ignorant how often his Majesty's Oath and Assecuration, with the Laws of Suethland, both in ecclesiastics and Politics, had been trespassed upon.    

That the Duke had degenerated from his Father's Virtues, whereby 
Object. 9  the Hereditary Right had been obtained.  

That this reflected more upon his Majesty, as having but 
Answ.  meanly traced his Grandfather's steps, & had acted much contrary to the Auital Testament, which was the groundwork of the Hereditary agreement: That such Unions are not attained to the end a King should neglect his Oath, Right and Justice; Act Arbitrarily, and abolish things constituted for the Country's good, but preserve them unviolated, and that thereby Hereditary Unions retained their vigour.    

That the Prince, under pretence of Religion, did render his Majesty 
Object. 10.  obnoxious to the envy of his Subjects.  

That no alienation of the Subject's minds from his Majesty 
Answ.  by his Highness can be proved, and that on the contrary, he had always exhorted them to persevere in Fidelity, as might appear by the Sudercopian Decree: But that if any such thing had or should hereafter happen, the cause were to be imputed to himself, for not performing the things he had confirmed unto them by Oath, as hath been already said.    

That the Prince had affected the Kingdom. 
Object. 11.   

That this Assertion can never be made clear, nor that he 
Answ.  had ever coveted the Regal Title, albeit it were not hard to prove that the same had been often tendered unto him, and again might be, if contrary to the hereditary Covenants and his Oath of Fidelity, he would use the means and power at present in his hand: That affection of Sovereignty cannot be imputed unto him, because that he with the Senators, underwent the troublesome burden of Government; for as much as in former times many more meanly descended, and of less Right, Dignity, and Power then himself, had in the Regal absence administered the Suethish Commonwealth, yet without any such aspersion upon them, as might appear by the union in the Reign of Queen Margaret, renewed under Ericke the thirteenth, in whose time and absence the great Sewer of the Kingdom was invested with power equal to the King; yet was not he to be compared unto his Highness, who is Hereditary Prince of the Realm, whom the prosperity thereof more nearly concerns.    

That his Highness had detained the Soldier's means, and defrauded 
Object. 12.  them of their Stipends:  

That he never expected a Crimination of this nature, as 
Answ.  being by God's goodness provided of such competent annual Revenues, that he could live according to his Rank, without making any such sordid gain, neither needed he to hunt after Lucre with the Kingdom's loss.    

That his Highness had given obligatory Letters to his Majesty, 
Object. 13.  but had afterwards violated them.  

That albeit his Majesty had required such Letters from 
Answ.  him before he departed the Kingdom, yet it cannot be proved that he ever obtained them, neither could he have so obliged himself, the same being repugnant to the Laws of the Kingdom, from which he was not to vary, and therefore his being by them obliged, as his Majesty alleged, and did endeavour to demonstrate, was not of consequence.  
Secondly, admit it were proved, which is not yet done, yet it did not thence follow, that he was tied to an absolute observation without exception, and that it is to be considered whether such letters were given of right or conditionally; if the latter, they are not further binding then the condition is fulfilled: but that is not done, for his Majesty had not granted such a Plenipotentiary as he demanded.  
Moreover the Obligation is merely civil, and may be evaded by exception, in regard that ensued not for which those Letters are said to have been given, and therefore he cannot be reproached to have acted contrary unto them: And yet he is willing to submit unto such letters as are conform to the Plenipotentiary by him required; but how just it is to affirm that he gave such Obligatorials as the form transmitted hither (which hath no conformity with the obligation given by him) is left to the judgement of all equitable men.    

Lastly, That the Prince had coined money in his own name and 
Object. 14.  stamp, which is a Royalty, and had thereby derogated from the Regal Rights and dignity.  

1. That albeit the coining of money be Regal, yet he had acquired 
Answ.  the same by the consent and approbation of the Superior: And that albeit King Erick was a Tyrant, and wholly endeavoured to diminish the Rights of his brethren, yet he deprived them not of that of Coinage, provided, that in Weight and Alley it were not inferior to the Royal money, as appears by the Arbogian Constitutions, Anno 1561. which nevertheless in reference to certain other points, he had not accepted of.  
2. That his Majesty's Royal father had conceded unto him that Privilege, as might appear by the Constitutions made at Vastena and Stegeburg: And that after the composure of all differences between the late King and himself, and the abolition of the Vastenan Decree formerly obtruded upon him, he had coined money in his own name, the late King yet alive; wherefore his Majesty could not revoke things which had been constituted and were unquestionable.  
3. That the most renowned King Gustavus (of famous memory) had by Testament bequeathed to his brothers and himself, their respective Dukedoms, in the same manner his said Majesty possessed them, and he, having Power and Right of coining money in each, had thereby devolved the like unto him: Wherefore his Majesty of Suethland and Poland, by depriving him of that Privilege, would contradict his Grandfather's Testament.  
4. Last, The refusal to his most faithful Uncle of what his Majesty permits to his Subjects, can be but small honour to his Majesty, as to the debasing of the Kingdom's coin, either in Weight or Alley, to the prejudice of the Subject, the Mintmaster, and thousands of others can testify the contrary.  
Wherefore forasmuch as his Highness had no way violated the Regal dignity, Right nor Justice, the Laws or hereditary Union of Suethland, but from his Majesty's Cradle had demeaned himself like a most faithful Uncle, and promised so to continue for the future, he is ignorant of the motives to such minatory criminating Letters, but suspects they proceed from his not approving of his Majesties-Religion, and his opposing the admittance of Papal Superstition into the Kingdom; for as to other things he remembreth not the commission of aught that deserved reprehension.  
That therefore he did in brotherly and earnest manner beseech his Majesty, and likewise most friendlike and lovingly desired the Senators, Peers, and Orders of the Kingdom of Poland, and the great Dukedom of Lithuania, to accept this answer as satisfactory, and not to make a Sinister Construction of these his just defences, whereunto most weighty Considerations, in a time most pressing had urged him: That nevertheless he did hope, that the King his Kinsman and Brother, would futurely forbear such Criminations, and return, preside over, and govern his hereditary Kingdom, according to his Oath, whereby all distempers, that had made irruption into the Common Wealth might vanish; But that if his Majesty were so minded, he did earnestly beseech him to settle such a Form of Rule, whereby the Kingdom's welfare, and the Subjects good might be provided for: That he doubted not but his Majesty had been incensed against him by false accusations for undertaking the Common Weals most troublesome Government, and that albeit, he had not obtruded his endeavours thereupon, but at his Majesty's request, and by approbation of the whole Orders of the Kingdom, by whom he had been called and desired to the discharge of that duty upon his Majesty's several discessions therefrom: yet he was resolved not to intermeddle with the public Administration against his Majesty's mind, but leave to the arbitrement of the Senators, and other Orders, the Consideration of the Government thereof, during his Majesty's absence.  
And that, albeit many weighty occasions did at present occur to be consulted of and settled, for avoiding of unrecoverable detriment to the Kingdom, as Discords and Controversies in Religion: a perfecting of the Peace with the great Muscovian Duke, with sufficient security for its perpetuity, and the rendition of the Castle of Kexholme. The present troubles of almost ruinated Finland, with other most urgent affairs for the Kingdom's future Weal, which by means of the Counsels now in agitation, may be neglected, whence discords greater than formerly may arise: His Highness doth nevertheless hereby protest his innocency, and that he hath given timely advertisement of these evils to the Counselors and Orders of his Majesty's Kingdom, and doth hope, and in friendly manner desire, that all good men will take this his Protest in good part, concluding with most loving and friendly tender of good will and favour to all the Orders, Citizens and Inhabitants of the Kingdom, as well Civil as Ecclesiastical, to each according to his degree.  
The further Answer made by his Highness and the Senatoriall 
Further Answer.  Order unto the other Regal Objections, was as followeth.    

That the Duke by indicting the Sudercopian Parliament, and 
Object. 1  by the Decree thereof, had derogated from all his Dignity, Praeeminency and Regal Rights.  

That albeit, according to the common rule in Law, where the Plaintiff proveth not, the Defendant is absolved, this 
Answ.  accusation might be over-passed in silence, in regard his Majesty produceth no evidence of such derogating by those Articles, but barely criminates without any fortifying reasons: yet his Highness, to testify his innocency, will demonstrate by the ensuing arguments, that the foresaid Decree doth no way impair but confirm and establish his Majesty's honour and dignity. For,  
1. No man of sound unbiased Judgement, can deny, but that a Decree producing Concord in Religion, administration of Law and Justice, expelling confusions crept into the Commonwealth, maintaining the Regal Oath and Assecuration, with the Hereditary Union unblemished, doth rather augment than diminish the Regal Dignity and Rights: But that the Sudercopian Decree is such a one may easily appear to all men, and will be more fully showed hereafter; wherefore the suspicion of weakening his Authority thereby must vanish: Natural Reason, History, and daily Experience do show, that where diversity of Religion sets foot, no account is made of right or just; Ataxia or confusion reigns; the vulgar multitude are apt for Insurrections; thereby the Common-weal cannot be long safe, the Sovereign's rule will be of small duration, neither are their Rights and Dignities preserved: Discontinuance of Supreme Authority proceeds from neglect of Kingly Offices; Viz. Propagation of Religion in a Realm, administration of Right and Justice, abolition of disorder. By these, as sure foundations, the Weal public is preserved, and the Regal Rule so long prosperous as they are endeavoured: Those laid aside, it vanisheth, as Histories (overlong to be here recited) do testify.  
Hence ariseth a question, What particular in that Decree is there repugnant to the things mentioned: At its very beginning, promise, and confirmation of fidelity is exhibited, according to the Subjects Obligation in reference to his Majesty's Inauguration Oath: next, Concord in Religion is established; for all persons introducing and sowing Extraneous Superstitions (the Regal Oath and Assecuration so requiring) are expelled: Unlawful Conventicles are prohibited, by which means the Weal Public is duly provided for. How Concord is maintained in Regions where disparity of Religion is admitted, the ruins and subversions of most potent Kingdoms and Commonwealths do show.  
2. The mention of his Highness' Title and Authority in point of Government, during his Majesty's absence, in the second Article of that Decree, doth rather confirm than retract form his Majesty's Dignity and Rights: for the presidency of one, exceeding the rest in power and authority, is of advantageous concernment to the Commonwealth, as by the prejudices of Policratia, or Democraty in this and other Kingdoms, and by this Nations Annals may be demonstrated: Hence Civil Wars take rise, and Kingdoms become subject to extraneous Yokes to their own detriment and destruction: for men are naturally prone to dissension. Where several bear rule with equal power, it follows mostly, that each hath regard to his private not the public good. Moreover, each trusting to other neglects his own part of duty, according to that saying, Affairs committed unto many have slow expedition, There is a certain natural Vice, that Possessions in common are for the most part neglected.  
3. The Laws of Suethland do thus express, that the same shall be rotally subject unto One, not unto many Kings; Whence it is apparent, that the welfare and Dignity of the Kingdom cannot firmly consist but under one Governor. Hereunto external Laws and the Judgements of Foreigners do accord, as the following Texts do witness; Kingdoms and Empires may be better governed by One then by many. Item, Hardly can a Plurality effect aught of good: Item, It is Heretical to place two Vicars in a Land.  
4. It hath not been usual in this Kingdom, in former ages, that (in the Regal absence) several persons should equally govern the Commonwealth, as may appear by the Union made in the Reign of Queen Margaret, renewed in that of Ericke the thirteenth. Moreover it hath been customary, that in the Vacancy of the Regal Chair, some One, not more of the Kingdom's Senators, should be elected to administer the Affairs of the Commonweal. Seeing therefore that his Highness is a Prince Hereditary of the Kingdom, unto whom, with his Heirs the Inheritance thereof doth properly belong, if any unwitting Accident should befall, (howbeit he wisheth the contrary, and that his Majesty and his Progeny may enjoy by God's goodness, a long, peaceable, and legitimate Government over the same) the right of Hereditation requires that his Highness should preside in his Majesty's absence: The rather for that there is none extant of the Regal Family ripe for Government, and the Laws permit not the preferring of any but the next of blood.  
As from the precedent (and other not here inserted) reason's it may be concluded, that the King absent, more than One cannot be constituted over the whole, nor any but his Highness; It follows without controversy, that nothing hath been herein acted in derogation of his Majesty's Dignity: but such only decreed as the Laws commanded and the public good required: For his Highness did not this to exclude his Majesty, but to be serviceable to the Country in his Majesty's absence; neither did he obtrude himself, but lent his hand to the Helm, at the earnest request of the Orders of Suethland:  
The Title itself doth no way diminish the Regal Praeeminency: For,  
1. It is the Title of a King, but of him who executes the Office and represents the Power.  
2. Both in this and other Kingdoms the Rulers have been called by such Titles, as is evident in our Histories, where Torchilus the Son of Canutus, Suanto the Son of Nicolaus, Steno Stir the younger, and many others, have been entitled Governors and Administrators of the Kingdom.  
3. This Title cannot derogate from the Regal Dignity, for his Majesty had (by Writ) honoured Claudius Flemingius, with the like; which he was uncapable of, as not being approved by the States of the Kingdom, neither had they both equal right to the Government: For his Highness sprung from the Regal Family, is a Prince hereditary of the Kingdom, but Flemingius a Subject of his Majesty and of his Highness.  
The third head of the said Decree contains likewise nothing but what is consentaneous to the Laws of Suethland: For by those written Laws, each cause is to be tried in the Province where the Delict was committed; and the punishment to be made exemplary where the Crime was so; besides, many confusions and prejudices would accrue to the Country, if the cognition of all Causes should be made in Poland. As,  
1. There could not be so ample information as were requisite, in regard the true state of Crimes may be more certainly known upon the place.  
2. A just Cause might happen to be lost for want of ability to attend personally and prosecute the definition; to produce Witnesses, and exhibit other instruments conducible to its legal cognition  
3. The Natives Estates would be utterly exhausted by those long Journeys, whence their unavoidable ruin must of necessity follow.  
4. The ancient Jurisdiction, Laws, and Privileges of Suethland would be violated, which may not be tolerated: All Nations have unanimously and obstinately maintained their own, and have pronounced that the Infringers of the Jurisdiction of others were to be punished as Peace-breakers. Item, that who so should bring an Action before a Court incompetent was to be fined.  
Whereas therefore his Majesty had bound himself by Oath not to impair the Jurisdiction of Suethland, he should trespass against the same by constituting either in Poland, or elsewhere, any extraneous Judicatory to be competent for the Suethes. Our Annals do likewise show that, for the like, great troubles did arise to Ericke the thirteenth, and other Kings.  
5. Hereunto is added, that his Majesty whilst in Poland, cannot determine the causes of Suethland, as not having those persons there with him, by whose counsel he is sworn to administer this Kingdom's Affairs.  
The fourth Article of that Decree is grounded upon the Laws of Suethen, as treating of distributing of Offices: And if his Majesty will preserve the Laws entire as he hath sworn, he may not, whilst absent, confer Offices at the request of every one who shall sue unto him: According to the Laws of Suethen, the King (absent) is expressly prohibited from constituting a Provincial Judge, but such constitution belongs to him who (in his absence) supplies his place: How much less than may he dispose of the more weighty charges? And it hath been always usual here that the great Sewer or Viceroy of the Kingdom, should collate Offices in the Regal absence, as appears by the Union whereby he is endowed with that Power.  
In regard therefore of what before alleged, it is uncontrovertably apparent that the foresaid Decree doth not violate his Majesty's Rights nor Dignity, but doth rather enlarge and illustrate them: and that, if regard were had to the Laws, his Highness might expect and receive thanks for having, in his Majesty's absence, undergone a Government so replenished with cares and toils: However, it was not decent to vitiate this pious Office with such contumelies and ignominious expressions, as the Letters delivered unto him are farced with.  
But if his Majesty shall say, that he doth not so much argue and protest against the Decree it self (in regard those Articles seem not so averse unto the Regal Dignity and Rights) as against the power and authority assumed by his Highness of indicting a Parliament, that being a Prerogative Royal belonging to the King solely.  
His Highness answereth, that by the Laws, it is not easily proved, that the right of calling Parliaments is peculiarly Regal; for those Royalties which by special concession are conferred upon any person, go not beyond the same, but that it is otherwise observed in Parliamentary Rights, examples do show; for even in Poland the Archbishop of Gnesnen hath power to call Parliaments and to enact Laws in the King's absence: And albeit that a Law to the contrary might be alleged, yet ought it not to be of any validity in this case, for as much as the Suethes, by a long prescription of time, have acquired this right in the same manner that all Regal Privileges are, as may appear by many Parliaments celebrated in this Kingdom, in the Reigns of Ericke XIII. and John II. Moreover, the Country's welfare and necessities required the calling hereof: And necessity is above all Law, neither admits of any.  
Forasmuch then as by the precedent reasons it is manifest, that the Sudercopian Decree contains nothing but what is conducing to the preserving and promoving of Unity in Religion, to the maintaining and confirming the Laws and Privileges, his Majesty cannot, by the most Subtilised Arguments, render the same Invalid, without revoking his Oath. But for the better cementing of things, his Highness will briefly resolve and refute the Arguments used by his Majesty for the illuding of that Sudercopian Transaction.  

HIs Majesty argues that in all lawful Conventions two things are chiefly requisite: First, the Superiors 
Argument 1.  approbation and consent: Secondly, That the necessity and motives for calling a Parliament be maturely signified unto him: But whereas the Sudercopian Covention was held without the Regal assent, and timely signification of the Cause impelling thereunto, his Majesty pronounceth the same needless and unlawful.  
And that his Majesty's affirmation may appear grounded upon Reason and the Authority of the Law, he confirms and fortifies the same out of the second Chapter of the Title of Regalls, by a Text, wherein is expressed, that Subjects are bound to obey their King; but his Majesty, by Edict, prohibited that Convention, as appears by the Writ. Ergo, etc.  

This Proposition is not rationally laid down: For thus 
Answ.  many evil Conventions would be approved, and laudable ones, tending to the good of Empires and Kingdoms, would be rendered of no valididity, because held without the Knowledge or consent of the Supreme Magistrate, which were dangerous to say. The Syllogism ought therefore to be thus form: It is a lawful Convention wherein nothing is treated, but what is consentaneous to the Laws, and appertains to the well-being, and to the best State of a Common Weal, but ●n the Sudercopian Convention, nothing was determined that is not agreeable to the Laws of Suethen and other Nations: Who therefore will call such a Convention unlawful? And if that be to be called a lawful Assembly, of the causes and necessity whereof his Majesty had been advertised, this cannot be termed an unlawful one; timely Advertisements of the reasons inducing his Highness and the Counsellors of the Kingdom to call that Parliament, having been sent to his Majesty, as by their Letters of the 28. of July may appear.  
Neither was it unknown to his Majesty in what Confusion and Perturbation he left the Kingdom at his departure; nor yet, if the causes had not been signified, ought this Parliament to have been judged unlawful, for as much as in our Municipal Laws there is not one which commands the same, and that ought to be called unlawful, which is contrary to the Law: And if any Law prohibiting the celebrating of Parliaments, were extant, it ought deservedly to be restrained or altogether abolished, where danger may be apprehended by delay, in which case the common rules of Law may be receded from, and undoubtedly this exception may take place here, for daily Experience shows what delays are contracted by expectation of answers out of Poland. The deferring thereof for the Regal approbation would have been of small conducement, seeing the whole Matter appears disrelishing to his Majesty, who also by an absolute prohibition might have procured detriment to the Kingdom, and prejudice to the Royal Dignity. And albeit his Majesty had deigned an acceptable answer, yet it had been repugnant to the Custom (time out of mind) of this Kingdom; both because it had ever been permitted here to call Parliaments, Necessity urging, and the King being in foreign parts, as also that it would have been a reproach and ignominy to the Kingdom, to have sought a form and frame of administering the same from abroad. How necessary that Convention was, the ensuing Reasons will demonstrate.  
1. It will be granted by all men, and his Majesty must acknowledge, (unless he will affirm that his Kingdom may want him without prejudice) that no Kingdom can continue without a King or head, and a certain form of Administration. The King was departed out of his hereditary Kingdom, and had left no Governor nor settled form of Government, nor hopes of his return; having, as aforesaid, promised the Polanders to spend his remaining life with them, so soon as he should have received the Crown, and had settled his affairs in Suethland: and therefore deliberation for governing the Common Wealth in his absence, was necessary for the avoiding of prejudice by confusion, which began to sprout forth: But the Subjects consent being requisite for such a Settlement, it was needful, that the Orders of the Kingdom should be convened to make an Election by common suffrage.  
Further, without a Governor, to whom should the Subjects have addressed their Complaints? for each one would have ruled as he listed, which is hardly now abstained from (and the rather because his Majesty renders the Sudercopian Decree subject to Suspicion and Contempt) by means whereof the Subjects finding themselves deserted by their lawful Crowned King, might have taken occasion of swerving from their duty; neither would reason nor the examples of Ancestors have been wanting. Here may be added, that the Russian War, which had lain upon us twenty six years was not then ended, and winter approached, affording to the enemy notable opportunities of infesting the Kingdom; the Borders were denuded of military Guards, and as it were exposed to incursions; to obviate these evils, mutual consent, Counsel and assistance was requisite, which could be no way better effected then by the Sudercopian Parliament.  
But whereas his Majesty endeavours to prove the same unlawful by the forecited Text of the second Chapter in the title of Reals, it may be worthy of observation, how this deduction can be made from thence: His Majesty's words admit of a double construction: First, that Subjects are bound to obey the King's command, when they are fortified with and conformable to law, unto which sense his Highness doth submit, and it is only inquired, whether such a Convention be forbidden by the Law? but if no such Law can be produced, he collects from thence, that the same is legally permitted: For what is not prohibited, is conceived to be allowed: and where the Law is silent, we ought to be so likewise: Which Laws are the more pertinent to our purpose, because that here the Privation of a Right is concerned, whereof no man can be (justly) deprived but by express provision of the Laws. But if the words signify that, according to Law, the Subjects are bound to obey whatsoever the King shall command: many inconveniences would redound thence; for thereby all his injunctions, just or unjust, must have the force of a Law, which would savour more of a Tyrant then of a Christian Prince.  
Caesar, albeit a Monarch, in the Cabinet of whose breast all Laws are contained, and who can prescribe and ordain against Law Positive, hath not thought it below him to say, that he is subject to the Laws; contrary to the common voice of Tyrants is, Sicvolo, sic jubeo, sit pro ratione voluntas.  
2. That Law cannot be so generally understood as his Majesty would have it, because his Sovereignty is circumscribed and limited by his Oath, by his Assecuration, and by the Laws themselves, neither can it extend further than they permit: And here that clause of his Majesty's Letter, That he granted not unto his Highness an absolute but a limited Rule, is answered; for his Majesty not having (as is here showed) an absolute Rule, how could he transfer to another what himself had not.  
3. Whereas it is expressly contained in the Regal Oath and in our Municipal Law, that the King ought to command his Subjects nothing but what is right and just before God and man; how can the King command what ever he will? or how are the Subjects bound to obey his command in all things, if he shall enjoin aught contrary to the Laws and Statutes of the Land.  
Seeing therefore that this Law is to be understood with an exception, and extends not further than the Regal Oath and the Kingdom's Laws permit, it may be demanded whether the King could rightly hinder or disturb the Sudercopian Parliament? For first, he promised by Oath to impose no new Law upon his Subjects without their consent: but whereas in all the body of our Law there is not one which forbids the celebrating of a Parliament, the King remaining in foreign parts, and that his Majesty endeavours to introduce such a Law, let the Subjects approbation be first required; which certainly they will never afford as having unanimously concentred in and confirmed the Sudercopian Convention: and therefore his Majesty can not make such a Law, nor disannul those Decrees, unless he will act against his Oath and Faith, and against the Laws of the Land, besides the hazard of reducing his Hereditary Kingdom into extreme danger.  
Secondly, his Majesty made Oath to preserve all the Rights and Privileges of the Kingdom: But that of calling Parliaments in the Regal absence is most ancient, as is manifest in former Ages; especially in the Reigns of Ericke the thirteenth, and John the second, in which the Orders of the Kingdom convened to admonish the King (by writing) of his duty, and to exhort him not to leave the Kingdom in the distractions it then was. And albeit his Highness is not ignorant that Judgement is not to be given by example, but by Law, he holds it (yet) worthy of consideration that examples are of a twofold kind; the one diametrically repugnant, the other consentaneous to the Laws; the former of no authority, the latter of equal force with the Law: But those before cited are not contrary thereunto, and therefore cannot be legally rejected by his Majesty: Moreover, not so much the example as the frequency of such actings, and the time requisite for such prescriptions are to be regarded; which custom is not only of equal force with the Laws, but doth sometimes eclipse their Authority.  
Thirdly, Whereas his Majesty did religiously promise that he would intermit nothing which might conduce to the welfare and flourishing estate of the Kingdom, he cannot nullify the Sudercopian Decree which wholly tended to the Patriall good & safety: And albeit a Law were extant, forbidding Parliaments to be held in the Royal absence, yet it ought to be restrained when the Kingdom by reason of that absence were in danger. For, Salus Populi Suprema Lex Esto. And a Prince ought to prefer the public good before his own particular.  
As therefore his Highness and the Kingdom's Inhabitants are not further bound unto his Majesty, nor obliged to obey his commands then his Oath, his Caution given, and the Laws of the Land do permit, and that these would be contradicted if his Majesty should obstruct the Parliamentary Decree made and ratified by common consent; It follows of right that the Subjects are not bound to the obedience of his Edict, especially in regard the Kings and Kingdom's well-being was endeavoured by that Convention.    

That since this Kingdom, of Elective, became 
Arg. 2.  Hereditary, no such Parliaments were ever celebrated the King living; and that this therefore opposed his Dignity and Regal Rights.  

That since the first time this Kingdom became Hereditary, 
Answ.  never did any of their Kings at one and the same time govern two Kingdoms so far distant and differing both in people and language, but always remained in, and laudably ruled their Hereditary Kingdom; and therefore it was not necessary that another should undertake the work and call Parliaments; albeit even they, as Affairs required, could not otherwise govern then by such Convocations: So as this ought not to turn to his Highness' reproach, the Kingdom being in a manner destitute of a King, and disorders increasing.  
It may also be here demanded, whether more right and power accrues to the King by Succession, than his Predecessors had whilst Reigning by a free Election? But if it cannot be showed that more power and authority is devolved unto his Majesty, what should now hinder Parliamentary Indictings and the constitutions of things tending to the good of the King, the Kingdom, and total Posterities, seeing that Histories do show the same hath been done, they reigning and governing other Kingdoms.    

That in the Sudercopian Convention new Laws 
Arg. 3.  were enacted, and that to make and promulgate Edicts is solely Regal: Wherefore the Transactions there did undoubtedly derogate from the Royal Dignity and Authority, and aught to be abrogated.  

That to ordain new Laws is not solely Regal, but the 
Answ.  Subjects consent is likewise requisite, without which it cannot be done. It is also affirmed that no new Law was enacted in that Convention, and consequently nothing derogatory to his Majesty therein acted.    

That much time was not Elapsed since his Majesty's 
Arg. 4.  Coronation, so as the promises then made might easily be remembered, and therefore their renovation by any particular Convention was unneedfull.  

His Highness regards not so much the time as the manner 
Answ. 1.  of his Majesty's observing those agreements, and that many things could be made appear to have been acted contrary to the most of them, but that he is tender of his Majesty's honour and fame.  
2. This Objection is more hurtful than helpful to his Majesty's cause, in saying he was mindful of what had been transacted at his Inauguration, for his Judgement may suggest unto him what suspicion may arise from a (voluntary) omission of what one knows aught of right to be done.  
3. From hence also conjecture may be made how that will be kept unto Posterity which is wilfully neglected at the very first.  
4. Renewing of things formerly concluded is not unusual, for many things are comprehended in the Law and published, which neither aught nor can be unknown to any: yet forasmuch as they are many ways trespassed against, Kings with the Orders of the Kingdom, have thought meet to digest the heads, mostly swarved from, into new Edicts and Constitutions, and so republish them to the people; which might be also exemplified by other Nations, but that the repetition would be overlong.    

That his Highness had by that Parliament administered 
Arg. 5.  occasion to deprive his Majesty, with himself, and whole Posterity, of the Succession and Kingdom, and therefore those Decrees ought to be abolished.  

Experience, the continued consent of Histories and all Politics 
Answ.  do accord, that for two causes chiefly God doth transfer the Empire of one Nation to another; Viz. Impiety and Injustice: And therefore by the rule of contraries it follows, that he who provides for Concord in Religion, and who administers Right and Justice, affords no matter for such Mutations: But that this is the main scope of the Sudercopian Decree is evident from itself; wherefore his Highness cannot be justly accused of giving occasion thereby to deprive his Majesty and his Successors of the Kingdom: For caution being therein given that the Oath of subjectional Fidelity should be preserved, and all erroneous Decrees dissenting from our received and admitted Religion, abrogated; it follows consequentially (for Negation of the whole admits of Negation of parts) that whosoever impugns that Decree doth equally free the Subjects from their Oath of Fidelity to his Majesty, disturbs Concord in Religion, and overturnes the Hereditary Covenants: His Highness therefore doth Jurally affirm that his Majesty cannot disannul the same without absolving the Subjects from their said Oath and exclusion of himself and Posterity from the Succession.  
2. The Subject's Obligation to his Majesty is conditional, agreeable to the Regal Oath and Assecuration, as hath been showed: Whence it is that by over-throwing the Sudercopian Tractation the Covenant will not be fulfilled: ANd it is evident in Law, that where the Condition is not observed the Obligation is void: The rescinding therefore of that Transaction may administer cause of defection, as his Highness hath, brotherly, admonished his Majesty.  
3. None can be ignorant that it is usual, in all Nations, for Subjects to renounce their fidelity and obedience upon violation of the Regal Conditions and Covenants: Histories do record, nor can it be unknown unto any, what hath been acted in Suethland, Poland, France, England, Scotland, and Denmark; yea, near at hand, some may be found, who, by their Laws, have expressly prohibited obedience to be rendered to their Kings in things contrary to the Laws; Witness the Statutes of Poland.  
By the Law it is permitted that either party acting contrary to agreement, the other also may recede: there is likewise a Relative Fidelity so equal between a Prince and his Subjects, that a faithful Prince renders his Subjects such; and therefore the Evertion of the Sudercopian Decree would be dangerous to the King and his Successors, neither can his Majesty annihilate the same without hazarding the forecited inconveniencies.  
Some may be of opinion, that Subjects ought not to desert their allegiance, albeit the King should act contrary to his Covenant; and that they being bound to him by Oath, their violation thereof were Perjury, how enormously soever dealt with: yet here it is to be considered that an Oath is not a Bond of in-equity and unjustice, which would follow if his Majesty might swarve from his, and the Subjects remain bound by theirs.    

That albeit Treachery had been impending, his 
Arg. 6.  Highness ought not to have called a Parliament without the Royal assent, how much less when apparently no danger was to be feared.  

This seems to be without grounds, seeing that in such cases 
Answ.  men are wholly freed from the Law: For, albeit Parricide be a crime so atroce, and of that horrible and detestable nature, as the Ancients could not conceive it to come into the mind of man, or invent for it a condign punishment: Yet the Son who should slay his Father in the practice of Treason, was not only legally acquitted but rewarded likewise: Moreover the general exception of all Laws is, Salus Populi Suprema lex esto: And necessity is above all Law. If then in those Nefarious acts we are exempted from the law when Prodition threatens danger, how much more lawful is it to call a Parliament (like necessity urging) which is not forbidden by any Law; & his Majesty may gather by what before specified, that from the longer Government by the form he left behind him, little less prejudice would have been derived then if present treachery had been to be feared.    

To the Ambassadoriall Oration of the Polanders, 
Answer to the Oration.  the Duke and Counsellors of the Kingdom of Suethland made answer as followeth.  
THat amongst the admirable Works of God upon Earth, nothing is more wonderful than the Bond or Order whereby men have been governed from the beginning, with due preservation of mutual Society; and albeit partly in confused, mostly in very different manner, yet their universal ruin hath not hitherto succeeded. In some places One, in others a few, the more noble and more wise; in others more, sometimes the multitude have ruled. And yet in such varieties of Men and Nations, and difference of Governments, that Sovereignty should subsist and be durable to the World's end, no wiseman but will admire and acknowledge it to proceed from the Singular goodness of God, and chiefly to that end whereunto all Empire seems to Verge; that the Almighty may receive praise, and that Justice may be preserved unblemished.  
That amongst all those Forms, the Government by one person, the counsel of prudent men annexed, hath always been the chief in estimation: The same by one King as the humane body with its members being better governed, as the Lords Ambassadors in the beginning of their Oration did prudently deliver, in the enumeration of the ancient alliances between the two Kingdoms of Suethland and Polard, for many years, under several Princes of each Nation, but especially this last and nearest of Sigismundus hereditary of Suethland, freely and voluntarily elected King of Poland, which friendship had ever been honourable to both the Nations: To Poland hitherto beneficial mostly; To Suethland most grateful.  
As to the comparison of the body of man to a Kingdom, and the Rule of the head over the same to the Regal Dignity; the similitude is most fitly adapted and an argument of great Erudition, taken out of Menenius Agrippa in Livy, but is not rightly applied to the Suethes, ever most faithful to their Kings. No question is made how the Statutes of Poland are observed towards his Majesty who was called thither, not of necessity but by their own free will: His Majesty's Fame was their inducement to his Election; but the Suethes are bound to their King by hereditary right of blood, coupled with Virtue: They by their free electing him have testified a singular gratitude and propensity toward the maternal Regal Stock: but who can say, that the Suethes have ever come short of any toward their King and Regal Family, having conceded the Electory Sovereignty of a most ancient Kingdom into a perpetuated Inheritance of a Masculine Royal Line, without other wise antiquating any Law of Privilege of the Kingdom? It must be granted, that nothing is more consentaneous to nature, then that the body with all its members and parts universally should be governed by the head, and that the like right belongs to a King in a Kingdom: yet so, that the Office of the members, which are to obey, be not confounded, or any thing contrary to Law obtruded; as also that consideration be had whether the King remain fixed within or without the Kingdom.  
The heads of the Polish Complaint against the Sudercopian Assembly were then rehearsed as they are couched in the Oration, but the repetition for brevity's sake (here) omitted: And to the whole it was replied; That,  
To the Suethes an Embassy so magnificent, from the Senatoriall Orders of Poland and Lithuania, would have come most acceptable for the weeding out of any discords that might have sprung up, and the renewing of mutual friendship; for thereby their great fidelity, and regard to his Majesty, and their good inclination to this Kingdom, would have appeared But that it was beyond the expectation of his Highness, and the Orders of Suethland, that they should incur a suspicion so harsh from friends and associates, the fidelity of the Suethes, not being so slightly seated, as that such grave Persons should be moved with a vain rumour: It was not meet, yea by so much more unmeet, in that they seem to be charged with high Treason, wherefrom the Suethes have ever been most averse: The Orders of Poland ought to have been better instructed in the affairs of Suethland, before they had made so sinister a national Construction, as that the State thereof was disturbed, and the Regal Dignity prostituted; and this upon a rumour in Poland far greater (doubtless) than the Ambassadors do find to be really here: Admonition amongst equals and fellows is admittable, but such a censure in no wise. The Orders of Poland and Lithuania mistrust that many things have been transacted at Sudercopia, tending to the disturbance of ancient Order, and the right Government of this Kingdom, directly undermining his Majesty's Dignity and Superiority, etc. It is contrary to duty and mutual benevolency to thrust one's Sickle into another man's Harvest, and to meddle with things that properly belong to the State and Orders of Suethland, who have never had aught in more, or more ancient, estimation, than their fidelity and obedience toward their Kings; and than whom it concerns none more that the right form of Government should not be changed; and, if it were, to have it restored.  
The Sudercopian Parliament was convened by his Highness, to whom, with the Senators, the King had committed the kingdom: Not upon light grounds, as the Ambassadors may have partly perceived by the Acts, for it was necessary to call a Parliament, neither was aught therein concluded derogatory to the regal Dignity, or to the Patriall Rights; nor were new Laws enacted, but the old put in execution: That which preserves tranquillity of Religion generally received in a kingdom, which executes the Laws, abolisheth civil dissension, establisheth the regal Oath and the hereditary Covenants, doth more confirm then weaken the Regal Rights: No man therefore will doubt, but that his Majesty will have it unviolably observed, and will think nothing can more conduce to the illustration and amplification of his Dignity: It was called for his good, not for sedition or disobedience; neither was it unwitting to him, for he had been certified of the motives by Artizouskie in August preceding; he protested indeed, but the thing was done. The power of calling Parliaments is known to be in the Supreme Prince when within the Kingdom; but if otherwise, it hath never been observed that Treason was imputed, if they to whom the Government was committed did call a Parliament in the Regal absence so long as nothing was acted contrary to their Faith and Oath given. This Kingdom hath some Precedents, as in the times of Christian the first, and John the second, when the effects of the Regal Oath began to languish, which may easily happen in the Kingly absence: Foreign examples are not wanting, nor argumentative proofs of the best learned in Politics many years past, as well of the Roman as of our Religion, that the King being absent, Parliaments may be kept without derogating from Majesty: According to Cominaeus, they swarve from the Law of Nations, and the custom of their Ancestors who plot to root out the most laudable institution of celebrating common Counsels, the greatest strength and establishment of a Kingdom: Under Edward the second of England, Charles' the eighth, and Lewis the eleventh of France, and these also are Hereditary Kingdoms, Parliaments have been called the King present: In Germany it is no new thing for the States to convene against the Emperor's mind, and it is yet fresh in memory that the like hath been done in Poland, the King, even this Sigismond the third, not only unwilling but also prohibiting and protesting against it, which is not here mentioned to accuse others, for all men have judged Parliaments to be lawful, when publicly called for weighty causes and not contrary to the good of King and Kingdom, albeit against his mind being absent. Confederacies opposite to the Regal Dignity, Praeeminencie, and Rights, have not been undertaken as is unjustly objected: Such savour of Sedition which never entered into the thoughts of the Suethes. Conspiracy is close, treacherous, distructitive to King and Country; but Parliaments are lawful and do fortify both: It is therefore Illegal to tax the Suethes of treason, for so convening, when as the same appears not to be forbidden them by any Law; but unto Kings is not permitted to Enact Laws without the People's consent, no more then to govern the people contrary to the Law and without the assent of the Senators.  
The more weighty inducements to that Parliaments indiction were, the public Debts; the unpaid stipends of the Soldery, whose Military Virtue is not unknown to any; the settling of Dowries whereunto extraordinary collection was necessary; which by the Laws of Suethland, the King himself (when present) cannot compel without a Parliament: His Majesty was absent whose part it was to clear the debts of his Father and the Kingdom, which cannot stand safe without salving the public Faith. Another motive was that in the Form of Government prescribed, several things seemed wanting in conformity to the Laws and Regal Oath, whereunto the Orders of the Kingdom conceived they ought to adhaere the more constantly by reason of discords about Religion, which were not when the right of Hereditation was conferred upon the Regal Family. To the said Form the Senatoriall Votes were also requisite, without which the King is by our Laws forbidden to settle aught of the Kingdoms more weighty Affairs. These reasons may suffice for the calling of that Parliament, albeit more might be given: Let us now discuss the heads of what was therein concluded.  
It is reputed treason that some are removed from Office; that the Regal Letters receive not due regard; that appeals to the King are prohibited with sundry others: To all which articulate answers shall be made, that so the innocency of the Suethes may appear to equal minds.  
That some are reduced is not denied; and if, the Ambassadors were acquainted with the reasons, not unjustly; for some could not be admitted to bear rule without infringing the Regal Oath: Others, refractory to the public peace had like members lost from the body, not only separated themselves from the Sudercopian Decree, but from others also of greater antiquity which had been by Regal Oath confirmed: not without suspicion of innovation, which is mostly studied by such as esteem nothing more than to be pleasing to the Supreme Magistrate without discerning what is just and commodious for the Common Weal, and so to grow upon the ruins of others: yet these are permitted to enjoy the benefit of the Laws and ordinary Privileges. It is moreover to be considered that the more honourable Offices of this Kingdom cannot be immediately rightly conferred by the King, howbeit fixed within the Kingdom, unless that first, if One be to be admitted into the Senatoriall Counsel; if into any other great Office, the Provincial Votes have conceded to One of Three. Neither can Judges (the King even present) be otherwise appointed: But he remaining out of the Kingdom, by his Vicegerent, which Office the Kingdom's Sewer (as they here term it) did anciently, by virtue of a certain Law discharge in the Regal absence: This is testified by the Laws themselves, by the privileges of sundry Kings and famous Constitutions of the Kingdom for above five hundred years, as also by the union of these three Kingdoms in the Reigns of Queen Margaret, and of the Kings, Ericke, Christopher, John the second, and Christian the first and second.  
Come we now to the point of appealing. It is not unknown to any, that the most High God hath Instituted the Supreme Magistrate for a Sanctuary and refuge to the oppressed: So that appeals to the King and to those that bear rule, and such as the King hath appointed as chief in his absence, are lawful even by the greatest Offenders: And this is a custom practised in the Roman Provinces, and observed by other Kings whose Extents are large, but if it were free for guilty and indebted persons to make continual appeals to the King, what end would there be of Suits. When should Crimes be punished? Appeals to the King ought to be of the more weighty causes only, and the main matters of the Commonwealth: nothing is done herein contrary to the manner of other Nations. Portugal and Naples are governed by Viceroys; the Belgian Provinces by Governors, yet no appeals from either are made unto the Spanish Court, albeit each of those Countries have Senatoriall persons there residing, who solicit the Affairs of the Nation, according to their Laws and Privileges. But who remain in Poland negotiating for Suethland the Ambassadors can tell: Or will they judge that those being in another Kingdom, can duly provide for the Emergencies of Suethen? yet admit that sundry of our Senatoriall Patriots were there, were it lawful for them to draw the controversies of the Suethes thither? Neither is this a Right peculiar to us, but equally observed amongst all Nations; for what King hath desided the causes of one Kingdom in another, unless the one were subject to the other: The declining a competent Court within a kingdom loses the cause. Appeals to the King are not abscinded but reserved in the Tribunal proper for the Majesty of the Kings of Suethland until the King's return: Neither can he alone, even within the Kingdom, give sentence without able and unbiased Assistants, no more then without a just hearing of the Plaintiff and Defendant: Nor is any appeal admitted by Law from the chief Tribunal unto the King, even in the most weighty Affairs, when he is within the kingdom, the Courts of Justice being administered according to custom and our written Law; how much less lawful than is it, the King remaining out of the kingdom? And if permitted, would it not be dishonourable and prejudicial to Regal Majesty, and to an unconquered kingdom, when the chief Court of Justice should seem to wander, like an exile in a strange Land, without fixation of place? many other inconveniencies might be apprehended by Appeals into Poland, as tediousness of way, vastness of expense, and at length the undoubted extinction of the most ancient Right of a kingdom, which is sacred and unviolable to all Nations.  
Next, it is complained, That the Royal Letters and Patents are slighted; whereunto is answered, that those Letters which are the Kings, are had in reverence; but others, that is, such as are contrary to the mind, dignity, and good of the King and Kingdom are received, as if the Suethes were assured, that his Majesty desires nothing that is not conformable to the Laws confirmed by the Regal Oath; and conducing to the preservation and emolument of their mutual, most ancient dignities: Such are indeed suspended, that due honour may be exhibited to the Royal hand and Seal, and that his Majesty may deliberate more maturely. But some may say, thus, more wisdom and power is attributed to the Subject, then to the Sovereign: in no wise. No question is made of the Regal Power, which nevertheless, Alphonsus of Arragon did most rightly define, when he said: unto Kings, whatsoever is honest is permitted; and that they may do what they may legally do. It was a Royal Speech of the Emperor Honorius, when he professed, that he, a Prince, was bound by the Laws: by those the Kings of Suethland are confined. Things unequal, howbeit small at first, prove in the end obnoxious to Cities and Kingdoms. In France (an hereditary Monarchy) excessive bounty is frequently restrained without derogating from Majesty, even in Suethen, the meanest may, by protection of Law, defend himself and his against the King, by whom if aught upon false information be ordered at the instance either of Plaintiff or Defendant, the same without consulting (or derogating from) Majesty is ejected and abrogated. King's have sometimes entertained Advocates for poor men, who not only have boldly refused to obey the Regal permissions or inhibitions, but have openly, unblamed, opposed them. If this be tolerable in private persons, how can that be obtruded in the Government of a Kingdom, the King absent, which by the Law may be overthrown and may prove prejudicial even to Majesty itself.  
The Prince and Senators, are charged moreover with Treason, because they had decreed not to have regard to such Letters, as many times are by bad men, unversed in the Suethish Affairs, extorted from a gracious Prince, to the prejudice of himself and the Kingdom: sometimes by private persons, who neither have nor deserve any power to enjoin obedience. What is this, but putting the feet to do the work of the hands? whence that must necessarily follow, which the Lords Ambassadors, most prudently did allege, viz The Office of the Members would be confused; all would languish; their Order would be disturbed, and the dissolution of the whole body must necessarily ensue. If his Majesty will have aught of moment acted within the Kingdom, may not his pleasure be better signified, to those that are over the same, as is usual in all Nations? The Provincial Rulers have ever had such respect from kings, that the Royal Mandates are directed to them for execution according to right, or advertisement if Noxious or unjust: How much more unseemly is it to overpass them to whom the care of the whole Kingdom is committed? yet so it is mostly that the first understanding must be from others, and that Letters are heaped to divers persons from whom most favour may be expected, not for what is expedient for the King and Kingdom but themselves. A certain person is said to have brought Letters out of Poland not long since surreptitiously obtained from the King, for present payment of a certain sum of Dollars as a due debt which sum had been satisfied some years before: Do not such Letters deserve regard? Some are brought into the Kingdom manifestly taxing the Prince and others of Infidelity toward his Majesty, the names concealed, tending to incite, the Popularity especially, to insurrection, by which like instigations, probably the Governor of Finland hath dared to oppose the whole Kingdom of Suethland: The King consented; yet doubtless not of his own accord, but by the counsels of wicked men, and to his own and the kingdom's detriment. For, then discord, nothing is more pernicious in kingdoms, (especially) if it proceed so far that by one faction he thinks to oppress that which (but undeservedly) he conceives to be another. But thus in destroying one by another, he ruins the kingdom, even his Country.  
The examples of France and the Netherlands alleged by the Lords Ambassadors, serve here very fitly: For the French fell not into so many Calamities by any national disobedience towards their King, but by the quotidian, violent subtle snares set for expulsion of the Protestant Religion; whence that kingdom was so many years afflicted with mutual Slaughters, Rapines, Rapes, Incendiarismes, Sacrileges, and men's minds so exasperated, that a Civil War seemed to be rendered perpetual: And whilst one Party endeavoured a Propagation, the other a defence of Religion, no room for Religion appeared to be left by either; the blood of their Kings and Princes partly extirpated: And they thus tearing out each others bowels, a third invades, pretending indeed Religion, yet perhaps more gaping after the Gallican Dominion, as being accustomed to have kingdoms fall to his share for reimbursement of Costs:  
But return we to Flemingius who in time of peace, enrolls, assembles, entertains Forces; to what end? merely to consume what the Enemies have left, to destroy those Subjects whom the Wars had spared: Infinites of them complaining that their marrow, blood, and bones are sucked. Let his Majesty be moved with the miseries of Finland, which bordering on the Russian was made the Seat of War mostly by our own, and likewise exposed to the Enemy's incursions and depredations, but now more calamitously exhausted by waging and entertaing a not necessary Soldiery: The King is obliged by Oath to protect and vindicate the Innocent and the Needy from all Injuries whatsoever, and to preserve the public peace.  
How much more prudently may his Majesty abolish, not nourish discord by the misery of the Subject, wherewith doubtless God is offended? Let his Majesty command a deposing of Arms, and that all Controversies may be judicially desided: To restrain Compatriotall hands from mutual Massacres is the part of a most Excellent, Pious, and Christian King: Let his Majesty write and command things honourable for himself and the kingdom, Obedience shall follow: for such as are other let a suspension be permitted: And as Mahetas appealed from the sentence of Philip of Macedon to the same King better informed; even so the Suethes: His Highness and the Senators do moreover beseech that during his Majesty's Reign and his Highness' Vice-gerency assisted with the Senatoriall Counsels, the kingdom's Laws may not suffer subvertion.  
When Charles the fifth, after Royal Entertainment in France by Francis then there Reigning, had at the request of the said King created some Knights and Barons, their Honours were afterwards disputed and concluded invalid, because conferred in another's Dominion, wherein he had not Right of Majesty, the Dignity of each Realm salved. For those Rights are no where preserved but in the kingdom where they are legitimate; transported abroad they are easily obscured. Suethland hath written Laws and famous Constitutions from the times of Queen Margaret Ericke the 13th. Albert and other Kings, not abolished nor antiquated, wherein is expressly provided, that the Kingdom's Affairs shall in the Regal absence, be administered by the Native Counselors, Peers, and great Officers of the same: Neither are the Royal Commands, when given without the Kingdom, to be obeyed further than they shall by the Counsel be approved, and this is ratified by evident Laws, Regal Oaths, and Hereditary Covenants. Writings are extant between King Gustavus and Ericke the 14th. his Son, whereby (upon his intended Voyage for England, to have matched with Elizabeth that Nation's Queen) he was expressly bound to refer all the Affairs of Suethland unto the King his Father, or he being dead, to the Vicegerent and the Senators: And when afterwards he should the second time have undertaken the like, to commit them to John Duke of Finland, Governor (afterwards King) of Suethland, together with the Senators.  
Let it be moreover considered, how fully and sufficiently either Realm was provided for at the marriage of Philip of Spain with Queen Mary of England, that the Pre-eminency and Dignity of each might be preserved entire, and not wander with the King's Person into a strange Kingdom: Yet both are hereditary; but the Argument expressed in our Laws, is much more forcible; for the King is obliged, even here remaining, to govern Suethland by the counsel of the native Senators, not strangers; how much more therefore when remote and necessitated to use the Eyes and Ears of others? the Senators also of this Kingdom are tied by Oath to admonish the king seriously and frequently to preserve the kingdom's Laws and Royalty unviolate, which albeit it be no easy task: yea, for the most part undeservedly dangerous, yet they have willingly undergone it, and discharged their parts at his Majesty's being here; so as the Ambassadors present trouble might have been spared, if time had been then improved; for the kingdom's affairs were begun to be treated with fidelity and due diligence; but hardly could the Inauguration be proceeded unto without great difficulty and longer contest then was meet about things not ambiguous, formerly sworn unto and confirmed. The form of Government, by divers counsels and alterations was protracted even to the time of departure, no consent of the Senate concurring; and it was manifestly purposely so done by advice of persons not well affected to this Kingdom, or ignorant of affairs, or fit to be ejected from the Results of Suethland: or lastly, such as had secretly concluded, the Kingdom should be Governed by the rule of Succession, but the Suethes by that of Servitude: This they detest, the other they submit unto, and will maintain unviolably, as the bond of their Liberties preservation and increase, not of obtrusion of slavery, which the hereditary Covenants do clearly demonstrate.  
No Tax or Tribute was commanded in that Parliament, but a voluntary supply tendered according to the Legal form for causes in the Law expressed; Viz. Repairing the charges of War.  
The matter of money, as of no great concernment, was almost forgotten; for the privilege of coining hath been conceded to several Princes and Cities without violation of Majesty: At Vastena money is coined with the conjoined names of his Majesty and the Prince his brother, with which impression the King his Father had coined, in sign of Concord, at the beginning of his Reign, and soon after voluntarily conferred the said privilege upon the Duke his brother during life.  
This is the answer thought meet to be given to the Lords Ambassadors, and it is most earnestly desired that the same may be accepted without offence to his Majesty, whom the State and Orders of the Kingdom do honour and reverence with all integrity and fidelity, and albeit the same be at length, yet is it not that the Suethes are obliged to render account to any but his Majesty, and (he) within the Kingdom, but that their cleverness from the treason tacitly implied may appear to all the World. Sundry other Stigmas are cast upon that Sudercopian Transaction, which by this Kingdom's Laws and Statutes will be easily evinced: Albeit they acknowledge the States and Orders of Poland and Lithuania for fellow Subjects under the most just Empire of one and the same King, yet not for Judges: The said Orders may understand that his Highness and those of Suethen descent not from them in any thing; but least in the love of concord, and hatred of dissension; nor can ought be more acceptable to them then a composure of all differences by an equal and mutual moderation. It may be effected if the Council of whom it behoves may be admitted, waving threats from the threatened who fear them not. Otherwise if the controversy (which God forbid) must be decided by Arms, not only the King and Prince themselves, but the neighbour Princes and Territories also may be disturbed, perhaps with great prejudice to the Regal Family, for what side soever should win, it would be to him detrimental, as many times in Civil War both Parties, being weakened, do easily become a prey to any third.  
The Orders therefore of Poland and Lithuania are in loving and brotherly manner desired by his Highness and the Senators of Suethland, as a thing worthy of their prudence, equity, and mutual society, becoming fellows and friends, the Ambassadors likewise intervening to endeavour the eradicating of this suspicion from the mind of his Majesty who is King and Lord of both the People's: And that themselves also will eject it, and will entreat, admonish, and conjure his Majesty not to be induced by the Counsel of wicked persons to the meditating of any hurt to this kingdom, nor suffer his Royal mind to be alienated from his Paternal Soil; And that they will consider not in what way of Religion the Suethes' worship God, but with what fidelity and sincerity they reverence their King.  
The Ambassadors desire an abrogation of things contrary to the Laws, and the same is instantly sought by his Highness and the Senators. Let the heads of the Suethish Law, whereby the King and Subjects are mutually bound by Oath, be scrutinized, so as the least deviation may easily be found, and the general Conclusion follows in these words: We (viz.) The Subjects are obliged to our Sovereign in true obedience; That is, to obey his command in all things feasible, which before God and man he ought to command, and we to obey, saving his Rights and our own. At Sudercopia nothing was concluded repugnant to the Laws and Statutes of this Kingdom confirmed by Oath. If any think otherwise let those be Judges and Arbitrators; they are not obscure, ambiguous, nor abrogated, but sometimes Sacramentally Corroborated. No Article is annulled by Hereditary Succession, only the Election altered into a right of Devolution. To this Scale those Transactions are submitted: The Duke and Senate refuse not to render an account to a most mild and gracious King. Let the Suethes adhaere to and without blame enjoy the Laws and Privileges acquired by their own and their Ancestors great Merits, which his Majesty hath sworn to preserve; and let him then (as we desire and hope he will) with the same patience that a Macedonian King reviewed a private cause, examine that of his most ancient and now Hereditary kingdom within the Paternal Soil: And so lend an ear to Accusers as not to refuse another to them unpossessed of Calumny: And they do hope that the Orders of Poland and Lithuania are so equal toward all men, as themselves will not only forbear suspicion in the future, but evidence the innocency of the Suethes to others also. If otherewise, and that for private profit and favour they will have no regard unto their innocency, it may produce danger; one man's damage being sometimes hurtful to his Neighbour. Poland is a flourishing kingdom, and may it ever flourish: Neither doth this want Monuments of having flourished: If now it appear wasted by a continued War, what wonder? What Kingdom or Commonweal hath waged War full thirty six years with its own Forces and charge and is not wasted, so as it may seem fit for any obtrusion? Nevertheless the said Orders are persuaded that as a rapid overflowing River, encountering some of the largest Trees, felled in the neighbour grounds, hurries them into the same precipice: So the fall or least mutation of the ancient State or Government of potent kingdoms, draws others with it into ruin.  
The Prince and Senate do therefore heartily desire the States and Orders of Poland, to interpose their power with his Majesty, that regard may be had to this defence, and that they will employ their Wealth and Fortunes and what else is dear unto them, for the preservation, not the subversion of Laws and Privileges, than which there cannot be a stronger confirmation of the Royal Sceptre; or way more durable for retention and increase of the Royal Dignity of a twofold Crown, nor aught more worthy of the Polish Nation, for the Vindicators of liberty and the maintainers of privileges, have ever been in laudable estimation: And therefore it is not feared that they will go about to obtrude upon others, what they would account to be unjust if done unto themselves. The Suethes have always much esteemed the Polanders, and will with them, if need shall be, defend his Royal Majesty with the hazards of their lives and fortunes, and fixed upon the Regal Oath, will, with the Polanders remain constantly faithful and obedient toward their King, and willingly on their part preserve the ancient Concord between the two Kingdoms, saving to each their right: And do return offers of readiness and propensity to all Offices of love unto the Senate and Orders of Poland, and the great Dukedom of Lithuania, to whom they desire to be in most respective manner remembered, and do entreat that this answer may be received in good part, according to the time, as being wholly necessary for their own defence, no way intended for reproaching or inveighing. To conclude, a quiet Navigation with prosperous winds and happy return unto their Principals and Friends is wished to the Lords Ambassadors, by his Highness and the Senate.  
This was the substance of the Polish Ambassadoriall Oration, and of the replies made thereunto by Duke Charles and the Senators of Suethland; Who nevertheless do say, that this Legation was instituted to no other end then the abrogation of the Sudercopian Conclusions, those Ambassadors divulging that the said Assembly was much derogatory to the Royal Majesty and Authority, and by their perverse contention procured the sudden breaking forth of formerly buried dissensions, which brought many to their last end with incomparable mischiefs upon Suethland, Finland, and Leisland: When the Duke therefore saw that, for his labour and love toward his Country and Nephew, he was requited with such ingratitude, and that the Embassy forementioned, was accompanied with so many prejudices to the Nation, not without a Charge of high Treason, he was constrained to call another Parliament at Arbogia against the fifth of March, 
Parliament at Arbogia.  1597.  
To this comitial Convention all the Orders of the kingdom, according to the custom and necessity, were invited; and by King Sigismundus, the repair thereunto, strictly prohibited, hoping by his Mandates dispersed through the kingdom, to deter the Natives therefrom, as he had by his late Legation gained the adhaerency of several Senators, of whom the chief were Ericke Sparre, Hogenschieldus Bielke, Claudius, and Turo Bielke, Gustavus, and Steno ●aner; Georgius Posse the Son of Canutus, with the more eminent of the equestrial Order, who were imbued, by those Counselors of the kingdom, that what the Senators should do the said Order was to subscribe unto and follow, whereby many of the chief Nobility, Military Commanders, Clergy and Burgesses through the wicked persuasions of those Senators, declined their appearance, as did those Senators themselves, none repairing to the same, Count Axle of Rasborg excepted, albeit the generality of the equestrial Order, Counts, Barons, Gentry, Prelates, Military Officers, Burgesses, and common people, flocked thereunto without regard to the example or Malignant inducements of the Senators.  
The particular transactions in that Parliament I omit, referring (as before) the curious to the Acts themselves, the most material being an exclusion of all mixed religions as displeasing to God, pernicious to Souls, tending to persecutions, mutual hatred and dissensions, with an asseveration or assurance of remaining constant, God assisting, in the Doctrine received, and that they would not permit the exercise of any other Religion to be received in any part of that Kingdom, (the King's private Chapel, when he should be within the kingdom, only excepted) and whosoever should secretly or openly transgress this decree and general agreement, by acting contrary to their Subscriptions and Signatures, they were to be reputed as perfidious persons, and to be shunned by all honest and ingenious people.  
The reiteration of their assurances of fidelity to their King followed next in order according to the Union of Hereditary Succession, the Testament of King Gustavus, or his last Parliament, An. 1560. celebrated at Stocholme, as also conform to their own late conclusions at Sudercopia; for the confirmation whereof this convention was chiefly instituted, wherein was further enacted, that all Dissenters from their and the Sudercopian Decrees, who should not declare themselves within six weeks (excepting those of the remoter Provinces, to whom longer time was allotted) should be reputed as Disturbers of the Commonwealth, and to be cut off from the body Politic. On whom (after due information and exhortation) fit punishment was by his Highness, with consent of the Senatoriall (and other) Order to be inflicted: The like for all of whatsoever condition or degree, who should for any respect desert or fall off therefrom. The Commotions in Finland were also resented, and the sufferings of the people there, in order whereunto it was decreed that some persons of good repute should be sent thither with severe Injunctions to all parties to depose their Arms, and demean themselves peaceably, and where any just cause of complaint was, the same to be legally discussed and decided, and that his Majesty should be humbly moved by those who should be deputed towards him, that by his Royal Authority there might be a ceasing of these disturbances and provincial devastations; but if it should be certainly found by faithful Messengers, that those tumults did not end but rather increase, and that counsel nor admonition would not take place, that then other proceedings corresponding to the Regal Oath and to the Sudercopian Constitutions should be made, whereby the Kingdom might not be further damnified. Provision was likewise made for the ease of the Subject in certain particulars, until a total alleviation might ensue.  
They also bound themselves to Unity and mutual defence with lives and fortunes, against all persons who should offer or attempt any violence towards the observers of those things which were in that Convention established: yet still with reservation of the fidelity due to their Supreme Magistrate, and the concord wherein they were by Law and right bound unto each other. This Transaction was (as aforesaid) at Arbogia the fifth of March, 1597.  
But this Parliament was not more pleasing to King Sigismundus 
Displeasing to King Sigismond.  then that of Sudercopia. Dissensions (say the Suethes) being raised up in each corner of the Kingdom, the Orders thereof declined by troops the conventional Conclusions; That brood of Senators (not to digress from their own words) persuading the several States not to adhaere unto or repute the Arbogian decrees for legal, albeit concurring with those of Sudercopia, and feeding all degrees of people with hopes of the speedy return of King Sigismundus, to the great emolument of the Country and Inhabitants thereof; and that the Arbogian Constitutions were to be the less esteemed, in regard the Senators with certain chiefs of the other Orders, did not assist at or subscribe unto them.  
With the like allurements and fucatious persuasions (say the Suethes) they seduced many of the several Orders: which done, they with their Wives and Children abandoned the Kingdom, maliciously pretending they neither could nor would assent unto the Arbogian results: But chiefly as understanding that the Plenipotentiary for Government with the Defensoriall Letters obtained from King Sigismundus, that they (six or seven Senators, Duke Charles' in a manner excluded) should manage the Government in the Regal absence, would not attain that Authority hoped for; the same importing that if Duke Charles were not therewith contented, those Senators, assisted by the Malitia of the Kingdom should prosecute him and his partakers as open Enemies; their Goods to become a prey as the more curious may see in the said Plenipotentiary, dated at Warsaw the thirteenth of January, 1597. and the Defensorialls likewise of the twenty third of May next following. Neither contented only to have sowed seeds of dissension between the Inhabitants of Suethland, Poland and Lithuania, they persuaded the States of Poland, without cause or praemonition to undertake with their King a Military expedition against his Native Country, to oppress contrary to right, the Duke and his Assistants, without admitting those equitable conditions sundry times tendered by himself and followers conducing to his Majesties and the kingdom's good: Nor were they without successful hopes if the king had gained the Finlandian forces he daily expected thence.  
The miserable condition of the Inhabitants there, may be 
Inconveniencies ensuing,  conceived (say they) by the butchery of many thousands of innocent persons; which mischief beginning in Finland did extend even to Suethland also; the face of things being such in that Province, as that many Colonies, with their Wives and Children, abondoning their Habitations, were constrained to fly unto the Duke for relief, which also turned to the greater hurt of some: For the forenamed Governor of Finland with his Accomplices, diligently watched to hinder them from informing the Duke of their condition: some, for the like complaints, being cruelly put to death, infringing thereby the Protectiorall Letters, which the Duke, as Governor of the Kingdom had, by the Laws of Suethland, full power to give in the Regal absence: Neither was the King unacquainted with the afflictions of Finland; those, with other grievances having been signified unto him by the Duke by Letters at large from Nycopia, the twenty second of May, 1597. yet no redress was granted, but the same rather approved, and the said Governor reputed and saluted by the name of his most faithful Subject and Counsellor.  
The King remained (as the Suethes assert) not only unmoved with those miseries of his people, but by Letters from Warsaw, of the twenty eight of April preceding, had incited the Finlandians with their Governor thereunto, so as the Duke was necessitated to make an expedition into Finland; where, assisted by Divine providence, he freed that suffering Province from oppression, the 〈…〉 osers' neither daring to try it in the Field, nor to defend 〈◊〉 Forts they were possessed of, whereby the Tumults in Finland were so appeased in the year 1597. as they needed not any more to apprehend the like.  
Notwithstanding all these things, with others forementioned, 
K. Sigismond invited by the Duke and Senators to return in peaceable manner.  perpetrated (as the Suethes allege) by King Sigismundus and his evil Counselors: The Duke with the Senators of the Kingdom, by Letters, he of the fourteenth, they of the twentieth of February, 1598. dated from Vbsall, seriously invited his Majesty's return, in quiet and peaceable manner to settle the Affairs of his Native Kingdom. But contrary 
Comes with an Army.  hereunto (say they) he repaired thither with an Army of eight thousand horse and foot, and a hundred Sail of Ships, to which extraneous forces no small number of Suethish Soldiers, with sundry of the Nobility and Military Commanders (hoping thereby to gain great Stipends) joined themselves through the crafty allure and seducements of those unfaithful Counselors, as themselves found when too late, for things not succeeding to the King's desire, he deserted them without refuge or comfort.  
King Sigismundus landing at Calmar with his Army, Duke 
D. Charles raiseth Forces.  Charles' likewise raised forces and approached toward Stegeburg, and desired (by several Letters and Messengers) to be certified of the cause inducing his Majesty to return into his Native Country with such a numerous armed attendance, and withal that he might be admitted to a conference with his Majesty, but the King also marching toward Stegeburg soon gave notice (say they) of the ends he came for, by a sudden onset, wherein some hundreds were slain on either side: Which hostile Act the Duke would not revenge (albeit power was not wanting) but showed himself willing to embrace a friendly composure and pacification with the King and those unfaithful Counselors.  
There were at the same time present with the King, several 
Pacification mediated by Foreign Ambassadors in vain.  Ambassadors from the Prince Elector of Brandenburg; the marquis of Ansbach, and Duke Vlricke of Mecklenburg, with whom those Counselors were earnest (at least in pretence) to endeavour a pacifying of the differences between the King and Duke Charles, which they did to their utmost, but seeing their labours fruitless they departed, and were by his Highness' Order honourably conveyed unto the borders of Denmark: The Duke also made offer of answering before equitable and competent Arbitrators to whatsoever could be objected against him, and desired that the King would make choice of six persons of the Nobility and so many of the Military Officers to meet with an equal number to be elected by himself for a friendly compos 〈…〉 of all differences: but the King (as they) forthwith permitted the marquis of Baden and Wejerus to discharge his Ordinance against the Duke's Forces, and gave order to the General of his Army Georgius Farensbecius to charge into the Duke's Camp in the silence of night, with his whole Forces, and to slaughter all he should meet with, and albeit the Duke and those of his side attempted nothing that was not lawful and consentaneous to their Oath, yet they reap no other reward then open enmity, secret hatred, and treacherous machinations; for by deferring all amicable transactions, they only waited the approach of Auxiliary Forces from Finland, for the more commodious execution of their tyrannous intentions.  
At last, King Sigismundus perceiving that assistance from Finland was in vain expected, and that a gallant Navy of the Dukes approached, his Army was therewith so terrified, as that, not daring to make longer stay, he with his whole power withdrew, secretly under night, from Stegeburg toward Lincopia, abandoning his Ships and Ordinance, with other things of great moment: yet for the better understanding of the History, let us view the heads of the whole passage before (he left). Stegeburg, beginning at the time of the rendition of Calmar: And first we will premise the instructions given by Duke Charles unto Prince Gustavus Duke of Saxony and Westphalia, 
Instructions by D. Charles to the Governors of Calmar  with George Claudius, and Olaus Hard, for the Government of Calmar, the same dated the tenth of June, 1597. in the several Articles whereof is contained.  
1. THat they preserve the said Fort for his Majesty and the good of the Commonweal, and that they admit not of any Person, of what degree soever, to enter the Castle without Letters from his Highness to that effect, nor suffer any dissipation to be made of the Ammunition, or other necessaries to the Castle appertaining.  
2. That they contain the Inhabitants in due obedience to his Majesty and his Heirs, and to his Highness during his Majesty's absence.  
3. That they maintain the Subjects (there) in their former Liberties and Privileges without violence, injustice, or extortion by bribery.  
4. That they endeavour the preservation of the Crown rights from diminution, and that all things embezzled may be restored.  
5. That his Majesty coming to Calmer in peaceable manner, like a gracious King, conform to his Coronation Oath, and the Laws of Suethland, the Gates of the Castle be open to receive him with all due reverence and honour. But that, if his Majesty should approach with armed Bands in a way of violence, to devast and destroy his native Soil, contrary to his said Oath, the Laws of Suethland and of Nature, they should not then permit his Majesty, or any in his Name, to enter the said City or Castle, but should defend the same with all their might, until (upon advertisement) they received answer from his Highness, that the King and he were reconciled: And that in the mean time they admonish his Majesty to desist from violence, and if any extraneous force should attempt the place, they were to oppose the same to the utmost of their power.  
6. That they repair the Walls and Towers, etc. according to their abilities, and the necessities emerging, not permitting the Baths or Stoves to perish.  
7. That as need should require, they order the Soldiers commanded by Abraham Nicolas, John Gustavus, and Nicolas Finno, to keep the City watch carefully, that no sudden irruption or other violence happen therein.  
8. That by the help of the Citizens and Soldiers, the Fabrics begun should be continued and finished, and that the Money by his Highness thereunto ordained, be employed about the same.  
9 That they behave themselves friendlike, and peaceably toward the neighbour Nations. Viz. the Dane, according to the agreements between those flourishing Kingdoms.  
10 That they pacify all quarrels and contentions, and that they speedily certify his Highness of those difficulties which of themselves they could not reconcile; and that they extend not punishment of death unto any without first acquainting him therewith.  
THat they should adhere to their former Instructions; to 
Further Instructions.  wit, that if the King should come to Calmar in a peaceable way, according to his Oath made at his Coronation in conformity to the Laws of the Land, and would assure them by Letters Patents to make no violent attempt against the Duke or any other faithful Subject of high or low degree, but to act in all things according to his said Oath, literal security, and the Laws of Suethland, and thereof secure his Highness, and should withal promise and engage, not to admit the Polanders, or any other of his extraneous Attendants (but only Natives of Suethland, adhering to his Majesty) into that Fort and place, that then the gates both of the City and Castle should be set open, and his Majesty be received according to their ability, as was meet for their Lord and King.  
But if his Majesty should refuse to give such security, pretending the same to be needless, they were then to reply, that they had received command from his Highness not to permit the entrance unto any without it: And that if his Majesty should persist in such refusal, and offer any violent attempt, whereby Conjecture might be made of his further intentions in a hostile way, they should not then open the gates to his Majesty, or to any other in his name, and that if any strangers arriving there, should endeavour a forcible entry, they were not to make any agreement or transaction with them, but manfully (even to the last) resist force with force.  
These Instructions sent to the persons before named, Duke Charles, when he heard of the arrival of King Sigismundus at Calmar with a foreign Army, wrote unto him by Lindormius Ribbing, to this effect.  
THat the Relation of his Majesty's safe arrival at Calmar 
Letter of D. Charles to the King.  was most accptable unto him, but that he was troubled at the burdening of his hereditary kingdom with foreign forces: that this strange manner of return gave him cause of suspicion, as having been most maliciously traduced unto his Majesty by wicked and perverse persons, as appeared by several Letters dispersed through the Kingdom, which the Finlanders also (who were then repulsed) had not concealed: That he besought his Majesty not to be moved by false suggestions to attempt aught against him, or others his Majesty's true Subjects, in prejudice of his Oath and assecuration given to him with the Suethish Nation in general: that for his own part, he had and would keep his engagement unviolably and would receive his Majesty, as it became him to do, his Nephew and his King: That he desired to be advertised whether any foreigners or seditious Natives came to bereave him of his Patriall or domestic Peace: That if any would accuse him, he would stand to a legal trial.  
He likewise desired to be informed, when, and by what ways his Majesty would proceed to his Regal City, that he might be attended according to his Dignity: Lastly, that if his advice were of any value, his Majesty would dismiss that extraneous Army, the introduction whereof might have been better spared, and desiring an answer by the bearer, he commended his Majesty to the Divine Providence, these were dated at Stockholme the fifth. of August, 1598.  
DUke Charles, soon after, sent a second Letter by Christ 〈…〉 r 
The Duke's second Letter●,  Saptrodius, importing that understanding his Majesty had imprisoned those, to whom in his absence he had committed the Government of Calmar, albeit they behaved themselves not otherwise, than as became faithful Subjects, by opening the gates to his Majesty, according to their Order, and that his Majesty detained certain Messengers, as Tieo Laurentius and others: That his Majesty likewise taxed him for not sending a Navy, according to reiterated desires; He much wondered what these things should mean; and did therefore entreat his Majesty seriously to ponder the matter, and weigh how he had carried himself in his Majesty's absence, whereby he would undoubtedly find, how untruly he had been reported of. He also earnestly desired, that His Majesty would dismiss those strangers whom he had brought in, to the scorn and prejudice of the Nation, and that he might understand by the bearer, whether he would (as a gracious and peaceable King) observe his Royal Oath and assecuration, as he (on his part) did assure his Majesty of Sincerity and fidelity. These were from Nicopia the 8. August, 1598.  
A Schedule of the 27, of that Month, was likewise delivered to certain of the chief Ostrogothian Rustics, then going to the King, who were enjoined by his Highness to insinuate and crave answer (if admitted to the Royal presence) upon his Desire of a Personal Conference with his Majesty in place convenient; and that if the same were granted) his Highness might obtain Pledges for his own person, with a List of the names of those that should accompany his Majesty, as well Natives as Aliens: That his Highness would give the like, and that afterwards there might be further Treaty, partly of the Persons of the Pledges, partly of other things.  
AT last, the King's Answer came, containing that he had 
Answer to K. Sigis●und.  received the two Letters sent by his Dilection, in the first of which, albeit Gladness for his Arrival was signified, yet no signs thereof had appeared: That in reference thereunto, he did mutually congratulate, partly by reason of Consanguinity; partly as conceiving, that the Suethes in general were not unwilling to see their lawful King in his herereditary Kingdom: That as to the complaint of burden by a foreign Army, he had been moved thereto by weighty Considerations, his Dilection detaining his proper Subjects and Ships contrary to expectation and promise; and that, instead of an honourable reception, his Dilection kept from him his own Servants and Soldiers; had pitched his Camp, threatening an irruption into his Army. That he left to Consideration, whether those exhausting of the Kingdom and Subjects were corresponding to his Letters and promises, himself being forced to live like a stranger upon his private purse, whilst the Suethes contributed more to the ducal Army, than his reception and maintenance would have amounted unto.  
That he hoped, as he also desired, willed and commanded his Dilection to cease those troubles: That those Forces were not brought thither to begin a War, but to attend his Person, partly for security, wherever he might happen to arrive, partly granted by the Orders of Poland, as a train befitting his State, and could not therefore be any Scorn, but rather an honour to his Country, which had been wanting in the like duty, a thing no way honourable for himself or them: That whereas his Dilection suspected the same to be intended for his prejudice by the persuasions of perverse and troublesome people, he was ignorant of any such persons or practices: That his Army did live upon their Monthly Pay, and should be disbanded upon the repair of his Native Subjects unto him: That he had resolved to leave all persons to the vigour of the Laws, and that the desirers of Domestic Peace might enjoy the same, The Regal Jurisdiction reserved entire, as he had not long before, and lately by Tico Laurentius signified unto him.  
That he wished the promises of observing unblamedly what had been sworn unto, and of a reception corresponding to the Regal Dignity (which he willingly received) might be seconded by effects, which hitherto they had not been, and but small hopes for the future, according to the reports made of the unnecessary Military expedition undertaken by his Dilection, the decision and disposing whereof he committed to God.  
That as to the imprisonment of those found in the Fort of Calmar which in his second Letter he argued to be contrary to Justice and to promise; it was evident that no injury was done unto them, and wished that more hard measure were not offered to his own Servants in the like case, and of greater authority: That he hoped and was persuaded his Dilection would not fall into extremities, by giving beginning or cause of effusion of blood, which himself would by all fair means decline and shun; so as if things should fall out otherwise, his might have a clear conscience before God and the World: herewith he committed his Dilection to the Divine goodness. These were given from the Camp at Stegeburg, the 24th August 1598.  
I have only recited the heads of these Letters, the whole being overlong to insert, and shall use the like abbreviation in those that follow, referring the curious, for further satisfaction, unto the things themselves.  
TO these Letters the Duke returned answer by Lindormius. 
The Duke's reply.  Robbing, desiring a positive Declaration of what might be expected from his Majesties return into the Kingdom with such extraneous armed Bands, besides his raising of Horse and Foot in each Province, concerning which his Majesty's Letter gave no satisfaction. That unless an absolute and wished answer were obtained, he should be compeled, albeit un willingly (whereof he called God to witness) to renounce the Oath of fidelity made to his Majesty, as his Majesty (on the other part) had not observed his promises. But that, if his Majesty would grant to him and his followers such Letters of security, as had been by him lately tendered to the Electoral and ducal Ambassadors for the Regal confirmation, and would dismiss his foreign Forces, referring all Controversies to a fair decision in free Parliament, in the presence of Electoral and other Princely public Ministers; he likewise would then disband his Army, and render to his Majesty that duty and obedience whereunto he was bound by Oath: his desires being only that himself with the Orders of the Kingdom might enjoy their Habitations peaceably, and that his Majesty would not permit those perfidious Counselors to seduce him any longer to the ruin of his Majesty, his Subjects and the Realm: These were dated at Lincopia the twenty seventh of August, 1598.  
This was seconded by an other of the thirtieth of the said 
Seconded.  Month, wherein the Duke showed that he never intended to receive his majesty otherwise than as became his lawful King, which he had personally demonstrated at his Majesty's arrival, if the conclusions, made with Samuel Lasky his Majesty's Ambasador had been observed, and that the Finlanders had not rebellously fallen down in multitudes, with Ships, Ordinance, Fire-balls and other military furniture to the very skirts of Stockholme, threatening rapine, slaughter and devastation to his Dukedoms when he should be gone to meet his Majesty. He therefore in friendly and brotherly manner besought his Majesty to be mindful of his Regal promises; To dismiss those Aliens; to secure him and his followers, and to remit all matter of dissension to a legal inquisition and discussion in free Parliament, before equal un-interessed Arbitrators: These Letters (wherein several objections of the Kings were answered, but here for avoiding of prolix repetitions omitted) were dated as abovesaid from the Memmian fields, whether the Duke was then come with a strong Army:  
TO these the King returned answer, that the transaction 
The Regal answer.  with Laskie (of the breach whereof he was taxed) was also un-observed on the other part: That the Finlanders by his Command had approached towards Stocholme to attend his coming: That they were not to be accounted Rebels who did not appose their lawful Lord, nor obtrude upon him intolerable Conditions, but sought to protect the Regal Jurisdiction and Authority according to the Laws of Suethland.  
That the Army of Aliens, whereof his Dilection complained so much, should be discharged in time convenient: especially when his Dominion, Subjects, Forts, Army, Navy, Ordinance, and other things rightly belonging unto him were restored. But it was evident that his Dilection, with a numerous power, raised in his own Dukedoms, was come against him, exhausting his Subjects with exactions and payments, so as, in his own Kingdom he could not enjoy his peculiar Revenues: And that all things might be wanting to him and his Regal Train in his Progress; his own Soldiers were invited, seduced, and entertained by the adverse party, by all which things it was evident by whose default the Country's substance was consumed.  
That concerning his Dilections desire of security from violence and Injustice, and the leaving of all discords to the examination of sincere Neutral Arbitrators, he had formerly answered that, having attained the years of discretion, he understood what the Municipal Law advised in that case, whereunto he resolved to adhere, and accordingly to protect his Dilection and Followers, as also his other Subjects. But that, as things were, himself was not permitted to enjoy a peaceable Habitation, nor the Revenues of his Kingdom, or any other thing that by the Law of Suethland belonged unto him.  
That he therefore required his dilection to retire into his dukedom, and there quietly to remain, restoring all things he had taken from him, as also his faithful Subjects and Servants in former years, and lately (even at his doors) surprised and hurried into Prison: That as to further security, it was convenient and practicable, according to the best constituted Christian Laws, even amongst equals, that whatsoever were unjustly detained should be first restored, with sufficient security for all matters of further demand: That his Dilection should likewise abstain from the Title of Governor, usurped without the Royal consent: Himself being now of full age, and able by the Divine assistance, to rule alone without a Tutor; It being contrary to Justice and reason, yea a thing unheard of, that a King being of lawful years, there should be any other Governor in Suethland besides himself. And was therefore resolved not to expose himself to derision, or to a diminution of his Honour by a longer sufferance of such Injuries: That when his Dilection should perform all these things, his Actions would then be answerable to his words, and would give a clear testimony that he began to have a due regard unto the Royal Dignity, and to the prosperity, peace, and emolument of the Nation: That by such means all things might (not only) come to a right examination, but also attain the wished end. These dated from Stegeburg the third of September, 1598.  
The Duke by a reply of the same date, reiterated his desire for 
Letter from the Duke.  an examination of all differences before equal Arbitrators, and complained that his former Letters had not attained the wished answer. That by these delays he could not but conjecture that no good was intended toward him: That having hitherto tried (albeit in vain) all means conducible to the welfare, peace, and concord of his Majesty and the Kingdom, he should be forced to seek other means whereby to provide for the security of his person, Wife, and Children, Possessions, and People. That as he had ever been most faithful to his Majesty, and had procured his prosperity to his utmost power, so he should be grieved (whereof he called God to record) that ought contrary thereunto did befall his Majesty, to whom he wished long life, with a happy, a healthful and peaceable Reign.  
That things being so, he did faithfully advise and diligently admonish his Majesty not to appear abroad in the Field, nor to betake himself any whither by water, but contain himself within the Castle, lest that, if any tumult should happen between the two Armies, or his Majesty chance into the Navy approaching, some danger, contrary to his desire, might befall him; and that if ought thereof did accrue to his Majesty's person, Army, or Fleet, himself was blameless before God and the World, as having given timely warning whereby to prevent any such misfortune, if credit had been attributed to his Counsel rather than to the pernicious instigations and seducements of wicked men; herewith he commended his Majesty to the Divine protection. Dated from the Memmian Fields the third of September, 1598.  
Duke Charles approaching by night nearer to the Royal 
Duke Charles approaching with his Army writes to the King.  Camp, gave the King notice thereof by Letter of the eighth of the said month, sent by two Trumpeters; importing that, seeing it appeared sufficiently his Majesty was not returned into the Kingdom to govern them according to the Municipal Laws, but rather by force and violence, in burdening and molesting his Native Soil with foreign and homebred Forces; in reproaching and prescribing him throughout the Realm, seizing and imprisoning his Servants; as also in that he had not hitherto obtained satisfactory answer to his former Letters, but that new calumnies were daily imposed upon him in public and private, he had drawn nearer, not to use any hostility unless provoked, but to discover whether his Majesty would not desist from such courses, and permit him and his followers to enjoy their rights according to equity, by securing their Goods and Possessions unto them, as the condition of the times then required: All which if his Majesty would do without delay (as he did most earnestly and humbly desire) he was ready with all his Train, to attend, advice, and render to his Majesty all manner of duty according to his Obligations of Oath and blood: But if otherwise, that he was resolved not to dismiss his Troops nor depose his Arms until their desires were confirmed in most sure and ample manner, which he hoped could not be forbidden either by Law or reason. Herewith he protested that unless the same were granted within the space of two hours, and that any tumult should break forth between the two Armies to the detriment of his Majesty and his followers, his Kingdom or people, he was innocent thereof before God and the world; these, as aforesaid were dated from his Camp the eighth of September, 1598.  
About four days after, King Sigismundus sent Letters of 
King Sigismond. his answer assecutoriall.  Assecuration, containing that whereas the most Illustrious Duke Charles had divulged rumours of his arrival into the Land with an extraneous Army to the spoiling of the Kingdom, and the offering of violence to his Highness and followers, and by those rumours had drawn unto his party many of his Servants and Subjects, who daily flocked unto him, into whose minds the Duke had injected and spread a great terror of his approach, albeit he had declared by many former Letters that he was returned into his Native Kingdom and Country, not to wage War, but as a rightful King, who neither deserved nor apprehended any Rebellion, in peaceable manner, according to their joint desires and requests, as might be testified by several Letters, which intention of his might have given them sufficient satisfaction: Nevertheless to the end his candour and sincerity might appear, and his averseness to intestine discord by a Civil War: If the Duke would forth with resign up and restore unto him his Servants, Soldiers, Kingdom, Houses, Territories, Navy, and Ammunition, with all other things belonging to him and the Commonwealth, as also the Captives and Servants of his Subjects, would in like manner disband his Troops, retire and remain quiet in his Dukedoms, appear readily (when cited) in Judgement, with such of his followers as were obnoxious to blame, and thereof give present assecuration: He also would (as by these his Letters Patents he now did) promise and ensure the dismission of his alien forces, and would not attempt any violence against his Highness, his people, or Servants, but permit every one to enjoy the benefit of the Laws of Suethland conform to reason and Justice, and that all persons adhering to himself, against whom his Highness might have any cause of complaint should reciprocally appear in Judgement. In confirmation whereof these were given under his hand and Seal at the Castle of Stegeburg, the twelfth of September, 1598.  
This Assecuration seeming to the Duke unsatisfactory; he 
Not excepted; by Duke Charles his Letter admonitory.  wrote back to the King within two days; saying, That his Majesty having sufficiently understood by the Electoral and ducal Ambassadors what had hitherto past between them, it was needless to use repititions: and therefore he diligently and faithfully admonished his Majesty not to suffer evil Counselors to draw him into any inconveniencies. That the dispute was not about Pears or Apples, but that the welfare of his Majesty and himself, of the Realm and people were therein concerned. He further advertised that having resolved to send some of his faithful Servants to see whether any hopes of better things were yet remaining, he desired that Letters of safe conduct might be granted for them freely and without molestation to repair to his Majesty, and (having delivered what they had in charge) to return without hurt or disturbance. These were dated at the Camp the fourteenth of September, 1598.  
THe King's answer was returned by the same Messenger, 
Regal answer.  wherein recapitalating things fore specified, and taxing the Duke of continued propounding new and less tolerable conditions, as also of imputing the same to him, albeit he had offered none but such as were lawful and fitting: He said further, that he very well perceived his well being, the Kingdom and people was now the point in question, and not Pears or Apples as his Dilection had rightly hinted; but that he had never expected nor deserved that any such measure should be meted unto him, the examination whereof he referred to God and to Divine Justice.  
Lastly, that he was contented to admit of such as his Dilection would depute unto him, not exceeding the number of eight persons, to whom he thereby granted safe conduct and security. Dated as before.  
The Duke upon this answer, desired a more exact form of safe conduct, for secure return from, as well as repair unto his 
Safe conduct interchangable granted.  Majesty, which was accordingly granted at Stegeburg, the fifteenth of September, 1598.  
Hereupon Duke Charles delegated (the same day) three Noble men of his Counsel, Maurice Steno Earl of Rasburg, etc. Ludbert 
Duke Charles sends Commissioners to the King.  Caverus, and John Ericke, unto whom he committed sundry things to be communicated to his Majesty, in the name of himself and the Orders of Suethland, earnestly desiring (by his Letter of the same date) that his Majesty would afford them private audience and give credit to what they should deliver, and return such answer as might be for the Kingdom's good; and concluded with assurance of fidelity and brotherly affection from himself.  
Their Instructions imported, that his Majesty would graciously 
Contentsof Instructions.  ponder the present miserable condition of his Native Country, and not suffer himself to be induced to aught that might be prejudicial to his Royal Person, to the Duke, the Regal Family, and the whole Kingdom: That as the resolution lately given at his Majesty's instance (to the Electoral and ducal Ambassadors) was not less Christian then Legal, so as his Highness and the Orders of Suethland could not enlarge themselves any further: they therefore earnestly desired his Majesty to rest therewith satisfied, and to grant them the security they had submissively demanded: That otherwise, and if their humble suit could not find place, they desired to be excused before God and the Christian world, as having sought after those things that pertained to peace and concord: Yet that the brotherly and friendly inclination of his Highness toward his Majesty might further appear, he humbly desired (as formerly) that securely and in place convenient, he might be admitted to Speech with His Majesty, which if granted, his Majesty would surely know, that many things were imputed to his Highness, whereof he was altogether free.  
The said Commissioners were likewise to insinuate, that his Highness and the States of the Kingdom were (seve〈…〉 and jointly) most willing and ready to render to his 〈…〉 jesty all possible respect and obedience, according to their Oath of Fidelity, and the written Laws of the Land: neither should his Majesty find aught by his Highness, other than tended to the welfare of himand his heirs, for whom they would esteem nothing overmuch, that was within their power, as on the other side, they hoped that his Majesty would show himself a meek, gracious, and peaceable Prince. Given as aforesaid.  
King Sigismundus returned Answer that he had received what by the Commissioners of his Highness had been delivered, but that they having left their Instructions with him, and desired an Answer unto them in writing, he did by these Letters return his answer and desire, That twelve of the Equestrial, and six of the Military Order of his part, might meet an equal number of the Dukes, to consult of, and compound the whole matter: And wished that his Dilection would have the same regard to the Patriall, Regal, and Ducal prosperity, which he exhorted him unto, not doubting but so all dissension would have a speedy wished end: These were of the sixteenth of the said Month, and accordingly ample Letteers of safe conduct (of the same date) were alternatively given by the King, and Duke for the forementioned number of the said Orders respectively.  
THe Royal Answer to the Duke's Legation contained, that the amiable salutations and tenders of obedience, 
The King's Answer.  were most welcome, especially if deeds did correspond with words: That albeit, he had neither deserved nor expected such a reception into his hereditary Kingdom, as well by intolerable conditions, as by inconvenient propositions, he had nevertheless concluded upon the assecuration more fully (as well in reference to his Highness as his followers) then of Right aught to have been demanded; the Act itself witnessing the same to all that desired peace and unity: But that the Duke had no way consented to the King's desires, the Declaration delivered to the ducal and Electoral Ambassadors, not having regard unto, nor any promising performance thereof, but rather adding certain unsufferable conditions: the resolution itself lately exhibited to those German Ambassadors, and tendered to his Majesty did evidently testify.  
That his Highness' Admonition might have been spared, in regard the King had offered no violence to him, his Army, or partakers, nor had demanded aught, save what was his own, whereas his Highness had compelled the Regal Subjects and Servants to take up arms; had appointed Military Stations within the Royal Territory, exhausted his Majesty's Subjects; detained and consumed the annual, R 〈…〉 Revenue; imposed Taxes and auxiliary exactions on the 〈◊〉 habitants, prohibited provisions from being brought unto the Royal Camp for money, and after several Marches had pitched his Tents, his Army, and Canon, before the Regal gates; had in the Ranensian fields and elsewhere seized as prisoners sundry of the Regal Servants and domestics; commanded the goods and movables of them that repaired unto their lawful King to be made Prey; and unto this very day used the Title and Authority of Governor of the Kingdom, albeit the King were present, a thing never before practised: from all which things, collection might easily be made who had first administered matter to these mischiefs.  
He therefore admonished his Highness to sur-cease these courses, and to permit unto him the free enjoyment of his own: that otherwise he should have cause to protest if so manifest unjustice produced any misfortune; That he desired never thelesse to understand what his Highness intended by his protesting, and whereat the same aimed, that so he might accommodate his Interest thereunto. That he was not averse to the desired interview, and when his Highness should give a resolution condign to his desires and peaceable demands, he would in due place and time consent to the Colloquy required.  
That the many professions of fidelity and obedience to his Majesty and his Heirs were most acceptable from his Highness, and that a correspondency of effects was wished, whereby this dissension might be the better, sooner, and more peaceably composed. That he thought not the hurt of any person, but was willing to give clear testimony to all men of his Kingly clemency and favour. He therefore desired his Highness to weigh the whole matter seriously, and not to make intolerable and dishonourable overtures, which would not conduce to peace and concord, but afford more ample cause of strife, which he prayed God to divert, and professed he for his part would decline.   

The Duke's reply hereunto, by Nicolas Nicolai, Mauritius Georgij, 
The Duke's reply.  and Nicolas Rask the King's Commissioners, was to this effect.  
THat touching the exprobrations used, as if his actions were not corresponding to his words, he holds his Majesty excused, as not being ignorant from what Fountain they flowed; that nevertheless in regard it beseemed not an honest man to fit his Cap with such a Crest, he returned this answer.  
That they who so upbraided and objected, were to be blacked with the same Coal of calumny, until they had really proved that his actions were dissenting from his professions: And that his performances should ever be such toward his Majesty and all other men, as might become an honest Prince whose words and deeds were consentaneous. That whereas his Majesty charged the Declaration by him delivered to the Electoral and ducal Ambassadors (who had interposed in that transaction) of containing intolerable conditions, he referred unto the Acts themselves, which he was persuaded would testify otherwise: That as to the Crimi nations couched in the answer, he pretermits them, as not being here competently urged, but when things should come to be rightly discussed, he would then make such reply as every honest man should acknowledge his allegations to be just.  
That his Protest had no other meaning then that, if the means for peace that had been, should be tendered did not take effect, and that Waves of discord should arise thence, he desired to be excused before God and the World, as being innocent thereof; and that those only who sowed and nourished the seeds of this dissension, might be reputed guilty of its effects.  
That the fidelity and obedience tendered by him to the King and his Heirs, never had been nor could be violated, but preserved entire, provided he might securely enjoy what of right he doth and aught to possess.  
Lastly, that nothing on his part might be wanting, as if equitable conditions for Peace and Concord were by him rejected, he willingly consented to the meeting of so many honest men, of the equestrial and Military Order, as his Majesty required, with those that his Majesty should assign, for a full decision of all matters; and that he wished for nothing more, then to be admitted to a personal conference with his Majesty, whereby he hoped to clear himself to his Majesty's satisfaction.  
Duke Charles by his Commissioners sent also the Declaration ensuing, whereunto he resolved to adhere constantly.  
THat forasmuch as the Electoral and ducal Ambassadors 
The Duke's Propositions.  were departed, whose subscriptions he had desired to the Letters of Assecuration of King Sigismond. he thought not meet to trust to Paper and Ink only; but as a Pledge demanded the Fort of Elfenburg and the Vastenan Castle, wherein he might place, not his own, but his Majesties sworn Servants, not disaffected to himself & the Orders of the Kingdom, who should there remain unto the end of the next ensuing Parliament. If this were denied, he desired he might retain the Navy with the Ammunition reserved in the Castle of Gripsholme until the conclusion of that Assembly; but if this also should not be consented unto, than the Ships of War only were to be insisted on: And if that proposition were likewise rejected by the King, those Senatorial persons formerly by him desired, or three of them at least; Viz. Ericke Sparre, Gustavus Banner, and Turo Bielke, were to be required as pledges.  
Lastly, that his Majesty might understand his Highness had no other intentions than were conducing to Peace and Unity, he would rest contented with his Majesty's particular assecuration, conditionally that therein were expressly inserted, That the States of the Kingdom should be obliged to oppose and resist that side who attempted aught in prejudice of the Premises.  
BUt to the assecuration (required by the Duke the seventeenth 
Not consented unto. The Regal Declaration.  of September) the King would not consent, and in lieu thereof declared: That whereas his beloved Uncle Duke Charles had promised obedience to him and his Heirs, and was by writing bound to remit into his hands his Kingdom, Castles, Towns, Houses; etc. his Navy, with all the Marine Provisions and Stores, and all other things to him and the Crown of Suethland belonging, and to restore to liberty his Subjects, with such of his Domestics as he detained, who should be nevertheless obliged to answer all Objections in full and free Parliament; as also to disband his Forces and retire into his Dukedom, there to remain quietly and be ready (with his Domestics and Subjects against whom there should be cause of complaint) to appear in Judgement, when all causes and controversies should be examined and decided in free Parliament, before equal and sincere Arbitrators, according to the assecutoriall Letters of his Highness given in that behalf.  
He also had (on the other part) promised and secured and did by these his Leters Patents, and on his Kingly faith and truth promise and secure that he would govern his Hereditary Kingdom according to his Oath and assecuration: That he would dismiss his alien forces, and not permit the intromission of any other, except necessity did urge, and the Duke and the States of the Kingdom were thereunto consenting: Finally that all his sworn Servants, whom the Duke had any way preferred in his absence, should enjoy their former condition, with all the Goods and Possessions committed unto them, until in the said Parliament the greivances his Majesty had against them were examined.  
That moreover he would release all the Duke's Servants, or his own, who, in the Duke's name and behalf were in detention either within or without the Kingdom, to be forthcoming as aforesaid: To which end, and that all Controversies and causes of complaint might be legally and justly heard and decided; he would speedily indict a Parliament to be held within the space of four months, in which all things should be examined and judged before equal Arbitrators, and Electoral and ducal Ambassadors, who should be thereunto invited. In the mean time, he promised not to permit violence or injustice to be offered to any of the Duke's Subjects, Servants, or followers of what condition soever; nor to impeach or sentence any one for aught, which by general advice and consent had been concluded and enacted, nor to forbid the defence thereof, or to reject or persecute any who had adhered to his Highness, nor permit any hindrance or stop to be given to his Highness, or others whom he should send into any parts of the Kingdom, until that all things were decided in Parliament, and that no further proceedings should be made then was in Parliament justly and legally pronounced. That for the further security of the Premises he had with his own hand signed and sealed the same: And consented, that if beyond expectation it should happen that himself or his said Uncle should recede from, or violate this agreement in the least: The States of the Kingdom were empowered to resist and oppose the party violating: Dated from Stegeburg the seventeenth of September, 1598.  
Duke Charles, not satisfied with this literary assecuration, 
Unsatisfactory to the Duke.  wrote back unto the King, to the effect that, notwithstanding all ways of application made by him for Peace, indignation and a sinister construction of his actions increased daily, by instigation and counsel of perverse and turbulent men, who had given beginning and continuance to this Tragedy, so as he found, that whilst his Majesty used their counsel, the present difference would never have a prosperous issue: He therefore as a friend and brother desired, advised, and admonished his Majesty to relinquish that band of treacherous and tumultuous Counselors (who for their peculiar and wicked ends did draw his Majesty into evil courses) and to repair to Stocholme, or where otherwise he pleased. He assured that, he would not only secure his Majesty from all hurt and danger, but also engage that himself and his followers should attend and conduct him whithersoever he desired, with all due fidelity, obedience, and promptitude: That as to others, they would proceed according to Justice, having hither to forborn them for his Majesty's sake, lest he with them might have undergone some misfortune, which (notwithstanding any suggestions of him to the contrary) he took God to record, he desired not, but would always be ready to avert such evil from his person, if he would have regard to himself, and rest persuaded of him as of his most affectionate Uncle.  
But that if his Majesty (contrary to this faithful advice) would still retain those turbulent Counselors, he should be careful least with them he might rush into some danger: That if the same should happen (which he besought God to forbid) he was innocent thereof before God and the Christian World, and willing to have prevented the same, if his Majesty would have adhered to his advice rather than to the pernicious persuasions and wills of wicked men; hereupon desiring an answer he committed his Majesty to Celestial protection: Dated from his Camp as above said:  
King Sigismundus, the day before he moved his Tents from Stegeburg toward Lincopia, sent a Letter of assecuration, which 
Regal assecuration.  (omitting the repetitions therein inserted) contained that, if the Illustrious Duke Charles would release his Servants, and restore his Army, Kingdom, Towns, Houses, Forts, and Territories: his Navy, Stores, Ammunition, with all other things to him and the Crown of Suethland appertaining, set free his Subjects and Domestics, cease from hostile Actions, retire into his Dukedom, there quietly remain, ready (with his party who were any way guilty) to appear and answer in Judgement upon legal citation, and would thereof give security.  
That he also did thereby then pomise and ensure the dismission of his foreign Forces, his ordinary Train and Guard of his body excepted, and that neither toward his Highness, his Army, Subjects, or any other of whatsoever condition, any violence should be offered, but each one permitted to enjoy the benefit of the Laws, until the whole matter were tried before competent Judges: That all Persons adhering to the Regal Party (whosoever the Duke or any other would appeach) should also appear in Judgement; and that all his Highness' Servants who were under any restraint by reason of this Tumult, should be released: All which things he would observe and do upon his Regal Faith and Honour; in confirmation whereof he had thereunto set his Hand and Seal, adding (as before) that if, beyond expectation, himself or the Duke should, before the controversy were legally decided: infringe or attempt aught contrary to what that Instrument contained, the Orders of the Kingdom should be obliged to resist the Party so doing. These were given at the Camp at Stegeburg the twentieth of September, 1598.      

Upon receipt hereof, Duke Charles, without delay, returned these Propositions of Peace.  
1. THat his Majesty would repair to Stocholme 
Propositions made by Duke Chalres.  without stronger Guards than the King his Father had used, in progressing through the Kingdom.  
2. That the Foreign Forces should speedily depart the Land.  
3. That the Counsellors of the Kingdom should repair and quietly remain at home until the Parliament, and then appear in Judgement.  
4. That the Parliament be called and kept within six months.  
5. That Ambassadors of German Electors and Princes should be invited by Letters against the time, to examine the dissension, and that each side should name those whom they intended to choose: In the interim, nothing to be done secretly or openly within or without the Kingdom to the prejudice of each other, but all persons to enjoy their Mansions peaceably until the time of Legal decision.  
6. That each one retain what he is at present possessed of, until the time of the comitial Assembly.  
7. That nothing of the Kingdom's affairs be decided or treated of unwitting to his Highness.  
8. That the Finlandian Soldiers should be prohibited from entering the bounds of Suethland, but contain themselves quietly within the Province, and therein stand to trial: That in the mean time there be a cessation of all pernicious Plots, and that Law and Justice be there administered to all persons.  
9 That no distribution of Lands be made until the Parliament.  
10. That foreign Soldiers be removed out of the Castles and Forts, and that they be committed to the faithful Guard of the Suethes.  
11. That the foreign Ships which had brought Alien Forces into the Kingdom might remain under Arrest.  
Upon these Articles the Duke desired security from his Majesty, with addition of the clause, that if any of the said Articles were infringed, the States of Suethland should freely adhere to his Highness, whereupon he offered to disband his Forces, to retire and remain quietly in his Dukedom.  
But King Sigismundus slighting (say they) these conditions, 
King Sigismond retires to Lincopia.  retired in a calm and still night toward Lincopia, leaving with the Commander of Stegeburg certain instructions, dated the twentieth of September, 1598. Importing,  
1. THat they should continue faithful to his Majesty in each respect, procuring his good, according to their duty and Oath.  
2. That if Duke Charles should inquire the reason of his Majesty's sudden remove, they should answer, that perceiving the sparks of this dissension could not be extinguished by equal conditions, but that less tolerable were daily obtruded, he had withdrawn to avoid the effusion of blood, and to see whether his Highness would take better counsel, and cease those courses that tended to the Country's ruin.  
3. That if the Duke should forceably assault the Castle, they should oppose him to their utmost power, and resist force with force.  
KIng Sigismundus (as hath been said) being gone to Lincopia, Duke Charles by letter of the 22 Sept. expostulated, that 
Letter of Duke Charles.  instead of Answer to his former, his Majesty was departed from Stegeburg, and might be induced by those evil Counselors, authors of the present dissension, to abandon the Kingdom, or repair where a larger field for tumult might be offered: That he admonished and besought him (by the passion of Christ) not to be seduced by them to a further remove, until he had concluded the whole matter to the good of the Country, protesting, on the salvation of his soul, before God and the world, his innocency and averseness to any prejudice might thereby arise: And desired his Majesty to believe that all things belonging to the Castle or Shipping, which after his Majesty's departure had been rendered unto him, should be faithfully preserved for his Majesty.  
HEreunto King Sigismundus returned Answer the day following, 
Answer.  that he had received his M 〈…〉tory Letters touching assecuration: That he wondered why his Dilection would so long time varnish over his unjust cause before the promiscuous ignorant multitude, seeing he could not prove, but that fit assecuration had been offered, but not accepted, and that whilst one demand was granted, others were made far different, as the last Articles might testify: That he followed him with a strong Army, having seized the Castle of Stegeburg, his Ships and several other things, which notwithstanding his promised preservation of them, would have been more safe in his own custody: That in Answer to his Letter, he desired that his Dilection would rest satisfied with that assecuration, which (as consentaneous to reason and his dignity) he had already offered: But if not, that he might proceed to do what it seemed he would not leave undone; yet with what fame, he left to the Judgement of all honest and unbiased minds: That himself committed the decision of the whole matter to the Justice of God. Lincopia 23. September 1598.  
DUke Charles replied, That there being no remedy, but that 
Reply.  all Admonitions proved vain through the prevalency of perverse and wicked Counselors, he also committed the matter to God, before whom he protested, that he was not the cause of these troubles, nor of the effusion of blood like to ensue; wherefore he desired to know whether his Majesty would absolve him of his Oath of fidelity; which done, he would endeavour to repel unjustice and violence by fit ways and means: But that if possible, he besought his Majesty by the love of God, to weigh the matter more seriously, and not permit this mischief to spread further, to his own and the Kingdom's prejudice, and that nothing might be by him be omitted, he had sent a draught of the assecuration desired by him and his followers, wherein he hoped, nothing unjust would be found, Camp 24. September, 1598.  
TWo days after, Duke Charles writes again to the 
Another Letter from the Duke.  King, that seeing the conditions tendered were not admitted and that he could not conveniently propound any other, as also that he hoped his Majesty would so resolve, as might be honourable for both sides: He therefore desired that his Majesty would transmit a draught of the assecurations he would give and receive, whereupon he would so declare himself, as might be satisfactory to his Majesty; these were dated the 26. of the said Month.  
THe day following, King Sigismundus sent Letters of safe 
Safe conduct interchangable granted.  Conduct for such of the Nobility with their Servants, as the Duke sh●●ld send to treat with him, importing Security in coming, delivering what they had in Commission, and sa●e return: Duke Charles also did the like for his Nephew Prince Edward marquis of Baden with other Lords to be sent to him from the King.  
BY all that hath been said, it may be easily discerned (say 
Assertions of the Suethes.  the Suethes) whether Duke Charles received from King Sigismundus answers condign to his Letters, wherein he desired nothing but the good of the King and Kingdom, and that if he would have listened to the Duke's faithful advice and counsel, he needed not to have fled when none pursued: Or that if he had loved Justice he might judicially have prevented those evils by a decision by equal Arbitrators, before whom the Duke and Orders of Suethland were willing to answer to whatsoever could rightly be objected against them: They say further, that they had oftentimes just occasion given them of renouncing all fidelity and obedience towards him, in regard he came not unto them as a good and peaceable King, but as an Enemy and Persecuter, offering violence and injustice to those that would not submit to his wicked intentions, nor admit of his perverse Religion: and that he had absolved them from their Oath of fidelity, in the former Letters, whereby they had just cause to have tried the utmost, which yet they did not; his Highness and they having desired that twelve of the Nobility of each side, men qualified, prudent, judicious, and lovers of peace, should meet, examine, and decide the whole controversy, and restore and settle peace, concord, and brotherly love; whereunto King Sigismundus did likewise consent, but that the same was by him observed as other things had formerly been, and according to the ancient manner of keeping faith in promises by Jesuits and Romish Priests: For the night following the Royal Army conducted by Wejerus made an onset upon the ducal Camp, dispersed the night guards, killing some and seizing others Prisoners, as was done not only at Lincopia but at Stegeburg also, but seeing their attempt prove unsuccesful, both Polanders and Suethes who fought under the King's Ensigns, began to cry and ingeminate Peace, Peace; which the King (say they) with his followers might have enjoyed if the Officers thereof had been timely embraced, but that it was then over-late to treat when many thousands of men lay slain on both sides, each intending on his Enemy the revenge of his fellow Soldier.  
Duke Charles and the Suethes (as themselves assert) had 
Further assertions.  then both cause and advantage sufficient to have utterly ruined their Advarsaries, yet they suffered themselves to be entreated, to show more mercy and mildness than they had deserved, by abstaining from that revenge was then in their power to have taken, upon King Sigismundus with his whole 
Vide Exegis Historiaca Sueciae, page 233, 234.  Army, to the great detriment and misfortune (I use their own words) of themselves and the Kingdom of Suethland, as hoping for better things in the future from King Sigismundus, from whom they found worse by an ensuing cruel War with the Polanders and Lithuanians, touching a final end, whereof no certain conjecture could be made: But that, if they had (as then they affirm they might) destroyed him and his Forces, those tumults had happily sooner ceased, and many gallant men, who afterwards perished in those Wars, had survived: Nor had his Highness and themselves been defamed by so many unjust aspersory Libels as were spread in all parts, which nevertheless they hoped to confute: All which things happened by suffering King Sigismundus then (say they) to escape, to the further prosecution of his Country, contrary to the practice of all Magnanimous Potentates, who expose their lives to defend theirs from Spoil and Rapine.  
The cruel fight being over, King Sigismundus entered into agreement with the Duke for the restoring and confirming of mutual friendship, brotherly confidence, with administration of right and justice between his Majesty and his Highness, whereof I give here the heads only, referring (as in all Narations of Acts) the more curious to the Instrument itself, dated at Lincopia the twenty eighth of September, 1598. And first,  
THat whereas the Duke his most dear Uncle, and all 
Treaty of Pacification at Lincopia between the King and Duke  those of his party had religiously promised unto him and his Heirs, due obedience, fidelity, and brotherly affection, according to their respective Oaths and the obligations of blood, proximity, and their ties of duty and subjection: He likewise did by his Kingly faith and dignity, Sanctimoniously promise and ensure, that neither in the present or future time, he would require or take revenue of aught done or happened during the late dissension, nor prosecute his Highness or his followers with hatred or inclemency, nor any of the ducal Ministers for obeying his Commands; nor that he would animadvert into the Anthors of what had passed, or punish any person for the same, but would bear and extend unto the Duke and those aforesaid, all Royal benignity and favour, and would neither by force or fraud, by himself or others, openly or secretly, within or without the Kingdom, act, move, or give way to any deceitful practices which might procure hurt or damage, either in bodies or Estates unto the said Prince, his Wife, Children, Ministers, Subjects, or partakers, nor to any of the Regal Subjects who had sided with his Highness, of whatsoever dignity, degree, or condition they were.  
He likewise professed and promised to govern (the Kingdom) according to the Laws of Suethland; his Regal Oath, and Manual security given at his Inauguration, and to remit the deciding and composing of all differences until the ensuing Parliament, the same to be celebrated within four months, before neutral Arbitrators, such as Imperial, Regal, Electoral, and ducal Ambassadors, who were to be invited by Letters: Those differences especially to be then determined, as could not otherwise be well ended between the Native Suethes: But that no decision Legal or other should be instituted, nor was needful, between himself and the Duke, all controversies between them being buried by a perpetual Amnestia. That whatsoever had been generally concluded, transacted, and agreed upon, should not be separately answered for by any particular person, but the generality be admitted to render a reason thereof. That whatsoever in future Parliaments should be established, was to be allowed and accepted of, and each one permitted to use and enjoy the same without prejudice or molestation.  
That all Prisoners and others of either party, should be obliged to appear and answer in Parliament when called thereunto: Foreign Forces whether in Field or Fort, should be forth with dismissed, the Regal Court and personal Guard excepted, which should not exceed the number formerly used in the Kingdom: All the Natives, Horse and Foot, waged by the King, should be paid and disbanded, each to return home; the Duke to do the like to those of his side. He also promised and consented, that all Castles or other places committed by his said Uncle unto any one in his absence, should so remain until the said Parliament: As also that those five Senatoriall persons demanded by his Uncle should remain in his power until the decision of the whole Affair; yet so, as to enjoy all necessary provisions, without hurt offered to their bodies or Estates.  
He further graciously promised, that publication of this agreement, and declarations for the clearing of his Uncle from all Crimes whereof he had been aspersed, with serious Injunctions for all men to lay down their Arms and to embrace Peace and Concord, should be made in all Provinces and parts of the Kingdom: It was also granted that the Duke's Ministers and Subjects might securely pass and repass through all the parts thereof, about their Masters or their own lawful Affairs, they behaving themselves peaceably, not raising sedition; the like liberty and security was to be enjoyed by the Regal Subjects and Ministers within the ducal Territories. That all things prementioned being thus effected, his Uncle did in like manner confirm to restore unto him, upon his repair to Stocholme (whither he speedily intended) and to remit into his possession his Forts, Navy, Ordinance, with all other things belonging unto him and the Crown of Suethland, which had been committed unto his Dilection, and were until then in his possession, the same to be no way abused to the ruin of his Dilection or the Country. All which the Premises he confirmed under his hand and Seal, concluding that, if ought contrary thereunto should be acted, or any recess therefrom made, either by himself or his Uncle, the Orders of the Kingdom had thereby power and right to oppose and resist the party violating. Given as aforesaid at Lincopia the eighteenth of September, 1598.  
These Covenants thus ratified, Duke Charles gave order to 
Shipping restored.  the Admiral and Commanders of the Fleet, to deliver up the Ships and Ordinance to the King (no man doubting of the unviolable observation of this Treaty) that so he might be transported from Stegeburg, according to the Regal Honour and Dignity. But, what (say they) happened? When the Orders 
The King steers to Calmar in stead of Stocholme.  of Suethland expected that the King had been upon his course towards Stocholme, to administer Justice to every one, in conformity to this Lincopian Transaction, and there to summon the Parliament; they understood that he had steered first towards Calmar, and thence into Poland with the Ships and Guns, and contrary to his Oath had furnished Calmar with a Garrison of Aliens: this being his third dicession from the Kingdom.  
King Sigismundus (say they) having thus transgressed against the Lincopian Treaty, as he had also broken all his former Oaths and promises, the Orders of Suethland did thereby conceive themselves to be absolved from their Oath of Fidelity, as being bound by the said Treaty to prosecute the Violater of that agreement; and the rather because the Strangers garrisoned in Calmar demeaned themselves in hostile manner: as also for that King Sigismundus designed those Ships and Ordinance upon a Naval expedition from Dantzig toward Elsenburg, for the subduction of that place from the Crown of Suethland, and the more commodious annoyance thereof from thence with cruel War (if his intention had succeeded) thereby to obtrude his perverse Religion upon them, and to remit that Fort into the hands of strangers, as he had done by Calmar; and that the Finlanders then quiet, were again by him stirred up, so as the Suethes were necessitated to resume their Arms, whereby floods of blood ensued, in which many of the Natives perished: And albeit King Sigismundus had many times promised those Finlanders, aid from Poland, yet he only deceived and brought them to ruin: But ere we proceed, let us return to see what intercourses did pass between King Sigismundus and Duke Charles after the fore-specified Lincopian Treaty.  
KIng Sigismundus by a most friendly Letter of the thirtieth 
Friendly Letter from King Sigismundus to Duke Charles.  of September, made request unto Duke Charles in behalf of the Captive Counsellors, that their condition might be rendered more tolerable, and that neither themselves nor their Ladies might be subject to scorns or reproaches, the rather because some of those Ladies were near in blood both to himself and the Duke, putting the Duke in mind of his promise to that effect at their discourse together; and desired that (those Senators giving security for their appearance) their own houses might be their Prison, or at least that they might remain together, not separated nor hurried from one place to another: In a Schedue annexed, he prayed the Duke to hasten the provisions promised, for the more speedy transporting of his Extraneous Forces: These as aforesaid, were the thirtieth of September, 1598.  
DUke Charles returned answer the same day, That as to 
The Duke's answer.  those of the Senatoriall Order whom he had under detention, they should be maintained according to their respective dignities, but to live at their peculiar Houses could not he granted; the Army and Commonalty having Petitioned against it, and that the same would not only displease the Orders of the Kingdom, but be likewise unsafe for those Senators, their Wives and Children: And that, unless he had lately (since they came into his power) severely prohibited the same, they had perished by the Popular fury: Wherefore he desired to be excused in that point, and entreated that his Majesty would not in the future dignify them with the undeserved Title of his Counselors and of honest Men, in regard they had been the causers of a vast expense to his Majesty by that foreign Army, and the Authors of cruel effusion of blood, as of other evil to his Hereditary Kingdom: And that they had expressed, but the day before, that if they had served him as faithfully as they had done his Majesty, they should have been better rewarded. That he had ordered the Provisions demanded, to be conveyed to Stegeburg, and to be delivered to his Majesty upon payment.  
KIng Sigismundus, by Letter of the first of October following, 
Second Letter.  desired restitution of the Assecutoriall obligation of the States of Poland granted to himself, with several other things which had fallen into the hands of the Duke or his Servants. These were from his Court at Lincopia.  
DUKE Charles replied the fourth of the said month, 
ducal reply.  therein desiring that Claudius Bielke might be dismissed from being Castellan of Stocholme, as being equally guilty (with those in detention) of the Kingdom's miseries; and that Samuel Laskie might like wise be removed from his Rule there; as also John Bilefeild, with certain of the City Consuls who had reviled him: That he would not (in like manner) lend an ear to Seducers, who might suggest aught in prejudice of the fidelity he had protested to his Majesty and his Heirs, which he would unviolably preserve, to the honour, good liking, and advantage of his Majesty.  
He further desired his Majesty to name those Caesarian, Electoral, and ducal Ministers, whom he intended to invite on his part as Umpires for the deciding of all differences at the ensuing Parliament, himself offering to do the like: He likewise deprecated the dismission of the Aliens, if not already done, and complained of the Country's sufferings by this Military tumult, especially in Ostrogothia and Vplandia: And earnestly requested the liberty of certain Persons detained by the King, to whom in his Majesty's name and absence he had committed the keeping of certain places: He promised restitution of the Polish assecutoriall Instrument desired, so soon as he should come to Stocholme: And lastly, entreated that his Majesty would publish the Declarations promised for his vindication from former undeserved aspersions.  
KIng Sigismundus, by Letters of the same date sent by Nicolaus 
King Sigismundus requires more Ships for the transporting of his Army and sundry things to be restored.  Rask, required more Shipping, for the more convenient and speedy transporting of his Army, and that the Duke would afford a friendly audience and answer to those things the said Rask (his Secretary) should deliver; as also to cause a restitution to be made of some things belonging to the Vicechancellor of Poland: And in a memorial of instructions given to the said Nicolas Rask, commanded him to insist upon the particulars inserted in the fore-specified Letters, as also upon the restauration of certain Music books and others, with certain Kitchen Furniture, and a restitution of such things as had been by several Commanders taken out of his own Ship the White-Eagle, as also on the re-delivery of such things belonging to his Sister the Princess Anna, as had been taken out of the Closet where the Prince Edvardus Fortunatus lodged: He gave also express Injunctions to his said Secretary, 
The Prince was born in England, An. 1565 whose Mother the Lady Cecily, Daughter to King Gustavus Erickson, and Sister to Erick, john, and Charles, all Kings of Suethland, Wife to Christ. marquis of Baden, came then into England to visit Queen Elizabeth, and by the Queen his Godmother named Edvardus Fortunatus.  to be instant with the Duke for ceasing of Depredations which were still practised contrary to the agreement lately made, and to insist upon the enlargement of the Captived Counselors and others (not convicted of notorious Crimes) upon bond or other security, as being consentaneous to the Laws of Suethland; the rather in tender consideration of their Ladies, of whom some were pregnant, others valetudinary: That thereby his Highness would much oblige him, and that he would upon all occasions be ready to make compensation of like Friendly Offices. Dated as aforesaid.  
To these particulars the Duke returned a satisfactory answer; That touching the Senators (under custody) only excepted, concerning whom he desired his Majesty not to insist any further, they having been the cause of all the troubles, and had conspired the ruin and destruction of the Regal Family, not for one year or two, but during the whole course of their lives, and that the Imperial, Regal, Electoral, and ducal Ambassadors might be speedily invited and entreated to examine and decide the cause. Withal, to the said Nicolaus Rask he delivered a Memorial consisting of certain heads, to this effect.  
1. THat the Finlanders and Vplandian Horse should be ordered by his Majesty to return to their homes, and nor raise any more Tumults.  
2. That his Majesty, conform to his promise, would publish his Letters declaratory for clearing the Duke from former aspersions: Next that Letters might be issued for the Parliaments Indiction and Celebration within four months, according to the promise at Lincopia, and that the foreign Ambassadors might speedily be invited into Suethland.  
3. That his Majesty (in regard of the Season) would be pleased to repair to Stocholme by land, offering to meet and attend him with all love and respect, and to contribute what was in his power for the accommodation of himself and his Train, and gave a List of the gists or most commodious nightly Stations.  
Last, That all Farms, Offices of Territoriall Judicatories, with their Profits might be suspended until the Parliament, wherein each one to render account of his Stewardship. These were dated at Orobrogia the eighth of October, 1598.  
The twenty fourth of that month the Duke (by Letter) 
The Duke complains of the Kings going to Calmar.  complained of the Kings steering his course to Calmar in stead of repairing to Stocholme according to his promise, and of the rumour of his departing the Kingdom: Signifying also that he hoped the miseries thereof, which were not unknown to his Majesty, might have found some redress, if his presence had been for some time enjoyed; but that the same in this sudden discession could not be hoped for, all things being thereby left in an unsettled condition. That as he was ignorant what had moved his Majesty thereunto; so it had been necessary that himself and the Senators of Suethland, should have been informed of the cause, and that directions had been given how all Affairs should be ordered in his Majesty's absence, desiring an answer by the bearer what might be expected from his Majesty by himself and the Orders of the Kingdom. Dated at Nycopia as before expressed.  
DUke Charles, about two days after received a Letter from 
King Sigism. excuseth his going to Calmar.  King Sigismundus, dated from Calmar the seventeenth of the said month, intimating that by a violent Storm he had been put from his course intended for Stocholme, and driven to that Port after two nights of tempestuous tossing on the Sea: That the Ship which transported his Sister the Princess Anna, with sundry other Vessels were missing; That nevertheless 
Promiseth a repair to Stocholme.  he intended to repair to Stocholme by land with the first opportunity: That to his Dilections demands concerning the nomination of Princes whose intervention by their Ambassadors he did purpose to entreat against the ensuing Parliament, they were the Emperor; the Kings of Denmark and Scotland, the Dukes of Brandenburg and Mecklenburg, with the marquis of Ansbach; and desired to be in like manner informed of the names of those Princes whom his Dilection had concluded to invite against the said time: He likewise renewed his requests in behalf of the fore-specified imprisoned Counselors that they might remain safely under the Royal Protection until they should appear in judgement and trial:  
But (say the Suether) King Sigismundus observed these promises no otherwise then those formerly by him given, for instead 
Promise not kept, the King returned to Dantzig.  of repairing to Stocholme from Calmar, whither (as pretended) he had been driven by tempest; after he had garrisoned the said Castle with strangers, he turned his Prow directly toward Dantzig: So as no remedy being left but the celebration of a Parliament in place convenient, therein to consult of the urgent Affairs and Necessities of the Kingdom: the 
Parliament at jenecopis.  same was by his Highness, with approbation of the Orders of the Kingdom, convened at Jenecopia in February, 1599 wherein was treated of the concernments of the Nation; The particulars less necessary to be here inserted, I shall omit and only touch some heads more pertinent to the present matter, referring the further curious to the Act itself.  
They therein declare that they will supplicate the King by Letters to commiserate and administer help to the Kingdom's afflicted condition, and that he suffer not the same to fall to utter ruin: That they hope his Majesty will make a favourable construction of this their counsel, and so resolve as the necessity of the cause requires: That if contrary to expectation, their admonition shall take no effect, whether by Suggestions of those of the Romish Creed, or Apostates of their own, they profess their innocency before God and all Christian Potentates, and that they are constrained to renounce the obedience they had until then borne toward his Majesty, etc. This is in the fourth Section or Pause of that Act:  
In the seventh, they express, that whereas in the late Lincopian Treaty it was promised that Imperial, Regal, Electoral, and ducal Ambassadors should be of both sides invited, to examine and decide all differences, which was not yet done; that therefore, unless his Majesty should make good his promise within four months, they did consent and conclude to meet at Stocholme, the 24th of May ensuing, in full Parliament, and conform to the Gustavian Testament, and the written Laws of Suethland, the other Orders of the Kingdom being thither called and appearing, would examine the whole matter in reference to those perverse & turbulent persons who had been Authors of the Nations troubles, whereby the guilty might receive condign punishment, etc. These things with protestations of fidelity to his Highness as their governor, and the resisting and diverting (with their lives and fortunes) all prejudice that might be intended against his person, his Consort and Children, were concluded at Jenecopia as aforesaid.  
DUke Charles having received two letters from the King of 
The Duke's Letter and Objections to King Sigismond.  one and the same date from Warsonia, after a prolix repetition of the heads of each, he answered the several objections they contained, and retorted back with a recapitulation of things past, taxing likewise his departure, which, he affirmed, his Majesty had not been forced unto by tempest, as had been pretended; And that, in the Port of Baresund, Order was given to all those that attended his Majesty to steer toward Calmar and not to Stocholme: He desired to be certified (the time prefixed at Lincopia for the celebrating of the promised Parliament being almost elapsed) whether his Majesty were still of the same mind, and that a certain time and place might be appointed: He taxed the King of stirring up tumults in Finland; Of protesting by his Ministers in Denmark and elsewhere, that he was not obliged to stand to the agreement made between them; Of designs against himself and the Kingdom of Suethland, as was evident by the Letters of Sparre, and Bechus sent to his Majesty, but intercepted and brought to him; And by the secret Plottings of the Princess Anna with Count Axle, by her Servant Ericke George, showing that his Majesty no way intended that these unfaithful Counselors should be brought to trial, but to procure their safety some other way: That in the mean time those Counselors, with others of their faction, should be kept in convenient custody, but that if his Majesty did use further protraction he should be compelled to proceed against them according to the Laws of Suethland. These were dated from Jenecopia the first of February: 1599  
THis letter was accompanied by one of the same date 
Letter to King Sigismundus from the Parliament of Suethland.  from the Orders of the Kingdom of Suethland, wherein, after a rememoration of all things that had past since the Coronation, they desired his Majesty to suppress his tumults sprung up in Finland and Leifland; to commit the Offices of the Kingdom to Natives not to Strangers; to bring the Authors of those troubles to punishment; To govern the Kingdom according to his Regal Oath, the Laws of Suethland, the Sudercopian decrees, and other laudable transactions, and that (in all cases) the written Laws might be observed; To secure them that neither for the present nor the future he would attempt any Mutation of Religion, as had been formerly done contrary to their opinion of his Majesty: That he would return to them as beseemed a meek and gracious Prince, not attended by foreign Forces: That his abode amongst them would be an assured argument of his yielding to these their just requests; And that the speedy effecting thereof was their most earnest desire: But that, if his Majesty's condition were such as he could not be resident with them, and that frequent returns into the Kingdom would be more troublesome than the State thereof could bear, they humbly besought him that in regard his most dear Son was (according 
The Prince his Son invited to be there educated, and to receive the Crown.  to the hereditary union, from which they were resolved not to vary) the next Heir to the Crown, he would be pleased to send the said Prince his Son to receive his Education within that Kingdom, in the true Christian Religion and other Princely virtues, under the tuition of his nearest of blood, and other faithful persons, whereby he might in time become capable of the government and so manage the same as might tend chiefly to the honour of God and the good and welfare of their most dear Country: Promising that if he would so do they would continue, even to the death, his Majesty's most faithful and obedient Subjects; And (as their duty did in like manner oblige) to the young Prince, as to their hereditary King: And that as they hoped his Majesty would grant this their just and sincere Petition, so they with equal humility and observancy entreated that his Majesty would release and send back certain innocent persons, viz. George Claudius, Olaus' Hard, Andreas Sweno and others, who, contrary to his Regal Oath, right, and Justice, had been imprisoned and conveyed out of the Country. But that, if his Majesty (contrary to their expectation) should refuse to grant these desires, which contained nothing but what was consentaneous to Christianity; to the Laws, to Concord and the Regal Oath, they, with all the Orders of the Kingdom, would then protest before God & claer their innocency towards all Christian Monarches and the whole world, that they were compelled to renounce their former obedience to his Majesty, as seeing evidently that their longer continuance under his Sovereignty tended to the rejecting of the Divine word; To the persecution of Subjects, the abolition of legally acquired privileges and prerogatives, and the bringing of them under the yoke and Servitude of strange Lords. Thus far (omitting the Criminations at the beginning) out of the letter itself.  
Hereunto King Sigismundus returned no answer, but more 
No answer returned.  than ever (say they) by open force and secret practices stirred up discord and dissension within the Kingdom; For 
Parliament at Stocholme.  which cause, with unanimous consent, a Parliament was appointed to be held at Stocholme the month of July next following, to consult upon these and other important affairs of State.  
In that assembly, the Senators and Orders of the Kingdom of Suethland, the Earls, Barons, Bishops, Gentry, Clergy, Burgesses, and Corporations there convened, declared that forasmuch as their Ancestors the Orders of Suethland had at Arosia An. 1544. Framed certain constitutions for that Common Weals future government, which were afterwards confirmed by each particular condition of the inhabitants, (importing) that whereas in former times many discords, mischiefs and inconveniences had sprung up in the Land, partly because stranger Princes had been preferred to the Crown of Suethland, who exercised much violence and tyranny toward the Suethes; partly also because concord could seldom flourish among the Kingdom's native Colonies, whilst the choice and election of Kings rested in the Swethish Patriall Families, according to the customary Laws of the Kingdom, and that the Royal Diadem did not descend to any certain race; wherefore it had been thought necessary to pitch upon the lineage of some certain Family, whereon the Regal Dignity might be settled for ever, so long as it should please God that any one of the Male issue thereof should remain, whereby the entrance into such dissensions (in Suethland) might be for ever closed; and that they had not found any more worthy of that Regal eminency, nor who had better deserved the Diadem, both for himself and his Successors, than their then present King Gustavus (Erikson) as who through Divine assistance, had with exceeding diligence, toil, and care, and many hazards of his Person, freed their Country from the servitude, it groaned under, of foreign Kings, and had restored all the Orders of the Kingdom, from the highest to the lowest, to their ancient condition and liberty; and not that alone, but had likewise delivered the same from the unsupportable yoke of Romish Superstition, and in stead of that false worship, had restored the true Evangelicall Doctrine, conform to the Divine Word, whereunto he had also commanded his Successors to adhere, as they would avoid the eternal loss of their Souls: The present Parliament did confess themselves obliged to observe the same, as they had hitherto done by the Crowning of Ericke his eldest Son after his decease, and he, for most cruel tyranny and unworthy Government, being with his Successors worthily deprived of the Sceptre, the same had been conferred upon Duke John the second Son of King Gustavus with his Male issue, and he deceasing, upon the present King Sigismundus, notwithstanding the just objections they had for his embracing the Romish Superstition (contrary to the Godly admonitions left by his Grandfather) as also for his accepting a foreign Crown without the knowledge and consent of the Orders of Suethland, with conditions so prejudical to his native Country as the same would never have admitted, and his departure therfrom without their privity.  
But not to insist here upon all their criminations, consisting 
Rejection of King Sigism.  mostly of things formerly mentioned, that Parliament further declared that, for the said reasons, and for that King Sigismundus had not daigned to return any answer to their desires signified unto him from Jenecopia the preceding Winter, they had unanimously and with one consent concluded not to acknowledge him any longer for their King, or to be thenceforward obedient or subject to his government, but renounced him, and resumed and dissolved their Oath of fidelity and obedience wherein they had been hitherto bound by Law and the Acts of Hereditary union. That albeit they had just cause to remove in like manner his Heirs Males from the Crown, yet would not they impute the faults of the Father to the Son, but had and did thereby decree to accept and receive Prince Vladislaus (his Majesty's Son for their Lord and King, conditionally that within the space of one half year his Majesty 
His Son Uladislaus accepted of conditionally.  would declare whether or not he would send his said Son into the Kingdom, and commit him to the tutory of Duke Charles, as his nearest in blood, with other honest faithful Men; to the end he might be educated in the true Evangelicall Profession, whereunto they, in that Kingdom, had bound themselves, as also in the language and custom of the Country, and would accordingly transmit him thither within six months' next ensuing the half year fore-specified: That this being thus done, they would admit of and receive the said Prince, before all others, for their lawful Lord and King, when he should have attained those years wherein, according to Law, the ancient Jurisdiction and laudable custom of the Kingdom, he might secure and govern them and it; and that in the mean time they would acknowledge Duke Charles for their Hereditary Governor until the Prince should attain to lawful age.  
But that if his Majesty should not do what before expressed within the prefixed times, they would then also reject him, so as neither he nor his Heirs should ever be admitted to sway the Sceptre of Suethland, but as the Father, so the Son to be forever deprived thereof, themselves being the causers of their prescription from the Royal Throne, and their own dispoylers of all Authority and Dignity in Suethland, whereof the said Orders were innocent before God and the World, as not having administered the least occasion thereunto. That thereafter they would choose such a King and Lord, as should, maintain and govern them according to the pure word of God and the Suethish Laws.  
Thus much out of the Act itself concluded the twenty fourth of July, 1599 whereunto the further curious are referred. I shall only adding as a preparatory to the next ensuing Parliament, that in this it was degreed that when his Highness the Duke should return from Finland, whether the troubles there did call him, they would again convene in place convenient for the trial of those Counselors and others then Prisoners, and on the guilty inflict deserved punishment, and that the Duke and they had resolved (for the clearing of themselves before all Christian Monarches and the whole World, that they proceeded not otherwise in that Affair then right and justice required) to entreat certain Electors and Princes of Germany to send some men of probity and integrity into Suethland, not as Judges of controversies but as Auditors only: But if those Ambassadors did defer their coming that themselves would then proceed.  
This Parliament ended, they (without delay) by Letters 
Parliamentary Letters to King Sigismundus not answered.  of the thirtieth of the said month advertised King Sigismundus of what had been therein concluded, and humbly desired his Majesty to declare himself within the time limited: But to these Letters (say they) he returned no answer; Whereupon 
Parliament at Lincopia.  another Parliament was indicted at Lincopia against the month of March in the year, 1600.  
In this Convention the whole Orders of Suethland (as in the former they had done) did expressly and absolutely renounce King Sigismundus and his Government, as also his Son for himself and Posterity in case of his not being sent into Suethland, within the time specified in the former; They thereupon do likewise clear his Highness from affecting the Sovereignty or its Title, notwithstanding the tender thereof unto him, and confirmed him for their Governor during the absence, as also the minority of the Prince, if he should come within the time, five months whereof were yet unexpired: And albeit (as they in the nineth Section or Pause of that Act, do acknowledge) Duke John the Brother of King Sigismundus was the next in 
Dnke John declined.  right unto the Crown according to the several (times forementioned) hereditary Unions yet did they decline him, fearing least when he had attained the Regal Chair, he might, moved thereunto by natural affection to his Brother or his Heirs enter into such Covenants and make such transactions, as might be destructive to themselves and to the Country, by joining with them to revenge, upon Duke Charles or his Successors, those things which in those turbulent times had been acted in reference to King Sigismundus and his Family, and so the latter evil might be worse than the former: And therefore 
Dukedom of Ostrogothes conferred on Duke John.  they unanimously decreed that the said Prince John should have the Dukedom of Ostrogothia (formerly designed for his Uncle Duke Magnus) conferred upon him with certain reservations, and equal compensations for the same, therein expressed: The said Prince to rest therewith contented, without pretending to any other part in the Kingdom, Hereditary Goods expected, which by paternal or maternal Inheritance might be devolved unto him, yet with certain restrictions therein contained.  
And as in the eight Section or Pause of the said Act they repeat the Motives of their defection from King Sigismundus, as his deserting the Evangelicall and embracing the Papal erroneous Profession: his endeavouring to obtrude the same upon that Kingdom, his departure from thence several times without their privity, after he had brought a numerous foreign Army into the bowels of the Country, against all right, natural affection, and the Laws of that Nation, and had by several other ways acted contrary to his Oath and assecutoriall Letters, as also had not daigned to answer one syllable to their humble desires and assurance of committing the Sovereign rule of Suethland, unto his Son if transmitted for due Education within the prefixed time: For which causes they likewise renounced his Son and all other his Heirs and Successors, depriving them of all Jurisdiction, otherwise (by the Hereditary 
King Sigism. with his Heirs rejected.  Union) rightly belonging unto them (so as neither his Majesty nor any of his Progeny should thereafter obtain any right unto the Suethish Diadem) withdrawing themselves from all Obligations wherein they were tied to his Majesty and his Heirs, as also renouncing all fidelity, security, and assistance formerly exhibited to his Majesty. So in the twelfth Pause or Section of the same, they approve of and confirm Duke Charles for their future King, promising unto him thereby, 
Duke Charles designed King of Suethland.  unanimously and with one assent, obedience, fidelity, security, and their utmost assistance, as to their natural and beloved Lord and King: yea, that albeit he should refuse to accept the Crown, and whether the Coronation Ceremonies should be performed or not, they would nevertheless acknowledge and observe him as their lawful Lord and King.  
They likewise bound themselves (in that Act) that after 
Gustavus Adolphus to succeed.  the death of Duke Charles they would render and perform the like obedience unto his Son the Prince Gustavus Adolphus, and to his Heirs Males so long as any of them should survive: But they sailing, the Royal Sceptre to come to Duke John afore-named; Provided that he and his Successors were obliged 
After him Duke john conditionally  not to enter into any Union or confederacy with King Sigismundus or his Heirs, especially relating to any share or government in that Kingdom, and that he nor they should in no sort adhere unto the Romish erroneous Doctrine.  
Concerning their establishment of Church-service, as also their Treaties to be had with the Russian and those of Lubeck, the curious are referred to the Act, wherein also provision was made for dispatch of Juridical Suits: Scrutenies into the public Revenues of the Crown: Settling of certain numbers of Horse and Foot in each Province to be ready upon emergent occasions, their constant Salaries and Sustentation, whilst remaining at home, to be out of the Crown Revenues only; but when the whole Forces of each Province or any part thereof, should move in Military expedition against the Kingdom's Enemies, each Province to furnish their proper Soldiers with Provision or Maintenance during the expedition, that so each might be assessed for their own Militia, and not burdened with that of any other: And that forasmuch as each Province had not equal number of Soldiers, no more then equal frequency of subsidiary Inhabitants; it was ordained that the Assessments for the maintenance of the Army should be equal in each Province, whereby the Inhabitant of one Province might not be liable to a larger Military contribution than one of another Province, and if the Military number in one Province were greater than its proper contribution could maintain during the expedition, the defect was to be supplied out of the Crown Revenues of that Province, whereby the Soldier might out of the same Province be provided of necessaries during the expedition: This Decree to be perpetually observed, whether the Military bands should remain at home, or march (under the Ensigns) against the Enemy.  
Care was likewise taken for the regulating of Decimations or Tithes in field provisions, whereof the Minister was to have a third for his peculiar use, and the residue to be carried into the Granary of the Church; the Minister to make Oath of what by him received, and upon prevarication found, either by the Minister, or by the Husbendman to the Minister, or to the Granary of the Church, the party offending to be cited into Judgement and fined. During this Session, the 
Trial of Captivated Senators:  Captivated Senators, and such as upon their account had been sent for from Finland, were brought to trial, concerning whom it was concluded, that forasmuch as those Counsellors, who in this present Parliament had appeared in Judgement, and were by Duke Charles personally, in presence of the Lords Clement Gadderdorf, and Gerhard Stedding, Ambassadors from the Prince John Adolph Duke of Holstein, accused and convicted that they were not only the first who causelessly deserted the Acts enacted and decreed by themselves as well as others, at Sudercopia and elsewhere, and like Malefactors fled out of the Kingdom, thereby deserving the punishment which the said Acts and other laudable transactions of the Kingdom enjoined to perjured persons, and violaters (such as these were) of their own Snbscriptions, but also derogating from their Oath and all natural (Patriall) affection, had persuaded King Sigismundus, themselves accompanying him, to bring an Alien Army to devast and destroy his Native Soil, and not as became a gracious King, to visit and defend his Subjects according to equity and the Laws: Of all which Crimes they were convicted by their own Letters, besides many other wicked conspiracies by them formerly and of late malignantly practised against his Highness and their Country, for which they had been, by most equal Judges condemned in loss of life and Goods, as by the Sentence itself, the tenor whereof followeth, doth appear in these words.  
BY the particular Letters and Writings of these Traitorous and unfaithful men, Gustavus Banner, Ericke Sparre, Steno 
Sentence of execution.  Banner, and Thuro Bielke of the Senatoriall Order, it is manifest that they have not adhered to their written Obligatory Engagements sent at several times to his Highness, but have shamefully digressed from their own Acts under their hands and Seals, and from the laudable Decree ratified by them at Sudercopia. We therefore who by the universal Orders of the Kingdom are deputed for the pronouncing of this Sentence, cannot acquit nor free them from that punishment whereunto persons perjured, and transgressors of their own Acts, are subject according to the Laws, in regard the Sentence following, inserted by themselves in the Sudercopian Decree, doth condemn them in these words.  
All persons who shall swarve from this our Universal Union, for favour of great Ones, peculiar profit, or other causes, under what name or notion soever, or shall lend assistance, that violence be used by any person openly or privately, against this Decree, or those things whereof his Majesty hath secured the Kingdom of Suethland, whereupon this our Constitution is founded; We shall repute those men for such as are unfaithful to his Majesty, to the Kingdom turbulent, treacherous persons, and to the Country Traitors, whom We will endeavour by all means to suppress.  
Moreover they have most wickedly slandered his Highness unto his Majesty, whereby many Calumnies have been divulged in Print and otherwise; themselves having in their Letters spread very many things, much tending to blemish the Honour, good Name, and Princely repute of his Highness, which neither themselves nor any other can prove. Wherefore in as much as by their Writings they have so ignominiously depraved his Highness, the Uncle to the King, and Hereditary Prince and Governor of the Kingdom, to which Dignity he was by themselves elected, they are to undergo the punishment assigned them by the Laws of Suethen in the ninth Chapter of the Title De Regallibus, which is, Whosoever shall speak aught derogatory to the honour and fame of the Royal Majesty, or of one or more of his Counselors, and cannot rationally and legally prove the same, let him lose his head.  
Furthermore, forasmuch as they have sowed hatred and discord between King Sigismundus and his Highness, instigating his Majesty to wage War against his Highness, contrary to the Laws of the Land, and all regard of natural affection, thereby bringing desolation and devastation to the Country: Therefore we cannot judge otherwise but that they are obnoxious to the punishment, which the eighth Chapter in the Title of the most high Capital Crimes, according to the Laws of Suethen, ordains to be inflicted on them in this form of words. Whosoever shall raise an Army against the King or the Governor of the Kingdom, to surprise them at unawares, or to slay them, or shall attempt any violence or unjustice by Letters, Writings, Counsel, Endeavours, or Assistance, if taken in the Fact, shall undergo the loss of life and goods: Whereunto is added in the same place, a Chapter of the Tenor ensuing. If any one shall bring a foreign Army into his Native Soil, and wage unlawful War against his lawful Lord, by devasting the Country, unless in company of him who is legally promoted to the Government of the Kingdom, he with all his partakers are to be deprived of life, and their Estates to be for ever confiscated. But whereas they and others of the same faction will happily imagine that the said recited Chapter of the Suethish Law, may be a help and excuse unto them, because it saith, unless they shall accompany the King lawfully advanced to the Throne of the Kingdom: It is therefore to be considered on the otherside, that themselves were the causers of all the troubles and effusions of blood, (which to our grief) hath for some time overflowed the Country, & it is to be feared that the same wound of dissension may again fester, unless by the divine goodness it be in mercy salved. For in the first place, if his Majesty would attempt aught against his Oath, his Covenants, and the Laws, they were not bound to adhere unto him in that point, as the fifth Chapter in the Title De Regalibus, concerning the duty of Senators doth express in these words. We shall yield unto the King lawful obedience, and shall perform his commands in all things which he shall enjoin us rationally and legally, and so as We may before God and man justly maintain and answer for, as well our obedience, as the things which he commands: Therefore according to their Oath of Office they were bound to persuade the King to such things as they knew to be advantageous to his Majesty and the Natives, and aught to have exhorted him to preserve, not violate the Regal Rule, that so he might not have transgressed the Oath made to the universal orders of the Kingdom: and should have put in execution the things which they had promised to the King and Kingdom: but they have gone not only clearly directly Contrary thereunto, and to the Sudercopian Decree in like manner, but have also induced his Majesty to the breach of his Oath (as they had broken theirs) and to oppress his Country by cruel War contrary to Law and Justice, whereby they have caused many thousands of men to lose their lives; procured much hurt and detriment to the country, depriving the King of his Kingdom, and people, and by their plots precipitated themselves into the present misfortune.  
It is hereby manifest that the pre-alledged Chapter of the Laws of Suethen, doth no way cover or defend their Crime; but that we by vigour of the same text have legally pronounced them to be deprived of their lives, their lands, their goods, and good names.  
And we accordingly profess, that we all, jointly and severally, willingly and legally, by virtue of those obligatorial letters which the most illustrious Duke Charles and we have given to each other interchangeably, without hatred, envy, fear, or respect of any person, nor offering further than deserved violence, have pronounced this Judgement and capital Sentence, and that we will constantly adhere thereunto both for the present and the future, and will acknowledge and maintain the same before God and the Christian World. For the more assurance hereof we have ratified and confirmed this present Judgement with our hands and Seals. At Lincopia, 
Others pardoned.  the sevententh of March. 1600:  
In this manner was the Sentence pronounced on those aforenamed; but as for Claudius Bielke, Christian the Son of Claudius, Ericke the Son of Abraham, & George Posse the Son of Knute, they having publicly acknowledged their offences, his Highness at the request of the Foreign Ambassadors and the Orders of the Kingdom had pardoned them, upon their humble suit for remission of the facts whereby they had offended, partly against those Orders, partly against the Country: yet so as to remain prisoners until his Highness had taken further 
Some but repreived.  deliberation, and the bettering of their condition to be at his Highness' pleasure. Hogenscheild Bielke affirming he could rationally refute the imputation of his siding with the other unfaithful Counsellors by assistance and advice in persuading King Sigismundus to bring a foreign Army into his native Soil, he was to clear himself at the next ensuing Parliament, or otherwise to be liable to the crime objected. Concerning Carolus Gustavus and the Homicide charged upon him, but no absolute conclusion made of the time, he was ordered to acquit himself thereof in the next Parliament, in which also the particulars his Highness had against the 
Sentence in Finland against Arvidus Gustavus and Axle Kurck confirmed by Parliament.  foresaid Persons were to be examined.  
In reference to Finland, the Parliament decreed that Arvidus Gustavus and Axelius Kurck, who for effusion of blood and other abominable and wicked actions, in that Province, perpetrated by them, had been there legally sentenced, which was here confirmed, should undergo the deserved punishment: That others of the Nobility and of the Military Order, not equally guilty, as having been seduced by those traitorous Counselors, their Leaders, should have their lives spared; 
Other offenders for smaller Offences gradually punished by loss of goods or Fine.  but that a third of their Immovables, whether by Inheritance or Donation from Kings of Suethland; should accrue unto the Crown for ever, with all their Fee-Farmes, whether for term of life or years. It was further decreed, that the Clergy, and all others in that Province, who by their Sons, their Kindred, or others of the Military Bands, had contributed or maintained Horses, or that had by Letters and Plots endeavoured against his Highness and the Kingdom in general; but chiefly for deserting the Sudercopian Constitutions they had formerly approved of, and opposing themselves to their laudable transactions, should be punished; the Clergy to be for ever deprived of their Parishes and Ministerial dignities: Others who had furnished Horses or assistance to the Enemies, were to be fined in a third part of their Goods; and such as were any way accountable to be called to a strict account; the residue of the Clergy who had only dissented, by not assisting the Orders and the Kingdom, in prosecution of the Regal Oath and Assecuration, with other most ancient jurisdictions, should be fined in five Dollars for every ten Boors (or Ploughman) within their Parishes, and so to retain their functions and livings so long as they should behave themselves as became faithful Subjects. These are partly the heads of the Parliamentary transactions at Lincopia, the ninteenth of March. 1600. For more full satisfaction reference is had to the Acts.  
The same things were confirmed in the comitial Convention 
Second Parliament at Stocholme.  at Stocholme An. 1602 with sundry others enacted more relating to that country in particular then to the matter we have in hand, and therefore here omitted: Therein the Duke was again desired to accept of the Crown, which he nevertheless refused until he had once more, by letters, sounded the mind of his Nephew King of Sigismundus, whether he would yet send his Son, upon the conditions before expressed, to receive his education in Suethen, and the Crown thereof when he should attain unto full years. In this Parliament also the succession was confirmed (Duke Charles deceasing) upon his Son Gustavus Adolphus and his heirs males; and those not surviving, upon his second Son the Prince Carolus Philippus and his Male Issue, which likewise failing, the forenamed Prince John with his posterity masculine should succeed; and did associate each with other for the opposing of any, whether Native or stranger, who should contradict these Statutes by endeavouring to obtrude any other upon the Regal Throne. This Parliamentary Act consisting of eighteen heads sealed with their respective hands, and Seals, was concluded at Stocholme the seventeenth of July, 1602.  
DUKE Charles' upon the twentieth of the said Month sent 
Duke Charles again solicits King Sigism, to send his Son into Suethen.  letters to King Sigismundus commemorating those, several times formerly sent, as well by the Orders of the Kingdom of Suethland as himself, for the transmission of his Son to be educated in the Evangelicall Christian profession and the customs there used, and so to be received and admitted for their Liege Lord and King, when he should attain to years fit to manage the affairs of Suethen, and to grant them due assecuration: Withal taxing him that hitherto he had not only not answered but slighted and contemned their faithful admonition, but had calumniated him, and was intentive toward his ruin and that of the Kingdom's respective Orders, as appeared by his Majesty's Letters divulged in Suethland, partly before, partly after the late cruel War, and particularly in those by him sent to Revel from Vilna of the sixteenth of May, stuffed with contumelies unnatural, as being published against an Uncle, who had always studied his Majesties and his Father's good, and had endeavoured to place the Crown upon the head of his said Father by the deprivation of Ericke who ruled amiss, as also safe-guarded his Majesty then an Infant, in requital whereof he was now by him aspersed with infamous titles; and further showed that Copies of certain Letters were dilated unto him, written by his Majesty to the King of Denmark from Vilna the five and twentieth of February; wherein he had endeavoured to spot his honour. and had unadvisedly given away the right which the Crown of Suethland doth justly vindicate as the peculiar badge thereof, Viz. The three Crowns, for which a long and cruel War had been waged with the Danes, wherein many brave Men had perished; and whereas the Danes formerly had earnestly entreated from the Suethes, a protraction (as to them) for composing the difference, his Majesty contrarily had now desired the like from the Danes, conceding needlessly the right of the Suethes to the adverse party, contrary to his Oath and promise, which his Majesty and his unfaithful Counselors ought not to have done: That nevertheless he regarded not those exorbitancies, neither was willing to recompense evil with evil, but would attribute those excesses to his Majesty's weakness, and the perverseness of that Religion wherein he had been educated, and would return good even to his Enemies, if his Majesty and his partakers would accept of his brotherly affection: That therefore, albeit the Orders of Suethland, in the last Stocholmian Parliament (as they had often before done) had now again humbly desired him to assume the Sovereign Government, and had wholly renounced his Majesty, as he well knew, he had not hitherto directly condescended unto them: But that his Majesty and all the World might know, he sought not his Majesties or his Successors prejudice, but should gladly see his Majesty's Posterity perpetually sitting at the Helm of that Kingdom; He again earnestly and faithfully desired his Majesty to assent to his request, and send his Son speedily into Suethland; that otherwise, and unless that before the ensuing month of August expired, he received a satisfactory answer, his Majesty would not impute it to him for a Crime, that he had at length accepted of the tender which by the whole Orders of the Kingdom had been so frequently made unto him. Dated as aforesaid from Stocholme; neither do we find any future intercourse by Letters between King Sigismundus and his Uncle Duke Charles.  
But (say the Suethes) in stead of answer to those Letters, 
No answer returned, but new broils raised.  new broils were set on foot, by all the Forces could suddenly be raised in Poland, Lithuania, and Liefland, albeit the Leiflanders did more adhere to the Suethes, as not brooking the Polish Government: Libels were dispersed into all parts against Duke Charles, and he with the Orders of Suethland were publicly proclaimed Enemies: Sundry (but unsuccesful) attempts made upon Huitenstein and revel, Caspar Tisenhusen that Rebel, with his Troops of Horse admitted into Viburg, by Axle Kurck appointed Campmaster by King Sigismundus, contrary to his Oath and Obligation, which prohibited the Command of Castles unto strangers: Hereupon Duke Charles was compelled unto a new expedition into Leifland, where before he attempted aught against his Adversaries, he made sundry overtures (for a Composure) to Leo Sapia, and others, to whom the King of Poland had committed the Command of Leifland, but was not only delayed with various Letters, and deluded with vain hopes, but his Messengers likewise by them imprisoned contrary to the custom of Nations; so as all his endeavours for ending that cruel War proved but vain, as appeared in the year 1602. when Axle Kurck and Henricus Horn, with others, upon request made by the Polanders, were sent with certain Instructions positive, to try whether any agreement could be made: but coming to Leifland they found no man to treat withal; King Sigismundus and the Polanders having no other intent then to continue the War, and to procure them what Enemies he could both in Denmark and 
Further Objections.  Russia, which gave beginning to the so long continued broils between the famous Kingdom of Suethland, that of Poland and Lithuania: Moreover the said Duke Charles, in the year 1608. (he being then King) sent his Ambassadors Magnus Broke Earl of Visinsborg, Nicolaus Bielke, Baron of Salstad, Peter Kenicius Bishop of Scharen, Laurence Paulinus Bishop of Stregnen, Ottone Helmer de Tuna, Castellan of Aboen, and Philip Skeding, Castellan of the narve to treat with the Polanders, but as formerly, so then King Sigismundus refused to cease this bloody War by equal and laudable transactions.  
Neither (as they allege) is that to be slipped over in silence 
The same continued.  which Ionas Hendrickson, Meldorpius Ditmarsus writes in his Oration, entitled, The means and way of reducing the Septentrional Regions to the Romish Worship; Whose words are, that, when the Collar of the Golden Fleece was presented to King Sigismundus, at the Warsovian Parliament, by the Count of Ligny, in the name of the King of Spain his Master; King Sigismundus made Oath, that he would preserve sincere Friendship and Brotherhood with the Prince of that Order, and would propagate that Catholic Religion by endeavouring to his power the extirpation of Heretics: What therefore might be expected by the Duke and themselves who had abjured the Roman Profession? Surely King Sigismundus swearing, at the reception of that Order, to propagate the Papal Creed, by extirpating the Heretics, was injurious and perjured as to his Coronation Oath taken in Suethland.  
In the year 1604. Duke Charles and the Orders of Suethland 
Parliament at Norcopia.  assembled again in Parliament at Norcopia, upon the sixth of February, wherein they ordained several things tending to that Nations Emolument; As,  
1. Concerning the revising, correcting, reprinting, republishing of the Laws and Constitutions of the Kingdom of Suehtland in all Provinces thereto belonging, those to whom the same was committed to have allowance from the Crown for their subsistence, until it were perfected.  
2. The grievances of the Subject (with their redress) from and by Missionary and Military Quartering.  
3. The valuation of their Coin.  
4. The Tolls or Customs. 
Heads of what therein transacted.   
5. Against imposition of Taxes by Deputies or Officials, without the chief Superiors Command.  
6. The power of Provincial Lawmakers, or of great Rulers.  
7. The Measures, Weights, and Balances, measuring of Lands, lustration of Regal Goods.  
8. Marriage of the Royal Progeny.  
9 The placing of Craftsmen in every Territory, and Warehouses in each City, wherinto all Cloth to be brought and viewed, before the fame were vended.  
10. Against the detention of Tenths, Contributions, and emergent Exactions, by such as hold any Copyhold profits from the Crown.  
11. Concerning the payment of Subsidies or customary Tributes, and by whom.  
12. The Provincial Statutes of the late King Gustavus (Erickson) to be reviewed, corrected according to the present occasions, by the Supervisors of the Laws of Suethland, and together with them to be published and observed.  
13. Against undue and fraudulent exportation of Iron; the punishment of Offenders.  
14. Touching the Grants of immovable Goods unto any person, made by Kings or Princes.  
15. That the Moiety of Territoriall Fines should accrue to the Provincial Judge; the other Moiety to be reserved in the Territoriall Chamber.  
Lastly, That Emergencies requiring the absence for some time of the King or Kingdom's Governor, the stay not to be beyond the day of Bartholomew-tide: For the better satisfaction in all which particulars, the curious are referred to the Acts; as also the Proceedings made in order to Hogenschield and Claudius Bielke, with the other Prisoners and Fugitives, their Children and Posterity. In like manner their Ordinance for the levy and maintenance of nine thousand Foot and Horse for three years against the Polander, the Military Salary to be monthly paid, besides the other Soldiers to be maintained by his Highness out of the Crown Revenues, are therein more fully to be seen; the present intention being only to mention the Parliamentary conclusious relating to the former differences, between the King his Nephew, and the Kingdom.  
In Order hereunto they show that Duke Charles for sundry considerations by him alleged, was willing to decline the Sovereign Rule, and had made unto them these two ensuing Propositions: That either they would be reconciled to King Sigismundus, or otherwise accept of his Brother Prince John for their King: Whereunto they had answered that they utterly rejected the first, as being willing to run any hazard rather than to return under his obedience: And as for Duke John, albeit he was nearest in blood according to the Hereditary Union, yet forasmuch as he was of under age, and had likewise upon the sixth of that present month, in presence of sundry of the States of the Kingdom, renounced his right thereunto, resolving to adhere to the Lincopian Constitutions, 
Duke John renounceth his pretence to the Crown of Suethland.  and had entreated Duke Charles to accept of the Sceptre, and had likewise sealed this Norcopian Decree, religiously promising never to act in prejudice thereof, under the penalty of loss of his successive right unto the Crown of Suethland, as also of his Dukedom and those Hereditary Goods which he possessed in Suethland: In like manner, that he would never make any Transactions with King Sigismundus, his Sons or Successors, but to resist them vigorously, protecting, preserving, and defending Duke Charles, his Consort, Children, and Successors, in the Jurisdiction at that present designed unto them: And therefore for those and other lawful causes, some of which were mentioned in the Lincopian Decrees, they could not admit of Prince John unto the Kingdom's rule: for which cause they had most humbly and earnestly reiterated their desires to his Highness not to reject the Sovereignty; 
Duke Charles contented to accept of the Crown.  which his Highness at last, moved with their assidual and unanimous Suit had assented unto: And that forasmuch as in consideration of the causes fore-specified in the renunciation, and others elsewhere mentioned, the Male Line of King John was wholly deprived of the Suethish Diadem, and the same designed and conferred upon Duke Charles and his lawful Heirs; they had therefore now renewed their ancient Hereditary Union, and had framed and fitted the same unto the condition of the time present: They further decreed, that if any person at any time thereafter, should secretly or openly act contrary to the Union and constitution then made, by endeavouring to translate the Crown unto any other Family, so long as any of the Progeny of their designed King, or of Duke John should survive; or to render it (as formerly) Elective, by which State many mischiefs (as their Annals made mention) had sprung up: Or finally, excluding the Gustavian Race, should himself surprise the Regal Chair, they would with joint Forces endeavour that he or they should incur the punishment of Traitors to their Country, and their Goods to be confiscated: And if their Children were of years to be knowing and conscious of those Treasons, and did not discover them, they were to undergo like punishment: But upon discovery of their Parents Nefarious practices, they should undesputably enjoy their Parent's Estate, the Parent punished as aforesaid. But if they had not attained the years of discretion, so as not to be guilty of those treacherous Devices, they should not (by their Father's act or suffering loss of life and goods) be defamed, yet should enjoy only the goods of their Maternal, not their Paternal Inheritance: If the Mothers were in like manner conscious of the Conspiracy and Treason with their Husbands, the Inheritance of the Wife as well as of the Husband, should be confiscated and accrue to the Crown, without any regard had to the Children. This was the substance of the Norcopian Parliament, confirmed by the hands and Seals of Prince John, Duke of Ostrogothia and Hereditary Prince of Suethland, together with the several Orders thereof respectively, the twenty second of March, 1604. The same likewise Coroborated with the Seals of the Towns and Provinces, from whence any of them had been delegated:  
The Reformed hereditary union forementioned was of the 
Hereditary union renewed, reform.  same date equally subscribed and Sealed by the Senators and Orders of Suethland, Earles, Barons, Prelates, Gentry, Clergy, Commanders, Burgesses, and others, who were present at the Norcopian Convention, as well in the names of their respective Provinces as in their own; and imported that from the time of the Arosian Convention An. 1544. the Kingdom of Suethland, formerly Elective, had been, under Gustavus Erickson (of excellent memory) rendered hereditary to him; his heirs Males and their line Masculine, so long as any one of them should survive, in consideration of the desolations, intestine Seditions, Sanguinolent profusions, multiferous destructive detriments sustained by that Kingdom, whilst Elective, without regard to a lawful regal succession: One Person or Party preferring one Prince, the other Party another, to the Royal throne; from whence multiplicious discords and pernicious dissensions had overflowed the inhabitants, to the almost ruin of the whole Kingdom.  
That the motives inducing thereunto had been, his vindicating them from the immanity of Christian the second of Denmark: That before his migration hence he had composed a certain last Will and Testament, for the regulating of his children toward each other and toward their Subjects; Upon which Testament the Orders of the Kingdom had grounded their hereditary union, and as a mark, had made it their aim; not obscurely insinuating that unless the Gustavian succession made that their rule, they could not thereby pretend any advantage, nor any right unto the Crown more than that Testament conveyed unto them: The close whereof contained that his Children and Successors should cherish and maintain divine worship, and the precious word of God, without any superstition, or traditions of men, according as himself had endeavoured to promote and publish the same: Next, that they should embrace each other with continued mutual affection, governing and protecting their Subjects rightly and justly, and according to their legally acquired privileges.  
That according to the hereditary Union (grounded as aforesaid) they had crowned Ericke the Eldest of that line; But in regard his rule was not corresponding to the Paternal Testament and Laws of Suethland, they had deprived him and his heirs of the Crown of Suethland, and substituted in his Stead the late King John (of laudable memory) as the nearest in Order to that Covenant of hereditary Union: That he albeit retarded by the impulsions of perverse persons, who suggested unto him the pernicious change of religion, which was mostly intended during his reign, had been vigilant toward those things that were consentaneous to Christianity and right, and intended a just Government so long as his thread of life remained: To which change of Religion, as also sundry other things, were to be imputed to the suggestions of evil Counsellors, as the primary causers of that want of brotherly confidence, which of right aught to have been between him and his Brother Duke Charles.  
They also affirm, that contrary to his Fathers said Testament, and his own Oath for true observation thereof, Sigismundus his Son (afterwards King of Poland) had been by him permitted to be educated in the Pontificial Religion, and that by the fore-specified impulsions and persuasions of perverse Counselors, he had sent his said Son out of the Kingdom, to receive the Crown of Poland; from whence, as from an overflowing stream, all those inundations of evils, which had covered their Country, proceeded.  
It would be over long here to repeat, their formerly so often reiterated Criminations against King Sigismundus, nor the forementioned Resignation by Duke John of his Hereditary 
Duke Charles pronounced King, and his eldest to succeed. The younger to enjoy his Father's Dukedoms.  right to the Kingdom: They therefore proceed to pronounce Duke Charles (by them formerly designed) for their present absolute and lawful Sovereign, with whom and for whose safety, they would live and die; and that after him they would receive his eldest Son, the Prince Gustavus Adolphus for their immediate and confirmed King: Upon the younger Prince, Carolus Philippus, they thereby settled the Paternal Dukedoms of Sudermannia, Nericia, and Wermelandia, Vosbogia, and the Valensian Territory, with the other Jurisdictions then possessed by his Father: But that Duke John should enjoy the Dukedom formerly granted unto Duke Magnus, with other large emoluments conceded unto him by the present Parliament, as the Letters of Donation did testify.  
That if their designed King, the present Prince Gustavus Adolphus 
Male issue of the eldest failing the second to succeed.  should leave behind him any lawful Regal or ducal Heirs Males, the eldest should succeed; and he deceasing sonless, the one after the other from Line to Line, should sway the Sceptre, and so his Highness' Sons that should be borne unto him, should be by them and their Successors designed and accepted for lawful and Hereditary Kings of Suethland. But if the Prince Gustavus Adolphus should depart this life, not leaving any lawful Heirs Males, the second Son Prince Carolus Philippus should obtain the Crown as their designed, elected, and confirmed King of Suethland; and after him, his lawful Heirs Males, in like manner should succeed, as hath been expressed toward the Line of Prince Gustavus. 
That also failing in him, Duke john to inherit the Crown.   
Lastly, That if Prince Carolus Philippus should change this mortal State without any lawful Male Issue to rule the rains of the Kingdom, the Royal dignity should then devolve unto the illustrious Duke John, in the same manner word for word as it had been decreed and confirmed unto the forenamed Princes Gustavus Adolphus and Carolus Philippus. He also dying, his eldest lawful Son should obtain the Regal Wreath, and so each from Line to Line as had been designed and concluded unto the Heirs of the two Princes before named in the foregoing Articles: And that, forasmuch as Histories give ample testimony of tumults, dissensions, and multiferous detriments, which over-fruitfully flock into a Commonwealth, when the Line of a lawful Family is not regarded; the Kingdom and the Government thereof being in jeopardy by a perilous election of Governors, this Inhabitant voting for one (Candidate or) pretender, that man for another: And that on the other side it may be collected out of Histories, that much Concord and Tranquillity hath ever flourished in a Commonwealth, when according to Divine providence, the States or Orders of a Kingdom have not swarved from the right and lawful Line of a Regal Family. If therefore 
The Female Regal and ducal issue adopted into the succession.  (which they besought God gracionsly to divert) the like inconvenient should befall the Kingdom of Suethland, that the whole Masculine Gustavian Progeny should be taken away, and none remaining of that Regal and ducal Family but Female Heirs, they did bind themselves by promise, and voluntarily and by mature Counsel did thereby unanimously and concordially, universally and singularly, for themselves in general and particular, and for all their Successors engage and swear, that they would accept that Princess and Regal 
This hath reference to the forecited Parliamentary conclusions at Stocholme the seventh of March 1590. but is here imperfect in the Original, as wanting the words Eldest unmarried, as is there expressed.  Daughter (if such should be living) or of the ducal Line, for Queen of Suethland, and that they would not obtrude any Husband upon her without her will and consent; and especially that they would not permit or procure her a Husband of any People enemy to the Suethish Nation, or that had any way sought after their ruin or hurt, nor yet any of a perverse Religion, or adhering to a Doctrine differing from their Christian profession. That withal, the Queen should be and thereby was prohibited from any manner of Matrimonial contract with any person of such a Nation or Religion, under the penalty of deprivation of Rule and Dignity; but that she should rather wed some one of the Suethish Nation whom she could affect, and who might be useful to the Kingdom, or some Prince of the ducal Families in Germany descended from the illustrious Gustavian Progeny of Suethland, and of the same Religion with them, except such marriage were forbidden by propinquity of blood.  
That the other Regal and ducal Daughters of that Family then remaining should be provided of Dowries and other necessaries befitting their condition and dignity, according to the Gustavian Testament, and the conclusions of the present 
Provision for younger, Regal, and ducal daughters conditional.  Parliament: Yet with these conditions and cautions, that not any of the Regal or Ducal Daughters should contract Matrimony with any person without the free consent and approbation of the Orders of the Kingdom: But not intentending 
The daughters and sister of King Sigismond. rejected.  hereby that the daughters of the King Sigismundus (if any were) or his Sister, should be comprehended, they being rejected from ever obtaining any jurisdiction in Suethland. And forasmuch as all the tumult, war, and dissension, which of late times had molested them, had their main Original from the difference of religion between his Majesty of Poland and the Orders of Suethland, he having contrary to his Grandfather's last Will and Testament deserted their Christian profession and embraced the Papal erroneous doctrine; they 
No Prince of a contrary religion to inherit.  therefore unanimously constituted and decreed that they would never prefer any person unto the Royal Chair who should not be of the same Religion with them: And that, if any of their Hereditary Princes should decline the pure word of God, comprehended in the Prophetical and Apostolical Books, and depart from the Augustane Confession presented to the Emperor Charles, An. 1530. grounded upon the Word of God; as also from other former transactions and laudable Constitutions, partly framed in the time of King Gustavus, partly since, tending chiefly and above all things to the advancement of Christ's Church and the propagation of Religion, and to the preservation of the best policy both in spirituals and temporals; or whosoever should not do and promove 
Such, or Apostates to be deprived.  whatsoever he shall know may tend to the honour of God, or should not attend to those things which might concern the profit and emolument of the Country, he should be 〈…〉 terly deprived of that Hereditary Jurisdiction which by the Act of union was due unto him.  
In like manner, under the penalty of like deprivation their Hereditary Princes were prohibited Marriage with any Wife of an erroneous Religion, contrary to that above specified, for avoiding those, dissensions might thereby grow between 
Hereditary Princes prohibited marriage with an, wife of contrary religigion. All seduce●s of Princes to a contrary religion to be punished as 〈…〉 s.  the Subjects and their Lords, as had befallen with King Sigismundus; neither should contract Matrimony without acquainting and thereupon advising with the Orders of the Kingdom whether such Marriage would be commodious for themselves and the Realm. All Inhabitants therein, at present or after times, who should seduce, advise, or persuade any of their Hereditary Princes to embrace or be brought up in any false Religion, or in other then that above mentioned, should be accounted as Traitors to the Kingdom, and undergo punishment accordingly, of what soever condition they were, high or low, Senators or others.  
They likewise concluded and decreed that not any of their 
No hereditary Prince to accept of another Kingdom, unless to live in the Patriall Soil.  Hereditary Princes should be raised to the Royal Throne who did accept of another Kingdom; and that no Hereditary King had power to accept of any other Realms or Territories, unless he would constantly remain in the native Soil; they having by sad experience found by the transactions of former times and modern tumults, what inconveniencies had been derived unto them by their King's acceptance of Foreign Crowns: That in order to what before expressed, they who were or had been present, did promise and swear according to the tenor of this Hereditary Regal Inauguration and designation of the forenamed several Princes and their respective Heirs from Line to Line, all fidelity, obedience, and assistance to their utmost power and the hazard and expense of their estates and lives, in confirmation whereof they engaged their Christian faith, honesty, conscience, lives, and possessions, as they desired God to be propitious unto them, and each for himself and his Successors after their manual Subscription sealed the same, with their Capital, Civicall, and Territoriall Seals; upon reciprocal engagement for their Government according to the pure Word of Cod, the Laws and justly acquired Privileges of Suethland: Norcopia the two and twentieth of March, 1604.  
By the fore-specified Parliamentary Decree and Hereditary Union (it may appear) they utterly renounced the Sovereignty of King Sigismundus, who had not once only but several times first abandoned them; thereby (say they) adhering nevertheless to the right Family according to the Tenor of the Laws of Suethland, and the Acts of Hereditation, and concurring with those of Poland, who had written to their King, then absent (for whose return they had prefixed a peremptory day) that they could not long subsist without their King, by reason of many incident dangers not to be obviated but by the Regal presence, and that if he did not return unto them by the time prescribed, he should not think strange if they did subrogate another in his place, it being impossible for them to live without a King and head, to defend them by his Regal power and authority: Which reasons (say they) the Suethes had often suggested and tendered to King Sigismundus, notwithstanding that his several returns had not been unaccompanied with various inconveniencies apparent in the preceding discourse: That all those things being by them passed over, they had frequently written to advise and entreat him to return into his Hereditary Kingdom, it being no less incommodious for them to live without a King and certain form of Rule, then for the Polanders; to which Letters he had not daigned any answer, and that they therefore had been deservedly moved to exclaime (with those of Poland) shall Suethland be longer without a King? in no wise; A King we must have, etc.  
They further affirm, that as then, Princes, meet to be premoted to the Regal Chair were not wanting unto them, they having the election of two, without swarving from the Regal Family, to wit, Duke Charles (by them now elected) and Prince John, who albeit they did ingeniously acknowledge him for the nearest, as being the younger Son of King John (of famous memory) and unto whom in that regard they had not once but often presented the Crown, yea, even at the Solemnity of the Coronation of their present King, yet for so much as he was not then of so ripe years as to undertake so troublesome a Government of the Kingdom in such a season, and that at Norcopia before the renovation and confirmation of the fore-specified hereditary Union, he had upon the sixth of the same month of March, in presence (as hath been already said) of sundry Senators and other Members of that Parliament tendered his just excuses in form as followeth.  
MOST High and Mighty Prince, Beloved Lord 
Oration of Duke John in Resignation of his right.  and Uncle; When I silently revolve in my mind the benefits conferred upon me by your Dilection, ever since that by (reason of) the decease of my Parents, I came unto your Court, I certainly find your affection to have been so great as I cannot sufficiently extol, much less deserve or recompense the same. I will not, at present, speak of the Paternal care exhibited toward me by your Dilection in my Instruction and Education in all Christian and ducal Virtues: But desire chiefly to be mindful of the care exercised by your Dilection, lest I should have fallen into the hands of Jesuits, and have been seduced unto their most pernicious Religion. Wherefore seeing I can never be sufficiently able to merit or requite that Fatherly care, diligence, and trouble; I will first and above all things, with all earnestness, crave of the most high God that he will please abundantly to return the same upon your Dilection, your most loved Consort, and your Illustrious Children, both in this life and that which is to come: In the mean time, I will diligently endeavour by all manner of obedience and humility, to the utmost of my power, to make (at least) some measure of requital of that faithfulness which your Dilection frequently hath and daily doth declare unto me. But whereas your Dilection did some days past, propound unto my deliberation certain Articles, and hath graciously required me to declare my resolution upon them, as the Orders of the Kingdom have since done in like manner; I have therefore thought good to answer your desires, humbly entreating your Dilection favourably to accept of, and interpret this my serious Resolve, whereunto I have decreed to adhere constantly.  
The Universal Orders of the Kingdom, most mighty Prince, beloved Lord and Uncle, in divers Parliamentary Conventions, as also in this present Assembly, have Unanimously and Concordially acknowledged and received your Dilection for their Lord and Governor, unto whom henceforward, as to their natural and most beloved King, they have promised all obedience, due fidelity, security, and utmost assistance: In regard your Dilection, solely under God, hath been their Protector, who to the extreme hazard of your life, trouble, and charge, have diligently endeavoured to free them from the Papal darkness, and that external Yoke and Servitude which was impending over our heads; And that you have neither spared your Possessions nor life itself in watching for the Welfare and Emolument of us all, as well in spiritual as in temporal Affairs: And that you have preserved and protected all and singular Clergy and Laiety, high and low, each according to his state and condition in the Christian Religion; And have governed them wholly according to the Laws of Suethland and each ones rightly acquired Privileges: The Orders therefore of this Kingdom have (I say) for these and other weighty considerations, as also by the Authority and Jurisdiction devolving unto them from their Ancestors, designed and made choice of your Dilection for our King: Which Election certainly I neither by myself nor others, openly or secretly, either now, or when I shall have attained the full age of twenty four years, nor at any time afterward, will never endeavour to annihilate or overthrow, but will always rest contented with those things which have been at once and by all the Orders of the Kingdom unanimously constituted and decreed, and do willingly consent that the Renovation of the Hereditary Union have that success which your Dilection hath required from these Orders: In reference whereunto, if your Dilection shall change his mortal life (which God be pleased to prolong for many years) I will endeavour with all my might that no injury be done in any sort unto your most beloved Consort, or to your most Illustrious Children; and moreover to my power will procure that the most Illustrious Prince Gustavus Adolphus, my most beloved Brother may enjoy the Crown of Suethland: And if he shall decease without legitimate Heirs Males, I will in like manner endeavour that my most dear Brother the Prince Charolus Philippus be preferred to the vacant Government of the Kingdom; towards each of whom I will so demean myself as becometh a most loving Brother. Wherefore I most humbly beseeeh your Dilection to consent at length to the desires of the Orders of the Kingdom, and compassionating the sad condition of our Country, speedily accept of the Crown of Suethland; by means whereof your Dilection may easily free the Suethish Commonwealth from Tumults, Discords, and intestine Dissensions, which otherwise may increase unless our Requests be seasonably granted: Your Dilection may likewise attend the Government more securely, and henceforward as heretofore procure the Kingdom's good. Your Dilection so doing, I shall hope that your Dilection, together with the Orders of the Kingdom, will permit that I enjoy the Dukedom assigned unto me at Lincopia, with those Hereditary Goods which may rightly accrue unto me when I shall attain unto full years; In the mean time I neither will nor can prescribe to your Dilection how they are to be ordered: I only humbly entreat, that as heretofore, so for the future, your Dilection will so patronise and dispose of what is mine, as to your Dilection shall seem good, and unto me commodious; herewith from the most inward of my heart I wish unto your Dilection the happy success of your intentions, a long and prosperous life, with a most happy and peaceable Reign: And in confirmation of all things aforesaid, I here in presence of the Orders of the Kingdom, do give you my hand.  
For these (say they) and other forementioned reasons, as also in regard of the transaction at Orobrogia, An. 1606. between their new King and Duke John, that he would rest contented with the Dukedom of Ostrogothia, and not pretend unto or seek, either for himself or his Heirs, any further Jurisdiction before those Revolutions should happen which were couched in the Norcopian renewed Hereditary Union; as also that he had now attained the age of nineteen years, and therefore could rightly discern of those things that concerned his good, they did hope that his Highness had no cause to impute any Injury unto them, the rather for that they had chiefly and seriously considered what the condition of those times in that Nation required; to wit, That the afflicted State thereof did speedily require a Governor, who could prudently steer the Kingdom's Helm, and that otherwise a total ruin would have over-flowed the Realm: That they were likewise compelled by those dangerous and subite Machinations whereby the Country was continually encompassed to choose him for their King, their Lord and Governor, who was adorned with Prudence, Experience, and ripeness of years.  
Charles the 9th Crowned Ao. 1607. King of Suethes Goths and Vandals, Great Prince of Finland etc. etc./   portrait of King Carl IX of Sweden 
Lastly, Albeit formerly touched in their History, they cannot (say they) but here also rememorate his most inhuman design of murdering his Uncle at the time of his Coronation, in which, by instigation of the Papal Legate and other depraved Counselors, he decreed violently to deprive his Uncle of life, on the first day of the Solemnity, by the ministry of certain treacherous Villains, as was evident out of the History of James Tipotius, and by the confession of Jeronimo Strozzi, and that to the same end, he caused Christopher Clabon, one of his Musicians, to compose a Song, ending with, and repeating Non curo, non curo, etc. During the singing whereof, the watchword being privily given, the Murderers should have rushed forth and most wickedly murder his Highness and his Train, but that God by his singular providence, prevented the mischief intended.  
For these causes and reasons, do the Suethes (ubmitting the same to the judgement of all sincere and candid Arbitrators) justify their abdication for ever of King Sigismundus and his Heirs from the Crown of the Suethes, Goths, and Vandals, and their election to the same of the often forenamed Charles Duke of Sudermannia, Nericia, and Wermelandia, whom, as aforesaid, they Crowned in the year 1607. by the name of Charles the ninth: For conclusion to the whole (wherewith we also conclude this Epitomised Narrative) they earnestly entreat all Christian Monarches, Emperors, Kings, Princes, and Electors, to make a candid and sincere construction, a benign and favourall acceptation of this their legitimate defence, and to vindicate them and their most equal cause against all calumny.  
During the Reign of this King Charles (which continued 
Wars between King Sigismundus and King Charles.  sundry years) there were almost continued Wars between the Polanders (who with the Lithuanians embraced the quarrel of their Prince) and the Suethes, who resolutely maintained their own Acts in favour of their new election: Neither were they intermitted by his death, for his Son Gustavus Adolphus, Succeeding to the Crown of Suethland An. 1617. did so vigorously 
Continued by his Son Gustavus Adolphus.  prosecute, the same, as, the Polanders lost not only the greater part of their interest in Leifland, but likewise the best (as well Maritime as inland) Towns, with most of the territory of that part of Prussia belonging to the Crown of Poland, Dantzig excepted with its neighbouring bounds, which kept firm thereunto, and would not admit of a Neutrality with the Suethes, albeit they had been once (if report err not) upon a Treaty: For which their fidelity, they have since obtained no small privileges from that Crown, prejudicial not only to the Neighbour Cities, as that of Elbing, where formerly the English Merchants of the Eastland Company had a flourishing residence, but also to those Merchants and their Nation in the point of trade, by their Stample, upon all woollen clothes imported to be dispersed through Poland, which Monopoly hath been and is no small grievance unto that Society: Neither hath that yoke been taken off notwithstanding England's merits towards that Crown, and the intervention and earnest Solicitation of England's Ambassadors and other Ministers, as will hereafter further appear. But return we now to what is yet remaining, that so we may proceed unto the promised Treaty.  
The Polanders (as hath been said) being wholly on the losing hand, and having other ancient constant enemies, as the Turk and Tartar (and the Russian no assured friend) to cope withal besides the Sueths; a Peace, or (if that could not be) a truce was mediated: Neither was King Gustavus reluctant thereunto, as having then a design upon the main body of the Roman Empire, as well to revenge the Injuries he pretended to have received from the Austrian Family for aiding the Polander against him, as to assist and succour the almost totally oppressed Protestant Princes of Germany (sundry of whom were his Alleys and) who had secretly re claimed his power for their Protection.  
gustavus ADOLPHUS D. G. SVECORUM GOTHORUM ET VANDALORUM REX MAGNVS PRINCEPS FINLANDIAE etc. The Most Illustrious Puissant, and Victorious Prince. gustavus ADOLPHUS, by the grace of GOD. King of the Swethens, Goths, and Vandals. great Prince of Finland. Duke of Esthonia. & Carelia. Lord of Ingria &c  
sold by P: Stint  Tho: Cecil sculp.  portrait of King Gustav II Adolf (Gustavus Adolphus) of Sweden 
The King of France deputed the Baron of Charnace; The Elector of Brandenburg also had his Ambassadors there, and by the Mediation of those public Ministers, interposing the Authority of their Potent Principals, a Truce was upon the sixteenth of September, 1629. concluded between those jarring Crowns upon the terms that the Curious may see in the Articles themselves, long since exposed to public view, and not necessary to be here inserted.  
Before the expiration of this Truce, King Sigismundus paying 
Death of Sigismundus.  the Debt that all men owe to Nature, left the Polanders free to a new Election, and three Sons, the Princes Vladislaus and Casimir (the name of the third Brother I remember not) to the hopes thereof; Also one Daughter: Which three, besides their mutual relations of Brothers and Sister by the same Father, might also be said to have been Cousin Germans to each other by their respective Mothers, who both were Sisters to the then German Emperor; King Sigismundus after the decease of the elder (whom he had first married) Espousing also the younger by Papal dispensation.  
The more Superstitious and Jesuited Faction, which there is very powerful (in prejudice of the accustomed way of Elective Succession to that Crown) would have baulked Vladislaus the elder, howbeit not for want of merit, but (as by 
Uladislaus his Eldest, Elected and Crowned  them) conceived to be more favourable towards Protestanisme than they desired; and would have chosen Casimirus the younger (at present their King by his Brother's decease) whom they thought, as having amongst them received his Education, would prove more inclining toward them, but were vigorously opposed by the Illustrious Prince Christopher radzivil, Duke of Bierze and Dubinskie, Palatine of Vilnen, and great General of Lithuania (who is said to have brought five thousand Horse to that Parliament, a prevailing Argument) by whose means the elder Prince obtained his Elective Right, and was Crowned by the name of Vladislaus the fourth.  
He was a Prince of great Courage and Vigour both of mind and body, and inherited not only his Father's pretensions unto his Hereditary Crown of Suethland, but the fame desires for its recovery, and hatred against the Detainer thereof: Nor is it likely but that (upon the terminating of the truce currant) he would willingly have entered into a War for the regaining of the Right devolved unto him from his Paternal Ancestors, had not the States of Poland showed themselves more willing to a Treaty, as having been but late before engaged against the Russian, from whom he had gained the City and Dukedom of Smolensko, with other Territories, as also against the Turk and Tartar, whom (by the loss of two set battles) he had forced unto terms of accommodation, by means whereof the Crown of Poland had sustained a vast Charge, with other Inconveniencies incident, and might therefore require a time of breathing; Yet not withstanding they also raised a powerful Army to countenance the Cause; and not without resolution for a vigorous Engagement, in case the means used for obtaining a Peace, or longer Truce, should have proved uneffectuall.  
It is certainly much to be lamented, that the Spirit of Discord hath so much power over the minds of Christian Princes, as that their Emulations and Dissensions (which are the steps whereby the Ottoman Empire hath mounted unto its present formidable height) should be rendered perpetual, to the prejudice of Christendom, the reproach of the Christian Profession and the advantage of insulting Infidels, as than it did; for the Polish Army at that time had the Turkish Forces at such a bay, as that the great General of Poland, Kaenigspolskie (in the hearing of this Relator) afterwards told the Ambassador of Great Britain, that, but for the difference like to ensue between the two Crowns of Poland and Suethland, by reason of the then near expiring Truce, he would have convoyed those Miscreants unto the Gates of Constantinople: but leaving this digression.  
As the Crown of Poland might be not unwilling (for the reason's pre-alledged) to admit of Peace, so likewise may the Suethes be conceived not to have been averse thereunto (as having lost their Caesar in that famous Field of Lutzen, and) being still engaged in the German War, their Forces were (than in decadence) constrained to retire toward Pomerania, and to keep a long the Sea Coast: So as both parties being apparently willing, a second Treaty was consented unto, 
A second treaty instituted.  and those Princes who had assisted at the former, as also the States of Holland,, were by the interessed Crowns invited to resume the mediatorial Office, whereunto none of them being backward, no more then to contribute their endeavours for a Work so pious and beseeming Christians; Sir George Duglass Knight, Ambassador from the late King of Great Britain: Claudius de Mesme, Baron D'Avaux, from the King of France; the Prince Sigismundus of Brandenborg, Uncle to that Elector (from his said Nephew) with others of the Electoral Counsel, as also Ambassadors from the State's General of the united Provinces, did accordingly (howbeit at several times, as opportunity by reason of distance of places would permit) meet in Prussia the Province designed for the Treaty, with the Commissioners from the forementioned Crowns, where each unfolded his utmost abilities for the composure of all differences by most powerful and rational arguments; and as formerly, interposed the Authority of their respective Princes and Principals, to bring the gauled minds of the parties, whom a long continued Enmity had rendered in a manner implacable, to a condescension for a final peace, or at least a Truce for so long a term as might indeed give some considerable ease to those Countries already so much exhausted by former Wars, which is the Treaty formerly promised, than which none, at least in those parts, did ever produce difficulties more numerous, knotty, or frequently tending to absolute rupture: The Succinct and true relation whereof is next to be proceeded unto.    


The Pourtraicture of the most renowned Vladislaus Sigismundus King of Poland Great Duke of Lithuaniae etc: etc:  
sold by P. Stint  R E skull  portrait of King Ladislaus IV of Poland   

THE TREATY OF PACIFICATION (Upon the fore-related TROUBLE'S) Concluded in the year, 1635.  
BETWEEN The Most Illustrious and Puissant PRINCES, ULADISLAUS the fourth, KING OF POLAND, Great Duke of LITHUANIA, etc. etc.  
AND CHRISTINA AUGUSTA QUEEN OF SUETHES, GOTHS, and VANDALS, Great Princess of FINALND, etc. etc.  
Faithfully related by J. F. an Eyewitness of the daily Passages.  
LONDON, Printed for Hen: Twyford, and Tho: Dring, 1656.   


Christina Queen of Swethland Goths & Vandals:   portrait of Christina (Maria Christina Alexandra), queen regnant of Sweden 
sold by P: Stint  R Gaumond fecit.   

A BRIEF RELATION Of the Passages at the Treaty OF PACIFICATION Between the CROWNS of POLAND AND SUETHEN, Concluded at Stumbsdorff in Pruissia, in the Month of September, 1635.  

The Sueo-Polonian Treaty of Pacification.  
HAVING already showed the Alliance 
Preface to the treaty.  and ensuing Controversy between the jarring Crowns and Kingdoms of Poland and Suethland, and hinted at the mischiefs following, the same (as also at the six years' Truce concluded An. 1629. and expiring in July 1635) for the preventing whereof a second Treaty for a final Peace, or longer Truce was set on foot, the particular passages thereof (as formerly promised) we now enter upon.  
The mediating Princes and States were, the late King of 
The Mediators.  Great Britain, the King of France, the Elector of Brandenburg, with the State's General of the united Provinces, by their respective Ambassadors. But here, before we enter upon the main difference, it will not be amiss to mention those things which (to Some) may seem of lesser moment, as the procuratorial Letters of the Commissioners from the interessed Crowns, the reciprocal Instruments of security, Acts usual in Treaties of that nature, which nevertheless took not up less of time, but caused even more trouble to the Mediators, than the business itself, in reconciling the differences about Titles, mutual suspicions of advantage, or prejudice between the interessed parties; afterwards the main business in order, according to the several meetings and conferences, shall be faithfully and briefly related.  
The first of the (more remote) Mediating Ministers (the 
England's Ambassador arrives at Dantzig.  Electorals being but near Neighbours comparatively) who arrived at Dantzig, was Sir George Douglas Knight, Ambassador from the late King of England, his repair thither, after a long and tedious Winter Journey from Franckfort on the Main, accompanied with all the inconveniencies of ways & weather incident to that Season, besides the almost daily passing through one or other part of those opposite Armies, which then miserably infested Germany, was about the ninth of January, 1634.  
His Lordship understanding that the Commissioners for the Crown of Poland, had their residence at a little Town called Morung (in Prussia) forthwith dispatched Letters to the Lord Chancellor Zadzicke (chief in the Commission) to certify his arrival (as he also did to the Commissioners for Suethen at Elbing) and to crave their opinion whether it would be more 
Writes to the Commissioners of the Crowns interessed.  necessary first to go and salute the King of Poland (then) at Warsaw, or to hasten towards the place nominated for the Treaty, being a Town in that Province named Holland.  
The Chancellors answer was congratulatory, as well in 
Answer of the Polanders.  regard of his wished safe arrival, as in consideration that his Master the King of Great Britain, out of his sincere affection to their King and State, had delegated him to this Treaty, (which he wished might prove auspicious) for the diversion of the Tempest then likely to fall between them and the Crown of Suethland. He likewise wished that his Lordship had arrived during the King of Polands late being at Dantzig, where he might, without further trouble to his person, have acquitted himself of what his Master had committed unto him, and accordingly have received a Princely answer; but that, forasmuch as the trouble and distance of the ways had hindered his sooner coming into those parts, he believed there was no necessity of undergoing the like molestation by a new journey to his Majesty; to whom it would be most grateful if his Lordship should first repair to the place appointed for the Treaty, there (by his Master's authority and his own endeavours) to effect those things that might be conducing to the matter in hand, and to their Prince's dignity.  
Lastly, He wished that his Lordship having refreshed himself some time, might come in safety to the place of meeting; concluding with offers of Service and Courtesies in such cases accustomed. By way of Postcript, he added, that at the instant of signing those Letters, he was certified by their Subdelegates, that the adverse party had altered some things formerly agreed upon, complaining that almost daily, from the 12th. of that present month, whereon they began to handle the 
The Suethes complained of.  Preparatories, the other side had done nothing but protracted time by propounding new conditions, which course if they should longer persist in, themselves should be constrained (having first solemnly protested before the Mediators) to depart thence, and commit their King and Country's cause to the Divine Justice.  
I have given this Letter at length to show in what state the business was, and how far advanced, when his Lordship arrived in those parts, but shall not (in the course of this relation) insist so particularly on each of the several Letters that passed between his Lordship and the respective parties: 
The Suethes' answer with reciprocal complaints.  My intention being to use as much brevity as the necessary circumstances of the Treaty will permit. And here, by the way, is to be noted, that the answer from the Commissionners of Suethland to his Lordship's Letters, was not less courteous nor less stuffed with complaints then the other:  
The treaty had already taken commencement from the Alternal 
The Treaties commencement,  Security, as the Basis and ground work of the main affair, to which end the Commissionners of Poland and Suethen had sent their Subdelegates; those, Christopher Lode and Daniel Nawarousky Secretaries; these, John Necodemie of Ahausen Commissarie for Prussia, to Holland, a small Town nominated to be the Mansion of the Mediators, and the place of meeting for the parties, to settle and draw up a particular instrument of the security aforesaid: between whom, after much debate and many mutations (on the twelfth of January, 1635.) there being then present the Ambassadors of the Elector of Brandenburg 
Elector of brandenburg's Ambassadors.  only, viz. Andrea's a Kreytzen Governor of the Province; Joannes Georgius a Saucken, Chancellor; Bernhardus a Konigseck Counsellor of the Province and Captain of Angerburgen; Georgius a Rauschke Counsellor of the juridical Court, and Petrus Bergmannus (one of the Electoral Council) it was concluded that the Lords Commissioners on each side, attended with a hundreth horse or dragoones, and so many foot, without Colours or military ensigns, their train in like manner not exceeding the number of one hundreth should repair thither, and be brought by the Mediators into the Church of the said Town, by the doors nearest to their respective lodgings: and placed at a trianguler Table without the least of precedency or advantage to either party, and the former instrument of security for the six years' truce (ending the of 1/11 July ensuing) retaining its full force, they should confer together about the Principal affairs. This agreement was signed by the said Subdelegates and the Electoriall Ambassadors.  
By virtue of this instrument, upon the day appointed, 
Commissioners of Poland.  the Lords Commissioners of Poland, who were (to give them their used titles) the most Reverend Jacobus Zadzick Bishop of Culmen and Pomesania, Elect of Gracovia, Lords High Chancellor of the Kingdom of Poland; the most Illustrious Christopher radzivil Duke of Bierzie and Dubinskie, Palatine of Vilnen, Lord General of all the Forces of the great Duchy of Lithuania, Governor of Bistrycen and Qiznorcen; Raphael de Lesno Leszozyuskie Palatine of Belzes, Rubiesoviensis; Magnus Ernest Danhoff Castellan of Pernaw and Derpaten, Captain of Herbipolen: Remigius de Ostole Zaleskie, Refendary of the Kingdom: as also the Lords Commissioners for the Kingdom of Suethland, Viz. the most Illustrious Peter Broke Earl of Wisingeborg, Free Baron in Redboholm and Lindholm, 
Commissioners of Suethland.  Provincial Judge of Wesmannia, Montenia, and Dalria: Herman Wrangle Knight, Hereditary in Ahlo and Skogloster, Martial of the Field and Governor General in Prussia: Achatius Axle, Hereditary in G●xsholme and Kinkesta; Adsessor Supremi dicasterij, and Provincial Judge of Nericia (Senators of the Kingdom of Suethland) and John Nicodemus Secretary and Commissary Ordinary in Prussia: These from Elbing; Those from Morung, set forth towards Holland, being of equal distance, where they entered with their Train in such equipage as might set forth their greatness.  
They were brought soon after, conform to the forementioned instrument, into the Church of that town, by the 
Meet at Holland town in Prussia.  forenamed Electoral Ambassadors, (as then only present) and being placed in their Seats, the forenamed Chancellor of Brandenburg, George Sauske (in a long Oration) set forth the fervent desires of his Prince for the settling of a perpetual peace, congratulating also the happy arrival of the Commissioners into that Province, designed for this so important and weighty business, and concluded with Precations for the prosperous Success and issue of this so much desired Treaty. Whereunto, of the one side the Chancellor of Poland; and of the other, Earl Brake replied, equally conjoying and conjoining wishes with wishes.  
These Civil Courtships thus performed, the Electoral Ambassadors, to lose no time, and to show their authority and sincerity, Exhibited their credentials to the Commissioners of both sides: preallubly desiring the like sight of theirs, which the Poles would have declined, as not necessary, alleging it was not to be imagined that Persons of their quality would present themselves in so public a cause without sufficient power and authority from their Principals.  
The Sueths, on the contrary, insisted mainly that the 
Interchangeably exhibit their respective Plenipotentiaries, and agree upon a second meeting.  Procuratorialls might be produced, to which end they showed theirs, affirming that until the clearing of those, they could proceed no further, which being at last agreed unto, the Parties interchangeably delivered up their Commissions to each other; but, the days being then short, they could not, in that inch of time take so particular view of them as they desired, wherefore they consented that each Party, taking with them the others Plenipotentiary, should within two or three days return the same back, and a second meeting was appointed the 26 th'. following.  
But forasmuch as many and great difficulties began to appear, even at this first entrance into the Treaty: The Ambassadors of Great Britain (who during the space of ten days he had stayed to refresh himself in Dantzig, had delivered the King his Master's Letters, and his verbal injunctions to the Senate of that City) was desirous to be present for the more easy composure of differences at their very beginning: He, with Mr. Francis Gordon (the King's Agent there) came to Holland 
His Lordship came to Holland.  the one and twentieth of January, where having received and returned visits to the Electoral Ambassadors, and learned of them in what terms the matter stood, he expected the time appointed for the meeting, which, together with the Commissioned Parties, being come, and the usual ceremonial salutes received and rendered; his Lordship taking with him the Electoral Ministers, endeavoured to temper and mollify the gauled minds of the Parties, by conciliating and extenuating the difficulties like to increase by debating the procuratorial Letters.  
The Commissioners of Poland appeared not as then so stiff nor scrupulous in those things of lesser moment; for when his Lordship propounded the sequestering of the Plenipotentiaries into the hands of the Mediators during the Treaty, they forthwith assented: Whereas the Suethes vehemently repugned; but because the present altercation proceeded from defects, which each party pretended to find in the others Letters of procuration, it will not be amiss to say something of them.  
Whilst the Commissioners of both sides scrutenize each others 
Defects in the Suethish Procuratories.  plenipotentiary, sundry errors are found in either. In that of Suethland, the Polonians object,  
1. That they begin with a new unused stile; the title of designed Queen, and end with that (or the subscription) of the Tutors.  
2. That they detract from his Majesty of Poland the title of Hereditary King of Suethen, and defer the same to the Daughter of King Gustavus.  
3. That they intermix the Provinces belonging to the Crown of Poland with the titles in their Commission.  
4. That albeit the Princess Christina were designed Queen, as is alleged; it may yet be questioned whence she derives to herself the power of determining of the Commonwealth, and of alliances, which is not permitted to other designed Princes.  
5. By what right the Tutor's strain to vindicate to themselves a power (chiefly Regal) over their designed Queen, as themselves call her?  
6. Whether the designed Queen is bound to stand to conditions made by her Tutors, forasmuch as a Tutor cannot prejudice his Pupil in aught, and chiefly a Subject his Prince, especially in a Kingdom Hereditary.  
7. What assurance is there, that the Orders of the Crown of Suethen will allow of that which by the said Tutors (or in their name) is transacted, seeing that in the Procuratorialls no mention is made of those Orders?  
8. Forasmuch as the Chancellor of Suethen Axelius Oxenstiern, is now the chiefest in repute in that Kingdom, and that a Law lately there enacted, remits to him the whole matter of the Treaty with Poland, whether he may not nullify all the Acts that shall be done, in as much as himself hath not signed the said Commission? And albeit he may have consented that some other sign the same for him, yet is this of less force, in regard that one Tutor cannot substitute another.  
On the other side (to pass by smaller ones) the Suethes 
The like in those of Poland.  complained of these main errors in the Polish Procuratorials, which they affirm must necessarily be corrected before any meeting could be granted.  
1. That the King of Poland did usurp the Title of King of Suethland, not only in the beginning but in the end also of his Procuratory.  
2. That the name (say they) of their gracious Lady and Queen is wholly omitted, and in lieu thereof the Suethish Commissioners (which phrase amongst the Polanders, by reason of their King's pretensions is of a double sense) and the like, are intermingled.  
3. In either of the Procuratorialls, as well that of the King as of the Commonwealth, the Commissioners of her Majesty are not obscurely (albeit by way of amphibology or doubtfully) called the Commissioners of the King of Poland; as in the peculiar Commission of the King it is said, We do also promise that whatsoever by Ours and the Commissioners of the Kingdoms, etc. As also in the procuratorial of the Commonwealth it is expressed thus, Promising, that whatsoever by the Commissioners of both Parties shall be concluded, We and the Commonwealth shall most willingly approve and ratify the same: Which notwithstanding they may by the adverse party be smoothed over in a contrary sense, are yet so clear as they admit of no palliation.  
Whilst thus, each side, insisting on their own reasons, argue and dispute these errors, and show their zeal in maintaining the rights and titles of their Principals, they appear so strict in the observation of their Instructions, that at this very beginning a present rupture rather than a continuance 
Rupture appearing; the parties depart.  was to be expected; insomuch as the Suethes, that same day, retired to Elbing; and the Polanders being about to depart on the morrow, his Lordship after a long conference with them severally, and in company of the Brandenburgers jointly, concluded that he would go thence to Elbing, and there employ his utmost endeavour to persuade the Suethes to more conformity; as he, with the Electoralls, did the day following, where he was honourably received. The next morning the 
The Mediators repair to the Suethes at Elbing.  Commissioners of Suethen, with the Electoral Ministers, came to his Lordship, to find out (if possible) some way of reconciling the differences arising from the alternal Procuratories.  
It would be overmuch to particularise the arguments used to that effect, seeing they could not be prevalent, the Commissioners protesting, as they had formerly, that, bound by the strictness of their Instructions, they could not admit of those mediate ways propounded by his Lordship; and (at last) only condescended to send to their Principals for Instructions 
Condescension of the Suethes, conditional.  more complying then those they then had, and thought that, at least, six weeks would overpasse before they could receive an answer, by reason of the Winter season, cross Winds, and the passage, in many places, stopped with Ice: And this they agreed unto conditionally that the Polish Commissioners would in the mean time procure other Procuratories from their King, and therein not only abstain, at least during the Treaty, from all title to the Kingdom of Suethland, but also (in the same) give their Queen her full and due titles, it being otherwise in vain to hope for any further meeting.  
These things being by his Lordship's Letters signified to the Polish Commissioners, they would not listen to any mutation of their Procuratorials, affirming that they dared not so much as once motion the same to their King, much less offer to persuade him thereunto: for which cause necessity so requiring, and rather than a work so profitable for the State of Christendom, should remain unperfected for the mere scrupulosity of Titles; his Lordship hoping by his Solicitations, in the name and Authority of his Master, to dispose the King of Poland to some milder strain, offered himself to undertake a journey with them to Warsovia, and to that end commended to them his Letters for his Majesty of Poland, in which (with due respect) he acquainted the King with his arrival and intention for his Court.  
His Lordship the day following, returned to Dantzig; the Commissioners of Poland having remained still at Morung, waiting for milder resolutions from the adverse party, or imagining that at length they would accept of those Mediate ways, which by the Ambassadors of great Britain and Brandenburg had been propounded unto them, or at least that some such thing should, by the Subdelegates, have been proposed, whereby an inclination to peace might have appeared: But seeing that none of these things were done, all hopes of peace excluded, they resolved upon their return, so to be present at the Parliament to be held at Warsaw, and therein to give the King, the States of Poland, and great Duchy of Lithuania, an account of 
Commissioners of Poland return to Warsaw.  their actings according to their Commission, and of the pains, prudence, and industry his Lordship had used to promove the Treaty, and as before, so now again, they solemnly by Letters protest their sincere and real inclination unto the desired Peace, and that they were not the causers of the Treaties dissolution, not doubting but that his Lordship would signify unto the King his Master, the readiness of their King and State unto the so much wished accord; and on the other side the refractoriness of the adverse Party.  
The Declaration, often urged by the Subdelegates, for the renewing of the Treaty, they suspend until their King's intention be known; yet so, that they are content to remit the same to the authority and intervention of Great Britain's Ambassador, conditionally that the contrary Party, leaving aside differences of smaller moment, will return to the Treaty, observe the former Articles of the Truce, and abstain from unjust Marine exactions: All which, they signified unto his Lordship, and that they expected an answer from their King, and so to proceed toward Warsaw.  
His Lordship was certified, within few days, that his Letters were most acceptable to the King of Poland, as well in regard of the assurance he thereby had of his safe arrival, as of 
His Lordships receives invitation to come to Warsaw.  the King his Master's sincere affection testified in lending his helping hand to this Pacification, which real friendship, as he had ever promised to himself so, he could not but take his Lordship's endeavours in good part: Wishing withal that they might be so effectual as to break the contumacious perverseness (as he termed it) of the adverse Party, and to vindicate his injuries now manifest to all the World; concluding that, as the notice of his Lordship's arrival was most welcome, so to see him at Warsaw would be no less grateful. To this effect were the King's Letters, dated the eleventh of February, 1635.  
His Lordship began his journey, and the twentieth of February was received some miles without the City of Warsaw by the most illustrious Prince Janus of radzivil, with many of the Nobility, and brought, in the King's Coach, to his lodging, which was fair and richly furnished of all things (Beds excepted) with other entertainment answerable. We 
There was but one (and that) for his Lordship.  found there sundry Ambassadors, as the Russian, the Turk, and the Tartar, for ratification of the peace concluded with their Princes. His Lordship had public audience, which, according to custom, was at first only ceremonial: within few days he had several in private, in which he endeavoured to move the King to give unto the designed Queen of Suethen, the Title so vehemently insisted on, and to make a timely composure of those controversies that took their rise from the procuratorial Letters.  
The King, at length, seemed not averse, yet would give no immediate nor absolute consent, but only hopes thereof, after deliberation to be taken. His Lordship, having remained there three weeks, took his leave of the King and of the Commissioners, who were to follow with the Regal resolution, and began his journey toward Dantzig, where he 
He contracts sickness.  arrived the twenty eighth of March, sick of a violent burning Fever which seized on him in his return, and left but small hopes of his recovery to his Friends and Servants for the space of three weeks: Yet upon the intermission of its violence he was, no less then in perfect health, solicitous of the business committed to his trust, and accordingly took care for settling a time and place of meeting, Holland (the former) being incommodious: The Commissioners of Suethland thereupon named an Island in the River Vistula, commonly called Sperlings Camp for the place of congression; for the Mediators residence a Village named Pisterfeldt, for the Polish Commissioners, a Town called Dirshaw, and for themselves the Village Lusson: The day they prefixed to be the first of May following.  
Here upon his Lordship sent Letters to the Polish Commissioners (as yet) at Warsaw, and soon after received an excusatory answer from the Chancellor, showing that being ready to take journey, he had been suddenly seized by grievous pangs of the Colic and Stone, which had confined him to his bed, and so hindered his journey, whereat he grieved, fearing lest this delay might prove prejudicial to the public affair: he hoped nevertheless that his Lordship and those who wished his appearance, would make the best construction of his Stay, sickness being in itself a lawful excuse: promising that so soon as a mitigation of his pains would permit, he would hasten to communicate with his Lordship of things necessary and pertinent to the matter in hand. That as touching the place of meeting and the Mansions designed by the Adverse party, he had referred them to the King, who disapproved thereof, as himself also did, the same being too far distant from his Majesty, to whom frequent recourse would be necessary, for obtaining his Declaration in points that would fall out in the course of the Treaty.  
He thought it also unfit to commit their Meetings and 
Difficulties about the place of treaty.  Consultations, in so weighty a business, to Winds which move that River to impetuosity, seeing they were all alike concerned in the gaining of time, and that the least stirring of the Vistula would be no small hindrance to all parties. Wherefore seeing that Marien werder was more commodious for necessary Provisions, and that the adverse party might, in the neighbouring places, have their abode, and the general meetings might be made with more facility; he saw no cause, why they should reject the same, nor doubted but that his Lordship's Authority, interposed therein, would be prevalent; that he would attend the resolution, persuading and assuring himself of submission to his Lordship's reasons touching the place forementioned: That in regard of his infirmity, the resuming of the Treaty might be, by his Lordship's intervention, deferred until the tenth of May: He did signify to his Lordship, that he hoped to remove the Controversy depending about the Plenipotentiary, having already procured of his Majesty to afford the Title of designed Queen of Suethen, with this clause inserted, that it might be without prejudice to his right, which being equitable, and no way prejudicial to the adverse party, he doubted not but his Lordship might easily persuade the Commissioners of the contrary side to accept of.  
Hereof his Lordship (forth with) certified the Commissioners 
Mariemburg appointed to be the Mediators residence.  of Suethland, resolving with them that Marien werder should be the Polish Mansion; Mariemburg the Mediators residence: Ionas Dorff their own. This being agreed upon, his Lordship departed from Dantzig toward Mariemburg, as more convenient, the same being one of the places sequestered at the last Truce, of An. 1629. into the hands of the Elector of Brandenburg, whose Uncle Prince Sigismundus was lately come thither (with the forenamed Electoral Ambassadors) to be assistant at the Treaty.  
The parties arrived within few days after, at their several Stations beforenamed, and the Mediators so soon as they were certified that the Polish Commissioners were come 
The Mediators meet and consult.  to their designed Quarters, convened in the Castle of Mariemburg, to deliberate what was to be first propounded, whereupon it was resolved that the first address should be made towards those of Suethland (than likewise at their Rendezvous) to see what Resolution they had received from their Principals concerning their Procuratories, by reason whereof the main Treaty had been hitherto deferred, that so the same might be signified to those of Poland, who were no less desirous to know it.  
His Lordship undertook that Journey with Mr. Gordon the 
Repair to the Suethes.  King's Agent, and Georgius à Rauske, one of the Electoral Ministers, to whose propositions Count Brahe in the name of his Colleagues (into which number the Lord John Oxenstierne Son to the Great Chancellor Axelius Oxenstierne was lately entered) made answer, That he had received new Procuratoralls, but to the same effect and nothing changed, which ought not to be demanded of them but from the Commissioners of Poland, as without which no further meeting could be hoped for: That this was their resolution, this was a Law and a Command laid upon them, the limits whereof they might not exceed: That they would send their Subdelegate to Mariemburg, the day following, with their procuratorial Letters, whereof the adverse Party being advertised, theirs might likewise be produced. Concerning the other circumstances about the time and place of meeting, and the renewing of the instrument of security, 
The conclusion certified to the Polanders.  which might be done by changing a few words only, those might be afterwards agreed upon. This was signified to the Commissioners of Poland the same day.  
That ensuing, the Subdelegates of each side came to Mariemburg; from the Polanders, Secretary Lode and Nabarowskie 
The Subdelegates meet.  beforenamed; from those of Suethen, Secretary Lording: the last, produced the Suethish Procuratories, and required that the Polanders might do the like: he retiring, Lode succeeded, showing a new Procuratorial, but finding that of Suethen to be the former old one, and taking the same as done in scorn, withdraws discontented. Lording being again called in, was sharply taxed by the Mediators, the blame whereof he declined from himself as happening through some mistake, offering to return and show the Error to his Principals. Secretary Lode, is persuaded to stay until the day following. Lording returns accordingly, and brings with him a new Procuratory from the Commissioners of Suethland, with Letters excusatory for the former mistake which had proceeded from the Commissary Nicodemie, who had over-hastily given him the one for the other: Showing withal that his Principals conceived Conrads-waldt, or Altenmarck (where the last six years' Truce had been concluded) to be a place fit and convenient for the general meeting. He again withdrawing, the Procuratory he brought, was showed to Secretary Lode, who having perused the same, finds it to be of like effect as the former, excepting only that the name of King Vladislaus was expressed: As touching that which he had brought, he referred unto the Mediators, whether they would communicate the same unto the Adverse Party, and that if it contained aught which was not satisfactory, they were to treat with his Principals thereupon.  
That as to Conrads-Waldt or Altenmarck, they were not any way convenient for the general meeting, as having nothing 
Difficulties about the place for the general meeting.  but the ruins of a Church, scarce any mark of Village or house to be seen, which was neither corresponding to the Dignity of so great Ambassadors, nor to the security of the Parties: But to him the Town of Stume, being aequi-distant from the residence of the Parties, seemed more convenient. Lording, made acquainted with the arguments used by the Polish Subdelegate, left the decision of any scruples to his Principals; but declined Stume for the same reason alleged by the Polanders, that Town being a Garrison. The conference ending, hereupon the Mediators, as also the Subdelegates descended from the Castle.  
The same afternoon, his Lordship, with Agent Gordon and 
The Mediators return to the Suethes:  the forenamed Rauske, returned to the Commissioners of Suethen (then at Ionas Dorff (to conclude about the place and day of meeting, whereby more time might not be wasted in frivolous delays. Their Proposition had two heads.  
1. Whether they would accept of the Polish Procuratory 
Their propositions.  and sequester it into the hands of the Mediators.  
2. To settle the place and day of meeting about which they were now come thither, to the end that now at length the main Treaty might be entered upon.  
To these things Count Brahe answered briefly, that as then he had not read over the Polish Procuratory, and the same being of moment, he desired that day's respite to consider thereof, promising to send Commissary Nicodemie with a speedy answer to Mariemburg: That to the Sequestration of the Procuratories, he had never consented; in stead of Stume, as being incommodious for them, he propounded Gorgendorff or Peterswaldt, both discernible from thence: These things concluded, the day of convention would be soon agreed on.  
Commissary Nicodemie came to Marienburg according to promise, and after a recapitulation of the preceding days Propositions, in answer thereunto, he showed, that neither did his Principals accept of the Plenipotentiary produced by those of 
Not admitted.  Poland, nor could they admit of the propounded Medium of Sequestration: That sundry defects and errors impeded the first, the same being derogatory from the honour and right of their Queen, as they had formerly affirmed: Neither was that Protestation (saving our Royal Right) satisfactory, seeing 
Objections.  that, what the King gave thereby with the one hand, he took away with the other. As to the Sequestration, in regard that interposing Medium did not remove the defects, and that the Procuratories would by that means be esteemed but as private papers, it could not be admitted.  
That nevertheless, if the Titles entire were conceded to their Queen, as the foundation whereon the Treaty might be built, and without which it would come to nothing; that then at the meeting, the Sequester might be taken into deliberation; which thus moderated, he believed they would not refuse. For the rest, that his Principals would think themselves much gratified if the time of convention were speedily appointed at either of the places Gorgendorff or Petersmaldt above named, whereunto (as he supposed) they were, even then, ready.  
Hereupon, his Lordship repaired (the day following) to 
His Lordship repairs to the Polanders.  Marienwerder and related these particulars to the Commissioners of Poland; who, after long consultation, concluded that they could not any way diminish the King's Title and Right, as things appertaining to him only: That they would make report thereof to his Majesty, and earnestly solicit for new Procuratorialls, for the obtention whereof they gave some hopes upon the two conditions following:  
1. That the Sequestration of the Procuratories might be 
Their conditional conclusions.  accepted.  
2. That in the title, the Principality of Esthonia, whereto the King could never be induced to consent, were omitted, and promised to signify the Regal answer to his Lordship the day ensuing, at Mariemburg.  
With these Resolves his Lordship deputed Agent Gordon 
England's Agent sent to the Suethes.  to the Commissioners of the other side, which having heard, they replied, that now at last they perceived, how that those of Poland did show themselves in some measure, inclining towards a Peace, but it was in words only, and that in effect, and in the very matter they were averse unto it, which the conditions by them added (and that could not possibly be accepted) did sufficiently demonstrate, forasmuch as the Province of Esthonia had been time out of mind, and without all controversy possessed by the Kings of Suethland; by reason whereof, and until the absolute and entire Titles and rights belonging to their Queen were granted, they could by no means condescend to the sequestering of the Procutatories.  
At last, after much persuasion and many arguments used, 
Their final resolution.  they thus declare their final resolution: That the full Title should be given to their Queen, as it had been in the year, 1629. Viz. Queen of Suethes, Goths, and Vandals, Great Princess of Finland, etc. and albeit Esthonia were omitted, the possession whereof was most certainly theirs, they would not insist thereon so stiffly, provided that now at length the meeting might be appointed, wherein the Sequester of the Procuratories might be considered: And that if his Lordship would engage his word for those of Poland in order to the Premises, and that the convention were concluded to be on the Thursday following, the 14/14 of May at Stumbsdorff, they would be ready against that time.  
His Lordship gave speedy notice hereof to the Polish Commissioners 
Intimated to the Polanders who promise compliance.  at Marien werder, desiring their resolutions thereupon: the next morning he received an answer to this effect; That they willingly assented to the place and time of meeting, & entreated the Mediators not to admit of the least protraction thereof: that as to the Procuratories, there needed no scruple to be made, and that they would do therein what was right and needful. So soon as his Lordship had received this answer, he certified the same by Letters to the Suethish Commissioners, engaging his word that other Procuratorials should be exhibited by those of Poland, either at the first meeting or within few days after.  
The Commissioners of Suethland returned a thankful answer for his Lordships engaged word, upon the trust whereof they would meet at the time appointed; they only desired that his Lordship would intimate unto the Commissioners of Poland the necessity of signing (a new) the Instrument of 
Instrument o● Security renewed.  Security formerly drawn at Holland by their Subdelegates, as an inducement to the rest of the Treaty, which his Lordship deferred not, and the next day all parties being agreed, the said former Instrument was renewed, with this clause added; That it should remain in full force in all points, except the places of abode and meeting, which by the consent of all parties were changed: hereunto the Subdelegates, Christopher Lode, and Daniel Nab arowskie on the one side, George Lording on the other, signing, his Lordship and the marquis Sigismond of Brandenburg were Witnesses:  
The same night (late) there arrived at Mariemburg the 
The Ambassadors of France and Holland come to Mariemburg,  French Ambassador, Claudius de Mesne Baron D' Avaux, who came from Stocholme, where (by extremity of Wether and the Ice) he had been detained six months. From the State's General came likewise Rochus van Honart, chief Counsellor in the high Courts of Holland, Zealand, and West Freizeland, Andreas Bicker Burg-Master of Amsterdam, and Joackim And rè chief Counsellor in the high Court of Frieze; who were all invited by the Suethes, as also by Berkeman (one of the Electorals) from the marquis Sigismond, unto the next days general Convention at Stumbsdorff.  
The next morning early, his Lordship and the marquis 
The Mediators intervisite, and jointly repair to Stumbsdorff the place of Treaty. The parties arrive.  Sigismond, according to the usual custom, severally visited the before named Ambassadors, congratulating their safe arrival, and then repaired to Stumbsdorff the place of meeting: The French Ambassador (with those from the States) following soon after; and whilst they take up Quarters as the poverty of a devasted Villiage would permit; the Commissioners, Parties, being equally distant from the place, measure out their way and steps with such exact slowness, fearing even thereby to give each other the least pre-eminency, that at one and the same time they enter their Tents, which were placed at the two entries into the said Villiage.  
Their Train was according to the dignity of the Parties, and as hath been set down at their entry into Holland. The accustomed visits and civilities, performed between the Mediators and the Parties, took up the time until four in the afternoon. At length, all the Mediators met in the quarter of the Marquis of Brandenburg, as the more spacious and the more equal, so to make way into the main business, having consumed already so much time in the Preparatories only: and night hastening on, lest the day and this first meeting should be without fruit, the Mediators agreed to propound the present Sequestration of the Procuratories, which had been hitherto delayed, that so they might enter upon the things of more moment: And that there might be a timely 
Mean used for avoiding competitions.  obviatingof competitions that might arise between the Ambassadors of great Britain and France, as also between the Electoral Ministers and those of the State's General: it was thought good that his Lordship with the Electoralls, and the French Ambassador with the others (the Marquis Sigismond remaining still in the mediatorial Tent, which for the reception and consultation of the Mediators was placed in the midst of the Village) should repair by course, as occasion required to the Parties Commissioners of each side. 
Proposition.   
Accordingly, his Lordship, with the Brandenburgers, going to the Suethes, the others went to the Polanders, and conform to agreement, the Sequestration was propounded to both. The Polanders made no exception: the Suethes affirmed that in regard the promised Procuratories were 
Not consented unto.  not yet come, they could not consent thereunto: But yet, that time might not be unprofitably trifled, they were contented to lay aside the point of the Procuratories for that day, and were desirous to make entrance into the Principal Treaty, whereunto that a way might be opened; it behoved them 
Demand made by the Suethes.  (said they) first to know whether or not the King of Poland would absolutely renounce the right he pretended unto Suethen, which they believed to be the chief and only mean to perfect the Treaty of Pacification.  
This was by the Mediators related to the Commissioners 
Answer and demand of the Polanders.  of Poland, who without further deliberation replied, that it was expedient for them also to understand, whether (a resignation supposed, but not granted) the others would restore the Kingdom of Suethland, with all other things whereof the King had been deprived; seeing that, where the same right is, it may be by the same reasons disputed.  
The Mediators perceiving the difficulties, wherein by these extremes, the parties did involve themselves at this first beginning, from which they could not be freed, unless some mediate ways were found out, and it being their part and office to propound such ways unto the parties disagreeing, they concluded (the better to stop these beginnings, which in things of weight and moment are wont to increase) to demand from 
Result of the Mediators.  the parties three day's respite, within which time they might happily conceive some ways and reasons for bringing the business nearer to a composition.  
This was agreed unto, howbeit unwillingly by the Suethes, 
Accepted by all.  because the Poles hereby deferred the producing of their promised procuratory; and the Mediators for that first day's conclusion, thought meet that as a good Omen to the happy issue of the Treaty in agitation, the parties should meet and salute each other, whereby their minds as yet alienated, might by degrees and mutual civilities be prepared to Peace and Amity, and that (to the end the same might be without prejudice or pre-eminence to either side) they should issue forth of their respective Tents at one and the same instant, and accompanied by the Mediators, meet in the midway of the Village, without any mention of the business in question, which might sound harshly to either side. This was grateful to both parties, they professing themselves most willingly ready 
That day's conclusion.  to any act of courtesy and humanity: Whereupon they met in most friendly manner, and having so greeted and congratulated each other, each party returned to their residence; those of Poland to Marienwerder, the Mediators to Marienburg, the Suethes to Ionas Dorff.  
The next day the Mediators convene in the Castle of Marienburg, 
The Mediators meet.  to consult and to return prepared with some mediate means of reconciling the differences touching the resignation or restitution of the Kingdom of Suethen. But that there might arise no dispute competitionary between the Ambassadors of Great Britain and France, a Table was so equally placed as the Session could give no precedency to either. They being set, and having discoursed some time of several means for compounding the matter in question, his Lordship exhibited his mind in writing, which imported,  
That he saw no better way for reconciling the extremes of 
His Lordship's proposition in Order to the whole matter.  resignation and restitution, then by having an equal regard to the Honour and Dignity of his Majesty of Poland, and to the security of the State of Suethen.  
In reference to the King, it would be necessary that the Laws made in Suethland, whereby King Sigismundus and his Posterity had been deprived of the Inheritance and Succession to that Crown, should be repealed and nullified, and as violent Edicts, to be razed out of the public Records.  
Concerning the State and Kingdom of Suethland, it would be sufficiently secured if his Majesty of Poland in regard of the nearness of consanguinity, between him and the Princess Christina, did remit to her during her life the right he had to that Crown, conditionally that the lawful Heirs of his body might enjoy their right of Succession in the future, or those failing Heirs; And in case such Issue should fail on both sides, that then the right of Election should return to the States of the Kingdom. Hereunto it would also be requisite, that in the point of the Queen's future Marriage, the King of Poland's consent should be in friendly manner required, and in case of doubts or scruples arising, the approbation of his Electoral Highness of Brandenburg might be desired: That it would be conducing hereunto, if King Vladislaus should join in marriage with a Family allied to the Kingdom of Suethen by friendship or confederacy, the consent of the States of Suethland concurring: Neither could there be a better way to remove all doubts and jealousies, then if the young Queen of Suethland were joined in marriage with Prince Casimirus, brother to his Majesty of Poland.  
Concerning the restitution of the other Lands and Provinces taken in War, which those of Poland demanded, the main question of the Kingdom being decided, that would follow of itself, Quoniam sublata causa tollitur effectus: those pretences having been the cause of that War: Neither could the Suethes in lieu of the said restitution, demand any reimbursement of charges, for then the Polanders, and his Electoral Highness of Brandenburg and others, might with far more reason require reparation of their losses, and restitution of the Tolls extorted beyond measure, even contrary to the Articles, in the late six years' Truce: that it was now time to cease and abrogate those unjust oppressions and exactions upon foreign Trade, and to reduce commerce to its former freedom. That in like manner it was consentaneous to reason, that the Elector of Brandenburg having sustained damages so great as not equal compensation could be hoped for, should now (at least) have a full restitution of all his Ports, Fortresses, Towns, Lands, and Possessions.  
Lastly, that regard was to be had also of the Duke of Curland, who having, by means of the War, received infinite prejudice, aught in reason to share in the benefit of the Peace.  
His Lordship's Proposition being read in presen 〈…〉 of the 
The other Mediators deliver theirs.  Mediators; Berkman (heretofore named) in the name of marquis Sigismond and the rest of the Electoralls exhibited one, somewhat more brief, but in effect the same. The French, and States Ambassadors delivered theirs by word of mouth, these (later named) varying little (if any thing) from what the others had delivered in writing.  
The French Ambassador (a cavalier of admirable endowments and singular Eloquence) at first, opposed his Lordship, representing that it would be of no advantage, and would be inconvenient likewise, to bring again upon the Stage, and to determine that unrellishing and odious question of the Kingdom: that it were otherwise if this were a case which could be easily decided, or that might be tried before a Tribunal. On the other side, it was mainly insisted on, as notoriously injurious and prejudicial to other like Governments.  
At last, it was unanimously consented, that the day ensuing, a proposition should be made to the respective Parties, by way of question only, Whether his Majesty of Poland would be pleased (as also the young Queen Christina) to renounce, both for himself and his Relations their right in Suethen, under these two Conditions.  
I. That the young Queen Christina and her Issue failing, 
The result.  King Vladislaus and his lawful Heirs might obtain the right of succession unto the Crown of Suethen.  
II. That restitution be made of all such places and Territories as (during the War) had been taken, either in Leifland or Prussia, from the King and Crown of Poland.  
Hereupon, the consultation ending, all the Mediators, the Electoralls excepted, retired, from the Castle, to their several lodgings in the Town.  
The several mediating Ministers, and Parties interessed, meet the second time at Stumbsdorff, where (as at first) they divide themselves, his Lordship with the Brandenburgers repair to the Suethes, the French and States Ambassadors to the Poles, and urge the Sequestration of the Procuratories, that so they may more confidently proceed in the main business. The Polanders affirmed they had new Procuratories, but refused to consign them, unless their acceptance were secured by attestation, as also their restorement in case of Peace or Warr. On the other side, the Suethes delivered up theirs with a protestation in writing, and the draught of an attestation; which his Lordship, with the Electoral Ministers, rejected; not permitting any prescription of their Acts to be made to them by any but their own attestation to be sufficient.  
The Commissioners of Poland, understanding that the Suethes had delivered up their procuratorial Letters, sent theirs to the French Ambassador, then in the mediatorial Tent, but committed their protestation to the Ambassador of great Britain, and intimated their expectancy of an attestation with the first opportunity. Hereupon the Mediators exhibit to each of the Parties the Procuratories received from the other. Those of Poland would not once overlook that of the Suethes, saying that, without seeing, they gave credit thereunto, as not being incredulous; and would not so much as take notice of their Protestation.  
But on the other side, the Suethes did deliberately Supervise 
The new Procuratories interchangeably communicated new difficulty about the Title.  and ponder the Polish Procuratories, and again complained that their Queen's titles were imperfectly couched, the word Great; (relating to) Princess of Finland being omitted, neither would accept thereof, notwithstanding all the persuasions the French Ambassador could use. He, with the Hollanders, made relation of this unthought of difficulty to the Commissioners of Poland, who (hearing it) were somewhat troubled, imputing the error to the ignorance or heedlessness of the writer, affirming that they were free therefrom: but to remove that rub, the Lord Chancellor Zadzick did offer to supply the defect with his own hand, in presence of the Mediators, there being no other means to rectify the same, nor any possibility of recovering other Procuratories.  
This offer of his was excepted against by those of Suethland, who alleged that the Chancellor had no power or authority to change or correct aught, after the King had once signed the same; as also that the Procuratory would be thereby imperfect and blemished, in regard nothing could be added without interlining. At last, through the entreaties of the French and States Ambassadors, and the persuasions of his Lordship, they yielded thus far, that they would accept of the foresaid correction of that defect, conditionally that, forasmuch as new Procuratories from the States of Poland could not be obtained without a Parliament first called, others were procured from the King within ten day's space; that otherwise, and save only to gratify the Mediators, they would not have so easily accepted the same.  
This sharp answer exceedingly irritated the Commissioners of Poland, who spared not to say that they had made peace with sundry Nations, even Barbarous and Infidels, and had not found so much difficulty with them as with the Suethes: affirming withal that they were not less ready for a War (in case of rupture) than the adverse party; with which constancy of theirs, or rather by the endeavours of the Mediators, the Suethes, somewhat mollified, accepted of the interlyning before offered; the mediatorial attestations 
Reconciled.  being deferred until their return to Marienburg.  
The disputes and differences about the Procuratories' being thus determined, it will not be amiss to show (briefly) in what form they with the Acts relating to them were couched; the scope of the said Letters procuratorial being (to either party) That whatsoever they or the greater part of 
Scope of the Procuratories.  them, the absence of one or more notwithstanding shall each with other agree or conclude upon, either touching perpetual peace or longer Truce, the same should be fully accepted of and ratified with all due and requisite forms. The full Titles of either of the Princes interessed were abreviated with an etc. etc. as no way derogatory.  
The Protestation of the Polish Commissioners was to this effect; That the King of Poland, etc. albeit his Hereditary 
Polish Protest.  right to the Crown of Suethland, for the maintaining whereof there had been so long and bloody Wars, was no less clear than the Sun, and could not be impaired by any arguments to the contrary; had notwithstanding, at the instant requests of the mediating Ministers of so many and potent Princes, and to manifest his a version to the effusion of Christian blood condescended so far, as in his procuratorial Letters to his Commissioners to permit that, to the most illustrious Christina, the Title of Designed Queen of Suethes, Goths, and Vandals, Great Princess of Finland. etc. etc. should be inserted, and the said Title, in the adverse Procuratorialls, to be by his Commissioners accepted of, yet without prejudice to his Hereditary right: and therefore they (the said Commissioners of Poland) did, in his Majesty's name, make this solemn protest in the most ample and usual form in such cases accustomed and required, in presence of the Ambassadors of the Prince's mediating, for the indemnity of his said Majesties Hereditary right of succession to the Crown of Suethland; in evidence and testimony whereof, as well for the present as future they desired attestation from the said mediating Ministers under their hands and seals.  
The Protest of the Suethish Commissioners imported; 
The Suethes Protest.  That they having observed that the King and Republic of Poland in their several procuratorial Letters, had omitted certain Titles due to their Queen, as Esthonia, Carelia, and Ingria, which hither to they could not be induced to give, no more then to raze out of their own the Title of Suethland ascribed to the King of Poland, for the effecting whereof they had long and earnestly endeavoured, yet now at length, and at the earnest requests and intervention of the mediating Ambassadors, to show their propensity to Peace, as also that the adverse party might be more equitably complying in the future, they had assented to the acceptation thereof; With this solemn Protest interposed. and consigned into the hands of the Mediators, and by them fully accepted, as appeared by their attestation thereupon: That the same should not either in present or future time, any way prejudice or diminish the Right and Dignity of their Queen and of the Kingdom of Suethen: much less that any Title or Right was thereby conceded or given to his Majesty of Poland, either directly or indirectly, expressed or implied. And thus ended the second meeting at Stumbsdorff.  
The Mediators and the Parties being assembled now the third time, in the foresaid place, the former according to promise, delivered their respective attestations; that of his Lordship and the Electorals containing: That forasmuch as it had pleased the parties to commit their Plenipotentiaries into the hands of the Mediators, until the Negotiation being brought to a happy Peace (if it should so please God) the same might be framed to the satisfaction of both parties, and accordingly re-delivered: They had received the Plenipotentiary of the Lords Commissioners of Suethland, with a Protest, and this Caution therein inserted; That in case the Treaty should not have the wished end, the said Plenipotentiary should be restored and the Mediators receive back their present attestation: That they had also accepted of the said Protest, the same to be referred to the public Acts. The French with the States Ambassadors gave the like to the Commissioners of Poland.  
Thus at last these difficulties about the Procuratorials were 
procuratorial difficulties removed.  (after the consumption of four months) by the mediatorial endeavours removed, and a proceed unto the Principal and more weighty business of the main Treaty intended. To which end, the Mediators, dividing themselves, remonstrated to the several parties what had been three days before concluded 
Former result communicated to the parties.  at Marienburg. The Suethes at the first overture, answered Negatively to both the Conditions, whereby the Kingof Poland, as had been conceived, might be moved to a resignation, affirming, that as to the Succession and Hereditary Right pretended by King Vladislaus and his Heirs unto the 
Suethes' answer Negatively.  Crown of Suethland, there was a decree of the States of that Kingdom expressly against the same, which they might no way contradict; and added withal, that of future contingencies, to which sense the Posterity to ensue might be referred, there could be no certainty determined: And to the other, Viz. the restitution, they would not once treat thereof unless they were first assured of an absolute and entire resignation, that being the groundwork of the whole Affair, which being obtained, they would declare themselves in most effectual and friendly manner. This was all that his Lordship could obtain by way of answer, notwithstanding many arguments used to have gained further, which he with the Electorals referred to the judgement of the Mediators in general: And from the Polish Commissioners, by the Ambassadors of France and Holland, was delivered an answer, in almost the same terms by way of conversion; to wit, that the mere 
The like given by the Polanders.  motion of a renunciation was no less odious to them, and that they were as far from consenting thereto, unless a restitution were first conceded.  
The Mediators, pondering these extremes, feared lest the relating of them might further exasperate the parties, who appeared already more prone to War then Peace, and therefore resolved to return and desire of them, that forasmuch as they had hitherto answered far from the matter, they would come nearer and declare themselves more clearly. The Suethes did still insist upon an absolute resignation, in reference whereunto, they declare for their Cathegoricall resolution; that the same being granted by the Polanders, they, to show their 
Offer made by the Suethes.  good inclination toward Peace, would restore the rich Country of Prussia, conditionally that they might be reimbursed of their Charges: which offer of theirs, not being in any sort satisfactory to his Lordship and the Brandenburgers, they insisted (by way of anticipation) upon the restoring of Leifland also, but finding the Suethes utterly averse thereunto, they without obtaining further, returned to the mediatorial College.  
In the mean time the Commissioners of Poland, urged by 
The Poles desire respite.  the other Mediators, upon the two foresaid Conditions, desired to have them in writing, with time of deliberation until the day following, wherein they would further declare themselves touching the same. The Mediators (upon consultation) agreed to satisfy the request of the Polanders, conditionally 
The same granted.  that there should be no further treating by writ, as being both slow and dangerous; this being given as a help to memory only: On the other side, the Suethes' understanding that the adverse party had required that day's respite to consider of 
The Suethes therewith offended.  the conditions propounded, and the grant thereof by the Mediators, they were exceedingly incensed with that delatory answer, in regard that they having sincerely discovered themselves as far as they could, in a manner; the Polanders had not daigned to make any equal return; for which cause they saw no reason (said they) to condescend to another meeting, before they had some resolution in the point of resignation: His Lordship endeavoured to moderate their violence tending to a Rupture, but in vain, insomuch as he left them discontented. He was but newly entered into the Tent of the Polish Commissioners, but that Secretary Lording followed, to tell him that his Lords the Suethes had consented to the next day's meeting.  
All parties hereupon convening the fourth time; the first point was to learn how those of Poland would declare themselves upon the former conditions; to them the French and 
The former offer waved by the Poles as insufficient.  States Ambassadors repaired, and received this answer; That they did not reject the foresaid conditions, but that they found them not to be sufficient, whereby the King might be induced to make a resignation: They therefore requested the Mediators to consider of some other more equal terms. These words (when related) seemed very strange to the other Mediators, and not fit to be communicated to those of Suethen, except they were accompanied with other circumstances.  
After a serious debate amongst themselves, they pitch upon five other Articles.  
1. That the harsh Laws enacted against King Sigismundus 
Five other mediate means propounded.  and his house, might be abolished, so as the Suethes might freely elect Kings to themselves out of that Family.  
2. That satisfaction should be made to the King and his Brethren out of the Territory of Leifland, as the King and the States should agree.  
3. That there should be firm friendship between the two Kingdoms, and the Queen Christina to be married into a Family, not Enemy to the King and State of Poland: King Vladislaus also to match in like manner.  
4. The Children lawfully proceeding from Vladislaus and his Wife on the one side, and Christina and her Husband on the other side, to be joined in marriage.  
5. To be mutually assisting against the Enemies of each other.  
With these, his Lordship and the Electoral Ministers went 
Taken by the Poles into deliberation.  to those of Poland: The French and Hollanders at the same time acquainting the Suethes with the said Articles: the Polanders required that they might transcribe and have time until the Monday ensuing to deliberate; that then they would declare their final resolution: But in the mean time, the Suethes absolutely rejected these new Conditions as being worse than 
Rejected by the Suethes.  the former, and derogatory from the Dignity of their Queen and the Kingdom of Suethen, and again insisted upon an entire renunciation, without which no Peace to be hoped for. The answer of either party being rehearsed in the mediatorial College, it was thought good that the Poles informed of the perseverance of the Suethes in the point of resignation, should be pressed to open their minds more freely, and that the Sueths should be persuaded to meet upon the Monday following, against which time the Polanders were to deliberate upon the five Conditions newly propounded by the Mediators.  
Hereupon the French and Hollanders return to those of Poland, 
Reply of the Poles in point of resignation.  who no sooner heard that odious word of Resignation again repeated, but they became exceedingly enraged, chiefly Duke radzivil, who replied, Let not your Lordships suffer yourselves to be thus mocked by the Suethes, neither will we any longer; if they desire yet any further declaration upon that point, this is our resolution, we will rather die than Resign.  
During this, the Agent, Master Gordon had, in his Lordship's name, endeavoured to move the Suethes to meet again 
The Suethes refuse to meet.  the Monday following; to whom, before he could end his speech, they answered peremptorily, That they would not meet any more: That they were deluded, the time protracted, and nothing hitherto effected, except the meetings, worthy of the Mediators pains: That at Ionas Dorff they would expect the resolution of the Polanders touching the point in question.  
The Mediators, very solicitous how to wade out of those difficulties, at last, prevailed so far with the Polanders, as to meet whensoever they should by Letters appoint the same.  
The day following, his Lordship, with Master Gordon and 
His Lordship goes to the Suethes.  the States Ambassadors repaired to Jonas-Dorff to visit and persuade the Suethes to a future meeting on the 23. May,/ 2. June, as also to treat with them particularly, about what they had further in Commission, touching the Tolls, exacted from the Subjects of their Principals, Trading in those parts. And here in the first place, the Suethes consented without difficulty, to the meeting they had refused the day before, excusing 
They consent to meet.  the same by their mistake, as having conceived it had been chiefly desired by the adverse party, not by the Mediators, and professed they would meet at their instance whensoever it pleased them. 
Certain greivances complained of by his Lordship and the Hollanders to the Suethes.   
From this purpose, his Lordship and the Hollanders converted to that of the Tolls, remonstrating to the Commissioners of Suethen, that sundry unjust and intolerable exactions had been practised in their Tolls and Customs. Yea so far as it was affirmed that, upon due computation, proof would be made that one Shipp, passing and repassing, had paid sixty Rexdollars upon the Last, notwithstanding that in the late Treaty six years past, a far less sum, even the third part had been allowed. They affirmed also, that over and above the same, sundry other extraordinary exactions, as Anchor-gelt, Mast-gelt, Passport, Seale-gelt, Clerks Fees, and others of the like kind had been extorted: all which things, introduced against the wont custom, were now grown common. The Ambassadors therefore, by virtue of their Commissions and Instructions, required, of the said Commissioners, that with all conveniency, those excesses might be abstained from; the things being in themselves unjust, and derogating from their Master's Dignities to be practised, they present, and not able to relieve the injured Plaintiff:  
Count Brahe, in the name of the rest, made auswer, that 
Their answer.  indeed sundry complaints had been made unto him about the Tolls; but, so far as he knew, none had ever proved that any new exaction or burden had been introduced contrary to the agreement: that moreover they had no Commission to treat of this matter until the business of the Pacification were ended, which done, they would conform themselves strictly unto their Instructions in that point: That in the mean time, they would send Peter Speiring (their Toll-Master) to inform their Lordships of all things, and that they would enjoin him to cease all extraordinary burdens, if any had crept in: Thus ended that conference. The same night his Lordship certified the Polish Commissioners of the meeting to be as formerly appointed.  
The time being come, their first work was to see what the 
The Polanders persist as before.  Polanders would declare upon the mediatorial conditions last propounded, who, to his Lordship and the Electoralls, returned the same answer as to the former: Viz. That they rejected them not, but found them not such as might move their King to renounce a Kingdom, which was no small matter; and therefore desired the Mediators either to supply the defects of those or to propound others.  
This answer being repeated in the mediatorial College, 
The Parties willed to propound.  what before seemed strange was now judged wholly impossible, none knowing what to propound of new that might be acceptable to both Parties, whom therefore they resolved not to smooth any longer; but that, if themselves had aught to propound, they might do it. Hereupon they part, his Lordship to the Suethes, the French to the Polanders, each accompanied as before; but when the Suethes found themselves again frustrated of the promised resolve from them of Poland, 
The Suethes enter into passion.  they began, not without passion, to rehearse how much they had already granted to the adverse party: Whereas we (said they) desire nothing from the King of Poland but an empty Title, we are content to surrender the most noble and rich Province of Prussia; which compared together, was but as a Feather to a Wedge of Gold. That they were sorry they had declared themselves so far, and assured that so soon as their Army should arrive from Suethen, they would not only retract Prussia, but likewise treat in terms much more difficult. That as touching Leifland, they would not part with the least ●lod thereof, neither was it once so much as mentioned in their Instructions.  
The Commissioners of Poland were no less stiff toward the French and Hollanders, repeating what they had formerly spoken: but being somewhat pacified, they yielded so far as to deliver to the Mediators those things under trust, which as a supplement they thought fit to be added to the five forementioned Conditions.  

1. That the young Queen dying, King Vladislaus might be 
Those of Poland add ten other Articles for a supplement to the former.  chosen King of Suethland.  
2. That the Suethes should consider how compensation should be made to the King's Brothers and Sisters.  
3. That it might be free for them to Elect the Posterity of Vladislaus.  
4. That Prince Casimir the King's Brother might Reign in the Regal absence.  
5. That the young Queen Christina might be married with the King's advice.  
6. That Esthonia should be surrendered as a part of Leifland.  
7. That all the Ordinance taken away in the great Duchy of Lithuania should be restored.  
8. That the Ships detained in Wismar and else where should be set free.  
9 That they should abstain from Extortions hitherto practised in the Customs.  
10. That reparation should be made for the losses sustained by particular persons in their Possessions and Privileges, and Exiles to be restored to their former Estates.   
The Mediators conferring hereupon, and finding the answer 
Things tending to a breach the Mediators desire respite.  of both sides tending to a breach, they conclude to tell the Suethes that those of Poland seemed to give some hopes of a renunciation, seeing they had not hitherto absolutely denied the same: That in order thereunto they had added some supplies to the Conditions last propounded, about which the Mediators being willing to consult seriously, desired the next general meeting might be deferred for four days; whereunto the Sueshes (yet not without reluctancy) consenting, the others did so likewise.  
The said day (being the 29/8 May,/ June.) they congregated the sixth time, and the Mediators pains were the greater, by how much the parties, dissenting in extremes, seemed to breathe nothing but present War. No new Counsel remained, no mediate means could be more found out; neither was it doubted by the Mediators, but that the supplements added by the Polanders (as aforesaid) would cause a certain breach. Yet that they might not be wanting to their mediatorial Office, they agreed, setting the Polish conditions aside, to demand of each party (as for the last time) their final Declarations, and how far their Commissions extended. From the Suethes, whether by their Instructions they had not power to treat of 
Final declarations demanded by the Mediators from the Parties.  an entire restitution of all things taken away; that if they had aught in reserve, they should produce it, if otherwise, that they would do well to have recourse to their Principals the States of Suethland by Letters, whereby they might happily be moved to send them instructions more complying.  
Unto the Commissioners of Poland it was remonstrated, that albeit the Mediators had duly considered the Supplements delivered unto them, they could not conceive that any good would be effected by them, and therefore if they had aught remaining touching the resignation, that they would entrust them with it, for otherwise there would never be an end of going to and from, which being tedious in itself, they also began to grow weary thereof.  
The Suethes to whom the French Ambassador had repaired, replied that seeing nothing had been, hitherto, offered unto them from the contrary party, they had already enlarged themselves too far by a tender of the restitution of Prussia, whereunto they could add nothing: That they wondered much 
The Suethes decline to declare further.  that these and the like things were almost daily required of them, whereas they could not hear of aught from the other side tending toward a Peace: That they sufficiently knew the States of Suethen would not be induced to grant any other Commission or Instructions then what they had already: That Parliament could not be called in less than four months, and that some time would be wasted in making a journey into Suethen; but that it might so happen, as that their General Jacobu● de la Garde (whom they ere long expected with a Navy) might bring them some further power.  
The Commissiones of Poland complained, that the Mediators had relinquished the conditions they had tendered; affirming that their King would never be persuaded to a resignation for the restitution of Prussia and Leifland merely, neither had they ought in their Commission more than what they had already 
The Polanders likewise, and give their reasons.  declared. To confirm this, they instanced recent examples drawn from the Turks and Russians. For, said they, albeit their King had in the late Treaty of Peace with the Muscovite, renounced his right of former Election to that Empire, which nevertheless was much weaker than the Hereditary Right he had to Suethen, yet he did it not but upon very advantageous conditions, they giving him for the same three great and large Provinces extending to above five hundred miles. That in his late Wars also against the Turk, he had showed himself so resolute as not to yield to the least disadvantage: that when, beside the Peace, they desired of him some small Gift, not by way of Superiority or Tribute, but in token of Friendship only, he would not condescend thereto, but chose rather to wage most cruel Battle; Wherein, to his eternal Fame, being twice Victor, he made Peace with them according to his own desire.  
That they might easily therefore conclude, the King of Poland would never be induced to renounce his Hereditary right to the Crown and Kingdom of Suethland, for Prussia and Leifland only, by the restitution whereof no Emolument or compensation was derived to the King and his Family, but only some satisfaction to the Commonwealth of Poland. At last, overcome with the earnest persuasions of his Lordship and the Ministers of the State's General, they did promise to write once more to the King about the resignation; saying, that they expected him to be suddenly at Thorn, from whence they might (within three days) obtain a Categoric answer.  
All these things, with the resolution of the other party being throughly scanned by the Mediators, conclusion was taken, that the Commissioners of Suethland, should be persuaded to meet on the Wednesday next following, against which time the Polanders expected a final answer from the King in point of resignation, no other means appearing to hinder a present dissolution of the Treaty, and yet it was feared the event would not answer their desires. Nevertheless, his Lordship and the Hollanders undertake the Work, relating to the Suethes the answer 
The Suethes again incensed.  of the contrary party as sparingly and mincingly as they could: As they had presaged so it fell out, for so soon as these understood that they were again delayed, they interpreted all to be but mere delusions; calling God to witness with what candour and sincerity they had hitherto treated. Whereas quite contrary, the adverse party (said they) had used nothing but Subterfuges, not once deigning them an answer which might be so termed.  
They complained of perverseness and arrogancy in their Adversaries, which they affirmed, should not pass unrevenged: saying, that of a certain, they should never obtain that Province of Prussia which they had over officiously offered; and concluded that they could not be (in reason) required or desired to meet any more at these Conferences, before the King had declared concerning the point in question: To this their tartness, his Lordship and the Ambassadors of Holland 
At end the final resolution at their quarters.  replied as became Mediators, by whose dexterous arguments and persuasions the Suethes became so tractable, as that they promised (without dissolving the Treaty) to attend the final resolution, touching the resignation, at Ionas Dorff their place of residence.  
The Commissioners of Poland, understanding the impatiency of the Suethes, were moved with indignation, rememorating their humanity and moderation used towards them, by waiting a far longer time for their Procuratorials, and entreated the Mediators to afford them a meeting and conference on the 6/16 of that month, at a Village called Newendorff. Hereunto 
A meeting with the Mediators desired by the Poles.  the Mediators consented, as having ever showed themselves ready to contribute their utmost endeavours to advance the public Interest, which by the six general meetings past may evidently appear.  
The Mediators (almost tired with daily journeys) enjoyed now some days of rest, in which time his Lordship and the Hollanders, spent part thereof in giving several audiences to Speiring (forenamed) about the Tolls, much alteration and dispute being had about the same, albeit to small effect.  
The day prefixed being come, all the Mediators (the Fench excepted) went to Newenaorff, each being desirous of the Treaties happy progress whereby the so much desired Pacification might be attained. Being met, they began their conference at the point of the renunciation, that so they might have whereof to certify the Suethes' Commissioners, who impatiently expected the same: thereto they added, that the present Truce being near expired, and but little of the Treaty as yet concluded, 
Prolongation of the Truce desired.  they thought good to advice a prolongation thereof until the ensuing first of August, September, November, and for the more assurance, a new Instrument to be made; all hostility to be (during the same) forborn on both sides, whereby the Treaty might have a longer course, and (if God so pleased) be brought to a wished Period.  
The Lords of Poland made answer that they had (at length) prevailed so far with their King, in the point of resignation, as he would be content to do it upon certain honourable conditions; 
Result of the Polanders conditional.  whereof the first and chief was, that the Suethes should entirely restore all things formerly taken away: that the others might be more easily agreed upon, and that they would refer them to the arbitration of the Mediators: concerning the prorogation of the Truce they left it to them also: this declaration was so much the more grateful as it gave hopes of a successful renovation of the Treaty.  
The French Ambassador with the Hollanders repaired to Ionas dorff the day following, acquainting the Suethes' Commissioners with the declaration made by the Polanders, and remonstrated the necessity, of prorogating the Truce; yet albeit nothing could have come more welcome unto them they would not give any answer as then, but promised to send their Subdelegate unto Marienburg the next day. And (though not material to the present purpose) I shall hear insert, that Mr. Gordon the Agent forenamed, took leave of his Lordship and repaired for England upon great and weighty occasions.  
Secretary Lording, Subdelegate to the Suethes, being sent to the Mediators, according to promise, told them in the name of his Principals, that they having heard what the Polanders had declared, in reference to the point in question, to the end the Treaty, the greater part whereof was yet unperfect might not be scanted by time, the Truce being near expired, had consented to the prorogation thereof until the time motioned, provided that the Commissioners of Poland 
Prorogation of the Truce assented unto.  would treat more really in the future. Herewith the Hollanders charged themselves to acquaint those of Poland, and in the name of all the Mediators to require their consent: Their answer imported, that notwithstanding the prorogation desired would be to their prejudice, yet to show their desire of a happy end of the matter in agitation and to gratify the Mediators, whose care for the public appeared in this as in all other passages, they would not refuse the same, but there expect him that should be sent to perfect the instrument thereof.  
Hereupon two Copies were accordingly, to the Mediators, drawn up, in Substance as followeth. That whereas the late truce for six years; between, the high and mighty Princes and States, the Kings and Kingdoms of Poland and Suethen (or Viceversa) was now almost expired; and that the Treaty of Pacification, happily begun, could not in that scantness of time, attain a wished issue; the Ambassadors of the Mediating Princes and States had thought good to propound to each of the Parties a Prorogation of the said Truce: Whereupon, the foresaid Truce for six years remaining in full 
Purport of the Prorogation.  force and virtue, in all the circumstances and clauses thereof, the Commissioners of either Party had consented, as they do by these presents consent and agree, unto a prorogation of the said Truce until the first day of August, September, November next ensuing, that in the mean time, by the intervention and industry of the Mediators, the present Treaty for an entire and perfect Peace might by God's assistance be happily finished. And it was also hereby enacted that, during the said Prorogation, no acts of hostility should by either of the Parties be used, or permitted to be used, toward the other: for the greater assurance and better observation whereof, the Commissioners deputed from either of the Parties, together with the Mediating Ambassadors, had signed and sealed the same the eighteenth day of June, 1635. The Ambassadors, of the State's General undertook the care of sending this instrument to the Suethes (by their Secritary) for Signature; they being still at Ionas dorff, who promised to return it the next day by their Subdelegate in perfect manner.  
Here (by the way) we may touch, that the end of the Sequestrations approaching, certain places of Prussia, as Marienburg, Stume, Lochstadt, etc. which had been (during the six years' Truce) entrusted by way of Sequestration into the hands of the Elector of Brandenburg, were to be restored unto the Suethes the 12/23 June as also the Memeln and Brunsberge, by them, to his Electoral Highness, within three days after: the marquis Sigismond with the other Electoral Ministers, as also the rest of the Mediators began to consider of some new residence. Risenberg a little Town in Prussia (the ducal) was pitched upon; whereupon the marquis Sigismond, taking leave, went thither the same day. Yet here may not be omitted that the Commissioners of Poland 
Continuation of Sequestrations insisted on by the Poles; but refused by the Suethes.  insisted earnestly against the exchange of Sequestrations, affirming the same to be (Ipso facto) a breach of the Treaty, and (as it were) a Summons to the War, if made before the Treaty were finished; and in their favour the Mediators, chiefly his Lordship endeavoured what they could, yet could not persuade the Suethes to hearken thereunto. But let us return to that from whence we have digressed.  
Whilst the Mediators expect the Subdelegate from the Suethes, they send the other Copy of the Instrument of Prorogation by the foresaid Secretary unto the Commissiones of Poland, to be by them signed and sealed, which was done without delay: In the Interim, Secretary Lording came to Marienburg with a new form of Prorogation, which not being (conform to the other Copy) drawn in manner of a Patent; nor the full time of the Prorogation unto the first of August inserserted; as also that the Subscription of Count Brahe alone did not correspond to the plural number of Commissioners mentioned in the beginning and middle of the said Instrument; it was rejected, and the foresaid Secretary of the Hollanders, returning with full satisfaction from those of Poland, who were to begin their journey toward their King (then at Thorn) the next day early, he was sent to Elbing, to acquaint the Suethes 
The Prorogation signed.  therewith, and to move them to subscribe the Instrument drawn by the Mediators, which at last they did.  
This Remora removed, the Mediators also repaired towards Thoronia, a fair City belonging to the French, and the States Ambassadors not having as yet saluted his Majesty. They with the Electorals were honourably and magnificently received, each severally, according to their Dignities, his Lordship also, 
The Mediators vepair to the King.  by young Prince radzivil, great Chamberlain of Lithuania, and Baron Gildenstierne, was received in the King's Coach; many others attending with a great Troop of the Polish Nobility on Horseback, and so conveyed to his lodging not far from that where the King then lay.  
The Mediators in their particular audiances declared the true State of the Treaty, and that without absolute resignation, 
Their overtures uneffectuall.  all hopes of Peace were desperate, neither was any argument left unused, whereby something might be gathered from the Kings own mouth, or be moved to afford his Commissioners more ample Instructions: But to a Courageous and a Victorious Prince, such Solicitations being disrelishing, they were also ineffectual Wherefore the usual Visits and Compliments being added, the main conclusion was, that the meetings, at the fore-specified place and time, should be again resumed.  
His Lordship having taken leave of the King by a private Audiance, set forwards with the Hollanders towards Risenberg. The French Ambassador doing the like, as also the Brandenburgers about two days after. The Mediators being now altogether, and understanding that the Commissioners of Poland were likewise returned to Marienwerder, the Marquis Sigismond, as nearest concerned, undertook to invite (by Letters) the Suethes to meet again, on Monday the 29. June, 9 July, at a Villagenamed Honigsfeldt, equi-distant from Mar 〈…〉 nburg, Risenberg, and Ionas Dorff: but sundry of those Commissioners being gone to the Pillaw to receive the General Jacobus de la Garde, who was newly arrived from Suethland with a Navy and an Army, the meeting was thereby retarded: The French Ambassador signified the same to those of Poland, who to gain time, Duke radzivil 
The Poles desire a meeting with the Mediators.  now hastening his journey towards Littaw, to make provision for the War in case it should so fall out, desired a conference at a Village named Leutznaw, where a Polish Gentleman had a house fit to receive them. Being met, the Polanders were urged (by the Mediators jointly) by all fair persuasions, 
Declaration ur 〈…〉.  to declare in a word their Kings sinal resolution, touching the resignation, it being to be feared that if the last former condition, which mentioned the restitution entire of Prussia and Leifland, for the said resignation, were still insisted on, the first meeting would be the last.  
The Commissioners of Poland having retired themselves about an hour, returned and said, they wondered much to 
Ultimate result of the Polanders.  hear the Mediators desire of them a more full Declaration: that themselves stood firm to the former, and that Prussia and Liefland should not only be absolutely restored, but that the Laws also made in Suethen against King Sigismond and his Heirs should be utterly abolished, and satisfaction made to the King out of the Provinces of Suethland, all which things they urged, as Sine quibus non: The other conditions, as restoring of Ships, Ordnance, and exiled persons, would be 
Treaty for final Peace in terms desperate.  more easily reconciled: Whereunto the French Ambassador made answer, in the name of his Colleagues, that apparently (upon these terms) Peace was rather to be despaired of, then hoped for, and to use his own words, Se de pace perpetua tantum desperare, quantum hodie Caelum cum terra coiturum videatur; That things being so, they should do well to convert their thoughts to the sole remaining refuge, to wit, a longer Truce.  
This reply was but little to the Commissioners of Poland, who affirmed they had no Commission to treat of longer Truce, which was not to be mentioned until hopes of Peace were utterly extinct, and that albeit such a Treaty should follow, yet could not they condescend to any other conditions. Yet (said they) it will not be amiss to sound the Suethes once more before things were quite despaired of: which was concluded on by all parties.  
After the general conference ended, the Chancellor Zadzick 
Complaints of the Poles.  complained, that the former six years' Truce had been sundry times broken by the Suethes, but that, unwilling to trouble the Mediators with repetition of particulars, they would only insist upon one, which being of late might prove their allegation; and that was, the taking of a Ship but the day before (wherein was a public Minister, named Forbas, sent by their King to the King of Denmark) by the Ships of Suethen, guarding the Tools, which had seized the same coming out of the Port of Dantzig; and had not only examined, but contrary to the Law of Nations (that allows to such free egress and regress) had also detained the same, which was not only injurious to them, but likewise a disrespect to the authority due to the Mediators and their Principals, in whose favour the prorogation had been granted. That he therefore earnestly desired them to put the adverse party in mind of their articles and promised faith, and that they would forbear such hostilities, unless they would constrain them to a requital and repulsion of injury with injury, as consonant to the rules and law of Nature. Herein, the Mediators 
D. Radzivils' departure for Littaw.  promised their utmost favour and assistance, and so, taking leave of them all, but particularly of Duke radzivil, who was to begin his journey (for Littaw) the day following, they returned to Risenberg.  
About two days after, his Lordship being informed of the return of the Suethes to Marienburg, went thither, and during three hours stay, used all the arguments he could for concluding the Peace: but at the naming of Leistand the Commissioners of Suethen became more fierce than at any time formerly, and the Treaty appeared plainly to be in Terminis Desperatis. Neither could the other Ambassadors prevail any further with them; so as nothing now remained save the hopes the Mediators had of effecting a longer Truce: to which end the Ambassador of great Britain sent unto them the day following showing that no other refuge being left, he desired 
A longer Truce insisted on.  they would freely communicate with him about a longer Truce, that he might accordingly deal with the Polanders, whom he intended to visit about the same, at Marien Werder that afternoon: that, unless they had rather make choice of war, this was the best advice he could now give them, whereunto (if they so pleased) he would contribute his best endeavours: but if otherwise, and that they did not approve thereof, he should be forced (by taking leave) to put a period to the Treaty.  
They after long deliberation, sent Lording their Secretary 
The Suethes' Declaration in point of longer Truce.  to his Lordship with their resolution, which imported, That the King of Poland's Titles pretended to the Crown of Suethen, as also to Leisland, remaining in the same state they were at present, they would admit of a Truce so it might be for a long time, to wit, an hundred years, and that they would thereupon restore Prussia entirely; with which Declaration his Lordship repaired to Marien werder, informing the Chancellor thereof the same night, as the next day he did the other Polanders, who albeit they showed by many reasons that a Truce was much 
The Poles re 〈…〉 to the King.  prejudicial unto them, said nevertheless that they would write to their King touching the same.  
It is not to be here omitted that amongst other arguments used by his Lordship, showing the difficulty of regaining Prussia by War; One was, that so long as the Suethes were strongest by Sea, they would be hardly beaten out of it, and that they suspected nor feared none but the King his Master: but what (said he) if he should be otherwise engaged, all his Neighbour Princes being then in Arms: or if that were not, and that they might assure themselves of any assistance they should desire, he then demanded, where they would assign a 
Argument ●●●d by his Lordship.  Port capable of receiving our Ships, in case the Adverse Party (as was suspected) would not restore Memeln, for (said he) to send a Fleet without assurance of convenient harbour, which those parts scarcely afforded for Ships of the burden of ours, would endanger both Ships and men, and yet not avail those in whose assistance they were sent: and certain of their Cavaliers making great vaunts, his Lordship instanced the example of the Low Countries, and how difficult a matter it was to overcome and expel an enemy who kept himself only upon the defensive.  
I have set down this discourse, because these arguments used by his Lordship to mollify the minds of the Parties, proved the seed-plot of those future discontents which happened between his Lordship and them of Poland; for some, there present, did relate those arguments to his Majesty of Poland, but in far other sense (as appeared afterward by a Letter from a great Personage amongst them who taxed his 
Misconstrued.  Lordship) as if he had deprived them of hope of any assistance from England, albeit need should require; and had affirmed that the King his Master had particular occasion for his Ships and Forces; and that he had also detracted from their Arms, which so moved the King as he sent one of trust about his Person to the Commissioners, for certain information: what satisfaction be received is uncertain, but his Lordship (having notice thereof) endeavoured, not long after, in a conference with the King, to clear himself of those imputations, where with his Majesty seemed satisfied; howbeit more coldness was afterwards seen in the countenance of his Commissioners; which, as he knew no cause for, so, he could not but resent, as he did in his answer to the forespecified Letter, wherein he touched that the sincerity of his proceedings had not found deserved acceptance, and that the adverse Party, albeit more often and vehemently contradicted (yea menaced with the displeasure of the King his Master if they should not condeseend to equal conditions, the argument of assistance with his Fleet having been a more powerful one to them then all the consideration of the Polish Forces) yet they were so generously respective toward the truth as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that what he so urged, proceeded only from his earnest desire of effecting that whereunto he was there employed, for the advancement whereof, he spared not to use to to either side, the most forcible arguments that his judgement could suggest unto him. But I return to that from which I have digressed.  
The p 〈…〉 d delatory answer had so moved the Sueths 
The Suethes again in heat.  as they talked of nothing save a present departure, and a most just War whereby to requite the contempts and delusions (as they called them) of the Polanders, committing their cause to the Divine Justice; his Lordship who had imparted the same, having lost his labour, certified those of Poland thereof by an express, who in their answer protested their own sincerity, and accused the obstinacy and arrogancy of their Adversaries, alleging that in duty it behoved them to acquaint their King with this new proposition of a Truce, whose mind therein they expected by Saturday following, the 11/21 July, which having received, they would immediately communicate unto the Mediators, and that done, they would also be ready to depart. They likewise recommended again to his Lordship their Ship detained (as aforesaid) in the Road of Dantzig. These things being showed to the Suethes they (changing their minds) were contented to expect the King's answer, until the Sunday 
Yet ca 〈…〉ed and contented to meet.  next, saying withal, that if any of them should go to Elbing in the interim, they would return by the day prefixed.  
The 12/12 July, the electoral Ministers, whom the Marquis Sigismond had employed to Marien werder came to Marienburg (whither the Mediators were now returned) bringing the King's Declaration concerning the Truce propounded, which was to this effect,  
That albeit he rather inclined to a perpetual Peace, yet to 
The King's conde scention to a Treaty for Truce.  show his desire to Concord he would condescend to a Truce, so it were for ten, at most for fifteen years, reserving unto himself a part of Leifland by the River Dyna. Hereunto the Suethes would not consent, nor to any Truce, but with these three inseparble Conditions.  
1: The time to be for fifty years. 
Conditions of Truce propounded by the Suethes.   
2. The King of Poland to forbear (during the same) the Title of King of Suethland.  
3. A sum of money to be given unto them for the transporting of their Army. These Conditions seeming intolerable, the Mediators vehemently contradicted them, but finding the Suethes' unmovable, they judged this Treaty for a longer Truce to be likewise in desperate terms, and the rather because the Suethes, taking leave at the same instant, retired to Elbing.  
About three days after, his Lordship with the States Ambassadors repaired to Elbing to salute the (newly arrived) General, Jacobus de la Garde, as also to confer about the Treaty and about the Tolls: They met with the French Ambassador returning thence, who showed them what new, and not small difficulty he foresaw about the Title of Suethen, which was wholly to be omitted of the Polish side, or that otherwise there 
New difficulty.  could be no Treaty, and that he was then meditating upon a journey to the King about the same.  
Herein his Lordship gave a short but very sound advice, saying, that the King of Poland's Title in things relating to 
Obviated.  Suethland might be concealed under an etc. etc. whereby the same was neither totally excluded nor included. This counsel was pleasing both to the French and Hollanders, wherewith they parted.  
Being entered the Town, his Lordship visited the General, 
Conserence with the General de la Garde.  and ceremonials being ended, they had a long conference about the forepassed Negotiation of perpetual Peace, and of the longer Truce in present agitation, as also about the disorders and exactions used in the Tolls. The State's Ambassadors then (also) entering, they unanimously require a longer prorogation of the Truce currant: Afterwards his Lordship propounded the Mean of abbreviation about the Title by an etc. etc. as abovesaid, and as the main of all, he desired that the number of years might be reduced to thirty, which yet he thought that those of Poland would not, or hardly consent unto; neither within the memory of man, could the example of any Truce be produced, exceeding thirty years.  
With exceeding humanity and courtesy did the General De la Garde reply to the Mediators, assuring them that so far as 
His reply.  his authority or power could extend, he would endeavour and employ the same for Peace and the public good, and said, that to the same end he would confer with the Commissioners that very day, and certify the Mediators of their resolution, early the next morning by the Commissary Nicodemie. Whilst there, his Lordship received Letters by an express from the Commissioners of Poland, containing that moved with the arrogancy of the Adverse Party, who (as they understood) were retired to Elbing, they were now ready to depart likewise, 
The Poles retire discontented.  committing their cause to the Supreme Judge who abaseth the proud, not doubting withal but that his Majesty of Poland, who desired but could not obtain an equal Peace, being forced to take up just Arms, should prosper victoriously: Withal they rendered thanks to the Mediators for their unwearied pains, whereby they had obliged the King, the Commonwealth, and themselves in particular; and (by way of Postcript) desired that their Procuratorials might be restored unto them.  
The French Ambassador received the like Letters at Marienburg, wherewith he (being troubled) acquainted De la Garde by an express, that so the Suethes informed of the resolution 
The Suethes more complying.  of the Polanders might obviate the same in time. The communication thereof served (probably) to bring the Suethes to milder terms, for the next day, they declared to his Lordship and the Hollanders, that they were contented to make Truce for forty years, and absolutely to restore Prussia: Leifland they 
Their conditions for treaty of Truce.  would wholly retain, as having won it by the Sword; withal, that the King of Poland must forbear the Title of Suethen, that in order thereunto they would prolong the cessation of 
Cessation of Arms prolonged.  Arms until the fifth of August, in which time the Mediators might, if they thought good, repair to, and return from Thorn.  
Herewith his Lordship and the Hollanders returning to Marienburg, set forth the day ensuing for Thoronia, whither the French Ambassador was gone before; the day of their arrival all the Mediators had successive audience, and jointly pressing and obtaining the Suspension accorded by the Snethes, they certify them thereof by Letters, referring the rest to relation. 
Consent●h unto by the 〈◊〉 dear. The Mediators consult with the King and senator's of Poland upon fifteen heads.   
The next day all the Mediators, together with the Commissioners and certain of the principal Senators of Poland, assembled before the King, to receive the last resolve, which after long dispute the Parties and Mediators concurring, was dilated unto these heads.  
1. That the Truce should continue for twenty years.  
2. That entire restitution should be made to the King and Kingdom of Poland, as also to the Elector of Brandenburg, Duke in Prussia, of all places that had been taken in Prussia by the Suethes, in the same State they now are, with the Ordnance, and all other things belonging to the Crown of Poland, as Church Ornaments, Bells, etc.  
3. That neither at nor before departure aught should be exacted or taken away from the Inhabitants, nor they to be burdened publicly, or privately.  
4. That during the Truce the Suethes should possess all the places they now hold in Leifland; yet so, that the River Evest should separate what belonged to Poland and to Suethen, and should include one Castle (now not inhabited) named Marien haus.  
5. That all Rights and Privileges appertaining to Cities, Colleges, or private persons, should remain entire.  
6. That the Titles of either party should be couched in all Instruments, Vladislaus 4. Rex Polinae, Magnus Dux Lith. etc. etc. and Christina Regina Sueciae, Magna Princeps Finlandiae, etc.  
7. The Customs and commerce in Prussia should return to the same state they were in before the War.  
8. A general Amestia.  
9 The Ship lately detained in the road of Dantzig should be restored.  
10. Exercise of Religion to remain in the state it was before.  
11. That during the Truce, and within two or three years at the furthest, a perpetual Peace should in the Parliament of either side be treated of, the Truce remaining still unviolate.  
12. That a time and manner should be settled for deduction of the Armies.  
13. That the Tolls in Leifland should be moderated and reduced to what they formerly had been.  
14. That the administration of Justice in the Confines of Lithuania and Leifland, and of those parts of Leifland belonging to Poland, to be as before.  
15. That Security should be given as well by the King as by the States of Poland and great Duchy of Lithuania, as also by the Elector of Brandenburg, with the Cities of Dantzig and Conigsberg, that during the Truce they should not permit any Ships to issue out of those Ports to prejudice or endamage the Kingdom of Suethen, neither should they either by themselves or others attempt aught in prejudice of the present Treaty.  
Almost to this effect were the Conditions propounded by 
Addition made by the Hollanders.  the Halianders, with addition, that for the better settling of firm friendship and confidence between the two Kingdoms, and for a sure groundwork to a perpetual Peace, an equal and honourable Marriage should be thought of for the King of Poland, which in their opinion could not be in a more Illustrious and Royal Family, then if contracted with the eldest Daughter of the late Prince Frederick King of Bohemia, Elector Palatine of Rhyne; that Family being so Illustrated by Antiquity, Dignity, Nobility, and Princelyalliances within and without the Roman Empire, as none other could be preferred before it: From which and the Marriage of Queen Christina with some Prince of the same Family, Children might proceed, by whose future Conjunctions the two Kingdoms might be joined in assured friendship as before, and the said Marriage might likewise produce other great advantages by reason of the affinity and alliance with other Kings and Princes, by whom the differences and difficulties occurring from either or both the Kingdoms internally or externally might be in time remedied.  
With the conditions, aforesaid, which were admitted by the King of Poland, the Mediators made their repair to Marienburg; his Lordship repairing withal to Elbing, whence after several conferences upon the said heads with General De la Garde and the Commissioners, they all determined to return to Marienburg, where the Mediators and the said Commissioners being assembled, the fifteen conditions forementioned (whereby the King of Poland might probably be persuaded to a truce) were produced, whereupon they being many, the Suethes desired respite for consultation until the day following, which was granted: the hour being come, and all parties convened, the Suethes' exceptions to those Articles were.  
1. That touching the term of Truce they could not accept 
The result of the Suethes upon the former heads.  thereof for less than thirty five years, and that by their Instructions they were precisely tied to forty, that nevertheless they retracted five by the approbation and permission of the General, whose authority, chiefly in Military affairs, was of great consideration in the Kingdom of Suethland.  
2. That the title of the Queen of Suethen should be expressed in manner following, Suecorum, Gothorum, Vandalorumque Regina & Princeps haereditaria, Magna Princeps Finlandiae, forasmuch as they could by no means give way, that the Hereditary right of their Queen, most justly acquired, should be obscured or overslipt, much less be taken away.  
3. That a considerable sum of money was to be given for the deduction of their Forces: That these three points being consented unto, the others might be treated on, and happily concluded; withal that if the prorogation of the Truce, which the Mediators desired, were to be continued for eight 
Cessation conditional.  days longer, these three Articles by them expressed, were first to be agreed unto by the Polanders.  
The Mediators upon this answer take journey for Crowdentz (a Town of Prussia) where the King with his Army had (as then) pitched his Tents. The next morning early, at the Chancellors lodging, the Commissioners being present, with several Palatines and Senators, consultation was held concerning the particulars propounded from the Suethes: in the afternoon, all the Mediators had audience together in the Castle of Crowdentz, the chief of the Nobility being present, 
The King's result.  the dispute continued from three until ten at night. The term of years, after long controverting, was specified to be twenty five; but the Title of Hereditary Princess, and the money demanded for deduction of the Army were absolutely denied; the first, as prejudicial to the King; the other, as dishonourable to them.  
These things being afterwards delivered to the Commissioners of Suethen, they crave liberty of deliberation until the next day, and promise a timely answer, which to hasten the more, the Mediators repair to them into Marienburg Castle, where they declare that they could not admit of less than 
The Suethes' reply, more mild than expected.  thirty years, and that they would not abate a day, that in due regard to the advice of the Mediators, they were contented that the title of Hereditary Princess should be included under an etc. That concerning the Money demanded, they sought it not directly from the King, but to them it was alike whether it came from the Tolls or otherwise.  
With this resolution, indeed more mild than was expected, 
The Mediators return to the King: Audience appointed in the Camp.  the Mediators returned toward Croudentz; where the King being busied about wighty affairs, their Audience was deferred until the next day, and appointed to be in the Camp, the King having resolved to take a general view of his Army, and was not unwilling that the Mediators should have a sight thereof.  
The Army (Horse and Foot) being drawn into order, the 
A view of the Polish Army.  first that presented was the Infantry, the greater part whereof was Natives, commonly called Heyduckes, a people enured to hardship, strong and able bodies, but not much accustomed to Discipline, some companies of strangers, various but not many. The Horse consisted for the most part of Lanciers, 
It's constitution.  known there by the appellation of Hussars; braver men for personage, better Horsed, nor more superbly Armed, can hardly be seen elsewhere: consisting wholly of their Gentry, yet their Vassals not more to them then they to their Captains obedient, 
Discipline.  howbeit elsewhere they account themselves their equals: Their Armour rich and glistering with Gold and Silver, the 
Habiliments.  better sort wearing over it loose Mantles of Sables, black Foxes, Banthers, and Leopards Skins; the Furniture of their Horses answerable and garnished with rich Stones, which by the Horse's motion make a pleasant terror. They are a Courageous people, most violent in a charge, but once broken not easily rallying, yet against the Turk and Tartarian, the Bulwark of Christendom on that side, over whom (as formerly alleged by the Chancellor) King Vladislaus had lately gained two famous Battles, and had it not been for the difference ready to break out between them and the Suethes (as their General himself at a Conference delivered to his Lordship) they might have driven the Turk back to the very Gates of Constantinople.  
A sadness it is, and sorely to be lamented, that the discords between Christian Princes, who profess one God one Christ, should make them more intensive against each other then against the professed Enemy of that blessed name, whereunto they all profess their Baptization.  
They were esteemed to be fifteen thousand Horse Effective, 
Number.  but by themselves reputed more, their Foot in all not exceeding six thousand. After this (and indeed delectable) show ended, the King gave audience to all the Mediators jointly: concerning the years, he would not add a day to the term he had formerly prefixed: Nor did the other particulars propounded 
The King inclining to War.  give him any satisfaction, so as he seemed inclining rather to War then Peace.  
The day following his Lordship remained behind, the other Mediators returned to Marienburg, and related the King's resolution to the Suethes, who replied, that for so small a matter as five years of time, they did not conceive that either their principals, or the Adversaries, who stuck mainly thereat, did intend to broach a bloody War; for the prevention whereof 
The Suethes not verse to Peace.  they would by several ways dispatch two expresses into Suethen, and that they might expect an answer within three weeks, during which time the Truce might be continued, and in the interim, the other Articles might be discussed: but if this were not approved, they (having no power to exceed their Instructions) could not proceed, unless that being by the Mediators secured of the concession of the other Articles by the Polanders. and the Truce continued for eight days longer, they might thereby take the point into further consideration.  
These being related to the King in his Camp were not unpleasing; 
Cessation prorogued eigh 〈…〉 s  and besides the eight days of Prorogation, a meeting was granted at Stumes Dorff the 4. 14. August, provided the Garrison of Suethes (then at Stume) were removed.  
The Mediators, except the French who remained in the Leaguer, returning back to Marienburg, acquainted the Suethes, (who by a visit prevented his Lordship) with what they had concluded: they willingly assented to the Prorogation and to 
A meeting consented unto.  the pre-appointed meeting which was to be the day ensuing, as also they restrained the Garrison at S●ume, by shutting up the Gates without any tumult or disorder.  
Thus, by the unwearied endeavours, and not without the 
Competition between the Hollanders and those of Brandenburg.  exceeding toil of the Mediators by frequent journey's between the Parties, the long intermitted meetings were resumed the 4/14 August at Stumbsdorff forenamed; where, at the first, a new difference arose, between the State's Ambassadors and those of Brandenburg, the former (not willing to give the others the least precedency) refusing to come into the tent of the marquis Sigismond, which in all former meetings had been the place of the Mediators joint resort and consultation.  
The other Mediators, unwilling to make this competitionarie controversy theirs; than which, nothing could be more impeding to the present affair, and desirous to make the best use of time, proceeded unto the matter before them, concluding that the fore-specified conditions should be indifferently propounded to either of the Parties, whereby each might the better explain themselves by adding or diminishing what they should think meet: his Lordship went to the Sueths; the French and Brandenburgers to the Commissioners 
Articles of the whole treaty exhibited by the Suethes.  of Poland: the former consented to most of the propositions tendered unto them, but thought them to be over-breife and succinctly drawn; and therefore, for the more plain understanding, they delivered to his Lordship the whole matter of the Treaty comprehended in sundry Articles, wherewith he presently repaired to the Polanders; and which, the French Ambassador and the Electoralls being present, were instantly quoted with Marginal notes of such things as they either rejected or added, or substituted in the place of others: and having done, they referred the whole 
Referred to the King by the Poles.  to the King's pleasure, consenting to meet again upon the second day ensuing. and the Marginal Annotations being communicated to the Sueths, and overlong to be then examined, were also by them deferred to the said meeting. One particular was, by the last named, recommended to the Mediators in especial manner, to be insinuated unto the other Party; to wit, that a Parliamentary ractification of what should be finally concluded, might be procured from 
Necessary caution.  the Republic of Poland, as without which the Treaty would be invalid. Hereupon the Mediators and the Parties returned to their several quarters.  
Upon the day of interval his Lordship visited the Sueths, and consulted with them how to compound the competition between the Electoral and States Ambassadors, that the public Treaty might thereby receive no let nor hindrance; at last it was concluded that besides the Prince his Tent, an 
Former competition removed.  other should be pitched, the choice whereof should be given to the Hollanders, whereunto, his Lordship and the Commissioners of Suethland, by an express visit that afternoon, persuaded them to condescend.  
The Mediators and the Parties assembled now the second 
Parliaments ratification insisted upon by the Suethes.  time, and the most urgent point of the Treaty consisting in the desired ratification, the Mediators conceived it meet to clear that rub, the rather, in that the Sueths mainly insisted, that without the same all the Treaty and labour employed therein would be of no avail, because a means of retracting there from would be remaining to the Polanders; These, on the other side demonstrated the impossibility thereof, in as much as a Parliament could not be called and held in less than four months; affirming withal, that the King's 
Polishreply.  ratification, with theirs and that of the Senators placed by Parliament about the King, in the name of the Republic, would be sufficient, they having from the same a full and absolute power of treating and concluding. That in the mean time Prussia should be restored; and then a Parliament, for obtaining the ratification from the States of the Kingdom, might be held in convenient time: But the Suethes being herwith not satisfied, and it being impossible for the Polanders to give any other present security, the Mediators endeavoured by all means to remove this obstacle also, and propounded, that first, the forces of each side should be dismissed; and next, that such places as the parties of either side should agree 
Sequestration of places propounded by the Mediators.  upon might be, by way of Sequestration, consigned into the Mediators hands until the ratification were procured; as also, that Pledges might be given, and the like: Which propositions, 
Sequestration of places propounded by the Mediators.  albeit they sounded harsh to either party, yet no other Medium being found for the present, the Polanders, at their general desire, condescended to refer all unto the King and to meet there again upon the third day following, whereunto the Suethes did in like manner give their consent.  
The day following, the French Ambassador, solicitous of his Masters particular affairs, and how to divert a greater War from themselves, visited the Suethes with whom he laboured from noon until night by arguments, exhortations, and entreaties, to yield either to a Sequestration of places, or to the giving and accepting of Pledges, but in vain, and in stead of a simple denial received an answer of a harsher strain, Viz. That they retaining Elbing and the Pillaw, with the Fort on the 
The Suethes persist.  River Vistula, until the ratification should be gotten, would restore Marienburg and Stume to the Polander, conditionally that something equivalent alluding to the Memeln, were delivered unto them.  
The appointed day for the third Congresse being come, and all parties being met, at Stumbsdorff, his Lordship went with the Hollanders towards the Suethes, the French Ambassador, and Brandenburgers doing the like to them of Poland. The Suethes 
Their reasons.  constantly urged and maintained the necessity of the Parliamentary ratification; for (said they) if so be that one only City, Town, or Castle, is not wont to be delivered over by a Commander without sufficient preceding Provision for his Honour and the Garrisons safety, much more was the Honour and Dignity of their Queen to be regarded in the restoration of an entire Province: and if so be the Polanders before the said ratification, would have aught, as Marienburg and Stume delivered unto them, something equi-polent thereunto, as the Memeln they also expected.  
On the other side, the Polish Commissioners swarve not one 
Impossibility alleged by the Poles.  jot from their former allegation, to wit, impossibility, whereunto (said they) none can be bound: neither would they consent to the division of places made by the Suethes, much less leave the Pillaw in their hands, which as a most commodious Port, would be no less prejudicial to them then advantageous to the other side, as from whence a departure might be feigned, and a return made at pleasure to their detriment and dishonour; and that it stood with reason and equity, that seeing the Suethes would neither trust them nor their King, themselves also were not to be trusted.  
The Mediators hereupon deliberated amongst themselves of the means of preventing a Rupture by this dissonance of the parties, but could not find any on the sudden, and the Polanders were said to be preparing to be gone, when his Lordship, very opportunely propounded that the parties should be moved 
Seasonable proposition.  to refer unto the arbitration of the Mediators, the two main points in question; to wit, the Parliamentary ratification, and the number of years, and concerning those to stand to their decission: this was generally approved, and the French Ambassador with the Electoralls repaired therewith to the Suethes, his Lordship and the Hollanders doing the like to them of Poland, who were upon the point of taking horse: The Commissioners of Poland, the Chancellor chiefly made no difficulty of assenting to the Medium of Arbitration, but for one scruple, which was, that their King having limited the number of years, they had no further power of concession thereof, and that it must be referred to himself, of whose consent they were not diffident, and so they only agreed to a prorogation of the Truce for two days longer: The French Ambassador and the Brandenburgers returning from the Suethes, related that 
Assented unto by the Suethes  their consent unto the arbitration was (in a manner) obtained, and urged them to assent thereto likewise, they having ofttimes formerly proffered the same in things of greater moment: but more than hath been already said could not be gained from them; they only entreated that the Mediators 
Waved by the Poles.  would be pleased to repair to the King the day following (he being then in his Camp at Rottenhoff near the Whistle) and use their joint persuasions. This, the Mediators agreed unto.  
They being come thither had audience altogether in the Regal Tent, but found themselves far short of their conceived hopes, of gaining the prementioned differences, about the ratification and term of years to be referred to the mediatorial arbitration, whereto the Suethes had already accorded: for the King of Poland would not (by any reasons alleged) be induced thereunto, and but with difficulty consented to the 
The King of Poland averse to the proposition.  continuance of the cessation agreed upon, so stiff did he then show himself: His Lordship argued the matter so far as his Legatoriall Office would permit, and seemed to wonder that his Majesty of Poland should now reject the Medium of Arbitration, when the Suethes, who before had always refused the same, were brought thereunto, it having been frequently offered by his Commissioners; but the King would give no ear, neither to these nor any other persuasions, used either by his Lordship or the Hollanders to that effect; so as in the space of four hours of the conference, nothing was obtained save that the King would put the whole Treaty to be compounded by just and equitable means, at the meeting (to be) the day following; whereunto the French Ambassador invited the Suethes by Letter, his Lordship having refused that Office, as foreseeing they would not come.  
All the Mediators, with the Commissioners of Poland, were convened at the accustomed place, and waited for the Suethes until two in the afternoon, about which hour, Baron D' Avacourt (the French Resident in those parts) who by that 
The Suethes excuse their not appearing.  Ambassador had been sent to hasten them, came with their Letters excusatory, that the shortness of the time and absence of some of their Colleagues permitted them not to be present at that meeting, but that they would not fail to be there the day following, if it would so please the Mediators and the adverse Party. The Commissioners of Poland being 
Complain of the Polanders.  advertised hereof would not (after long consultation) consent unto the meeting, unless they were secured that two large Boats taken from them, contrary to the cessation of arms currant, by the adverse Party who kept the Fort in the Whistle, should be restored unto them; and the other Mediators staying still at Stumbsdorff, his Lordship and the Hollanders, taking that business upon them, returned to Marienburg, where they urged the matter, and as relative thereunto, moved in behalf of those that were sick in the Ship detained in the Road of Dantzig, and last, propounded the next day's meeting: to 
The Suethes' reply, and  these particulars, the Suethes made answer, That touching the Boats then mentioned, they had purposely intercepted them, to hinder the laying of a Bridge before their eyes to their exceeding prejudice; Natural reason allowing to repay acts of hostility with the like: that nevertheless to gratify the Mediators they would return them as also recommend to the Officers in their Navy, the free egress of them that were sick in the said Ship, that so the Treaty, for things of so small moment, might not by them be hindered; and that 
Compliance.  albeit they had not received hitherto from the Commissioners of Poland any certain resolution, and therefore could not expect much good by the next day's meeting, they would nevertheless be present thereat. This his Lordship signified in writing to the Commissioners of Poland, and requested from the Palatine of Belzes, a larger Tent, wherein the parties and the Mediators might assemble together.  
His Lordship with the Hollanders prepared for the fourth meeting, so much the more early, to take order for placing the mediatorial Tent in equal distance from those of the several parties, and for the bringing of theirs nearer to ease the Mediators of part of their trouble. These things set in order, the Mediators concluded that to either party should be reiterated the Arbitration of the aforesaid differences by the Mediators. Those of Poland, to whom his Lordship and the Hollanders had 
Both parties stiff.  applied themselves, absolutely refused the same, and the Suethes appeared to the French, and the Electorals less inclining thereto then before, and thus the Treaty seemed to hang by a small twist: which caused the Mediators to labour so much the more earnestly with the several parties. The Polanders professed themselves willing to hearken to equal conditions if they were propounded; neither was there any means left for compounding the difference of the Parliamentary ratification, save only an equal division of the places that were to be restored or kept: and at last not without the uncessant trouble of the Mediators in goings between, they condescended unto these Conditions.  
1. That the Truce should be for twenty six years; the Suethes requiring that one year should be added by way of compensation for their consent to the restoring of one half of Prussia, without the strict necessary form of Parliamentary ratification, whereof the Polanders gave no positive assurance, but promised their endeavours for its procurement, the French Ambassador offering also to repair to the King about the same.  
2. That upon the Regal and Senatoriall Commissioners ratification 
Mutual concessions.  only (until that of the Republic might be had) the Suethes should forth with restore Marienburg, Stume, Braunsberge and Tolkemyth, with the greater Island and the Territories to each of them belonging; and that Elbing, the Pillaw, with the lesser Island and their Territories should still be retained by them.  
3. That the Fort made in the Whistle by the Suethes, and the Fortifications made on the board thereof by those of Dantzig 
Cessation for four days.  should be demolished; hereupon the cessation was prolonged for four days.  
Thus at last the averseness of the parties admitted of shows of reconcilement, and by how much the Treaty had seemed near to vanish into nothing, by so much the hopes of its happy issue began to beam forth more bright; whereunto the Mediators thought it might be conducible that the parties accompanied by them as at the first, should resalute each other in the midst of the Village; that so by a public contest for Peace and Concord by mutual interviews, the wished end might be the more easily attained: neither was the motion unpleasing to either of the parties, who now seemed equally desirous of Peace: This Ceremony being performed, the Mediators 
Second interview of the Parties.  and the parties take leave of each other; and the vulgar not containing their contentment, published the Peace as if already concluded.  
In the mean time, the French Ambassador obtained of the King the grant of the year demanded, whilst his Lordship and the Hollanders at Marienburg employ themselves with the Sueths about those things which might further the Pacification: 
Exhibition of Articles by the Suethes.  These promising to exhibit (at the next meeting) certain Articles of the whole Treaty whereon the agreement might be perfected.  
The time appointed for the fifth meeting, and all the parties being come, the Mediators thought good that the Conditions (then exhibited by the Suethes as forepromised) should be communicated to the Commissioners of Poland: touching the Substance, they were all one with the former, some only altered and some added for their own avail, all the Mediators being present, they were accurately discussed by the Polanders, not a word or title which might be wrested to their prejudice left unexamined or corrected? The French Ambassador quoting (in the Mergent) the several exceptions made by them. Therewith they also tendered to the Mediators such things as they would have to be inserted: importing, that forasmuch as the present Truce was chiefly ordained and concluded, to 
Additions by the Polanders.  the end that during the same a perpetual Peace might be the more commodiously treated and effected, therefore, within the space of two years next ensuing the date of the said Truce, Commissioners should be appointed of both sides with full power and instructions, to meet, treat and conclude the said general and assured Peace, by the intervention of those Kings and Princes whom the Parties should make choice of. And if the said Peace should not be then effected, the same to be resumed within the next two years; and if not then, the like within the two years ensuing, and so consequently, the Truce still continuing firm, until the expiration of the twenty six years. Also that no Taxes or Customs should be exacted upon 
The Truce to be for 26. years.  the River Dyna from the Inhabitants of the great Duchy of Lithuania, or the Dukedom of Curland. That likewise, the Rights and Possessions of the Duke of Curland should remain in the same state they were before the Warr. That in like manner it should be lawful for those that had been exiled out of Suethland or Leifland to return into their Country, and to recover their goods and Inheritance; and that; if they should not like to abide there, it should be free for them to sell or otherway dispose of their said Goods. That Ambassadors, or Messengers, of either side, should have free egress and regress. That the Fugitives of the great Duchy of Lithuania, the Dukedom of Curland, and the Pilten Territory, or so many of them as should be found in Leifland, should be restored, and so reciprocally. That four Ships appertaining to his Electoral Highness of Brandenburg should be restored. That there should be also freedom of Navigation from the Duchy of Curland.  
These Conditions were showed to the Commissioners of Suethland by the French Ambassador, and the Brandenburgers followed (soon after) by his Lordship and the Hollanders; the Polish Emendations and additions (night now approaching) are cursorily by them run over; and those appearing to be things but of small moment, are referred until the next day, so as all things seemed to go forward according to the general 
Hopes of amicable conclusion.  desire. One thing only bred some hesitation; the French Ambassador reasoning (by way of discourse) about the restitution of the Roman Religion in Prussia, urged by consequence, as from the Commissioners of Poland, the free exercise 
A rub cast in.  thereof in behalf of those of that Religion remaining in Leifland: but that also was remitted to be handled the day following; neither was it then conceived that so much trouble would have ensued as that particular did afterwards produce. The Mediators and the Commissioners of Poland remained that night in Stumbsdorff, the Suethes retired to Stume, the same being near adjoining, that so they might begin the more early the next morning.  
To this sixth meeting (if not rather a continuance of the 
French Ambassador stickling for the Romish Religion in Leifland.  fifth) all Parties assembled, and the French Ambassador, the sole of all the Mediators addicted to the Romish profession, took upon him the patronising thereof in Leifland, and growing zealous therein, earnestly pleaded that cause with the Commissioners of Suethland; who, observing with what fervency he pressed it, answered positively in the Negative, and gave these reasons: First, that in their Instructions they had not one word touching the same, neither, as they conceived, had their Principals so much as once thought of it. Next, that they knew not that there were any of the Romish Creed 
Positively refused by the Suethes. and why.  in that Province, and therefore it was but a needless trouble to feign things that were not in being.  
And lastly, that albeit some of that profession might be found there, yet they could not for their consideration grant a free exercise of that Religion, the Statutes and fundamental Laws of their Kingdom being expressly against it.  
These passages were by the French Ambassador related to the Commissioners of Poland, all of whom (but chiefly the Chancellor) took the matter heinously, affirming, that 
The Poles insist  unless provision were made for the free exercise of Religion to those poor Souls, whose Salvation (said they) they tendered more than the loss of all Leifland, all the Treaty and the labour that had been employed therein would turn to nothing. His Lordship and the other Mediators would not (at first) intermeddle in that business, as not appertaining unto them; but finding the same to grow so difficult as not to be easily composed, but rather likely to overthrow whatsoever had been done before, they also thought good to interpose their Authority, and the whole day being almost spent in arguments and hot dispute about the same, they propounded unto the Polanders a draught for the reconcilement thereof; if so be 
The other Mediators propounded a Medium.  that accepted by them, the Suethes could be drawn to give consent thereunto.  
But here, because in the whole Treaty no one point was contested with more sharpness on both sides, as also that none was more likely to have caused an absolute dissolution thereof, and that the greatest difference in the several means propounded for reconcilement, consisted for the most part in the distinction of words and phrases.  
I have thought good to couch the several forms, placing in the Mergent the Latin wherein they were word for word then conceived, whereby the Reader may with more satisfaction to himself settle his judgement thereupon.  
The first therefore administered by the Mediators was in these words.  
The Suethes shall permit unto the (Roman) 
Sueci, hominibus Catholicis in Livonia toto induciarum tempore, cultum & ritum in privato permissuri, nullamque in eos inquisitionem ut hactenus facturi, neminique qui Religionem Catholicam professus fuerit, id ipsi noxae futurum.  Catholic in Leifland their Worship and Ceremony in private during the whole time of the Truce, and no enquiry shall be made upon them as formerly, had been, neither shall the professing of (that) Catholic Religion be a Crime or prejudice to any person there for the future.  
This form written in a Scroll, was by the Mediators delivered to the Commissioners of Suethland, each of them adding persuasions thereunto, yet all proved in vain, for the Draught was rejected, and night drawing on, an end was made for that time.  
The next day being the seventh, all parties assembling, the 
Arguments used by the French Ambassador.  former dispute about the point of Religion in Leifland was continued, wherein the French Ambassador employed his whole endeavours, sharply checking the Suethes for this their cruel, and (as he termed it) unheard of way of proceeding; setting before them how that the King his Master, at their late King's consideration, had granted to the Lutherans, even in Paris, the free exercise of their Religion; which if they should obstinately persevere, and that the matter so required, he doubted not but he might (by Letters) easily disturb: but the Suethes, nothing moved with these threats, yea, rather the 
Rejected by the Suethes.  more exasperated, replied that they were not bound to conform themselves unto, or to be judged by the examples or reasons of others, but by their own fundamental Laws and Statutes, which (without endangering their heads) they might not swarve from, as they should do mainly by condescending to the form propounded, which included not only private but public exercise also, by those captious words, Worship and Ceremony; yet they professed that they would not be 
Cultus & Ritus. Exemption from enquiry granted by the Suethes.  so severe as to make inquisition upon, or trouble the Catholics; but as heretofore would permit them to enjoy their private liberty of Conscience.  
The Commissioners of Poland were no way contented with this Declaration, as well in regard (said they) that Religion without Worship, Rights, and Ceremonies, due at Divine Service, was but (in a manner) a dead Image; as also, that the liberty of Conscience enjoyed until then, by the Catholics there, was indeed none at all, but a mere bondage, fear and trembling; during which, neither could those who were forced to conceal themselves, celebrate, or partake of the Mass, nor would their Children who should be afterwards borne, become initiated into their Church by Baptism. That 
Referred by the Poles to their King.  yet, not to break off the Treaty, they thought good to refer this something, which they esteemed as nothing unto their King, in a smuch as until this point were settled, they could not proceed unto the other Articles; only at the instance of the Mediators, by mutual consent of parties, the cessation was prorogued for three days.  
During the time of respite, the French Ambassador endeavoured 
French Amb. Solicitations Uneffectuall.  to bring the Commissioners of Suethen to more complying terms, showing the just cause their Adversaries had, relating to the point in question; that from thence only a most cruel War was like to arise, and that they would thereby procure the hatred and the enmity of others: but all in vain, for in the space of four hours he gained nothing.  
The day prefixed for the eighth meeting being come, the Parties and the Mediators assembled at the wont Village, where the Commissioners of Poland, authorized by their King, 
The former form insisted on by the Poles.  insist more mainly than before, upon the foresaid form of Covenant, in the point of the Romish Religion; and for the more assurance, desired that the same might be ratified under the Hands and Seals of the Mediators, and affirmed that unless it were granted, there remained nothing but War, which (they said) they esteemed to be so much the more just, by how much it was more glorious to contest to the last gasp, yea even to embrace an honourable death, for the liberty of conscience and Religion.  
These things, with other like, being by them delivered; the French Ambassador, earnestly pleaded their cause with the Commissioners of Suethland, and as he was endowed with singular Eloquence, so he endeavoured to move them, by the strongest and most dexterous arguments he could, to admit of the foresaid form of Stipulation: Yet the Suethes (inflexible in 
Again by the Suethes rejected.  their resolve) reject the same as captious and including under a specious form of words, a free exercise of the Romish Religion which they might not assent unto; and added, that they also should have thereby a most just cause of War in maintaining by force and arms the liberty of Religion, which by the Divine goodness they had obtained, and in conserving the Laws of their Kingdom without violation, which it would be more dishonourable for them to forego then if they had never had the same.  
With this repulse the French Ambassador at first astonished, afterward chafed, began to expostulate and to blame their hard heartedness, as he termed it, but being unable to obtain any further, he (though seeming thereto unwilling) takes a hopeless farewell, departing from them to the Polanders, whom his Lordship and the Hollanders had, in the interim, assayed to persuade: Whilst he related the last and absolutely negative reply of the Suethes, some of them, being moved with indignation, spoke aloud the words of (War 
Bellum Bellum.  War) which albeit uttered within the Tent, were heard without, and (in a moment) spread among their attendants, and it so happening, this being about the time of departure, that the Suethes Trumpeters then sounded to Horse, the Polish Lanciers (commonly called Hussars, of whom the Commissioners had for their ordinary Guard two Troops, as the Suethes the like Number of Finlanders) waxing suddenly and over-rashly enraged, 
Sudden tumult.  did set upon some of the meaner unarmed Suethes, who (happily to gaze upon their strange Equipage) had advanced into the Village, and pursuing, hurt and wounded some of them with their Shables; nor therewith contented, began to gather into a body, preparing, as it were, for a more forcible onset upon the Suethish Foot, of whom two Companies guarded their Lords Tents.  
The tumult being heard, General Wrangle, who had until then contained himself, seeing the disorder like to increase, from whence danger might ensue, came forth of their Tent with a Partisan in his hand, and began to act his part of a resolute Commander, as well as of a Politic Commissioner, and having placed the Horsemen in order, but with a charge not to advance, yet if pressed, to repay blood with blood, he went immediately to draw up the foot, so to be ready if the contrary party should assail them. This unexpected tumult, as it was strange, so it might have proved equally dangerous 
Threatening danger.  to the Mediators, engaged between the parties; as to the parties themselves, both sides suspecting Treachery: Wherefore the Hussars being ready to make an irruption with their Lances; the Suethish foot (on the other side) presenting their Muskets, their Matches ready cocked, and the two Finland Troops (clad in hard Iron) with their Pistols in like manner expecting the charge, his Lordship and the Hollanders hastened to the Suethes, the French and Brandenburgers doing the like to the Polanders, exhorting each side to desist from further outrage, and to retire to their several residences.  
The Suethes were obedient not only to the words but to the becks of their Commanders; the Poles neither regarding commands nor entreaties, and hardly enduced to forbear by the persuasions of the grave Chancellor who called upon themby 
Appeared.  the name of Brethren, albeit at other times he was of great repute, as being next in authority to the King: yet at last this tumult was appeased; the Suethes departing, environned with 
The Suethes exasperated.  their Guards, wroth, and resolving to abandon the Treaty complained of, reviled, yea, cursed the injuriousness and perfidious proceeding (as they termed it) of the Polanders.  
The Commissioners of Poland having caused their Troops 
The Poles purge themselves.  to withdraw, made their address to the Mediators to purge themselves from the preceding accident, protesting their innocency, and ignorance by whose rashness the same had fallen out, whom they would nevertheless endeavour to discover and punish. They professed themselves exceedingly grieved for the trouble, peril, and apprehension they had undergone, and entreated them to clear their innocency towards the adverse party, who (they conjectured) might harbour a prejudice against them by sinisterous Suspicions.  
Lastly, they desired, that a meeting might be granted the next day.  
The Mediators willingly condescended, but for preventing the like evils in the future, they desired that the T 〈…〉 ps might be restrained, and a severe punishment denounced against such as should exceed their bounds. Taking leave, the Mediators returned toward Marienburg, and his Lordship first overtaking the Suethes, met the General De la Garde, who upon notice of the tumult, had issued with some forces to assist the Commissioners if need should have required.  
His Lordship persuaded them to a meeting the day following and slighted the disorder that had happened, as being a casualty not worthy of mention, but as this was a way-faring discourse it received no resolution, they seeming rather to decline any present meeting, lest that the bitterness being still fresh in memory, the minds of each side might be exasperated, and thought it would be better to try by Missives what would be the conclusion about the point of Religion in Leifland. Hereupon his Lordship and the Hollanders agree to appoint 
A conference between his Lordship and the Poles.  a conference with the P 〈…〉sh Commissioners at the place where they had met once before called Newendorff, which his Lord did signify unto them by writing.  
In the mean time, as formerly the rumour of a Peace had been divulged, so the last disorder had spread the noise of War, whereupon from several parts) the Canon began to play very thick on both sides: but the Mediators fearing lest such fiery 
Hostility began.  flashes might prove the incendiaries to an unextinguishable flame, his Lordship meeting the Commissioners of Poland at the place appointed, desired them to abstain from such praeludiums, which the Suethes interpreted as a commencement of hostility, lest by the breach of Truce, the Mediators (travelling about the public) might incur danger.  
The Chancellor replied with a long Oration, resuming 
The former tumult excused.  the excuses of the former day's tumult; from thence he descended to the matter in question, and produced Letters from the Colonel Articentkie, which affirmed that he had been provoked by the Suethes. Whilst they thus argue, the French Ambassador came also from Marienburg, who being desirous to finish the dispute about the forementioned point of Religion, first endeavoured to refute the rumour that was spread, as if he had hindered the Peace when it was in a manner at the 
Apology by the French Ambassador.  point of concluding; next he professed, that according to the zeal wherewith God had endowed him towards his Religion, he had ever maintained the same, his mere conscience not permitting him to abandon so just a cause; and lastly, he enquired what the Commissioners had determined touching that particular.  
Neither was this Apology wholly unnecessary, or the vulgar 
Digression.  opinion altogether improbable, for by reason of the strict confederacy between the King his Master and the Crown of Suethen, 〈…〉 way of mutual assistance against the Austrian Family, it was conceived that he would from the beginning be obnoxious to the designs of the Polanders, for which cause he was the less desired by them, as one who to coroborate the friendship of that forenamed Crown the more firmly to his Master, would undoubtedly advance the interest thereof, which indeed he did so far as he might, without evident blemish to the Impartiality of a mediatorial Dignity: But now the Treaty being in a fair way of conclusion, and howbeit not for an absolute Peace, yet for a Truce of so long continuance as would see many changes overpass before it expired, and the Crown of Suethen being freed thereby of all apprehension of hostility from that side, might prosecute the War in Germany the more intensively, and so be the more concurring with the designs of the King his Master, and afford him the greater assistance by a more powerful diversion, it was neither contrary to reason or policy, that he should endeavour at the last cast to ingratiate himself into the favour of the Polanders, and to remove the jealousies, they might have conceived, of his averseness towards their affairs; and the rather because sundry advantages might be thereby derived, to the advancement of the King his Master's Service, by the entertaining of Officers and Soldiers, especially the strangers in the Polish Army, into his Master's Pay, which he afterwards assayed to have done, but with small success, the Emperor's Ministers, who also gaped after the disbanding of that Army preventing him therein, by drawing Colonel Butler (by them made General Major) with several Commanders, as well English and Scots, as Irish and others, with most of the Infantry, into the Imperial Service, so to recruit the old, or frame a new Army in Silesia.  
For these and other considerations it may be (and was) conceived, that he might not unwillingly cast in that Bone, the rather for that the business being almost ended, and the Parties by how much nearer to peace in their hopes, by so much the more affected unto it, so as they would not break off upon slight occasions, not doubting, but that either by the Parties, or the Mediators, a mean would be found out to make all even again: and if he were not the first mover of that point, than which he could never have picked out one more specious, or that could carry more lustre, nor render him more gracious with the Polanders, especially with their Clergy who bear a great sway in that Kingdom, yet it may be supposed that by his forwardness therein, he animated the Polanders to a greater pertinacy, and obstinate perseverance in that contest, which was longer and more hotly continued then any other, neither was any one more likely to have caused a final rupture. As to his pretended conscientious zeal, albeit there can be nothing better than to retain a good conscience in all things, yet the conscience of one man cannot be obligatory to that of another, much less to a generality, and especially to their prejudice; the same consisting of a man's inward disposition towards God and Man wrought in him by that spirit wherewith he is acted; and therefore a man's private conscience ought not to be instanced as an inducement to a State, in matters of Religion, and especially of a different Creed.  
But notwithstanding all these designs, there wanted but little that the King having gotten such an advantage, had not, made use thereof to thwart all their hopes of a reconcilement and to advance his own ends; for the Warlike Prince, fortunate in all his former undertake against his Enemies, and breathing new Conquests; had (as was conceived) no inclination to the Truce, but rather desired to have vindicated his pretensions to the Crown and Kingdom of Suethland, by the Sword, seeing very well that he should not obtain the same by Treaty. And as the Commissioners for the Republic of Poland, observing they could not get a restitution of Leisland, whereupon they insisted at the first as well as for Prussia, would make no general Peace; choosing rather a Truce, after the expiration whereof their pretences to Leifland were still the same, even so, King Vladislaus perceiving that, as well by the one as the other, there was little appearance of his regaining the Crown of Suethen, did equally distaste the Peace and Truce, and was induced to a condescension merely by the Potency rather than the persuasions of the Polish Senators; who bending wholly to what was for the present behoof of the Republic, had little regard to the particular interest of their Prince, a thing usual in Elective Kingdoms; whereas the King was desirous to have recovered his (pretended) right by force of Arms, seeing it could not be otherwise gained, whereby he might have assured his Posterity of a hereditary Kingdom, in case they should come to be preter-mitted in the Elective, as himself had almost been, and where the eldest would not (alone) be assured of a Crown, but the younger likewise would be secured of Principalities and Dukedoms, answerarable to the Dignity of their birth, which in Poland they were not by any Right or Title: for these reasons it may be conjectured that the King was not un willing to embrace any occasion of a rupture, and even of late, by standing stiff upon sundry points of smaller consequence, he had not obscurely discovered his mind; neither could he have a more glorious pretence (as to them) then that of Religion; whereby also he might reap another (and no small) advantage: to wit, the razing out of his Subjects minds, especially those of the Clergy, an opinion they had conceived, that he favoured the reformed Religion, more than they desired he should, albeit that surmise of theirs had no other ground than that they knew, those of the Reformation had deserved better of him, at the time of the Election, than themselves had done; yet this might be a motive to the King to make a clear demonstration of his zeal to the contrary, by sticking so fast to this particular whereon (indeed) he insisted most earnestly, and so far that the Chancellor who at his first pressing thereof, did not think that ever it would have come to that height, was more puzzled therewith then with any other point which (before or after the same) came to be discussed in the whole Treaty, as well how to satisfy the King, as to salve their own honour and prevent a breach the same being feared by many, and was not undesired by some; but I will now leave this and return to the matter from which I have digressed further than I intended.  
The French Ambassador having ended his Apology (the inducement to the former digression) and successively gained a good opinion with the Polanders, howbeit not without irritating his old Friends the Suethes, and being therefore the more desirous to see an end of that controversy which himself had first broached, did earnestly require from the Commissioners of Poland their final resolution upon the point in question; after two or three hours spent in debate, the Polish Lords agreed that another form should be conceived in writing, whereby in place of the words Ritus and Cultus, liberty of conscience, and exercise of profession should be inserted, as followeth.  


The (Roman) Catholics in Leifland shall enjoy liberty of their consciences all the time of the Truce, neither shall any enquiry or animadversion be made into them, and if any one shall exercise that Catholic Religion in private, it shall be no Crime unto him.   

Homines Catholices in Livonia toto induciarum tempore libertate conscientiarum gavisuros nullamque in eos inquisitionem & animadversionem factum iri, & si quis Religionem Catholicam in privato exercuerit, id ipsi noxa non futurum.    
Hereupon the Mediators urged a prorogation of the Truce, which the Commissioners affirmed they had no power to grant, but that within an hour at farthest, by six swift Horses which stood in a readiness between them and the Camp, than two Dutch miles distant, they might acquaint the King with this last draught and the cessation required, and thereupon receive his pleasure; that in the interim, the other conditions of the Truce (which had been intermitted almost a week) might be brought again upon the Carpet: they were taken into examination, and the 
Cessation of Arms for a day only.  tenth was in handling, some being added, some expunged, others corrected, when the Courier returned with the King's Letters, containing a cessation for the next day only; during which, the King on the one side, the Suethes on the other, might consider of the form last expressed: With this answer his Lordship and the Hollanders returned to Marienburg, the French Ambassador went to Sumbsdorff near at hand, there to expect what the Suethes would declare.  
Early the next morning the other Mediators visited the Suethes, exhibiting that new form of draught, beyond which (they affirmed) nothing was to be obtained from the Poles: 
The second form rejected by the Suethes.  but they, having observed the word Exercise, which they conceived to be more prejudicial and of a larger extent than the former, did utterly reject it, call the treating of the Polanders a mere mockery, whereunto not only themselves, but the Mediators also were exposed, and that they were not only provoked but enforced unto a War: This first heat being somewhat allayed, they were contented at his Lordship's instance to draw up three other forms of grant, each gradually milder than the other; the first was thus.  


Homines Catholicos in Livonia toto induciarum tempore, eadem libertate conscientiarum & religionis qua hactenus sub imperio & jurisdictione S. R. Majestatis Regnique Suecia gavis: sunt, gavisuros, nullamque in eos inquisitionem & animadversionem factum iri, sisese ita gesserint uti hactenus gesserunt, neque si quis Catholicam religionem in privato professus fuerit, idipsi noxae futurum.   

The (Roman) Catholics in Leisland shall enjoy during the whole time of the Truce, the same liberty of their Consciences and Relegion that hitherto they have done under the Sovereignty and Jurisdiction of the Queen and Kingdom of Suethland; neither shall any enquiry or animadversion be made into them if they shall so demean themselves as they have done hitherunto, nor shall any one incur blame or prejudice for professing that Catholic Religion in private.   

The second was more brief as followeth.  
Homines Catholici in Livonia gaudeant eadem libertate conscientiarum & Religionis qua hactenus sunt gavisi nullaque in eos inquisitio & animadversio instituatur quatenus sub imperio & jurisdictionis S. R. Majestatis ac Regni Sueciae factum est si sese ita gesserint uti hactenus gesserunt.   

The (Roman) Catholics in Leisland shall enjoy the same liberty of Conscience and Religion they have hitherto done, neither shall any enquiry or animadversion be made into them as hath been under the Reign and Jurisdiction of her Majesty and the Kingdom of Suethen, provided they shall so behave themselves as they have hitherto done.   

The third was yet more favourable in these words.  
Homines Catholicos qui jam sunt in Livonia toto induciarum tempore libertate conscientiarum & Religionis gavisuros, nullamque in eos inquisitionem & animadversionem factum iri, neque si quis Catholicam Religionem in privato professus fuerit, id ipsi noxae futurum.   

The (Roman) Catholics that now are in Leisland shall enjoy liberty of their Consciences and Religion during the whole time of the Truce, without any animadversion or enquiry to be made into them, neither if any one shall profess that Catholic Religion in private, shall it be prejudicial unto him.    
These several forms were by his Lordship sent by an express to the French Ambassador, who therewith speedily repaired from Stumsdorff to the King (then in his Camp) towards whom he employed himself with all the efficacy he 
Rejected by the King.  could; notwithstanding which, the three Draughts aforesaid being rejected, he obtained a continuation of the cessation for two days only, whereof he certified his Lordship by writing, promising a speedy return to Marienburg, which he performed the next evening, and (together with the other Mediators) repairing to the Suethes, he expressed his endeavours and the repulses he had sustained in a long and elegant Oration; and at length their minds and ears attentively listening, he recreates them with this last resolution of the Polanders; to wit, that they had consented to the form last mentioned, the word Devotion only inserted, instead whereof those of exercise and indemnity were omitted, as by the form ensuing appeareth.  


The (Roman) Catholics in Leisland shall enjoy liberty of their Consciences, Religion and Devotion during all the time of the Truce, neither shall any enquiry or animadversion in that regard be made into them.   

Homines Catholicos in Livonia toto induciarum tempore libertate conscientiarum & Religionis Devotionisque gavisuros, nullamque in eos inquisitionem & anim adversionem eo nomine factum iri.    
At first the Suethes seemed rather to refuse then to admit of 
The last form propounded by the Poles:  the same, because they thought that in the word Devotion, there was some other thing included which might be to them prejudicial and advantageous to their Adversaries; yet they were contented to take the same into consideration until the day following, with promise that they would then declare thereupon:  
The Mediators, taking leave, imagined their consent as good as granted, but it appeared otherwise, for the Commissioners of Suethen did early the next Morning, by Lording their Secretary, signify unto them, that upon due consultation, and a review of the Extent of their Commission, they could not condescend unto the form last propounded which (covertly) employed nothing but a free exercise. The Mediators 
Disrelished by the Suethes.  took this change in evil part, and complained that they were put to an endless work, in that whatsoever they concluded was annulled and illuded by one exception or other, wherefore they jointly affirmed that they would take their leave and abandon the Treaty, whereof they advertised them by the said Secretary.  
Neither (probably) would they have been wanting to their resolution, if the Commissioners of Suethland, seeing the Mediators about to depart discontented, and the French Ambassador affirming that the word (Devotion) was to be understood 
At length admitted.  of private exercise only, had not declined from their obstinacy and accepted of the form last specified: only they requested his Lordship and the Ambassadors of Holland 
Attestation desired.  to afford them an attestation under their hands and seals, that they had consented but to a private liberty of conscience without inquisition to be made thereupon and not to the free exercise of Religion, which the said Mediators consenting unto, this difficulty also was reconciled at last, and hereof the French Ambassador certified the Commissioners of Poland, desiring their appearance the next day at the accustomed place, which the Suethes had likewise agreed unto.  
Stumbsdorff (after a long intermission) saw now the ninth congregating of the Mediators and Parties, who having concluded satisfactorily about the point of Religion, thought 
Particulars insisted on.  good to continue the examination of the Articles begun at Newendorff with those of Poland. Certain slight scruples were moved, but the chief dispute was about the burdens and exactions which the late war had Introduced, as the fortifications at Mountispitz. the abrogation of the Dantzig stample upon cloth: the return of the English society to Elbing, the restoring to that City of the Prussian Land-seal, with their prerogative of Session. The razing of Mountispitz was referred to the decision of the question depending. The abrogation of the Dantzig stample and the freedom of the English Society, was earnestly disputed and pressed by his Lordship, whose part it was, as also a part of his Commission, who clearly showed that the said Stample, being no other than a Monopoly, had been fraudulently procured by those of Dantzig to the disturbance of free trade, and to the great prejudice and hindrance of the Merchants of great- Britain, Subjects to the King his Master, the fourth part of cloth not being then transported which formerly had been to the no small loss even of the Polish Nobility and Gentry, who had been accustomed to buy such commodities at easy rates, and now suffered exceedingly thereby as themselves affirmed, but to the immense gain of the Dantzigers, contrary to the freedom of commerce, and to common reason which forbids that one man should be enriched by the detriment of another.  
The Brandenburgers and the Hollanders pressed (each) their interest. The French Ambassador pleaded, in some measure, the cause of the Elbingers, touching the Prussian Land-Seale.  
The Poland Commissioners answered his Lordship's proposition, by an acknowledgement that the Dantzig stample upon cloth, granted by King Sigismundus, was unjust, and several ways prejudicial; and promised to employ their endeavours at the next Parliament for the abrogation thereof, 
Plausible answer.  conform to their King's promise to his Lordship: but they affirmed, that for the present, they neither had power neither that any out of Parliament, could be given them against an Act thereof, such as the grant of the stample was: that as all Nations were bounded by their proper laws, so it likewise behoved them to govern themselves by their Statutes; his Lordship was not contented with this plausible answer, and indeed it was no more, but replied that the like words had been given to Sir Tho. Roe formerly Ambassador there from the King his Master, and to sundry other Ministers, who had pressed the same freedom he now urged, for the English Merchants, from that oppression, and therefore again instanced even the Truce itself, now in a manner concluded, as a main argument for that liberation; in regard that the country being thereby freed from the inconveniencies, and miseries attending War, it was not reasonable that strangers, dwelling peaceably amongst them, and by whose traffic they reaped profit should still groan under the burden of a yoke which themselves acknowledge to be unjust, and that the same having been introduced as a calamity incident, to the prejudice of the public, aught to vanish and end with its original, and therefore he earnestly moved that not only a bare endeavour might be promised, but that a real abrogation might be obtained, and that the same might be inserted in the Acts and Articles of the present Treaty: yet all this was fruitless, for the Commissioners of Poland betook themselves 
Uneffectual.  to their former refuge, (impossibility) against which all reasons were invaled. They only assented to continue 
Cessation for three days.  the cessation for three days longer and to a meeting the second following.  
These Passages were communicated to the Suethes, and the Marginal notes were by them cursorily run over; whereupon those Commissioners, thinking it would be much to their dishonour to abandon the Elbingers and their interest, earnestly commended to the Mediators the care of the points above mentioned concerning the Town of Elbing, viz. The abrogation of the Dantzig stample chiefly, and the restoration of the Prussian Seal from which they assured them they would not shrink: but night drawing on they reserved the Polish corrections and exceptions to be scanned at Marienburg, and so consented as well to the meeting as to the prorogation: and the next day, the Commissioners of Suethland, being demanded their resolution concerning the Articles, deferred the same to be produced at the meeting.  
The tenth congress being come, the Suethes exhibited their Articles in presence of the Mediators, which were examined, and scanned for almost six hours; some things being added, others taken away: but all other difficulties were shadows in comparison of that about the forementioned Stample, for the cancelling whereof his Lordship again endeavoured with all his might, evincing the Justice and necessity thereof by most forcible reasons and arguments, yet unsuccessfully; 
His Lordship: insists as bef●●e.  for after a long and harsh expostulation, the Senate of Dantzig, some of which body were always present, and not less vigilant in things that concerned their Weale-common, hindered the same by such ways and means as were facile and easy to that Opulent City.  
And notwithstanding that his Lordship (but whether then or formerly is not remembered) had urged, that in regard the diffierence in question merely concerned the Merchants, Subjects of the King his Master, and the City of Dantzig under the jurisdiction of the King of Poland, the Parties interessed might be free to right themselves upon each other in vindication of their Privileges and freedom of commerce, without offence to be taken by either of their Princes; to which ours would subscribe: answer was made by the Commissioners of Poland that their King could not abandon his Subjects; so that in conclusion he obtained nothing but a reiteration of their former promise to contribute their endeavours for its abolition at the next Parliament: which his Lordship seeming to doubt of by reason of the liberty of opposing by each one who hath Session and vote in those general assemblies, which rendered the issue uncertain, albeit he made himself confident of the real performance of their promised endeavours, the said Commissioners for his further satisfaction were willing 
The Poles promise future satisfaction.  to assure him that their votes and fuffrages preceding as guides, the rest would follow: his Lordship seeing that more could not be then obtained, was forced to desist from pressing the same any further: he only insisted earnestly that the said point of abrogating the stample might be inserted in the Regal Mandates for the calling of the next Parliament, to be (with the other heads) considered of in their preparatoriall conventions, or Land-dayes (as 't 〈…〉 y call them) for choice of deputies that so the result might not be longer evaded by a Plea of ignorance or want of instruction touching the matter in question, a thing usual amongst them: and this also was largely promised.  
The point which came to be discussed in the next place, was the restitution of the Prussian Land-Seale to the City of Elbing: after which, the deduction of the army of the Suethes was handled, Neither did it cause small contention, for the Suethes required that their forces might have free passage into Pomerania through the Polish territory, they promising a strict observation of Military discipline: the Commissioners of Poland would have them (will they, will they) to depart 
Transport of Forces.  as they came, by Sea: all arguments being used, and no mean of compounding found, it was (by them) referred to their King's determination, from whom they might expect an answer of their letters the next day. The Mediators remained in the village that night to ease themselves, their servants and horses of the daily travel.  
The next day being the eleventh Congresse, the Regal resolution was expected until ten of the forenoon; and not to 
And other points discussed.  lose time, the foresaid difficulties being set apart, the other Conditions were taken into discussion by either of the parties, by reason that the King being gone to Dantzig, it was conceived his resolution would hardly be brought in three days: The Articles for the free return of the exiled Suethes living in Poland, into their native Country, as also the restitution of their Goods movable and immovable were that day transacted, concerning which the Curious are referred to the Articles of the Treaty.  
Upon the day following which made the twelfth meeting, the Mediators proceeded with the parties to the examination of the Conditions remaining, which caused a new scruple with the Suethes, by reason of an uncertain rumour that Duke radzivil, great General of Lithuania, had lately upon the expiration 
New Scruple of the Suethes.  of the first Truce made entrance into Leifland, and taken certain places and Towns: The Suethes, who had concluded the Article about the retaining of Leifland according to the form of the former Treaty; That each party should possess the same during the Truce in the same manner he then possessed it, desired of the Mediators that in regard the form aforesaid was in general and obscure terms, whereby they 
Demand thereon.  might sustain prejudice, a clause might be added, that if any places in Leisland had been taken of either side during the present Treaty, they should be restored.  
This restriction seemed strange unto the Poles, yet affected them rather with laughter than anger, they solemnly affirming 
Answered by the Poles.  that they were ignorant of what was done in Leifland, and that they did not believe the Duke to have emade a progress so advantageous as was vulgarly reported: but alleged withal, that the Conventions beware wholly repugnant to that clause, and that what had once been concluded by agreement ought not to be altered; that for them, in case they had been so fortunate to restore those things they had obtained by a favourable chance of War, would expose them to the scorn of all men. The Mediators (that they might make a timely remove of this rub) remonstrated, that forasmuch as the first prorogation of the Truce had been continued from the month of July to that present of August from time to time, by the consent of parties, it was no less to be understood for a cessation of hostility in Leifland then in Prussia; and that they had ever believed, according as it had been reported unto them, that Couriers had been from time to time dispatched into Leifland to that effect. That if nothing but the truth were affirmed, the request of the Suethes seemed unto them wholly consentaneous to reason and to the public faith given, so oftentimes 
Judgement of the Mediators.  reiterated; and that they therefore earnestly entreated them not to go upon captious advantages, showing that they had been already enough and overmuch troubled about the precedent differences.  
The Commissioners of Poland being moved with these remonstrances, yet having no power of themselves to dispose of 
Referred to the King.  the matter, they referred it also to the King, whose pleasure therein they desired to receive: The other Articles were afterwards from noon to night, throughly discussed; and therein amongst other things, the Polish Lords earnestly urged, that the first condition of their side concerning a Treaty for perpetual Peace, during the present Truce, to be appointed at a certain time and place (as hath been before expressed) might be included in the Acts of this Treaty, with sundry other things formerly by them exhibited. Lastly a Prorogation of the cessation was agreed unto for four days.  
The meeting was resumed the day following, being the 13th. and therein the Commissioners of Suethland vigorously opposed the inserting of the foresaid Article into those of the present Treaty for Truce; chiefly for this reason, that the Treaty for a perpetual Peace having been already deserted, and in lieu thereof this Negotiation of Truce undertaken, they could not as then say aught thereto; and therefore seeing that their Commission of treating about the same was expired, they could not admit of any particular mention thereof in the Articles of the present Treaty, nor prefix any place or time; but added that forasmuch as they certainly knew their Queen would never be averse to such a Treaty, they consented to a general mention thereof, such as had been in the former Truce for the six years now expired.  
This distinction being intimated to the Polanders, they were 
Other difficulties composed.  somewhat chafed, but his Lordship propounding that either the Duke of Courland, or of Pomerania might be entreated to take the matter on them as Solicitors or Intermediators; their intervention was not unacceptable to those of Poland, nor the addition made by the Suethes, that in case the Treaty of perpetual Peace should not succeed according to the general wishes, either at the first, or so often as it should be undertaken, the present Truce should (notwithstanding) remain firm and unviolable until the end of the term prefixed by these Articles.  
The King's answer concerning the three forespecified points; to wit, the Prussian Land-seal, the way of Deduction for the Army of Suethes, and the restitution of places (if any) taken in Leifland during the present Treaty, was not yet come, so as the Mediators being enforced to patience, betook themselves to their several Retreats.  
The fourteenth meeting was now come, but not the King's answer, in the mean time the Mediators endeavoured to agree that point of the deduction of the Army, but could not. The Polanders refused the same for these two reasons chiefly; First, that by granting it they should seem willing to give way to the prejudice of those whose Lands they should pass through, perhaps even to their ruin, through the insolency of Soldiers in their March, notwithstanding any Order or command to the contrary: the promise of strict observation of Military discipline by Commissioners deputed thereunto, they conceived to be a fair colour but not a safeguard sufficient to prevent loss or injury; much less any assurance thereby of competent satisfaction: Secondly, that by this means they might offend other Princes, but mostly the Emperor, to whose prejudice it would turn. The Suethes on the other side, showed, that they had not half the Ships that would be needful to transport by Sea so great an Army as theirs, which they computed to consist of (with their Garrisons) two and twenty thousand Effectiuè: but that if they were supplied of Shipping, either by the Dantzigers or others, they would willingly take that way.  
After this dispute, whereby nothing was gained of either side; the Polanders, at the Mediators request, sent other Messengers to hasten the King's declaration, which yet they could not expect that day, and therefore the cessation now 
Cessation continued one day only.  near expiring, it was thought good to continue the same one day longer only; so sparing of time were those of Poland, by reason of the great charge they sustained in retaining the Army, whereupon each Party retired, and the meeting was deferred until the second day following.  
The fifteenth Congresse was now come, and with it the 
The King's resolution.  King's resolution, which was delivered to the Mediators by the Commissioners of Poland in this manner. Touching the Prussian Land-seale, there should be inserted in the seventh Article which made mention of conserving the rights, privileges, and Customs of Elbing, that he would maintain the same as in former times it had been, both as to the Seal and Session (but with this clause) after they had tendered the due Oath of Fidelity to his Majesty.  
Concerning the restitution of places in Leifland, if any had been taken during the present Treaty, That one Article should be drawn up for each Party to possess Leifland as they had done during the last Truce. For the removing of the 
Concerning remove of the Army.  Army, it was consented that the forces of each side, except those Garrisons to be retained until the Parliamentary ratification were procured, should be deducted out of the Province by such a time as between the Generals should be agreed, and that the Suethes were to return by Sea, unless that in the time to be set for their departure, sufficient Shipping could not be found, especially for the Horse, in which case a free (but speedy) undisturbed passage by land into the Territories subject unto them, without damage of the Inhabitants (mediately or immediately) Subjects of the Kingdom of Poland, should be permitted: the like to be observed if any of the Suethish foot should be disbanded, conditionally that present justice should be administered by the Officers for loss or injury any way sustained; which was nothing else but a conniving at that Army's passage, wherein the Polonians carried themselves circumspectly, not to suffer the same to march with Colours flying, but rolled up: Not by whole Regiments but by Troops or Companies, so to remove suspicion or envy from themselves.  
To this, the Suethes, yet with some reluctancy consented, as 
Accepted by the Suethes.  also to certain other Articles touching the Polish interest, as the transport of Merchandizes down the River Dyna without molestation, the ancient customs and payments observed; as also the restoring (when required) the Subjects of the great Duchy of Littaw, and of the Dukedom of Courland, with those of Poland that should be found in Leifland: and thus at last (not without the indefatigable labour of the Mediators) the things of greatest concernment were agreed upon between the parties: there only remained that in the next days meeting the Articles should be reviewed, compared, and signed.  
Upon the sixteenth resort all the morning was employed in reviewing and transcribing the Articles, which being done, the Commissioners on both sides being accompanied by the Mediating Ministers, were brought into the mediatorial 
General meeting of Mediators and parties in the Mediators Tent.  Tent, and there (with the Mediators) took their Stations without prerogative of place, on each side of a Table that had been purposely prepared; where the Articles and Conditions of the Treaty were read over from the beginning to the end. Those of Poland urged the inserting of that ceremonial Article, that the Emperor, the Duke of Bavaria, etc. might be included in the Treaty, as had been done in the last six years' Truce, the Suethes affirmed the same to be altogether needless, yet (at last) consented to insert, That if any Christian Potentate, or Prince, of either part, should desire to be comprehended within the present Treaty, they might have admittance, provided that they did declare themselves within five months, accounting from the signing of those presents.  
His Lordship objected against the 14. Article, concerning the 
Objection made by his Lordship.  restoring of the ancient commerce, as being over particular, and regarding the free commerce and traffic between those two Crowns and Kingdoms only, without any consideration of the public concernment of other Nations, which nevertheless had no small interest therein, and insisted that (in the Latin) the same might be corrected by interposing the conjunction (Et) which also had been promised by the Sueths, but his Lordship finding their Copy likewise defective in that particular, did not spare, even in that public convention, to tell one of their Commissioners, that he had deceived his expectation and trust. To his Lordship's instance, the Commissioners 
Waved by the Poles.  of Poland replied, that the present Treaty was between them and the Suethes only, and not with other Nations, who (if they had aught to negotiate) might elsewhere discuss the same, and that it was not to be confusedly intermixed with those Treaties. His Lordship made return, that the point in question was not a confused intermixion in the Treaty, but a main dependent thereupon, in regard that the disturbance of Traffic with other Nations had proceeded from the dissension between those two Crowns, and aught therefore (of right) to be restored to its ancient freedom by this League of Peace: yet this or what else he could allege availed not; For the Parties were now bend to agree, and the Conditions in a manner concluded; neither would they by insisting upon things, extraneous to themselves, run into the hazard of a breach: and the rather, because the Dantzigers, who were Potent on the 
Deserted by the Suethes.  Polish side, and saw how much this concerned their Stample, did mainly oppose it. On the other side the Suethes deserted the same, albeit that (formerly) in their care of the Town of Elbing, they had recommended it to be insisted on by the Mediators, as an Article (Sine qua, Non:) Neither had the French Ambassador any interest in this Article, or the Brandenburgers likewise, nor the Hollanders not much in comparison of us: So that his Lordship, not able to carry it alone, was constrained to desist.  
It is here observable, that his Lordship discoursing with 
Precedency of nomination challenged by his Lordship.  the Polanders in their own Tent, concerning the precedency of nomination to be inserted in the preface of the Articles, which, according to right of intervening he challenged as due to the King his Master, by whom his first repair had been directed toward their King; they declined the same on pretence 
Declined by the Poles.  of its being contrary to the custom of their Cancellarie, which (said they) always gave the precedence to the King of France, where from it was not lawful for them to swarve. His Lordship taking this some what harshly, told them (and briefly) that as to the couching of the preface he must leave the care of it to them, yet he desired they would be cautious of discontenting a Prince their friend, who had given proof thereof in sundry occasions, and particularly in that before them.  
Hereupon the parties according in all things, assembled in a confident and friendly manner in the mediatorial Tent, to confer (even without them) of some things more particularly: after which there remained nothing but that the two Generals Conigspolskie, and Jacobus de la Garde, should meet and treat touching the time of the restitution of places, as Marienburg, Stume, and Braunsburg, as also about the deduction of the Army; whereupon the Treaty, when signed, would at last be finally concluded: both which points were deferred unto the day following, and concerning the attendants of the forenamed Generals, it was agreed of either side, that each should not exceed the number of fifty followers.  
The seventeenth meeting ensued, or rather a continuation 
Contest for precedency of subscription.  of the former, in which some contest happened between the Ambassadors of Great Britain and France, about the Subscription, and the like campetition also between the Electorals and the Hollanders, each party being willing to vindicate the precedency in the right of his Prince or Principals, so as the former Mediators did now seem to stand in need of the like. The dispute 
Meeting of the Generals of each side.  about the same was not small, but whilst it was in hottest agitation, the Generals of each side attended with the forespecified number, in great Magnificence arrived at the place of treaty, and each accompanied with the Mediators, did (soon after) salute each other in the open Village near unto the mediatorial Tent; wherinto they entered with the Commissioners of the several Crowns, by several ways, and therein consulted about the restitution of places, and the deduction of the Army.  
Between them it was agreed, that the Suethes, receiving the 
And accord.  Regal ratification of the Treaty forthwith, as also security from the Commissioners of Poland authorized by Parliament, the same should be ratified by the States at their next convention, should restore Marienburg with the greater Island, Stume, Braunsberge, and Tolkemyth, with the Territories belonging to them, into the hands of the Commissioners of the King and Kingdom of Poland, the Garrisons being first removed: and that the Heught and Junkertreill should be razed in the presence of certain Deputies of each side, leaving the ground and goods to whom they belonged. That the Armies of either side should be sent away within fourteen days, or thereabouts: But that Elbing with its ancient bounds; the lesser Island with the Fortifications raised therein, as also the Pillaw and that part of the Nering thereto appertaining, should remain in the possession of the Queen and Crown of Suethen, until they should receive the ratification of the States of Poland, and thereupon to render up the foresaid places within fourteen days after the receipt thereof; and that the Garrisons should be removed without any damage to the Inhabitants; with this condition also, that all the Fortifications made at Elbing should remain in the same state they then were, and in the same custody as before the War.  
The Commissioners of Poland having desired an attestation from the Mediators, touching the form of concession, by the Sueths for the private permission of the Roman Religion in Leifland, and the French Ambassador being unwilling to sign the same in reference to the competition between him and the Ambassador of Great Britain, the Polish Lords were contented to accept of a testification from his Lordship and the Hollanders only, which they granted, the same importing; That they 
Attestation granted to the Polanders by his Lordship and the Hollanders.  did thereby testify and make known to all whom it might any way concern, that the Lords Commissioners for the Queen and Kingdom of Suethland had really covenanted and permitted that the Roman Catholics in Leifland, should, during the whole time of the Truce, enjoy liberty of Conscience, the Roman Catholic Religion, and Devotion in private, nor any inquisition to be made, or punishment to be therefore inflicted: and that the present attestation was given with the knowledge and express consent of the forementioned Commissioners, in confirmation whereof they had thereunto affixed their hands and seals But in the interim, no Medium being found whereby to compound the competitions of the Mediators, that matter was referred until the day following.  
The eighteenth meeting for the final conclusion being now come, the Lords Ambassadors of Great Britain and France renewed their dispute about precedency; which increasing in difficulty and intricacy seemed to hinder the parties (who 
Competitions renewed between the Mediators.  were now reconciled and friends) from concluding and establishing the Treaty; for the avoiding whereof his Lordship was pleased to declare himself in two ways to the Commissioners of either side; first, that the difference might be balanced by two Copies of the Conditions of the Treaty to each party, reciprocally signed by the Mediators. Or secondly, that there should be no Subscription or Signature by any of the Mediators, as had been done in the former Treaty now six years past. That as to the Preface he committed the same to them, but in discharge of his Legatoriall duty, he again admonished them to beware of giving any offence unto the King his Master. By 
mediatorial subscription concluded unnecessary.  the Commissioners of either side it was concluded that the mediatorial Subscription was not necessary, and that the Signature of the parties would be sufficient in this as well as in the former Treaty, but that the Mediators might if they would so be pleased, give an Instrument in writing apart, for the more ample verification thereof.  
As to the preface, the Suethes declared in favour of the French, that it had ever been the Custom of their Crown to give the precedency in nomination to the Regal Ambassador who first addressed himself to them. With this answer his Lordship: opposed the stile (pretended) of the Polish cancellary; but was by their Commissioners, answered rather with silence than by arguments.  
The French Ambassador did mainly insist that he might 
The French insists on subscription.  subscribe the Articles alone; but, that he might not (by contest) seem to be the sole obstacle of the Treaties confirmation, he repaired to his Lordship's quarter, with whom, when no persuasions to that end would prevail, after a long discourse of the dignity and precedency of Kings, he consented to the waving of all mediatorial subscription. 
Afterwards declines it.   
His Lordship nevertheless, to be secured of all sides, revisited each of the Parties, and in friendly manner desired them that as themselves had declared, and as he had newly concluded with the French Ambassador, no Subscription of 
No subscription of Mediators promised.  the Mediators unless in the way by him propounded, might be admitted, whereunto they all accorded and gave their word.  
This difference about the subscription being removed, 
The parties meet to conclude.  the Commissioners of each side convened in the mediatorial Tent to the performance of the last act viz. the Signing of the Articles; whom the Mediators followed to be present at the reviewing of the same; lest aught might be transacted wherein their Principals might be concerned.  
In the reading, the preface was ommitted whereby no 
The Articles signed.  offence might be taken, and that work being ended, the Mediators were in most respective manner desired to retire and leave them to sign alone: which they did; and upon their coming forth were by the Mediators congratulated, for that happy conclusion.  
Thus, at length, by the blessing of God upon the infatigable toil and industry of the Mediators, this great and difficult work, after so many desperate-seeming ruptures, was 
Public rejoycements.  brought to a happy issue in twenty and four several meetings (accounting ab initio) and couched in so many several Articles, which having been for the most part already touched, are forborn to be here inserted, and the curious referred to the printed Acts.  
The whole was read, allowed, signed, and confirmed by the respective Commissioners of the interessed Parties the 2/12 of September, An. 1635. and the joy thereof was conceived to be so great that public acclamations were every where heard. At Marienburg the whole Ordnance (about the Town and Castle) was discharged upon the return of the Mediators with the Commissioners of Suethland. Only the French Ambassador remained in Stumbsdorff too (refresh himself as pretended, but indeed to) send an account by express unto the King his Master.  
The remainder of that day was by his Lordship and the Hollanders, employed in giving to the Commissioners of Suethen 
His Lordship and the Hollanders give to the Suethes an attestation concerning Catholics in Leifland.  the attestation desired by them concerning those of the Roman Profession in Leifland, which had formerly been so hotly disputed, and was by them given to this effect.  
That whereas there had been long and great dispute concerning the Roman Catholics in Leifland, at length, the Queen and Crown of Suethland, at the instant urgencies of the Commissioners of Poland had condescended so far as to permit to the Roman Catholics in Leifland, liberty of Conscience, Religion, and Devotion in private; but least that from those words aught might be inferred, contrary to their intention in that point, over and above the mere liberty of conscience by them granted, or least that there might be pretended any Priestly exercise either public or private, they the said Commissioners had many times in their presence excepted (by protestation) against all the forms including any word of exercise, either tacitly or expressed, and that the Lord Ambassador of France, (who had most earnestly laboured therein) had propounded the same, and the Commissioners of Poland had assented thereunto; in which Form (or Draught) no mention of exercise was made, that so they might by some fair way explicate and free themselves from that contention: This, they the said Mediators did witness and confirm to all whom it might concern, under their hands and Seals.  
Upon the day following the General of the Suethish Forces, 
His Lordship invited by the Suethes.  Jacobus de la Garde, with the Commissioners of that Crown, did visit his Lordship in a way of thankful acknowledgement for his great pains and endeavours employed in the Treaty, and afterwards did the like to the Hollanders, concluding with a courteous invitation of them into the Castle that evening, where their entertainment was answerable to their Dignities.  
The next day, his Lordship went to the Polish Leaguer, and 
He takes leave of the King of Poland in his Camp.  was soon after followed by the Hollanders to take leave of that King, of whom he had public audience in his Tent, the great Chancellor and the other forenamed Commissioners being present. That Ceremonial Complementive farewell lasted not half an hour, wherein it was observed, that the King did not show the same cheerful countenance to his Lordship that 
Coldness discovered.  he had formerly done, both at his first repair, and during the Treaty; and the Commissioners likewise expressed less courteous respects then at former times, which his Lordship took notice of, but knowing himself to be free from any desert thereof was the less troubled thereat.  
His Lordship (whilst in the Camp) was visited by the Wayvod (or Palatine) of Belskie, whom, according to the King's words at parting, he believed to have been sent with something in Commission, but found it to be only a private Complemental farewell.  
In the interim, the State's Ambassadors, as also the French 
French and Hollanders take leave.  Ambassador who had repaired thither from Stumbsdorff, took likewise severally their leave, but had each a longer audience according to information, and returned the next day to see the Army, which then was to be reviewed and drawn up into Battalia. His Lordship stayed that night in the Tent of Col. 
The Armyreviewed.  (afterwards General Major) Butler, aswell to see the Army; as also, that he might there be ready to receive any further expressions, which according to the delivery at parting, he expected from the King.  
In the manner forementioned, was transacted and concluded the Treaty for Truce for twenty six years (commencing in September 1635) between the two Crowns of Suethland and Poland. What passages did afterwards befall, by reason of 
Reference to what follows.  the French Ambassadors signing the Polanders Counterpane or Copy of those Articles, at that King's instance, by whom, contrary to former Precedent, forementioned agreement. and stipulation, they were to that end tendered unto the said Ambassador, as himself afterward acknowledged, as also great Britain's Ambassadors expostulation, with some of the Polish Ministers in reference thereunto, and the difference answering thereupon between that King and his Lordship, are couched in the few subsequent Pages, wherein his Lordship's life and death are commemorated, which now follow for a conclusion to the whole matter.    

A BRIEF COMMEMORATION Of the LIFE and DEATH OF SIR GEORGE DOUGLAS KNIGHT, LORD Ambassador Extraordinary from the late KING of ENGLAND, For concluding of PEACE or TRUCE BETWEEN SUETHLAND AND POLAND.  
An. 1635.  
By J. F.  
LONDON, Printed for Hen: Twyford and Tho: Dring, 1656.   

A brief COMMEMORATION OF SIR GEORGE DOUGLAS Knight, Ambassador Extraordinary from the late King of Great BRITAIN, in the year 1635. for the Treaty of Peace, between the Crowns of POLAND, AND SVETHEN.  
HAVING deduced the passages of the preceding Treaty of Pacification between the two Crowns before mentioned, 
Preface concerning his Lordship.  it may be not improper to annex something concerning that late honourable Person, by whose indefatigable endeavours that good work was, in great part, so happily effected: And the rather, in regard his name (albeit both ancient and honourable) denotes him to have been of a Neighbour Nation, and that there are but few now living who can remember to have known (I may say, scarce seen) his person appearing, in any way Considerable, in the Court of great Britain, by reason of his travels in sundry years' Militiating abroad, before his said employment, and of his death immediately ensuing the same, which prevented his return.  
He was Native of Scotland, and descended from that branch 
His birth.  of the honourable house of the Duglasse entitled the barony of Torthorrell, being Son to Sir George Duglasse Knight, whose Father (whilst living) had been, and whose brother then was Lord thereof. His Mother was of the house of Dundass, a Family of good repute in that Nation, as being both Ancient and Noble. His Father came into England either with, or soon after, King James, bringing with him his Children (whether his Lady were then living I cannot say) George, of whom the present mention is made; James, and Martha, Since married to Sir James Lockhart of Leigh in Scotland, and then of the privy Chamber in Ordinary to the late King.  
His Education (after some years spent in the Schools) 
Education.  was at the University of Oxford (if information err not) and he so much a Scholar, as that the Latin tongue was familiar to him both by speech and pen, not only for Ordinary but likewise for Elegant expressions; Neither was he ignorant of the Greek: But, thinking the Schools an over soft course of exercise, he left them and betook himself to Arms, as more Suitable both with his Complexion and disposition. 
Entry into Military employment.   
He began his apprenticeship and contained his progress in that honourable profession under that great and excelling Tutor in the art of war, the Invincible Gustavus Adolphus, for whose service he first transported a Company of Foot of his own Nation, into Suethland about the year, 1623.  
Under the Banner of that great Warrior (whom I have rightly termed invincible, as both living and dying such) he served sundry years: And that Prince being no Prodigal of Military preferment, he attained only to the degree of Lieutenant Colonel of a Regiment of Foot (by which Title we will now call him until Providence give him another) whereof Sir James Ramsay, was Colonel, the same Bamsay, who so gallantly afterwards, for some years, defended Hanaw against the whole Imperial Force in those parts, until relieved by the then General Major Lesley, now Earl of Leven, and the said Colonel lying wounded of some hurt he had received at the Siege of the strong Castle of Wirtzburg (if my relation fail not) his Lieutenant Colonel Commanded the Regiment, and at the taking of Creutznach, (a strong Town in the Palatinate) was by the King Ordered to secure the same from those insolences that might arise from the Soldier, which he did with such celerity and satisfaction, as that the King (who entered soon 
Designed to be Governor of Creutznach.  after) did in his own breast, design him to be Governor of that important place.  
Sac: M is. Regn or Sveciae etc or: Senator et Cancellarius ad Exerc: et per German: Suma cum potest: Legatꝰ ibidq foeder is Evang: Direct or Ill mꝰ Dn. D nꝰ. Axelius Oxenstierna Lib: Baro in Kymitho D nꝰ. in Fiholmen et Tydoen etc: Eques.   portrait of Axel Oxenstierna, chancellor and regent of Sweden 
It may be thought that our Lieutenant Colonel had cause 
Seldom subject to passion.  to rest contented, having received ample satisfaction, by a preferment so honourable, which also might have proved but a step to greater: But he, who likewise was not exempt from the boy ling of passion, was resolved to admit of no reparation as not enduring ought which he conceived to be an affront, from what hand soever it came. Or rather, we may (more Christian like) conclude, that God, who had numbered his days, having decreed that before his Exit hence, he should quit those Courses that impelled to the effusion of blood, and enter upon such as were more acceptable to himself, by being instrumental in preventing the same in others; and that having been sundry years useful in Wars, which the spirit of dissension raiseth between Princes; he should close up the remainder by being actually instrumentary for peace between jarring Kingdoms: The same God, (I say) who createth the fruit of the lips, Peace, and is the Lover and Author of Peace and Concord, had otherwise disposed of him.  
The Commission for the foresaid Government was tendered 
Refuseth the foresaid Government.  unto him, but (the means being appointed to the end by providence designed) was by him refused and a pass demanded, which the Chancellor enquired into the cause of, telling him withal he could not grant it: yet, Duglass still persisting, the Chancellor (who loving him, had used both reasons and persuasions to divert him from his purpose, and could not prevail) afforded him a Foreloff, being a concession of vacancy for some time from his charge, during which he might repair to the King & obtain his pass if it should be thought fit.  
About the same time Sir Henry Vane Knight, Comptrollor of the household to the late King, and one of his privy Counsel, being by him sent his Ambassador Extraordinary to the King of Suethen, and then upon his journey toward that Prince, came to Erancfort aforesaid: To him our Lieutenant Colonel makes his address, desiring that under his protection 
Takes shelter under England's Ambassador.  he might repair unto the King, from whom (his Judgement might suggest unto him) he could not but expect a frown, which favour was not denied by his Lordship, who, having refreshed himself and his Train there for some days, set forward, accompanied by our Lieutenant Colonel, and in short time arrived at Noremberg, where the King of Suethland 
Presents himself to the King at Noremberg.  (with his Army) then lay.  
The first presentment Duglass made of himself, was at the instant of his Arrival, in the Tennis-Court of Noremberg, wherein the two Kings of Suethland and Bohemia were then exercising themselves: And here it may be conceived not unlikely, but that the Chancellor had given his great Master notice, as well of the arrival of the Ambassador of great Britain, as of the defection of the Lieutenant Colonel, yet merely out of his duty of acquainting the King with all passages, even of the least concernment, and not intentionally, as may be judged, to procure the Gentleman any prejudice, to whom he had always showed such fair, and more than common respects, as he was by his Camarades in Arms frequently called (either in jest or envy) the Chancellors Favourite.  
The King had no sooner eyed him but he was affected with 
Again committed.  Choler, and after he had demanded of him why he was not at his Charge, and by the other answered that he had none, or to that effect, with some other brief passages; He ordered the Lieutenant Colonel to be forthwith committed, which was immediately done.  
It may be conceived that great Britain's Ambassador was herewith but little pleased, and might think not only himself, but his Master likewise concerned, that one of his Subjects intending for his Country, and to that and coming to crave his dismission, under the Protection of his own Prince in the person of his Representative, should therefore be restrained: Yet from our Lieutenant Colonel, the Relator (who had it from himself) heard not that he suddenly moved therein, whether willing to let the first heat overpass; or that his main and much of business, for such an inch of time, at his first interviews diverted him.  
That King understanding within few days, that some of the Enemy's Forces intended an Onslaught into his Quarters, or bound upon some other private, if not the like design, gave order for two thousand Horse to be in a readiness the next morning (a sure sign that himself would command that party) which was done accordingly, and himself already in 
His release moved by the Ambassador.  Coach, the Lord Ambassador then present (who had discoursed with him of other Affairs) being about to take leave, moved the release of our Lieutenant Colonel, but the King suddenly passionate, gave him an answer so lofty and trenching upon his Master, as might have been better spared, and shall therefore be here omitted: Nor was his Lordship wanting to reply in such a manner as became his Courage, and like a person of honour representing his Prince.  
As the great Gustavus was subject to flashes of passion which were the only Clouds in his Hemisphere, and thereby would (not seldom) give offence, so, had he those speedy recollections; the best badge of a good disposition, as permitted him not to retain them, but that present acknowledgement and satisfaction ensued, as indeed it did here, and so fully as was not little, from a Prince, successful and great in Arms and Renown, which usually elate even most equally tempered Spirits: But as the expressions that were distasteful, so likewise, the acknowledgement shall be here forborn, there being the same reason for the one as the other: Only this may be said, 
Duglass released.  that before he left the City he commanded our Duglass to be in larged.  
The King being gone whither the Emergencies of his Affairs called him, and no expectation of his return, his Lordship, who had (as may be conceived) improved his time for the delivery of what he had in charge, resolved neither to follow nor expect him back, but to repair for England, as he did soon after, accompanied by the Lieutenant Colonel, who for some time whilst at England's Court, was by his honourable 
Returns for England.  Patron made known and recommended, not only to the great Ones, but to the King likewise.  
The King of Suethen returning back to Noremberg, and after several accidents incident to War, by the accession of a gallant Army, consisting of six and twenty thousand fresh men, conducted by the Reicks Chancellor Oxienstierne, the two Brothers of Saxon Weymar; the Landtgrave Will of Hessen and General Banier, having reinforced his own, before Coopt up (in a manner) by the numerous powers of the imperialists, did now range more at large, and the Forces of both sides came so near each other, as they could not part without a Battle, which was (soon after) fought near unto a Town called Lutzen, where the Imperial Army commanded by the most Imperious Wallesteyn 
Lutzen ●●ild:  Duke of Friedland, had the advantage of the ground, which the Sueths were constrained to gain from them at push of Pike and had the better: The Sun befriended neither party, being all the morning (as unwilling to behold that day's effusion of blood) obscured by a Mist, when 〈…〉 omenie, another of the Austrian Generals, brought to the imperialists relief two thousand fresh Horse, the Riders all clad in hard Iron, which the Royal Sueth perceiving, taking with him a strong party, he called to the Duke of Saxon Lawenburg, saying, Cousin let us charge those black men home, for those are they will otherwise ruin us, which himself did in person so vigorously (by leading on his own Troops to the hottest dispute of that whole day) as he brought Victory to his own side, but purchased at a sad and dear rate, even the life of that great Hero. 
The King of Suethland stain.  On the Imperial side (beside many others) was Felt Marshal Pappenheim Slain, one of the most esteemed Commanders amongst the Imperial Generals; and of the most honourable deportment toward those whom the chance of War did cast into his hands: who is also said, to have been foretell that the King of Suethen and himself should fall both in one day.  
Thus died the Renowned Gustavus of Suethen, in the bed of Honour; if he may be said to die, whose Fame cannot: His loss was for the present prudently concealed by the Cheiftains who were nearest to his fall; amongst whom was Duke Bernard of Saxon Weymar, who that day gave a fair increase to 
The Suethes win the Field.  the glorious repute he afterwards constantly maintained; and the King's death by the great courage and gallant conduct of himself and the other Commanders who were then next unto the King, was so well revenged, as that the Suethes remained not only Masters of the Field, and of the dead bodies, but likewise so dissipated the Forces of the Enemy, as they could not in a long time recollect such another Army.  
This Prince being thus taken away in his flower and 
Some months dead ere so believed.  strength of years, it was a good space of time, ere the neighbour Nations would believe he was not still in the number of the living, as if so great a person could not have moved hence, but that like an universal Earthquake he must have borne a whole World before him. Reports were various, according to the affections and disaffections of men to his Person and Greatness, and it is truly affirmed, that at the Court of England, Wagers were laid of his being alive, sundry months after the first news of his death.  
But ere long it was confirmed that his great Soul, having quitted the enclosure of his body, had changed his Militancy here below, for a Mansion more peaceable and Glorious above, and had verified that saying of the Divine Spirit by the Kingly Prophet, who having recorded that the great Ones of the World are Gods, hath nevertheless pronounced that they shall die like men, and that Princes shall fall as others.  
The King of Bohemia did not long overlive the loss of this second 
King of Bohemia deceased soon after.  Alexander, but deceased soon after at Mentz: His eldest Son, Charles Lodowick Prince Elector Palatine, being then in Minority, his Uncle, the Duke of Simmern; was, by consent, constituted Administrator of his right in the Palatinate.  
The death of King Gustavus, who (whilst living) had been the Head and Director General of the Protestant League in Germany and so entitled, notwithstanding that his loss was alleviated by Victory, caused a great alteration in the affairs of that confederacy, and in the Counsels of the Princes thereof; so that it behoved them to call a Diet or General Assembly, as they did soon after at Heylbrun in the Dukedom of Wertenberg, consisting of four Principal Circles of the Empire, viz. the Franconian, Suevian, with the upper and lower Circles of 
Protestant Diet or assembly.  the Rhine; there were personally present the Duke and the Administrator of Wirtenberg, the marquis of Baden, the Count of Hanaw, with most of the seventeen Earls of the Wetteraw: Lodowich Philip Duke of Simmern, Administrator of the Palatinate, for his Nephew the Prince Elector Palatine, then of under years, had there four Commissioners; of whom, Colonel Peblitz (being chief) sat above all the Princes, at the upper end of the Table; all the Propositions were directed to him; and he, in right of the Elector Palatine, had the opening of all Letters, which was an absolute concession of the Electoral Title and Dignity, and as great an Exauthorization of the Bavarian and his pretences as that Assembly could give.  
For the effecting hereof, the prudent intervention of Sir 
Countenanced by England's Ambassador.  Robert Anstruther, Lord Ambassador Extraordinary from great Britain to that Diet, who had with good approbation discharged the like high trust under King James and the late King to several Princes of Germany, to the King of Denmark, as also to the Emperor (Intervallatim) by the space of thirteen years was not meanly prevalent. There were present besides, the Ambassadors of other Princes, and the Deputies of the Imperial Cities in the forenamed four Circles, as Noremberg, Strasburg, Francefort, Auspurg and others: the Lord Chancellor Oxenstierne also, whose Title in this Diet was, Councillor, Chancellor, and Extraordinary Ambassador for the most Illustrious and High borne; the Hereditary Heir and Princess of the Crown of Suethen: The restitution of the Palatinate (ad integrum) was decreed in this Diet, and for the regaining of some places, as yet possessed by the Enemy, the Chancellor engaged his word, as General of all the Forces; which charge he having modestly refused at the first offer, accepted at the second: Whereupon the direction of the whole War and affairs of State was committed unto him, in the name of the Imperial States and the Crown of Suethen.  
Neither did this Union receive small lustre by the conjunction 
And by the French and Brandenburg.  of the French King, represented by the Marshal the Feuquier's there present; As also by the Declaration o● the Duke Elector of Brandenburg, which followed soon after, in favour of what there transacted: Account of the whole passages of that Assembly, but especially of that restitutionary decree, was by his Lordship (upon his return to Francfort) sent into England by Mr. Richard Hurst; One and the First of his Secretaries.  
His Lordship's Negotiation with the Landtgrave of Darmestadt, 
Landt-grave of Darmestadt solicited in vain.  to whom he soon after repaired for the gaining of his concurrence with that Assembly, was uneffectuall, albeit he left no stone unmoved; But interest and ambition are main obstacles to the attaining of just desires: That Landtgrave had been much entrusted by the house of Austria, and in recompense of his affection was (by the same) invested with the spoils of his Neighbours. Two Manors (or Lordships) belonging to the House Palatine had been committed into his of his Father's hands, by the late King of Bohemia, they being then good friends; but disputes, arising afterwards between them, grew to a quarrel; whereupon Count Mansfeldt invading the Landtgraves' Country, took him prisoner, and so detained him certain days; but his liberty being regained, and the Emperor's affairs prospering, he procured, as a recompense for his sufferings, a grant from the Emperor, not only of those two Manors, but of several other Lands likewise, belonging to the Counts of Solmes, Isenberg, Lewensteyne, and others, follower's and domestics of the Prince Elector Palatine.  
The Elector Duke of Saxony, one of whose Daughters the foresaid Land-Grave had Married, was next Solicited by great Britain's Ambassador; yet, neither would he join in the Transactions of Heylbrun, or in the attribution of the Electoral 
Saxons Elector likewise waves the conjuncture.  Title, Dignity, or Possessions to the young Prince Palatine, nor afford the Title of Administrator to his Uncle the Duke of Simmern: Albeit, as he professed to his Lordship, he did not ommit the same out of any want of respect to the King his Master, or of affection to the House Palatine, but as not having (then) consulted the States of his Country, which (he said) it was necessary for him to do, before he could perform so public an Act, and that he hoped to obtain the same by Treaty. Whereby the Troubles of Germany (as he conceived) would sooner be ended. Hereupon Replies were reiterated, but nothing (save words) gained.  
The King of Suethens death seemed to have much altered that Elector from his former professed intentions: But it was indeed conceived that he the rather declined those rights to the house Palatine, to work a concession, from the young Prince, unto his said Son in Law, of the two forementioned Manno 〈…〉 s: Next, that himself might enjoy the Chief direction of Affairs amongst the Protestant Princes of Germany, which of right belonged to the house Palatine; As also to thwart what the Circles had done in the Assembly at Heylbrun, with the particular account of the Electoral and Land-gravian Treaties, the Relator was by his Lordship sent for England from Dresden that Electors Chief and Residentiall City.  
In the mean time the Confederate Princes and Cities, having constituted amongst themselves a Directorium, or settled Counsel, for the better carrying on of the Work, gave the 
Oxenstierne director of the Protestant Affairs in Germany.  Presidency thereof as aforesaid to the Great Chancellor of Suethen Axelius Oxenstierne, as well in contemplation of the merits of that late Great Monarch, as of the necessity they still had to retain the assistance of the Suethes, until the interest of the Princes and Cities of that Union, and of the House Palatine, together with that of the whole body of the German Protestants, might be settled, either by Treaty or otherwise, and not the least, in regard of the great Sagacity and deep insight in the managing of Affairs, acquired by a long experimented practice, and grounded upon the Rock of a most sound and well fortified judgement, wherewith that great, Personage was endowed.  
The various success of the Armies and their continuance, 
The Palatinate exhausted.  drawing upon the associated Princes Circles and Cities, a vast expense of Treasure, whereby those Countries became exhausted, and the Palatinate being upon its restitution assessed at a monthly Contribution; which (howbeit less in proportion then the other Contributory Countries were rated at) that devasted Principality was not able to furnish; the late King was solicited in deficiency of his Nephew's Estate, yet no way thereto obliged by any Stipulation or other Act public or private, so cautiously had his forenamed Minister managed his Master's Interest. Hereupon, by the Privy Counsel of England, it was thought meet that some one should be sent over to scrutinize into the condition of the Palatinate, as also into the Deportments of the Suethes; concerning whom, I may say, upon certain knowledge that during the Assembly at Heylbrun (as also before and after) the Chancellor made great expressions of respect to his Majesty and his Relations in Germany, the reality whereof was not meanly testified by the free restitution of the Palatinate, after their King had recovered the same from the Spaniard, and by his promise that the Forces then before Frankendale (if I mistake not) and 
Recovered and entirely restored to the Electoral Administrator.  Heidelberg should not be withdrawn, but reinforced, until those two strong Pieces were likewise regained, which he performed at his return to Francfort, by sending the Prince Birkenfeldt with six thousand Foot and Horse to their recruit, whereby those places being surrendered by the Enemy, were by him, as the rest had been, delivered into the hands of the Electoral Administrator.  
But to return from whence I have not unnecessarily digressed; 
Confederates defeated at Ratisbo 〈…〉.  the Suethes and the Confederate Princes fell, not long after into a decadence of fortune; for the Cardinal Infanta with an Army of old tried Soldiers, though bend for Flanders, taking Germany in his way, and joining with the imperialists near the City of Norglingen, the Associates by this Conjunction received a great defeat, wherein most of their Ensigns were seized, their Commanders either slain or taken, of which latter Calamity their brave General Gustavus Horn was partaker.  
The scattered relics found no sure retreat, until they recovered the formerly wasted Palatinate, under Duke Bernard 
Their retreat into the Palatinate.  of Weymar, where deprived of Colours and Commanders, they continued (in a manner) without Discipline, so as that Country was in a most sad condition, and England thereupon solicited as aforesaid the Counsel, whereof judging it expedient to send an Agent thither, the forenamed Lieutenant Colonel Duglass was made choice of, as one who in his reports would 
Duglass Knighted and sent Agent into Germany.  not be over partial; and he being first dignified with the Honour of Knighthood, accordingly received Credentials and Instructions.  
The forementioned Ambassador, Sir Robert Anstruther, who 
Digression concerning Sir Robert Anstruthar.  after his departure from Saxony, had been with the Elector of Brandenburg at Berlin, and from thence with the Queen of Suethen at Wolgast, to condole the death of the King her Husband, whose body was then to be transported into Suethland, and had likewise been with the Duke of Holstein, and the Duchess Dowager his Mother, as also with the King of Denmark: Treating with sundry of that King's Counsel, who were thereunto appointed; he intimated unto them (omitting particulars not so necessary to be here inserted) that their Master's Conjunction with the Protestant Princes of Germany, would much conduce to the general tranquillity, as without which the Emperor and his adherents would hardly be moved to a constant and universal Peace in the Empire, but rather hope that the Divisions and Separations of those Princes and States would be apt to produce unto him new advantages. They (after much reasoning) acknowledged it was most necessary, but prayed him to consider the hazards their King, their Country, and themselves had in the last Wars been exposed unto; so as had they not made a peace with the Emperor, they might by that time have gone a begging with their Wives and Children: And that having thus made their Peace, they ought not in equity to be the breakers of it; the rather for that their Master was now acting the Mediators part: They wished that Saxony were really (as Brandenburg was) united in the Alliance of Heylbrun, the better to Balance the Affairs there, whereby a good Peace (which their Master was still ambitious to be an Instrument of) might more probably be expected.  
His Lordship urged no less to their King himself, upon occasion of some discourse (soon after) of the then present state 
That King's eldest Son had then lately married a Daughter of that Duke:  of Germany; and the King expressing how much he longed to see a good Peace established; He replied, that his Majesty's Authority and Power (if interposed) with the Duke of Saxony, might be very useful for obtaining of the wished end in that Conjuncture; and that if the three Protestant Electors and their Houses were firmly linked together, by a perfect friendship and sense of common Interest, they would soon grow so Considerable, as that other Princes would be glad of their Association: And then Caesar himself would (in all likelihood) the better hearken to reasonable Conditions of Peace, besides many other good effects which (he inferred) might ensue so happy a Conjunction: The King professed to concur with his Lordship in opinion, yet not without objecting some impediments. But I shall wave further insisting hereupon; This, as not material to the Subject mainly here intended, being only to show how far England did then interess itself in the Protestant cause of Germany, and the concernments of its Allies there. His Lordship returning to Hamburg to expect further Orders, was soon after re-manded back to Francfort on the Main, to interpose his Master's Authority as cause should be offered.  
Return We now to Sir George Duglass, who (there met with 
Duglass acquits himself satisfactorily.  his Lordship, and) during his Agency in the Palatinate, had given an account so satisfactory, as well in order to that Electoral Principality and its condition, with the whole state of Affairs relative to that concernment, as of the Associated Princes and Cities, and likewise of the Suethes, as was well relished at home, and thereby gained to himself the opinion of one capable of a greater and more weighty Negotiation: And as, if all things should conduce to his advancement; it so fell out that the expiration of a six years' Truce, concluded (as hath been said) by the intervention of Sir Thomas Roe, Ambassador from the late King, An. 1629. between the Crowns and Kings of Poland and Suethen, was then drawing near; and the late King was by the Polander again solicited, to the same effect, with intimation of a desire of nearer conjunction by Alliance.  
This motion was plausible, and the more credulous of England's Court, were thereby wrought to cry up that King's Cause; albeit the same (his Turn once served) proved but a Fucus, and like an Apparition vanished into Aire. For this 
And is designed Ambassador into Poland.  employment of no mean moment, Sir George Duglass, than Agent in Germany as aforesaid, was thought a fit Minister; and the rather, because haying formerly served the late King of Suethland, in those parts he was not unacquainted with their interests in Prussia and Leifland, and might accordingly make use of arguments to induce them to a moderate and equitable compliance, it being conjectured that they would not easily be won to restore either (much less both) of those rich and fertile Provinces; but as to any resignation of the Crown of Suethland, which the Polander claimed as his Hereditary Right, it was fore-seen, that however the same might be brought upon the Carpet, it could not be with any hope of condeseension.  
Credentials and Instructions were then drawn up, and sent 
Credentials and Instructions sent ro Duglals.  enclosed within a dispatch to the forenamed Ambassador Sir Robert Anstruther, to beby him delivered (as was forthwith done) unto Sir George Duglass, whereby the Title of Lord Ambassador Extraordinary from the King of Great Britain, to the Kings and Crowns of Poland and Suethland became due unto him. In this new Condition, his first work was to furnish himself with Necessaries and Attendants suitable to that high Employment, into the number whereof he was pleased to desire the Relator from Sir Robert Anstruther, of whose Secretaries he then was; and in the same capacity, entertained him for that Embassy, which is only mentioned to show the ground he had; for the present and precedent Narrative.  
Whilst some weeks of time were spent in such like preparations, Letters of safe conduct and Convoys were desired from the Generals of the opposite Armies, through part of which we were necessitated to pass: His Lordship (in the interim) made entry upon his Commission, by visiting the great Chancellor of Suethen, Axelius Oxenstierne, at Mentz, and by delivering to him the Letters he had from his Master, directed 
Enters upon his commission by visiting the Chancellor of Suethen.  to the said Chancellor, and to his Son John Oxenstierne, (who sometime before had been employed as Ambassador into England, from himself as Precedent, and in the name of the forementioned Directorium, or great Counsel of the Protestant Associated Princes and Cities of Germany) which Letters he received with great testimony of respect and thankfulness, for the honour thereby done unto him, expressing the same at length and with great Eloquence: And as concerning his Son, he much rejoiced at his Majesty's expressions of favour towards him, both in this and at the time of his being in England; albeit it were over long to tell the Condoleances he used for the frigidnesse (as he termed it) his Son then found in relation to his Employment; but this, having proceeded partly from things already glanced at, I forbear to insist upon: He further insinuated how glad he was of his Lordships being employed in a business that so much concerned their Prince and Country, of whose integrity they had formerly received so good proof.  
Yet it is not improbable, and his Lordship did so conceive, that they would not unwillingly, have declined our intervention, if it had been in their power, knowing that England's interest in the point of Trade and Commerce (on which their Toll in the Balthick Sea lay so heavy) would bring him in to cross their designs, and pull from them a Bit which they had found so sweet, as they were loath to part with.  
The Chancellor began (then) to discourse of the Treaty that 
The Chancellor's discourse.  was to ensue, wherein he demonstrated, at length, the difficulties that would occur, even at the first meetings, touching Ceremonies and Titles, as hath plentifully appeared in that Treaties Narration. He afterwards insisted upon the trouble the main business would produce, being no less than the question of a Kingdom, and of the strangest nature that had been disputed in many Ages, whereby those that were strangers and not versed in the fundamental Rights, the ancient Privileges, and Jus Suecorum, would (he said) come in a manner with prejudicated minds, sympathising with their own Governments, which, as they would not presume to judge of, but leave every one to their own, so he hoped that others would do the like to them, and not expect that they should let fall a Controversy which had cost them so much treasure and blood, for any arguments drawn from the opinions and example of others, which concerned not them, they being to take their own way, and to follow their particular grounds to the last drop of blood.  
What he set forth of the wrongs they had suffered under King Sigismundus, which had constrained them to the extremest courses, may be guessed by such as shall have read the first part of this Treatise, and therefore needs here no repetition. As to King Vladislaus then Reigning (in Poland) he having, he said, no right but from his Father, had lost all in him, and with what arguments he alleged that his pretensions were less valid, at that present, than his Fathers in his life-time, were over tedious here to relate.  
His Lordship (on the other side) was not wanting in 
His Lordship's reply.  replies, but showed that extreme Counsels have extreme Events; that Obstinate Wars were ever accompanied with troubles and Calamities; and always heavy, even to the prevailing side, that as their issues were uncertain, so their vicistitudes many, whereof themselves had already received sufficient proofs: That as the virtues of the present King Vladislaus were to be respected, so his Forces and that great Success which had (but late before) attended him against most potent Enemies, was no less to be feared, besides many other respects which might induce them to steer (at least) a middle course.  
The restitution of such Territories as they had won by their Arms, was likewise touched upon in their discourse; which his Lordship found to be by them taken for so good a Title as they were not like to give back for a Song. They parted with great fairness; the one professing much thankfulness, affection, and all other respects to the King of great Britain and his Allies: the other assuring him of all reciprocal 
Their farewell.  and respective offices, to the young Queen and Crown of Suethen, from his Master and every Minister of his. Herewith his Lordship returned to Francfort.  
His train and equipage being in a readiness; his Lordship 
His Lordship takes journey from Francfort.  began his journey from Francfort in December, 1634; having taken leave of the Ambassador Sir Robert Anstruther, with all possible expresions of mutual respect and affection, and was met before he came to Hanaw (a great and strong City about three Leagues distant) by Sir James Ramsay (beforenamed) Governor thereof, attended with four Troops of 
Is entertained at Hanaw.  Horse; the whole Garrison in Arms (the great Ordnance upon the walls also going off) from the Gate to the Governors' Quarter, where his Lordship was lodged, during four days of his abode there, to dispatch an Express for England. The Governor, howbeit but late before his Commander, as hath been touched, not disdaining to hold the Towel to his Lordship at washing before meals, as to the Representer of his Prince; which office he would perforce and did perform, his Lordship in vain opposing it.  
Departing from Hanaw, He made no Halt until he arrived 
Entertained by the Elector of Brandenburg.  at Berlin, the Electoral Court of Brandenburg; where, by that Prince, he was lodged in the Palace, and, for eight days that that he stayed there, was entertained with all the magnificency that might testify an entire respect to the King his Master.  
Between his Electoral Highness and his Lordship, there passed some Communication upon the points like to occur in the Prussian Treaty, between the principal Parties, as also what concerned his own Interest, which suffered but overmuch every where: After the Curialia by word of mouth, the Elector returned a large Memorial in writing, in answer of some heads propounded by his Lordship, by all which it was easy to perceive, what the Chancellor had before intimated, that there would not want difficulties to bring the business to an equal accord: for they who had been hitherto on the losing hand, would be loath to sit by it still; nor the adverse party less unwilling (as was conceived) to quit aught already gotten, but on terms not much to the others honour: for which cause the King of Poland, having a good Army in readiness, was then personally at Danizig, to take order for all provisions necessary, giving out, that he would either have a perpetual Peace, or else declare the War: And here his Lordship received information, that he was by that King expected with much longing.  
From Berlin his Lordship came to Stettin in Pomerania, the 
Comes to Stettin in Pomerania.  old Duke whereof (being sick) he visited him not, but sent a civil Message to his Counsel by Monsieur Philip Freherr, his Secretary for the Dutch and Latin Tongues, whom he also sent from thence into Suethland, with the King his Master's Letters to the designed Queen Christina, and one from himself likewise, wherein he excused his not attending her Majesty in person, by reason of the Winter already advanced, and the time for the commencing of the Treaty near approaching: the like he also did to certain of the Grandees there, with whom he had been formerly acquainted.  
Leaving Stettin he arrived at Danizig the ninth of January, 
To Dantzig.  1634, 5. and after some days of refreshment for himself and Train, having sustained so tedious a Winter journey, his Lordship buckled himself to the Treaty already begun at a Town in that Province of Prussia named Holland, the passages of which Treaty, having been deduced at large in the preceding Narrative, shall be here passed over, and those things proceeded unto which afterwards fell out.  
In the close of that Treaties Narration, it was showed that his Lordship (at his taking leave of the King of Poland in his Camp) had observed some alteration in the countenance of that King, and those about him; but that, knowing no cause to have been given by himself, he was the less troubled thereat, thinking it only to be some little Cloud which would soon vanish: yet staying that night in the Camp, he (for the more speedy removing thereof) sent the next morning to the Lord Casinowskie, great Chamberlain of Poland, to desire a private Audience of the King, which was promised, and that notice should be given him of the time, but performance did not ensue; whereupon having seen the Army drawn into Battalia, he retired to Marienburg.  
The French Ambassador, who had received (as hath been 
French Ambassador Signs the Articles of the Treaty.  touched) a more friendly farewell, came likewise to Marienburg the day following, and his Lordship having heard, that contrary to the public agreement of the Commissioners and the Mediating Ministers, he had (in the Regal Tent) under Signed that Copy of the Articles given by the Suethes to those of Poland; did send the Relator with his Dutch Secretary forenamed, to know of himself whether it were so or not: which he acknowledged to have done, at the instance of that King, who (he said) presented the Copy unto him, Propria manu: Our Ambassador understanding it, was not a little moved at the indignity offered to his Master thereby, but rather to themselves, 
His Lordship offended.  as being done contrary to their public Stipulation, and thereupon visiting the Suethish Commissioners, he desired they would not admit of the like, which they assured him of, as having already dispatched their Instrument of the said Articles into Suethland by an Express.  
Before his Lordship removed from Marienburg, the Lord Zavatskie came to him, pretending only a visit, but sent (as was conceived) of purpose to explore whether he had any 
Expostulates sharply with Zavatzkie.  inkling of what had been done, and how he resented the same. To him our Ambassador could not so well contain himself, but that he entered into expostulations so high as gave no small distaste; taxing them of swarving from things by themselves consented unto and agreed upon in public, and of silence in others, which they (not We) had propounded, and (seemingly) sought after, the particulars whereof, as not necessary to be here inserted, are forborn: Adding withal, that after so unworthy a requital of his Master's affection and respects testified to their King and Crown, he could do no less in duty then to give those advertisements that were requisite.  
Zavatzkie heard him with patience, and with fair words endeavoured to pacify and to confirm in his Lordship a belief of the King his Master's sincere and real affection towards his Majesty of Great Britain, with his constant persevering in his former intentions, of which the said Lord had from the King of Poland, been the first Intimator and Propounder, telling him withal, that undoubtedly there behoved to be some mistake in the report he had received, for otherwise, he said, it could not be but that himself being usually so near the King, and of his Secretaries, should have known somewhat thereof, desiring withal, that his Lordship would not precipitate any advertisement unto the King his Master, and assured him that he would forthwith post unto their Court, where having understood 
By him smoothed with promise of satisfaction not performed.  the matter fully, he would by Letters, or a speedy personal return, faithfully certify his Lordship of the truth, either there or at Dantzig within few days.  
Towards that City his Lordship retired soon after, daily expecting the effects of the promises forementioned, but in vain: Nevertheless upon Zavatzkie's persuasions, and his own unwillingness to render ill-offices by the return of 
He returned to Dantzig.  any report, as being desirous that some Apology might have come, for clearing those doubts which their late proceedings and coldness had given him cause to harbour, whereby any distance or disaffection, between the two Kings, might be 
Delays advertising.  prevented, he desisted for the space of three weeks to send home any account of that Treaties issue, contrary to the faithful advice of some near about him; who, as much as with fitting respect they might, urged a present dispatch of that relation into England, as a thing most necessary, not only for satisfaction to the State and the great Persons therein concerned, but likewise for his own discharge; Instancing also the French Ambassador, who would not stir from Stumbsdorff (the Village where the Treaty had been concluded) until he had by an express into France, sent a Narrative of that whole affair; But to all this he sent a deaf Eare. At Dantzig he received, soon after, a Honorarium or Present from the Eastland Company, by the hand of Mr. Richard Jinkes their Secretary, in acknowledgement of their gratitude for his Real endeavours in behalf of that Societies restorement to their former freedom of Trade.  
Yet nothing less than was promised, was by the Polander intended; in stead whereof (advantage of his Credulity being taken) a strong complaint against his Lordship was sent into England; which, for the time, gave an evil relish of him to 
Receives notice by letter of Poland's distaste.  his Master: The First notice he had of their distaste was by a letter from the Lord Andrea Rey, Starrost of Libonza, dated the twenty fourth of September 1635. who, repeating the very words of his Lordship's expostulation with Zavatzkie, closed them up, with this expression; viz. That if any such were spoken, he wished they never had been: Whereunto his Lordship returned an answer the sixth of October following, with so clear a vindication of himself, but in such a stile as beseemed his Ambassadoriall Office, as might have given them (in reference to him) ample satisfaction; yet without sparing again to represent his sense of their more unfair than expected or deserved dealing.  
About this time, or not long after, Mr. Richard Gordon, Great Britain's Agent for those parts (who, in June foregoing, 
England's Agent returns to Dantzig.  had been by that King sent for England) returned to Dantzig and thence to the Polish Parliament at Warsovia, held in November, 1635. his Lordship not thinking fit to repair thither in Person, until the former misunderstandings were removed. Yet would he not omit to write by him to the Lord Palatine of Belzkie, as also to the forenamed Starrost de Libonza; intimating to each, the continuance of his Masters good affection toward their King, as they would perceive by his answers to all their propositions sent by Mr. Gordon, and that the same merited a better acknowledgement than was given at the conclusion of the late Treaty, whereby he professed 
Sent unto the Parliament at Warsaw.  himself to be discouraged from undertaking a journey to the present Parliament, notwithstanding the Orders he had received, but was willing rather to refer the whole matter to Mr. Gordon, until the jealousies he had reason to conceive were cleared.  
It hath been said, that, persuaded by the Lord Zavatzkie, his Lordship had forborn to advertise home for three week's Space; and it is to be added, that those letters being sent by Sea (Subject to the inconstancy of winds, and the movings of that other uncertain Element) were above six weeks longer before they came to the hands they were directed unto; 
Two Errors in ●ne.  Whereupon (confused rumours of things coming to those, who in England bore a chief sway in managing of the late Kings Privy Counsel) Sir John Coke principal Secretary of State, did by Letter tax his Lordship of remissness in his dispatches, showing that from France, they understood the Treaty was concluded, and that he had received some disgust, but the particulars they were not acquainted with. Hereby he first perceived that in one and the same thing he had committed two (not small) Errors.  
But in time all grudges being either buried, or (seemingly) 
Grudges covered, the King and his Lordship meet.  laid to sleep, and the King of Poland coming to Dantzig, his Lordship had several Audiences, and was once in company of the King (with sundry of the Polish Nobility) feasted by the forenamed Mr: Gordon: And from that King obtained (albeit not without reluctancy of his Lords, who complained that our Ambassador's Remonstrances were over-tart) a 
A mandate obtained in behalf of the Eastland Merchants.  Mandate Declaratory under the Royal hand and Signet, dated the sixth of February, 1635. 6. whereby our Merchants of the Eastland Company were promised relief against the molestation of the Stample or Seal upon their Cloth, procured by the Dantzigers during the Wars, and the Suspension thereof until it might be abrogated in the next ensuing Parliament, the last having been called for the ratification (only) of the late Treaty, as was affirmed by their Commissioners, who publicly gave their Faith (Stipulata manu) for the disannulling thereof.  
The King soon after departing from Dantzig, his Lordship took leave, not without seeming fairness of each side; and the forenamed Lord Zavatzkie was designed Ambassador for 
Zavatzkie sent Ambassador for England, and with him Gordon.  England, pretentionally for proceeding upon the motions, formerly (albeit in a more private way) by himself, in the name and by warrant from the Polander propounded to the late King, with whom Agent Gordon was associated, and as himself vainly believed, and spared not to give out, with more Trust from that King, than the other.  
But notwithstanding all these specious shows, his Lordship 
Their sincerity disinherited by his Lordship.  was still doubtful of their true meaning, and advertised home accordingly, yet could he not particularly conclude in whose breast the dissimulation lay: For even they who professed the same Religion with us, and were (at first) most earnest in the pursuance of those motions, were now become as cold as oothers, albeit they were intimate with that King and of his nearest Counsels, so as it might seem that their Master's intention, decreed especially in matters so nearly concerning himself, should have been the point of the Compass by which they were to steer.  
Yet (by the way) it may be demanded whether our Ambassador's Suspicions were not causeless, or whether by his jealousies he did not injure that Prince, and so provoke him justly; whereunto is answered, that the Ambassador of Poland Zavatzkie, when (with Gordon) he arrived in England, did not give that full and particular satisfaction which was expected, albeit the Professions outwardly and in general were as high as ever; so as doubtful conjectures began upon his arrival, to be made at England's Court; and his dismission was visibly 
Suspected in England.  more cold than his reception had been: And considering it was with him that his Lordship made the disrelishing forementioned expostulation, it may be (and was then by sundry) conceived, that the main part of his Errand was to have boulstered out the former complaint, if he had not been prevented by his Lordship's death.  
The same appeared more fully afterwards, when it was certainly known that the King of Poland had proceeded even to 
Made visible soon after, and  consummation of things directly contrary to his former propositions, without previous advertisement of his reasons for declining them: in excuse whereof (Post factum) he sent the forenamed Lord Andrea Rey, Starrosta de Libonza, as Ambassador to the late King, who understanding (before his arrival) 
Poland's Ambassador not admitted to Audience.  what his Master had done in prejudice of his own proposals, would not admit him to his presence, so that he returned without Audience, not being permitted to come higher than Greenwich, the Court being then at Windsor. Our Agent was also soon after discharged from further Negotiating there, neither hath England (since that time) had any person publicly impolyed to that Prince or State: By all which circumstances it may be gathered that his Lordship did dive more deep into their intentions, than self-interest and avarice (two main evils in whomsoever they infect, but most pestilent in public Ministers) would permit the over credulity of others.  
His Lordship having received Order for his return, began 
His Lordship comes to Damin.  his journey from Dantzig the first of March (Old Style) and on the thirteenth thereof came to Damin, a Town in Pomerania, of which, Colonel Robert Cuningham his Kinsman, was Governor for the Crown of Suethen, who came forth about two English miles (accompanied with his Officers) to meet his Lordship, and they alighting, he did the like, walking into the Town on foot, where, by the way, his Lordship and the Governor discoursing together, the Officers made relation to us of a certain accident which had happened in their Garrison the preceding evening, and for the time had caused some disturbance to their thoughts. It was thus.  
Upon the Eve before, being Saturday, the twelfth of March 1635/6 for the space of near two hours, between those of eight and ten at night, an unwonted sound of Bells was heard, in the Steeple of that Towns Church (called Saint Bartholomew) 
Portentous accident.  and the Governor sending to inquire the cause thereof at an undue hour, received answer, That the Church doors were shut: Hereupon the Magistrates were sent for, and Order given that some of the Garrison, with others of the Town Officers, with Torch's lighted, should search the Church and Steeple, to see if there were not some persons concealed, who by such means might attempt to give a privy Signal to any Enemy near hand: But, return being made, that no Person was to be found either in Church or Steeple, nor motion or sound perceived (albeit in the Town the same was heard to continue without intermission during the Search) the Governor caused the Guards to be doubled; kept his own Soldiers and the Citizens all might in Arms; retained the Magistrates with himself; whom (with the inhabitants) he caused to take (de novo) an Oath of fidelity to the Crown of Suethen.  
We of the Ambassadors Retinue, hearing this story, accounted it a fiction, more worthy of laughter than of belief: Entering the Town, his Lordship was by the Governor entertained at Supper; Colonel Robert Duglass, Commander of a Regiment of Horse in the same service likewise (his Lordship's Kinsman) arriving at the same time: At Table, the Governor related the foresaid accident for a most certain truth, recounting what distractions it had put them into on the Sudden, whereunto his Lordship replied smiling, you needed not to have been so much troubled, it was but a ceremony to entertain strangers, your Citizens knew not so well as your Bells that great Britain's Ambassador was to be here this night, 
His Lordship's Comment thereon.  that Solemnity was for my reception: At this discourse some mirth being made and Supper ended, his Lordship, attended by the Governor, and Colonel Duglass, with the other Officers, retired to the Quarter prepared for him, opposite to that of the Governor.  
Besides those forenamed there were others present, now living in England, who heard this related with the discourse thereupon, and can attest the truth hereof; viz. General Major Christopher Potley (late in the service of England's Parliament under Sir William Waller) than Lieutenant Colonel to the honourable Sir George Fleetewood Knight, Colonel of a Regiment of English infantry; Governor, under the Suethes, of the City of Elbing, and Commander of the strong Fort in an Island of the River Vistula; now Lord Fleetewood, Baron of Swanholme in Suethland: As also Mr. Philip Freherr forenamed: Mr. John Baal likewise (one of the Eastland Merchants) who first divulged the same in England upon his repair thither soon after. This by way of digression may be admitted.  
His Lordship, at his rising the next Morning, Complained he was not well; yet went to the Governor (to whom he told so much) and at his instance walked about the Walls to view the new fortifications the Governor had there caused to be made, thinking thereby to have cleared the dulness which oppressed him, but could not: At the hour of dinner he sat 
His sickening.  down with the Governor at Table, but could not eat: Upon serving of the second course he rose up, saying, it behoved him to take some rest, but would not suffer any (save his two Pages) to attend him, Commanding us to stay and accompany the Governor.  
About four in the afternoon, the Governor with his other friends and servants went to see how he fared, he Complained much of his head and stomach; whereupon (unknown to him) a Post was sent to Gripswaldt (about six Leagues from Damin) for Doctor John Schaener (whose father had been one of the Physicians to King James at his first coming into England, known by the name of Doctor Martin) to Administer to his Lordship: whose distemper (being laid in bed) continued all that night with various purge.  
His Servants entering his Chamber early the next morning, the Governor with Colonel Duglass, Lieutenant Colonel Potley, and Mr. Baal forementioned, repaired thither soon after: We found him in his night Gown sitting, and leaning at the Table, yet cheerful in speech, saying, his former pains were eased, and that his head and heart were well, neither did aught (he said) trouble him, save only that his foot was benumbed, which he hoped would soon return unto its self and feeling; adding, that after a little rest he intended to proceed on his journey that afternoon, and to that end gave order his Coach and Train should be ready.  
Towards the recovery of his foot from its benumbedness, all means were used that could be devised, the forenamed Commander Potley, having (out of his affectionate desire of his Lordship's recovery) taken great pains therein by chase of the part affected, but in vain: His Lordship assaying to have removed to his Bed, which was near by (saying he would repose a little) could not support himself, but (sinking) was by his Servants laid in bed about eight in the morning.  
We left him according to his desire, with some of his Chamber only to attend him, and returning about two hours after, found him asleep, but drawing his breath so short and high, as gave cause to apprehend it was worse with him than we had imagined; whereupon the Governor with the other Commanders being sent for, they came and found him (to the grief of all) struggling with Death: Being awaked, (for awaked he was by the out-cries of his young Nephew, William Lockhart, then present) he would willingly have spoken and declared himself, but could not; he grasped the Youth 
Agony.  then kneeling by his bed side, in his Arms, some words he uttered, but brokenly, in various intermixed Language, out of which the most attentive Listner could gather nothing. In this labouring condition he continued about two hours; the fore named Physician arriving when he was even at the extremity of life, which left him between the hours of twelve and one of the same day (being Tuesday the fifteenth of March, 
Death.  1635/6. to give an account of his Legation here below, before, not his Earthly, but his Heavenly King.  
The sudden death of this great Person, for so it may be termed, struck all that were present, but his Kindred and Servants especially, into great consternation of spirits; not one having (for some space of time (a word to utter: At last, necessity so enforcing, the Body was left to be decently laid forth, and a retreat made by all (them of his Chamber excepted) to the Governors' Quarter, there to consider what was to be done: In this consultation it was (by the Relator) showed, that whereas a scrutiny into the things he had there with him, was necessary to be made, whereby due Inventary might be taken for the better satisfaction of those whom (as nearest interessed) it should rightly concern: There were Papers relating to his public Negotiations, into which, no inspection was to be made, but that they were to be locked up apart, and to be delivered only into the hands of the principal Secretary of State in England.  
This was, by all, thought meet; and unto him, as having been entrusted with the insight of them whilst he lived, and who had also brought him the conferment of that honourable employment so happily effected; they alone were not committed, but likewise the managing of what was there further to be done. In reference hereunto, the Embalming of the body 
Embalming, advertisement and  was first concluded; next, that an Advertisement should be made into England for Orders for the dispose thereof: And lastly, the putting of his Train into an Equipage suitable to the sad occasion, in order whereunto, (as also for the reason's pre-alledged) 
Inventary and Mournings concluded on.  the inventarying of what he had there about him was resolved, that so it might be seen by what Hinges these motions were to be made.  
Order for the speedy Embalming was forth with given to the Physician then present, who by a prolix discourse in writing (under his hand) rendered his death apoplectical, albeit by others not so believed; and the day following the forenamed Master Baal was dispatched for England, with Letters of information to the State, with others also to Mr. Joseph Avery then Agent for the late King at Hamburg; To those likewise at the Hague, to whom it was meet, and lastly to his honourable Friends and Relations (particularly to the Earl of Ancram, to whom he was Brother by the same Venture) as well to give notice of the sorrowful accident, as to obtain the more effectually, and speedily such Orders as should be 
Orders for final dispose required.  thought requisite for a further proceed; intimation (in that dispatch) being given, that the body (so soon as Embalmed) should by easy journeys be brought down to Hamburg, there to expect the same.  
Neither was it thought least worthy of care, how to provide a Convoy to secure the body (with what else there) in such a journey, and so broken times: To obtain the same, Letters were sent that great Senator the Chancellor of Suethland, Axle Oxenstierne, who then was at a Town called 
Convoy for security desired.  Wismar, not past two or three day's journey from Damin, to whom the sad relation was thereby given, and fit convoy desired: Others were likewise dispatched to his Servants, remaining behind at Dantzig, and to the Agent there, to inform them of his decease, and to desire their care over those things left in their Custody, to be transported by Sea, that they might be safely forthcoming, to whom they should rightly appertain.  
These dispatches made, an Inventary was exactly taken in 
Inventary taken.  the view of those forenamed Commanders and others, as also of his own Servants, and so much of money (there found) as was conceived might be necessary, was delivered into the hands of Mr. George Ewin, Steward to his late Lordship, to provide and defray the Mournings with the Domestic, and other incident Charges, and to render account of the whole to whom the same should belong.  
Soon after we received Letters from the Lord Chancellor Oxenstierne, wherein he condoled the death of a person whom he had loved living, and from whom his Prince and Country had formerly received faithful Service, and of late fair Offices; in them was likewise showed that he had appointed two Troops of Horse of the Regiment of the forementioned Colonel Duglass, to safeguard the body to Hamburg, with permission for the said Colonel to accompany the same according to his desire.  
The Body being Embalmed; the Servants clothed in Mourning; the Horses, Coaches, and Wagons, Covered all over with black, we set forth from Damin; a sad Solemn 
Remove commenced.  sight: The Garrison Officers with Sundry others; Several Commanders and Colonels, as well of English as of his own Nation, who came thither on purpose to do honour to the dead, attended the Body a good distance of way without the Town, and then returned; the Governor with Colonel Duglass still accompanying the same.  
When we were come within a League or two of Wismar where the Chancellor of Suethen then was, the Corpse was left to the Care of his other Servants and the Convoy, whilst the forenamed Colonels Duglass, and Coningham, with this Relator, and the Dutch fornamed Secretary went thither to Salute 
Due Thanks tendered to the Chancellor of Suethen.  and render thanks to that great Senator for his continued respects to our late Lord and Master, not only whilst living, but likewise being dead, which (was acknowledged) he had amply testified by appointing such a Convoy to secure his relics and Sorrowful Servants, who, by his loss, were like Sheep without a Shepherd, from the insolences and violences those distracted times might otherwise afford, whereof a faithful Report, as by gratitude obliged, should not fail to be made: And that, as it w 〈…〉 ot to be doubted, but the King his Master would make a fair acceptance of that civil respect rendered to the remains of one, who, in a matter of such concernment as the late Treaty, had represented his Person; So, from the kindred and friends of the deceased; his Excellency might expect a friendly retribution of respects in all such ways as opportunity or his Exellencies' Commands should enable them unto, for his great humanity expressed to the Ashes of a Relation so near and dear unto them.  
It was further showed, that it had been some sadness to our late Lord, when upon his departure from Dantzig, he understood that he could not be permitted to make a journey into Suethland, as having no desire more earnest nor more prevalent with him, then, by word of mouth, to have assured her Majesty of Suethen, that he still retained the same zealous intentions for her Service, which he had formerly for Sundry years, with the hazard of his life and the loss of some blood, testified to her late Royal Father; and that he had not so laid aside his Arms, but that he would always have been willing, and had hope to resume them one day by her Majesty's command, and to employ them under her Standard: That not only those Gentlemen present of his kindred, but all others likewise who knew aught of him, and particularly we his Servants, as having had the honour to be near unto him in the course of his late Negotiation, could subscribe to this truth; Concluding, that if on our parts, who were but mean Persons, uncapable of great undertake, there were aught wherein our Services might be acceptable, in acknowledgement of his great care for our safety, we should account ourselves highly honoured by his Excellency's Commands, which, as we would receive with all due respect, so, to our powers, they should meet with a perfect obedience.  
This Office of no more than fitting civility was well accepted by the Lord Chancellor Oxenstierne, who returned a fair commemoration of the great abilities and endowments of the deceased Ambassador; of his Courage, Integrity, and discreet deportment whilst he lived in the Service of their late King, and of his sincere and equitable carriage in the late weighty affair: He condoled his so soon death, whose life 
His death condoled by the Chancellor.  (he said) might have been of good use to the world; and that as they had received formerly proof of his affection toward their Crown and State, so they should no way have doubted its continuance if his life had been longer continued: But that since it had seemed good to the supreme Moderator of all things to translate him from this Vale of misery, to those Mansions into which troubles nor sorrow have no admittance: all persons (how nearly soever concerned in him) ought to make an entire submission of their Wills to that Alwise Providence, upon which he exhorted us to rely for comfort in our so great loss. That he honoured his Majesty of Great Britain, and should be glad if what he had done might find acceptance with him, and that he would prosecute the Friends of the deceased (whom he had loved whilst living) with all reciprocal friendly Offices, and concluded with wishing to us an unmolested proceeding on our journey.  
He was pleased afterwards to inquire how we intended to dispose of the body, whereunto answer was made, that having advertised into England by express, we would expect Orders at Hamburg.  
Upon our taking leave, his Excellency desired that at our arrival in England, his most submissive respects might be tendered to the King, to whose many favours, both to himself and his, he acknowledged an exceeding engagement, and withal, desired (that when admitted to the Regal presence) 
The Chancellor's desire.  we would make mention of the present low condition of the Protestant Affairs in Germany, wherein the interest of his Nephews was so deeply concerned, which their King had Patronised to the loss of his life, and their Crown, the like to the great exhausting both of their Treasure and Men: That the necessities of those Parts now emplored his Majesty to rise up their Protector by a vigorous assistance, whereby that which had with so much sweat and blood, been wrung out of the hands of the common Enemy, might not again be lost.  
The like discourse had been made to this Relator at Marienburg, above eight months before by Baron D' Avaux the French Ambassador, who willed him to represent the same unto his Lordship; and added that the King of Great Britain sat then as Umpire over the two main Interests of the Christian World, and held in his hand the beam of the Balance, so as 
The like formerly elsewhere intimated.  the side he inclined unto, must (of force) over-poise the other, whereof he earnestly desired that his Lordship would advertise the King his Master: Of all which a faithful relation was then made to his Lordship.  
From Wismar we returned (Colonel Cuningham there leaving us) to the place where the Corpse remained, and thence without disturbance, We came within a mile or two of Hamburg, where (once more leaving the body under the same 
The Corpse brought near Hamburg.  charge as before) Colonel Duglass, with the Dutch Secretary formerly named, and this Relator, went into the City to take order for the sad Solemnity of the Funeral Entry, and to see what place had been by Mr. Joseph Avery the late Kings Resident there, provided for the Bodies Repositary, he having been formerly by Letters solicited thereunto, and had accordingly procured a Room in the English House there, with Lodgings for the more near related Servants.  
By him it was also thought convenient to acquaint the Senate of that City therewith, to prevent any mistake or opposition 
The Senate advertised and Scruple about the entry.  of the entry of those armed Horse, as we intended: Notice thereof being given, a scruple was made (as he had fore-seen) of admitting the two Troops that conveyed the Body, they affirming, that it was a thing never used, and inconsistent with their City's Customs, that any extraneous Forces should enter Armed within their Gates, and that it might prove of dangerous consequence: Reply was made, that such a handful, in so populous and well guarded a City, could neither breed danger nor suspicion of any: That what was desired was only in honour to the memory of the deceased, and to render the Solemnity more celebrious in a remote Country, where confluence of friends could not be made, as also for the more satisfaction to those Troops that had attended the Corpse so far, who might think themselves slighted, if not permitted to accompany the same unto the Repository prepared.  
It was urged on the other side, that whatsoever came within the limits of their jurisdiction needed no other guard, but was by them (in point of honour) to be protected, neither could they admit of such a Precedent: Thereunto was rereplyed, that their Entry might be permitted under the name of his Menial attendants (for the more fullness of the Ceremony) which could be no way derogatory to their City, wherein (for aught yet known to us) the last obsequies might be performed: That otherwise we would divert to Attenaw, a village thereby near the Sea, but without their 
Yet consented unto as desired.  precinct, and there retain the same guard: The Senate at last consented to what was desired, conditionally that the Corpse being once lodged, the two Troops should immdiately retire without the Gates, which also was our desire.  
In Order to the Entry, direction was sent to those without to move toward the City next afternoon, but to make halt within half an English mile thereof, whither the Eastland Company of Merchant Adventures, with their Deputy and the forenamed Resident, all in long Mourning cloaks, made their repair, as also the honourable Lord Fleetwood forementioned, with his said Lieutenant Colonel, and sundry other Commanders of quality then in that City, who being all come to the place where the Body remained, the Advance began; First, the 
Manner of Entry,  two Troops moved; next them his Lordships four saddle Horses, led; covered to the ground with black: after those the Body in a Chariot (purposely made) covered with mourning, drawn with six Horses, likewise so clothed to the ground, attended on each side by his Footmen and other inferior Servants: The Resident, Master Joseph Avery forenamed, followed the Hearse as chief mourner (being a public Minister from the same Prince) on his right hand the Deputy of the English Company, Colonel Duglass before named on his left; his Lordship's Nephew William Lockhart, than aged about fifteen years, son to Sir James Lockhart by the only Sister of the deceased Ambassador (since Colonel, and a Member for his Native Country in the two late Parliaments in England, and at present one of the Council of State for Scotland) came next to them, Single; He was followed by the Ambassadors Gentlemen two and two, and next to them his other domestics, after whom the Merchants in mourning Cloaks, one by one, and each accompanied by a Commander or other Officer; his own Coach covered, as also the six Horses, with black unto the ground, next came his Callosh or Wagon, which usually carried his meaner Menie, and last his Baggage, or Rust, Wagon, both covered in like manner, each drawn with four Horses likewise clothed with black, closed up the Train.  
Thus was the Body, by Torchlight, brought through the City to the English House, and there placed in the Room appointed: The Horse immediately retired, and a Banquet prepared for those Commanders and Gentlemen, as well of the Civil as Military function ended the sad Ceremony.  
About two days after, for avoiding of trouble to his Servants, as also to the house, by the curiosity of people who hourly flocked to see the visage of the deceased, there being in the Coffin a Casement, through which his face might be discerned, with part of his body, lying in a close Gown of black damask, on his head a cap of the same over one of plain linen, silk stockings, plain band and cuffs with white gloves: His Heart and Tongue (well preserved) within a damask cover, lying under his head, which rested on a damask covered pillow; the body was removed into a close Chapel of the great Church in that City, where it remained 
The Corpse disposed of by Order.  until Orders came from England, whereupon it was embarked for Scotland, attended by his Steward the forenamed Master Ewin, with one page and a Footman all of that Nation.  
All the Dutch Servants (except the forementioned Secretary, 
Servant's strangers rewarded, dismissed.  who came for England) were dismissed, with payment of arrears where any was due, and a gratuity to each according to his place. The Relator was commanded for England with the papers that concerned the late Negotiation, which he delivered to Sir John Coke Principal Secretary of State.  
The Body was (as since informed) received on Shore at the Port of Leith (notice over Land having been sent before) by such Friends as there accidentally occurred; and, the rest being invited soon after to the last of civil humane duties, was by a great concourse of honourable company attended, not long after, to the Tomb of his Ancestors; where we will leave him sleeping in his honourable Urn, until with the society of all Saints he arise to receive his Euge bone serve, etc.  
He was, certainly, a Man endowed with so worthy Parts as deservedly gained him a good esteem from three great 
Eyes Character.  Kings: In the acquisition thereof he was esteemed fortunate, and the contrary in not being Courtier enough to preserve it; for he died under some cloud of his Prince's displeasure, by reason of the Polish complaint fore-specified; notwithstanding which, had his life been of longer continuance, he had (probably) risen up, a fixed Star in the firmament of his great Master's favour: And yet from what hath been already said it may be confidently conjectured, he would never have proved a perfect Courtier according to those times; for his spirit, free in reprehensions, and sometimes over tart, would have uneasily complied with the ways of flattery, falsely styled Courtship, over usually practised, and consequently have been unacceptable to the Court Cringers of that time: He was neither prodigal nor greedy of getting; So that his generous mind, void of self-seeking (howbeit not always free from Passion) would never have admitted of the Soil of avirice or adulation, two Plagues over frequent in the Courts of Princes.  
A Period should here be put to this relation, but that it is thought not unmeet to touch (once more) the accident mentioned to have happened in Daman the night before his 
The portent aforesaid enquired into and asserted.  Lordship's arrival there, which was related unto him by the Governor at Table, and albeit, that as then no farther notice was taken thereof, yet his death ensuing so unexpectedly and suddenly, gave occasion of more serious animadvertion thereinto afterwards; and upon diligent enquiry, the truth of the thing was asserted, not by the Garrison Officers, and the Governor only, but by the Inhabitants also: In confirmation whereof, the Relator received, from the Magistrates and Senate of Damin, an attestation in writing under the Seal of that Town, the Tenor whereof was in English as followeth.  
WE the Consuls and Senate of the Town of 
Attestation from the Senate of Damin.  Damin, do testify by this present Writing, that on Saturday the twelfth of March, the Eve of the Sabbath Reminiscere, in which the most Illustrious Lord Ambassador of Great Britain, George Duglass of honourable memory arrived in our City the year under mentioned, about the Eventide, from the hour of eight until within a quarter of ten, a certain pleasing, unwonted, continued, and never before observed sound of the Bells was heard in the Parish Church of S. Bartholomew, the night being calm; Whereupon the Noble and Worthy Governor of our Town, Colonel Robert Cuningham, as also the generality of the Citizens and Inhabitants therein, were wonderfully astonished and amazed, and the forenamed Governor, according to his care, caused the three Consuls to be called unto him without delay, to know of them whether any such sound had been formerly observed, and commanded the Guards to be doubled: Then, that as into a new thing, more accurate enquiry might be made; it was ordered that the Steeple should be ascended, and a Scrutiny made with Torches lighted, to see if any one were there hidden, who by such a Signal might privily intend some Treachery, yet no man was found in the said Tower, but the Bells hanging without motion, the sound nevertheless was still heard by the Citizens below in the City. The interpretation whereof We leave to the Divine Power, whom We beseech to avert all misfortune from us. In the interim, in confirmation hereof We have hereunto set the Seal of our Town: Given at Damin in the Dukedom of Pomerania, the ninth of March, 1636.  
This Novelty was by Master John Baal forenamed (who had been dispatched into England the day following the Ambassador's decease) divulged both in Court and City; so as at the return of his Servants into England, enquiry concerning the truth thereof was made by many of greatest quality: yea, even the late King, after an account rendered of the manner of his Ambassadors death, as also of what had been desired (as formerly couched) by the Lord Chancellor Oxenstierne, demanded whether that report of the Bells were certainly so, and upon sight of the forespecified attestation commanded Mr. Secretary Coke that it should be by Master Weckerlin turned into English, for his further satisfaction therein, which was accordingly done.  
It is now time to draw toward a conclusion, this discourse having enlarged itself further than was at first intended, but could hardly have been more restrained amongst so many changes and relative circumstances as may be observed throughout the Triple Narrative.  
In the first, we see Poland, from a Dukedom or Principality, 
Observations upon the whole  erected into a Kingdom, but soon after reverting unto the former ducal Government, and weary thereof, remounts unto a continued Elective Regality, neither is at present of small consideration, as being the Bulwark of Christendom, on that side, against the encroaching Turk and Tartar. Suethland also (for avoiding the many mischiefs and inconveniencies they had sustained, by parties within themselves, differing about the Election of their Princes) changed into a Hereditary Kingdom in the time of Magnus' Smeeke; and the right Channel failing, remoter streams are either taken or violently thrust in, and upon prejudices flowing thence, are again as fast sluiced out. By public and general consent and act of that State, a more direct Succession, in the person and Male Issue of Gustavus Erickson, the Vindicator of their liberties from Danish bondage, is then entered into; yet that not of long perfect continuance in a descent immediately consecutive of his three Sons (all there Crowned) Ericke the eldest succeeds, but for misgovernment is not many years after dethroned, and during life incarcerated by his next Brother John Duke of Finland, who assumes the Sceptre.  
And here the profoundest Contemplatist may find a large field for his thoughts to expatiate in, to consider and admire the instability of humane greatness; the sandy bottom of the solidest seeming Acts of the most flourishing States: the facility of blasting the wisest and best consentred counsels of the Sons of men, and overturning the Rock-like appearances of their strongest cemented Constitutions, by that Omnipotent and ever-Adorable Power, through whose Divine permission, things conducing to the un-erring ends by him preordained in the Decrees of his Eternal Providence, are brought to pass here below, for the pulling down and setting up of Princes: Sundry examples whereof are set before our eyes even of late years, and particularly in this royal Gustavian Line.  
To John and his Heirs the States of Suethland by a most solemn Act in the year 1590. confirm the Succession; but hath this aught more of stability?  
Sigismundus his eldest Son (albeit Crowned in Suethland, An. 1593.) enjoys it not, but with his Seed is for ever expelled from that Kingdom's Regal Chair by Parliamentary Act, in the year 1600. and that expulsion confirmed, An. 1504 by a like Act and a renewed reform Hereditary Union, whereby his Seat and Dignity is conferred upon the Person and Heirs of Charles, Duke of Sudermannia, Nericia, and Wermelandia, who was Crowned, An. 1607. being the youngest Son of Gustavus Erickson, and younger Brother to John forenamed: But here it may be demanded, albeit Sigismundus had forfeited the Crown of Suethland both for himself and his Posterity, yet what offence had the Prince his Brother John (the younger Son of King John aforesaid) committed, to be pretermitted in that Elective Hereditary Succession (seeing themselves acknowledge him to be the nearest; as he was, by how much a Son is nearer than a Brother, or a Brother then an Uncle) and to be induced to rest so contented with the Dukedom of Ostrogothia, as to resign for ever his whole right unto that Crown, unless the same should chance to drop upon the head of some one of his Posterity, by the decease of the total lawful Male Issue of the new King Charles (according to the forecited Entail, 1604.) whose second Daughter the Princess Mary Elizabeth, he married, An. 1612. Howbeit of him or of any Issue by them we read not: Hereunto for answer is offered, what themselves allege, and which hath been already touched in their Parliamentary Acts, An. 1600. and 1604. Viz. His Minority by some years, and that Kingdom's necessity of a Prince of ripe and experienced Judgement, with their apprehension of his entering (through prevalency of natural affection) into such Covenants with his Brother King Sigismundus, or his Heirs, as might be destructive (to their present King) his Uncle Charles and his Family; as also his own voluntary resignation of his Interest in the Suethish Crown unto his said Uncle (as forecited) An. 1604. which again confirmed and fully concluded at Orobrogia, An. 1606. 
Vide Exegesis Historica, page 350.  We may lastly add what themselves do there likewise assert; That forasmuch as the most Illustrious Prince Duke John, had at the time of the Regal Coronation (of his Uncle) attained unto the nineteenth year of his age, and so might well discern of those things which concerned his Interest; they were therefore confident that his Highness could not (deservedly) impute aught unto them, and the rather, if he should with them duly animadvert into such examples as might, in like case, be derived from other Kingdoms and Kingly Families, which do abundantly testify, that sundry have been ejected from their Hereditary Jurisdiction, and others of the same Family surrogated in their stead, for causes less weighty than those whereby they had been thereunto moved.  
That they had seriously considered what that conjuncture of time, chiefly in that most afflicted state of their Country required: Viz. Such a Governor, as could with prudence steer the Kingdom's Helm, which unless speedily provided for, utter ruin would have thence overflowed the whole Kingdom. Moreover, that they had been compelled by those dangerous and subite (Plots, or) Machinations which on every side threatened their Country, to choose him for their Lord, their King, and Governor, who was endowed with Prudence, Experience, and maturity of years meet for so weighty a charge.  
King Charles, after ten years of a laudable Reign, paying the debt that all men owe to nature, whereunto by the Eternal decree of the Almighty, the most Potent Princes, as well as the poorest Peasants are equally subject; his Son Gustavus Adolphus succeeded and was Crowned King of the Suethes; Goths, and Vandals, etc. An. 1617. He was, as aforesaid, cut off in the strength of his years, being about the eight and thirtieth of his age, An. 1632. at that fatal field of Lutzen: yet a day so glorious ro his Fame, as all Military men may (in like case) desire.  
The year ensuing his translation from the toils of this to the Joys of a better world, a Parliament convened at Stockholme, the heads whereof (as by them couched in seven Articles) I shall here touch at and refer the further curious unto the Act itself.  
In that Assembly, the Senators, Peers, Earls, Lords, Bishops, Gentry, Clergy, Military, Officers, Citizens and Commonalty, After a sad Commemoration of their unrecoverable loss, by the death of their late Sovereign, whom they rearme their head, their King, their Father, and Pater Patriae, under whose most excellent Reign, they, above other Nations, had lived in safety and tranquillity: And that, to the aggravation of their misery, they were destitute of Heirs-Male proceeding from his loins to possess his Father's Seat, whereby their and the Kingdom's care and danger was the greater; upon due consultation of the best conducement to the Kingdom's good; They declare, that, by the help of their Almighty, and in the Name of the blessed Trinity, they had decreed, confirmed, and established.  
IMprimis, That his late Majesty having left no Heir Male, 
1. Article.  nor any Children of any Hereditary Prince which might succeed according to the Laws and Constitution of the Realm: They did approve of and confirm the Act formerly concluded at Norcopia, An. 1604. concerning the Daughters of their Kings and Heir-Princes, at the renovation of their Hereditary Union: In reference whereunto, as also to the Act concluded at Stocholme the fourth of December, An. 1627. in case his Majesty should happen to decease; They did thereby unanimouly establish and confirm, as also advisedly, freely, and without constraint, declare and pronounce, The High and Mighty Princess Christina, Daughter of his renowned Majesty Gustavus Adolphus, the Second and Great King; Queen of the Suethes, Goths, and Vandals; lawfully chosen: as also Hereditary Princess, Great Duchess of Finland, Duchess of Esthonia, and Carelia, their most dear and gracious Queen: And did by these presents oblige themselves, etc. with all the Inhabitants of the Kingdom, and Subjects thereof, to render to her Majesty all true and due Service and Obedience; and did Inaugurate and establish her said Majesty in whatsoever in righteousness they might be answerable for before God and Man; so that she had full power and authority to command them in all things. They likewise confirmed and ratified the Laws of the Realm for her Majesty: And further obliged themselves to stand for her Majesty's safety, her good and welfare, as well as for that of the Kingdom, even to the danger of their lives and loss of their goods. Provided that her Majesty, when she should attain to perfect years and full possession of the Government of the Kingdom, did secure unto them and the whole State, whatsoever might concern the maintaining of all their Laws, Liberties, and Privileges, etc. as the like had been done by former Kings, especially by her late Royal Father, and had by the State of the Kingdom been approved.  
Secondly, that if any Suethe or other, subject to the Crown 
2. Article.  thereof, of what degree, dignity, or quality soever, should refuse to subscribe and submit to this establishment, or dare to oppose their present Act, or seek to advance any other, whether native or foreigner: They did esteem and declare that party to be a member separated from their body; an Enemy, yea, Traitor to the Kingdom, and upon conviction of a Crime of that nature, to be punished without mercy.  
Thirdly, They confirmed and ratified the Acts formerly concluded against King Sigismundus with his Children and Discendants; 
3. Article.  and declared them to have no right or interest in the Crown of Suethland, or any part of the Dominions or Jurisdictions thereto belonging: and that all their right and pretensions were lost, void, forfeit, and in the lapse for ever: And that if any Sueth or other person under that Crown, should endeavour the admittance of any of the aforesaids into the Kingdom, or to yield them any footing within the Jurisdictions, or upon the Frontiers thereof: They would hold that person (of what quality soever he were) for a pernicious and heinous Traitor to them and to the whole State: And upon perseverance therein should meet with the merciless punishment due to such a one: And that whosoever should listen unto, or harbour, or lodge, any such person without timely discovery unto Authority, should be liable to the like punishment: As also that the Orobrogian Acts of February, 1617. against all such, should remain as inviolable, as if they were here (Verbatim) expressed: And all Lords, Judges, and other Officers, were to see execution and performance of the same, as he would otherwise answer it at his peril.  
Fourthly, That they unanimously and deliberately confirmed and renewed what had been formerly enacted concerning 
4. Article.  the Service of God and his Church by other Assemblies and Diets, and did generally oblige themselves to remain in the same Form, Truth, and Discipline of Religion, according to the Revealed truth of God's holy Word, and the Articles of Christian Faith contained in the Apostolical, Nicene, and Athanasian Creed, together with the Confession of Auspurg, and as formerly concluded in the Counsel of Vssall.  
Fifthly, That in regard of the Queens under age and insufficiency thereby to defend and govern the Realm by her own 
5. Article.  self and ability: They did unanimously desire and ordain, that his Majesty's Decree and Ordinance concerning this matter (formerly committed to the Counsel and Lords of the State, for their judgement and the conceiving of a right Order thereupon, which had been also by them tendered unto, and approved of by his Majesty, but by reason of his sudden ●eath and other occasions impeding, had not had its full effect, notwithstanding their want of sundry necessary instructions and appurtenances, which through straightness of time could not be inserted) should be put in execution, and performed for the good of the Realm, by the five chief States and Officers thereof; Viz.  

1. The Lord high Steward.  
2. Martial.  
3. Admiral.  
4. Chancellor.  
5. Treasurer.   
And in the absence of one, or other, or of any, the eldest of the Counsel of State, to supply the place: And these five to govern the Kingdom of Suethen for her Majesty, until she should have attained perfect years. And they five, or (as aforesaid) the eldest of the Counsel of Stockholme, being of the same College and Assembly, supplying the place of any of them absent, should have the Tuition of the Queen, and should bear rule during her Minority and Nonage, only in her name and stead, without prejudice to the Realm or State, or violation or breach of the Laws, Rights, and Privileges thereof: And should for her Majesty powerfully maintain the five Brotherly Offices and State Ranks: That is, Court-right Counsel, Counsel of War, Admiralty, Chancery, and Treasury, or Exchequer, according to the institution and establishment of former Kings, and especially of their late King Gustavus the second: And should to their power uphold and maintain the Rights, Laws, Justice, and Policy of Suethen; Defend and protect the Realm with all the depencies thereon; so as they might conscientiously answer before God, the Queen, and the State, when thereunto called, as those by Oath were thereunto obliged: So, on the other side, the Lords and Peers of the Realm did promise to yield and perform unto those persons Selected, as aforesaid, all due respect, honour, obedience, and submissive Subjection, in whatsoever they should require and command, tending to the Glory of Almighty God, the good and welfare of the Queen, of the State, and Commonweal: And that in case any person, or persons, should either in word or deed thwart and oppose the present proceeding and government; They would withal their powers endeavour to suppress such Insolences, punish the parties, and constrain them to better obedience.  
Sixthly, They would to their utmost prosecute the War against 
6. Article.  the Emperor and Popish League in Germany, which their King had sealed with his blood, until it should please Almighty God to settle a happy and desired Peace for the good of his Church: As also the Kingdom's necessity so requiring, whether by reason of their present Wars, or of any new Enemies against their Queen and State, they would with their lives and Fortunes maintain their Rights and Liberties, and with their utmost abilities oppose all such as should confront or withstand their proceedings.  
Seventhly, That forasmuch as no Kingdom could subsist without means, or War be rightly managed without great 
7. Article.  charges, They did likewise think good that the  
Tolls and Customs should be continued for the good of the Kingdom, in the same manner as then raised and received etc.  
Moreover; If the German War should continue; Or if their Kingdom and Country should fasten upon some other War or trouble: They did promise and oblige themselves, that whensoever required by the Peers, States, and Lords of the Realm. They would with all their power and means stand and fight, for the Religion, Queen, Kingdom and Liberties.  
That, in all the particulars before specified, they were resolved, and had unanimously, generally, and particularly, in their own, and in the behalf of their brethren, present and absent: as well unborn as borne, freely and willingly consented, agreed, approved, and concluded, and therein sufficiently accorded, and did promise as faithful, religious, and true sincere meaning Subjects, to perform the same: They the Council, State, etc. of Sueden, did underwrite and seal the premises at Stockholme the fourteenth of March 1633.  
Thus was the young Princess Christiana, than aged about seven years, designed Queen of Suethes, Goths and Vandals &c. as before fully expressed; conform to what had been decreed in her Father's time, at the forespecified Stockholmian Parliament, An. 1627. Her Person and Kingdom was governed by the Tutors until the year. 1650. in which she was Crowned, and hath since (in a continued single condition) swayed that Sceptre more absolutely: the Surname of Augusta may be (not unduly) attributed unto her, for certainly that Princess, happy in a wise Council and valiant Commanders, hath done great things, and for many years (since her Father's death) hath held up the Bucklers, against the Imperial and Austrian Forces, even in the heart of the Empire, and left it unconstrained with honourable conditions both for herself and her Allies.  
Casimirus King of Poland Great Duke of Lithuaniae. &c/ etc. Ao. 1649   portrait of John III Casimir, King of Poland 
But this Princess, borne, bred, and habituated to reign, hath in one late action outstripped all her former; by resigning, uncompelled that the World hath heard of, that Crown and Kingdom unto her Kinsman, the present King: A concession to be admired, and which after Ages will (perhaps) account rather fictitious than true: Examples of such great voluntary renounciations seldom happening amongst men: nor do we read of more than two; Dioclesian a Heathen divested himself of the Imperial Wreath: Charles the fifth likewise, after a forty years Regal, and thirty six years Imperial Domination, in the fifty and sixth of his age, surrendered his Kingdoms to his Son Philip, and the Empire to his Brother Ferdinand: But from the weaker Sex, which by how much it is so, is the more avidously tenacious of Power, by what means soever acquired, as Histories Divine and humane do testify, none to be excepted, nor any equal Precedent to be produced.  
Neither had this Lady those motives which may be conceived to have induced that great Emperor last named, to quit his several Soveraigneties, thereby to live eternally in the memories of men; As the nearness of Relations mentioned, his advance into years, under the burden of such occasions as could not but render him sensible of having received (as he had caused unto others) infinite toils and troubles, having undergone nine Voyages into Germany, six into Spain, seven into Italy, four into France, ten into the Low Countries, two into England, two into Africa, besides eleven times traversing the main Ocean. Certainly, He having been mostly Successful in continued Wars, might be apprehensive of a Reverse of fortune, and therefore not unwilling to prevent it, as he did, by a Monastical Retirement.  
But this Princess never exposed to personal hazards, hath denuded herself of a Royalty, and therewith invested her nearest Kinsman, yet more remote than either a Son or a Brother, What Women do we read of that ever refused aught of Glorious? Much less doth History record any Princess, who in the prime of her years hath freely relinquished a long continued, hereditary devolved Possession of a Diadem, this Lady excepted, who by this Conquest over herself, hath achieved a greater than by all her Commanders she ever could, which happily may incite some accurate Pen to afford the World an Elogium befitting the Magnanimity of that Act in one of the fairer Sex; than which former Ages have not preduced a more lofty Subject whereon to ground the Gallantry of a Discourse.  
That Queen hath (all along) demonstrated a good inclination to preserve a fair correspondency with England, even in the heat and height of its late troubles; In An. 1644. She sent Mr Hugh Mowet her Agent to the Parliament then sitting, in which public Ministry he was employed about two years: Neither did he make (in all that time) the least address or application elsewhere: Several subsequent intercourses have (since) continued the Amity between this and that Nation: Neither have her respects, as well to our present Government, as to the Person of his Highness the LORD PROTECTOR, been obscurely testified by her solemn Reception and honourable Entertainment of the Right Honourable the Lord Whitlock, late Ambassador Extraordinary in Suethland, and by her fair compliance with what desired for the good of both Nations, which having concluded, and as witnessing to the World that She would Dignify that Act by rendering it the last of her Reign, she soon after resigned her Kingdom, Crown, and Sceptre, unto  
CAROLUS gustavus the present King of Suethes, Goths, and Vandals, Great Prince of Finland, Duke of Esthonia and Carelia, Lord of Ingria, who hath ratified the same, and settled a future good understanding between the Realms of England, and Suethland, by a most Solemn and Magnificent Embassy: He was borne in Ostrogothia about the year, 1620. if information err not: Son to the most Illustrious Prince John Casimir, Duke of Zwey Bruchie (descended from the Electoral House Palatine) and of the most Illustrious Princess Catherina, eldest Daughter to the often forenamed Charles the ninth, King of Suethland, and half Sister to the Great Gustavus Adolphus: He was in England, An. 1640. since which time he hath been Generalissimo of all the Suethish Forces in Germany, and there gave beginning to those great expectations of himself, which have rendered him the desire of the Suethes, who have Crowned him their King, in An. 1654.: He was (as I have been informed) entitled to that Kingdom by Act of that Nations Parliament, in the year 1650. if the then Queen Christina should decease without lawful Male Issue.  
His early great Commencements, as well before as since his 
This Act hath not come to my hands, otherwise the Heads thereof had been particularised.  Exaltation to that Crown, do promise an equal progress and the addition of Semper to his surname of Gustavus, which (literis transpositis) is Augustus, for a perpetuating of the Glory of that Gustavian Line, unto whose name and Sceptre he hath so happily succeeded, as his late Armed Entry into Poland, and Success hitherto may seem to witness. The Motives that induced him thereunto, the Curious may read in his Letter to the present Emperor Ferdinand the third, dated from Wolgast in the month of July, of the year currant, 1655.  
But leaving this Digression. In the Treaty of Pacification, 
Observations on the Treaty.  continued Vicissitudes may be seen; sometimes hopes of accommodation, other whiles nothing but present rupture to be expected, about empty Airey Titles, or not much more: And when things seem most desperate, and without mediate means of reconcilement, the stiffer Party comes fairly to hand by a gentle compliance. We may observe, the Mediators turn Parties for precedency and formalities, which, in a just valuation, what amount they unto? thereby necessitating (in a manner) the Parties to become Mediators and so make compensation for Offices received: In its Signature how little trustis to be imputed to the assurances of great ones, do they not measure observation of promises by the rule of Interest or self pleasing.  
In the Ambassadors life we may see one nobly descended, 
On the Ambassador.  sprung from a race of Ancestors honoured by Illustrious Antiquity, yet not unnecessitated to pursue the advance of his Fortunes amidst those dangers that attend the honourable Military Profession; and having in some degree attained to the favour of his Royal General, falls twice under the displeasure 
Great beginnings,  of that Greatness, the frown whereof, according to the wisest of men bringeth Death: And yet, the same Person again buyed up by a hand equally powerful, Ascends to be what he expected not, an Umpire between Kings and Crowns; But what Merit can there be toward Princes? their turns once served, their ends compassed; do they stick to kick up the heels of those, whose assistance (they but a little before) 
Have not always equal end.  thought advantageous unto them? He falls at last under the undeserved displeasure of two mighty Monarches, into his Grave; and, as having no more to do here below, removeth to render an account of the whole Negotiation of his life above.  
What shall We conclude upon the whole? What shall We 
Mutual Greatness, glittering Misery.  call these Greatnesses so subject to mutability? Splendida Miseria? Such indeed they are: And We may shut up all with that Ingemination of the Wise man; Vanity of Vanities, Vanity of Vanities; All is but Vanity and Vexation of Spirit.  
As to that Honourable Person deceased, who acted in that Treaty, and whom this present Narrative doth particularly concern, We are not without warrant to gather a Christian confidence of his Residence in those Mansions of durable Blessedness, which admit of no more change; seeing he died not only in the pursuance, but in the effecting and preserving of Peace. For we have it asserted by the Divine Word, God-Man; That blessed are the Peacemakers, for they shall be called the Children of God. If such be not, who can be eternally happy? 
Happy closure.   The Memory of the Just shall remain for ever. The Righteous shall be had in everlasting remembrance.  
FINIS.  

The Courteous Reader is desired, for what rendered amiss in the Book and her expressed, to have regard to the present emendation; other errors of less moment (not contradicting the sense) are remitted to the favourable correction of the Ingenious Inspector.  
P. 4. l 25. two, p. 12. l. 24. which, 31. failed, p. 17: l. 44. joining, p. 19 l: 37. Maritime, p. 29. l. 25. meetly. p. 30. l. 24. neither, p. 33. l. 21. the foresaid Claudius, p. 39 l. 40. Ambiguous, p. 38. l. 12. and, 35. Alloy, p. 49. l. 13. were not so, p. 50. l. 2. from his Majesties, p. 51. l. 4. from, p. 5, 2. l. 10. is not the, p 56. l 45. contrarily, the p. 76. l. 9 Militia, p. 78. l. 4. as they assert, p. 86. l. 19 Proscribing, p. 89. l. 46. promising any, p. 90 l. 40. Sought, p. 91. l. 33. should be, p. 93. l. 33. prosecute, p. 99 l. 45. revenge, p. 102. l. 26. Schedule, p. 107. l. 29. for his, r. the, p. 108. l. 25. clear, p. 1 10. l. 41. add, and 42. decreed, p. 111. l. 5. of their controversies, p. 124. l. 3. for to, r. the, p. 129. l. 37. devolved, p, 142, l. 10. less of, p. 145. l. 6. praeallably. p. 155. l. 9 for by, r. by p. 157. l. 26. Her's, p. 167, l. 39 a Parliament, p 169. l. 25. altercation, and l. 36. Stilo Novo. p. 170. l. 46. Stilo Novo, p. 172 l. 5. belonging to Poland, p. 173. l. 21. not pleasing to, p. 212. l. 26. arising, p. 217. l. 28. dissension, p. 224. l. 4. Nordlingen, p. 231. l. 9 lent, p. 241. l. 5. Altenaw, p. 249. l. 28. dependencies p. 251. l. 31. expected, 252. l. 4. hereditarily.