THE BLEEDING IPHIGENIA OR An excellent Preface of a Work unfinished, published by the Author's friend, with the Reasons of publishing it.  
THe picture of Iphigenia (one of the rarest pieces of antiquity) going to be sacrificed for appeasing the anger of Diana offended with her Father King Agamemnon for killing a stag consecrated to that Goddess, made Timanthes the Author thereof very famous. He placed in lively colours, round about this fair Princes, her Kinsmen, Friends, Allies, and suit in great Consternation, all drowned in lamentations and tears; but the gallant Lady (nothing in nature appeared more comely) smiled, bearing in her countenance a Majesty, and contempt of death: so charming was the art of this picture, that few could view it without tears.  
Courteous Reader, the Author of this Preface hath drawn another Iphigenia of the body of a noble, ancient Catholic Nation claed all in red Robes, not to be now offered up as victim; but already sacrificed, not to a profane Deity, but to the living God for holy Religion: look but on this our bleeding Iphigenia, and I dare say you will lament her Tragedy.  
1. In the first place the Author sets down his own fear and care about long Eternity (which should be the chiefest care of a Christian) confessing with grief and compunction of hart, that he had walked in danger, even to the age of 71. years, and at length found himself touched with that dreadful theme: Aut paenitendum aut ardendum. That is: Either we must do penance, or burn. This drove him to a resolution of laying aside all worldly entanglements, and conversations, for obtaining the Kingdom of heaven and taking order with the house of his Soul, for that he was sure to die, and could not live long.  
2. He expresses a Godly anger against his friend Shall an Apostata. Sanctè Irascitur qui pro Deo Irascitur. hat is: THee is justly Angry, that is angry for God's Cause.  
3. He delivers in sensible Language the slavery▪ ruin, and destruction of his dear Country.  
4. He presents to the view of our gracious King Charles the second a Catholic People, his faithful subjects wounded by thiefs, and left half dead, like the miserable man, that went from Jerusalem to jerico; desiring his Majesty with prayers, and tears to come near and bind up the wounds of the afflicted, pouring in Oil and Wine, as did de Godly Semaritane. His Language to the King is with submissive duty, and yet with a Priestly freedom judging with Saint Ambrose. Neque imperiale est libertatem dicendi denegare, neque Sacerdotale, quod sentiat, non dicere. That is: It is neither Kingly to deny the freedom of speaking, nor Priestly, not to speak what he thinks.  
5. He names in particular certain Capital, Implacable, bloody Enemies of his Country, and gives them the Characters, they deserve: and to justify this, says with tertullian, In hostem Patriae, omnis homo miles est. That is: Every man is a Soldier against the enemy of his Country.  
The subject of his writing was to reprove Shall a jesuit of the Fourth Vow, for abjuring the Catholic Faith, and leaving his holy Order: In the work he proceeded to 8. or 9 Chapters, and went no further; but I hope some zealous Israelite will build upon the foundation he hath laid, a handsome structure.  
You will perhaps inquire who he is that began, and did not finish a good work; he is a learned worthy Priest, of whom, all that know him, will say, (his modesty may not be offended with the truth's I utter) he hath been all his life time, sincere in all his writings, ways, and conversation; (He is truly one of those can say with Seneca: Quod sentimus loquimur, & quod loquimur sentimus. That is: I think what I speak, and speak what I think.) Ever Loyal to his Prince, faithful to his Country, and true to his friend; and so hearty a lover of peace, with all kind of men; that he never engaged in any contention, but what was pious for defending Religion, and the Jurisdection of the holy Sea: in quarrels of this nature he was still fervent, and feared no man, and used to say with great Ambrose in such encounters. Nemini facio injuriam, si omnibus Deum praefero. That is: I injure no man by praeferring God before all.  
Having considered with attention this sound Preface, and finding the contents solid, well ordered, and such as may be useful to my poor Country, I thought it my duty to make all public to the World; hoping that pious Christians beholding the grievous wounds we have received for God, and Religion, from the Enemy's of both, will open the bowels of mercy to us so sorely oppressed.  
I conclude with a word or two to my dear Countrymen, recommending seriously to them all, at home and a broad, to humble themselves under the judgements of God, and pour forth their hearts like Water upon the Earth, in contrition, tears, and prayers; which is the only way left for assuaging the anger of God, come upon us, for our own sins, and those of our Forefathers; Initium salutis (saith holy Hierome) est nostra intelligere, & flere peccata. That is: To understand and deplore our sins is the beginning of Salvation; and because a disease deeply rooted (as ours) needs a strong and long cure, it is fitting we call to mind that saying of Saint Ambrose. Grandi plagae, alta, & problixa est opus medicina; and apply the same.  
I beseech you, gentle Reader, pray to God for my afflicted Country, and for the Catholic Religion therein persecuted, that it be not wholly extinguished, and so commending you to the tuition of the Almighty, I remain  
Your humble servant in Christ jesus N. N.   

AMICUS ANONIMUS ad AUTHOREM ANONIMUM.  
QVam bene Magnates stringis: tibi dicere verum  
Innatum est: aliis dissimurare placet.  
Fallacias Mundi, Scriptor venerande, nec artes;  
Tu curas, ut Mundum falsa docere probes.   

ERRATA.  
 Faults. Corrected. Pag. 5. discere dicere▪  scilentio silentio Pag. 7. Syrus Cyrus Pag. 27. indigint indigent Pag. 40. repelere repellere Pag. 46. defensiones defensionis Pag. 52. contumiles contumelies Pag. 55. tili tell Pag. 60. extorpated extirpated Pag. 70. place peace Pag. 76. weddower widow's Pag. 79. erat erant Pag. 83. furoro furore Pag. 85. dissoluite dissolute.   

The Censures of a venerable and learned Prelate, and three Professors of Divinity given of the Bleeding Iphigenia, in their Letters written to the publisher thereof.  

The first.  
AS for the Bleeding Iphigenia I perused it sensibly, and according to my sentiment, it is the best I perused yet upon that subject, and I am sure the fittest for the gain of the Nation, and therefore the more welcome that ever since their Misery I have seen. I would all our writers had contained themselves Intra istos limits for the greater Satisfaction of poor Souls, Qui persecutionem patiuntur propter justitiam. If I had the tree of life in my Custody, I would give of the fruit to the Author, Vt deponeret senectam, aeternumque Patriae viveret. I have no more to say, but remain your own for ever.  
Tertio Februarii, 1675.   

The second.  
Gratias humillimè ago pro Iphigenia mihi nuper transmissa, quae verè Sanguinolentam Hiberniae faciem vivis coloribus adumbrat: opus est peridoneum, ut afflictis Catholicis non parum suppeditet solatii, atque animorum, ut laeto vultu tristes casus, & erecta fronte iniqua persequentium tela excipiant. Scenam quoque sat apertam adversantium oculis proponit, in qua sua delicta sine fuco agnoscant, agnita plangant, ac laesam aequitatem resarciant, nisi velint supremi Tribunalis feralem catastrophen experiri; quando scilicet in scenam prodibit laesa Metanaea, ac mucronem Iphigeniae cervicibus incumbentem ipsa arripiet, ad sumendam de iniquis ultionem. Gratulor ego hujus operis Authori, in quo agnosco singularem eruditionem, cum sincero Patriae a more decertantem, utraque apud aequum Lectorem palmam feret. Utinam in aliis tantum valeat Religio & aequitas, quantum in Authore scientia & charitas.  
27 Februarii, 1675.   

The third.  
I have exacttly perused the Preface or Bleeding Iphigenia, and read it twice over, it is full of solid truths, excellently well expressed. For my own part I never took it into my hands, but I found myself moved to a tender compassion upon the account of those distressed fuffering Catholics in Ireland. Our good God the Father of mercy, be to them a merciful comforter, I think moreover that those, who shall read this Preface and feel not themselves moved to pity the affliction of those distressed, and now violently oppressed servants of Almighty God, have hearts harder than stones, and that God will show his Just judgement upon them, even in this world. Much more I could say in commendation of this little book, but am loath togive you the trouble of so long a letter. The prefiged Title pleases me extremely. And shall not the Bleeding Iphigenia make the most obdurate to relent? I am sure the whole learned, and well pondered discourse will draw tears from Innumerable. My cordial wish is that it draw compassion from those that have Massacred Iphigenia, and should before all others shed tears with repentance.  
13'th Februarii 1675.   

The Bleeding Iphigenia deserves a Virgil or Homer to commend it. No such Poets now living, be pleased to receive my judgement of that discourse in the ensuing Vers.  
I am ever your own. 23'th jan. 1675.    

Iphigenia Sanguinans.  
SAnguinat ante aras hoc Iphigenia libello,  
Quis nisi praedurus temperet a lacrimis?  
Magnates, duros magnetes innuit esse,  
Quos non confringit, non movet iste cruor.  
Transit levites plangens; quid Samaritanus?  
Durus percussam morte perire sinit:  
Sic gentem superis fidam, & te semper amantem  
Rex das mactandam? Regis an iste amor est?  
Insontem perimunt amente furore Rebelles;  
Te Regem ostende, & ne patiare mori:  
Lex naturalis, lex hoc divina reposcit,  
Sunt jura haec Regi non violanda pio.  
Parcito subjectis, & debellato superbos;  
In te ne justi saeviat ira Dei.  
Tandem Levites Vinumque Oleumque puellae  
Infundit plagis, & ducit in stabulum.  
Est medicus Levita pius; nec dicere verum  
Principibus trepidat; totus amat Patriam.  
Vive diu Levita precor, quo fcribere possis,  
Omnes ô mecum dicite, vive diu.   

THE PREFACE TO THE STUDIOUS READER.  
AFter a toilsome peregrination for the space of full seaventy years in this Babylon of confusion and miseries, (wherein men are so strangely tormoyled, that the pleasures they enjoy, often become their greatest torments.) I began at length with a sensible care to consider of Long Eternity, purposing, to lay aside all false contentment, deceiving Illusions, and profane conversations, heavy Chains I have carried to long with small pleasure, and great fear▪ and although I found great danger in carrying them, yet I had not courage enough to shake them of for good and all. Vere trahebam catenam meam (to use S. Augustins' Language) solui timens.  
My declining age forewarning me the downfall of my decaying body would be soon, and perhaps sudden, bid me prepare for a surer, and a more durable habitation; and it seemed to me my Guardian Angel whispered to my disquieted soul even the same words the Prophet isaiah uttered to King Ezechias when dangerously sick. 
Isa. Cap. 38,  Thus saith our Lord: take order with thy house, for thou shalt die, and shalt not live.  
This inevitable alarm of dying raising a high storm within me, I concluded without further fluctuation to spend the short remnant of time I have to live, in penance, Holy contemplation, prayers, and Mortification for schanselling with tears (if God would be so pleased) the sins and vanities of my former life.  
I had hardly begun to settle my mind in this divine meditation, when behold a printed paper from London came to hand, of a public abjuration of the Roman Catholic faith made by Andrew Shall a jesuit of the fourth Vow. This paper indeed gave me a great heaviness of hart, for I loved the man dearly for his amiable nature, and excellent parts, and esteemed him both a pious person and Learned, and so did all that knew him, but I see we were all deceived in him. However this sudden change of him made me say with a sad attention those words of Saint Paul. 
1. Cor. Cap. 10.  He that thinketh himself to stand, let him take heed lest he fall. For God knows I no way feared this man would have fallen into herisy.  
As I was Reading with great attention Sall's Abjuration I called to mind that great read Dragon, 
Apoc. Cap. 12.  whose tail drew the third part of the stars of heaven, and cast them to the earth. And then said to myself, the tail of an infernal beast had cast this Shall to the Earth out of a little heaven: (The state of Religion) wherein for a time, he shined like a small star in virtue, and learning.  
After deserting the Socitey of jesus and running away with infamy and shame, out of the whole House of God I could not Endure him, and therefore resolved to give him a sharp reprehension: at which if he shall repine, and fall into Choler for my endeavouring to do him good, I shall hold that for an ill Symptom of his disease qui corripientem Eum contemnit (saith Solomon) non sequetur Eum Sanitas. Some sick men there are, that now and then think themselves sound and well, when they are most sick, all those can not abide the sight of a Doctor, which is a Kind of madness: if Shall be one of those, his cure will be the harder; however for Charity-sake, and for the ancient amity we had, I will Employ all pains, and diligence for healing him, but the cure must come from above, 
Dictum S. Ambrosy.  Ab illo medico in caelis, qui spargit medicamentae in terris. far it is (God knows) from my mind to add affliction to his afflictions, sufficiat Diei malitia sua: nec unquam fuit mea consuetudo lacerato animo discere vitia amicorum, talem zelum (ut cum S. Augustino Loquar) semper fensui magis impetum punientis, quam caritatem corrigentis. The same Saint tells me how to handle Sall. Dilige, (saith he) & dic quod voles.  
But what shall I do to a man, that hath stained his soul with the spot of herisy? with what waters shall I wash him for wiping away the stain, with those of Siloe, 
Isa. Cap. 8.  quae fluunt cum scilentio, or those of Rasin quae transeunt cum tumultu? The last seem the more natural for purifying him▪ though my inclination is more for the soft running waters of Siloe.  
Had Sall's sin been no more than a slip of Ignorance, or frailty, we could have covered him with a Mantle of Charity; but the abominable abjuration of faith being a sin of a high nature, and full of Impiety against God, against Christ and his unspotted spouse, against Charity and the Holy Ghost, I can not be silent, but must openly rebuke his wickedness, and maintain truth against him before all the world: can I see aman dear to me, vaunting and so desperately defying the Hosts of the living God, and say nothing? that cannot be: Silence here were a great sin being the true time of taking up David's Sling and stone and throwing at this Giant domineering and vaporing against the camp of Israel. I am not to pour oil upon the head of such a sinner, flattery will not cure him, I must then in charity chide him and Exprobrat his deserting the Catholic faith; and if he is wise and penitent, he will say with repenting David. 
Psal. 140.  The Just shall rebuke me in mercy, and shall reprehend me: but let not the oil of a sinner fat my head.  
After lamenting Sall's woeful perversion, I begin to think of my dear Contry's affliction, and with fear, and amazement to inquire the ground and cause of persecution there and in Enland.  
Nothing was less feared (I am confident) by the Catholics of both Kingdoms than a tempest of this nature to come upon them, lying safe (as they conceived) under the wings of so great and merciful a Monarch, as Charles the second, a King of pardons. How then say men came this about? how could so clement a King be induced to afflict so loyal a people, as the Catholics of England, and Ireland? I see no Mystery in this business, all is clear: their affliction, and cause thereof is well known over all Europe, and is (as I may say) even the same with that of innocent Daniel, whose Loyal fidelity to Syrus King of Babylon, was so clear, as his malignant Enemy's said expressly of him, we shall not find against this Daniel any occasion unless perhaps in the Law of his God; the Crime then against Daniel and all the Jews was their Religion: upon this ground the Counsellors and great men of the Kingdom got the King to set forth an Edict against the Jews for professing their Religion, and by this means Daniel was cast into the lake of the Lions by a King that loved him. The King loved Daniel but he feared the great men, who pressed the Law to be executed against Daniel, and this fear more strong in the King then love, made poor Daniel Companion to the Lions.  
Your Religion noble Countrymen, your Religion is the sole Crime, for which you suffer: (Blessed for ever be the name of God for this) your Religion hath stirred up this tempest, which ought not to terrify you over much, seeing the Apostles our first Captains and Leaders in this holy cause, those darlings of God, endured hard things for Religion: Prisons, whip, contumilies, and all sorts of vexations were to them delights, and consolations: 
Act. Apl. cap. 5.  they after being scourged went from the sight of the Council rejoicing, because they were accounted worthy to suffer reproach for the name of Jesus.  
Do not therefore fear all that men can do against you, while with tears and patience you march under the purple Standart of Crucify'd Jesus, for in the end, the day, and victory will be yours: fear not the power of men in this glorious trial, there be more with you, then against you, (Legions of Angels though you see them not) those heavenly hosts are pitching their tents round about you. He that Led the Children of Israel out of Egypt in wonders through the red Sea, never wants power to deliver you: wait for his good time, for he will come.  
A Table of sage Counsels, that hung by the bed of Ptolomeus Arsacides King of Egypt, (by him Religiously observed all the time of his reign,) was delivered by a Priest of the Idols to the wise Emperor Marcus Aurelius, who dying gave it to his son with this short speech. My son leaving you Emperor of many Kingdoms, I presume you will with that great power be feared of all, and if you will faithfully Keep the Godly Counsels in this Table, you shall be infallibly beloved of all.  

The Table of Counsels.  
1. I Never denied (said the virtuous King Ptolomeus) justice to a poor man, for being poor; nor pardoned a rich man for being rich.  
2. I never loved a rich wicked man; nor hated a poor just man.  
3. I never granted favours to men for affection; nor destroyed men to satisfy my passion.  
4. I never denied Justice to any demanding justice; nor mercy to the afflicted and miserable.  
5. I never passed by Evil without punishing it; nor good without rewarding it.  
6. I never did Evil to any man out of Malice; nor villainy for avarice,  
7. I was never without fear in prosperity; nor without courage in adversity.  
8. My door was never open to a flatterer; nor my ear to a murmuring detractor.  
9 I endeavoured still to make myself beloved of the good; and feared of the Evil.  
10. I ever favoured the poor that were able to do little for themselves; and I was evermore favoured by the Gods, that were able to do much for all.   

Those rare Counsels should be exposed in the houses of Kings and all puplick places to the view of men, to be known of all in their respective dignities and callings: and it would be a pious and noble action, if our gracious sovereign would be pleased to consider seriously with himself, how far these just and Laudable Counsels have been regarded during the time of his reign, especially in conferring of estates and lands from one part of his subjects, to another part of them contrary to all due course of Law, and without hearing of the parties oppressed, which hath been procured to be done by the undue information, and persuasion of certain of his Councillors, and Ministers of State, and chiefly of the Chancellor the Earl of Clarindon.  
If his Majesty shall do this grace, and justice to his Catholic subjects of Ireland, thousands of Widows and Orphans will be eased and relieved, who now sit down in great poverty, Lamenting extremely their Lands, Houses and all they had wrongfully taken from them, and this day possessed and enjoyed by those invaders.  
God binds all Kings, and judges by this commandment: 
Levit. cap. 19  Thou shalt not do that which is unjust nor judge unjustly. Consider not the person of a poor man, neither honour thou the countenance of him that is mighty. Judge justly to thy Neighbour. God alsoe forbids to give away one subject's bread to another; reason, virtue, and the laws of God, Nature and Nations are the rules that ought to guide all Princes and Magistrates in the government of the people under them. Did not God himself complain of Evell judges in this Kind.  How is the faithful City, full of judgement, become an harlot? justice hath dwelled in it, 
Isa. Cap. ●.  but now mankillers. The Princes are unfaithful, Companions of thiefs▪ all love gifts, follow rewards. They judge not for the pupil: and the widow's cause goeth not in to them. And again our Lord saith. 
jerem. Cap. 6.  They are made gross and fat: and have tranegressed my words most wickedly. The cause of the widow they have not judged; the cause of the pupil they have not directed, and the judgement of the Poor they have not judged. Shall I not vissite upon these things, saith our Lord? or upon such a Nation shall not my soul take revenge? 
Certainly it is against God's just judgement to omit such things, and crimes unpunished. There are thousands of distressed Catholic Pupils, and widows (his Majesty cannot choose but know it) that have not got justice; whose cause and complaint had no Entrance into his Courts; they cried out for justice, and were not heard, they Cried for mercy, and found it not; and such as live of those oppressed souls are still crying to heaven, and the King for remedy; Poor desolate and dejected, they are waiting at the door of the King's palace and no regard is had of their tears, prayers, and petitions.  
We are indeed become the reproach of all Nations round about us, by the craft and iniquity of States men, that have poisoned the Fountain of justice, It is said of some of those that their vices have far exceeded their virtues, and that in all their proceedings against our Nation, there was found in them no truth, no integrity, no Religion, no shame; but an insatiable covetousness, and a flaming ambition of making themselves great and powerful: and are not such men say you able to poison the Fountain of justice (and mercy toe) in a Kingdom.  
This sore oppression, and our necessities every day growing greater, forceth us to implore justice and mercy, and to mind the King of what the Apostle saith to a King. 
Ad Rome Cap. 13.  Non enim sine causa gladium portat. If the Law of God will allow of so many thousands of innocents' to be destroyed, is a maxim, that toucheth much his Royal Wisdom, and to be destroyed and sacrificed to augment the estates of men, that were great and rich enough before: can justice suffer this? can the merciful breast of a Clement King endure to see so many sad spectacles of woes, and miseries without all relief? will not God at long running look down, and examine these cruel proceedings? It hath been a principal care, and study of some statesmen near the King, to oppress and overthrow the Catholics of Ireland, and at the same time to persuade his Majesty, that we ought to be destroyed by justice and Law.  
Their Malice they have evidenced in their language, and viperous writings. Of this stuff you have enough in the Earl of Oreries answer to Peter Welsh his letter to the then Marquis, now Duke of Ormond desiring ajust and merciful regard of the Reman Catholics of Ireland: what could be more rational than such a demand? yet Orery must quarrel with the contents of said letter, and beleh out poison against the whole▪ Nation and their Religion. To this answer P. W. replied and solidly confuted Orery: let the indifferent Reader after deliberation judge of which side truth, solid reason, and learning is in the writings of both.  
It vexed Orery above all measure that P. W. advanced these two propositions. 1. That the worst of the Irish Papists were no Regicids, 2. That the Irish Papists fought against such men, when England, Scotland, and the Protestants of Ireland deserted the Royal cause.  
To the first Orery makes this pitiful answer. That the Irish Papists are no Regicids; let it be considered, that the Doctrine of Regicids is common in Romish Schools, and the practice in their courts. This is a false Calamny, tell us Orery in what Romish University or School is this Doctrine Common? in what Catholic Court is this practice? you can not tell us, and therefore you are convinced of Calumniating Catholic Schools, and Courts, which is no credit for you.  
In the mean time we demand Orery in what School was the Doctrine had, by which Crumwell and the rabble of bloody Rebels murdered the good King Charles the first, in the School of Geneve or Rome? Speak freely your mind, and tell us on what side were you when the King was murdered, of Crumwells' party or the Kings? of Crumwells' party you were then, and had you been then in London likely (this is the opinion of many) you had been a high man in that bloody jury; and after that King's death no man desired more (as was generally spoken of you) to King Crumwell, and unKing our present sovereign than you.  
To P. W. his second proposition you answer thus. That to touch the anointing, is virtually to touch the anointed, take away the regalia, and in effect you take away the King. Orery all this is true, but what Illation make you of this? who I pray are those that touched the anointings, and the anointed, the Catholics of Ireland; or Cromwell's party? (whose faithful janniser you have been.) The anointings you have touched formally, all the Regalia, the Kings Cittys, Townes, Forts, Militia, and for addition to your treason you made open war against the Crown and King, (it was Crumwell and you all touched then the anointed virtually) and here you stayed not, but touched the anointed formally, when you put him to death by an unheard and most bloody solemnity, and as it were by justice or course of law, an asacinate, that hath contaminated the glory of the English Nation, though the best and most of the Peers and good people of England abhorred it. Your answer to this second proposition you conclude thus. Had the Devil had leave to touch Jobs person, he would not have spared him, when he touched all that was his. You say right Orery; but what say you to this; that you and your Companions after touching all that was the Kings, have touched his sacred person, and Barbarously killed him. See and reckon among yourselves, what Kind of Devils you were then, and if you have not gone a step farther against your own King, than the Devil did against Job.  
Orery you might take us for men of short memory, if we should forget, how you by a way of raillery said of 54. Catholic Gentlemen Nominees, that were to be restored, (and made account they should be so) to their chief houses, and 2000 Acres of ground, that it was intended by the act, they should be only Nominees, Nomine restorable, but not re. You have played the Prophett Orery (though you spoke in a leering way) for as yet none of them have been restored, (as we are informed) nor likely shall; yet at that time you abused the King's goodness and credulity, assuring his Majesty, there was a sufficient stock of reprisals to satisfy all.  
After taking some pains, in reading over the hit (papering) contention between the Earl of Orery, and Father Peter Welsh Friar Minor Lector of Divinity, I found Orery's answer to P. W. his letter to the then Marquis now Duke of Ormond, to be an Eloquent, Polished, Elaborated piece, but full of Cavils, artifice, fallacies, untruths, and sophistry; all his study and pains tend to render the Catholics of Ireland odious, and infamous, and their peace of 1648. void: (Rem non bonam facis Orere, ultra vires tuas est negotium) he shows in his writings a bitter soul, and a great pride and presumption, (I owe not so much to his degree as to spare telling him truth, nor want I confidence to defend truth, and my Country, against a person of higher quality than he is.) Never came in my way an Author, that writes of a whole Nation, and their Religion, less Christianly, less nobly, and less truly; and for his pains he is worthy of the praise S. Angustin gives to such aman, as this: Ingenium in malo venenum in auro.  
Upon a Bull of Vrbanus 8. to the confederate Catholics of Ireland Anno 1643. he makes a mocking malicious comment. This Bull imports no more than an exhortation to the Catholics to free themselves from the oppressions, and grivous Injuries, their fellow subjects the Protestants did them, who had designed to pull them up root and bransh, (as was evidently made appear) he alsoe praised the Catholics for endeavouring to defend themselves, and their Religion, and gave them Indulgences in so just and good a quarrel; his holiness speaks not a word in all against the King, nor obedience due to the King; Richard Belings esquire Agent to that Pope from the confederate Catholics hath atested, that his holiness commanded him to tell his Children the Catholic Confederates, that he would have them in defending themselves, and Religion, to continue constantly obedient to their King, and after his holiness sent an excellent and pious letter to the suprem Council of the confederate Catholics, of which I shall speak more hierafter. Will not the world rather believe his holiness own Letters, and the Messenger we sent him, in declaring his sense in the v Bull, then Orery the Pope's enemy? What I pray is contained in that Bull, that an honest man can reprehend? would Orery have the Pope be so mad, as to forbid his Children to defend themselves and Religion against him, and his Companions?  
Good God how this man doth abuse this Pope's pious and good meaning expressed in foresaid Bull, which Orery tells the world was a Cherishing of the Catholics in Rebellion, as if our taking up arms for our necessary defence of lives, and Religion against the Protestants our fellow subjects could have been a rebellion, as he would fain persuade his reader, and that the Popes v Bull was a Cherishing of the Catholics in a Rebellion: to which purpose he speaks thus. If the Pope's power over the Irish be so great, their obedience to the King must be little: as if the Religion of the Catholics had an inconsistency with their duty and obedience to the King, which is most false. The Pope's power over the people is in spiritualibus; the King's power in temporalibus; and those powers do well agree (as is evidently known over all the world) in the power of Catholic Princes over their subjects, and in the Pope's power over the same people; those powers, and Juridictions in Catholic times in England did not Clash, nor do they now in their nature, the Catholic people paying their duty to both; it is true the Luminare Majus (the Pope) Catholics venerate more, then Luminare minus (the King) because Luminare Majus hath the greater light and influence; yet they do not therefore omit to pay due veneration to the King. Orery brings no proof, or sound argument, to prove what he assumed, (that the Pope's Bull was sent for Cherishing a Rebellion,) but his own authority, which with us hath little credit, and will so with any, that shall know his ways and dealings.  
I pray Orery to make this reflection, whether there have ever been in the world more execrable and bloody Rebels than himself and Companions▪ who had no dependence upon the Pope, but quite contemned his authority, and his person hated. He will not (I hope) say the Pope Cherised their Rebellion.  
The man hath much strained his brains in impugning the mentioned Bull; and as if he had done a great bussiness, says thus of the Irish Catholics. If they succeed, heaven and Ireland is theirs; if they succeed not, heaven is theirs. Orery by the quarrel, we intended to hold what of Ireland was ours, against invaders; who can blame us for this? and fight for Religion, we had a good claim to heaven; and though we succeeded not in fight, our claim to heaven is still good by our faith and good works; this claim all our Enemy's, with the Protestant Parliaments of England, and Ireland are not able to take from us. Orery and all of his band, and Combination hath dealt with us as the Devil did with job; the Devil touched all that was Job's, except his life; Orery and his people have touched all that was ours except our souls, which we hope in his Divine mercy God will preserve for his own Worship and glory, so as we have still title to say, heaven is ours: but he and his cannot say for themselves, heaven is ours, until they shall change, their Religion into a true faith, do good worcks, and restore what they have unjustly taken from us.  
I will here set down a few of Oreries propossitions, let the reader after perusing them, judge of them.  
In his answer to P. W. his Letter to the Marquis of Ormond he calls the Irish Nation a beast, the Country a very pest-house, and the Religion of the Catholics something that pinns them upon the sleeve of the Pope. Was ever such a definition given of Religion? 
Ad Hebr. cap. 11.  S. Paul defines faith thus. Est fides sperendarum substantia rerum, argumentum non apparentium. The Apostle speaks nothing here of pinning, or of the Pope's sleeve. Orery this kind of scoffing raillery in holy things is ignoble, and better becoming Comedians than Counsellors. We owe the Pope and his sacred Dignity due obedience, which we will with God's blessing Religiously pay all our lives, fremant, frendeant, rumpantur invidia Oreri & mille impij nugatores; and this obedience did never take away, obedience due to our King, nor ever will. Who but a beast would call a noble and ancient Nation a beaest? sum will tell him he kicks against the whole Nation, because he is a beast, highly pampered, and fed with honours, lands, and Riches. Did ever any call the fair Country of Ireland a Pest-house but this man? why came so many poor indigint men out of England this age into this Pesthouse to make their fortunes? why came his Father thither (likely he hath herd, in what state, and plight his Father then was) he found himself very well for many years in this Pest-house.  
In his answer to P. W. he speaks these Godly words. Let it not seem strange or hard, at least to P. W. and his Countrymen, if a continued Series of Covenant-breaches, rapines, Murders, Massacres, Crueltys, perfidies, treasons, and Rebellions, exercised against the Crown, and Protestant Religion, raise jealousies in the hearts of all judicious Protestants.  
Is not this a pious gloss of a Geneva Presbiterian upon a wicked theme? doth not he show the spleen, and rancour of a cankered hart, in this high tone, and storm of Language against a whole Catholic Nation? Orery it is a great Calumny, that the body of the confederate Catholics exercised, rapines, Murders and those other abominations, or acted any thing against King and Crown. To the contrary in their oath of association you will find an express branch of defending the Crown, King, and Royal Family. We are not accountable for what Murders, some of the common people at the first rising in the North, committed against poor Protestants, with the taking away of their cattle and goods; which we pitied with all our hearts: the body of the Catholics were not, as yet come into the quarrel (but awhile after were forced to take Arms to avoid their own Destruction which could not be otherwise avoided) and since taking Arms they have done all a long what the laws of a just war allowed. But when you have yourself commanded a part of the Parliaments Rebellious Army have you contained your common soldiers from Murdering, and Robbing the innocent common people? we found the contrary by experience.  
Orery Pagina 28. of his answer to P. W. plays the Hypocrite with a great show of holiness. However (saith he) the once seduced Protestants of Ireland are willing to take shame to themselves, and give glory to God in confessing their guilt such, (though not by causing, yet by complying wtth the late usurpation, though to a good end) that they readily acknowledge, they owe their lives and estates to his Majesty's grace and Indulgence. This is humble and dutiful language, and such as should be spoken to a King, but all is spoken to a King coming home with triumph, and entering, into jerusalem with Osanna in excelsis, Benedictus qui venit in Nomine Domine: But to this King's Father, a King and the Fountain of justice, as well as the Royal Son, sorely afflicted, what were the Salutations, and cries of Oreries Companions? Tolle, tolle, Crucifige: some men have wit to change their dialect of speaking according to the change of times, and fortune, Orery is said to be one of these.  
I pray you hear the scurrile impudence of this people in time of their Rebellion, sending in a derisory manner Huae and cry after his Majesty, when they could not light on his Royal person.  If any man can bring any tale, or tidings of a wilful King, 
In Merc. Britanicus.  who had gone a stray these four years from his Parliament, with a guilty Conscience, bloody hands, a hart full of brooken vows, and protestations: if these marcks be not sufficient, there is another in the 
* Bos in Lingua.  Mouth, for bid him speak and you will soon know him: then give notice to Britanicus, and you shall be well paid for your pains. God save the Parliament. 
Who may not doubt but these kind of men are those crept in unawarrs, who (as the Apostle Judas tells us) despise dominion, 
judae Epist.  and speak evil of dignities: did not the same Apostle foretell, that there should be such mockers in the last time, who should walk after their own ungodly Lusts.  
I hope Orery will not say the great Rebels, the Irish Catholics (such he would have them be) did ever revile afflicted Majesty in such a scoffing way: truly they did not, but at all times, and upon all occations in their Pulpits, their congregrations, and public assemblies they spoke of the King with all veneration, and Compassion.  
Now his Majesty coming home in prosperity, those mockers of his Father are all become purified Musaellmen and speak nothing but Magnalia of the King. For all this, there are thousands of good true Protestants, Royalists in England that still fear, those new penitents, for abusing Royal Authority (or at least feign themselves so to be) would be glad to hear once more that military word as you were, and if this shall come about, the King will not have so dutiful language from them.  
That Orery says he and other Protestants complied with the usurpation to a good end, is a strange expression, he needs explain himself. They invaded all the regalia, that is, they took away the King's Navy, Forts, Towns, Militia, and in the end they Murdered the King himself. Does Orery call this a good end of complying with the usurpation.  
The truth is, Orery and his Companions in Ireland came home, when they could no longer stand of; the King may thank General Muncks ingenious stratagem for their coming in, their intention and ways were well known. Now the King's work being done by Monk with all wished success (so as those in Ireland had no power to hinder it) then Orery and the rest thought fit to cry out let the King live; and as he and his trusty comrades siding with the usurpation, had government and places of trust and profit (they then all danced to Crumwells' pipe) so now they court the King returning home, and show themselves great penitents, taking shame to themselves of their guilt, and giving Glory to God. Is not this a great glory to God, to confess a rebellion, they could no more deny, than we can deny its day when the Son is shining and scorching the earth. That which much troubles Orery, is, that the Irish Catholics do not acknowledge themselves guilty of a rebellion with him, and give glory to God that way, but they being, not guilty of such rebellion and treason against the Crown answer with S. Augustine, Praestat magis innocentem esse quam poenitentem.  
Orery engaged (as above was said) in a horrid rebellion, if he could make the Catholics confess themselves to have been Rebels, if this he could compass, he would indeed triumph, and say in a leering way: behold the Irish Catholics Confess they have been rebels as well as we; but we have obtained pardon, which was denied them, and have got their estates and lands to boot; let them now walk through out the world like poor and naked rebels.  
But of our side some will say, that at the time Orery and his people had pardon, and the Catholics not: Non erat Rex Iupiter omnibus idem. And that his Majesty's censure in the case between us was that the Poet speaks of. Dat veniam coruis, vexai censura columbas. Certainly his Majesty, in our, and your case, Orery, hath not walked according to Plato his excellent rule: 
Plato legum 2. lib.  Non infaelix, sed malus semper castigandus est, ut fiat melior. Not the unlucky, but the wicked man, is always to be chastised, that he may be amended. The Royal judgement went quite another way, for the unfortunate Irish Catholics were severely punished, and the wicked Crumwelian people have been pardoned, and rewarded with the estates of the Irish Catholics. Kingdoms a broad can hardly believe matters were so carried. Likely these people are now contented, having their hearts desire in this world, so as they may say without fear Ireland is ours. But their memory will perish, and themselves, or their posterity will be destroyed by as wicked men as themselves that destroyed us. Solomon said well: 
Prov. cap. 10.  The memory of the just is with praises: and the name of the Impious shall rot. I will give Orery and his friends a good counsel out of the wise man▪ 
Eccles. cap. 21.  Stuppa collecta Synagoga potententium, & consumatio illorum flamma ignis. The Sinagog of sinners is as tow gathered together, and their consummation a flame of fire.  
This man for wounding Catholics makes arrows of all wood, and frequently brings out this expression of the King against them. We do extremely detest the odious Rebellion, which the recusants of Ireland have without ground or colour, raised against us, our Crown, and Dignity. He further says: These words of the King were not spoken in a corner but under the great seal, and were worthy to be written with a beam of the son. All this is but an exaggeration to render us more odious. But will Orery tell us, with what Beam would he have the bloody Rebellion of Crumwell, of himself and the rest written? if there be any brighter than that of the son we are to seek out for it.  
Orery knows well there is no fouler stain, (except Heresy which is a spiritual Rebellion) then that of Rebellion, and therefore leaves no stone unmoued to make our war such: the name is execrable and ignominious, and the marks of reproach inflicted upon Rebels, are full of disgrace. The Civilians speak much of them, as thus.  
Rebellis, incurrit, ipso jure paenam mortis.  
Rebellis, perdit ipso jure dominium bonorum  
Rebellis, potest a quolibet impuné occidi.  
Rebelli, nec jus reddi debet.  
Rebels, subditi, tanquam piratae & latrones tractari solebant.  
Rebellium domus solo aequari debent & sale spargi.  
Rebellium legati possunt occidi.  
Rebels perdunt privilegia, & pro mortuis habentur, non habent Civitatum beneficia, non jus azili, neque servanda est eijs fides.  
Rebels non debent in judicium citari, sed celeri vindicta puniri; & Rebellionis factum fufficit absque sententia declaratoria.  
Seeing Rebels are so odious and execrable persons, Orery is to make in this place a double reflection; the first, how infamous and wicked men they have been, whose guilt was a confessed Rebellion; secondly they are for ever to praise the King's Clemency, who pardoned so wicked a crime.  
The judgement of Civilians, of Rebels being as above specified no greater injury can be done to the Irish Catholics, who have been still Loyal to the King, then to tell the world, their just war was a Rebellion.  
However it imports not much, that our enemies call us so, for an Enemy's testimony against another Enemy, is of small force: my positive denial of what he affirms is a justification good enough; if he brings not against me, Tabulas, testes and great Evidences, he does nothing.  
My present subject of writing is not to justify the Irish war of 1641. which, I hear, is already done by a learned pen; yet something I will say for confuting Oreries ill affected judgement of us and our quarrel.  
That a defenfive war can be raised without the consent and Authority of any Prince is a Common Doctrine of Divines, Canonistes, and Civilians, and that it may sometimes extend itself in effect to the nature of an offensive war. This Doctrine is warranted by the Law of Nature, (a more binding law than are the positive law's of men, (which if repugn to that of nature are no law's;) for by this law, aman can defend himself against violence with out recurring to the Prince. The Law of God is alsoe for the like defence. 
Exod. cap. 22.  Si effringens vir domum sive effodiens fuerit inventus, & accepto vulnere mortutus fuerit, percussor non erit reus sanguinis. If the tbiefe be found breaking up the house or undermining, and receiving a wound die, the stricker shall not be guilty of blood. By this divine precept, as alsoe by the Law of Nature, it is clear and evident a private man may kill another in defence of his household goods. 
S. To. 2a. 2ae. q. 6. A. 7.  Sed multo magis (says S. Thomas) Licitum est defendere propriam vitam, quam propriam domum. That is to say ' it is much more lawful for aman to defend his life then his house. Ergo if aman kills another in defence of his own life, he shall not be guilty of Murder: which case is to be understood, that he intends not to kill t'other man but in defence of his own life; and though some hold; the man defending himself may not intend the kill of that other man, but only the preservation of his own life, yet the more Common opinion is, he can, and any other thing else that tends, to the preservation of his life.  
The sacred Canons alsoe subscribe to this Doctrine in this Dialect. 
De grafys ex cap. significasti, desce: 36. M. 35,  Sine principis authoritate per aliquod particulare bellum Licitum est alicui injuriam repelere. That is: It is lawful without the authority of the Prince, for any man by a particular war to repel injuries. If you question by what Authority is such a war legitimated, answer is given out of the Cannons. Authoritate juris: which warranteth all men to prosecute their right, and defend themselves; 
In 2a. 2ae. q. 40. & q. 64. and the interpriters of holy writ in Rom. 13.  see the Divines.  
By the Laws of the Kingdom of Ireland, if a private man kills another se defendendo, he is quit, because the action is judged lawful, and yet to Legitemat such an act the Prince's Authority interuenes not, the reason is evident, because: Id licitum est jure naturali, Divino, & Civili, & Canonico: by the Law of Nature, Devine, Civil, and Cannon, it is lawful by force, to repel force. 
3a. part. lib. 2. cap, 1.  Azor.  
It is here to be observed that this inculpable defence hath so large an extent, that it reacheth to the defence not only of every private man's life, but alsoe of his goods, Chastity, honour, if such things can not be otherways preserved. 
In 2a. 2ae. q. 64. a 7.  So S. Thomas. Now if such defence is lawful for private men, how much more for a Common wealth or Nation? Bonum enim commune excellentius, universalius ac subendé Divinius est. 
In 2a. 2ae. q. 40. a 1. dub: 2. con. 1.  Bannez. For that a Common good is more excellent, more universal, and sometimes more Divine than a private good. And if it be lawful to wage war upon such inferior motives, as is the preservation, or recovery of temporal goods, honour and the like, how much more lawful is it to manage war upon that supreme motive of defending, and preserving, the Catholic faith, without which there is no Salvation.  
This was the judgement the pious and valiant Maccabees made of the war they undertook, and nobly pursued for their Religion and Laws, which they preferred before their wives and Children, and all temporal things most dear unto them. 
Mac. l. 2. cap. 15.  The Maccabees being exhorted with the words of judas exceeding good, etc. they resolved to fight and to encounter manfully: because the holy City, and the Temple were endanger. For there was less care for their wives, and Children, and alsoe for their brethren, and Kindsmen: but the greatest and principal fear was for the Holiness of the Temple.  
How far a defensive war may extend, the Schoolmen tell us, and say that by accident, it may be somtyms lawful for the Common wealth to do, and offer all such damages and Evil, as may be done and offered in a just offensive war. Aliqnando (saith Bannez) contingere potest, 
2a. 2ae. q. 40. a. 1. d. 10, con. 1.  ut liceat illis, infer hostibus omnia illa mala, que possunt in bello justo aggresivo. It may happen sometimes, to be lawful for those ingaded in a defensive war, to do all Evils and Damages which can be offered or done in a just offensive war. Which happeneth when the aggressors are public Enemy's, and when there is no recourse to the Prince, and that those defending themselves can no otherwise avoid the violence offered by the Assailants.  
This was truly the case of the confederate Catholics as will clearly appear to such as will be pleased to examine it. Moreover the case than stood so with his Majesty that he was not able to redress the injuries done us, nor did our Enemy's then obey his commands, (I mean a little after the war begunn) but the Parliament, that fell from the King.  
For the better and clearer understanding the nature of a defenfive war, those therein engaged hold not themselves passively, but actively, so do the words repel or beat back signify: if the end it be lawful, then are the necessary means to compass that end alsoe lawful: if the defence of on's self be lawful, then is the kill of the invader (without which the life of the invaded cannot be preserved) Lawful, so as to kill is involued in the act of defence, and the lawfulness of the one infers the lawfulness of the other. 
§§. ad L Aquill: L scientiam  Si vis (saith the civil Law) fiat personae, tunc licitum est se defend●re, & defendendo percutere, imo etiam occidere, si aliter non potest quis evadere manus ejus. 
§§. qui cum aliter.  If violence is done to a person, it is then lawfnll for him to defend himself, and defending himself to strike, and alsoe to kill, if he cannot otherwise escape the hands, of his Enemy's. Thus stood the case with the Irish Catholics, that they must have killed, or have been killed. Yea so great is the justice of a defensive war, that divines teach, it is lawful for the Son to defend himself against his Father, the wife against her husband, the servant against his Master, the subject against his Superior, 
Instit: Moral: P. 3. l. 3. q. 6.  and the vassal against his Prince or King. So Azor: Nempe, Licitum esse Filio contra Patrem, uxori contra Maritum, subdito contra Superiorem, vassallo contra Principem sive Regem se desendere. If it be lawful for the Subject or vassal in a just cause to defend himself against the Prince, it must be lawful to defend himself against his fellow subject,  
Here I meet with an objection in which our adversaries put great force. The Irish Catholics (say they) were the first aggressors. The objection is easily answered, as thus. It is a Common Doctrine of the Divines, that it is lawful to prevent an Evil that can not be otherways avoided then by preventing it, E. G. I see you take your pistol in your hand cocking it to shoot at me, in that case it is lawful for me to discharge my pistol and kill you, otherwise I should be killed by you: will any law punish me for killing you so, would the Law of God or nature have me stay my hand until I am killed by you. Tannerus a good Devine teacheth so. Licitum est etiam praevinire injustum aggressorem, si alia via commodae defensiones non supetat, & is jam aliqualiter est in culpae, sive in proposito aggressionis injustae versetur. It is lawful to prevent an unjust invader, if there is no other way of defence, and that astually the invavader is in fault or in a purpose of an unjust invation. 
q. 6. n. 7. de justitia & jure.  Becanus doth declare (examining this question) an aliquando liceat invasorem praevenire & illum occidere antequam nos actu invadat? he answers. Licere in his casibus, primo, si accedat ad invadendum, nec evadere possum, nisi illum preveniam: Secuudo, si nondum accedat, tamen instructus sit ad invadendum, nec possum effugere nisi priveniam. Whether somtyms it is lawful for us to prevent the invader, and kill him, afore he actually invad's us? he answers that it is, in these cases: first if he comes to invade me, and that I cannot escape but by preventing; secondly if he does not as yet invade me, but is ready and prepared for that invation, and that I cannot avoid him but by preventing: in this case if I kill him I do it me defendendo, and consequently (though I struck first) I am the defender, and he the aggressor. Sotus Navarre Corduba Covar: and many holds this Doctrine, and Navarre gives this example, of a Married man who has a dagger under his pillow, to kill his wife withal, which she discovering and knowing may prevent by killing her husband, if there is no other remedy; the reason is, though actually he has not done the execution, however he is in a radiness to perform it, for which end he kept her so bolted up, and environed, as she cannot otherwise escape.  
This was truly the case of the confederate Catholics at the beginning of the war, they were bolted up in an Island, as that woman in the Chamber; there was no door open for them, then by preventing the Presbiterians bloody design; if this they had not done, there had been an end of them all.  
Richard Bealing Esquire to Vrbanus 8s; from the body of the Irish Catholics, and the Lord Bishop of Fernes, and Sir Nicholas Pluncket scent to Innocentius X. did not tell those Popes they came from a body of Rebels, but from a people Catholic the King of England's Subjects, and for such they were respected, and vissited by the greatest Princes, and Cardinals in the City: and four of the gravest Cardinaells were deputed by Pope Innocentius to hear the two last, as Caponi, Spada, Carassa, and Pansirolli Cardinal Secretari, and the afforsaid Bishop and noble Gentlemen, were esteemed over all the City for good Catholics, good Subjects, and able men; and with other instructions received commands from their holiness to the people of Ireland, to continue constant in the Catholic Religion, and Loyalty to their King.  
Thus much I thought fit to say by way of digression for justifying our war that it was no Rebellion, and that this Argument of Orery, the King called the war of the Irish Catholics a Rebellion, ergo it is a Rebellion doth not hold;  
It is true, it is a received maxim, that the King can wrong no man. The reason is, because the King is the Fountain of justice, and must be supposed not to have a will to wrong or offend any of his people. But there is no maxim that the King may not be informed by Evil men or Counsels, to the Destruction of his People, which hath been often done by statesmen, and Counsellors, who seek after their own interest more than the preservation of the people, which is and aught to be the King's principal care: in this kind the Lord justices in Ireland, Persons and Burlase with a malignant part of the King's Counsellors in the year 1641. informed his Majesty that the Catholics of Ireland without discrimination had entered into a Rebellion, when only some discontented men began a Revolution in the North, and those (as was generally spoken) men of small estates, and broken fortunes, the Lords and Gentlemen of the other three Provinces, and all the Catholic towns, and Corporations having not taken arms, until forced thereunto for the necessary defence of their estates, and Religion, (as above hath been said.) I do not here accuse, or excuse the first rising in the North, but I confidently affirm, the nobles, and Catholic Gentlemen in the other three Provinces (and some of those in the North to, that did not join with the first Rising in that Province) and all the Catholic Towns, and Corporations, lived in so happy a state and so opulent and rich, that they would never abett a Revolution for gaining other men's estates; it is alsoe well known, that all those have been still faithful to the Crown, and their Fathers before them, as was well tried in the wars of Desmon, Tyron, and other smaller Revolutions. Thus it happened, that his Majesty grounded his opinion upon the information of foresaid Parsons Bnrlays, and a mallignant part of the Counsel, corrupt men, (who after fell from the King and adhered to the King's Enemy's, the Rebellious Parliament.) Those represented the body of the Irish Catholic Rebels; and the King deceived, and deluded by this information, called us Rebels, and our just war a Rebellion, and to this day we were not heard to speak for ourselves, and being unheard▪ aught to be reputed innocent. It is to be observed, that the first flame of the rising in the Noth, had been soon quenched, had Parsons and those of the Council given a Commission to the Marquis Of Ormond now Duke, to raise five thousand men, as he demanded for that effect, with him had gone along, the Catholic Nobility and Gentlemen, and so they had made a speedy work of it: But the plot of those Crooked Ministers of state was to involve all the Catholics in the Bussiness, and there by to find a Colour of confiscating their estates.  
Orery stays not here, but puffed up with his great Fortune and a gall in Pupe tells the world in a supersilious manner. That the birds of the air; Noah, nor the flies contributed less to his Majesties restauration, than the Roman Catholics in Ireland. Orery this is to much, this great contempt of the Catholics, comes from a great pride in you, and what you say is very false, for the hearty prayers of the Catholics (though with steel they could contribute nothing, being then unarmed, and closed up in prisons by you and your Companions,) have more contributed to the King's restauration than birds and fly's that want reason could.  
Are we bound to suffer this and other great contumiles from a man so lowly descended, as to tell us, the whole Nation is a beast, our Country a Pest-house, and our Religion something that pinns us upon the Pope's sleeve? Shall we endure all this from a man that hath been esteemed one of Crumwells' spies, (to be a spy, is an infamous office.) Orery if you are an Englishman (as you would have yourself to be, and likewise the Duke of Ormond,) it is true the Duke was born in England, and of an English Lady (some say, had he been born in Ireland, he had been kinder to the Nation and favoured them more than he did upon the last settlement) but his Forefathers have all of them been borne in Ireland about four hundred and sixty years, and the house had the Creation of Earl in King Edward the third's time anno Domini 1332. Orery you cannot say so much for yourself in the rank of Nobility but be what you will, English or Irish, I will tell you what an English Gentlemen writes of you, (I have myself seen the man) disguised under the name of William Allen, in a most excellent piece, styled killing is no Murder, speaking therein of the quality's of a tyrant applying all to Crumwell, of the fifth quality he speaks thus. In all places they have their spies, and delators, that is, they have fleetwood's; their Broughalls, their S. john's, (besides innumerable small spies) to appear discontented, and not to side with them; that under that guise, they may get trust, and make discoveries, Orery in Crumwells' time was Lord Broughalls.  
This noble man hath used still against us, his sword and pen; but the latter hath made the deeper wound, if men credit his writings: cannot he live contented with a good patrimony, his Father provided for him, and agreat lump of Catholics land's the King conferred upon him, at once with the place of Lord Precedent of the fair and goodly Province of Munster (a dignity his Father's Child did little think to obtain, and a reward his perfidy against the Crown did not merit) cannot all these great Honours, Estates, and Riches satisfy the man, unless he see's innocent Maerdochaeus hanged on a high gibbet? The goodness of God (we hope) will not allow, what he desires, the exterpation of a Nation.  
Noble minds ordinarily esteem the place where they, or their parents have gained agreat Fortune and Settlement: Orery's Father (it is well known) from a lowstate came to one of the greatest Estates in the three Kingdoms, he was neither Swordman, nor Gown-man, nor favoritt in Court, and yet purchased a prodigious estate, came to the Dignity of an Earl, High treasurer, of the Kingdom of Ireland, marched two of his Daughters, one to great Geraldin Earl of Killdare (first Earl of Ireland,) another to the Lord Barry Viscount of Barremore; he used for his Motto in this his great prosperity. God's providence is my in heritance, a Christian, and modest one, which for all that signified he had nothing left him by his parents. These things I utter not by way of reproach, for we are all the Children of Adam, but to mind Orery a little of the low and small nest, in which his Father was hatched, that he should not so far forget himself, as to contemn and trample under foot a whole Nation, wherein are so many ancient and noble Families: and let him give me leave to till him, it is agreat and an unwary Impertinency for guilty and contaminated men to reproach the Innocent.  
He that says much, or displeaseth others, must hear something will displease himself, as alsoe he that goes armed against many, expects many armed against him. In time of usurpation those that commanded were very insolent; it was then indeed men could say of England, what was said of Athens: that there only small thiefs were hanged, but the great ones were free, and condemned the rest; we hope it is not now so in England: however Orery for one man hath had the good Fortune to escape in all times, and on all sides, and to have a good post and place in Every government. It is commonly said, that against a mischief, bad parents do to their Children, there is no other cure then patience, but Orery being no Parent, but an Enemy to our Nation, is not to be borne with, and it is more reasonable his own confusion should be his cure, than our patience. The Catholics of Ireland, look upon him as a great beast making a prey of all that's weaker, and realy he hath so dealt with us, wherefore we may deal with him in the same way according to our strength, and if he is so strong and in court so much favoured as we may not have him cited to make answer, the court will give us leave to expose his virtues or vices as we find them written by others. In what I have writ, I have but done my duty, in strycking him that stryck's my Country, for as Tertulean says. In hostem Patriae omnis homo miles est.  
I will here take my leave of Count Orery, minding him of what P. W. in his little book styled the Irish Colours folded, printed at London Anno Domini 1662. in pag. 20. thereof he speaks of Orery to the Duke of Ormond as followeth.  For indeed my Lord he appears to me all a long his writings, of the number of those, who see heaven, and all the hopes of the other life, as Mathematicians make us behold in a dark Chamber, what soever passeth a broad, through a little Cranny, in such a manner, that all things we see, appear like shadows and landsckips turned topsceturvy, Verily, I take this Gentleman to be abused so by himself. And that after he hath stopped up all the windows and accesses to heavenly Ray's, he hath made a little hole for the Moon, and all the blessings of the other life have seemed very slender to his distrustful spirit: and that he hath put on a Resolution to make a Fortune at what price soever, and to build on earth like Cain, after he hath almost renounced the hopes of heaven. 
If Orery be such a man as P. W. discribes him; if he hath not a trembling in the head, as old Cain the Murderer had, he cannot Choose but have a trembling and great heavenisse at the hart.  
After ending with Orery I finde a nother Kind of snake in the grass latet anguis in herba full of poison, this man conceals his name, wherefore I know not (for he needed not fear to write any thing against the Catholics, when all things run against them.) Likely his fancy was to throw the stone, and hide his hand. He writ at London Anno 1664. a Book full of vennime with this title, Horae Subcesiva. In pag. 83. he affirmeth that Charles the second is not obliged in the least by any Law of God or man, of war or Nations to keep any one particle of the Irish Articles made or granted by King Charles his Father in the year 1648. to this purpose he sets down formally these words in pag. 81. King Charles' the second, May jure Belli & gentium, & lege talionis, without breach of faith or Articles (not excepting those of 1648. so much insisted on, and so mightily pleaded for by P. W. by that just Law (so often used, and prescribed by God himself) take the lives, and fortunes of all bloodd-thirsty Popish Rebels, and their confederates, and assotiats. M  
This Godly man doth not cite in what Code or Book this Law often used and prescribed by God himself is to be had, nor can he, nor doth he give any other reason or proof for his assertion then his own Authority; which can be of no value with any pious man. I appeal to all the noblemen and the worthy Protestant People of England if this is not rather the proposition of a Murderer then of a Christian Gentleman, This man's Book (Hor● Subcesivae) P. W. did learnedly confute in an Appendix he added to his reply to Oreries answer, and so confounded him, that he never writ word after in his own defence. I remit the Reader to what he shall find in said Appendix of this Matter, and after reading all let him judge as he shall find fitting and reasonable.  
Can we forgit to list in the number of our Enemy's the Earl of Clarendon Chancellor of England, (he deserves to head the first rank of them) a man of Ruin and Destruction, 
Out of the Narrative of the Earl of Clarindons Settlement and Sale of Ireland  a Pest to Catholics, and Ireland. Was not this Clarendon, this bloody and covetous Statesmaen heard oft to say with a fierce countenanc and passionate tone, the Irish deserve to be exterpated, and then he would after his usual manner come out with a great oath, and swear they shall be extirpated. Good God what a heathenish Expression is this in the Mouth of a Christian Statesman, a Chancellor of Engelland. (Is not a Christian King well Counselled in having near him for chief Minister of State such a bloody man void of all justice and mercy.) But did this Atheist (so great an Enemy to Godliness can not be a Christian) think that God, that hath apppointed an Angel for the Guard of Every indiutduall person, would take no care to preserve the body of an entire Nation, but let them all be destroyed to satisfy the mind and anger of a bloody man.  
Clarendon was in this Bussiness like that Astronomer, or Philosopher, who looked upon the stars, and fell into a well before his feet: he had then designed in his own mind the ruin of the Catholics of Ireland, and very soon after, he stole out of England, with a Guilty Conscience and Baggs of Gold in great fear, and left behind him his stately buildings, places of pleasure, great Riches, and the veneration of many that adored this man like an Idol, (the glory of the man is gone away like smoke and his name rotten, and hated in England) and flying into France, walked over some Provinces of that Kingdom in trembling, like another Cain before any Settlement of himself. justum O Domine est judicium tuum. And we are poor souls as yet living as we can, and hoping for God's mercy.  
I am here to advertise my Reader of an abominable ingagment agreed upon in the time of usurpation against the Royal Family; the contents will teach you how good friends they were to the King that conceived this engagement. P. W. hath this oath page 74. of his reply to Orery's answer, and aptly terms it one of the oaths taken by the Saints themselves the fautors of Crumwells' Tyranny, and the wellwishers of his Kings-ship. Which ruuneth thus.  I. A. B. do hereby declare that I renounce the pretended title of Charles Stuart, and the whole line of late King james, and of every other person pretending to the Government of the Nations of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the Dominions, and Territories thereunto belonging, and that Iwill by the grace and assistance of the Almighty, be true and faithful to this Common Wealth against any King, single Person, and House of Peers, and Every of them, and here unto I subscribe my name. 
Can any oath be more horrid, or can any written wickedness ascend higher? and consequently can any mercy be greater than the pardon his Majesty hath granted to the men that heartily took this oath?  This Ingagment was forced upon the Irish Catholics in so high a Nature, 
Out of Clarendons Settleement and Sale of Ireland pag. 8.  that those who would not take it, were debarred not only from the benefit of law, but alsoe exposed to an inevitable danger of death, the Soldiers of Crumwells' Army, being commanded by public Proclamation, to kill any man they met on the highway, who carried not a Certificate about him of having taken that ingagment: Commands which were Cruelly executed on silly Peasants, who out of Ignorance, or want of care, having left their ticketts at home, were Barbarously Murdered by the mercyless Soldiers. 
Make now a serious reflextion upon said ingagment out of the same Author.  It is very remarkable, (saith he) that they who devised this ingagment, who heartily subscribed, and forced others to take it, shall not be questioned, or held Criminal, and that those, who never saw it, before it was administrated to them, who abbored it in their hearts, and were forced to sign it to avoid a bloody, and violent death, shall be declared nocents and an irecoverable Sentence of Losing their estates given against them, and their estates so forfeited, to be confirmed on those very persons, who compelled the proprietors to that forfeitur. Obstupescite Caeli super hoc & portae ejus desolamini vehementer. 
I defy all the Annals, and the Histories, of Tartars, Turcks, Scythians, or of what People soever to produce so horrible an injustice as this, or a more wicked, and Barbarous prank of knavery, than those our Enemy's have contrived.  
King Charles our Sovereign your Royal Authority in England maintains the Peer in his splendour and Dignity, the Commoner in his birth right and liberty, you protect the weak from the oppression of the mighty, secure the Nobility from the insolence of the people, and by this Equal, and impartial justice is indifferrently distributed to all the inhabitants of that great and flourishing Realm: And at the same time use is made of the same Royal Authority in your Kingdom of Ireland, to condemn innocents', before they are heard; to destroy so many hundred Widows and Orphans; to confirm so many unlawful usurped possessions; to violate the public faith, to punish virtue, to countenance vice, to hold loyalty a Crime, and treason worthy of reward.  
These are verities not to be doubted of in our days, we feel them by sore trial: but after-ages will hardly admit them, and it must be avery difficult matter to persuade those now, that have not been eye-wittnesses, that the fact ever happened.  
Now things being carried in this nature, let your Majesty seriously consider, of whom shall God take account of our Destruction; of those wicked statesmen who abused your Authority; or of your Royal Person, for not bringing those men (after our humble and public prayers and petitions to your Majesty for redress) to the test and trial of justice for having oppressed us.  
Consider great King the prayer of King David to God.  
O God give the judgement to the King: 
Psal. 71.   
And the justice to the Son of the King.  
Why so King David?  
To judge (saith David) thy people in justice, and thy poor in judgement.  
The Royal Prophet here gives the reason, wherefore the power of judging, and Sword of Justice is given to a King: to wit, that he Judge the people in Justice, and the Poor in judgement. Which was not done; so complains, the Widows and Orphans in Ireland perishing in poverty and famine, and the world abroad is in amazement, that this was not done, Wonders (they say) were done after his Majesties restauration, Rebels made honest men, and honest men made Rebels by the King's Royal pleasure, and all this brought about, by the cunning and wickedness of certain Statesmen, whereby the King was cheated, and betrayed, the innocent People ruined and impious Statesmen enriched and magnified. so that thee. Poor Catholcck People have nothing left them, but to cry to thee O Lord.  
Tibi deretictus est pauper Orphano tu eris adjutor. 
Psal. non●●….   
Contere Brachium peccatoris & maligni.  
To thee is the poor left, to the Orphan thou wilt be a helper.  
Break the arm of the sinner and malignant.  
Our Eyes and hearts O God are turned upon thee, seeing men have abandoned us; O Lord when will the day come of our Happiness? when shall we with thankfulness say to all the world.  
Our Lord hath heard the desire of the Poor, and judged for the People, and the humble.  
King's are more obliged to commiserat the calamity's of the afflicted rhen private men, because they are the Fathers of the People: job a holy Prince in the land of Hus (some hold he was an absolute King) did this. Hear him speak King Charles.  
I was an eye to the blind, 
job. cap. 29.  and a foot to the lame.  
I was the Father of the Poor;  
I broke the jaws of the wicked man, and out of his teeth I took away the prey.  
This is it the poor Catholics most need to have done for them, that the Royal hand will break the jaws of wicked men, and take the prey out of their teeth.  
job says further.  
The ear hearing counted me blessed, for that I had delivered the poor man crying out, and the people that had no help.  
The blessing sf him that was ready to perish came upon me, and I comforted the hart of the Widow.  
There are thousands of these wedows and people crying out, comfort their hearts for they are perrishing, and let it be done (as God would have it to be done) by your Majesty, that the blessings of the poor may fale upon you as they did upon job, and all the blessings of heaven.  
But why great King (give me pardon for speaking to you) why have we, your Catholic subjects of Ireland been neglected, even to ruin and Destruction? what did your Majesty see in us, that could render us in capable of the pardon granted to the Rebels in general? if our rising in arms (which was against our fellow-subjects, for our own defence, and not against the Crown) hath been judged a Rebellion by your Royal Father and yourself, I hope you hold us far smaller Rebbels than those that made open war against the Crown and your Majest'ies, and in fine Murdered your Father; why then are they pardoned, and we not? but incase our Revolution hath been Judged a Rebellion (and in case it had been truly so) upon the place made and concluded Anno 1648. (The Marquis of Ormond having been your Royal Father's Commissioner to that Effest.) We had an act of Oblivion from your Father of blessed Memory for all that had passed, and after confirmed by your Majesty: this Act of Oblivion hath wiped away the Rebellion, ergo it can not rise, again in judgement against us, nor can we be punished for a Crime already forgiven: this being so, why are we cast of? why left under a stain of Rebellion, the true Rebels being forgiven? why being Innocent do we suffer this contumely? why are we strucken down as dead men by your Royal Hand, Lands, Houses, Estates, and all we had, being conferred on men, which have no right to them, our Enemy's, and one time your own: they pretend no claim to our estates and livings, no packed, stipulation or convieance: by your Majesty's pleasure only (that's their sole title) they hold all, and we have lost all. By what Law are we thus treated, and destroyed, by that of God, or Nature, or Nations? all done against us, is against all those Laws, and against the Law of Englaend, to, a good Law, by which no man is to be deprived of his lands and goods, but by a due course of Law, the benefit of this Law was denied us.  
Whither then shall we turn, what are we able to do for ourselves: the Father is not able to help the Child, nor the Child the Father, Mothers are weeping over their little ones languishing in want and hunger.  
If we are Innocent, (the Act of Oblivion hath made us so, though we had been guilty before) why are we cast out of our Houses, despoiled of our Lands, and Estates, that our Forefathers have possessed so many ages? If we have committed any Crime or treason against the Crown, your Royal Father, or yourself, (that was not remitted) it were a greater mercy, to hasten us into the other world, by a short and violent death, then to condemn us to a linger one, to be consumed, in coldness, hunger, and nakedness, and a shameful slavery at home and in all the Regions of Europe.  Your Majesty hath been pleased to tell publicly the Peers, and People of England. That we abroad have followed your Majesty from Kingdom, to Kingdom, and that with all cheerfulness and obedience; that we received and submitted to your Royal Orders, and betook ourselves to what service your Majesty directed, at that time most convenient, and behooveful to your Majesty, though attended with inconveniences enough to our felves, and your Majesty judged this our demeaniour very worthy of Protection, justice, and favour. Your Kingly Language the 27. july 1660. to the House of Peers touching the Act of indemnity, was this. I hope I need say nothing of Ireland and that they alone shall not want the benefit of my mercy: they have showed much affection to me a broad, and you will have a care of my honour, and what I have promised to them. 
These verities uttered by your Majesty are owned by our greatest Enemy's; for such, and that we sacrificed ourselves and all we had faithfully, and heartily in your Majesties service.  
Let me demand here, where then have been Braghall, Coot, Cloathworthy, and others of that band, those Grandees your Majesty hath been pleased to honour with great titles; the two first were made Earls of Orery, and Montrath and the last (Cloathworthy, that known plunderer of the Queen's Chapel, and summersett House an infamous man) created viscount Massaren? where I say again, have these men been in the dark day of your Callamitys, and adversities? what were they then doing?  
They were then stiffly struggling against your Crown and person, and Laying about them with main endeavours, that the Royal Family of the Stuarts should never return to their own Dominions; (to which purpose they contrived the forementioned horrid engagement.) In those days they styled your Majesty only Charles Stuart, to call you King was a treason among them. And what is done in the end?  
After all their villanies, contempt of Royal Family, open Rebellion and war against the Crown, and after putting the good King to death: after our fidelity, obedience, and hearty affection to your Majesty, and after your own Kingly Testimonies, and expressions of the same: the matter hath been strangely carried. How?  
The known Rebels had your Majesties pardon, they were magnified, had places of trust and profit in the cammon wealth, and to boot they carried away our Houses, Lands, and Estates, by your Majesties Grant under the great Seal. O tempora! O mores! O Laceratam justitiam! And what is our lot, and share of this Tragical play, after your Royal promisees of all favour and Protection? we are left naked and desolate, crying to God as those of Jerusalem did destroyed by their Enemy's.  Remember O Lord what is fallen unto us, 
jerem. Throne cap. 5.  behold and regard our reproath: Our inheritance is turned to Aliens, and our Houses to strangers. We are Pupils without Fathers, the joy of our hart hath failed, our choir is turned to mourning. 
This is our deplorable state: what your Majesty will do with us, or for us, is only known to God and yourself, and we are to pray that God will be pleased to incline your hart to such a resolution, as may bring us some comfort, which we much need; Cor Regis in manu Domini, quocunque voluerit, inclinubit illud.  
Give freedom great King to a poor Priest, to speak truth to your Majesty, it is no new thing that good Priests speak to Kings, and God himself saith, he will curse the blessings of those Priests, that will not speak truth, and give glory to his holy Name; And the Prophet Malachias tells your Majesty, that regard is to be had of what the Priest says. 
Malac. cap. 2.  For the lips of the Priest (saith that Prophet) shall keep knowledge, and the Law they shall require out of his Mouth: because he is the Angel of the Lord of hosts. The truth I presume to speak to you my King with all submission and sincerity is this. That your Majesty hath great cause to fear the heavy judgements God for so many thousands of Wedows and Orphans perrishing for want in the view of the world, by that fatal sentence called the Bill of Settlement. job tells us God hath, and doth sometime punish Kings. 
job. cap. 12.  Balteum Regum dissoluit, & cinget fune renes eorum. He Loseth the Belt of Kings, and girdeth their reins with a cord.  
He Loosed the Belt from your Father's side, and girded his reins with a cord of sore affliction: and yet he was esteemed a sober, just, chaste King.  
God, is a God of justice holding an Iron Rod in his hand stretched over the heads of all Kings, Emperors, and Popes, and tells them. Potentes, Potenter tormenta patientur▪ Ezechias, the holy King, when the Prophet told him he should die, turning his face to the Temple said. Quis est qui sic humiliate sublimes reges terrae? Examen my Sovereign, and ponderwell the words of that good King, and how he was frighted, hearing from the Prophet that he should die. Die you must great King, when that shall be God alone knows, Et post mortem sequiter juditium. Those men that abused your Authority on Earth will make no answer for you; yourself must before that Tribunal, receive (as the meanest of your subjects) according to what you have done in this life. Many men use to speak to Kings. Omnia placentia. But those will be found in the end flatterers, and false Prophets; I speak to your Majesty as a Priest of God should speak,) naked truth, & sic liberavi animam meam. Your Majesty will do well to sit down, and deeply Meditate upon this weighty point, and theme, of eternal Damnation, or salvation.  
Having exposed to my Sovereign our calamity's, ruin and miseries, and offered humble prayers, for ease and mercy. I now turn my speech to you my most dear and honourable Countrymen, for your sake I have spoken no way minding redress, for what I my self have lost, which was something.  
If justice shall be done you, and cause of joy come from the King's good pleasure and determination, prays God and the King for that Happiness, and pray to God for his long and prosperous Reign. But if this shall not be done (God permitting things to go on as they do, either for punishing ours, and our Father's sins, or for trying our patience in this world.) Let his holy Name be ever blessed: bear patiently your poverty, and you shall find poverty a great blessing, S. john Chrisostome compares it with Martyrdom. Egestas (saith the Saint) bene tollerata facit Martirium. I do not think there can hardly be any found in the world, that have come to a greater distress, and poverty, then that you endure, suffer all willingly for God's sake and you are sure of a Crown: mind often that excellent sentence of S. Augustin. Saeculi homines, infaeliciter faelices sunt, Martyrs autem faeliciter infaelices erat. The men of this world, are unhappily happy, but the Martyrs have been happily unhappy.  
This is your case, or very like it, so as in your nakedness, your are happier, than those that have all that was yours, living in pleasures, and plenty, Let this alsoe be some comfort to you, that you have but lost, those things you could not long hold, nor shall the present possessors long enjoy them. Though they think their fortunes in that Land surely settled, they are but Pilgrims in the way as you are, and must part as you shall (and with more grief, and fear, for having more than you have) and then they shall know and feel God's judgement for what they have done to you.  
In all your afflictions, I shall pray and conjure you, to demean your selves like good Christians, paying faithfully to God his due, and to the King his; to the King Fidelity and Obedience in Civilibus, and that for Conscience sake; to God Veneration and highest Worship, which can not be performed without professing a true Rcligion, the same you are of: wherefore let no worldly preferments, or comodity's, that men can confer on you; nor punishments they can inflict, shake your Religion, but hold the same constantly in all tempests and storms, for of it depends eternal salvation.  
And to speak at the present time of your great afflictions, imitate I pray you, the three Isralites cast into the furnase of Babylon, and you shall find, as they did, an Angel to comfort you. They in the fire blessed the name of God, when Azarias standing in the flame said.  Blessed art thou O Lord, the God of our Fathers, and laudable and glorious is thy Name for ever, 
Dan. cap. 3.  because thou art just in all things which thou hast done to us, and all thy works are true and thy ways righteous, and thy judgements true, for we have sinned, and done unjustly, revolting from thee, and and now we follow in all our hearts; and fear thee, and seek thy face, confound us not, but do with us according thy meekness, and according to the multitude of thy mercy deliver us in thy mervells, and give glory to thy name O Lord. 
None of you have suffered so much as innocent job, set him before your Eyes, environed with the messengers of all his disasters. One of them said to him. The Sabean● took away the Ox's and Ass', and killed thy servants. A nother said, a fire from heaven struck thy sheep, and thy servants, and consumed them all. The third; The Chaldeans made three troops and invaded the Camels. The last told him. A vehement wind came from the Country of the desert, and shook the four Corners of the House, wherein thy Children were feasting, and falling oppressed them, and they are all dead. job hearing all this sad news, blamed not the Sabeans, Chaldeans, fire from heaven, or wind coming from the Country of the Desert, nor did so much as mention them.  But he rose up, and falling on the ground adored, 
job. cap. 1.  and said. Naked I came out of my Mother's Womb, and naked shall I return thither, our Lord gave, our Lord hath taken away, as it pleased our Lord, so it is done, the name of our Lord he blessed. 
Bless you likewise the the name of our Lord for all that hath befalen you, offering all up purely to his holy will.  
One thing my honoured dear Countrymen I seriously commend to your pious Considerations, the ensuing weighty golden sentence of S. Cyprian.  Deus unus est, (saith he) Christus unus est, 
S. Cyprianus Epist. 40.  & una Ecclesia, & Cathedra una, supra Petrum Domini voce fundata: aliud Altare constitui, aut sacerdotium novum fieri prater unum Altar, & unum Sacerdotium, non potest. Qnisquis alibi collegerit, spargit. Adulterum est, impium est, sacrilegum est, quodcunque humano fur●ro Institutitur, ut dispositio Divina violetur. 
Let the words of this most holy Bishop and Martyr go to the hart of every one of you.  
This one God hath created you. This one Christ hath redeemed you. This one Church hath baptised you, and imbued you with the Elements of faith, and Christian Rules of living well: This one and holy Chair (of Peter) hath governed you, and all the Christian world in verity, and sanctity all a long from the Apostles tyme. There is but one Altar, and one Priesthood (and this only in the Roman Catholic Church:) he that gathereth out of this congregation, disperseth. This Church only hath the keys of heaven, and true Commission to save souls; any power on Earth, that seeks to pull down this Altar, to Abolish this Priesthood, to destroy this Church, is Impious, Adulterous, Profane, and Sacrilegious. The holy Doctor gives another Divine Counsel to his people. Nemo vos fratres errare a Domini viis faciat; Nemo filios Ecciesiae de Ecclesia tollat; pereant sibi soli qui perire voluerint. That is to say, let no man bring you into error from the paths of our Lord; let none take out of the Church, Children of the Church; those that have a mind to perish and be lost, let them be lost alone. Let Egan (a lost dissolaite Friar that lately fell) and this Shall, and all such profane men, that will not remain In God's House, let them perish alone, seeing they will have it so: do not you follow their evil example, Impiety and maddness, but wisely stay within the Ribs of the Ark, the holy Roman Catholic Church (Ad quam (teste Cypriano) perfidia non habet accessum, And out of which great Augustin assures us there is no hopes of salvation:) And be constantly, and Religiously obedient to the Apostolic Sea, and to the man, that stands upon the Rock Clement the X. conspicuous for his Zeal and Piety, on earth the prime Lord of the House of God, with full power to guide and govern all souls in the way of salvation.  
Praying God of his infinite goodness to grant you in your great afflictions fortitude; patience, and comfort; to his holy Protection I commend heartily you and myself, this 23th. December, 1674.