THE POLITICIAN'S catechism, FOR HIS INSTRUCTION IN DIVINE FAITH, AND MORAL HONESTY.  
Written by N. N.  
Printed at Antworp, in the year M.DC.LVIII.  
Permissu Superiorum.   

THE PREFACE TO THE UNPARTIAL READER.  
THAT thou mayest enter with some light before thee into the ensuing Discourse, I thought it convenient to let thee see the reason of the Title, and the drift, or main design of this Book. A Politician, according to the primitive derivation, signifies a person richly endowed with those noble qualities, whereby he is made capable to be trusted in the management of the greatest affairs of a City, or Commonwealth: for, anciently the bounds of a Monarchy, or Republic, that is, the dimensions of a body politic, were usually confined within the walls, or at least the territory of one City. To such a person a catechism is not sit Book, as being a Book of Instructions for ignorant people: But time hath kept the name, and changed the notion of a Politician, as it hath of a Tyrant, which anciently signified a King, without that odious character it puts us now in mind of. In these our days, when we hear a Politician named in any language, we represent to our selves a man so ignorant, that he knows no other God, nor good, but his own interest; a man that hath lost the memory of the fundamental articles of divine and humane Faith, and thereby stands in need of a catechism, as much as any of those, that for their age, or education, are presented with Books of this nature for their instruction.  
As to the articles of divine Faith, he is taught, that there is a God, by an argument suited to his capacity; and that this God, like an absolute Prince, will be served his own way; and that we are to serve ourselves of those marks to find out this way, which he hath set to lead us to it, and in it; and not those we set to ourselves, by our own fancy, humour, and interest; or have been set for us by others, whom we have no more reason to trust then ourselves.  
By looking upon all the visible marks which have misled so many into so manifold errors, in opposition to the only true Catholic Apostolic Roman Faith, he shall find them planted upon interest supported by policy, and pointing out a way, which at length will be discovered to go cross to the ancient high way not only of divine Faith, and eternal felicity, but even of temporal interest and humane policy. By perusing the historical part of this Book, he shall clearly discover, that all our new pretended Reformations have so little signs of the right hand of God in their beginning, and progress, that there will appear nothing in them, but the contrivings of a left handed craft of a few suttle-licentious cavilling Sophisters, upheld by the power of ambitious and covetous Princes, and imposed upon, fearful, ignorant, and godless Subjects, without foresight of the utter ruin, or great disturbance it was to bring upon the heads both of Princes and Subjects. The Politician is taught, that in case he have any pretence to divine Faith, he may as well pretend to it by the help of the Turks Alcoran, and Jew's Talmud, as by the Bible, according to the new false Translations and Interpretations; and that the principles of Protestancy, if they be drawn out at length, whither by rules of good consequence they are proved to reach, will be of the same force to secure a man's conscience brought up in Turkism, or judaisme, as in Lutheranism, Calvinisme, or any other Sect that goes under the name and notion of Protestancy, and furthermore open a wide gap for plain Atheism, besides the inclining of Princes to tyranny, and Subjects to rebellion.  
But in case it fall out, that our Politician is beyond all hope to be induced to so much as to pretend to any matter of divine Faith, he shall find instructions for humane faith, whereby to believe what is necessary to guide him in the way of temporal policy, which above all requires that by true, direct, and honest deal, he gains so much credit to himself, as to be believed by others, without which all his drifts and shifts will come to nothing. If we cannot bring him to the perfection of Christian virtue, yet our labour will not be lost, if we can persuade him, that the greatest engine to work his own interest, is moral honesty; for, by seeking himself in this way, he will be drawn to do good to others, and withdrawn from those mischiefs and miseries, wherewith Politicians, following their ordinary course, are used to disturb and ruin the state of mankind.  
And thus much concerning the Title and drift of the Book. As to the stile, which some Protestant might wish were more gentle and courteous to his Clergy, I must deal plainly with thee, and tell thee, that I am so naturally averse from base and false cheating, which I discover so frequently and manifestly in all the Protestant Writers which I ever had occasion to peruse, that out of mere detestation of such unworthy unchristian proceeding, wherewith they delude and destroy so many souls, which Christ valued at the rate of his own Blood; that I can neither find in my heart, nor find any reason to court base knavery with respectful ceremony. I have a good warrant from the example of ancient Fathers, who never took it for a point of charity, to treat heretical Impostors with civility; neither could I ever find they had to do with persons so shameless in their forgeries, and senseless in their fopperies, as these monsters of men our last abortive age hath produced, Besides, their writings are so full not of raillery, for want of wit, but of railing and raging, for want of matter, and store of malice, that it is charity to make them both know themselves, and be known to others; and it is justice, to pay them according to their deserts. What is there to be read in jewel, Horn, Fox, Barlow, Andrews, Morton, Potter, and Chillingworth, and the rest of that rabble, but false and impudent calumnies, malicious and bitter invectives against the Catholic Clergy, from the highest to the lowest; persons for birth, learning, virtue, and wisdom, deserving fare more respect, than any descended of the Nagshead progeny.  
And albeit of late, misery hath taught them more civility, than they had occasion to learn from their Ancestors, yet even their last Authors, who thought it policy to condescend to some courtesy, cannot forbear from traducing the innocency of those Priests that suffered in Queen Elizabeth's time, and justifying the barbarous cruelty of her bloody practices; and notwithstanding they grant the Pope to be the first Patriarch, and see, to their grief, he is a powerful Monarch, and consequently deserving, as a confessed Bishop and Prince, the respect of language, due in good breeding to those respective qualities, yet they treat him and his Court in so villainous and virulent terms, as if they were scolding with their wives at home, or at cuffs in a Tavern with their Comrades. With much ado we have brought them to confess that the Pope is not Antichrist, yet you may be sure, they will easily bring themselves to comply both in words and deeds better with Antichrist himself, if he chance to come in their time, than they have hitherto done with the Vicar of Christ: they will sooner go in pilgrimage to Babylon, to receive there the character of Antichrist, then repair to Rome for the supply of that other, which they undoubtedly want by the manifold and manifest defects of their fond and feigned Ordination at Lambeth.  
I will detain thee no longer in the entry of this work, but wish thee as desirous to see the truth, as I have been solicitous to set it down, without any disguise, or design of any thing but truth itself; knowing full well, that the God of truth is not served his own way, not only by maintaining falsehood, but even by pretending to maintain truth by forged arguments, or false histories: neither can I hope that God should concur with such means, without whose concurrence, all my endeavours are of no effect; neither can I need for the proof of things so manifestly and visibly true, to suborn false witnesses; and I should most absurdly contradict my own principles, if I should ●old it the duty of a Christian, to support by falsehood true Christianity, whereas I teach a Politician, that it is against the very rules of mere humane policy, to go about the compassing his ends by untruths and impostures. Lastly, I should too fond forget myself, by laying that imputation of false dealing upon the defence of Catholic Religion, whereof I so frequently condemn the Authors and Abettors of heretical innovation; against whom I inveigh not through any bitterness of passion towards their persons, but through a tender compassion of others, misled by their lies, and deceits, to their eternal perdition.   

THE INDEX OF THE CHAPTERS.  

Chap. 1. HOw men come to be Atheists; and whether it may be demonstrated by reason, that there is a God, Providence, and another life?  
Chap. 2. Whether it be a manifest foppery, not to believe that there is a God, though his existence were not demonstrated: and whether Atheism alone, without any other sin, be a reasonable and sufficient cause of damnation?  
Chap. 3. Whether God ought to be served his own way, and in what manner?  
Chap. 4. That to believe God, and consequently to serve him his own way, its necessary to repair to an infallible guide, which is no other but the Roman Catholic Church.  
Chap. 5. That all Religions pretending to reform the Roman Catholic, are but humane inventions, grounded upon weak policy, strong fancy, and sensual pleasures. 

Sect. 1. Of Lutheranism.  
Sect. 2. Of Anabaptism.  
Sect. 3. Of Zwinglianisme.  
Sect 4. Of Calvinisme.  
Sect. 5. Of the Reformation in Holland, and the united Provinces.  
Sect. 6. Of the Protestant Church of England in King Edward the VI his time.  
Sect. 7. Of the English Protestant Church in Queen Elizabeth's reign.  
Sect. 8. Of the English Protestant Church in King james and his Son's reign.  
Sect. 9 Of the Kirk of Scotland.    
Chap. 6. That no Policy could heretofore, or can for the future give any supernatural appearance to the reformed Churches, whereby any rational persons may be mistaken in their way to heaven, by confounding them with the true Catholic Church.  
Chap. 7. That Policy hath destroyed itself by courting Protestancy, as being near allied to Atheism, the greatest enemy of civil government.  
Chap. 8. That Protestancy inclines the Prince to Tyranny, and the Subjects to Rebellion.  
Chap. 9 That the Pope's spiritual jurisdiction is nothing dangerous to Sovereigns, but ra●her that the ground of fidelity and obedience due to them, is utterly destroyed by denying the Pope's supremacy; and that it is a greater foppery in Protestants, then in Catholics, to deny his infallibility.  
Chap. 10. That the foundation of justice, and form of judicature, is wholly destroyed by penal Laws and oaths against any point of the Roman Catholic Religion.  
Chap. 11. That it is impossible to be a wise Statesman, and effect businesses, without moral honesty; and that it is most dangerous for a Prince to have Counselors that are dishonest men.  
Chap. 12. That it is impossible for a Politician to compass his designs by untruths and impostures; and that nothing is more contrary to Policy, than vanity.  
Chap. 13. How necessary it is for a Statesman to be a man of honour, and of his word; and how great a difference there is between Policy and Craft?  
Chap 14. That nothing is more dangerous to a Prince, or contrary to Policy, then to make use of Ministers of State odious to his own Subjects, either for their vices or misfortunes.  
Chap. 15. That it is great wisdom and policy in Princes, to make use of Clergymen in State affairs.    

THE POLITICIAN'S catechism.  

CHAP. I.  
How men come to be Atheists; and whether it may be demonstrated by reason, that there is a God, Providence, and another life?  
1 THERE is a generation of men half witted, and not so much as half learned, but wholly vicious, who persuade themselves, that the soul is a blast of wind, the other life an imaginary Utopia, God a Chimaera which only hath a being in the weak brains of ignorant people; Heaven, and Hell, old wives tales, invented by States men to keep the Subjects in awe, and pliable to the Prince his will, and pleasure, by the dreadful notion of Eternity. The multitude (say they) must be cheated into its own good, and consequently into peace, and subjection; and no cheat is more plausible, or less suspected, then that which men call Religion; provided, that such as have least, and govern the Commonwealth, sergeant most, and seem to be more zealous for the establishment of the Church, then solicitous for themselves, or their posterity.  
2 Men are not borne Atheists, neither are their minds possessed of these extravagant fancies on a sudden; they fall by degrees, first from the love of God, and then from his knowledge. From the love of God they fall by every mortal sin; but from his knowledge, by a custom and excess of sinning, and by drowning themselves in sensual pleasures, which divert their thoughts from the consideration of spiritual things, and even from the best part of themselves, the soul. Notwithstanding this distraction, and their being so bewitched, and besotted with sense, now and then they feel a certain remorse, and guilt of conscience; which remorse, and guilt of conscience strikes them into a terror, or fear of divine justice; this fear degenerates into despair of mercy: fear of justice, and despair of mercy do so trouble their souls, and understandings, that they recurre to the will to be eased, which endeavoureth to help them with a fond wish, or desire, that no such thing there were as God, Providence, and another world: this desire creates a fancy like unto itself, and that without any difficulty, because men are apt to sooth themselves with fancying what they desire; and such a fancy transformed into a real persuasion, is that which we call Atheism: whereof the seed is vice; remorse, and guilt of conscience, the dispositions; despair of mercy, the matter; a fond and perverse will, the agent; a wish of God's impossibility, the action; and the form, a fantastical opinion of his own existence. Whereby it appears, that Atheism is no work of a sound judgement, but of a depraved will, guided not by reason, but seduced by passion. Atheists in denying God, Providence, and the next life, judge not by the understanding, but by the will, not by reason, but by inclination; they believe that God doth not exist, because they wish he were impossible.  
3 Seeing therefore I have to do with persons that measure the possibility, or impossibility of things by wishes, and inclinations, I have thought of an argument suitable to their humour, waving other convincing, and ordinary demonstrations of God's existence, grounded upon a series of causes, and effects, and upon the disposition, beauty, and order of this great Universe. I intent therefore to prove the possibility of God, by a wish, or desire of his existence; against which method Atheists can have no exceptions, because it is their own, with this difference only, that my wish, or desire shall follow reason, whereas theirs goes before it, or rather against it; because they give the will not only the precedence, but also turn it in opposition to reason.  
4 To demonstrate that God is not impossible, is to demonstrate his existence; because if he can be, he is; for, none but himself can withstand his being, as his possibility of being is from none but himself. Now, I prove that he is not impossible. The object of a wish, or desire, guided by evident reason, cannot be impossible, unless we will say, that between evident reason, and manifest foppery, there is no difference: for, what greater foppery, then to think, that clear and evident reason should put us upon the wish, and desires, and consequently upon the hopes, and endeavours towards the obtaining of an impossibility? The distinction between evident, and obscure, or probable reason, is, that evident reason cannot confound truth with falsehood, possibility with impossibility; but obscure, or probable reason, may judge probable what is impossible. So that if evident reason doth solicit, and incline us to wish, and desire that there were a God, Providence, and another life, they must be real objects, and not fond impossibilities.  
5 There is no wish, or desire more natural to man, nor more evidently reasonable in itself, than an absolute inclination to just satisfaction for injuries received. The more rational men are, the more troubled they are at tyranny, and injustice; the desire of satisfaction in them, is greater than in any others, because they have greater strength of reason; which absolutely desireth to be rid of that pain it feeleth, when we see in others poverty oppressed, or innocency condemned. Every injustice of a Tyrant, or malefactor, doth occasion in us a most rational desire of satisfaction, not proceeding from interest or passion, but from an evident dictamen of reason, which is clearly proved, because we resent not only our own, but also the injuries done to others of no relation to us, and wish they were punished, and redressed: which desire is not grounded upon sense, that seeks no more than its own good. But if there be not a God, Providence, and another life, all these our rational desires, and good wishes, are but so many foolish insinuations to impossibilities; for, sad experience doth demonstrate, that they who commit the greatest tyrannies, and injustices, are often most powerful, not subject to any Law, but to their own will, and pleasure; they are out of the reach of justice in this world. Therefore there must be another, where those that suffer wrong, may be satisfied, and those that do it, punished by a supreme Deity of infinite power, and wisdom, whom no force can withstand, no policy deceive. If not, evident reason is a mere foppery, because it sets us upon absolute desires of impossibilities, and gives us a vain assurance of that we are not sure to obtain.  
6 I do not see how Atheists can disprove this argument, without condemning themselves, and all mankind, for following the dictamen of reason in any business. If evident reason may lead men to impossibilities, when they think of God, and the next life, what evidence, or assurance can they have in this world of not being fooled in the most rational designs? Perhaps some man in his dreams may please himself in this foolish fancy, that reason by the mischief of wicked men is fallen into so great a misfortune, as to fall upon desires of what is impossible to attain. A sad misfortune indeed, which makes reason not only miserable, but unreasonable, which in effect is, not to be reason. A change greater than God himself, in the opinion of any, can make, who cannot alter essences, to make a thing be, and not be what it is in his proper being. For, if reason, being reason, should absolutely incline us to gape, and grasp at impossible Chimeras, it would be so fare from being reason, that no greater foolery can be conceived.  
7 Yet peradventure waking out of his dream, he may frame us yet another wiser objection, saying, that our misfortune is only in this, not that reason becomes no reason by being turned into nonsense, but that we mistake that for reason, which is no reason, thinking that which seems evident to us, to be the dictamen of true reason, whereas it may be, that our clearest thoughts are but specious, and plausible errors. But if this be so, I must make bold to demand of my witty adversary, whether he doth not want both wit, and judgement? when upon the dictamen of his seeming reason, he busies himself about the compassing those designs which his said seeming reason inclines him unto. And further press him, whethet he suspects any error in these following Tenets, which all may think they have reason to hold? for example, That we ought to be grateful to our friends, dutiful to our parents, joyall to our Sovereigns: That we ought in general to fly evil, seek good, to enjoy what happiness we can with reason hope to obtain. For, if reason be suspected of error, there is no reason to rely upon it with assurance in these most commonly received as rational Tenets. Wherefore if reason inclining us to the desire of a God, and another life, may be suspected of error, as deluding us with a vain hope of what is impossible, an Atheist will be obliged, to his shame, to call in question the aforesaid principles, which no man not wholly devoid of all shame, honour, and honesty, dare either in the presence of others, or in his own conscience offer to bring into disputation, or doubt. Now it followeth in order that we further inquire.   

CHAP. II.  
Whether it be a manifest foppery, not to believe that there is a God, though his existence were not demonstrated? and whether Atheism alone, without any other sin, be a reasonable and sufficient cause of damnation?  
1 THe foppery of an ignorant and presumptuous person, doth not consist so much in his ignorance, as in his presumption. Wise men may be ignorant of many things; but none can be wise, who presumes to know what he never could learn, or is above his capacity. I do not call Atheists fools, because they do not demonstrate the being of a God; but seeing they can have no reason to think the contrary, and that wiser men than they, do confidently affirm, that God is demonstrated, its want of judgement not to believe what they do not, or will not comprehend, especially when they run the greatest of all hazards by not believing. He that is resolved not to take any knowledge by trust, or tradition, is rather a beast, than a rational creature he is not fit for humane society, neither can he pretend any kindred, or inheritance, there being no proof for either, if we reject the testimony of lawful witnesses. There is not a more universal, or constant tradition, or testimony of lawful witnesses for any thing, then for the being of a God, Providence, and another life; though it were never demonstrated, it ought to be credited, especially by Atheists, who are as ignorant, as presumptuous of knowledge. We never read that any of the ancient Philosophers, or great wits of the world, contradicted the tradition of Gods being: two, or three of the lowest bank, rather Philologers, than Philosophers, as Diagoras, Lucian, and Pliny, looked that way, because they declined from virtue, and never inclined their minds to solid learning, and would feign have rid themselves of the remorse of conscience, the sour sauce wherewith sensual delights are seasoned.  
2 One of the greatest fooleries a man can commit, is, to cast himself into a manifest danger without cause; for, danger is not only the forerunner of evil, but is an evil itself. To expose a man to the hazard of losing his life, is an evil done him, though by good fortune he should escape. And albeit Atheists fancy to themselves, that God is but a Chimaera, and the next world, Utopia, they cannot deny, that this fancy exposeth them to a manifest danger of damnation; because if the contrary prove true, as it may for all they know, the evidence of torments will fools undeceive them, and drive them out of their fool's paradise, when repentance will be too late. The greater appearance there is of any evil, the greater is the danger; and the appearance of a God (though not the reality) being evident to Atheists, in the fabric and order of the Universe, as also in many supernatural signs, and prodigies: by denying him, they must of necessity incur the danger of his indignation, in case he doth exist; from which they cannot rationally expect to be freed, by the pretended probability of their erroneous opinion; because though it should be as probable as they imagine, that there is not a God, yet the choice of an opinion more dangerous in practice, then probable in speculation, as theirs is, is so great a foppery, that only mad men can ground upon it their salvation, and think it a sufficient satisfaction for divine Justice.  
3 And though we should grant to Atheists, that its possible we may be mistaken in our belief, and hopes of God, and another life; yet we suffer no great prejudice by the mistake: to abstain from base and transitory pleasures, cannot be any great loss. But if they will consider the much we have reason to hope for, and the little advantage they have of virtuous men, by following vice; and will also reflect upon the danger they run by denying and offending God: they must conclude, that though our hopes should come to nothing, we cannot be deprived of this satisfaction, and praise, that we did in our belief, and actions, what rational men ought to have done, all circumstances considered; whereas they, in this world, must be esteemed no better than fools, for running so manifest a hazard of damnation: and if there be no other life, we are no worse than they, because they cannot brag of their choice made in this world, nor receive in the other any congratulations of friends, for the good fortune they had, in preferring here vice before virtue, and Atheism before Christianity.  
4 But now let us prove, that though Atheists had no other sin but Atheism, they can have no excuse to allege, for not believing and worshipping God; but rather that they do him a positive injury, and therefore are justly condemned. Men may have evidence of their own obligation to believe a truth that is not evident. There is not any principle more evident than that which commands us, to deal with others as our selves would be dealt withal: what Atheist is there, that would not take it for an injury, to be treated like a clown, and a knave, if he hath the garb, habit, and attendance of a Prince, and all the outward signs of moral honesty? If there be an evident obligation not to injure others, and it be an injury not to treat persons according to their appearance, its manifest that all men are obliged to believe, that there is a God, who ought to be honoured and adored, because there is greater appearance of his infinite power and wisdom in what is visible to our eyes, than any Atheist, or other man can show for his own nobility, or morality. If every person may challenge a right to be treated according to his exterior appearance, though his quality be not evident, it's an injury to God, and a damnable sin, to except his Divine Majesty from so general a rule. Whence it doth follow, that though men had no other sin to answer for, but Atheism, that alone is a sufficient and just cause of their damnation.  
5 The bare possibility of being mistaken in a man's quality, or dignity, is no sufficient warrant to deny him that honour and respect, which is due to others of his rank, and doth sufficiently appear in himself by evident signs, and authentic testimonies. It's very certain that Impostors have counterfeited, and abused not only titles of Nobility, but also the dignity of Majesty. But the fault of few ought not to prejudice the right of many, and its better to run the hazard of being mistaken, then to abuse others. If the obligation of paying the tribute of honour, and respect, where it seemeth to be due, be so precise, that it must not be denied to any who may claim it, notwithstanding the possibility of impostures, and mistakes; how much more precise is our obligation not to deny respect, and honour to an appearance that cannot be counterfeited? The fabric, order, and beauty of the Universe, together with the miracles, and supernatural prodigies, that are visible to such, and so many, as make them credible to all, are things we may admire, but not imitate. No Impostor will venture to counterfeit so rare a piece, as the great machine of this world.  
6 Seeing therefore that something there is, which seems by these effects to be most powerful, most wise, and most perfect, we ought so to judge, and believe, and give it due honour, and respect. The right to such duties, acquired by outward appearance, and signs, doth extend itself even to our inward and most secret thoughts, which is the only reason why a rash judgement is a sin, and why men may be as injurious in thinking ill of others, as in backbiting. If we must not judge otherwise of men, than they seem to be, much less of God. We must not be Christians in our words, and Atheists in our thoughts. Therefore the obligation of believing, honouring, and loving God, is evident, though the Deity itself were not as evident as it is, even to the most vulgar understandings, that are not stupefied by vice, and besotted with sensual pleasures. Now, supposing it's demonstrated that there is a God, or at least that we are convinced of our obligation to believe there is one, we may proceed to inquire,   

CHAP. III.  
Whether God ought to be served his own way, and in what manner?  
1 THere is not an absolute Prince, that doth not pretend as his birthright, or prerogative, to be served his own way, that is, as himself thinks fit, and not according to his Subject's discretion. If this be granted to Princes, our fellow Creatures, how can it be denied to the Creator? Prince's may err in the conduct of affairs, God is infallible. Prince's may employ unfit instruments, men not valued, or hated by their people: God by employing men, doth enable them, and supply their defects. Prince's may look more upon their own interest, then upon the common good, in their projects, and designs: God can have no design upon his Creatures, but their own good; his interest is their happiness. To be brief, Princes are men, and though no Subjects, yet subject to all humane frailties; but God is as free from any frailty, as from subjection. Therefore if according the maxim of Politicians, Princes must be served their own way, God must not be deprived of the like prerogative.  
2 Whether Princes ought to be served their own Way, is not for my present purpose to examine; yet I must presume to tell them, that it's no part of their prerogative, to define, or declare, what way God hath appointed for his own service: the politic ends are not always agreeable, or compatible with God's ordinations, and in such case we must serve Princes in God's way, not in their own: no humane Laws, or King's pleasure ought to be preferred before God's commandments. It's as evident that God may choose his own way of being worshipped, as it is manifest that worship is due to so great a Majesty. Some Rites and ceremonies of divine Worship may be left to men's choice, and discretion; but before they undertake it, they must show their commission for so great a power, and eminent a charge. Every one must not presume to be Master of ceremonies in God's Church, and Court. If there were not a way settled for the worship of God before we came into the world, perhaps every man might choose his own; but to intrude new Rites, and Laws into a Commonwealth, contrary to the government long established, hath been always judged in the State, dangerous, and in the Church, damnable. Master Hooker in his books of Ecclesiastical Policy, is much admired, and cried up by some Protestants, because he proves, by Catholic arguments, that the Church of God may command the practice of Rites, and ceremonies: but he is fare from proving, that the new fangled English Protestant Church is the Church of God, and therefore could never conclude, that Puritans, or any others, ought to suit themselves in the new fashion of the Church of England's formalities, because they must show their authority, before they intrude their formalities, and take away realities.  
3 It's as unwarrantable to reject ancient Rites, and ceremonies, as to impose new ones, without authentic testimonies, and signs of divine authority. If the Church that went before us, and upon whose relation we must depend for the knowledge of times past, doth testify, that such ceremonies as seem now to fools, ridiculous, and to the ignorant, superfluous, were invented by God, or by men, to whom he committed the care of our instruction; we must practise them, & persuade ourselves, that it is not in the power of any Nagshead Convocation, 
The English Protestant Ministry descends from a few consecrated at the Nagshead in Cheapside, invalidly for many reasons deduced in a late Book of the Nature of Catholic Faith, and Heresy.  to frame a new Religion or 39 Articles, reject old ceremonies, pair, and shave of the matter and form of Sacraments, and degrade the Order of Priesthood of all Ecclesiastical ornaments, the cap, surplise, and black scarf excepted. Puritans proceed more consequently, they retain no Popish dregs, nor rags of Rome, (as they call them) and firmly believe, that God cannot be served in spirit, if the Minister of his Word appeareth not before him in cuerpo, rid of all aaronical ornaments. But with their good leave, to serve and worship God in spirit, is not to reject or reform ancient Rites and ceremonies, but rather by performing them, the spirit is raised to God with reflection upon the mysteries in them contained. The ancient Fathers, and Doctors of the Catholic Church, 
S. Ambr. lib. 1. de Sacerd. c. 1. & de iis quae initiantur mysteriis c. 1.  practised even that, which of all is most excepted against, in the administration of Baptism, and is less undecent than the making a plaster of spittle and dust; 
S. Greg. in Sacram. Tertull. lib. ad Scapulam. S. Aug. tract. 44. in joan. Euangel. Alcum. lib. deliv. Offic. de Sabbatho S. Paschae. Beda in 0.7. Marc. Homil. 19  a sign, that our Saviour would not Have us so nice, and squeamish as Protestants are. I am sure if we reflect upon the israelites, we shall find the chief worship they gave unto God in their sacrifices, accompanied with so noisome circumstances in their flaying, pulling out the bowels, and frying the fat of beasts, that they would make a nice Proteshint stomach rise, although it be able to digest a dish of as course stuff for a Fridays breakfast. As for the dress wherein our 
* S. Anacletus qui vixit temporibus Domitiani, Ep. 1. de oppr. Episc. Steph. Papa, & Martyr, vixit an. 250 Ep. 1. ad Hilar. Origen hom. 11. c. 20. Levi. S. Hieron. lib. 13. Comment. in cap. 44 Ezech.  Bishops, and Priests celebrate their functions, antiquity called it sacred, though Novelists term it profane, or superfluous. There is not one ceremony practised in the Roman Catholic Church, which deriveth not its beginning from God, or by his authority from primitive times; all relate to divine Mysteries, as you may read in Durantius De ritibus Ecclesiae Catholicae, and in that excellent Book, The Protestants Apology for the Church of Rome.  
4 Whereas ceremonies be the object of fantasy, and ours are so decent, that no fantasy can except more against them, then against those of the Law of Moses, instituted by God himself, and approved by Protestants, the aversion which they manifest against our Ceremonies, cannot proceed so much from their fancy, as from their understanding, dissenting from that Doctrine to which the Ceremonies relate. To kneel, is not an object ridiculous, or offensive to the fancy: the most precise practise it out of Churches, and at Court; and yet all Protestants cry abomination against kneeling to our Lord jesus Christ in the Sacrament, or worshipping himself, or his Saints in Images; these ceremonies agree well enough with their fancy, but their understanding cannot brook them. A weak understanding may occasion as great errors, as a strong fancy.  
5 Some fantastical and fanatical fellows, call the Roman Catholic Religion, an Apith Keligion, because forsooth, it hath so many odd ceremonies. But the fault is not in the Roman Religion, or ceremonies, they have Apish understandings, they look as Apes upon our ceremonies, without considering the mysteries. All the ceremonies of the Mass, relate to Christ's Passion, others to the mysteries of the Trinity and Incarnation. If it was lawful and laudable in the old Law, to practise ceremonies representing things that were to come, why should we Catholics be censured for ceremonies that put us in mind of past mysteries, and mercies? We ought not to be unmindful, or ungrateful, and there is not a more efficacious way to preserve a grateful memory of past benefits, then by representing them in ceremonies to the light.  
6 I must confess that all Sectaries have as great cause to cry down ceremonies, as we Catholics have to uphold them. Because the strongest pillar of the true Church, is a continual tradition of Catholic Doctrine from the primitive times to this present, and this pillar of Tradition is much strengthened by the practice of ceremonies relating to that Doctrine delivered from hand to hand, which we now maintain as Catholic, against Heresy, or pretended Reformation. To adore the blessed Sacrament both in Church, and Processions, is a strong argument of Christ's real presence, not only in the act or use of Communion, but also before, and after. What marvel therefore, that they who deny Christ's real presence or grant it only in the actual use of Communion, should oppose the adoration, whereby their false Doctrine is so clearly condemned by the practice of the faith full; these, and other Catholic ceremonies, are not odious to Protestants because they are ceremonies, but because they put them in mind of the ancient Faith and Doctrine of Christ's Church. To reject some of the ancient ceremonies, and retain others (as the Nagshead Congregation doth) is to furnish their adversaries (Catholics and Puritans) with unanswerable arguments; their choice of ceremonies doth prove their choice of Doctrine, and their choice of Doctrine demonstrates them Heretics; an Heretic being he, who chooseth out of the Doctrine delivered by the Church what he fancies, rejecting what he thinks not fit for his purpose. Our Prelatical Protestants must, with the rest, cast away their Bishop's bonnet, lawn sleeves, he white surplise, and black scarf; if not, they may cast their cap, and despair of answering to Catholic or Puritan objections: they must keep all, or nothing, unless they can produce better evidence for their pretended Reformation, than the fancy of 7. or 12. men in King Edward the Sixth his time, confirmed by the authority of a young head of the Church, and a Parliament called by the Protector Seamour, to establish in England Zwinglian fopperies, and reject the Christian Doctrine, and discipline of our Catholic Ancestors; they must not rely upon Queen Elizabeth's she supremacy, or their Nagshead Ordination, and Synod, with their London Assemblies, and Hampton-Court Conferences of lay Ministers. God must be served his own way, and not by framing Religions ●o the humour of people, or interests of Kings, Queens, Parliaments, and Protectors. But before we go further in censuring these Protestant ways, let us prove   

CHAP. IU.  
That to believe God, and consequently to serve him his own way, its necessary to repair to an infallible Guide, which is no other but the Roman Catholic Church.  
1 THe first step in the way of God's service, is, to believe God; a step of no less difficulty, than necessity. Suppose there were a man dropped down from the heavens, graced with this singular privilege, that the sound of his words could no sooner be at our ears, than the evidence of their truth before our eyes; whatsoever he said, in the same instant we did see confirmed by the real appearance of the objects, and our own experience. This singular privilege would deprive him of another, common to all men of worth and integrity; it would make him uncapable or being believed; all who hear him, would assent to what he said, but for their own evidence, not for his veracity. When any thing is evident to our understanding, or to our eyes, we believe ourselves, and not others, though they should tell us the same we do experience. If God were pleased to manifest himself to men in such a manner, that they had evidence it is he who speaketh to them, he had deprived us of the merit of Faith, and himself of that duty which we are obliged to give every honest man: for, though Divine Faith doth exclude all doubts and fears of falsehood, yet it supposeth in the subject a possibility of doubting, if men will be obstinate and imprudent; but there is none so obstinate, and imprudent, that can doubt of the truth of God's words, if it be evident to him that God spoke them. Though we hear men speak, we do them a courtesy in believing them, because they are fallible, and we do not read the truth in their words, though we believe them; but if we had evidence that God uttered any words, the truth of them must be as clear, as it is, that he can neither lie, nor be mistaken: and if the truth be clear, and evident to our understandings, we believe ourselves, and not God, though he should speak it. To believe, is to trust, and he that hath evidence of any truth, doth as little trust the speaker, as we rely upon another's credit for the money we have in our own coffers.  
2 Seeing therefore that either God must not be believed by men, or that he must disguise himself, and speak to them by others, who can be so impudent as to deny, that we deserve damnation▪ if we do not believe and obey God in that Church, which he hath been pleased to institute as his own Interpreter, 
Quod autem rogant unde persuadebimur, à Deo fluxisse Scripturam, nisi ad Eccleisae decretum confugiamus perinde est, ac si quu roget unde discemus lucem discernere à tenebris, album & nigro etc. lib. 1. Inst. Cap. 7. sect. 2. Petenda est haec per suasio ab arcano spiritus testimonto &c sect. 2. Non aliud loquor quàm quod apud se expetitur fideltum unusquisque etc. sect. 5.  for our instruction? I cannot deny, there is great difficulty in believing, that every thing which the Church proposeth as revealed, is God's revelation; yet this pill must be swallowed, if we resolve to believe God, who cannot be believed if he speaks in his own voice, and tone; because it is evidently inseparable from truth; and we cannot believe what by force of clear evidence we cannot deny. Hence (by the way) it followeth, that no Protestant, or Puritan, doth believe God, if they ground their faith upon the evidence they pretend to have of Scriptures being God's Word or upon that of their private spirit; both which (saith Calvin) are discerned as clearly by himself, and his brethren, to be Divine evidences, and not Diabolical, as white is discerned from black, sweet from sour, and light from darkness. It's very improbable that God deprived himself of his right, and was contented not to be believed, that Calvin, and his Protestant crew, might be eased of a duty, which they exact and receive from every person that hath a good opinion of their honesty.  
3 Supposing it is as evident that there is a Church of God upon earth, as it is reasonable he ought to be believed by men, we must endeavour to find it our. The Church is an infallible Guide to lead us to God: but who is the infallible Guide to had us to the Church? Reason. But reason in obscurity may be mistaken; and what is more obscure, than the way to the true Church environed with so many false Sects? If our beliefe were limited to natural verities, reason might make some shift, every man might pretend, that his own wit would be a sufficient guide for himself: but seeing Christian Faith must stretch further than humane capacity, there must be some supernatural help. In obscure matters, saith Aristotle, (with all wise men) reason must be contented with clear signs, and not expect evidence of the truth And because the Church or God doth propose supernatural truths, the signs must be also supernatural. And because there is so great difference between humane understandings God hath been pleased to make his Church discernible by sensible and visible supernatural signs, that they who have least understanding, may not have less faith than the most witty and learned, if they will but open their eyes, and reflect upon what they see. This is the reason why so few can pretend ignorance of the true Church if they have any sense in them, they may easily distinguish it from all heretical Congregations. The evident signs therefore whereby the true and Catholic Church is known, consisteth not in exterior formalities, that may take their beginning from humane policy, or from a natural inclination to decency, and good order. The Protestant Church of England had as few signs of supernatural grace, as any other pretending Reformation, yet in the eyes of some it looked prettily, and was more decent in the service, than other Northern Churches of Lutherans; and some of their Nags-bead Ministers affected a certain Ecclesiastical gravity in their garb and habit; notwithstanding in my opinion a secular dress would better become their mere secularity, and want of ordination. The Ministers in Germany look more Protestantlike in their short cloaks, spade beards, and blew starched ruffs, than our English Common-prayer Ministers do in their long cloaks, and surplises, which they wear more for policy, than Religion  
4 Seeing Reason must be contented with clear signs, when the truth is not evident, and that no evident or clear supernatural signs appear in any Congregation of men, but in the Roman Catholic; it must be concluded, that the true Church is that only Congregation of men, which profess the Roman Catholic Faith. That no signs of grace do appear in any Church pretending Reformation, is as clear, as it is, that all the world is not blind; for, as yet neither themselves, nor any other, could see in any of their Sects, one miracle, or any other thing that looked like supernatural; though they tell us of some Divine motions, and impulses of the private spirit, they are as incredible, as it is impossible that God should oblige any man to take a Protestants bare word, against the tradition and testimony of the Christian world informer ages confirmed with undeniable miracles, and sanctity of life. But some seeing the private spirit is ridiculous, would feign persuade us, that we may read their Reformation in Scripture so evidently declared, that they wonder how we can have the least doubt against it. We Catholics have been above a hundred years turning and tossing the Bible, with as great care and study, as the matter required, and yet we could never hit upon one Protestant Tenet ●n Scripture, though we have reason to think that we understand it as well as our neighbours; which is very strange, if their Doctrine be evidently contained in it. But there is nothing more obscure, the evidence, wherein men equally learned, and honest, do not agree. Nothing can make them disagree in the interprettation, and sense of Scripture, but the obscurity thereof, or obstinacy, or ignorance; if they be obstinate, they are not honest; if ignorant, th●y are not as learned as their adversaries; and its certain▪ we do Pro estants a favour in comparing or making them equal w th' Catholic Doctors in either: but when men dispute, he that hath evident truth on his side, may grace his adversary with any advantage, as I do at the present, supposing, not granting, that Protestant Ministers were equal with Catholic Doctors in learning and virtue, that thereby it may appear how obscure the Scripture is where Protestant's pretend it to be clear, and the sense most manifest.  
5 I will not make a long Litanies of the supernatural and visible signs which appeare in the Roman Catholic Church. Miracles have been in all ages, and are now so frequent amongst us, that there is not a Country, or Province, wherein the Roman Religion is professed, which doth not produce testimonies so prudently credible of true and supernatural miracles, that to deny them, were to destroy all human faith, and reduce men to credit nothing that is affirmed by men, however so well qualified with sound judgement, great learning, and known integrity Yet Protestants object, its strange themselves never see any miracle, being so desirous, and miracles so frequent as we pretend. Herod was also very desirous to see a miracle, but his curiosity excluded him from that favour: men who believe nothing but what they see, deserve not to see miracles, because they are obstinate. Yet there are few Protestants, who do not see miracles: what greater miracle, then that all Catholics turn not Protestants? If t●e continual victory over natural and vehement inclinations doth require a miracle of supernatural grace, we are as naturally and vehemently inclined to their Religion, as we are to our own liberties and pleasures: what greater miracle, than that sober and learned men should be persuaded, that their senses are deceived in the Sacrament of the Altar, and that they should suffer death for the mystery of Transubstantiation? These must be effects of supernatural grace, and Not of ignorance, or obstinacy, which cannot be laid to our charge, seeing we submit our judgements to every definition of the Roman Church, and our very adversaries know we are learned.  
6 Sanctity of life is a supernatural sign and effect of grace, and of the true Church. This sanctity is evident in the Roman Church. Not to speak of Antomes, Hilarions, or Stilluas lets draw nearer our times, and consider the lives of Saint Bernard. Saint Dominike, Saint Francis, Saint Vincent Ferrer, Saint Francis of Paula, Saint Charles Borromeus, Saint Teresa, Saint Francis Xaverius, and many more, who were known Roman Catholics, professing the same Tenets, and obedience to the Pope, which we now maintain against pretended Reformation. And not to speak only of the dead, let any indifferent person consider, how in all vocations of both Clergy and Layty, we have many persons eminent in virtue, fare above that degree of morality, to which some Protestants may attain, as well as some Pagans and Philosophers, who were fare from Christian perfection, called sanctity of life. Let our English Protestant be pleased to weigh with himself, whether young Ladies of as great quality, fortunes, and gifts of nature as England doth afford, could forsake their native Country kindred, and friends, contemn all pleasures of the world and themselves, by embracing a religious, poor, and penitent life in perpetual end sure, submitting their wills to the obedience and humour of a woman: could this, I say, be performed by so many, so continually, and with so great alacrity and content of mind, without a miraculous and supernatural grace of the Almighty? In my judgement it's a greater miracle, that such persons should resolve by a voluntary banishiment to die to their Country, and friends, and to the whole world by a religious profession, and to bury themselves alive in a Cloister; then if they had restored life to others, and banished death from graves and monuments.  
7 Now after that our Protestant Gentleman hath considered our Catholic Monasteries, let him examine, whether in his own Church there hath been, or now is, any thing resembling so much Religion, and supernatural virtue, as that which amongst us is not admired (though admirable) because so ordinary. This kind of life is as fare from Protestants practice and Doctrine, as it is from natural inclination. Yet I have heard, that Master Laud of Canterbury, was once inclined to erect some Protestant Nunneries in England. I believe it would occasion as great stirs as his Reformation did in Scotland, because no thing is more opposite to the Tenets of the reformed Gospel, and first Reformers, then to make vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience, Protestancy begun, and is founded upon the dissolving of Monasteries and religions vows, and is not compatible with their observance, if things must be carried on by the same means that acquired them a being. It's very true that Cranmer of Canterbury, the first Patriarch of Protestancy in England, caused an enclosure of wood to be made, I mean a Chest, wherein he shut up his woman, and carried her along with himself wheresoever he travailed; whereof ensued an odd accident at Gravesend, where the Chest being much rccomended to those that carried it to the Inn, as containing precious stuff belonging to my Lord's grace, they severed it from the rest, and put it up end-long against the wall in my Lord's chamber, with the woman's head downward, which putting her in jeopardy to break her neck, she was forced at length to cry out, and so the Chamberlins helped her out of her enclosure. This is amost certain story (saith my Author in his Examen of Fox his Calendar cap. 7. n. 27.) and testified at this day by Cranmers' sons widow yet living The Prelates of the Catholic Church carry portable Altars: but the first Protestant Prelate, and reformed Apostle of England, could not travail without his portable Monastery, fare more agreeable to the Religion he planted, than Matter laud's intended plantation of religious and chaste Nunneries.  
8. The conversion of Nations to Christianity, is not only a sign of the true Church, but also the end of its institution. This is so proper to the Roman Catholic, even at this present, that none who heard the names of America, Angola, China, Monomotappa, India, or japonia, can be ignorant of our pious endeavours, and miraculous success, in preaching the Gospel to so remote Nations, where nothing that is coveted in this world, could be aimed at, or expected by our Apostolical Preachers. I will not say any more concerning the signs of the true Church, these being sufficient to convince any person that desires to be saved, that out or the Roman Church there is no salvation, seeing it alone hath supernatural and visible signs, whereby God doth declare sufficiently that it is an infallible guide, to inform men of his mysteries, and direct them in the way he hath prescribed for his Divine service, commanding all mortals to hear and obey it, as they would hear and obey himself. Whosoever doth the contrary, injures God, and calleth his Divine veracity in question.  
9 God is as much injured by Protestants, and all others who deny, or doubt of what the Roman Catholic Church proposeth in his name, as any man can be injured, by not being believed when he speaks. The injury done to men when they are not believed, consists in not trusting them, or in not taking their word for the truth, though the truth doth not appear. If we do not trust God, and take his Word, as it is uttered by the Roman Catholic Church, for truth, we are resolved not to trust him at all, because when any truth is evident to us, we cannot receive it by trust from another; and if God should speak immediately to us, and declare that himself speaketh, the truth of his words is as evident to us, as it is that he cannot lie; and by consequence there is no room left for trust. Therefore either we must trust him, and take his Word for truth, when he speaks by that Church which hath supernatural signs, or not at all; and that Church is only the Roman Catholic. That God doth not speak to us immediately by himself, as men do, but by the Church, doth not diminish the injury, but makes it possible. It doth not diminish the injury clone to God, because it doth appear as clearly and suffiently, by the testimony and supernatural signs of the Roman Catholic Church, that what is by it proposed, is God's Word, as it doth appear by any man's own testimony and signs of integrity and sincerity, that he speaketh truth. To be solicitous to know evidently who is the Author of any words, when he disguiseth himself, and desires to be incognito, is too much curiosity, and ill manners. But a resolution not to believe any words proposed as Divine revelation by the Church, because it is not evident that God is the Author of them, is heretical obstinacy. For, its unreasonable to exact a clearer knowledge of the Author, then of the truth of the words: if we are bound to believe the truth, though it be not evident, we can have no reason to exact evidence of the Author, especially when the truth of his words must be evident, if he be known, and consequently our resolution doth extend itself to this, that we will not believe, until the truth be evident, which is not only obstinacy, but manifest foppery, because it is as much as to say, We will believe nothing at all. It's therefore as evident an injury to God to deny the Doctrine of the Roman Catholic Church, though it be not evident that God is the Author thereof, as it is, to deny the truth of any men's words when they speak themselves, though the truth be not evident; unless perhaps we think it reasonable to exact of God what we cannot of men, to wit, whensoever he speaks, not to believe his words unless we have evidence of their truth: for, if God be truth, and we are resolved not to believe his words unless he manifests himself, we are resolved not to believe them, until their truth be manifest, seeing God is the truth of his own words, because he is truth by essence. Of men we exact not so much, we believe their words, though the truth be obscure.  
10 This injury which is done to God, consists in calling in question his veracity, which is an inclination to speak truth. God's veracity is called in question whensoever any thing is sufficiently proposed as his Word, and yet it is not believed that it is his Word, or revelation. Whether the matter sufficiently proposed by the Church as God's Word, and consequently as truth, be great or small, absolutely necessary or not, it matters not, as to the denial or doubt of God's veracity; because he is as necessarily inclined to speak truth in a matter of little concernment, as in the greatest. Seeing therefore that the denial or doubt of men's veracity, consists in questioning what is sufficiently proposed as their sense and meaning; and that the Doctrine and sense of Scripture, embraced by the Roman Catholic Church, is sufficiently proposed by its testimony, and evident supernatural signs, to be the sense, revelation, and meaning of God; his veracity must be as much questioned by calling in question the least Doctrine of the Roman Church, as the veracity of men is called in question, by doubting of their words, whereby their thoughts and meaning are sufficiently proposed.  
11 From what hitherto hath been said, it's as evidently concluded, that the Roman Catholic Church is infallible in all matters, great and small, proposed by it as Divine revelation, as it is clear, that God would have men believe him, or that he hath a regard to his own honour and veracity he is not concerned in either, if he permits any one falihood in the least matter, necessary for salvation, or not necessary, to be sufficiently proposed by the Church, as his Word, or sense; seeing he may so easily prevent it, and not permit the Roman Catholic Church to err in any proposal. How can God exact, or expect from us an undoubted or infallible belief, when he speaketh and declareth his mind by men, if those very men be not infallible in declaring his mind? What injury can it be to God, that we doubt of his veracity▪ if in his own hearing and presence, his own Interpreter, the Church, is by himself permitted to err, and abuse his name and authority? We may lawfully suspect his sincerity in greater matters, seeing the least blemish is as much as the greatest inconsistent with the infinite perfection of his Nature. Therefore either God is contented not to be believed, and to forfeit his honour and the esteem of his veracity, or that Church which hath evident and supernatural signs of being his Interpreter, (which is the Roman Catholic alone) is infallible in all matters, great and small, proposed as Divine revelation.  
12. Hence you may gather to what great fopperies heretical obstinacy doth lead some of the most learned Ministers of the English Church, when they print, that God is satisfied with an exterior acquiescence to the definitions of a general Council, and of that Church which alone hath the signs and marks of being the true Catholic, though there remaineth an inward doubt of the controversy defined. This is as much as to say, that God is content you give him the lie, or affront him in private, so you be pleased to say nothing of it in public. God is as much injured by thoughts, as by words, and an exterior acquiescence is no satisfaction to him, without interior submission of judgement. It's true, some of these Heretics grant, that when all the Patriarches, and Christian Churches of the world confer notes, and are assembled together in a Council, (which is not likely to be as fare as the present state of the world doth promise, until we all meet in the Valley of josaphat) then is the time to submit our judgements, which in plain terms, is to put of all Christian belief, and obedience to God in his Church, and remain obstinate in heresy, until the day of judgement. But of this more when we speak in particular of the English Church in King james and his son's reign. As for that other shame full shift of theirs, to make all Christians the Catholic Church, and every reformed Sect, part thereof, and the same. with us in fundamental articles; I remit my Reader to a Treatise lately printed concerning the Nature of Catholic Faith and Heresy, with reflection upon the nullity of the English Protestant Church, and Clergy; and will now show in particular   

CHAP. V.  
That all Religions pretending to reform the Roman Catholic, are but human inventions, grounded upon weak policy, strong fancy, and sensual pleasures.  
1 PRotestancy, or Reformation in general, is a text of Scripture corrupted, or fond applied by the first Reformer to his own fancy, dreams, or pleasure; by Princes and Politicians, to worldly interest; and by the vulgar sort, to liberty of life, and rebellion against their Sovereigns. Let the most zealous Protestant have so much patience as to read over this Chapter, and I am confident, he will be convinced by the very history, without disputing, that his Religion is not injured by this character, or definition. And as for our Politician, he may learn in this historical part of his catechism, as many necessary precepts for his instruction, as there are examples of Divine Providence against the Authors and Protectors of pretended Reformation. That all may appear without confusion, I will divide this Chapter into Sections, and in first place recount the beginning and progress  

SECT. I.  
Of Lutheranism.  
2 Martin Luther was a Saxon, borne in a Lordship of Count Mansfeld, 
Sur. in Commentar. & alij.  I will not affirm that his father was an Incubus, though others seem to doubt little of it; I believe their best proof was his intimacy with the devil, which himself doth acknowledge in his writings. The 22. year of his age he was frighted into the Order of Saint Augustin by a thunderbolt, that killed his Comrade, both being in the fields for recreation. He taught Philosophy to his own Friars, and Divinity in the University of Wittenberg, which Fredrick Elector of Saxony, Luther's greatest Protector, had founded. Pope Leo the Tenth, in the year 1517. granted Indulgences to all that would voluntarily contribute money against the Turk, who threatened all Christendom; & committed the charge of it to Albert Elector of Mentz, that had no good correspondency with him of Saxonny; this coldness between the two Electors, was that which made Fredrick so hot in maintaining Luther, and his Doctrine, against Indulgences; which first he preached, and afterwards printed, because he was not chosen to preach for them, having a good talon, and it being the custom in Germany, to make use of Augustin Friars to publish Indulgences. But the next year after, Luther writ to the Pope, excusing his Doctrine, and submitting himself to his judgement, yet when he was certainly informed, that his Holiness would condemn it, he appealed from the Pope to the next General Councell●; which is the ordinary shift of Heretics, and Politicians; seeing at length that the Universities of Paris, Louvain, Cullen, and others, had commanded his writings to be burnt; and that his errors did not take much with the people, because he had not as yet broached any inelining to lust, and liberty, he resolved to retire into Bohemia amongst the Hussits: this resolution was stopped by the Elector or Saxony, and some of the prime Nobility of Franconia, who doubted not to make good use of Luther against the Clergy, (whose lands, and goods they coveted) promising him their protection. Whereupon he, to gratify his benefactors, and strengthen himself by a popular faction, printed a book, and dedicated the same to the Germane Nobility, exhorting them, and all good people, to join with himself in reforming the Catholic Church, so much neglected, and notoriously corrupted in Doctrine, by the present and ancient Clergy.  

Cochlaeus de act. Luth. Vlen. berg in vita Lutheri. Florim. de orig. haeres. Prateol. de haeres. & alij.  3 And that they might not seem to intermeddle in matter which did not belong to their jurisdiction and function, he assured them in his book, that every Christian was a Priest, because in the new Testament there was no distinction between Baptism and Priesthood: from whence he concluded all that, which they aimed at, to wit, that seculars had as much right to Church-livings by their Baptism, as Bishops, or Priests by their Ordination. And to the end that the Emperor, and Christian Princes might be engaged in his quarrel against the Pope, and Bishops, he inculcated to them, that they were subject to none, even in spiritual matters, but to God; that the Pope's supremacy was an usurpation, and that Episcopacy was against God's Law, incompatible with true Religion: in confirmation whereof he printed this Bull: the Preface was: Attendite Episcopi etc. Attend ye, o Bishops, nay rather marks of the devil. Doctor Martin Luther readeth to ye a Bull, which will not be grateful.  

Doctor Luther's Bull, and Reformation.  
Whosoever do contribute their endeavours with body, goods, and fame, to destroy Bishoprics, and abolish the government of Bishops, they are children of God, and true Christians, observing the commandments, and resisting the Devils ordinations; or if they cannot do this, at least they must condemn, and shun that government. On the other side, whosoever do defend Bishop's government, or voluntarily obey them, they are the Devils proper Ministers, and resist God's Law, and Ordinations. dinations. Besides this Bull, he writ a book entitled, Adversus falso nominatum Ecclesiasitcorum statum Papae, & Episcoporum. Against the false Ecclesiastical state of Pope, and Bishops.   
4 Now that he had fitted (as he imagined) the humour of Kings, and Princes, and awakened their passions of covetousness, and ambition against the Church-livings, and dignity of the Clergy, he thought it necessary for the carrying on of his design, to comply with the genius, and liberty of the vulgar people, and make his Religion plausible amongst the ignorant multitude, by assuring them that Faith alone, without good works, was sufficient to save men, putting the word alone in the very text, and not in the margin of Scripture. Not content with this, he resolved to draw many of the vicious and ignorant Clergy to his side, by writing a book De vita conjugali, Of a married life, wherein he condemneth vows of chastity, exhorteth Priests and Religious to marriage, and married men to make use of the serving maid, in case the wife be humoursome; if either party commit adultery, the innocent may immediately choose another husband, or wife; and if there be no hopes of children by the husband, his brother, or next kinsman may supply the defect. The ground of all this Doctrine was Crescite & multiplicamini, 
Gen. 1.  Increase and multiply. So that by this text fond applied, and by corrupting another, and adding the word alone to Faith, honest Martin Luther framed his new Protestant Religion, and cited Scripture for his Reformation, according to the custom of Heretics.  
5 And that men might be the more inclined to embrace, and more obstinate in adhering to these heresies, Luther with the help of Philip Melanchton, published the new Testament in high Dutch, rejecting, altering, and adding whatsoever he thought fit for his purpose; by which device he engaged the ignorant as much to their errors, as to their own proper judgements, making themselves judges of Scripture and Controversies, and at length or their Lords; for, taking themselves to be learned, and well versed in Gods written Word, they raised an Army for defence of the Evangelicall liberty of Luther's Gospel, which they conceived was not granted them by their Masters; and therefore the Clowns drew their Remonstrance, 
Cothlae. de act. Luth. Sur in Comment. Erasm. in Hyperasp.  and demands in twelve articles, which Luther approved of, and caused to be proclaimed in Saxony, exhorting the Lords to grant all which the Clowns desired, and laying to their charge the fault of all inconveniences which were like to ensue, if they did oppose his Gospel, and the Clowns designs: but seeing that this failed, and that the Lords had the better, he writ against the Clowns, upbraiding them for their rebellion, and exhorted their Masters to punish their disobedience: the conclusion was, that he embroiled all Germany, and that in Franconia alone, above two hundred Nobleman's Castles and Monasteries were destroyed: and in few months, more than a hundred and forty thousand peasants lost their lives, in attempting an imagined liberty due to them by Luther's reformed  Gospel. Whereby our Politician may learn, how, ordinarily speaking, God's providence doth chastise wicked men by the same instruments they employ against the Church and Clergy, in compassing their politic ends. Luther was the occasion of the destruction of the Franconian Nobility, which had made him an instrument to destroy the Clergy, and dissuaded him from retiring into Bohemia, promising they would protect him. We may see also how dangerous it is, not only to Religion, but to the interest of Princes, that liberty which Protestants have of reading the Scripture without any obligation of conscience to submit their judgements in the interpretation thereof to any of their own Churches. When a Religion is made to comply with as many contrary humours, and interests, as Luther's was, we must expect no other fruit of it, but sedition and rebellion; it is the apple of discord, and the occasion of all mischiefs in Christian Commonwealths.  
6 From Germany this plague of Lutheranism went into Swethland, 
Swethland perverted joan Magnus in Pontif. Psal. lib. 6.  by means of one Olaus Peter's a Deacon, and Luther's Scholar; who in the year 1523. returning from Wittenberg to his own Country, became acquainted with Laurence Andrew's Archdeacon of Stronghen, an ambitious man; the Bishop of that See dying, Laurence Andrew's pretended, and failed of the Bishopric, which was given to another, fare inferior to him, in his own opinion. Olaus Peter's took this occasion to make him a Lutheran, and declare to him, that all Christians were Priests by Baptism, and that there was no difference between a Priest, and a Bishop, but the revenues. Whereupon they both declared their error to Gustavus King of Swethland, which he approved of as advantageous to that poor Crown. Therefore he declared to all his Subjects, as a learned Scholar of Luther's teaching, that Priesthood and Episcopacy were but formalities, and privileges depending upon the Prince his will and favour; and that it was his pleasure to take all their authority and lands into his own hands: he did not only deprive the Bishops of their dignities and revenues, but imprisoned them all, because they opposed the change of Religion, and their own destruction. Whereby we may perceive, that poverty and covetousness in a King, and ambition in a Subject, was the ground of Swethlands Reformation.  
7 In the year 1537. john Bugenhagius, who had been a religious Priest, put Christian the Third King of Oenmarke in mind, of what advantages his Neighbour Gustavus had made of Luther Doctrine; and he upon the same grounds followed so mean an example, deposing, and imprisoning all the Bishops of his Kingdom, who were but seven; and made john Bugenhagius Pope of his Northern climate, because he gave him authority to name seven Superintendents that succeeded in the Bishop's Seas, but not in their ordination, or revenues, which were forfeited to the Crown, and was the greatest fault that the King found in Catholick-Religion. It's great pity that so many millions of souls do perish through the covetousness of those two Northern Princes; but the people may curse their Ancestors as much as their Kings, who did not attempt the innovation of Religion, before they felt the pulse of their Subjects consciences, and perceived their souls to be as full of vice, as their Country is of pitch and tar, and as disposed for heresy and hell, as their woods are for fire. Luther the Incendiary of all these Countries, lived until the year 1546. and died at Isleb (where he was borne) the 18. of February between two and three in the morning, after that he had feasted himself and been very merry that same night: in the house of his death he pronounced these words to his Disciples: Pray for our Lord God, and his Gospel, that it may have good success, because the Council of Trent, and the abominable Pope are great enemies. Whether this blasphemy proceeded from Atheism, or drunkenness, let Protestants determine; my opinion is, that Luther was both Atheist and Drunkard, though Lutherans call him the Saint and Prophet of Germany, 
justus jonas de morte Lutheri.  notwithstanding that they acknowledge his last prayer to be the aforesaid blasphemy. But now let us go to the branches of his pretended Reformation.   

SECT. II.  
Of Anabaptism.  
1 IN the year 1523. Nicholas Stork, one of Luther's Scholars, saw no reason why he might not invent a new Religion, as well as his Master; and at length resolved to go to Switzerland, where by counterfeiting revelations communicated to him by Saint Michael the Archangel, he gained much credit amongst the simple people, and persuaded them what he pleased, confirming his mad fancies with texts of Scripture fond applied, and by the Sermons of one Thomas Muntzer: from both these Apostles the Sect of Anabaptists had its beginning: their principal error is grounded upon the words of our Saviour misinterpreted: Whosoever will believe, and be baptised, shall be saved. Therefore (say they) children ought not to be baptised before they come to years of discretion, and capacity of belief; or at least they ought to be rebaptised: whereas it is clear by the Scripture, and not only by the practice of the Church in all ages, that children ought to be baptised, seeing they are reasonable Creatures, because Christ commanded his Disciples to baptise all Creatures; but the continual tradition is that, whereby this error hath been, and must be confuted, which is the best explication of doubtful texts of Scripture, as Oecolampadius (who formerly rejected Tradition as Roman superstition) was forced to confess, 
Lindan. in Dubit. Prateol. Methon. Hist. Anabap. lib. 5.  when he disputed with the Anabaptists at this very time in Switzerland; from whence they were banished by proclamation, for their Doctrine against the obedience due to civil Magistrates, and many other mad fancies, whereby they practised bloody practices upon others, and even upon themselves; they were divided into many countries' and Sects, and in few years had more than 44. different Religions, as Sebastian Francus doth testify in his history; and is very credible, because they are a people much given to believe dreams, and to take fancies for revelations. None is more dangerous, than that assurance they pretend to have of themselves alone being Saints, and the elect of God, excluding all other men not only from heaven, but even from all right to lands or inheritances here upon earth, according to the Doctrine of their book which they entitle Restitution, composed at Munster, when their Prophets and Kings did domineer in that City; john Mathews gave himself out sometimes for Moses, sometimes metimes for Enoch, and celebrated a Synod at Amsterdam, breathed the spirit upon his twelve Apostles, and sent them to preach his Gospel to the world; whereof some repent their madness, others were punished, and himself was killed at Munster his royal Seat.  
2 But after him succeeded for Prophet and King of the Anabaptists in the same City, john Bowled a Tailor, or Butcher of Leyden in Holland; he assumed the title of Rex justitiae hujus mundi, King of justice of this world; and because he was found in adultery with a Quean, he made a law of Polygamy, and married 16. whom he called Queens: all this was pretended to be done by private inspiration from heaven, as also his Mission of 28. Apostles with as great power and authority, as his Predecessor had done in Amsterdam. But within a short time the Bishop of Munster besieged the Town, and brought it to such straits, that all persons were starving; and because one of his Queens told him, that she did not believe God would have men starve, and that he ought to distribute amongst them some of the abundant provision which he kept in store, King Bowled beheaded her (by revelation also) in the market place with his own hand, in presence of all his other Queens, whom he commanded to celebrate her funerals with a set dance, which himself led about the corpse, inviting also the spectators to go to it nimbly and merrily: but, alas, the poor people being all starved, were not able to stir: at length the City was furrendred, and the fanatic King with his Comrades received due punishment. But after his death one john Cerdo took the name of King, and was hanged at brussels; the same doom had another at Mastrike, whose name was Cornelius Apleman. The last King of this mad Tribe was one john Williams, who had at once 20. wives, and wore by his side the great gedeon's sword, sent to him from heaven, as he gave out: he exhorted his Subjects, and Brethren the Anabaptists, to look upon all other Nations and Religious, as the Iraelits did upon the Chananeans, and others of the land of promise: but at length he was burnt in Cleve an. 1580.  
3 This Sect of Don Quixotes is not like to spread much, because their Tenets are inconsistent with government. Their Kingdom at the present is said to be Ireland, from whence they have driven the Nobility, and Gentry of that miserable Country: they have not as yet any King of justice, but they erected a Court of justice, wherein it is said, (how truly I know not) they were most criminal that had greatest estates. This I hear credibly reported by many, even by some moderate Protestants, that the first who suffered death by that Court, 
Mr. Walter Bagnal.  was a man of as clear a conscience and courage, as any of the three Nations ever afforded; his crime was, the signing of a warrant to hang a notorious and confessed spy. The transplantation also is to be an effect and mark of the Anabaptists Religion; but its thought that after they have extirpated the Irish Catholics, they who govern in England, will take a course with those, whom now they employ, or permit as instruments to civilise that Nation, by wholly extirpating the Natives, whom they despair to make Heretics. But there is a God, and providence.   

SECT. III.  
Of Zwinglianisme.  
1 NO sooner were the Anabaptists banished from Switzerland, but that Country was infected with the Sect of the Sacramentaries introduced by Zwinglius, Carolstadius and Oecolampadius; who having gained some credit by disputing with the Anabaptists, made use of it to plant another heresy, differing from that of Luther in the point of Christ's real presence in the Sacrament, which he always maintained, though he denied Transubstantiation. Zwinglius was borne in Switzerland, and had been a Pastor, or Parish Priest, first in Glawne, and afterwards in Znrike: he was very luxurious, and to avoid many women, he tied himself to one, after he was a Priest, merely out of his inclination to continency, as he would make the world believe in his admonition to the Helvetian Commonwealth fol. 119. We have proved that the weakness of our flesh hath been the cause of our often shameful falling etc. Some are of opinion that he begun his Sect a year before Luther an. 1516. if so, his Church must take place in the Devil's procession and way to hell: but it was not embraced until the year 1525. the 13. of April, on that very day that the Catholic Church did solemnize the mystery of the real presence.  
2 The ground of this heresy is acknowledged by Zwinglius themselves to be no other but a dream, which he relateth in this manner: 
Zwingl. tom. 2. in lib. de subsid. Euchar. fol. 294.  When the 13. of April drew near (I tell the truth, and my conscience compelleth me to utter what the Lord bestowed upon me) me thought, as I was asleep, that I was again disputing with the Scribe (he meaneth one of the Senate of Zurike that had shamefully confuted him in public) and my mouth so stopped, that I was not able to speak, and suddenly there seemed an admonisher to be present with me, (after fuerit, an albus, nihil memini) whether he were black, or white (that is, a good or bad spirit) I remember not, which said, Why dost thou not answer him that which is written Exod. 12. 
* Bellarmine answer this weak objection tom. 3. de Euchar. lib. 1. c. 11.  Estenim phase, id est, transitus. For it is the Paschal, which is the  of the Lord. Whereupon I afterwards considered the place, and thereof before the whole Congregation preached, which Sermon when it was heard, drew away all mist. Because the Catholic Cantons did not embrace this distracted brains dreams as the true sense of Gospel, which the devil had dictated, they were so vexed, and exasperated by the Protestants, that they were forced to take arms, and in one of their victories Zwinglius was mortally wounded, and burned alive as an obstinate heretic, and perturber of the Commonwealth. Some writ as a great miracle, that his heart resisted the flames; it may pass for a Protestant miracle, that the most hard, and massy part of man's flesh, should not be as soon consumed as the rest. Such a miracle, to my knowledge, happened of late to the heart of an infamous malefactor burnt at Gant; and such another doth Plutarch recount of Pyrrhus his toe, which was not consumed by the fire that burned his body. Yet none can deny it was a clear miracle, 
Harpsfeld. Dialog. 6. cap. 44. Florim. Raym. de orig. haeres. & alij.  that Doctor john Traverse his three fingers (which he did show to the Judge at the bar, when he asked him whether he writ the book for which he was condemned, in defence or the Pope's supremacy, answering that those three fingers writ it) should not be burnt, when his hand was cut of, and all consumed by the fire, the three fingers only excepted, notwithstanding that they were often cast into the flames. This was a Catholic miracle.  
3 Carolstadius was Archdeacon of Wittenberg, and had the honour to confer the degree of Doctor upon Martin Luther, to whom he adhered in the beginning of his Reformation; but afterwards denying the real presence, he was so persecuted by Luther, that he was forced to retire to a village, and gain his living by cutting wood, and selling faggots, a dangerous occupation for an Hererick, if it were in Spain, or Italy, where his fuel would be applied to his own use. At length being weary of that life, he cast himself into Zwinglius his hands, and opinions. He is said to be the first Priest that married; to celebrate his Nuptials with greater solemnity, he writ to a Nobleman his neighbour, desiring him to send him some venison, and the Nobleman, very discreetly, sent him the head of an ass well dressed, and baked, for a buck: the mistake was not perceived, until the young couple had eaten so much of the supposed venison, that they fell to pick crumbs, and at length to pick the ass' ears, to their great confusion, laughter of the company, and extraordinary contentment of him that sent the present, good enough for so sacrilegious a feast and solemnity. The Lutheran writers say, that Carolstadius in his last Sermon did see the Devil, who came to applaud his Doctrine; and three days after being sick, he came to fetch his person: the Sacramentarians deny this story; but Catholics believe that he is gone to the Devil, though they will not dispute whether the Devil came to see him in his last Sermon or sickness.  
4 Oecolampadius was a Priest, and a Monk of Saint Brigits order, infamous for being convinced of so notorious lies in his writings. He married a woman that was thought to have murdered him, but others writ that his friends, injured the woman by casting this aspersion upon her, and that he was strangled by the Devil: its certain he was found unexpectedly dead in his bed at Basile, where he is interred with this Epitaph, Auctor Euangelicea doctrinae in hac urbe, & Templi ejus verus Episcopus. These are the Apostles of all who deny the real presence. They were so vain and ambitious of being esteemed Authors of new Religions, that though all three agreed in the substance of their error, yet every one would needs maintain it upon a different word and ground, from the rest, Carolstadius denied the real presence, because he said, that the word, Hoc, This, was not referred by Christ our Saviour to what he had in his hands, but only to himself as sitting at the table. Zwinglius laid hold of the word Est, is, and interpreted it, significat, signifieth my body, thrusting into the very text signifieth, and taking out is. Oecolampadius grounded his fantastical error upon the word Corpus, Body, which he interpreted figura corporis, a figure of the body, not according to the language of Tertullian, but as if the figure did exclude the reality of a body, contrary to Tertullia's phrase and doctrine, as Pamelius in his Comments upon him, doth plainly show by many examples. Thus we see, how three Sycophants have rendered to their followers the words of God not only inessicacious, but wholly unsignificant; and how the most absurd dreams of a distempered brain work upon simple people: and how apt Politicians are to work their ends with thief mad fancies, my Reader may see in the Protector Seamour, who brought into England this Zwinglian Religion, and I will declare, when I speak of the English Church in Edward the Sixth his time.   

SECT. iv  
Of Calvinisme.  
1 THe Sect whereof Princes can make least advantage, is this which now I am to describe; because it was invented by Calvin to make himself Prince of Geneva; and not to humour Monarches; he being confined to a town, where popular government prevailed, & to which at length he accommodated his discipline, contrary to his own inclination, and first design. john Calvin therefore, meanly borne in Noyon of Picardy, hearing how many of his rank had made fortunes by inventing new Religions, and how easy it was to apply texts of Scripture to humane fancies, resolved to sollow the steps of Luther, Zwinglius, and others, especially after that he despaired to satisfy his ambition amongst the Catholic Clergy, being branded with an infamous mark for Sodomy in his own Country; a truth so undeniable, that his great friend and champion Whitaker, speaking in his defence against learned and eloquent Campian, who in his ten Reasons termed Calvin, stigmaticus perfuga, a branded spirit, 
Whitak. answ to Campians reasons, printed 1582. sol. 7●.  gives this witty▪ and pious answer, si stigimaticus fuit, fuit etiam Paulus, fuerunt alij. It was never heard that Saint Paul was branded with an infamous mark before; and if Whitaker means not to disfame Saint Paul by making him as infamous as Calvin, but only compares the signs of Christ's wounds which he had in his his body, to calvin's mark, he gains nothing by his evasion, but rather augments his malice and blasphemy. Calvin's first Master inheresy was Melchior Wolmar a German Lutheran, though others attribute this honour to one Robert, his own kinsman. Being suspected of heresy, he retired to Angolesme, where he went by the name of Deparcan, and there remained three years, studying heretical books, out of which he copious h●s Institutions, and the greatest part out of the works of Melanchton, and Hyperius Sapoerius; yet Westphalus the Lutheran saith, he stole all from Oecolampudius▪ its certain he never learned Divinity in any School; such as it was, either he stole from others, or had it by private inspiration from his Master the Devil. He communicated his erroneous opinions to Lewis Tiluis a Canon of Angolesme, and his singular benefactor; who liked well of them, but desired Calvin to accompany him to Germany, and there they both would confer with the Authors themselves of so new Doctrine. Tiluis was recalled from his way both to Germany and to Hell, by a brother of his, called john, of no small account in the Court of France; but Calvin went on his journey, and remained in Germany, waiting upon one Rufus, his Countryman, and a perverse heretic, by whose means he became acquainted with all the Germane Reformers.  
2 Having by his conference with many, dived into the ground of their errors, and resolved to follow the Zwinglian Doctrine, though not altogether; his thoughts now were busied to find out a place, where he might with security divulge his heresy, without being subordinate to any other heretic, or Reformation. He fixed upon Ferrara in Italy, but could not long remain, notwithstanding that the Duchess (the French Kings sister) did incline to protect him. At Liege he was refused entertainment, and so was forced to return into France, and live privately at Poitiers. It happened that walking there in a garden, he fell into discourse of the new Religions with some more curious, then learned: the question was, whether Luther his opinion was more tolerable in matter of the Sacrament, then that of Zwinglius. Calvin laid hold of this opportunity to declare his own, condemning both the former. He affirmed that Christ was not realy present in the Sacrament as Luther imagined▪ neither was he realy absent, as Zwinglius pretended; that there was a mean between both assertions, and that was, to be present by faith▪ or by a pledge; a poor one, God knows, if it be only a morsel of bread, and a cup of wine. It's better take Christ at his word, then rely upon calvin's pledge. Neither himself, nor any of his Disciples could hitherto speak sense, when they declared their sense and Doctrine in this particular: and no marvel, seeing there can be no sense in a mean between two contradictions; for, either Christ is realy present in the Sacrament, or he is not realy present; whether the reality of his presence be after a spiritual, or corporal manner, is not the question; a spiritual presence is as real, as a corporal. To say that Christ's body and blood is not realy in the Sacrament by themselves, but only by our faith, is as much as to say, that they are not there, though we believe they are; which is not Catholic and true faith, because we are mistaken. However this nonsense served calvin's turn, because it was a new Chimaera, and much applauded by his first four Disciples, Anthony Duguius, Philip Veronius, Albert Babinot, and john Vernovius, to whom he infused his spirit, and sent them to preach his Doctrine in divers parts of France, and distribute his fantastical communion. But when it came to his cares, that some who denied the real presence, were cruelly tormented, and put to death in Paris, he thought fit to retire to his old Master Rusus, and partake with him of the Queen of Navars protection; resolved not to suffer that Martyrdom, to which he had so devoutly and earnestly exhorted others.  
3 After some time he parted with Rufus, and repaired to Basile, where he published his Institutions in French, that at least the language might incline ignorant people to believe that the work was his own. In the beginning of his book he put a fiery sword with this Motto, Non veni pacem mittere, sed gladium; I come not with peace, but with the sword. Never was the design or effect of any book better expressed; there is not a Country where it was received, that felt not the sad effects of war, fire, and sword, being as inconsistent with peace and obedience to the Prince, or Magistrate, 
Calvin. in 5. Daniel.  as with Catholic Religion. It teacheth Subjects not only to rebel, but also to spit in the faces of their Sovereigns, in case they oppose calvin's Doctrine, or discipline.  
4 In they care 1535. in the month of August, the City of Geneva revolted from the Catholic Church, their lawful Prince, and Bishop, banishing him and his Clergy. The Ringleader of all this mischief was one William Farellus, a Frenchman by birth, a Jew by descent, and an Heretic by profession. The instrument whereby he effected this work, was Amicus Perrinus, a man of great power in Geneva, and Captain of the Militia, so bitter an enemy to Priests, and the Mass, that he commanded the Altar stone of the Cathedral Church to be carried out of Town, and laid in that infamous place where malefactors were accustomed to be executed, that it might be stained with base blood of thiefs and murderers: but God permitted that Perrinus himself should be the first diabolical sacrifice offered upon the Altar stone which he had prepared for others; upon which he was beheaded at calvin's instance, because he opposed his discipline and ambition, though the pretext was a pretended conspiracy intended by Perrinus (as Calvin said) against all the French fugitives that retired to Geneva, to enjoy the liberty of their errors, and learn calvin's new Doctrine, who had been some time before called thither by some friends that lived in the City. But being proud, and forcing his discipline upon the people, both he and Farellus were banished from Geneva in the year 1538. Calvin retired to Stratzburg, where first he taught a School, and afterwards took upon him the care of a Church, which the Magistrate granted to the French Heretics. Here he took to wife an Anabaptists widow, and though I have nothing to say against his marriage, because I do not read that ever he received holy Orders, notwithstanding that he had two benefices conferred upon him when he was young; yet much is writ by others of his dishonest life; the Lord of Fallarie his wife was forced to go live at Lausanna, to be rid of calvin's importunity, and adulterous attempts: the Lady of 'Mong is was not so honest, she left her husband at Lausanna, and lived incontinently with Calvin at Geneva.  
5 During his banishment, his friends were very earnest with the Magistrate for his return, which was not only permitted, but decreed, and he invited solemnly by the Senate, not doubting by his means and credit amongst new Sectaries, to strengthen much their petty Commonwealth of Geneva. 
Hooker in his Preface of Eccles. Policy.  But Calvin knowing how much they imagined it was their interest to have him, refused to come, if both Magistrate and Pastors would not be solemnly sworn to observe that form of discipline which he would establish. The civil regiment of that Towme was popular, and the spiritual government, at that time, was at the discretion of their Pastors; it was not for his purpose to be at the mercy of either Laity, or Clergy; neither could his ambition and pride brook any such subjection. Wherefore after they had taken the oath which he exacted, seeing it was impossible to make himself Bishop (the very name being odious, and the reality much more in Geneva, having annexed to it an absolute dominion over that State) he framed his discipline to the humour of the people in outward show, making it plausible by composing his Ecclesiastical Court, or Consistory of lay Elders, double in number to the Ministers; whereby all would be at his own disposal; because the Elders, though more in number, were changed every year, and would not dare to oppose the Ministers that continued in office, and these were all his own Creatures; so that all served for nothing in the Consistory, but to countenance and put in execution calvin's decreer. He sat in his Ecclesiastical Court more absolute than any Pope, having no rule to be guided by, but his own fancy, and any text of Scripture which he pleased to accommodate to it, the private spirit being sufficient ground for the most impertinent and absurd application.  
6 It is the opinion of many that Calvin was a more politic heretic than Luther, and that he shown it in his Religion and discipline. It is certain that Luther was more learned, and more resolute than Calvin; who, if the truth were known, did but steal from Luther, even his private spirit, to which Luther and all Protestants recurre, when they are pressed with evidence contradicting their errors. His doctrine of denying the real presence, and his making worship of Images idolatry, he took from Zwinglius, and his Comrades; so that all considered, we find, that Calvin had but very little, or nothing of his own in his Religion, but his discipline. The reason why Calvin rejected all ceremonies in his Church, was Luther's ill success in admitting and framing some. This mad fellow took upon himself the authority which he denied to the Catholic Church, composing a Mass and ceremonies of his own, but soon repent his folly, when he perused jodocus Clictoveus his book confuting his fond presumption, to which Luther could never answer. This made Calvin so great an enemy of Ecclesiastical ceremonies.  
7 Though he hated ceremonies, he coveted miracles, because they are necessary to make a new sense of Scripture, and a new private spirit prudently credible: his bare word was not a sufficient testimony of the truth, without some supernatural and visible sign to confirm it. Calvin therefore persuaded one Brullen a Frenchman of his own Sect in Geneva, to feign himself dead, and when he would bid him rise in confirmation of his Religion, spirit, and discipline, to obey, and tell the spectator's news of the other world. The agreement was made, Brullen was to have so much money, his wife gave her consent, because she was poor, and they communicated the matter to her, it being impossible to conceal it from her knowledge. To be brief, the supposed death of Brullen was published, 
Bolsee c. 11. Lang c. 13.  and none lamented it more than Calvin, considering the distress of his wife, and family. Out of mere compassion he repairs to the house, declaring the affliction of his spirit to all who met him, but withal giving them hopes of a miracle, whereby the sanctity of his own life, doctrine, and discipline might be made evident. As soon as he fixed his eyes upon the supposed dead Corpse, he lifted them up to the Lord, and desired his faithful brethren to join with him in prayer, that God might command Brullen his soul return to his body, and Calvin naming him, bid him rise, and declare to all present, God's sense of his doctrine and discipline. The wife seeing her husband did not rise, and that really he had signs of death in his face, drew nearer, and by experience found that Brullen was dead indeed. Whereupon she cried aloud, and declared to all the people the story, accusing Calvin of being not only an Impostor, but a murderer: both he and his friends sneaked away, and never afterwards attempted to work miracles, which now he hated as much as ceremonies. Such another miracle do we read of Cyrola the Arrian, 
Greg. Tur. 2. hist. 3.  who by touching the eyes of one who feigned himself blind, was realy made blind by that heretical hand; but Eugenius the Catholic Bishop of Carthage, restored him his sight again, by making the sign of the cross upon his eyes. These Heretics were rather Cheats, than Politicians; weak policy doth betray itself at length, and when it is applied to the discredit of the true Religion, and establishment of heresy, God is so much concerned in the discovery of these petty plots and tricks, that its impossible they should have any effect. The Lutherans did so laugh at Calvin for this success, that neither themselves, nor his Disciples could abide to hear the word miracle pronounced.  
8 The Calvinists had no other way to stop their adversaries mouths, but by casting in their teeth the only miracle, which Luther attempted to work. A poor woman was brought to Wirtemberg, to be dispossessed by him; 
Staphylus in prodro. apol. 2. Genebr. Chronol. lib. 4. in Paul. Sur. in Comment.  Martin refused to intermeddle in the matter, being fearful of the success. But perceiving that his backwardness made others for ward in censuring, and contemning both in his person and doctrine, he resolved to venture and try what his exorcisms, lately composed by himself, would be able to do. The man was led to the Vestiary of the Parish Church; thither repaired Luther accompanied with his disciple Staphylus, who writ this story: and begun in a grave and severe tone, to command and threaten the Devil, who laughed at Martin's folly and impudence, seeming to say, How now friend? Are we not better acquainted then so? Dost thou imagine to conquer me with the arms I put into thy hands? The Devil might lay claim to Luther's exorcisms, 
Luther. de Missa angulari, & Sacerdotum consecrat.  as well as to his doctrine in other points, which himself acknowledgeth to have learned of the Devil, and to have eaten a bushel of salt in his company. We may judge what a ridiculous object it is, to see a Protestant Minister exorcise, or pretend to perform any Ecclesiastical function, or ceremony, when Martin Luther, the Apostle of Protestancy, looked so absurdly and despicably in the Devil's eyes, that instead of being exorcised, he did exorcise Martin, and did so fright him, that he attempted to leap out at the window, the door being made fast by the Devil's art, until at length Staphilus, who had more courage, broke open the door with a hatchet, but was almost stifled for his pains, with a most abominable sent, occasioned by Luther's fear. Heretics may counterfeit miracles, but never work any in confirmation of that doctrine wherein they differ from the Roman Catholic Church: in confirmation of our Tenets against Heretics we have continual miracles, and we read of Jews that escaped dangers, and Devils, by making the sign of the Cross; and though Protestants should do the same in confirmation of the Trinity, or any other▪ Tenet of Catholics, that would favour Protestancy no more than judaisme. As for the Kings of England's gift in curing the King's evil (if any such thing there be) every seventh son hath the same (as many say) or other as extraordinary privileges; and if it be a supernatural miracle, they own that grace to Saint Edward the Confessor, a known Roman Catholic, to whom, and not to their own merits, or Protestant Religion, they must attribute all their cures.  
Calvin died in the year 1564. the 27. of May in Geneva, invoking the Devil, 
Laing. Franc. Balduinus: Claudius Sancterius. Guiliel. Lindanus. Hosius. Florim. Prateol. Rescius, & alij, de morte Calvini.  blaspheming God, cursing himself, his studies writings, doctrine, and discipline, as Hierom Bolsee his own Scholar, and many more his domestics and friends testify; though Beza, who never told truth, affirms, that he delivered his soul in peace. I am sure his Sect (which is more violent, then politic) hath occasioned so many wars and rebellions, that Calvinist Princes do not desire to make their Subjects of their own Religion.   

SECT. V  
Of the Reformation in Holland, and the other united Provinces.  
1 IN the year 1565. the Heretics of France solicited their brethren in the Low Countries to a rebellion, and Reformation, for, these two sisters go always together. The Prince of Orange took this opportunity, and advised the malcontents to send Agents to King Philip the II. humbly desiring his Majesty would be pleased, to recall his Father's severe Laws against novelties in Religion, and that Cardinal Granvile, and the Spanish garrisons might be removed out of the Netherlands. The prudent King, not doubting that to grant this, was to betray himself and his posterity, and bestow his inheritance upon rebels▪ declared, that he would give as little encouragement to new Religions, as Charles the V his Father. Whereupon Henry Bredenrod, Lewis of Nassau, Orange his brother, and others of the Nobility, headed the Heretics, who profaned Churches, sacked Monasteries, abused the Clergy and Religious, and trampled under their feet the Blessed Sacrament of the Altar. 
Lind. de fug. idol.  Near Ruremond they were cutting in pieces Saint Authonies' image, and going to burn it, on a sudden all were touched with wild fire, and died the next day. They took Antwerp, than Orange declared himself for them, and with all Governor of that famous and rich City.  
2 Before the Heretics had committed these outrages, they made a procession in brussels, wherein every one carried a medal hanging upon his breast, with King Philip's image on the one side, and on the other, two hands joined, with a beggar's wallet, with this motto, Fidi Regi usque ad bisaccium. In this manner they presented themselves to Margaret of Parma, that then governed the Low Countries for her Brother; 
Surius in Comment. Schardius in reb. gest. sub Maximil. Belear. lib. 30. & alij.  at which sight when her Highness seemed to be frighted, the Earl of Barlamont, a zealous Catholic, told her, that nothing was to be feared from such Geuses, which is a word of contempt in Walloun, and signifies, Vagabond Beggars. This was the occasion whereby the Heretics of the Netherlands came to have so honourable a denomination, as their brethren the Hugonots in France. The Catholics, to be discerned from Heretics, or Geuses, wore also medals about their necks, or tied to their beads, with the Image of Christ our Saviour on the one side, and on the other, his blessed Mother. If Heretics thought it was a profession of fidelity, and devotion in themselves to their King, to wear and worship his image, I see no reason why they should find fault with Catholics, for wearing medals, or worshipping the images of Christ, his Mother, and Saints. I am sure we mean better to God in doing it, than they did to their King, when they were called Geuses. The King of Spain was not jealous that they would rebel with his image, or make it King, there was no danger of such a foppery. It's a foppery and madness in Heretics, to imagine, that God is jealous of Catholics worshipping his own, or his servants images; and as for the pretended danger of Idolatry, it is no greater, then that which the Geuses did incur of setting up their medals for their King, or Earl of Flanders. The difference between our medals, and theirs, is, that ours is a profession of love, respect, and devotion, which we bear to God and his Saints, because they are his servants: theirs was a pretext of treachery, and rebellion against their Sovereign, who was as fare from their hearts and effections, as his image was near their breasts.  
3 There was never any Prince that did more to humour his Subjects, than Philip the Second did for his in the Low Countries. First, he removed from thence the Duke of Alba, because he was thought to be over severe, and sent in his place Requesens, one of a mild disposition. After whose death▪ he was content to confirm the Governors, themselves had chosen, until he was advertised, that the first act of their government, was a league made against the Spaniards at the instance of Orange; whose ambition could be satisfied with nothing, but the whole Country at his own disposal: to which end he caused himself to be named Admiral of the Sea, turned Don john of Austria out of the Country, had Brabant joined to his government of Holland and Zealand; imprisoned the Duke of Arschor, and two Bishops, because they sent for Mathias the Archduke, who being arrived, was but a cifer; Orange being named his Vicar, did govern all, and obtained liberty of conscience for the Heretics in all the 17. Provinces, that thereby his friends and faction might increase: after Mathias his departure, he sends for the Duke of Anjou, a cifer also, but thinking by his means to engage France in the quarrel, was content to let him have the title of Governor and Master, keeping all the power in his own hands.  
4 All those things were done by Orange with that ordinary and specious pretext of rebellion, the liberty of the Subject, and of conscience, whereby many Catholics were deceived▪ and joined with him and his Heretics. But they, perceiving at lengthy; that nothing would satisfy Orange, and that he aimed at making himself Master of his Confederates, and to that end promoted heresy, thereby to engage the people more against their Catholic King & endear them to himself, and that many insolences were committed by the Geuses, and countenanced by their Protector Orange; Hannonia, Artois, and some other Provinces, declared against him, and his ambitious heretical proceed. The King also seeing that Orange would be contented with no less, than the propriety and dominion of all the Low Countries, promised great rewards, by proclamation, to any person that would kill him. Whereupon in the year 1584. this Rebel was sent to the other world by one Gerard, a Burgundian. If he had lived longer, perhaps the United Provinces had been a Kingdom, not a Commonwealth: for its certain, his design and desire was not to make them a free State, though he freed them from their obedience to the King of Spain. And albeit by his policy he made them cast of one yoke, he oppressed them with another, fare more intolerable, that is, with heresy, whereby they became slaves to the Devil, and rebels against God, and the Church. Thus we see how the multitude hath been misled by one politic head, that concealed his ambition with the zeal of a new Religion, and the ancient liberties of his Nation.   

SECT. VI  
Of the Protestant Church of England in King Edward the VI his time.  
1 IT's now time to draw homeward, and examine whether the Protestant Church of England be also a branch of Policy. That luxury and covetcousnesse was the occasion of denying the Pope's jurisdiction and supremacy, is evident by our Chronicles in the life of Henry the VIII. who being weary of Queen Catharine of Spain, and despairing or issue male by her, as also enamoured of Anne Bullen, desired the Pope to declare null a marriage, that no person living called in question for the space of 20. years: but now forsooth, it was against Scripture, because Saint john Baptist told Herod, that it was not lawful for him, to keep his brother's wife, in the life-time of his brother, and himself being also married. If Prince Arthur were living, the text had made as much for Henry the VIII. as for Herod's brother. Yet King Henry's tender conscience could not be quiet, until Anne Bullen were Queen of England, therefore he bribed Universities abroad, and threatened those of his own Kingdom, to the end they might subscribe to his wicked passion; 
Act of Parl. an. 1. Mariae c. 1.  and because the Pope refused to do the same, Henry declared himself Pope in his own Dominions, and all others to be Traitors that refused to swear his supremacy. And because many refused to damn their souls by known perjury, he took away their lives; amongst others that suffered death for refusing the oath, were two Cardinals, three Bishops thirteen Abbots; Priors, 
David Camer. Scot lib. 4. c. 1.  Monks, and Priests, five hundred. Archdeacon's, fourteen. Canons, threesoore. Doctors, fifty. Dukes, Marquesses, and, Earls, with their children, twelve. Barons; and Knights, twenty nine. Gentlemen, three hundred thirty six. Citizens a hundred thirty four. Women of quality, a hundred and ten. In this Ocean of innocent and noble blood, was laid the first stone and foundation of the English Protestant Church; it's no marvel that it thrived no better.  
2 Notwithstanding Henry the VIII. wickedness, he never permitted any new Sects to be professed in England during his reign, though many crept in by Cranmers' negligence and connivance. In the latter end of his reign, he felt the remorse of his guilty conscience, and did often resolve with himself to be reconciled to the Church of Rome, but know not how it might be done with his honour, which he preferred before that of God, and the salvation of his soul, even in his last sickness; for, sending to Stephen Gardiner Bishop of W●…ester (who was the only man that durst speak truth to the King) for his advice, he exhorted him to declare and recant his error in Parliament, if God would give him life; if not, to testify repentance with his hand and seal; assuring him, that God would accept his good will, if time were wanting to perform what he desired. This was resolved upon, but as soon as Gardiner departed, he fell of from his pious resolution, and within a short time died, despairing of God's mercy, because (quoth he) I never spared man in my wrath, nor woman in my lust. His last words were, All is lost. The greatest Policy and Majesty upon earth, comes at length to be nothing; and repentance differed, doth commonly end in despair, and damnation.  
3 To King Henry the VIII. succeeded in his Kingdom, and Headship of the Church, his son Edward the VI a child of 9 years old. His tender age was a fair opportunity for heresy, and policy to conspire against Catholic Religion, which had never been suppressed in England until that time. His Uncle and Protector Seamor declared himself a Zwinglian, and established that Sect in England by Act of Parliament; but could not exclude the name of Bishops, that had been so much reverenced in the Nation since it was converted to Christianity, though they looked upon the Ordination both of Priests, and Bishops, as upon a superstition of Rome, and badge of Antichrist. Witness their translating in the Bible, Ordination by imposition of hands, (as Saint Hierome, 
D. Greg. Martin in his Discovery of the corruptions of holy Scriptures by English Sectaries, chap. 6.  and all the Fathers do the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) Ordination by election; and for the word Priest, they always translated Elder; for Priesthood, Eldership. Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury, who ought to have opposed these wicked practices, did accommodate himself to the times, and prevailing party: in King Henry's time he writ a book in defence of the real presence, and now in King Edward's time, he writ another against it; both which books Bishop Bonner of London produced to his face, 
Fox pag. 1200. col. 1. num. 2. Persons cap. 7. num. 32.  when Cranmer and Ridley were sitting in judgement against him, to deprive him of his Bishopric.  
4 After that the Zwinglian Clergy of England had corrupted Scripture, and wrested both words and sense to their own heretical and mad fancies, they composed their book of Common prayer, and instituted a new form of making Priest, and Bishops, which was rather a declaration and protestation against holy Orders, than a manifestation or the Ordainers' power and intention, or of the effects of that Sacrament. It's a received principle amongst all men who know any thing, that a Bishop or Priest cannot be validly consecrated without words involving the name, or at least the particular power and authority of a Bishop, or Priest; in the English form of Ordination the names are not mentioned, and the power or authority is not so much as insinuated. The power, and authority of a Priest, must involve power to make Christ's Body and Blond really present, as our English Protestant Doctors now confess, (whether with or without Transubstantiation, is not the controversy) let them examine whether any such power be mentioned in their form, which is this: Receive the holy Ghost, 
English Ritual printed at London 1607.  whofe sins thou dost forgive, they are forgiven; and whofe sins thou dost retain, they are retained; and be thou a faithful Dispenser of the Word of God, and his holy Sacraments, in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the holy Ghost. To dispense, ot minister ●he Sacraments, come fare short of declaring power to consecrate the elements, or make present Christ's Body. Deacons did minister and dispense the Body of Christ to the people in ancient times, but were never thought to have power to consecrate, or make present Christ's Body and Blood. They have no reason to cite Santa Clara in their behalf, 
Franc. à S. Clara in exposit. paraphr. Confess. Anglic. artic. 36.  I know not his intention, but I am sure his words favour not their Ordination, and much less these of Innocent the iv Sussiceret Ordinatori dicere, sis Sacerdos, vel, alia aequipollentia: Be thou a Priest, or some words equivalent: but they who blotted the word Priest out of Scripture, never thought to make use of it in the form of their Ordination; and they who denied the real presence, were fare from expressing in their form of making Priests, any power to consecrate, or make present Christ's Body and Blood, in the Sacrament and Sacrifice of the Altar.  
5 Their form of making Bishops is no less deficient than the former. The words are: Take the holy Ghost, and remember that thou stir up the grace of God which is in thee by imposition of hands, for God hath not given us the spirit of fear, but of power, love, and soberness. This advertisement of Saint Paul to Timothy, after he had made him Bishop, doth suppose, 
2. ad Tim. 1.  and not give the Order of Episcopacy; it is an admonition to exercise the function, and not the ordination itself, because it doth not declare in particular the name or authority of a Bishop: Take the holy Ghost, is said to Priests, as well as to Bishops; and the spirit of love, power, and soberness, is communicated also by Priesthood. Here is nothing peculiar to Episcopal Ordination. But the truth is, the Zwinglian Church of England that composed these forms, made no difference between a Bishop, a Priest, and a Christian, because that was the current Doctrine in all reformed Churches in those days, and particularly in the Zwinglian; 
See the 23. of the 39 articles of the Church of England.  a Priest, or a Bishop was he that was appointed by the Congregation to preach their Gospel; it was but an extrinsecall denomination, a mere formality taken from the will of the faithful brethren, and from a square cap, and a linen rochet. This is made evident by the example of john Hooper, who could never be dispensed withal by Cranmer, and Ridley, in the cap and rochet, when he was to be made Bishop of Gloucester, though they never troubled him with imposition of hands, or ordination. 
Pag. 1366.  I cannot tell (faith Fox) what sinister and unlucky contention, concerning the ordaining and consecration of Bishops, and of their apparel, with other like trifles, began to disturb the good and lucky beginning of this godly Bishop etc. In conclusion he was feign to agree to this condition, t at sometimes he should in his sermons show himself apparelled as the other Bishops were. His upper garment was a long scarlet shymar down to the foot: and under that a white linen rochet, that covered all his shoulders. Upon his head he bade a geometrical or mathematical cap, that is, a four squared cap, with four angles, dividing the whole world into four parts, albeit his head was Round. You may perceive by this, how little they valued Ordination in King Edward's days; all their care was, that the appearance and exterior formality of a Bishop, should be maintained, because that would maintain them, and keep them in possession of the Bishop's revenues, and of a place in the upper House of Parliament. All was policy, there was nothing of Religion.  
6 They took as little care of Priesthood, as of Episcopacy, which you may gather also out of Fox his Calendar. 
Pag. 1456.  Doctor Ridley (saith he) that worthy Bishop of London, called John Bradford to take the degree of Deacon, according to the order that then was in the Church of England; but for that this order was not without some such abuse, as to the which Bradford would not consent, the Bishop then was content to order him Deacon without any abuse, even as he desired. So that you may guess how all Protestants were ordered not only in King Edward's reign, but also in his Father's Henry the VIII. seeing Ordination was not urged, but given to every man in the form that he desired. And this is the reason why most Writers say, that all who were Heretics in King Henry his time, and are pretended to be ordained Bishops in the latter end of his reign, as Barlow, and some Suffragans were really never ordained, because Ordination did not agree with their spirit, and was contrary to their inclination, and to the Tenets and practice of all Churches pretending Reformation. Fox also tells us of one Robert Drakes, made Deacon by Doctor Taylor of Hadley, who was no Bishop, and afterwards was admitted Minister of God's Words and Sacraments, by Cranmer and Ridley, not after the order then in force, but after such order as was after established; every one was ordained as he desired. And as for john Bradford, after his Deaconship, he was immediately without any other orders, made Prebend and Preacher of Saint Paul's, where sharply (saith Fox) he opened and reproved sin▪ sweetly he preached Christ crucified, pithily he impugned heresies and errors, earnestly he persuaded to good life. And all this you must know was performed with one only years study in Cambridge, Bradford having been all his life before a serving man. None that will read what we have said of this Zwinglian Clergy, can admire, 
Brooks novel cases. Placito, 463. sol. 101. printed at London 1604.  that in Queen Mary's reign all King Edward the VI Bishops were declared no Bishops, both in the spiritual and temporal Courts; and therefore all Leases made by them as Bishops were not available. It's very like the Judges informed themselves of the matter of the fact, before they pronounced the sentence; and if Protestants have no exceptions against the sentence of Queen Mary's Courts, but the Catholic Religion of the Judges, how can themselves expect to be heard, or credited in any matter of fact or faith, that concerns Roman Catholics?  
7 This politic Religion and lay Clergy was banished out of England by Queen Mary, after the death of her brother King Edward; many of the chief pillars thereof were burnt as obstinate Heretics, according to the ancient Laws of Christian Emperors, and Kings of England; others to escape the sire, passed over the Seas to Germany, the native soil of their errors. No sooner were they arrived to Frankford, but Calvin pretended a right in them, as agreeing with his Doctrine, though they would not admit his Discipline, and therefore he writ to Knox and Whittingham: 
Calvin. ep. 200. ad Knox.  In Anglicana Liturgia, qualem describitis, multas video fuisse tolerabiles ineptias. I see that in the English form of Service, as you describe it, there were many tolerable fooleries. Many there were (saith my Protestant Author) and that of the learnedst of those that then departed the Realm, 
The survey of the pretended holy Discipline, printed an 1593. pag 46.  as Doctor Cox, Doctor Horn, Master jewel, with sundry others, who perceiving the tricks of that Discipline, did utterly dislike it. So as when they came afterwards to Frankford, they wholly insisted upon the platform of England; and in short time obtaining of the Magistrates the use thereof, they did choose either Doctor Cox, or Doctor Horn, (as I guess) or some such other as had been of special account in King Edward's time, to be (as it were) their Superintendent. Now we see clearly how the English Ordination was not in those days by imposition of hands, but by election, according to their translation of Scripture; and how the Congregation did make their Bishops; for they translate also in their Bible Superintendent for Bishop. Why should any rational man doubt, but that the very same men, who without any Episcopal consecration made a Bishop in Frankford, would do the same in the Nagshead at London? jewel, Horn, Cox, and the rest at Frankford, were the first pretended Bishops of England in Queen Elizabeth's reign. But of this more hereafter in the ensuing Section.   

SECT. VII.  
Of the English Protestant Church in Queen Elizabeth's reign.  
1 IF ever Policy was transformed into Religion, it was by Queen Elizabeth, and those who favoured her illegitimacy against the known right of Mary Steward to the Crown of England. It was as evident that she was right heir, as it was that Henry the VIII. could not have two lawful wives at once, and in the first year of Queen Mary's reign, it was declared by Act of Parliament, that Queen Catharine was lawful to King Henry, and consequently Arm Bullen could not be, during her life, and Queen Elizabeth must needs be a bastard. Cecil, and others, whose fortunes were to be built upon the ruin of the ancient Religion and Nobility, persuaded the Queen, that her security was not consistent with the Pope's supremacy and authority in her Dominions; therefore it was necessary to declare herself a Protestant and supreme Governess of Christ's Church. She followed his advice, and took the spiritual government so vainly upon her, that she visited Dioceses, invented now Ceremonies, rejected what she pleased of the old, reprehended Preachers in their very Sermons, and, which is most ridiculous of all, consecrated with her fair hands Master Whitgift pretended Archbishop of Canterbury, if they both be not very much wronged by persons of integrity, that related the story as a most certain truth to Fitz Herbert, a man well known for his profound judgement, great learning, and solid virtue. We may believe without the least note of credulity, what he printed an. 1612. after setting down this story of a reformed Ordination, related by Scherer. A few years since, not fare from Vienna, 
Scherer. postilla de sanct. conc. ●. de S. Steph.  a certain noble woman did call the Master of her children to the office of a Preacher, or Minister; and did order, and consecrate him by the imposition of her hands, and of her apron, which she did use instead of a stole. Whether any such imposition of hands, 
Fitz Herbert in the Preface to Persons discussion of Master Barlowes answer, in fine.  aprons, or Kyrtles, were used to the first Prelates by Queen Elizabeth (saith Fitz Herbert) I know not; but I have been credibly informed, that Master Whitgift would not be Bishop of Canterbury, until he had kneeled down, and the Queen had laid her hands on his head, by which I suppose ex opere operato he received no grace. According to Protestant principles Queen Elizabeth might, and aught to ordain Bishops, seeing she was baptised, and Ordination is but Baptism in their Religion. Let not our modern Protestants censure Master Whifgift, he understood the grounds of Reformation, and their practice also in those days, better than any that now will condemn his receiving Ordination by imposition of Queen Elizabeth's gracious hands: if the was Pope, why could she not give orders, and consecrate Archbishops?  
2 The change of Religion which the Queen made in England, was by corrupting most of the Nobility, though I believe more of them stood for the Catholic Faith then the Earl of Shrewsbury, and Viscount Montacute: 
Camd. in Eliz.  I admire how Camden saith, that only a Talbot, and a Brown, opposed the intended Reformation; whereas all other Authors affirm, that Catholic Religion was cast by one only voice, or three at most. It's certain that all the Bishops did their duty in defending the true Faith, and that many of the Nobility were perverted by the Duke of Norfolk, and the Earl of Arundel. One of 14. Bishops that were in Parliament, of whom there was an opinion of sanctity; when he perceived how flexible many of the Lords were to the Queen's desires in changing the ancient Faith, and establishing Protestancy, uttered these terrible words: The curse of God, and of mine, fall upon yourselves, and your posterity, which will be destroyed by this very Religion that ye have voted for this day. Whether this was a prophecy, or no, I will not dispute, but what the Bishop foretold, is now visible to the whole world. There is not upon the face of the earth a more contemptible generation of men, than the English Nobility at this present. One simple Soldier, or Read-coate, is sufficient to keep them all in awe, and three or four Troopers may disarm three hundred, and be more uncivil if they please. If Catholic Religion had stood, the Nobility had never fallen from their ancient splendour, they had been as famous abroad, and beloved at home, as their renowned Ancestors, who were all Roman Catholics. Policy never thrives long against Religion, and fortunes built upon the ruins of the Church, seldom descend to the fourth generation, and often vanish away from the first. The Duke of Norfolk, head of our Parliament Politicians, that gathered votes for the Queen and Protestancy, lost his head upon a block, when it was thought he was in hopes to have it crowned, by marrying the Queen of Scotland. Many others of the English Nobility, and Gentry, had ●he same unfortunate end, and their posterity is like to continue that slavery, which for them hath been purchased by their Grandsires at so dear a rare, as the exchange of Catholic Faith for Heresy. They may attribute their own misery, and captivity, to the liberty which they gave in that fatal Parliament to the people, of interpreting Scripture as they should think fit. It was no less want of Policy, than Religion, not to stick to the old Roman infallibility, seeing they could not make their Enghlish Church infallible. The Pope's supremacy, and infallibility, is not so prejudicial to the world, as Heretics pretend; it takes away all ryranny, and rebellion, that may be covered with a cloak of Religion, if both Prince and people will submit their judgements to his, who is an indifferent person. All England hath reason to curse Queen Elizabeth, and her first Parliament, for depriving them of so necessary a support of the Sovereign's authority, and the Nations liberty, as the Pope's spiritual jurisdiction and authority.  
3 After that the Catholic Religion was voted down in Parliament, the Queen commanded that all the Catholic Bishops should be deposed, he of Landaffe only excepted (an old and simple man) because he took the oath of supremacy, as some of the rest had done in King Henry the VIII. his time; yet the Heretics who were named to succeed in the other Bishop's Seas, could not prevail with Landaffe to consecrate them at the Nagshead in Cheapside, where they appointed to meet him, and therefore th●y made use of Scory, who was never ordained Bishop, though he bore the name in King Edward's reign; kneeling before him, he laid the Bible upon their heads, or shoulders, and bid them rise up, 
Sacrobosco, Fitz Simons, Constable, Champney, Fitz Herbert in his Preface to F. Persons, and many others with Harding, and Stapleton.  and preach the Word of God sincerely. This is so evident a truth that for the space of 50. years, no Protestant durst contradict it, nothing being more common in England, as hath been lately demonstrated in a book called A Treatise of the Nature of Catholic Faith, and Heresy, to which I remit the Reader; where he will see, how the Protestant Ministers abuse the world with cheating tricks, and false records, to cry down this most certain story. The Bishops named by the Queen, were Parker for Canterbury, Grindal for London, Horn for Winchester, and jewel for Salisbury, besides many others; who were all, or most of them at Frankford in Queen mary's time, and there named a Superintendent, or Bishop of the English Church by election of the Congregation, without consecration: perhaps instead of imposition of hands, they touched his head, or shoulder, with the Bible, as Scory did to Parker, and the rest, at their meeting or Congregation in the Nagshead Tavern.  
4 And that the world may see how unnecessary they judged imposition of hands in Ordination, it will not be amiss to set down the 23. of their 39 Protestant articles of Religion, composed by those very men, that met at the Nag's head. It is not Lawful for any man to take upon him the office of public preaching, 
23. article of the English Religion.  or ministering the Sacraments in the Congregation, before he be lawfully called, and sent to execute the same. And those we ought to judge lawfully called and sent, which be chosen and called to his work by men, who have public authority given unto them in the Congregation, to call and send Ministers into the Lord's vineyard. Here is not a word of Ordination, or consecration, all is election and Congregation, Church is not named, because their meeting was not in a Church, but in the Nagshead Tavern. And that there may remain no doubt of their intention and meaning, to exclude all visible signs and ceremonies, and consequently imposition of hands, as superfluous in Ordination either of Bishops, or Priests, they explain themselves in the 25. article or their Religion in these words: Those five commonly called Sacraments, 
Article 25. of the 39 composed and agreed upon by the English Protestant Church 1562.  that is to say, Confirmation, Penance, Orders, Matrimony, and Extreme unction, are not to be counted for Sacraments of the Gospel, being such as have grown partly of the corrupt following of the Apostles, partly are states of life allowed in the Scriptures: but yet have not like nature of Sacraments with Baptism, and the Lords Supper, for that they have not any visible sign, or ceremony ordained of God. If God hath not ordained any visible sign, or ceremony for Ordination, according to the belief of Parker, and his Nagshead Congregation, you may be sure, they never troubled themselves with imposition of Episcopal hands; and that a knock of the Bible upon their heads, or shoulders, served their turn, especially being performed with so good a grace, and so great gravity, as Scory did in the Tavern, when he made them Bishops by giving them authority to preach the Word of God sincerely. This is the reason why they interpreted Saint Paul's imposition of hands, and the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
See the Bible printed in London 1562. when the 39 articles were published by the Nagshead Clergy.  Ordination by election, as it was in the profane Court or Athens, whereas Saint Hierom, and all the Fathers declare it to be Ordination by imposition of hands. So would they also, it Landaffe, or any other Bishop had laid hands upon them.  
5 They corrupted Scripture in their translations, not only to make good their Nagshead Ordination, but also to justify their keeping women, though some of them were Priests, and could not have wives, proving by Saint Paul's words, that he had one himself. Have not we power to lead about a woman, a sister, as also the rest of the Apostles? 1. Cor. 9 They translate, Have not we power to lead about a wife? it being evident by the circumstances and the interpretation of all the Fathers, that wife was not meant in that place by the Apostle, more than 1. Cor. 7. v. 1. It is good for a man not to touch a woman, where they also translate woman, and not wife, the Greek original using the same word in both places. And to make us Catholics Idolaters, these very Nagshead Ministers in the same year 1562. corrupt the Scripture 2. Cor. 6. How agreeth the Temple of God with Idols? they translated and printed in their English Bible, How agreeth the Temple of God with Images? The same sincerity they practise in 1. Cor. 5. If any that is called a brother be a fornicator, or covetous, or a server of Idols, they print 1562. or a worshipper of Images. But part of their wickedness hath since been corrected by their Protestant Brethren in later edition, being ashamed of so manifest knavery And yet we must not think forsooth, that persons who wilfully corrupted Scripture, would forge records, to maintain their Nagshead Consecration.  
6 It were too tedious a business to specify all their false and absurd translations, by which they brought the Word of God to be ridiculous amongst themselves. Priest, in their language is Elder; Church, Synagogue; Holy Ghost, holy wind; soul, Carcase; Christ, anointed; Lord, Baal; Eucharist, Thanksgiving; Baptism, Washing; Hell, grave; Devil, Slanderer; Beelzebub, Lord of a fly; Angels, Messengers. So that an exhortation to devotion in the Protestant Scripture language, will move men more to laughter, then to piety; whereas in the Catholic Translation, and phrase, it moves to compunction. Suppose a Catholic Priest should exhort the people thus: I who am your Priest, placed in the Church by the holy Ghost, for the feeding of your souls, do denounce unto you in the name of Christ our Lord, that unless ye come to the holy Eucharist with more devotion, and perform better your promises made to God in Baptism, ye shall be condemned body and soul to hell, and your portion shall be with the Devils, I say with Beclzebub, 
Doctor Reynolds reprehensions of Whitaker.  and his Angels. This exhortation in the Protestant language of Scripture goes very absurdly. Let us suppose therefore that a young spruce Ptotestant Minister should step up to the pulpit, and repeat the Priest's exhortation in his own phrase, thus: I that am your Elder, placed in this Synagogue by ●he holy wind, for the feeding of your carcases, do denounce unto you in the name of the anointed our Baal, that unless ye come to the holy thanksgiving with more devotion, and perform better your promises made to God in washing, ye shall be condemned body and carcase to the grave, and your portion shall be with the Slanderers, I say with the Lord of a fly, and his Messengers.  
7 These wicked men did not only corrupt the Scripture, but also the Counsels and Fathers, as you may see objected to them in their own life time, and evidently demonstrated by Doctor Harding in his Detection of sundry foul errors against Master jewel, and Doctor Stapletons' Counterblast against Horn. It is a very certain story, that one of jewels chaplains was converted to the Catholic Faith, by overseeing the print of his books, and putting him in mind of a notorious mistake, which jewel laughed at, and would not have it corrected, saying, that amongst a thousand Readers, not one would trouble himself with examining the text of Saint Augustin which he had corrupted. An ancient and learned man, yet living, hath informed me of the manner of this Master jewels death, which he had from one that was present. Being preaching false doctrine in the pulpit, on a sudden he became speechless; carried out of the Church, he recovered strength, the use of his tongue; but returning to the pulpit, his speech failed him the second time: returning the third time to preach, he never spoke word more, and was carried into a Catholic Gentlemen house, his great friend, and old acquaintance, who perceiving that jewel had not lost his senses with his speech, sent for pen, ink, and paper, put the dying man in mind of God's mercy, desired him not to despair of it, and to recant his heresy, and his seducing of the simple people, contrary to his own conscience. jewel took the pen, and he writ these words: I am sorry for the many falsifications I have made both of Scripture and Fathers: with that the pen fell out of his hand, and he expired. These are our Protestant Evangelists and Bishops.  
8 As for their inferior Clergy, I will give you a brief Catalogue made by that famous Doctor Stapleton, 
Counterblast lib 4. num. 481. printed an. 1567.  who lived in those times. And wherein I pray you (saith he) resteth a great part of your new Clergy, but in butchers, cooks, catchpoules, and cobblers, dyer's, and dawbers, felons carrying their mark in their hand instead of a shaved crown, fishermen, gunner's, harpers, in keepers, merchants, and mariners, netmakers, potters, potycaries, and porters of Belingsgat, pinner's, pedlars, ruffling ruffians, saddlers, sheermen, and sheaperds, tanner's, tilers, tinkers, trumpeters, weavers, Whenrymen etc. This rabble rout of mean and infamous persons did cast so foul an aspersion upon our Protestant Clergy, that, even to this day, the most ordinary Citizens think their family disgraced, when any of their nearest kindred become Ministers, though they be in a most certain way to the best preferments; an evident argument, that either their function is but a mere mockery, or that their laity hath no Religion; I attibute this contempt to a malediction of God, that hangs over the heads of false Preachers, unsent, uncalled, unconsecrated; as on the other side it must be a blessing of God, that in the Roman Catholic Church, Priests, and Religious, are more esteemed for their function and profession, then for their abilities and quality, be they never so great; notwithstanding that in all countries', many of the best Nobility, and Gentry, consecrate themselves to God in a religious and ecclesiastical state of life, a thing so rare amongst Heretics, that when they come to Catholic Kingdoms, they are apt to mistake, and talk of Priests and Friars, as they did at home of their own Nagshead Ministers: but I hope they will learn good manners, how obstinate soever they remain in their errors.  
9 The triumphant Protestant Church doth not a little resemble their militant described by Stapleton. Whosoever will peruse Fox his Acts, Monuments, and Calendar, with Persons his Annotations, may easily discern what great difference there is between Protestant and Catholic Saints, their miracles and ours. The Protestant Legend, and martyrologue, is stuffed only with tinkers, cobblers, butchers, tailors, and their prattling wives, put to death in Queen Mary's reign, by virtue of the ancient Laws of Christian Emperors and Kings of England, such as are yet in force against the Jews: but Queen Elizabeth made new Laws against Catholics, and put them to death for not embracing a new heresy, for which herself would have been burnt in any Christian Country few years before, if she had professed the same doctrine that now she imposed upon others. That you may guess at their Saints by their miracles, I will give you a sight of Two prophetical and miraculous visions, described by honest john Fox in this manner. 
Fox pag. 1843. See Persons his third part of the three Conversions of England, cap. 7. n. 62.  The Friday night before Master Rough Minister of the Congregation in London (who was a Dominican Friar in Scotland) was taken, being in his bed, he dreamt that he saw two of the guard, leading to prison Cuthbert Simpson Deacon of the said Congregation. Whereupon being sore troubled, he awaked, and called his wife, saying, Kate strike light, for I am much troubled with my brother Cuthbert this night. When she had so done, he gave himself to read on his book. And then feeling sleep to come upon him, he put out the candle, and so gave himself to rest again; but being a sleep, he dreamt the like dream; and awaking therewith, said, 0 Kate, my brother Cuthbert is gone. And so they lighted a candle, and rose. This is one miracle which Fox recounteth.  
10 Now shall you hear another miracle of Simpson himself, set down also in Fox his own words. 
Fox pag. 1844.  The day before Simpson was condemned (saith he) Cloney the keeper of his prison being gone forth, about eleven of the clock towards midnight, Cuthbert Simpson (whether in a slumber, or being awaked I cannot say) heard one coming in, first opening the outward door, than the second, after the third, and so looking in to the said Cuthbert, having no candle, nor torch that he could see, but giving a brightness and light most comfortable and joyful to his heart, saying Ha' unto him, and so departed again. Who it was, he could not tell, neither dare I define, saith Fox. But I dare say it was Cloney the keeper, that came to watch his prisoner with a light in his hand; or perhaps the Protestant Deacon dreamt, or fancied in the dark that one came in, and said Ha' unto him, which may pass for a Protestant supernatural vision and miracle. Fox maketh a long discourse why the dream of a married Friar, and the imagination of Simpson the Deacon, aught to be looked upon, and believed as miraculous; and would have all Catholic visions mistrusted and rejected, though never so authentically related, or recorded.  
11 But the greatest miracle of the English Protestant Church, was Queen Elizabeth herself, that embrued her cruel hands in the royal blood of Mary Steward, lawful heir to the Crown of England: this English Iezabel not content to usurp The Kingdom, deprived her also of her life, and put to death many noble persons, that by their innocent blood she might colour her supremacy and bastardy. I will not relate what others writ of her life and manners, for honour of the English Nation: her miracles were, to have raised upstarts and heretics from nothing, and annihilated the ancient Nobility, and Gentry, that continued Catholics, contrary to her penal Laws and Statutes. In the beginning of her reign was celebrated that venerable Synod or Nagshead Ministers, and reverend cobblers, tinkers etc. wherein the Protestant Creed of 39 articles was coined, the greatest part whereof consists in not believing, and declaring against the Catholic Religion. As her Majesty lived between Maid and Wife, so did her Protestant Church flourish between hawk and buzzard, between Calvin and Luther's Reformation. It's strange to see, how even to this day, Protestant Ministers do extol this Queen, as if she were the pattern of Religion and chastity. They are beholding to her for their Ordination, which she made good and valid by her supreme authority, notwithstanding any matter or nullity of form to the contrary; as you may see by an Act of Parliament, 
Act of Parliam. 8. Eliz. 1.  in the 8. year of her reign, which relates to the Records of her Letters Patents, but not to any of her Bishop's consecration at Lambeth, as our Nagshead Ministers would feign make poor seduced souls believe, and cite for a witness of the solemn Ordination of Parker at Lambeth, so honourable a person as Charles Howard Earl of Nottingham, and Lord Admiral of England; but they durst not name him in Masons first edition, because he was then living, and would have contradicted so notorious an untruth: eight or nine years after, in the second edition, they name this noble person, (When he was dead) and yet not as an eye witness of the imaginary Ordination, but as a guest at the banquet. I doubt not but Master Parker might invite the Earl of Nottingham to dine with him at Lambeth many times, especially if he was his kinsman, as Masons pretends; but its evident he never assisted at his consecration, if his Lordship was not at the Nagshead in Cheapside, when Scory made him a Bishop with a knock of his Protestant Bible, bidding him to take authority to preach the Word of God sincerely.   

SECT. VIII.  
Of the English Protestant Church in King james and his Son's reign.  
1 KIng james had too much wit to be of calvin's Religion; though his education was committed to Calvinists, he did perceive that it was not invented for the good of Princes, but rather for their ruin, and that petty Ministers and poor Elders might bear the sway in Christian Commonwealths. Being called by the English Council and Nobility to the possession of that Crown which descended to him by the evident right of his mother Mary Steward, his first thoughts in England were bend against the Puritanical discipline, as one who had been sufficiently disciplined by the Kirk of Scotland. Therefore he commanded a Synod to be celebrated in London, wherein himself was declared spiritual Head of the Church, and 141. Canons made for the suppression of Puritanisme; the Bible was corrected in such places only as seemed to condemn the Puritanical discipline and doctrine. Traditiones was translated Tradition, and not Ordinances, or Documents, as in Queen Elizabeth's days; Idols were not translated Images, nor their worshippers Idolaters, as formerly. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was not interpreted now, Ordination by election, but by imposition of hands; because all this was necessary to confute Puritan. Yet all other corruptions that seemed to condemn Catholic Religion, were applauded as much as before in Queen Elizabeth's reign. Though Hell was not translated grave, nor soul carcase, yet other devices were found to divert men's thoughts from a third place between heaven and hell; and therefore Saint Peter's words wherein he declares that Christ's soul did descend to Limbus Patrum, 
1. Pet. 3. v. 18.19.  were translated thus, Quickened by the spirits, by which also he went, and preached unto the spirits in prison etc. whereas the true translation is, Quickened, or alive in his spirit, or soul, in which spirit, or soul, he coming preached to them also that were in prison.  
2 The new translation which King james caused to be made, 
Knot in his Protestancy condemned, pag. 89.  was overseen, corrected, and altered by Doctor Abbats of Canterbury, and Smith of Gloucester, as Sir Henry Savill told Master Richard Montague, afterwards pretended Bishop of Chichester and of Norwich. For, Master Montague wondering that Sir Henry (to whose care was committed the translating of Saint Peter's Epistles) would pervert the sense of the Apostle about Christ's descent into hell; Sir Henry answered, that the forenamed Bishops corrupted, and altered the said Translation made by King james his order. This was to transform the very Scripture into Policy, and slight both conscience and Religion. Let any sober person judge, how scrupulous would Master Abbots be, and the other pretended Bishops in his time, to forge and falsify Masons Records, to the end they might make good imposition of hands at Lambeth, when so impudently and wickedly they corrupted God's Word, fearing that by force of the text, they should be forced to admit of Limbus Patrum, and from thence be lead into Purgatory; but none who dies in the Protestant Religion, needs fear going thither. In the same Translation they have translated Gal. 5.17. The flesh lusteth against the spirit, so that ye cannot do the things ye would; whereas the Greek and Latin is, Ye do not (de facto) the things ye would. And to prove their heresy averring a necessity, and Divine precept for all persons to receive both kinds 1. Cor. 11. v. 27. They falsely translate thus, Whosoever shall eat this bread, (and) drink this cup of the Lord unworthily etc. Whereas both in the Latin and Greek it is, Whosoever shall eat this bread, (or) drink this chalice etc. which disjunctive, or, cannot infer the necessity of both kinds, as the conjunctive (and) might seem to do both here, and in other places, if by this they were not so clearly interpreted. And because the Protestant Clergy, even in King james and his Son's reign, were loath to departed with their wives, though they pretended to be as true Priests as the Apostles, they did not correct the false translation of 1. Cor. 1. Have not we power to lead about a wife? as if Saint Paul had one, and the rest of the Apostles; they notwithstanding put in King james his Translation woman in the margin, but wife remained in the text. They did not correct the corrupting of 2. Pet. 1. Labour that by good works you make sure your vocation, and election: they leave out good works, as they have done also in Queen Elizabeth's translations, though it be in all the Latin and in the most authentic Greek copies.  
3 It were tedious to mention all the falsifications of the English translations of Scripture, and these I hope are sufficient to prove, that in King james and King Charles reign, there was as little Religion in the Church of England, as in Queen Elizabeth's. Scripture was made speak whatsoever Courtiors and Politicians fancied and desired. It was ridiculous to see how the Church did on a sudden accommodate itself to the Court, and how Bancroft pretended Bishop of London, after of Canterbury, did write and preach for Episcopacy, as a distinct order of Priesthood, in King james his reign, whereas a little before he answered Master William Alabuster (when he objected that no Bishop laid hands, 
Holiwood lib. de investig Christi Ecclesia cap. 4.  or ordained Parker and his Comrades) that a single Priest might ordain Bishops in case of necessity. Truly he was put to a necessity of giving this answer, because the Nagshead Ordination could not be contradicted, nor Masons forged Records produced.  
4 Before King james was in possession of the Crown of England, he was engaged to many Princes that he would ease Catholics by repealing the penal Laws, and without doubt had performed, if he had not been diverted from it by Cecil, and other upstarts and Politicians, whose interest was begun and grounded upon heresy, and the destruction of the ancient Nobility and Gentry of the Kingdom. There was a treaty of peace between him and the King of Spain, whose Ambassador in London had in his Instructions, to insist upon liberty of conscience for Catholics, and the King was resolved to grant it, rather than to break of the treaty, and told Cecil so much; who undertook to the King, that he would make peace with the Spaniard, without any obligation to favour Catholics, advising his Majesty to oblige his own Subjects, and not to permit them to owe so great an obligation to the King of Spain, or any other foreign Prince. Cecil therefore deals with an Italian Politician, by whom the Spanish Ambassador was to by advised in all his negotiation, and tells him that King james, and himself also, were as willing to grant liberty of conscience to Catholics, as the Catholic King was earnest in demanding it, because it was not only just, but convenient for the State, Catholics being the fittest instruments to oppose Puritanisme, which the King so much did fear and hate; therefore they should have liberty of conscience; but it was not convenient, or possible to article concerning any such thing; because the Kingdom would be offended, and the Subjects would owe the favour to the King of Spain, not to their own, who was resolved within a little time to repeal all penal Laws. Whether the Italian believed Cecil, I Know not, but its certain that these two Politicians resolved, no mention should be made of Religion in the articles: notwithstanding King james, being of a gracious disposition, told Cecil, he would not persecute for conscience the Catholics; and I believe, would have been very moderate, if Cecil had not invented the Gunpowder treason plot. That Cecil was the contriver, or at least the fomenter of it, was testified by one of his own domestic Gentlemen, who advertised a certain Catholic his friend, by name Master Buck two months before, of a wicked design his Master had against Catholics: one Master Tresham, and another Catholic, who were thought to have been Cecils instruments in all this business, having access to him even at midnight, were sent to the Tower, and never seen afterwards, lest they should tell tales; and it's very certain that Percy, and Catesby might have been taken alive, when they were killed; but Cecil knew full well, that these two unfortunate Gentlemen would have related the story less to his own advantage, than himself caused it to be published: therefore they were dispatched when they might have been made prisoners, having no other weapons offensive, or defensive, but their swords.  
5 This wicked plot of Cecil made the Catholics so odious, that it was not in the King's power to do them his intended favour; yet whether it was, that he suspected Cecils knavery, or that he would not have the crime of few men attributed to their Religion, and to the multitude, he declared he innocency of both, and did not persecute Catholics as much as Protestants desired; yet the barrels wherein the powder was, are kept as relics, and were often showed to the King, and his posterity, that they might not entertain the least thought of clemency towards Catholic Religion. There is not an ignorant Minister, or Tub-preacher, who doth not (when all other matter fails) remit his Auditors to the Gunpowder treason, and describe these tubs very pathetically the only relics thought fit by them to be kept in memory. They might have kept other monuments of fare more barbarous, savage cruelty, whereunto none but themselves can lay claim, practised by the French and Scotch Hugonots, so horridly foul and abominable, not only to the thoughts, but eyes of men, that it is a shame to Christianity, to see it degenerate by heresy, to more ugly, enormous outrages, than ever humane nature could be transported into by the fury of Paganism. I forbear the bloody practices of England in Queen Elizabeth time, as not so barbarous in appearance, though more wicked in substance, as being exhibited by public Magistrates under the colour of Law and pretext of peace of the Land; the starving and racking of so many innocent, worthy, learned persons; the tearing out of hearts and bowels in the public view upon suborned testimonies of base, vagabond, perjured catchpoules, hired to swear what they and their hirers knew to be false, and all the world saw to be void of all signs of truth. But to return to Cecil, the mischief contrived by him, was imputed to men that had no more hand in the plot, then to dissuade their penitents from it in confession; the seal whereof is so sacred, that it cannot be broken; which obligation of secrecy, is of greater advantage to prevent treason, then if it were lawful to reveal the mischief imparted in that Sacrament, because none will confess a treason, that he thinks may be revealed; and by acquainting his Confessor with treacherous purposes, he may be dissuaded from them, but not absolved, unless he doth promise to desist, and hearty repent. It was foretold to Cecil that the hand of God would fall heavily upon him, and that he should die in a ditch, and be buried in a dunghill; a thing very unlikely to happen, all circumstances considered, and yet it happened; for, being jealous of my Lord Henry howard's getting into the King's favour, Cecil made such haste from the Bath to London, (notwithstanding a troublesome disease) that going to ease himself in a ditch, there he died, and was afterwards buried in a Chapel, that himself had built upon a dunghill. And thus a man raised from dirt, came to be dissolved into his own element, and to rest in his native soil. Not only Catholics, but Protestants, have reason To curse the memory of this man, and his gunpowder plot; for, if Catholics had been countenanced, as King james intended, Puritans, and other Sectaries would never have had the power to bring his Son's head to the block, and the Nation to so much bloodshed. Let Politicians say what they please, there is no greater support of Monarchy, than Catholic Religion.  
6 Though in King james his time, Religion was squared to his Majesty's interest and inclination, but always with some regard to that which had been formerly professed in Queen Elizabeth's days, for fear of causing a distemper by a sudden alteration; yet in King Charles his reign, the Church of England came to that perfection, that it professed no Religion at all. Protestants had been so shamefully beaten from all their negative articles, and lurking holes, by Catholic Divines, that they were forced to do what petty Princes are accustomed, when they are oppressed, and overpowred by great Monarches confining with their Estates; now they side with France, now with Spain, because they are not able to stand upon their own legs. When the petty Church of England cannot defend itself against Catholic arguments, than they side with Puritans, or any others, that will take them into protection; and when Puritan, and other▪ Heretics reject them, than they pretend to be the same thing with us, and go by the name of Catholics, which becometh them as ill, and no less ridiculously, than Spanish attire doth a Frenchman. The title of supreme Head of the Church, so spiritualised in Queen Elizabeth's, that she dispensed with all invalidities of Ordination, and in King james, that he dispensed with Abbats of Canterbury his irregularity, (when shooting at a Buck, he killed a man) was in King Charles his days limited only to temporal affairs, and all spiritual functions declared to he out of the supremacies reach and clement. But rather than it shall be restored back again to the Pope, some of their chief Doctors bestow it upon the Sea of Saint David, or some other Welsh Bishopric, by reason of their obstinacy against Saint Augustin the Apostle of the Saxons, who commanded the ancient Britain's to accommodate themselves to the Roman Church in celebrating Easter, wherein alone they differed from it. And the main argument now alleged for the old Britain's, or welshmen's independency of the Sea of Rome, is a Welsh proverb, which for my ignorance of the language I cannot explain, but only assure you, that it was no more than a Welsh proverb, and in all likelihood of late date since the beginning of modern heresies.  
7 Other Doctors of the English Church thinking it more for their honour and interest, to have an independent Patriarch rather at Canterbury, then in Wales, were eager to comply with Master laud's ambition, by whom they might be exempted from dependence of Rome, (whence for themselves they could expect no preferment) and exalted above the despicable and miserable tribe of Puritanical pensionary Ministers. Whereupon they framed a new Idea of a Nationall Faith, as we see of Nationall fashions, endeavouring To persuade the ignorant, that a Nationall Synod of England alone, was sussicient to frame a Faith, and to show the way for English men to take, in their journey to heaven: but this appearing ridiculous, that Faith being universal to mankind, should be shaped to the several fashions, fancies, customs, and interests of different Nations, they were forced, for mere shame, to appeal to Ecumenical or universal Counsels; yet finding themselves in many of them plainly condemned, they appealed to the four first; not as discovering in them any more ground of assurance, then in others following, b●t because they treated of matters that are not disputed in these times or at least amongst such as they regard For, in those time, there was no man so fond, or foolish, as to call our present controversies in question. But upon further instance made against them, that Christ had left means to confute errors emergent in ages following, as well as in former; and consequently it being no less possible that Luther, Calvin, Tindal, and Fox, might as well broach Heretic doctrines, as Arrius, Eutyches, Eunomius, and Nestor, they were forced to admit the necessity of general Counsels in these our present and future ages. Whereupon seeing themselves engaged to fall under the Censure of the Counsels of Lateran and Trent, which were as universal as by all humane industry could possibly (considering the circumstances of time) be procured, and were as universally accepted (as to points of doctrine) as can be required, and with much less opposition, than some of the first four, which Protestants themselves are pleased to accept of; there was no other remedy left to shuune their returning to Rome, (where they knew there was more wit, then to trust men of no Religion in Ecclesiastical government) but to frame a Chimaera of a Council morally impossible, consisting of a joint Assembly of those Patriarches, and subordinate Churches, which for their long education in confessed heresy, and strict subjection to the Turks tyranny, (a jealous enemy of Christian Assemblies) were sure never to be got together; in the mean time (which time they confided would serve their turn) they persuaded the people to a superficial acquiescence in the public government, and thereby in themselves, without any regard to the substance of interior intellectual Faith and submission of judgement, whereupon the work of our salvation is built.  
8 They were no less cautious in avoiding the Censure of general Counsels, then in determining that Doctrine which they pretended might only be censured, being resolved to have two strings to their bow. Upon this score they admit, and absurdly apply the distinction of articles of Christian Religion into fundamental, and not fundamental; and to call that alone a fundamental article of Faith, which no Heretic ever denied. Whosoever (say they) doth confess, that JESUS is the Son of God, is a Catholic, and hath as much Faith as is necessary for salvation, provided he doth profess to believe the Apostles and Athanasian Creed, which he may interpret as he thinks most for his conveniency. As for all other articles of Faith controverted between the Roman Catholic Church, and Sectaries, they look upon them, as we Catholics do upon some school speculations, rather impertinent then profitable, or necessary. Hence you may gather, that the Protestant Church of England is more beholding to their Neighbours for the little they yet retain of Christian Religion, then to their own Doctors and Preachers; the multitude and consent of believers in some general points of Christianity, is the motive of their belief, and therefore it's merely historical, grounded upon humane persuasion, and not upon supernatural inspiration. If Protestants had conversed as frequently and familiarly with Turks, and Jews, as with Christians, the mysteries of the Trinity and Incarnation would be esteemed no more necessary, or fundamental, then that of Transubstantiation. Truly Mahomet's story of his familiar commerce with the holy Ghost in the shape of a Dove, is every jot as probable, as Luther's extraordinary vocation to reform the Doctrine of the Church; or Calvin's fantastical private spirit; and would be no less credited by Protestants, if to them it were as frequently and advantageously recounted: they would content themselves with believing, that there is but one God, Creator, and Remunerator of mankind.  
9 This want of supernatural Faith, and Christian Religion, was not discovered by many, who were much taken with the exterior formalities and splendour of the English Protestant Church, which looked as fresh and fair as the apples of Sodom and Gomorrha, thougb in the inside all was trash and ashes; it was a well adorned sepulchre of dead souls, without Faith, stuffed with stinking Atheistical principles, and abominable corruptions; the Court seemed to be zealous for the Church, and the Church for the Court, but neither for God and true Religion; policy and ignorance had the greatest share in their designs and decrees. Heresy being thus raised to its greatest height, and most part of the English Protestant Doctors being of no Religion at all, it was time for God's vengeance to fall upon their Church, which in King Charles his reign was but a fancy of Christianity, indifferent for all heresies, and in that sense only, Catholic, or universal, it was an ●lla podrida of all errors, a politic corporation of University men, that pretended a neutrality of Religion, by applying absurdly their distinction of fundamental and not fundamental articles of Faith. Finally it was a phantasma, or Ghost of Reformation, that a distance seemed nothing, but when men drew near, and examined its principles, it was found to be nothing but weak policy, and obstinate heresy, almost degenerated into manifest Atheism.   

SECT. IX.  
Of the Kirk of Scotland.  
1 OF all Princes none ought to be more lamented for the heresy they have fallen into▪ then the Kings of Scotland; others perverted their Subjects by policy, persecution, and ill example; but the Subjects of Scotland persecuted their Sovereigns for Catholic Religion, and made their young King swear to maintain heresy, before he had discretion to know what they imposed upon him and his posterity. King james the V of Scotland was so zealous a Catholic, that in the year 1527. he commanded a kinsman of his own, Pathrick Hamilton by name, to be burnt in Saint Andrews, for his obstinacy and heresy. And in the year 1533. called a Parliament, 
Leslaus lib. 9  wherein he declared his resolution to live and die in the Roman Catholic Faith, and obedience to the Sea Apostolic, as all his Ancestors had done, since Christianity was professed in that Kingdom. The three States or Scotland swore the same, Acts of Parliament were made against all novelties in Religion, and to prevent them, it was commanded that none of the ignorant and vulgar sort should read the Scripture falsely translated into English, but that all should be contented to hear the Word of God from the mouth of their Doctors and Pastors, according to the institution of Christ, and the continual practice of his Church.  
2 In the year 1539. a Canon regular, two Dominicans, one Franciscan, and some seculars, were burnt for obstinate Heretics, some recanted their errors, others were banished. But George Buchanan, a Franciscan Apostata, 
Buchan. lib. 14.  escaped out of prison, as himself relates, though he conceals the cause of his imprisonment, which was not only for heresy, but for judaisme, and celebrating the Jewish ceremony of eating a Paschall Lamb with great devotion in Lent. This is that mercenary knave, who being bribed by james Steward the bastard, writ so basely and falsely of that incomparable Queen Mary Steward, and recounts so many fables and palpable lies in the history of his own Nation, that the very truths are not believed. 
Beza epist. Theol. 78.  Beza the Heretic calls him an excellent and most worthy man, and Genebrardus graceth him with the title of an Atheistical Poet, and a drunken Buffoon. 
Basil. Dorc. lib. 2.  King james had so good an opinion of him, that in his instructions to Prince Henry, he forbidden him the perusal of Buchanan and Knox's writings.  
3 Henry the VIII. of England (jealous to see his Nephew james the V so addicted to France, that after the death of Magdalen eldest daughter to Francis King of France his first wife, he took for his second the Duke of Guise's sister) desired the said james King of Scots to give him a meeting at York. The Nobility and Clergy of Scotland opposed this conference, as dangerous both to the State and Religion, bringing to their King's memory, how james the I. his Ancestor, had been kept prisoner in England upon such an other occasion, as also how Henry the VIII. who had been perfidious to God, and the Church, was not to be trusted. Hereupon Henry declares war against Scotland, and james the V raises an Army to oppose and prevent Henry, by making England the Seat of the war: But because he named a Favourite of his own to command the Army under himself, that was not grateful to the Nobility and people, they would not obey, nor concur with their Sovereign according to their duty. This put the King into a fever, whereof he died the 13. of December 1542. in the 32. year of his age; a most gallant and active Prince, whole greatest fault and ruin was, not to distinguish between the duty and the humour of his Subjects: a wise Prince must so contrive things, that the one be seconded by the other; for, if they encounter, it's twenty to one, but the humour of a multitude will prevail against the duty they own to their Sovereign, who must humour his people, if he will be obeyed, and go their pace, if he will be served his own way; but let him endeavour to make it appear, that he hath away of his own, and that he is not at the command of others, who are hated, or not regarded by those that must do his business: when Subjects imagine that they are not governed by their Prince, but by his Favourites, they often break out into open rebellion, especially if the Favourites seem to be too imperious and uncivil. It were to be wished that the people did accommodate themselves to the humour or their Prince, and his Counsellors; and not impossible, if the Prince will choose persons of honour and integrity, to assist him that confound not their Master's interest with their own ambition and passions. Whether the King of Scots his Favourite was guilty of any such crime, I know not, but his case hath demonstrated to posterity, that nothing can be more fatal to a Prince, then to strive against the humour of his Subjects for a Favourite, whose fidelities they suspect, or contemn his person and abilities. And if Kings will think it concerns their honour, not to part with hated or contemned Favourites, because thereby they seem to condemn their own choice and judgements; let them consider, whether it be more for their purpose to be deprived of their Kingdoms, or to acknowledge that they are men, and may be mistaken in choosing Councillors and Privadoes. Yet if the Councillors grew odious since they sat at the helm, the case is altered, and the Prince his choice, or judgement cannot be censured for removing from the management of affairs persons, whose incapacity was not known to him, before he applied them to the government of the Commonwealth.  
4 But in case the unfitness of a Favourite for governing great affairs, should be so evident, that the ill success must be attributed rather to his want of wisdom and conduct, then to fortune: if the Prince be obstinate in his resolution of not parting with him, he must run the hazard of being censured not only void of judgement in his choice, but also incorrigible in his errors; his first choice may be excused by affection to the person, or want of experience; his persisting in that choice (notwithstanding the continual miscarriage of businesses) must be attributed to an incapacity of learning (even by experience) the art of governing. Therefore it concerns not only the state, but also the honour of Princes, to condemn sometimes their own first choice and judgements, by second thoughts and reflections, lest the world should think, that they are more wilful than understanding, more besotted upon an unhappy Favourite, then attentive to the common good, their own interest and reputation. This lesson was inculcated to the late King Charles by his Father, when he charged him to beware of Master Laud, whom King james did foresee to be as unfit for government, as afterwards he proved, by treating the English Nobility and Gentry with such scorn, as if they were borne to be no less under his command, than the facto they were at his disposal, by reason of the King's favour and commission. Had his late Majesty been as fortunate in taking his Father's advice as his Father was prudent in giving it, their posterity, and the poor Cavalleers, had been in a better condition. Princes are not so frequently ruined by their own faults, as by their Favourites, unless you will reckon amongst their own, whatsoever is owned by them to excuse their Ministers. Yet politic Princes are more apt to father their own oversights upon others, then adopt those of others to themselves; and are seldom so constant in their affection to Favourites, as for their sakes to bring their own judgements in question, either by owning their defects, or defending their misgovernment.  
5 Heresy, that could not get footing in Scotland, during james the V his reign, assaulted the same Kingdom in his daughter Queen Mary Steward's infancy, borne but 8. days before her Father departed this world. james Hamilton Earl of Aran taking upon him the government, was solicited by Henry the VIII. to send the young Queen into England, that she might be married to his Son Edward: Aran condescended, but the Queen Mother, and Cardinal Beton Chancellor of Scotland opposed Henry the VIII. design, as destructive to Catholic Religion; and by consent of the three States of the Realm, sent the young Queen to France, to be espoused to the Delphin. But before her departure, Henry the VIII. had gained some of the Nobility of Scotland to himself, who preferring their private interests before Religion, encouraged one Friar Williams a Dominican, to preach against the Pope's supremacy, and to exhort all people to read the English Bible, not doubting by these means, to embroil the Kingdom in such a manner, that Henry the VIII. sending an Army, might not only have the young Queen, but the whole Kingdom at his command. Though the Queen escaped, her Kingdom was all wasted with war; Paul the III. Bishop of Rome sent the Patriarch of Venice to comfort the Scots in their affliction, exhorting them to be constant in that Faith which they had inherited from their Ancestors.  
6 By the sermons of Friar William, and the liberty of reading the Bible, many of the vulgar sort, and also of the Nobility, were perverted; and because Cardinal Beton, being Archbishop of Saint Andrews and Chancellor of Scotland, was an obstacle to their intended rebellion, and destruction of the Catholic Religion, they did assassinate him in his own chamber, and hanged his body out at the window in his Cardinal's robes. It's certain that his blood could not be washed of from the stone of the window, though great diligence was used to that purpose. This murder was revenged by the King of France, whose forces took the Castle to which the Heretics retired, punished them, and suppressed their novelties. But in the year 1558. when the Queen of Scots married the Delphin of France, the Heretics raised another rebellion. The Ringleaders were Paul Meffinus a baker, Harlaus a tailor, and john Douglas, alias Grant, who had been a Carmelite Friar. On the first of September the feast of Saint Giles had been always celebrated very solemnly in Edinburg, as being Patron of that City. The Saint's Image being carried in procession, according to the ancient and Catholic manner, the Heretics snatched it away, and committed many other abuses and sacrileges, and spared not to exhort all sorts of people to rebel against the present government.  
7 john Knox an Apostata Religious Priest, being accused formerly of too much familiarity with his mother in law, of witchcraft, and of many other crimes, was fled from Scotland into England, and from thence to Geneva, where he learned calvin's doctrine and discipline. This wicked man having by his Letters and Emissaries perturbed all in Scotland, came in person in the year 1559. to complete the work; he rallied all the dispersed Heretics, persuaded them to profane all Churches and Altars, pull down Monasteries, banish all Bishops, Priests, and Religious, deny obedience to the Queen Regent (to whom Knox gave the lie divers times) and to choose a new Council, whereof the chief was james Steward base son to james the V who afterwards was Earl of Murray, and liked well to see this confusion, not doubting that his ambition might fish in the troubled water. 
Calvin. ep. 285.  Calvin writ to Knox, congratulating with him the good success and progress of the Gospel, exhorting him to carry on the work of the Lord, like a valiant labourer in Christ's Church. But by succours from France the rebels were quieted, and by the endeavours of Nicholas Pellevins, the Pope's Nuntius, (afterwards a Cardinal) and of three Sorbon Doctors, their heresy did not spread over the whole Nation, though every day their number increased. Knox never omitted any opportunity afterwards to plant his Genevian Gospel in his Country, which at length by the help of the Devil, and james Steward, and other Politicians, he perfected. When King james came first into England, being at dinner in a noble man's house, he said, 
Knot in his Protestancy condemned, fol. 166. edit. 1654. at Douai.  that God thought fit to set a visible mark of reprobation upon Knox even in this life before he went to the Devil; which was, that being sick in his bed with a good fire of coals by him, and a candle light upon the table, a woman or maid of his, sitting by him, he told her that he was extremely thirsty, and therefore willed her to fetch him some drink. She went, and returned quickly, but found the room all in darkness; for, not only the candle, but the coal fire also was utterly extinct, and she by that light which herself brought in immediately after, saw the body of Knox lying dead in the middle of the floor, and with a most ghastly and horrid countenance, as if his body were to show the condition of his soul. Let Politicians reflect upon this horrid spectacle, and consider whether they can invent a plot whereby Gods just judgement may be deluded? What did it avail Knox in his last hour, to have been as powerful in Scotland, as Calvin was in Geneva? and what will it avail any Politician, or Courtier, to have embroiled Kingdoms, and made factions in this world, if in the other he must for all eternity be but a coal to keep in and inflame hell fire?  
8 In the year 1564. Queen Mary Steward, after her return from France, married the Lord Henry Steward, a Prince of the blood royal both of Scotland and England; and though Murray the Queen's base brother, advised her to marry this same Prince, he joined in rebellion with the Heretics, and other seditious men, against her Majesty for marrying; but they were soon quashed, and the heads of the faction retired into England, where with Queen Elizabeth they brewed a new rebellion; and to give it a better colour and success, than the former had, it was thought expedient to sow sedition and jealousies between the Queen and her husband; who having but 22. years of age, and being high minded, had not from her Majesty that unlimited power, which he desired. This restriction of the young Prince his authority was thought to proceed from the advice of David Rizius the Queens Secretary, a grave and understanding man, and a severe observer of heretical designs. The Lord Henry Steward being persuaded by the Heretics, that this old man was the only obstacle of not having all the government in his own hands, resolved to dispatch him out of the way, and to that end leads a company of armed Heretics into the Queen's chamber, she being at supper, and great with child of King james: at her feet (whither he repaired for protection) was the poor Secretary murdered, and the Queen so barbarously dealt withal, that it was strange she did not die in the place, or miscarry, which was all that the Heretics aimed at. But her husband reflecting upon his passion and folly, being also advertised by some of the company, that the Heretics made him but an instrument of his own ruin, he entered to the Queen's chamber, with pretext of causing her to sign a paper in favour of the murderers; and there acknowledging his fault, both got away privately to the Castle of Dumbar, raised forces, dissipated the Army of their Enemies, some whereof were executed: but Murray the bastard, that plotted all the mischief, was pardoned at the instance of Queen Elizabeth, who was resolved by this Heretics means to destroy his Sister the innocent Queen of Scots, as afterwards happened.  
9 Prince Henry Steward considering that Queen Elizabeth's kindness to the bastard Murray, was grounded upon her hatred to his Queen and himself, was resolved to prevent his own death, by permitting Justice have its right against a man, who employed all his thoughts in rebellious designs: he communicated his resolution with the Queen, but she being of a more merciful and mild disposition than the times and troubles required, dissuaded her husband from putting him to death, though, even after his last pardon, there was proof enough of treason. He perceiving that the Prince looked upon him as a Traitor, dealt with his confederates about murdering the Prince, and promised to james Heburne Earl of Bothuel, that he should be married to the Queen, if he would kill her husband; the rest of his heretical Cabal put their hands to this engagement; whereupon Bothuel murdered Henry Steward in his bed, not fare from Edinburg at a Country house, whether he had gone for his recreation; and afterwards took the Queen prisoner, as she was returning from visiting her child King james, who was nursed at Sterling. Bothuel forced his prisoner to be his wife, assuring her, no other hopes were left for herself, other son to survive Prince Henry, but his protection, who was of great power amongst the heretics, as than he imagined: but the contrary was soon discovered; for, the very same heretics that set him upon killing the Prince, and marrying the Queen, raised an Army to ruin him, and professed to the Queen, they had no other d●signe in raising forces, but to revenge the death of her husband, whereof they knew Bothuel to be the Author, and humbly desired her Majesty would be pleased to deliver him up to Justice, and receive them into her grace, protesting to live and die in her obedience. Bothuel was delivered to their hands, whom they let escape; but the poor Queen, contrary to their oath and engagement, was not only made prisoner, but reviled and afronted in the highest degree, laying to her charge, that she had murdered her husband; and to make her odious and infamous to the whole Kingdom, and Christian world, they carried before her, all the way to Edinburg, the picture of her husband dead with many wounds, and her little son painted by his father's corpse, praying to God for justice against his mother. This is the faith and fruit of heresy, and policy. When Politicians heads direct Heretics hands, we may expect nothing but such tragical stories, as this is. Queen Elizabeth by destroying this poor Lady, aimed at the establishment of her own usurpation, and security: Murray by her death, had hopes to govern Scotland: Knox, Buchanan, and the rest of the heretical crew, looked upon the settling of calvin's Reformation and Discipline, and to that end advised that the innocent Queen should be put to death; of the same opinion was her good brother, the bastard Murray: but that glory was reserved for our Virgin Queen of England, whose malice could not be satiated with afronts, afflictions, and many year's imprisonment, until at length upon a public stage the most virtuous and renowned Queen of Scots lost her head, against the Law of Nature and Nations, by the command of a jezabel, that cruel head, heart, and darling of the venerable Protestant Church of England.  
10 Before it was resolved by the Assembly of Heretics, whether the Queen should die, it was decreed, the government of the Kingdom should be resigned to her son, and in his minority (being then but 13. months old) to Murray, and his Comrades. Hereupon the Infant was declared King, and in stead of the Mass, honest john Knox made a sermon against that holy Sacrifice, and all Catholic Tenets and ceremonies, recommending much to the people the observance of his Calvinian Discipline. Morton and Humes swore in the young King's name, to set up the new Religion, and pull down the old, which was already brought so low, that the Queen could scarce find one Catholic Priest to baptise her son, the same did celebrate her husband's funeral, whom she commanded to be buried in her father's Tomb; wherewith these two Catholic Princes, King james the V and Prince Henry Steward, lieth also interred the Catholic Religion, that for so many ages had flourished in Scotland. Duke Hamilton, and his brother john, Archbishop of Saint Andrews, the Earls of Huntley and Argile, with many others of the Nobility, protested against the oath that was taken in the King's name, of destroying that Faith which his Majesty, and themselves, had inherited from their noble Progenitors: yet the Queen of Scots being made prisoner by Queen Elizabeth, and most of the Catholic Nobility being killed in her quarrel, Murray, Knox, and other Heretics, established their perfidious Reformation, & brought up King james in their errors, the first Protestant King, or Prince, that by heresy stained the royal blood and name of the Stewards. There is not a family in the world, that aught to hate heresy, and love Catholic Religion more than his posterity; none was so much persecuted by our pretended Reformers (and in particular by the English Church) as theirs; and no Subjects were more faithful to their Sovereign, than the Catholics of Scotland were to their Queen Mary Steward. But the education of few and tender years doth destroy the obligation of many ages, and blot out of Prince's minds the memory of their most famous Ancestors.    

CHAP. VI  
That no Policy could heretofore, or can for the future give any supernatural appearance to the reformed Churches, whereby any rational persons may be mistaken in their way to heaven, by confounding them with the true Catholic Church.  
1 WHat a great hand Policy had in destroying Religion, and setting up Reformation, hath been demonstrated in the former Chapter and Sections. I doubt not but the most vulgar apprehensions that did see the change, might easily perceive the difference which was between the old and new Religion. I am also confident, all sober men of the last age did look upon Luther, Calvin, Cranmer, Knox, and all their Reformadoes, just as we do upon james Naylor, and his Quakers; though now many silly souls do reverence their memories, because distance of time makes things look as unlike themselves, as distance of place. A brute beast, at a distance, may be taken for a rational creature; and a beastly reformation may, by the help of time and policy, gain the credit of a rational Religion amongst misinformed and weak understandings; but it can never look like supernatural Faith, to any rational person, that will examine the grounds and foundation of it, notwithstanding that wicked Clergy and Politicians have endeavoured to dabe it over with the private spirit, and their own interpretation of Scripture.  
2 There is the same proportion between Catholic Religion and Reformation, as is between ancient Gentry and upstarts. Kings, out of policy, or favour, may bestow titles of honour; but all the policy upon earth, cannot make a man an ancient Gentleman, if he be not one by descent. A Nobleman that derives his pedigree from Citizens, cannot compare in quality with men, whose Ancestors have been, time out of memory, known Gentlemen. It's just so in Religions. Men may give to their Reformations very glorious titles, as Mount Zion, Assembly of Saints, Beauteous discipline, and what they please; but all will not do. The ancient name of Catholic comes by descent, and continual succession, not by policy, to the Roman Church, and not to any other, pretending Reformation. These new Religions may well become upstarts, and new families raised by heresy: but methinks the ancient Nobility and Gentry look oddly in this new fashioned faith, and seem to stain their blood, by renouncing and persecuting that Religion, which their noble Progenitors for so many ages did constantly profess, and gloriously maintain, both at home and abroad.  
3 Catholic Religion doth not only sympathize with ancient Gentry in descent and succession, but also in their Coats of arms. The arms of the Catholic Religion, are the supernatural signs of the true Church, visible to the world. Put case that a Cheat, or Mountebank disguised like a Gentleman, should intrude himself into the company of persons of quality in Whitehall, and brag much of his Gentry; but when he is desired to prove it he should ingenuously confess, that he hath no other evidence for his extraction, but certain interior motions and impulses to heroic actions; questionless this Mountebank would be laughed at by the whole company. This is the case of all reformed Churches, that pretend to be the true one, or part thereof, without any further proof or evidence for their Religion, and interpretation of Scripture, than their own word for a private spirit, as invisible in itself, as in any effect that looks like supernatural. It's true, that many noble families, whose Ancestors have been lions (as their Coats of arms testify even to this day) have by degrees degenerated into lambs; yet they prove by tradition and records, that they descend from warlike lions. Though the Roman Catholic Church had no miracles, nor persons of eminent sanctity of life at the present, to show for their Religion; that only of their Ancestors in former ages, would be proof enough, that they profess the right Faith; because they have evidence of tradition, and records, that it is the same with the Faith of those, who worked miracles, and were Saints: but reform Churches want all such evidences; and though records may be forged by Master Mason, and others of the English Church; neither they, nor any private spirit can, by all their politic devises, counterfeit tradition, which must go further up into antiquity, than they can reach by all humane industry. But (the Lord be praised for it) the Roman Catholic Church hath now, and had in every age evident miracles, and eminent sanctity of life, much resembling that of the Apostles, and our primitive Fathers, whereby our spirit and faith is confirmed to be truly Catholic. These arms and signs of God's Church cannot be counterfeited by Reformers, because they are supernatural, and above the sphere of hypocrisy and policy. A Puritan may show the white of his eyes, by lifting them up to the Lord, and look very demurely and devoutly: a Nagshead Minister may walk in roba longa, and wear his suplise, black scarf, and square cap: but none of them can attain to an eminent degree of supernatural sanctity, or work a miracle, until they forsake the Reformation, and become Roman Catholics.  
4 The pretended evidence of Scripture, in favour of Reformation, is not less ridiculous than the private spirit. Let us tract our Mountebank Gentleman, and follow him to the Courts of Westminster, after his being repulsed, and laughed at in Whitehall, for proving his Nobility only by interior impulses. Suppose he should in the open Court lay claim to some ancient Gentleman's inheritance, descended from father to son, for many ages; and should produce no other evidence, or proof, for this pretended right, but his adversaries own patent, in virtue whereof the ancient Gentleman's Ancestors and himself possessed the estate; but because some words in the patent may be interpreted by the Mountebanks ambition and covetousness in a different sense, than ever they were before that time understood by the learned Judges of the Land; our Mountebank must needs be the right heir, and dispossess the Gentleman of his ancient inheritance, by misinterpreting the words of the patent absurdly, and contrary to their known sense, and to sentences and practice of the Court, since ever Law was of force in England. This is the case of all Protestants, who pretend that there are clear texts of Scripture against Catholic Tenets and practices. The sense of Scripture which we Roman Catholics follow, either for Transubstantiation, communion of the laity under one kind, worship of images, etc. was never contradicted by any, that were not known, and judged Heretics by the Catholic Church of those times wherein our Tenets were questioned: this our sense of Scripture hath miracles to confirm it, and other supernatural signs; theirs is backed only by heretical obstinacy and impudence, pretending evidence of Scripture in obscurity, and light in darkness. If all Roman Catholics had been in times past, and were at this present idiots, or natural fools, Protestants might persuade them, that they do not see what is clear and evident in Scripture, in behalf of Protestancy: but until Reformers prove, that we are all idiots, or resolved to be damned by contradicting Gods clear Word, they cannot ground their Reformation upon the clearness of Scripture, nor reject that sense of it, which Catholics were in possession of, before their Sects were heard of in the world.  
5 That Scripture is not clear for Protestants, is evident, because Catholics who understand it as well as they, differ from them in the interpretation. And in case it be obscure to both, its clear that the tradition and practice of the ancient Catholic Church, is a better Interpreter of God's meaning, than any Protestant pleasure, policy, or fancy. It's as unreasonable therefore to dispossess Catholics of their ancient Tenets, and sense of Scripture, upon the score of a Protestant interpretation, as it is to dispossess a Gentleman of his ancient inheritance, at the suit of a covetous and impudent Mountebank, that can produce no other evidence for his pretence, than his fond interpretation of the very writings, in virtue whereof the Gentleman and his Ancestors have been confirmed in the peaceable possession of their estate, by the sentence of all Courts in former ages; and never opposed, but by such as were convinced and condemned of manifest knavery. Here I need not mention, how many times Protestant Judges condemn their Religion in their own Courts, by just sentences: whensoever they judge according to the Laws of the Land, interpreted by the ancient and continual practice of the Courts, and contrary to the fancy of ignorant and absurd pleaders, they give sentence against Protestancy for the Roman Catholic Religion, though in a different subject; whereby it is evident, how little beholding Protestancy is to that Policy, which is not able to defend reform Churches in the very Protestant Courts. That Religion is fare from supernatural appearance, which hath not the least colour of natural equity. But now let us see, how little beholding Policy is to Protestancy, and prove   

CHAP. VII.  
That Policy hath destroyed itself by courting Protestancy, as being near allied to Atheism, the greatest enemy of civil government.  
1 POlicy without Religion is a body without a soul. The motions of a politic body must have their beginning from Religion, because without it, the Princes and Magistrates are too weak for the managing of so great a machine as a Commonwealth. The power of the people must be employed against themselves, and the multitude must be subdued, and kept in subjection by their own forces: all the difficulty and policy consists in persuading men to a thing so much against their natural inclinations. Some greater power must be inculcated; and because that is not visible, the very Pagans thought it necessary, to create a belief in their Subjects of invisible Deities, to which both Prince and Subjects professed obedience; being convinced in their judgements, that all policy is weak without power, either real or imagined, to back it, and that the best Statesman is he, who can persuade the people, that he is more powerful than themselves. This is the reason why Politicians, though Atheists, persecute Atheism; because if the multitude think, that there is no such thing as God, or another life, they will soon discover their own strength, and apply it against Princes and Magistrates, without fear of being overpowerd by the invisible hand of God in whom they do not believe, but fancy to be impossible.  
2 Atheists and Protestants (being sworn brothers, and judging of others by themselves) are of opinion, that the Roman Catholic Religion is but a politic invention, to set up the Pope, and enrich the Roman Clergy, by Purgatory, Indulgences, Mass, and pilgrimages to Images. If the Roman Catholic Laity were as apt to be cheated, as Protestants think the Roman Clergy apt and inclined to cheat, their opinion would be more plausible: but whosoever will reflect upon the manifest miracles and supernatural signs, whereby these and all Catholic Tenets have been in former ages, and even in this present, confirmed; and moreover will consider, how maturely many Roman Catholics of the Laity (most prudent and politic men) have examined the grounds of our Religion, and how impossible it is, that so many former ages, different interests, and opposite Nations and families, should all concur and conspire, to maintain for Head of the Catholic Church a man they never knew nor expect any benefit by: whosoever, I say, will reflect upon these things, will clearly see, and be convinced, that no humane policy can reach so fare, nor secrecy be so well kept, that amongst so many millions of persons, the cheat and mystery should not break out, and never hitherto be discovered to Protestants, that are no less curious to know it, then vain in imagining so ridiculous a foppery. But in case they are resolved to be as obstinate in this mad fancy, as in their other heresies, they must grant, that we have better success in our politic ends, than themselves; and if they will needs call us knaves, they cannot think we are fools; whereas they may to their own first Reformers, without injury, attribute both denominations; because they shown so little wit in framing their new Religions, that they made them as inconsistent with government, as inseparable from Atheism, destroying the very interest they intended to promote by reformation.  
5 Atheists and Protestants do agree in rebellion against God, and in being refractory against supreme authority; but with this difference, that the Atheist declares against God himself, the Protestant against his Church, which is God's Liutenant upon earth. He that rebels against the King's Liutenant, will soon declare against himself; and this is the reason we see so many Protestants become Atheists, and of no Religion. As rebellions grow to a height by degrees, first they point at evil Counselors, then at the Favourite, at length at the King's person; so Atheism possesseth men's minds, first by vice, then by Protestancy, and at last by no Religion. The ground of all Religion, and of obedience both to God and men, is the appearance of a lawful authority and sovereignty, adhering to the person that pretends it. If the signs of his superiority and jurisdiction be evident, he may challenge an evident right to our obedience and belief; we are obliged to honour him according to his appearance. This ground of Religion and obedience, is equally destroyed by Atheism and Protestancy. Though the signs of a supreme Deity be as evident and visible to the eyes of Atheists, as this world and all its creatures, yet they deny obedience to that supreme Deity; and though supernatural signs, as miracles and sanctity of life, be as evident to the eyes of Protestants, in the Roman Church, and no other, as any thing can be, yet they deny obedience to the said Church: both agree in destroying that principle, upon which the obligation of belief and obedience is grounded. Policy and civil government can as little stand without this principle, as a house can without out a foundation. Atheists and Protestants do agree in undermining not only Religion, but also the authority of Princes and Commonwealths; and therefore both doctrines ought to be equally prohibited and suppressed.  
4 In one respect Protestancy is more dangerous to civil government, than Atheism. An Atheist expects not any invisible power providence to support him, because he believeth none: a Protestant persuades himself, that God will second his zeal for the Gospel, and consequently is more resolute and daring; if God (to punish the sins of others) permits a Protestant to have good success in his first attempts, he thinks that success is a new engagement to proceed further, looking upon himself as an instrument of providence, to carry on the imaginary work or the Lord. The Atheist thinks of no such providence or engagement, but attributeth his success to his own industry, and is not so fierce, constant, and dangerous an enemy to the civil government, as a Protestant. Though all this had not been evident by reason as necessarily following out of Protestant principles, yet its manifest by experience and history, as we have seen in this Treatise Chap. 7. but because in the next I am to treat of the tyranny and rebellions of Protestancy, I will end this with only assuring my Reader, that Politicians were never more unhappy, or more grossly mistaken, then in the beginning and promoting a pretended Reformation, that doth not only lead men to Atheism, but makes them incapable of being governed, after they have shaken of the yoke of obedience to divine Authority, appearing more sufficiently and evidently in the Roman Catholic Church, than any King's authority doth appear in his Lieutenant, or subordinate Officers. But now let us proceed, and descend to particulars by showing   

CHAP. VIII.  
That Protestancy inclines the Prince to Tyranny, and the Subjects to Rebellion.  
1 PRinces may be Tyrants, though the Religion they profess be good; but that Religion cannot be good which inclines Princes to tyranny. A Tyrant is he who rules either without or against Law, making his own will and pleasure the model of his government. To rule against the known and practised sense of the Law, is to rule against Law, because the essence of a Law consists in the sense, not in the letter. The fundamental Laws of a Christian Commonwealth, are the holy Scriptures: to rule against the known and practised sense of these Laws, is the greatest tyranny, because it is to rule without and against Law: it is to rule without Law, because God's sense is left out, and the Reformers fancy, or the Prince his pleasure is thrust into its place; and Scripture is not God's Law without God's sense. It is also to rule against Law, because the Protestant sense of Scripture is contrary to the known and practised sense of God's Word, whereby the Church hath been governed since the time of the Apostles. This proves nothing less than I supposed in the title of the Chapter: it demonstrates clearly, that when Protestant Princes are not Tyrants, we may thank themselves, and not their Religion, which is directly opposite to the Law of God, and inconsistent with the duty Princes own to divine Majesty; whence also it followed, that it is an inclination to Tyranny against the Laws and liberties of the Land; because he that governeth without and against the Law or God, is in a fair way (and at least inclined) to govern without and against the Laws of men.  
2 I hear, some Doctors of the English Protestant Church seem to be much scandalised at Master Hobbes his Leriathan, because he attributes so much to a Sovereign, and saith that Christian Subjects may, in the exterior profession of their Faith, accommodate themselves with the Prince, whether Turk or Jew. I cannot answer for Master Hobbes his Christianity, but this much I will say in his behalf, that I have not seen Protestancy better expressed, nor more consequently deduced out of its principles, then in this Authors Leviathan: he is a good Protestant, and an ill Christian. How can any Protestant sinde fault with Master Hobbes, 
See the 39 articles of the Protestant Religion, confirmed by K. Charles; an. 1642.  for making the Prince Head of the Church, and sole Interpreter of Scripture? Why should 12. or 7. men in King Edward the VI time, or a few Ministers in Queen Elizabeth and King james his reign, assume to themselves a power of framing a new Religion, and coining a new sense of Scripture, contrary to antiquity and the known practice of all Christian Churches, and in particular that of England? Why should they, I say, assume this unlimited power to themselves, and deny it to their Sovereign, 
3. Ed. 6.12. 5. Ed. 6.1.  and his Counsel? If they examine well, they will find Master Hobbes doth no more. And if they acknowledge this great power in spiritual affairs, to be inherent to the Sovereign's person (as they do, 
8. Eliz. 1.  even by their Acts of Parliament) how can they deny him in the temporal, as absolute and unlimited a power, as Master Hobbes is forced to grant, by the foundation and principles of Protestant Religion? Do not the Doctors of the English Church aver, that from the Pope's Primacy, and Headship of the Church, must evidently follow an Antichristian Tyranny, inconsistent with the prerogative, dominion, and security of Kings, and the liberty of Subjects; why do they not infer die same consequence from the Sovereign's supremacy? I am sure they attribute greater power to their Kings, Queens, and petty Doctors, than Catholics do to the Pope, or general Counsels, who according to our Tenets, cannot pair of any thing from the matter and form of Sacraments, nor alter the ancient sense of Scripture, contrary to tradition and the practice of the Catholics Church: but Protestancy acknowledgeth all this power to be inseparable from the Kings and Queens of England, and yet doth confess, that both King and Protestant Church may err against Christian Faith in their Reformations: no Subject notwithstanding must speak a word against those errors, he must accommodate himself to them in all his exterior actions, though he be convinced in judgement, that they are against Catholic Religion. I would feign know in what doth this doctrine of theirs differre from Master Hobbes? Both agree in the substance, both grant that men may dissemble their Faith, and deny Christianity, either altogether, or by half. Hobbes saith, Subjects may renounce all Christian Religion by words, so they believe in their heart: our Doctors of the English Church say, Subjects may deny such points of Christian Religion, as have been renounced by their Sovereigns. And when the Sovereign will (if ever that should happen) deny all Christianity, and believe no more than Turks, or Jews, it evidently followeth out of their principles (though hitherto they durst not say it) that the Subject may do the same by an exterior acquiescence, until the contrary be decreed in an imaginary general Council of their own making, and morally impossible to come together, as hath been said in the 7. Chapt. sect. 8. for, what reason can they have to accommodate themselves to their Prince and Church, in denying some articles of Christian Religion, and not all? They have none, I am sure, to be angry with Master Hobbes, who says nothing, but what they also must say, if they will stick and be consequent to Protestant principles, and particularly to the doctrine of the Church of England.  
3 That Protestancy doth incline the Subject to rebellion against his law full Prince, is more evident than I wish it were by so many woeful experiences. Their Reformation begun in all places with rebellion, and is like so to continue, notwithstanding the vigilant care of wise Princes and Counselors. The reason is manifest, because it's morally impossible that the conveniency of the Court should always agree with the interest of the people; and many times the Laws of the Land (being made to favour both) are not so clear in the behalf of either. The contrary being railed, who must decide it? Not the people (saith the Prince) because they are Subjects. Not the Prince (say the people) because he is a part, and Subject to Gods Law. Both appeal to Scripture, the sole Judge of Protestants controversies. If the Scripture could speak, and pronounce the sentence without an Interpreter, all might end in peace and quiet: but amongst Protestants, every Subject speaks for Scripture, and consequently for himself. If every man be naturally inclined to favour himself, and look with a partial eye upon his own interest, it's more than probable, that Scripture interpreted by the Subjects, will second their own inclination and conveniency against that of Prince, and Court; neither is it less evident, that the Prince, and his adherents, will not submit their judgements and wills to the final and scriptural sentence of every Subject; so that the sword and rebellion must end the controversy in that Religion, where all men are supreme Judges and Interpreters of Scripture.  
4 And though the Prince may endeavour to incorporate the legistative power, and the interpretation of the Laws of the Land, into his own prerogative; the Protestant Subjects will oppose it, not only as unreasonable, but also as Antichristian pride and tyranny, inconsistent with their Evangelicall liberty. They will infer this consequence. If God hath made us Interpreters of his divine Law, how can a Creature exclude us from interpreting the Laws of the Land, wherein we are so much concerned, and which ought to be subordinate to Scripture? Truly seeing no Protestant Prince, or Church, doth pretend to be infallible in declaring the true sense of God's Word, they can hardly condemn the Subjects private interpretation, as contrary to God's meaning; all their Synodical Decrees, and legal Declarations against the Subject's fancy, or pretended inspiration in favour of the Prince, will be looked upon by them who oppose his designs, as suggestions of obsequious Courtiers and flattering Clergy, and the people will stick to their own interpretation of Scripture, backing it with the words of the Apostles Act. 5. God ought to be more obeyed then men. And if the Prince should declare that their text is but a pretext of rebellion, they will retort his argument, and say, that his texts are but pretexts of tyranny, and proclaim him a Rebel against God: for, the meanest of Protestant Subjects with a Bible in his hand, is as absolute as his King with a Sceptre, nay more, because he looks upon the Sceptre as subordinate to his Bible. Thus you see, how the liberty of interpreting Scripture is no less the ground of rebellion, then of Protestant Faith; and how politic Princes by undermining the ancient Catholic sense of Scripture with new fancies and interpretations, have plotted their own ruin and their posterities destruction. And that this may appear yet more evidently, I will endeavour to prove   

Chap. IX.  
That the Pope's spiritual jurisdiction is nothing dangerous to Sovereigns, but rather that the ground of fidelity and obedience due to them, is utterly destroyed by denying the Pope's supremacy; and that it is a greater foppery in Protestants, then in Catholics, to deny his infallibility.  
1 PRotestant Princes look upon their Subjects with as jealous an eye, as Spaniards or Italians do look to their wives. The word foreign jurisdiction (though only spiritual) sounds to them as harshly, and troubles them no less, than the most injurious term doth a suspicious husband. This jealousy of Protestant Princes is no less fomented by the stupidity of some of their Writers, then by the ambition of others. Some (as Master Hobbes for one) looketh so dully upon man, 
Leviathan part. 3. ch. 39  and government, that he maketh no distinction between Spiritualists and Temporalists, between the Church and State, between the sword of justice and the shield of Faith, between Christian and Man; and is of opinion, that out of such distinctions must needs follow faction and civil war in the Commonwealth. But other Protestant Writers admit these distinctions, because they hope by them to reap some benefit, or benefice. 
Doctor Bramhall in his replication pag. 163.  Nay of late some have printed, that the King (notwithstanding his supremacy) is subject to the Archbishop of Canterbury in spiritual affairs, and under the jurisdiction of his ordinary Ecclesiastical Pastors; but by no means under that of the Pope, thinking it to be more for their Sovereign's honour, to obey his Subjects, than Saint Peter's successor.  
2 That God should commit the charge of souls, or any spiritual jurisdiction to temporal Princes, is as incredible, as it is evident that he did foresee what an ill account they would give of their Subjects Religion, if they had the management of their own consciences. If they be so jealous of the Pope, that notwithstanding he being a stranger▪ and so fare of, yet they fear he may reduce all temporal matters to his spiritual jurisdiction; how do they think it possible, that God should not he jealous of trusting them with the souls of their own Subjects, seeing they may reduce all spiritual matters to temporal, and abuse their power with much more ease and success, than the Pope can misapply his spiritual jurisdiction? I am sure they ought to be more jealous of any of their own Subjects supremacy, then of the Pope's spiritual jurisdiction and authority, because it is more easy for an Archbishop of Canterbury, or any other in the Realm, to make ill use of his supreme spiritual jurisdiction in England, than it is for the Pope, at so great a distance, and with so little acquaintance. Experience doth demonstrate, that the Pope's spiritual jurisdiction over all Christendom, is not so dangerous as Protestant Laws and petty Preachers do pretend. Histories do testify, that Popes have restored twenty Kings for one that they are said to depose; neither did they ever pretend to depose any King, until his own Subjects were weary of his tyrannical government, or all the world scandalised at his wicked heresies; and in those very cases, the Popes never took the Kingdom to themselves: an evident argument, that Religion, not interest, moved them to take so rigorous ways; whether warrantable, or not, let others dispute, I cannot. Yet this much I can assure Protestant Princes, that Popes have exhorted their Subjects to obedience and patience, when they were most persecuted. In case any of his Ministers should be misinformed, indiscrete, or exceed his commission, that fault cannot be attributed to his Master, nor to the Religion of Catholic Subjects, but rather to the ignorance of Catholic Tenets, and of Canonical Doctrine, which commands Subjects to obey, though their Sovereigns be not of their own Religion.  
3 Kings and Princes by denying obedience to the Pope, teach their Subjects to rebel against themselves, and do dispense with oath of allegiance. The ground of fidelity and obedience due to hereditary Sovereigns, is a constant tradition, that he who actually resigns, is lawful successor to one, whose right and jurisdiction was undoubtedly acknowledged; and indeed there cannot be a more rational and secure ground of obedience, than tradition, and a continual succession of lawful witnesses from one age to another. Writings may be counterfeited, Tradition cannot, because its impossible to stop so many mouths as deliver it to posterity, or to contradict: the testimony of whole Provinces and Nations. This is the reason why Heretics cannot gainsay the tradition of the Pope's supremacy: though they deny the supremacy itself, and the truth of that Doctrine; yet they are not so madly impudent, as to deny what is evident to all Christendom▪ to wit, that there was a constant tradition when Luther revolted from the Church, that the Bishop of Rome is Christ's Vicar upon earth. They only pretend that this tradition is not a sufficient ground to oblige men to believe what it delivered, or to acknowledge the Pope's supremacy. If it be not, how can the tradition of one only Nation be a sufficient ground to oblige Subjects to believe, that their Sovereign is lawful King of France, or Spain; or that they are bound in conscience to obey him. There is not any King or Prince in Europe, that hath so universal and constant a tradition for his temporal sovereignty, as the Bishop of Rome hath to be Saint Peter's lawful successor, and of Saint Peter's being head of the Church under Christ, by divine institution. Pasce oves meas, Feed my sheep, 
Joan. 21.  and many other texts of Scripture, have never been otherwise understood in the Church by any, but by declared Heretics, whose contradicting the tradition and ancient sense of God's Word, can as little prejudice the Pope's right and supremacy, as a declared Rebel can prejudice his Sovereign's right, by calling in question his descent or royal authority. When Saint Peter's chair is shaken by Protestant Princes, their own thrones must fall; because it is not only the foundation of the Catholic Church, but the support of Christian Monarchy.  
4 Here I cannot omit to advertise my Reader, what poor shifts some of the most learned Protestants are brought to: they renew that so often and solidly refuted error, of making the Pope Patriarch only of the West, by misapplying the words of the Nicen Council, 
Baron an. 325. Sirmondus, & Guther. Card. Perron▪ my r●sp. ad Object. Reg. Brit. lib. 1 c. 32. & 33.  and concealing the true translation of the Canon, as every man may see in the Authors cited in the margin. The title of Patriarch of the West doth no more exclude the Pope's supreme dignity of head of the Church under Christ, than the title of Earl of Flanders doth exclude that of King of Spain. If the Bishops of Rome were not universal Patriarches, but Patriarches only of the West, why did Saint Victor Pope, in the second age of Christianity, excommunicate all the Churches of Asia, 
Euseb. 5. hist. 24. & cap. 25. Spond. 198.  upon the difference of celebrating Easter, for not accommodating themselves to the Roman Sea? And though Saint Iretaeus did not approve of so great severity, yet neither he, nor any other, called in question his authority. They are also pleased to make the Pope Speaker in the general Counsels, but not Precedent; they allow him the place of first Bishop, and call him exordium unitatis, with Saint Cyprian; but by no means will they grant him the title of infallible and supreme Pastor. These are but weak and pitiful shifts, whereunto Protestant's are driven, by the evidence of Counsels, Fathers, Tradition, and Catholic arguments, contrary to the Tenets and Doctrine of their brethren of the late Church of England. If the Pope be exordium unitatis, he must be infallible in deciding the controversy proposed, otherwise he will be exordium divisionis, because no learned persons will submit their judgements in matters of Faith to a Judge that may be mistaken; they will be as fare from his sentence and thoughts, as from any other; and the unity of Faith (whereof Saint Cyprian speaks) consists more in an unity of thoughts of judgements, then of speech, or exterior acquiescence. Such a dumb unity of Faith hath its beginning from Policy, not Religion.  
5 They excuse themselves from the guilt and crime of Schism, as ridiculously as they impugn the Pope's supremacy. They accuse us Catholics for the fault themselves committed, because forsooth they left not our communion, until we thrust them out of doors. It may be as well said, that the Judge, and not the thief, is the malefactor, because the Judge pronounced sentence against the thief. The Roman Catholic Church had no more part in the Schism of England, then to declare Henry the VIII. and Queen Elizabeth Schismatics, and Heretics. They committed the crime, and the Pope pronounced the sentence. Therefore the Roman Church, or Court, is guilty of Schism, is an excellent Protestant consequence! But such fopperies we must expect from obstinate Heretics, that with a perverse will oppose no less their own understandings, than Catholic verities. The Pope (say they) imposed new articles of Faith upon their tender consciences, he made a new Creed, and declared it was necessary to believe the same. Therefore he was cause of the Schism. The same argument that the Arrians made against the Council of Nice, and Saint Athanasius his Creed, do these Heretics now object against the Council of Trent, and Pope Pius V his profession of Faith. Declarations against new heresies, are no new Creeds; they are but explanations of the old, not new articles of Faith. One article of Faith may be divided into many branches: how many doth Saint Athanasius set down in his Symbol of the Trinity and Incarnation? The Catholic Church did always practise this way, when it was necessary to confute heresies. If it was lawful for the Church of the fourth age, to command all Christians to profess and believe the Symbol of Saint Athanasius, which was but an explanation of particulars contained in the mysteries of the Trinity and Incarnation; why cannot the Church now explain more particularly the Apostles Creed, and any part of Scripture, impugned by Heretics, and command all Christians to believe the same? All the pretended new articles are contained in the Apostles Creed implicitly, as in that of the Communion of Saints, Remission of sins, Catholic Church, etc. or at least in some text of Scripture, as Transubstantiation in Christ's words, This is my Body. The petty Ministers of the English Nagshead Church presume to make a new Creed of 39 articles, protesting against the ancient Faith of Christendom, and they admire that the Vicar of Christ, and a general Council, should warn all Catholics to beware of their heresies, and to that end declare in a Symbol of Faith more particularly the received Doctrine of the Church of God. Away with these shameful shifts of Heretics, whose last excuse for their Schism is, that they who begun it, were Roman Catholics. So were Rebels once loyal Subjects, and yet that doth not excuse themselves, or their adherents, from the guilt of rebellion. With these heretical devises are many poor idiots misled by ungodly and wicked Preachers, who gain their living and credit by the damnation of souls, that Christ our Saviour purchased at so dear a rate.  
6 The last thing I proposed in the title of this Chapter was, that its a greater foppery in Protestants, then in Catholics, to deny the Pope's infallibily in deciding controversies of Christian Religion. That it is a foppery in both, must be evident to all persons, that will reflect upon the nature of Christian Faith, and the Books of holy Scripture. When men believe as Christians, they must exclude all manner of doubts and fears of being mistaken, from the act wherewith they believe; they cannot defend themselves from a new heresy by only protesting against it by word of mouth, they must detest it with their heart and understanding, and believe the quite contrary truth. There was never Heretic so simple as to broach an error upon his own score; he always pretends God's Word for its foundation, and backs it with as many texts of Scripture, as Catholics oppose against his heresy. This was the practice of Arrians, Nestorians, and all other ancient Heretics, which Protestants do now adays imitate. If the true meaning of Scripture were as visible to us, as it is infallible in itself, no Heretic would make use of the words of holy Writ, because his fancy or interpretation would be easily discerned from the sense which God intended, at least by combining and comparing one text with another: but experience demonstrates, that notwithstanding all combinations of one place of Scripture with another, the controversy remains, and cannot be decided by Scripture alone. To imagine that all which cannot be decided by Scripture alone, is superfluous, and the belief thereof not necessary for salvation, is to dispense with the mysteries of the Trinity and Incarnation; seeing the Council of Nice, 
Soz. lib. 1. c. 16. Athan. Apol. 2.  and Saint Athanasius that great Champion of the Catholic Church confuted and condemned the Arrians, not by Scripture alone, but by tradition, and adhering not only to the words, but also to that sense of Scripture, which that present Church had received from the former.  
7 Seeing therefore that controversies of Christian Religion must be decided by the sense, as well as by the words of Scripture; and that the said sense is more clearly delivered to us by tradition, and the testimony of the Church, then by the words themselves in controverted texts; and that Heretics may endeavour to confound their own tradition with that of the true Catholic Church (as the Quartadecimans did in the celebrating Easter;) and that they may invent new heresies, never thought of in former ages: supposing, I say, that all this is possible, the remedy of these evils in the Church, cannot be impossible; and truly the remedy is impossible (at least at all times, to wit, when general Counsels are not assembled) if the Pope be not infallible in declaring what is heresy, divine Faith, and Catholic tradition. Such few Catholics as called in question the Pope's infallibility, excused their error not only with the infallibility, but also with the moral possibility of a general Council, whensoever a new heresy would be invented: but they were grossly mistaken, as experience doth demonstrate; and a perpetual general Council was never intended by God, who commandeth the Bishops and Prelates to have a care of the particular Churches which he committed to their charge; a thing not compatible with their continual assistance in Constantinople, Trent, or any other one City, where the Council is assembled. But Protestants hitherto have denied (even the English Church in the 21. of their 39 articles) that general Counsels are infallible, and consequently must say, that God commanded an impossibility, bidding us beware of new heresies, 
Act. 20.  and not believe false Prophets, when he left us no infallible Judge, or Pastor, to declare unto us what doctrine is heresy, and who are the false Prophets. No Catholic was ever so unreasonable, as to defend such a foppery.  
8 And though of late some of our Nagshead Doctors (contrary to the 21. article of their Creed, and English Church) acknowledge that general Counsels are infallible in deciding controversies of Faith, and (to their eternal shame, and the infamy of their venerable Mother the Protestant Church of England) are now forced to call the 39 Articles of their Religion by the name of only probable opinions; yet such a definition or description they give in their printed books of a general Council, with so many odd conditions, and so insuperable difficulties, that only mad men may hope to see such a Christian Assembly meet, and much less agree in condemning any heresy, or declaring what is Catholic Doctrine. This new definition of a general Council is but a mere put of, to gain time, that Nagshead errors may last as long as their Ministers; but they are evidently convinced, and condemned by the absurdity of their poor shift: it's a greater foppery to admit of infallibility in an impossible Council, then to admit of a possible Council without infallibility. The first is an absolute Chimaera, contrary to the evident light of natural reason: the second seemeth only impossible to Christians, that grant there is a Church of God upon earth, and that be hath left means in it, to end controversies of Religion with peace and unity of Catholic Faith.  
9 There cannot be a greater foppery, then to think that God instituted his Church without possibility of obtaining the end or its institution. The end of the Catholic Church is our salvation by one, and the same supernatural and undoubted Faith, communicated by preaching and hearing: 
Rom. 10.  this one and undoubted Faith in this manner is impossible, If there be not at least one infallible Pastor (when there are no general Counsels) who may by his definition declare what is Catholic Faith, what heresy, whensoever the Church is troubled with diversity of opinions: it's as evident therefore, that the Pope's infallibility is not superfluous, as it is clear that God did not deprive his Church of means, without which its impossible to compass the end he aimed at in its institution. If Profestants themselves judge it a most absurd and destructive Tenet in any Commonwealth, 
See the late King's answer to the Remonstrance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament 26. May 1642. in answer to the business of Hull.  that a murderer or fellow cannot be apprehended, condemned, or punished by any other authority, then that of Parliament, even when it actually sits; how much more absurd and destructive must they grant it would be in the Church, that a murderer of souls, and an Heretic, cannot be declared and condemned by any other authority, or infallibility, then that of a general Council not actually sitting, nor likely to be assembled in a long time? Do they imagine that God would institute a Church more absurdly, than themselves would order a Commonwealth? As in all well ordered Commonwealths there must be means to suppress sedition at any time, before it comes to be rebellion; so in the Church of God, there must be means to condemn dangerous opinions and growing heresies, before they come to spread and infect Christian souls. If there be no infallible and visible Judge of controversies besides a general Council, none will alter his opinion until the general Council be gathered, and then it will be too late to apply the remedy. An exterior acquiescence doth not change mens opinions, nor free their minds, and thoughts from heretical errors: none thinks himself obliged to forsake his own opinion, for that of other men, If theirs be no more then probable. Therefore some infallible authority there must be at all times in the Church, whereby men may be obliged, to condemn even their own opinions, and errors; and none doth as much as pretend to it, but the Roman Bishop.  
10 The infallibility of some visible Judge of Controversies always at hand, especially when general Counsels can not meet conveniently, is so agreeable to evident reason, and so necessary for the unity of Faith and peace, not only of the Catholic Church, but also of the Christian Commonwealth, that the Protestants who were most against it, are now most for it, and wish that the Pope, if he be not, were as infallible as we pretend. If their wish be rational (as without doubt it is) we are to presume, that God the Author of reason, was as rational in this particular, as they can wish. And though it be strange, how they can imagine, that God can be unreasonable in any matter and in one that so much concerned his Church; yet they are convinced by woeful experience, that our belief of the Pope's infallibility is as beneficial to Catholics, as their obstinacy against it, hath been prejudicial to Protestants, who make Scripture the ground, and warrant of all attempts, and rebellions against their Sovereigns; whereas we submit our judgements to the ancient, and settled interpretation of God's Word, and when that is not clear, we conform ourselves to the sentence of the Pope, a very indifferent person, and supreme Judge in matters of Christian Religion; at least he is more unpartial to Princes, than their own subjects interpreting Scripture by fancy, interest, or passion.  
Why should we Catholics believe, that the Bishop of Rome is infallible, and Christ's Vicar, upon earth, rather than he of Constantinople, or any other; is as much as to demand, why do we rather believe that Philip the 4. or Lewis the 14. are lawful Kings of Spain, and France, than other men that never could pretend right to those Kingdoms? 
See the Protestants Apology for the Church of Rome tr. 1. see. 3. subd. 10. & see. 7. subd. 5. & 9 & tr. 2 see ●. & 3 subd: 10.  There is not any man upon earth who can pretend right be be infallible in determining controversies of Religion, but the Bishop of Rome. He hath a more constant, and universal tradition for his spiritual jurisdiction, and infallible authority, than any King hath for his temporal superiority. Why should we deny to the Pope, what all antiquity acknowledged, and all men must grant, if it be not out of animosity against his person, or obstinacy against his prerogative; which we ought not to measure by his personal merits, but by God's providence, and the public good, and necessity of the Catholic Church. If we look upon the greatness of the prerogative, it's more probable that one man may deserve it better, and be more capable of it, than every one of them who concur to the infallible definition of a general Council: neither ought it to seem so strange, that God should be pleased to make one Pope infallible in S Peter's chair, if we believe that every Bishop is infallible in a Council, who concurres to a definition, when all Christendom is assembled together in an universal Synod. No Catholic doth believe that the Pope is infallible in all his words and actions, or as a particular Doctor, but only when he proposeth or speaketh any thing in God's name, and as his Interpreter, to the Catholic Church.   

CHAP. X.  
That the foundation of justice, and form of judicature, is wholly destroyed by penal Laws and oaths against any point of the Roman Catholic Religion.  
1 THe foundation of Justice and Judicature, is evidence of lawful witnesses, against whose testimony the accused person can have no rational exception. As the judge must have evidence of witnesses for the sentence he pronounceth, so must the witnesses have some evidence for the testimony they give. There is a great difference between the evidence of witnesses, required against persons accused for Religion, and for other crimes. Eye-witnesses have best evidence against malefactors apprehended for civil crimes; but in matters of Faith, and religion, all goeth by hearsay; 
Rom. 10.  he is the best witness, who relies least upon his own knowledge; his best evidence is the testimony of others dead before he was borne, and though their bodies lie rotten in graves, their Faith and Doctrine must be fresh in the memory and testimony of the present Catholic Church, and Christian posterity.  
2 As the Judge must have evidence for his sentence, and the witness for his testimony, so must the Legislatour have evidence that his Law or Statute doth not contradict the Law of God; his legislative power must be subordinate to Christian Religion. Henry the VIII. Edward the VI and Queen Elizabeth's penal Statutes, are evidently against the Law of God and Christian Religion, if we may credit antiquity, and stick to the Faith and practice of the Church, and Catholic Princes, that went before them, not only in England, but in all other Christian Kingdoms. No persons living have any other evidence for the Law of God, and Catholic Religion, but the test money of the immediately precedent age, confirmed with supernatural signs: all former ages speak to us by the mouth of the last with which we conversed; we must cake their word for all the rest, and for the sense, as well as for the letter of Scripture. The 14. age delivered to the 15. the Roman Catholic Faith, which we now profess; assuring that it was the true sense of Scripture, which they had learned from the 13. age, and so forth to the Apostles. What evidence had Henry the VIII. or his daughter Queen Elizabeth, to oppose against the testimony of all former ages, confirmed with so many miracles, and to make Statutes against the known and practised Law of God and Christianity? His luxury, and his daughter's bastardy, are the only evidence which Protestants can produce for the ground of penal Laws against the Pope's supremacy, and other points of the Roman Catholic Religion: an excellent foundation of Protestant Laws, Justice, and Judicature.  
3 To pronounce sentence of death, loss of goods, or banishment, against persons without any prose, is rather tyranny than injustice. The greatest crimes (even that of treason) require at least one lawful witness: let Protestant produce but one lawful witness against the Religion of Catholics, and their sense of Scripture, and we will not murmur against their penal Laws, and rigorous proceed: Antiquity affords them none, because, though in divers ages, some odd men did testify sometimes one error of theirs, sometimes another; they were in those very times contradicted by the whole Catholic Church, and declared infamous Impostors and Heretics. In this present age no Protestants can be lawful witnesses for their own Religion, or against ours, because their testimony cannot be valid against so constant and universal a tradition, as we Catholics have for our Doctrine and sense of Scripture. It's as ridiculous and unjust in a Judge, to pronounce sentence against Roman Catholics for their Religion, upon the evidence and testimony of Protestancy, as if he had in open Court condemned men to forfeit their estates, and ancient inheritance, upon the word of a mad fellow, that produceth no other evidence to confirm his claim, but interior motions of the spirit of covetousness and ambition, or some obscure text of the Law appliable to all cases and subjects; for, all the Protestant evidence is reduced to the private spirit, and the pretended clearness of Scripture. If this be not to destroy the foundation of Justice, and the form of Judicature. Protestants have a different way of proceeding from all other Nations, and have altered the stile of natural reason, humane nature, and the practice of all antiquity.  
4 They cannot excuse their persecution against Catholics, with the example of Christian Emperors and Kings, that both for zeal of Religion and humane Policy (to avoid the danger of rebellion) made Laws and Statutes against Heretics, and Innovatours of the ancient Faith and sense of Scripture, which descended to them by tradition from the Apostles. Protestants take the quite contrary way; they make Laws and Statutes against: the ancient Religion, and known sense of God's Word, and persecute Catholics for professing it; whereas their Predecessors, Emperors and Kings, punished new Religions and Novelists. This last was lawful in secular Princes, but the practice of Protestants is unjust and wicked, because it destroys Justice and the true Religion, confirmed by the public testimony and practice of the Christian world, since the Apostles time to this present. If the Roman Catholic Religion were not the true Apostolical Faith, but as new as Protestants pretend, how is it possible that in history there should be no mention made of any person that suffered as an Heretic, for broaching or maintaining any one point which we now profess? If any Doctrine of ours were judged an heresy, or a novelty by antiquity, without doubt we had not all escaped the rigour of penal Laws made against Heretics and Novelists. I am sure Protestants cannot brag, nor say so much for their own Doctrine, many if not all the points whereof have been condemned as heresy by the Church in ancient times, and punished as novelties by Christian Kings and Emperors; which was the only reason that moved the first English Protestant's to cause the young child Edward the VI (when he knew not what he did) to repeal all the Laws and Statutes that any Christian King of England and the Kingdom had made against Heretics, being convinced that themselves, and not Catholics, were comprehended in that number. All who suffered persecution or death for any point of the Roman Religion, were looked upon by the Catholic Church in all ages, as glorious Confessors, and renowned Martyrs. Amongst the most precious jewels of the Eastern Church were accounted such as were put to death for defending the worship of Images against the Iconuclasts, 
Baron. an. 723. Conc. Nicaen. 2. Act. 5.  who were the first that persecuted Christians for that Doctrine, at the instance of one Serantapicus a Magician and a Jew, that promised to Gizedo Prince of the Saracens, he should live 30. years, if he would command all Images to be taken away, and not worshipped in his Dominions by the Catholics. But Gizedo dying within a year and a half, his son Vlidus condemned the Jew to death, as a perfidious lmpostour; and the Images were worshipped as formerly, until three years afterwards Leo Isaurus the heretic Emperor, at the instance also of Jews, 
Concil. Nicaen. 2. Baron. an. 726.  raised that most terrible persecution against the Catholic Church, for practising so pious a custom, which had continued amongst Christians, without the least danger of idolatry, since the time of the Apostles to that present, and 'twill not be interrupted until the day of judgement, notwithstanding the clamours, endeavours, and vain pretended fears of Protestant zealots, in behalf of Serantapicus their Patriarch, and his Hebrew tribe their loving brethren.  
5 Their persecution against Catholics can be no more excused by the proceed of the Spanish and Italian Inquisition, 
Of the Inquisition.  than their penal Statutes have been by the Laws of ancient Kings and Emperors against Heretics, 1. Because the Inquisition proceeds according to the rules and form of Justice; none is declared an Heretic, or guilty by a new Law, or oath, made only to the end that by them men may be entrapped both in soul, body, and estate: it was no crime in England to be a Catholic, before the penal Laws were enacted, but it was a crime to be an Heretic, or Apostata, before the ancient Emperors and Kings made penal Laws against heresy. The Law supposed, and did not make the crime, as penal Statutes do in England, making a crime of Christian Religion. 2. Heretics are never condemned by the Inquisition without the testimony of many lawful witnesses, both living and dead: all the ancient Fathers, Counsels, and the whole Catholic Church of former ages testify, that their errors are new, and contrary to the Doctrine of Christ, and his Apostles. no Rebel was ever more evidently convicted of rebellion against his Prince, than Heretics are by the Inquisition of heresy against God and the Apostolical Church. We Catholics cannot obtain so fair play at their hands; we are condemned by a new Law, because we are not Heretics, and our Judges are convicted of the crime they lay to our charge. Surely this is to turn upside down Justice and Judicature. 3. The Inquisition meddleth not with those who never were Catholics; but the penal Laws comprehend them who never were of their Church, or communion. 4. The Inquisition condemns no Heretics to death, but only declares their heresy, to the end the faithful may avoid their conversation: its true the secular power executeth the secular against them, notwitstanding that the Inquisition doth protest against that rigour, and desireth that Heretics may not be punished with death, or effusion of blood: this protestation and petition is now, and hath always been the continual practice of the Roman Church; but the penal Laws of Protestants are written with bloody characters, all their Courts are stained with the innocent and noble blood of many learned and loyal Subjects, only because they would not take an oath against their conscience, and abjure the Faith of their Christian Ancestors. 5. Though the Inquisition were as unjust, and rigorous, as some of the ignorant Protestants pretend, it could be no blemish to the Catholic Religion, because it is not an universal practice, but limited to Spain and Italy, at the instance of secular Princes, who look upon it as a necessary means to keep their Subjects of those Nations in the fear of God, and in awe of their Sovereigns. But the penal Laws of England are spread as fare as their Protestant Church and communion. 6. The Inquisition doth seriously wish and endeavour the conversion amendment of Heretics, employing learned Divines to convince them of their errors, and instruct them in the way of salvation: but the penal Laws, and the oaths of supremacy, allegiance, and abjuration, are like so many nets cast out by Protestants, to fish estates in troubled consciences; a fare different method from that of the Apostles, who were fishers of men, and not of estates: Protestants fish for estates, though not always with success. In King james his reign, a Scot begged of his Majesty an English Catholics estate, to whom he procured that the oath of supremacy might be tendered, never imagining that the Gentleman would take it, or go to Church, and damn his soul to save his estate: the Gentleman offered the Scot a fair composition, but nothing would satisfy this beggar; if he had not made the Catholic also a beggar; who at length resolved to show himself in the Church; whereupon the Scot made him a most devout and learned exhortation, dissuading him from all Protestant assemblies, often repeating and explaining the words of our Saviour, What doth it avail a man, if he games all the world by the loss of his sale? Yet the English man remained obstinate, and resolved rather to give his soul to the Devil, than his estate to a Scot I believe there are many such beggarly Preachers now adays in England; if they consider well the text of the Scots Sermon, they may apply it better to themselves, then to Roman Catholics.  
6 The last pretext for persecuting of English Catholics, is the massacre and murder of Protestants in Ireland, in the beginning of the late troubles; and this must be a preamble to all Proclamations and Oaths of abjuration. What hath an English Catholic to do with an lrish massacre? I am sure he doth not thirst by nature after the blood of his own Nation; and his Religion doth neither incline him to murder, or rebellion. That is a privilege of Protestancy: we have a settled sense of Scripture, which none can alter without breach of Catholic Faith; and we are not Judges of our own Controversies, but must submit to a third and indifferent person. But as for the murders and massacres of Ireland, so much and so often exaggerated in Protestant Pamphlets and Pulpits, I only say, that Protestancy had a greater hand in them, than Catholic Religion, because our Tenets are contrary to cruelty, and bloodshed; and though Catholics may be as guilty of murder as other men, the Religion cannot. Is it not notorious that the Protestants in Ireland signed a bloody Petition, offered to the Parliament of England, that all Irish who would not go to Church, might be extirpated, or banished? This was done before the Irish Catholics did stir. But suppose that in Ulster some of the rascality or kerns (being exasperated by so many and continual injuries done to them by Protestants) had murdered some persons; must that reflect upon the English Catholics, and all the Irish Nation? It is most certain and evident, that the murders and massacres done in Ireland by Protestants, exceeded without comparison those committed by Catholics, as well in respect of their brutishness, as numerousness. Witness their marches about Dublin, where the Inhabitants were all of English extraction, and spoke no other language but the ancient Saxon. There are very few of that populous Country called Fingale left alive, all perished, by fire and sword, being a most innocent people, and having nothing I rishlike in them, but Catholic Religion. In the march of the Protestant Army to the County of Wicklo, man, woman, and child was killed; a Gentle woman big with child was hanged at an arch of a bridge, and the poor Catholic that guided the Army, for reward of his service at parting, being commanded to blow into a pistol, was shot therewith into the mouth, though there had been no murder committed on the Protestants in that County. In another march into the same shire, one Master Comain an aged Gentleman, who never bore arms, was roasted alive by one Captain 'Gins; yea they murdered all that came in their way from within two miles of Dublin.  
In a march into the County of Kildare, in, or about February 1641. some of the Officers going into Mrs. Eustate of Cradogstons' house, a sister to Sir William Talbot of eighty years of age, who being unable to shun, entertained them with meat and drink; after dinner, herself and another old Gentlewoman, and a girl of eight years of age, were murdered by the said Protestant Officers.  
Walter Evers Esquire, aged and sickly, and of a long time before the war bedridden, being carried by his servants in a litter to shun the fury of the Army, was taken and hanged. In Westmeath Master Gauley a Gentleman of a good estate, having a protection and showing it, hoping thereby to save his goods, lost his life, having his protection laid on his breast, & was shot through it, to try whether it was proof. Master Thomas Talbot a Gentleman of 90. years of age, and a great serviture in Queen Elizabeth's wars in Ireland, having a protection also, was murdered.  
Seven or eight hundred women and children, ploughmen and labourers, were burned and murdered in a day in the King's land (a tract within seven miles or Dublin) where neither murder, nor pillage had been committed on the Protestants Whensoever the Army went abroad, the poor Country people did betake themselves to the firres, where the Protestant Officers did besiege them, and set the firres on fire; such as shunned and escaped that element, were killed by the besieging Army, and this they termed a ●unting, sporting thenselves with the blood of innocents', These barbarous and savage cruelties were ordinary not only near Dublin, but in all other parts of the Kingdom, wheresoever the Protestants were, and may be read in divers Remonstrances and Relations published in the beginning of the late troubles.  
But why do we detain ourselves in particulars, when all the world seethe how the whole Irish Nation is murdered by the Transplantation into Conaght, and by transporting them into the plantations of America? Not content to starve them in those places, Protestants are resolved also to damn them, forcing them to an oath of abjuration against their consciences, and the public Faith, given not only by printed Declarations in the name of the English Parliament to the Irish Catholics an. 1649 and 1652. That the oath of abjuration shall not be administered to any in Ireland; but also by an express article granted in a Treaty to the Catholics of Ireland at Kilkenny, the 12. of May 1652. in confidence whereof, and of much more to the same effect, the Irish submitted, and laid down their arms, being assured that they should enjoy the freedom and liberty of their consciences, and not be molested for not going to Church, or any Protestant worship of God, who in due time will comfort his people, confound his enemies, destroy Protestancy the murderer of souls and Catholic Nations.  
Do not divers in these very times prove their constant affection to the Parliament, by showing their names subscribed to this cruel Petition? Doth not the Mayor, who then was of Londonderry, an Englishman and a Protestant, with many others, testify, that there was not a drop of English blood drawn in the North of Ireland (where the war begun) until the daughter of O Hara, an Irish Lord, was most barbarously murdered by Protestants? But whosoever desires to be satisfied in this particular of Ireland, let him read, amongst all others, the printed Remonstrance of the Irish Confederate Catholics, delivered by their Commissioners the Lord Viscount Preston, and Sir Robert Talbot, the 17. of March 1642. to his Majesty's Commissioners at Trim, and there he will see at large, how the Catholics desired that the murders on both sides might be punished, and how they were forced to take arms by the wicked practices of Sir Willium Persons, Sir Charles Coote, and other Protestants, who then governed that Kingdom: the best news you could give the Council at Dublin, was, that such a Gentleman, or Nobleman, had retired (for fear of being murdered) from his house: this was evidence enough to declare him a Rebel, and confiscate his estate; their phrase was, They had another estate to divide amongst themselves and their friends; and seemed to rejoice more at the taking arms of one estated man, then if all the Kingdom had laid down arms and submitted. Whatsoever men may say in passion of the Irish war, its evident that Protestancy had a greater influence upon it, than the Roman Catholic Religion, and therefore ought not to be made the preface, or pretext or persecution, or oaths of abjuration.  
7 By what hath been said in this Chapter, it appeareth, that penal Laws and Oaths against the Catholic Roman Religion, destroy the ground of Justice, and the form of Judicature, because the witnesses have no evidence for their testimony, the Judges not any for their sentence, and the Legislatour as little for the Law. They are blocks laid in the way for Catholics to stumble at, and occasions of scandal, whereby they must damn their souls, or lose their livelihood. How is it possible that any Christian men can drive others into such straits and necessities? What Judge can find in his heart to condemn a man to death and loss of goods, because he will not of his own accord forfeit his share of happiness in the other life? But let them who pronounce sentences against Catholics for conscience, remember, that a day will come, when themselves must stand at the bar, and hear their dreadful doom without hopes of reprivall. God's Justice hath fallen visibly upon some of them even in this world, to the astonishment of many and repentance of very few. The memory of Justice Glanviles strange wound and death, by an iuvisible hand, is yet fresh in Lincoln, where in the end of Queen Elizabeth's reign, he condemned two Priests, Sprat and Hunt, for refusing the oath of supremacy; and not long after, was suddenly strucken from his horse, and killed by such another blow as we read of julian the Apostata. 
Spondanus an. 1579. Cambden in his Annals relates the death of Drury, but not the occasion.  Drury Lord Deputy of Ireland was cited to appear before the throne of God's judgement within the space of 15. days, by the venerable Bishop and Marly Fr. Pathrike Ochely of the order of Saint Francis, whom he commanded to be put to death for not taking the oath of supremacy: and so it happened; for the 14. day Drury died of so intolerable a disease, that he cried aloud, he was tormented with all the pains of hell.  
8 Many other remarkable things might be set down for the comfort of Catholics, and terror of their persecutors; these may suffice to prove, that God doth not approve of penal Statutes and oaths against the Roman Catholic Religion, and that the sword of divine Justice will always hang over the English Nation, until they model their Laws to the Law of God, nature, and equity. And though weak and covetous Politicians be of a contrary opinion, I am confident they will in time learn by experience, that malicious policy must not give the Law to divine Providence, nor their injustice prevail against God's mercies; to whose divine Majesty we Catholics continual prey for the conversion of our most cruel persecutors, and hope they will be reduced to the way of reason and salvation, sooner than they deserve. But in case the Lord be pleased to permit them carry on their barbarous persecution, Catholics must not despair, but assure themselves, that then they are most favoured by God, when they are most oppressed by Heretics; and that even in this life, he will, in due time, provide for those who suffer for his sake, and persevere constantly in his Faith and service. But if they will, by taking the oath of objuration, or dissembling the Catholic Religion, matriculate themselves in the devil's books, and blot their names out of the book of life, they may both in this, and the next, expect to be dealt withal according to their perjury and perfidious policy; whereby though they may thrive for few and uncertain days, they may be sure that, even in this world, God will be revenged of their posterity, and deprive them of that poor inheritance, which their fond and damned parents purchased for them with the oath of abjuration, and the loss of their souls for all eternity.  
9 Hitherto I have spent much time and paper with Politicians, who are either Atheists or Protestants by profession. Now I must in the following Chapters instruct not only them, but others also of whatsoever Religion they seem to be, and exhort them to moral honesty, without which there can be no solid wisdom, or policy. Therefore that Princes may be persuaded how contrary it is, even to their designs and interest, to countenance vice, and contemn virtue; I will presume to put them in mind of some gross and dangerous errors, mistaken in these later and abortive ages by Politicians. The salvation of souls depends much upon Princes, whose greatest obligation is, to govern their Subjects by men that have souls, and are not void of all truth, honesty, and honour. My design is, either to convert Machiavilians, or at least to persuade, that it is not their interest to pervert others by ill example and unconscionable proceed. And because Princes cannot treat all businesses with their equals, or with their own Subjects, immediately by themselves, but of necessicy must make use of Ambassadors, Ministers, and Counsellors of State, I will briefly treat of what vices such persons must shun, and demonstrate that truth and moral honesty is the foundation and prop of Policy: which Doctrine is no less true, then contrary to that definition of an Ambassador, Homo peregre missus ad mentiondum Reipublicae causa, so much applanded and practised by men that understand not how prejudicial untruths are, not only to their businesses, but to humane society. Therefore in first place I will endeavour to prove   

CHAP. XI.  
That it is impossible for a Politician to compass his designs by untruths and impostures; and that nothing is more contrary to Policy, than vanity.  
1 THe principal part of Policy consists in wedding other men's interests to our own, by making appear, that there is a necessity, or great conveniency in their conjunction. And because the interests of Princes are seldom so united, but some contrariety may be discovered, there is great danger, that Ambassadors, or Ministers of State, may endeavour to set forth their Master's cause, not as it is, but as they wish it were, and supply with untruths what in reality is wanting. There are some men who tell lies with so ill a grace, and garb, that you may easily perceive how little their thoughts do agree with their words, and how fare themselves are from crediting what they would have others believe; their language is so stuffed with affectation, that you may see its rather a piece of artificial memory, than a sincere and hearty expression. Others are more cunning, and give so good a colour to untruths, that they may deceive the wisest men the first or second time. This cheating art and eloquence is soon learned, because it requireth little wit, less judgement, and no conscience; and this is the reason why it is so common. But it cannot be long concealed, it will be very soon discovered either by the incoherency of the Orators speech, or by some evidence contradicting his relation, or not compatible with his vain undertaking. They must be very simple men who are overreached by the faculty of lying; their first credulity may be attributed to want of judgement, but the second argues want of memory, with which even fools abound, and may serve their turn, by putting them in mind of the former cheat, and defend them from being fooled the second time by the same impostor.  
2 If Politicians who make untruths the foundation of their businesses, were to deal with the greatest fools, the most they might expect, would be to be credited in their first or second audience; in the third they may with reason fear an affront, or at least that all businesses will be at a stand: for, how can a wise Prince, or prudent Minister of State, build a design upon a man's information, whose custom and passetime is to cheat others. He that is given to lies, regards not honour, or conscience, and consequently will make no scruple to embark his Master's interest in a rotten bottom, provided himself may be assured to gain any thing by the naufrage or miscarriage of the design. This at least will be the suspicion of those with whom he is in treaty, and though they may hear with patience his harangues, they will suspend their judgements until their doubts be taken away by some other information, and confirmation. And though his intelligence should prove true, it will not be judged sincere, neither will his credit be any thing increased in their opinions, because cunning liars tell truth sometimes, that they may seem to speak it always: therefore the maxim of great Statesmen is, rather to delay businesses, and hazard the loss of opportunities, then undertake any upon the word and relation of an impostor. It's as impossible to profit the Prince or Commonwealth by untruths, as it is to fool the wisest men of the world, with whom businesses are dealt: yet this character of Mentiri pro Republica, hath made the world so suspicious of statesmen's ingenuity, that few of them are believed in ordinary discourse. Henry the iv of France assured the Hollanders, that Spinola would not besiege a certain Town of theirs that campana, because Spinola told him he would, and was as good as his word, contrary to the King and State's expectation, and gained the Town more by speaking truth, then by fight. Ministers of State may conceal the truth, and not speak it to curious and impertinent persons, but they ought not to conceal it by speaking untruths.  
3 Vain men are most given to lies of any, because they tell untruths not only to others, but to themselves; to others by words, and to themselves by their fond conceits of their own abilities and parts: whence it proceeds, that they reflect not upon the incoherency of their words, because having deceived themselves by an extraordinary opinion of themselves and of their own judgement, they are confident of deceiving without out the least hazard of being caught in a lie, the only thing that makes a liar circumspect. A vain man doth imagine, that wise and sober men are as much taken with flatteries, as he is with flattering himself; and therefore in all occasions doth practise his parasitical art so plainly and absurdly, that they who are least concerned, cannot forbear to blush, and wish themselves fare enough from so ungrateful and injurious an Orator; yet he apprehends non injury done, because he doth to others, what he would have done to himself.  
4 A man who mistakes himself so grossly, must needs be mistaken in others, and in businesses, for which he is as unfit, as he imagineth himself proper. Designs upon others must be first applied to ourselves; we must consider what ourselves would do to prevent or quash them, in case they had come to our knowledge, and accordingly judge of our enemies; not contemn their wit, or valour, as vain men do all others compared with themselves. The only way therefore to effect a design, is to keep it secret, and a vain man is as little master of his thoughts and of a secrecy, as of his tongue. He must proclaim to all the world, how much he is trusted, and to the end none may doubt of it, he will betray his trust, and reveal the secrecy (which is the life of businesses) to any that will hear him, and seem to congratulate and applaud his intimacy with his Prince, or others, to whom he is employed. But if himself doth undertake to set a design afoot, he will be so set upon vain speculations, that there will be as little room for the practical part, as there was for Archimedes to stand in, when he undertook to demonstrate, that he could move the earth. Vain men are great undertakers, and promise to move both heaven and earth, make stirs and revolutions upon Sea and Land; but when it comes to the push, they are as fare from performance, as Archimedes was from turning the earth upside down.  
5 By this it appears how necessary it is for Princes to make choice of stayed, sober, and sincere men to do their businesses: the best letter of credence is the employed persons, truth, and integrity; without which nothing will be effected; nothing being more odious, than a presumptuous, lying, and vain man; to cross him, his Master's business may be crossed; silence and delays will be his answer, which is a significant language in wise and civil Courts; though vain men are not capable of understanding any expression however so clear that may seem to call in question their own favour and success, and will rather strive against the Court's inclination, then acknowledge that themselves can be ungrateful or mistrusted. Wise men will be loath to tax the Minister of another Prince of any fault, though the proof were evident: therefore the Prince who employed him, must not take for granted, that others are satisfied of his truth & ingenuity, because they do not declare their minds in words: there is no language better understood amongst Statesmen, than the progress of the business you propose; if it goeth on roundly, they understand you; if there be rubs & stops, you may understand them if you please, and may assure yourself, that there is something amiss either in the business, or in the person that followeth it: and if the business be as advantageous to the Court as is pretended, and yet is not advanced; the person who treateth it, cannot be grateful to the Ministers: and this is the practice and language of wise Statesmen and civil Conrtiours, as you may see in Antonio Perez his Letters, who after his escape into France, became a Mediator in that Court for a Friend; but by the delays and civil language of the Ministers, understood their meaning, as one who had practised the same art in the Court of Spain. Wherefore let Politicians persuade thcmselves, that truth and plain dealing is not so contrary to policy and businesses, as some Sir Politics would be, do vainly imagine. But from their words let us pass to their deeds, and prove   

CHAP. XII.  
That it is impossible to be a wise Statesman, and effect businesses, without moral honesty; and that it is most dangerous for a Prince to have Counsellors that are dishonest men.  
1 KNavery now adays hath gained so much credit in Courts, and amongst weak Politicians, that you do a man an injury (in their opinion) if you call him an honest man: they think that to be honest, or to be a fool, are synonimas, or the same thing. A dishonest man can neither be trusted at home nor abroad, and by consequence can be no Statesman; foreign Princes will have nothing to do with him, and the Subjects less, if they can have access to their Prince without him. It's impossible for him to counterfeit honesty; if he be not really honest, it will be soon discovered, because honesty consists more in deeds, then in words, and though wicked thoughts may be concealed by good language, actions cannot, seeing they must appear and be censured by all the world according to their merit. The best part of Policy consists in persuading others to what you aim at; and eloquence of words will not do, when deeds are contrary. So that it is as impossible for one to be a wise Politician without moral honesty, as it is to conceal the wickedness of visible actions, that admit of no good interpretation; or to persuade men that nothing is intended by dishonest and destructive ways, but honest and plain dealing. If all the rest of the world were blind fools, dishonest men might pass amongst them for wise Politicians.  
2 What prejudice such men draws upon Princes that follow their advice, though not their example, is obvious to every Christian that will consider, how much God's Providence is engaged in crossing wicked counsels and designs. But because we are to deal now with persons that laugh at God and his Providence, as at skarcrowes, whereby simple folks are frighted out of their wits and interest, we must wave that argument, and speak to fools in their own language, that is, only of temporal motives and humane respects. A dishonest man is always busied with wicked plots, and employs his creatures (who are as pernicious as himself) in all places of gain, trust, and honour: all men of parts and merits are excluded, because they scorn to be spies, pimps, or slaves to dishonest Counsellors, or to such as are raised from the dirt by their favour, and govern the Commonwealth. There is nothing that the multitude doth more resent, then to see worthy and virtuous men neglected, because though men hate virtue in themselves, they love it in others; besides, worth and virtue are the two wings wherewith persons of low descent hope to be raised to any height and preferment, which if they see clipped in others, they will despair to be supported by them, and will declare to all men with whom they converse, how little they are to expect from those, whose interest is grounded upon vice, and dishonest proceed. From this common discontent, managed by some factious and politic head, the Subjects come many times to rebel against his Prince, for not punishing or banishing his evil Counsellors; and these, who look more upon their own preservation, than the Prince his safety or honour, engage him more and more in their quarrel, by persuading him, that to Rebels nothing must be granted; who at length get all by force, with the ruin of their Sovereign and his posterity. All this you may see verified in the life of Edward the Second King of England.  
3 But in case the quite contrary way be taken, and that the Subjects (to comply with perverse inclinations, and those who are in power) strive who shall be most wicked, from thence must greater danger arise to the Prince, then from any other emulation, or discontent. Virtuous men are few, and consequently the Prince may without great difficulty find them employments: but if vice be rewarded, he will not find in his Kingdom wherewith to content half the number of dishonest pretenders; and to satisfy some few of them, is to disgust all the rest, who being men of as little honour as conscience, will make use of their number and power, to obtain what they could not by favour, and will climb up to the height of their ambition by force and wicked devices. This is the reason why Princes ought to esteem and reward virtue, and discountenance vice, and why none ought to be of his Council, whose integrity is not notorious to his Subjects; for, how can a Prince discountenance vice, if his Favourits be vicious and dishonest persons? Their ill example may be his ruin, because all men who desire to be preferred, will prostitute their consciences to the Favourits will and pleasure, and neglect his Master; and when the Favourite hath gained the greatest part of the Subjects to his own devotion, perhaps he will plot something against the Sovereign's person, and promote to the royal Throne some of his own relations. A Prince cannot be too suspicious and jealous of dishonest Counsellors; the greatest tye of fidelity being conscience, they who have none must prove disloyal, whensoever it stands with their conveniency. Therefore it's most dangerous, and want of true Policy in Princes, to trust themselves or their affairs in the hands of such men: for, though it be their interest this day to be faithful to their King, it may be the contrary to morrow; I am sure it can never be his interest to stick to them, or own their dishonest proceed. The interest of Kings lieth in the affection of his Subjects, and its impossible they should affect a King, who not only protects, but owns manifest injustices. Subjects are men, and as apt to resent and revenge injuries, as the Sovereign. He must handle them very gently, and not expose them to the contempt or tyranny of wicked Ministers; for, though they may have patience for a time, at length they may grow furious, and he will find himself mistaken in their temper, when it is too late to dismiss or punish those who occasioned their distempers.  
4 Amongst all Princes ruined by the wickedness of Ministers, none is more to be pitied then Edward the VI of England, because he could as little depose as choose his Counselors, being always in his minority. It is the opinion of most Writers, that Dudley Duque of Northumberland, after beheading Seamour the Protector, did poison the King, to the end his son Guildford, who married the Lady jane Grace, might, in her right, be King, and himself in the right and reign of his son, govern England, excluding Queen Mary, and the Queen of Scots. I do not think that any history can give testimony of more dishonest Counselors in one time, and in one Kingdom, than we read of in this poor child's reign. Seamour himself violated his oath and promise given to Henry the VIII. that no new Religion should be brought into England during the King's minority. Afterwards he caused his own brother to be beheaded. The Duque of Northumberland plotted the King's death, dissembled his Faith, which at length upon the scaffold he professed, dying a Roman Catholic, and exhorting the Nation to stick to that Religion. But what I desire Princes should reflect upon, is, how dangerous it is for them, to have Counselors void of all Religion and conscience. A man would think that Dudley could have no other interest, but that of King Edward, whom he ruled together with the Kingdom; and yet we see how fare he went to fetch a contrary interest, and by what wicked and dishonest ways. There is no interest remote, or too fare from one of a large conscience, if he be persuaded its more for his purpose, than the present which he manageth. Let Princes therefore countenance virtue, and banish vice from their Courts and Counsels, if they have any care of their own interest and security. But now let us see   

CHAP. XIII.  
How necessary it is for a Statesman to be a man of honour, and of his word; and how great a difference there is between Policy and Craft?  
1 ALl Statesmen must be Gentlemen in their actions. They must shun as much mean ways in themselves, as they must seem not to dislike of them in other mean persons, whom they employ or entertain as necessary and base instruments. They must countenance spies, but scorn to be spies themselves. The maxim of a Statesman must be, not to betray any man that confides in him; for, the food of Policy is information and knowledge of businesses, which none will give that is afraid of being betrayed. A man may be faithful to his Prince, without being a Traitor to his Subjects, or any other; and the favour of a Minister with his Prince, must not be grounded upon information of other men's defects, but upon his own services, strength of judgement, and dexterity of managing affairs. He who creeps into favour by telling tales, and such mean ways, is rather a petty spy and informer, than a wise Statesman. I have known a great Minister of State, who told a Gentleman that desired to be advised by him, he would help him in what he could, but warned him before hand, that he would make use of any thing he heard for his Master's service; and therefore bid him consider, whether it was for his purpose to communicate unto him any secrecy. This was honourable and plain dealing; he would serve his King, and not betray others: and yet this Minister of State is known to be as faithful to his Master, as ever Subject was to Prince, having lost for his service as great an estate, as any Subject in our parts of Christendom doth possess.  
2 There are some persons that place the essence of a Politician, in being a Favourite of that faction which actually beareth sway: they think it wisdom (though not worth) to change their friends as often as these do their fortune, and (which is worse) to become enemies or those who raised them from nothing, because it's so necessary to humour the present power. Such cutpurses and cutthroats are the infamy of Courts, and the dregs of Commonwealths. No wise Statesman can trust them, because if the Prince doth but frown at him, he may be sure to receive a kick from so mercenary and ungrateful fellows, who may be called crafty companions, but no wise Politicians. Beasts may be crafty, but not wise or politic: craft, even in men, requires but little wit, or policy: there is a great difference between a crafty fool, and a wise Politician. These crafty fools, or Court spies, have no less worth in them, than many brute beasts, that preserve a grateful memory to their benefactors; and show as little judgement as honour, in accommodating themselves to the times in so shameless a manner. A man is not bound in conscience, or honour, to strive obstinately for his Friend against the torrent of a Court, and the violence of a wilful Prince, but he is obliged not to side with his enemies. It is no rash judgement to think, that he who becomes an enemy to his Friend only upon the score of the present power, or prevailing faction, will do the same to his Prince, if ever he be overpowerd by any that will admit of such infamous Parasites into his favour. Such mean Creatures are more fit for goals than Courts, for footmen than friends, for spies than servants, and for infamous pimps, then for wise Statesmen.  
3 Policy and Craft do not only differ by reason of the diversity of the judgements and capacities of the persons, but also do require different objects; policy being ordained for great and weighty affairs, and craft only for petty tricks and poor devices. It's as absurd to see a Statesman busy himself about mean and little matters as it is to see an Ape sit amongst Counselors of State, or a crafty fool debate matters of great concernment. Though the Lacedæmonians did pardon cutpurses and thiefs, when they committed the crime with exquisite craft, yet they never thought fit to make them Counselors of the Commonwealth, knowing full well the difference that there is between craft and Policy: a man may be wary and circumspect as to his own particular concerns, and yet be very unfit to govern a Kingdom or Commonwealth, the first proceeds from selfelove; the second requires great judgement; and though no man of great judgement hates himself, yet many love themselves that have but little judgement, and consequently may be fit to have a care of their own interest, but not to direct the affairs of Princes and Kingdoms.  
4 A Statesman must also be a man of his word, that is, he must perform whatsoever he promised, either in public or private. To be a man of word, is more than not to speak untruths, or tell lies; for, one may not perform what he promised, and yet not tell a lie, because when he promised, he intended to perform, and spoke not against his mind, which he afterwards changed. But a Statesman must stand as much upon punctual performance of his promise, as a Merchant upon punctual payment of his bills; both live and traffic upon credit, if that be lost, none will deal with either. The best way to keep a man's word, is, not to engage it in any thing, which he is not sure to perform, and consequently not to promise what depends upon the will and pleasure of the Prince, without acquainting him not only with the matter, but also with the circumstances, because one circumstance may alter the case, and give occasion to dislike the whole business. It is a poor come of, in a Minister of State, to say, It's true I promised such a thing, but I cannot command my Master, nor perform without his allowance. This looks like a cheat, and must be fare from the mouth and thoughts of a Statesman, whose profession is to deal warily, but not to cousin. He ought to have acquainted his Master with the business, before it was concluded, and not bring his honour in question, by concluding him a pupil, seeing his Minister durst conclude such matters without his consent and approbation. The Prince his word is engaged in the promise of his chief Minister, at least his honour is tainted by the nonperformance, he must either make good his Minister's word, or acknowledge that himself was but a cifer when his Minister concluded the business; so that not only for his own, but for for his Master's sake, the Statesman must be a man of his word, and punctual in performing.  
5 There is not any thing that puts a Prince or Minister of State in greater danger and necessities, than nonperformance; because it is a resignation of the right they have to be performed withal by others: it is the ground of a confederacy against their credit and reputation, which is the greatest treasure and best support of Princes, who cannot always be furnished with money for their Armies, Navies, and other occasions; therefore they must borrow it from their Subjects or friends, who will look upon the greatest Monarch as upon a Bankropt, if he be not punctual in making good his word and promise. And truly when Princes do not perform, it is to be supposed they are not able, because only an impossibility can force them to omit a thing so necessary for their preservation and reputation, the loss of which is the greatest blow that a Monarchy or Commonwealth can receive. But from this danger let us pass to another, and prove   

CHAP. XIV.  
That nothing is more dangerous to a Prince, or contrary to Policy, then to make use of Ministers of State odious to his own Subjects, either for their vices or misfortunes.  
1 Kingdoms and Commonwealths are ruined by civil wars, a foreign Enemy may easily be kept of, if all be united at home; but if there be division amongst themselves, a foreign Enemy is superfluous, the work will be done and the Kingdom undone without him. A Prince that maketh use of odious Ministers of State, doth declare war against his own Subjects, or at least giveth them occasion to declare war against himself. The greatest difficulty that Subjects find in their subjection, is to obey the King's Ministers: when himself commands, they take it for an honour; but when a fellow Subject commands, though he doth it in the King's name and by his authority, they can hardly digest that pill, because that which should temper and sweeten it, makes it more ungrateful, to wit, the King's authority, which in a Subject is as bitter as gale, though in himself it be most pleasing: the more Kingly a Subject looks, the more are the people offended with his sight and commands; he is an object of envy, not of love.  
2 And the reason of this antipathy is, because he who represents the King's person, doth not command with the King's mouth, nor with the Kings will, but with his own; in reality it's he that commands, not the King, though he tells you the contrary, and that his Majesty doth morally speak and command in him: few Subjects understand this distinction and morality; they see the King is not present & that one of their own Comrades commands them as absolutely as their Sovereign; this is all they see and feel: other formalities and moralities are but fictions of the Law, whereby we are commanded to imagine that the King speaketh, when his Minister uttereth any thing in his Majesty's name: men are slow in feigning or imagining any thing to their own disadvantage, or contrary to their inclination; and nothing is more contrary to humane nature, then to acknowledge superiority in our equals; wherefore there is great difficulty in obeying a Subject, because we are evidently convinced that he is our equal, and a Subject, though he commands like our King and Superior; and we are more inclined to feign and imagine, that he is unworthy of the King's authority, then that he ought to be endowed with so great a prerogative; at least we wish he were not, and our wishes are the best interpreters of our inclinations. And though many times the person that commands us be capable of the greatest trust, yet they who are commanded, are apt to imagine, that he betrayeth it, or at least exceedeth his commission or instructions, than they are to obey or to imagine that the King hath as great a hand in the command as is pretended.  
3 Men being so apt of their own nature to take fire of sedition, when they are commanded of their equals, against whom they have no other aversion, or quarrel, but his authority, and the Prince his favour; into what flames of rebellion may we presume will they break forth, when their natural inclinations are fomented by the passions of contempt and hatred against the Prince his Officer or Counsellor, for his vices or misfortunes? They will imagine that he is as mindful, as themselves are fearful of revenge, and will attribute his commands more to passion, then to any zeal of his Master's service, or good of the Commonwealth. And in case it be evident that nothing is done without the Prince his privity and warrant, they will persuade themselves that the ground of the Prince his warrant, is their Enemy's information, if not his importunity to annihilate all those who are not his Creatures. When he promotes any of his own relations, however so well deserving, he is looked upon as partial, unjust, and unfit for the government. If he keeps a great train, he is proud; if given to hospitality or civil conversation, he strives to make himself popular, and is a dangerous man; all his words and actions are misinterpreted, or not understood, because he is hated by the generality of the people, who are the supreme Judges, or rather Creators of a good and ill fame; and good fame is as necessary for a Minister of State, as policy; the want of it in a Counsellor is more dangerous to the Prince, than the want of wisdom, or experience: this may be supplied by the Prince his own judgement, and application to businesses; but the ill name and reputation of a Minister cannot be helped by the Prince his goodness, nay rather his own fame and judgement will be called in question, for putting his affairs into the hands of a person infamous in the opinion of his people, or at least unfortunate in his designs.  
4 Sometimes it may happen, that really the Prince his Minister, or Counsellor, is injured by the opinion of the world, and that the people have no other crime to lay to his charge, but their own hatred: therefore Princes do often strive against the multitude, to maintain the innocency of their Officers against so unreasonable a passion. This argues in the Prince a very good nature and an inclination to Justice, and is much to be commended, if what he desires can be effected: yet it's a very hard task, because the greatest innocency once condemned by the verdict of the people, will hardly have the sentence recalled, though never so unjust: the same passion of hatred that prevailed against so clear innocency, doth make men obstinate in adhering to the false judgements they have once given of a good Ministers abilities or actions. The multitude is compared to a beast, it may be tamed, but never by reason persuaded to alter their fancy, or opinion once conceived and grounded upon passion, whereby the major part are led. The wisdom of a politic Prince doth not consist in making the multitude wise, that being a thing impossible, it consisteth in applying his own wisdom to direct their humours by reason, in due times and occasions. The art of riding the great horse, requires wit and judgement in the horseman, but not in the horse; it doth not consist in communicating wit or judgement to the horse, but in applying with dexterity his own art to the beasts humour. A wise Prince must humour the multitude, as men humour beasts which they teach or tame, he must not strive to make them wise and reasonable, though they must be managed by wisdom & reason. They are as uncapable of altering a popular error and common hatred against a Counsellor or Minister of State, as old mules are of leaving of their jadish tricks. The Prince must have patience, and dissemble with this humoursome beast, the multitude, and govern them by Ministers that are not odious, but grateful to them; if not, they may play him a jadish trick, and kick at him, for the hatred they bear to his Minister. The only way for the Prince to he rid of this danger and trouble, is, to make choice of so good and virtuous Ministers, that no calumny can prejudice their fame, nor hatred find matter to carp at in their actions. So that when all comes to all, we see that honesty and integrity is the ground of policy, and that wisdom without virtue in a Minister of State, is of most dangerous consequence to his Prince. Therefore in my opinion it's an evident proof of wisdom, and a laudable custom in Princes, to make use of Bishops and Clergymen in their Counsels, because it's presumed they are more than ordinarily virtuous. But seeing many are of a contrary sense, I will examine it, and prove   

CHAP. XV.  
That it is great wisdom and policy in Princes, to make use of Clergymen in State affairs.  
1 THat it hath been the continual practice amongst the Jews, to let the Priests share in the government of the Commonwealth, is evident by many examples in Scripture▪ and amongst Christians, you will not read of one age, wherein the Clergy have not had their heads and hands in politic affairs, by order of their Princes, and consent of the people. To exclude them from this custom and practice, because some of them made not as good use thereof as they ought, is an argument more familiar to seculars, then advantageous; fewer Churchmen than seculars have abused their power, or betrayed their trust; nay it hath been as rare amongst them, as ordinary amongst seculars, to make ill use of their King's favour and interest, and yet seculars do not think it reasonable, that all themselves should be excluded by the Princes, or people, from the government of the Commonwealth, though some of them have been more mistaken, and are more subject to err in that art, than the Clergy: their argument therefore may be with more force retorted against themselves.  
3 Politicians are Joiner's by their trade, their art consists in joining the common good with the interest of the Prince. It must be a clear judgement that will not confound these two things, and he must be no less virtuous, then wary, that will not incline more to one side, then to the other. Seculars are pleased to acknowledge more virtue in Churchmen, then in themselves, but they doubt much of their judgements. If study of sciences and knowledge of what passed in former ages, doth perfect man's understanding, Churchmen have the advantage of seculars in judging of affairs, who have not so much time to spare from their passetimes, nor so great an inclination and obligation to learn, as the Clergy. But seculars, though they were as learned as Churchmen, cannot apply themselves so seriously to the study of the common good, because they have much more to consider in particular and domestic affairs; they must provide for their wife, and dispose of their children. Yet in case they should spend but little time in so near a concernment, they cannot deny, that the Prince and Commonwealth run a hazard in trusting them with public offices and revenues, out of which they will be very apt to provide portions for their daughters, and employments for their sons: Clergymen are neither troubled themselves, nor trouble the Commonwealth with such burden, and consequently are more fit than seculars to manage the public affairs. A Churchman perhaps may endeavour to promote his Nephew, but there is great difference between the affection of a Father and of an Uncle.  
3 The obligation and custom which Churchmen have, to spend more hours in their devotions than seculars, doth give more advantage by perfecting their minds, than it doth prejudice by taking up their time; not only because with God no time is lost, who recompenseth abundantly by his grace and illustrations, other studies and thoughts; but also because true policy must direct all things with subordination to God's Law, and the more we meditate therein, the better Politicians we are. Yet Churchmen after complying with their devotions, have more time to consider of affairs, than seculars, who are more in the Tavern then in the Church, and frequent other passetimes when Churchmen are in their studies.  
4 All mankind is so much concerned in the government of Commonwealths, that it is not improper for the most retired of the Clergy sometimes to appear in public affairs. We read of Monks that came along from Egypt to Constantinople, to treat with Emperors about matters of great concernment: Hermits have returned to the world from the deserts, when they judged it necessary for the common good. Suppose a man were buried alive in a grot under the walls of a Town, to the end he might shun humane conversation; if he doth hear the Enemy undermining the wall, he is bound in conscience to leave his retirement, and give notice of the common danger. When a house is a fire, they who are next, must run to quench it. There is no profession so retired, or so contrary to the management of State affairs that can excuse men from appearing in public, when they are concerned in the good of a Nation, or Religion, especially if they be next in trust of a Treaty, or knowledge of a danger. Much lessmann men separated from the world, deny access to others, who demand their advice in doubtful and intricate matters of State, wherein conscience may run a hazard. Princes and Counselors consult their Confessors in Cloisters, and think them more apt to judge of worldly affairs, than others that live and negotiate in the world. It is no disparagement for that grave and sage Counsel of Spain, that the King's Confessor hath a place and vote amongst them; he may be a witness that nothing is resolved, which is not agreeable to Christian and Catholic principles; his profession is not contrary to an office out of which so much good may be derived to others. Bishops are Counselors in France, and all other Catholic Countries, and Abbots, who profess a most retired life, came from their Cloisters and Cells to sit in Parliament, when Religion did flourish most in England; and the same is practised to this day in other Nations, with as great satisfaction of the Prince, as benefit to the Commonwealth.  
5 There is nothing more necessary for a Statesman, than secrecy, whereof Churchmen give continually evident proofs in hearing Confessions. Seculars may be secret, but the world hath not so much reason to believe it, seeing so many designs and great businesses miscarry for want of secrecy, which I never heard laid to the charge of a Clergyman that was trusted in a business of State. It's a received maxim amongst seculars, that women are best informers, and that they are made acquainted with whatsoever is debated in Counsels or Assemblies. Fond husbands think they do not love their wives, if they conceal any thing from their knowledge, and consequently from that of their Gossips. It's thought the English Nation is more inclined to be advised by women, than any other; but without doubt it is of late, since women ruled the Church, and were made Popes, dispensed with invalid Ordinations, and by imposition of hands made Archbishops of Canterbury. But seeing no man will trust his wife with his own conscience and confession, methinks he ought not to impart to her the secrecies of others. At least the Catholic Clergy cannot be suspected to consult with their wives the secrecy of Princes, because they have none: but for the Protestant Ministers behaviour in this particular, I will not swear, being (as I hear) more fond of their wives, than any others, and having notoriously betrayed secrets communicated to them in confession, as you may read of Scory the Minister, who betrayed the Earl of Essex in Queen Elizabeth's time; and in our days the case of poor Captain Hind was much lamented, who some few years since being accused of murder, 
Captain Hindes lamentable case.  denied it confidently, there being no legal proof. But persuaded by a Minister of the English Protestant Church, that the Judge was resolved to hang him, and that he had abundant proof, he exhorted the poor man to confession, according to the custom or Common-prayer men, and Church or England, whereof both were Members. Master Hind told the Minister in confession, that he had killed one of his own Comrades, and he promised to visit and comfort his penitent the next day; but feigning himself sick, he sent another Minister of the English Church also, and desired Master Hind to deal as confidently with him, as he had done the day before with himself; which the poor Gentleman did, imparting likewise to him in confession what he had told the day before to his Brother in the Lord: and these two Ministers were the only witnesses that proved Master Hindes murder, whereof they had no other knowledge, but what he told them in cofession: whereupon sentence of death was pronounced against him by Judge Nicholas, and executed at Worcester. He reflected upon the Religion of his Confessors and witnesses, and resolved to change his own, concluding, that it could not be the true one which alloweth such treacherous deal, and obligeth men to reveal Sacramental confessions, making it Gunpowder treason, not to betray God and the trust which he reposeth in the Ministers of his holy Sacraments, as was declared in Garnets' case. Master Hind therefore sent for a Priest, and was reconciled to the Roman Catholic Church; and I hope is saved, not by virtue, but by the occasion of his Protestant confession; whereof I trust in God himself will not be the last that will make good use for the salvation of souls, by forsaking so false a Church and so treacherous Clergy, whereby men's lives are entrapped, and their sins not absolved. By this and other examples its manifest, that Protestant Ministers are as unfit to be Counselors as Confessors, and that the Catholic Priests, who will rather die then betray a secrecy, have a great advantage of seculars as to this so necessary a part of a Statesman.  
6 We see also how men besotted with drink, and bewitched by bribes, are subject to betray their trust in greatest secrecies; and I believe it will not be hard to find (at least in this our Northern Climate, where this kind of debauch is taken not only for a remedy of melancholy, but a point of gallantry) Lay Politicians proceed now and then to such excess, as to ease not only their stomaches, but hearts, to the great distemper of the Commonwealth. As for bribes, those who have most expenses, and most to provide for, and suffer less infamy, if discovered, and ordinarily are less provided with grace to resist, cannot choose but be more liable to the danger of this temptation, as it appears by these circumstances, and much more by too frequent and known experiences.  
7 These, amongst many others, are the reasons why Catholic Princes make so frequent use of the Roman Clergy. And though Heretics and Politicians should misinterpret their good zeal, they must have patience, and not desist from their godly endeavour, assuring themselves, that though bad Christians carp and repine at the confidence and respect which Catholic Princes and Ministers of State show to their Clergy, by trusting them with their consciences and affairs, that will not diminish, but rather increase their credit. A Prince may err in making choice of a Churchman's person, but he cannot be mistaken in choosing one of that function, which hath more advantages over a secular vocation (as to the management and trust or businesses) than I have set down in this Chapter; though I am confident enough is said to vindicate the State of the Catholic Clergy from any incapacity in State affairs, and to commend the judgement of the Princes by whom they are employed, with no less evidence of their talents, than satisfaction of their services.  
8 Now is it time to put an end to this catechism, and exhort my Politician 1. to resolve upon some Religion, if he hath none. 2. To consider how all Religions pretending to reform the Roman, are but humane and fond inventions, grounded upon false interest, transitory pleasure, and mad fancies, contrary to the rules of sound Policy. 3. How the Roman Catholic Religion cannot be an invention of men, having so many evidences of supernatural signs and power, to confirm its Doctrine. 4. In case our Politician will neither believe in God nor Catholic Church, let him consider, that the greatest and most effectual engine to work his own interest, is truth, moral virtue, and honour. In the last place I must desire my Reader not to be offended with me, if I am more bitter against the Protestant Clergy, then by nature or custom I am inclined: whosoever will reflect upon the prejudice and misery they have drawn upon the three Nations, since they planted heresy, and how by mere impostures they endeavour to maintain those errors which have been the cause of all our misfortunes▪ will easily perceive, that our English Ministers ought to be beaten, not courted out of their destructive Tenets and practices. I beseech almighty God to convert them and others misled by their example and doctrine, and grant to all Politician's light to see this manifest truth, that a man without Religion is void of reason, and Policy without honesty is but a base, wicked, and witless knavery.   
FINIS.   

LIbellus hic, cui titulus The Politicians catechism, Anglico idiomate conscriptus, à Theologo mihi noto lectus, altero praelo dignus est.  
Datum 14. Martij 1658. GUIL. BOLOGNINO Can. Eccl. Cathed. &. Libr. Censor Antuerp.