THE UNKIND DESERTOR OF LOYAL MEN AND TRUE FRIENDS.  In the land of the holy he hath done wicked things, and he shall not see the glory of our Lord. Isai cap. 26. vers. 10. 
Superiorum permissu, Anno 1676.   

CENSURA.  
SAnctis eremi incolis, strenuisque Christi athletis non immeritò annumerandus venit venerabilis ille solitarius & fidelis Christ● famulus Dominus S. E. qui ab hinc anni●, (ut fertur) viginti tribus spreto hominum Commercio, ad Medirerranei maris littus à Narb●nensi ●ivitate, non procul dissitum seder. Vir hic sanè, si animum exscriptis spectes, Candidus & lustus apparet; si doctrinam, ●ruditissimus; si facundiam, ornatissimus; quem insuper Corporis pudicitia, animae Castitas, morum Comitas, & quod caput est, veritatis amor, quae Sacrorum hominum partes effe debent, ab adolescentia, (nisi fama mendax sit) eximiè decorarunt, sed has hominum invidia sprevit virtutes, eumque opimo, quo gaudebat in patria, sacerdorio spoliavit, Quid fecit vir optimus in exilium relegatus? velut alter Arsenius pulsante ad cordis aurem voce Angelicâ Fuge, late, tace. Continuò acquiescens oraculo, Fugit, latuit, tacuit; Damnatisque Babylonis plateis faciem ad Sanctam jerusalem, aeternam quaesiturus pacem, convertit. Enixius quaerebat Dominum, & quem, diligebat animus, in crepidine maris invenit, nec dimisit; ratus venenata (quibus in hoc mundo omnes configimur) invidiae spicula, neminem nisi eo protegente, declinare valere. Fidam igitur stationem nactus, & ab omni prorsus hominum consuetudine tutam, ut cum solo liberatore liberius colloqueretur, diu multumque conticuit. Tandem tamen aliquandò divina dispensante voluntate, ruptis importuni nobis silentij repagulis, vox ejus altius intonuit; nostrasque ad aures à solitudinis antro allapsa non inutile eum semper otio torpuisse indicat: aureum enim hunc libellum, cui Titulus (The Unkind desertor of loyal men and true Friends) mole licet exiguum & tamen ipsa re●magnis voluminibus comparandum à silentiarij ore patriae tam faedè proditae miseratio, vel potius ipsa extorsit veritas. Iliadem, ut aiunt, seu heu; malorum nostrorum in nuce habes; Gentem Hibernicam Catholice semper Religionis non citrà miraculum tenacissimam, veteris nobilitatis insignem, sceleratè modò profligatam, funditusque nefariorum hominum dolo, furore, & gladio eversam commemorat, plangendamque docet. jacobum Butlerum Ormondiae Ducem, ipsumque longa claraque Catholicorum majorum serie in ipso licet Hiberniae regno conspicuè oriundum, malorum omnium fontem ac●originem probat; Tantorumque criminum reum invictis peragit documentis: cum enim Hiberniam prorex aliquando gubernasset, eique, ut prese ferebat, & ipsa reverà exigebat patriae charitas, consulturus crederetur, ita omnes suis circumsepsit infatuavitque praestigiis incautos, ut omnes perdiderit, patriaeque statum omnino subverterit. Hanc illius tam insignem numquamque expiandam perfidiam auctor, execrandosque dolos barbarico indignos animo detegit, palamque orbi facit; quid vero indignius, quid scelerarius, quam Hibernos quà religione in Deum, quà in regem fide inconcussos turpiter deserere, ac Cromwelli Trium nationum praedatoris satellitibus, & sicariis ad haerere? Hoc inauditum scelus molitus est Ormonius, idque nescio quo inveterato in nationem suam paternamque fidem odio correptus, ac velut oestro percitus; huc accessit opum, dignitatumque sitis inexplebilis, atque effrene desiderium.  
Auctoris, (scriptis & fama mihi tantummodo noti) mentem amo, animi candorem amplector, virtutes veneror, acrem nitidumque stylum satis laudare nequeo, par sibi in omnibus judicium admiror, ardentemque in patriam, gentemque suam amorem vehementer suspicio. Quamobrem praeclarum hoc opus, & numeris omnibus ●bsolutum, erudito certè dignum auctore publica luce dignissimum judico. Idque vel maximè, cum nihil omninò complecti videatur, quod orthodoxae fidei, Canonicis Sanctionibus, aut morum honestati adversetur. Quin imo Apostolicae Sedis decus, atque honorem, ubicumque●se ingerit occasio, egregriè tueatur. Quod testatum facio veritatis promulgandae gratis ductus, & amore; cum exactè, nec non vigili cur● omni● perlegerim, aequaque lance trutinaverim. Signatum Parisiis 12. Februarij 1676.  
A. I. S. T. Professor.   

THE PREFACE  
BAnished for Religion, and Loyalty to my Prince (in the year 1652.) by Cromwelians then bearing sway, (we were some fifteen of us ship'tin one bottom) landing in Britain in France, I took my way to this Province not fare from Narbon, where I had friends having lived there before: And here I have been about 24. years very solitary, seeing rarly any of my Countrymen. Thus fare from Laban's house and noys, I find great tranquillity and case of mind in magdalen's silent contemplation.  
When I have been forced a way, the Land was possessed by Philistym, they had the Arck captive, and under them my country was turned to a Babylon of sin & vice: Nothing was to be seen in the Streets of this City but oppression of the Just, jniquity, rage, and fury against Roman piety; the Altars fall'n down, and the Priests bitterly persecuted, some of them consuming a way in prisons, some cast into exile, and others chased in woods and mountains, like wild beasts, all of them charged with two great crimes; To be Catholic Priests, and Loyal to their king. All the Catholics true to God and Prince, transplanted into a corner of the Kingdom. And this calamity they suffered with the rest, that Royal authority was laid a sid, and a Dagon set up (The tyranny of the usurping Parliament) and reverenced.  
This was the face then of that enchanted Island: and they say things are no way amended (as to Catholic natives) since the kings going home●, that change having no ways bettered their fortunes, but that their calamities and miseries (so it is written from many hand's) are daily increased, so as men beaten with Scourges in Crumwells' time, cry out they are now beaten with Scorpions.  
Often have I lamented all a loan for my dear Countries desolation, and found my grief inconsolable, because I saw no end of their sufferings: Somtym it came to my mind, that if a sincere relation of our hard servitude and extremities were given to Catholic Princes with humble prayers, this would do us good; but a gain when I called to mind that this had been done already, and that able and noble personages had said these things in significant language, and that they had in all Courts but cold and delaying answers, I despaired of all relief that way. One of our Bishops having been in Rome Anno 1652. Ad visitanda limina Apostolica, had conference with the then Cardinal Secretary (after Alexander Septimus) his Eminency said to the Bishop, it was a sensible grief to his Holiness to see his Children of Irland a constant people in Catholic Religion so sorly afflicted, and cast down, and holy faith almost extinguished, and that there was no way possible to relieve them; the Prelate replied our wound is now indeed so wide and feastered, as is very hard to heal it, but when it was fresh, not so wide, and as yet curable, our Nation found no Samaritan that would power oil and wine into it.  
One thing I shall say; worthy to be written in Characters of gold, that a Catholic Prince driven out of his own Dominions, was he that offered fairest Ad rem Catholicorum in Hibernia restituendam; Charles P. M. late Duke of Lorraine a Caesar in fortitude and Resolution, one of the greatest Captains Europe had seen for some ages, a Prince, that by long experience of crosses and Calamities made the world know, Quod sciveri● fortia agere, & fortia pati.  
To this Duke were sent from Irland Anno 1651. Stilo veteri a Bishop & a Cheralier of high quality from the Clergy; and from the then Visroy or Lord Deputy and the people a Viscount and two noble Chevaliers, all able men and fit to manage so Important a business, as that was. The Duke received them with all afability, and after a deliberation, and debate of some months, they proceeded to an agreement very advantageous to Catholic Religion, the king, and Nation; the sum of this capitulation was, that his highness undertaken to war upon the Rebelling Parliament, to pay the Army and to furnish Canon and all warlike. Ammunition until the Kingdom were recovered; and those undertaken in behalf of the Nation to reimbours his highness, and to give him for Caution some towns; his Highness meddled not at all with the civil government of the Kingdom, but only with the Militia, and was engaged to restore the Cautionary towns, his disboursments being paid. The Duke advanced twenty thousand pistols in ready money, six thousand thereof went over with his Envoy the Abbot of S. Catharin, who took up fourteen thousand more of the Merchants in Irland, which some was paid them in Antwerp by the Duke's order.  
His Highness sent over two little vessels with Ammunition and Arms, which arrived, and two other little vessels were taken upon the Coast of Brittany: The whole came to some thirty thousand pistols; and was not this a Princely and magnificent liberality of a Duke then out of his own Country? But let no man wonder at this, it being natural to the great Dukes of Lorraine to fight Battles for holy Religion, and the house of God in all extremities; and what other can be expected from Princes descending from Gode●ry king of Jerusalem? I should fill a volume, if I should speak at large of his warlike feats and valour, let the day and Battle of Norlingham alone speak, wherein were slain 18000. Swedes; to his valour and conduct was attributed a great share of this victory: V●o verb● in all encounters, he played a soldier's part as well as that of a Captain; Et licet fuerit maximus Imperio militars, fuit tamen major exempl● fortitudinis. This digression, and mention of his high exploits and fortitude, is a gratitude due from me to his highness, who hath been a patron and father to my Countrymen in their exile; and confident I am God will pour blessings aboundantlv upon his gallant Child Prince de Vaudemont, and no less on his Nephew present Duke Charles of Lorain● a Prince of great expectation, and on the whole family a most glorious house, that hath evermore defended and protected the Catholic Church.  
To speak of the greatness, antiquity▪ and splendour of the house of Lorraine is but to hold a candle to the sun; All Europe knows the puissance and piety of the house of Guise (a branch of Lorraine) which gave a Queen to Sco●tland Mary second wife to King james the fifth's, mother to Queen Mary of Scots (put to death in England by Cruel Elizabeth) great Grandmother To King Charles the second, by her right he is true Heir and King of the three Kingdoms. There are other noble F●●ilies in France, as D'●●ouf, Maine, joys, Harcour, and many more, golden streams flowing from their fountain the house of Guis●, (as that from Lorraine) those houses have alsoe given most Excellent Heroes and Captains, all of them ever true to the holy Church, and Loyal to their Princes, the most Christian Kings.  
Soon after the a forsaid Capitulation was perfected, our King arriving at Paris, (after the defeat and Root of his army at Worcester) the Duke demanded his Royal assent to the agreement he had made with his Catholic subjects: the King heerupon called together his counsel, (Ormond was one of them) for giving answer; they Judged it no way expedient, that the King should agree to what had passed between the Duke and his subjects at Brusells; Which seemed strange to all that heard it, seeing no Prince in Europe took part with our King, but the Duke a loan. It seems this Counsel, (all composed of Protestants) would not have Irland recovered by a Catholic Prince, they could by no means agree with two Articles of the Capitulation, the one; that the Duke had been accepted by those contracted with him, for Protector Royal of the Nation, they were less troubled that Crumwell, who had murdered one King, and forced another (the Present King) out of his Dominions, should take all, than a most ancient Catholic Duke and his Majesty's ●insman should be styled Royal Protector of the Catholics of Irland, whereas soon after Crumwell was over all Europe called Protector of the three Kingdoms.  
The other displeasing Article was, that his Highness engaged himself to restore Catholic Religion in Irland in its splendour, and so Catholic was the Duke, as he chief took in hand our quarrel for making good this Article.  
The Capitulation (from which we hoped for preservation) being blasted in this Kind●, his Majestey Employed two Envoyes to the Duke, an English Protestant Lord, and Sr. Henry de Visque his Majesties then R●●ide●● in Brussell, with those the King returned the Duke thanks by a Kind letter for his care of his interest, and desired him to treat with these new men; who were courteously received by his Highness; but at the second conference he told them he did not know what matter of Capitulation could pass between him and their master, who had not at that time in his own possession as much as one City, wal'd-towne, fort, or Port in his three Kingdoms; yet not withstanding if his Majesty would be pleased to consent to the Articles he had perfected with the aforesaid Catholic commissioners, he would perform all of his part; which answer being not accepted by the King's counsel, the Duke by a handsome manifest soon after, discharged his own honour from all blame and Imputation touching the forementioned Capitulation and agreement.  
Be pleased my civil reader to consider the deplorable and sad condition of the Catholics of Irland at that tyme. Their spiritual fathers, the Bishops, and their Lower Pastor's and the Religious men assisting them in the vynyard, were many of them sent into exile, (in one year seven Bishops) the Noblemen and all the Catholic gentry haled violently out of their own houses, and lands, and shut up in a corner of a Province (naked and disarmed) either to be all murdered in one day, (there was a consultation of officers to that purpose, but they agreed not, God would not have so many Innocents' Massacred at one time) or to perish in many days in famine, miseries, and servitude as many of them ended afterwards: The laws prescribed to them, were cruel and Barbarous; if-any of them went to a seaport or to any other Province without express order and licence, it was lawful to kill them whersoever they were found; to keep a Musquett, sword, or any other weapon, or powder in a Catholics house, was present death; to receive or harbour a priest, was alsoe death; and there was a nother thing as yet more bloody▪ They framed an engagement to be taken by all sorts of men upon oath, to obey the Parliament, and renounce the King and the family of the Stuarts for ever, and all took a ticket of having taken that engagement, and poor men, that had not their tickets about them, were killed upon the high way by the soldiers for not having it; these were the execrable Laws the Catholics then lived under. The Lord of Ormond had governed the Catholics as the King's Lord Lieutenant about those times, but when Crumwell came over, and like a lightning passed through the Land, taking in Provinces, walled Towns, and Cittys; he never appeared, never fought the Enemy, nor relieved any place besieged; (truly we found nothing in him of Counsel or fortitude) and when all was lost but two Towns and one Province, (which were soon after taken) he passed into France, and left the Catholics to the butchery.  
The counsel by this means destroyed the contract. And were not these Counsellors well affected to Catholics, that upon a serious deliberation would not have the Catholics preserved, and protected by a Catholic Prince, but left to the mercy of Crumwell a bloody tyrant? The forwardest of all in doing this Mischief was Ormond; this was the Kindness to us of that man ever fatal to Catholics:  
An Italian gave to a great person, whose qualities he knew well, this Character. Inimicus gravissimus, & amicus levissimus. Which may be well applied to Ormond in relation to Catholics; his anger to them was still inplacable, and his Kindness sleight and uncertain, his friendship, was a Court friendship, much like those drugs of Apothicaries, that are hit in the mouth, and cold in operation; what good and fair words did this Nobleman give to the Catholics of Irland when he came from the Queen and Prince in the year 1648. To conclude a peace with them? the words in his mouth then, were hit and comfortable, but when they came to operation, they were indeed but rotten drugs.  
After this feat he had done in Paris, (the casting a way the Duke of Lora●●s Protection) he was with the King in the low countries, and there he dilsembled and tampered with the good plain Irish, and gave them good words and friendly promises of doing them great good, if God restored the King; the King was restored, and Ormond turned his sails and played another game, and stuck close to Clarindon, that studied our Ruin, he then made a step further, and closed in great Kindness with Orery & the Crumwelians; the Catholics claiming their own lands and estates produced good Evidences, justice and their Innocency; (but those were of little value with Ormond, and Clarindon;) Orrery with his band of Crumwelians showed gold and precious gifts, and those proved strong Evidences: Ormond then fell of clearly from us, and injured us without all sear, and commonly where there is no fear of revenge, ill given men have no conscience or fear of offending others; with Clarindon all things were vendible, and with Ormond all was lawful, that was not unprofitable.  
I present you with a wise fable, and I think to my purpose. 
* Aesop says.  Aesop says. He●●●h● (inquit vulpes rubo) conf●gi ad te tanquam ad a●xiliatorem, sed tu pejus me tract●sti▪ heus tu (inquit rubus) errasti, quae me apprehendere voluist●, qui omnes apprehendere soleo. A lass (said the fox to the great bramble) I come flying to the as to a shelter and friend: but thou hast handled me worss than I was before: but the bramble said, a lass poor fox thou art a stray in taking gripe of me, for thou knowest I scrarch all that Handels me.  
My courteous reader, that Ormond hath always been a great bramble cruelly scratching and tormenting the Catholics of Irland, this little book, I put in your hand, will show evidently. I have spent some hours of Leisure, God was pleased to afford me about this little work, wherein I set down sincerely the malice, craft, lugling, and slights, of those, that have contrived our ruin; no man will appear upon the stage so often and frequently as Ormond, in acting his part in our Tragedy; this is the best account I can give to my Countrymen of my long silence in my solitude.  
I know my own weakness, and the flowness of my talent, but I had time at will for helping this; the sncile comes to the top of the hill in her due time, as well as the Eagle, and with time and straw (as they use to speak) men ripen meddlers, and so do men their affairs with leisure and means, and who will do a thing well, must have patience to tarry till it may be well done; I had patience and leisure enough, and at length I have brought my design to an end, whether it be well done or Noah, I leave to the judgement of the impartial reader. I gave notice of what was done to a Doctor of devinity, a person of Eminent Learning, and to other friends in Paris, they urged me with strong lines, to print all was done without delay: I alsoe writ to a venerable Prelate then living in Flanders, whose judgement I much esteemed, and the inviolable Amity between us of a 'bove 45. years; he quite beyond my expectation dissuaded the printing, and gave reasons that seemed sound, he would not blame those pressed me to the printing, nor judge ill of their intentions, but was of opinion, they had not rightly considered the more substantial circumstances of the matter, and said, dear friend my advice in this point is. Festina Lente, he suggested that regard should be had of Ormonas' noble Catholic Ancestors, and specially of his Grandfather Walter Earl of Ormond, and of his own pious parents, and of his Brother Mr. Richard Butler a Chavaliere of great devotion, and yet valiant in the face of his Enemy, and of his sisters, all of them virtuous Catholic Ladies; he knew them all, and was well known to some of them: certainly I did not think this very reverend churchman had been so kind to Ormond, his letter he ended with these lines.  
My worthy friend, I beseech you be as kind to Ormond, as the overseer of the vynyard was to the figgtree in his charge, who, (when the Lord of the vynyard finding no fruit in the tree as he expected said in anger Succide ●rgo illam etc. Cutt down this unprofitable tree, why doth it stand here and ocupy the ground for nothing?) Answered (grieving the tree should be fallen,) I pray let the tree alone for another year, until I shall dig about it, and dung it, if it shall happily yield fruit, if not you shall c●tt it down. What can we tell (said my friend) if Ormond may not as yet yield fruit, and comfort all those he hath afflicted. Have therefore patience with him for a while, even for the virtue & piety of his very noble Catholic forefathers.  
I yielded to this venerable persons judgement, and suspended the printing from the year 1668. to this 1676. Waiting still what Ormond would do, and if he would relent, and become friendly to his Country; but all this time nothing is done: The great Lord of the vynyard finds no Charity in him, he is always the same, a hard harted-man, and our unplacable enemy. He is still a high figtree, bearing great leaves of vanity, (but no fruit) sucking up the fat and sap of the earth, and thereby starving all the plants round about him, thousands of widows, Orphans & Innocent souls: he kept the heat of the sune from us all, (the king's mercy,) he barred all justice to be done us, and the general pardon to be extended to us, (we only have been excepted and excluded from that Grace by this Noble man's cunning cruelty.) We have digged about him to long, and spent our dung in vain, Ormond will yield no fruit; (he is a Babylon will not be cured.) God hath borne long with his doing evil, he hath long held his peace, but he will not hold his peace still; he will in the end cut down in his anger this high sterile tree, unworthy to stand any longer upon earth; and for his sin and cruelty against his country and nation, will likely pull down his house and generation, which we no way desire.  
I make here a sincere protestation before God and men, that I contend not against this Nobleman's person or dignity, I honour his noble Catholic house, and so much care I have of his soul, as I am ready to shed my blood for doing him good that way; my mind therefore is, to deliver his artifices, perfidy, revenging mind, and rancour against my Nation, which I will do plainly and faithfully, without art and passion; thinking in my mind it will redound to God's glory to vex this Child of pride, that hath vexed and persecuted so long, and so sharply thousands of God's humble Children, and brought them to destruction. I put an end to this preface letting fly an arrow at Ormond (a sharp-ended one) out of the Prophet's Quiver, 
* Isai cap. 26.  In the land of the holy he hath done wicked things, and he shall not see the glory of our Lord.   

The Advertisement, of a true patriot to the Reader.  
My father (well known in the county he lived in) was pleased to send me a broad Anno 1637. (three years before the Irish war) to be bred up in virtue and learning, and I made by God's blessing that progress in my studies, as I came to a convenient fortune, which I am to Enjoy all my life: so as I never intent to return to my country, and yet I cannot in nature but love the people, and heartily lamen● their woes, calamities, and unsupportable servitude. Demanding from those exiled the present state of the Nation, they all told me, there was nothing to be seen at home, but Luctus & pavor, men women, infants, widows, and orphans, all squalid, naked, languishing and even dying with famine; Proh dolour: denigrata est super carbones facies eorum & non sunt cogniti in plateis, adhaesit cutis ossibus eorum. And all this time I saw none would speak the horrid injuries the Nation suffered. At length I saw a small book bearing this title. A narative of the settlement and sale of the Kingdom of Ireland by the Earl of Clarindon printed Anno 1660. There came out Anno 1674. a little treatis styled. The Bleeding I phigenia, an excellent piece, chief against Clarindon & Orrery our capital Enemy's. But this last discourse called. The unkind desertor of Loyal men & true friends. (The Author I have never seen nor known) proving clearly Ormond to have been the greatest Enemy the Nation ever had, (all men say the same) is the most excellent thing of all I saw, sound and well ordered, full of truth, strong in sense, & containing fair & Christian documents; by which the author hath for ever obliged the whole Nation. This man tells the King freely, that suffering himself to be deluded by ministers of Ill meaning, (chief Clarindon & Ormond) they took the o pertunity like two whales & monsters of Avarice & cruelty to devour his faithful subjects; wherefore he pitifully complains, that justice was not done ●o the oppressed.  
Even with Pagans the opinion of sanctity and justice in their King was great. Magnus Cyrus non censebat convenire cuiquam jmperium, qui non melior esset eijs, quibus imperarit. Mexicanorum autem mos erat, qui quoties regem aliquem novum inaugurarent, jusjurandum ab illo postulabant, quod justitiam effet administraturus, non oppressurus subditos; futurus in bello fortis ac strenuus: curaturusque de nique, ut sol cursum suum a● splendorem retineret, nubes largirentur pluvias, fluvij manarent aquis; & terra suos proferret fructus. And a nother Author says. Annus bonus non tam de bonis fructibus, quam de justè regnantibus est existimandus. God grant to all Christian Kings to rule with justice & peace, Amen.   

THE FIRST CHAPTER The long silence the Irish Catholics had with Ormond (Since the king's coming in) did redound much to their loss.  
TO know when to speak, and when to be silent, is a commendable virtue: Solomon the wifest of men, taught this lesson to men in thes words. Tempus est tacendi, ●nd tempu● loquendi he begun with tempu● tacendi, and his reason was, quia veritas (inquit legis lator) primò tacendo discitur, posteâ docendo praedicatur, truth is first learned by silence, next published by teaching. Socrates that famous Grecian, sapientissimus hominum pronunced by the Oracle, did much commend Silence unto his disciples, and with great reason, in as much as there is greater wisdom, and less danger in being silent, then in speaking; wherefore Simonides one of the wisest men of his own time, was often heard to say, loqutum me esse dolui saepè, tacuisse nunquam, often have I repent to have spoken, never for having held my peace; notwithstanding all thes great encomis of Silence, celebrated by so many wise Sages in all times, nevertheless a long and unseasonable Silence, is, and may be as , as the other is recommendable.  
To be Silent and hold my peace when an open injury is done to my Religion, country and Parents, is neither wisdom piety, nor virtue to be commended; this is, and hath been (as I perceive) the long Silence the Catholics of Irland, had with the Lord Duke of Ormond giving him both time and leisure, to work their ruin and downfall, without preventing the fame (in a just form and seasonable time) by their instant addresses, to the king, council, or any else.  
We have kept a longer Silence (to our great detriment) than Pythagoras his scholars have done, their Silence was limited to five years only, before their public Tentamen in school, for the performance of which Magister dixit, was sufficient to them; but we, poor souls! have been silent near now upon thirteen years, suffering with all patience the open wrongs, and manifest Detriments this Nobleman have done us, so that under the notion of a friend, we discovered him at long-running to be our open enemy.  
The same Ormond's speech (soon after the king's happy restauration) to Orrery, Monthrath, Clothworthy, Mervin, & such others of that fortunate tribe, have been in this nature, Omnes bestia agri venite ad devorandum (nempè Iberniam) Vniversae bestiae salt●s. All ye beasts of the seld come to devour (he means Irland) All ye beasts of the forest. What were we doing? Where have we been? Or what became of our senses at that time when Ormond convoked those men to devour us? We were all of us in a deep Silence, much like men in a fatal lethargy, so as the words of the same prophet may be properly said of us Speculatores ejus (id est Iberniae) ●oeri omnes, nes●ierunt Vnirersi, canes muti non valentes latrare, videntes vana, dormientes, & amantes somnia, her watchmen all blind have been ignorant: dumb dogs not able to bark seeing vain things, sleeping and loving dreams: truly we were all much like bewitched people, doting upon a man, that loved us not, and like men dreaming vain dreàms; our Bishops, and churchmen (let these venerable persons give me leave to speak my sentiment) our Bishops I say, and Cleargymen, were but canes muti non valentes latrare. I did not see, nor hear of any in that numerous congregation (a monghst whom there have been several learned and wise men) that have written any thing to this purpose, in characterizing (as they should have done) this great man, and his crafty designs to the public ruin, excepting one of the divines (that then attended upon the Ecclesiastical congregation of whom mention was made in our preface) who composed a substantial, and solid piece replenished with  reasons, justifijng, the just rejection of that peace, made and agreed, in the kingdom's behalf (by certain Commissioners) with Ormond in the year 1646. this rejection of that peace Ormond takes for petra scandali, and as a dishonour (forsooth) to his pérson, so that, from that day to this hour he hath been, and is still an open enemy to the Bishops of Irland and Clergy; this divine that I speak off, did in a sober and modest stile plainly set forth what Ormond did intent, and said nothing in all that piece but what was just and reasonable as now more clearly we see; this work came to my hands, and have perused it with much attention, out of which I have collected partly some light for my furtherance in this present tractat, and now behold the Bishops (at that time exiled in this Kingdom, to whose judgement he submitted that work) would not have this well studied piece to seê either press, or light, in so much, that those elucubrations, and labours were set a side and rendered useless and fruitless to the Nation.  
I doubt not but the prelates intended well, though otherwise fell out, for they were still in a charitable hope and expectation that Ormond in time would Relent, and do the nation good, but they, and millions besides their Lordships, have been mistaken in Ormond, whose indignation more and more daily increasing (not satisfied in the extremities of our woes and calamities) seems rather to rejoice in the continuation of our afflictions, and annihilation of our persons, then to give any sign of relentment or hopes of any good; a glory without honour.  
Never did any Magician charm with spells, or philtérs any sort of men, more than this Ormond did that harmless people, by what art, or fascination is to me unknown.  
In Londen so wonderful was the veneration my Countremen had to this great man's person, and so great was their zeal to please, and loath in the least to displease him, as even when some begun to apprehend fears and jealousies of his sinistrous proceed, perceaving things not to go as they expected, yet not with standing they scarce durst mutter their to well grounded fears and fuspitions each long time, every man was, sicut mutus non aperiens os suum in the cause of Religion and country, though they have seen evidently his daily heapinge of injuries upon the nation: nay some were so stark blind, and slumbered upon this fatal Duke, as even after he possessed wroungfully their estates and fortunes, they were construing all to the best, and supposing some deep m●sterie of piety in the man, and yet could give no reason for such their vain conjectures and hopes; some in their private discourses (as if they were deluded by fiends and spectres) wid imagine some future good Ormond would do the nation, this epidemical dimnis and stupidity attached the judgement and brains so firmly of many, that several of them could not be persuaded but Ormond would as yet give them a day of rejoycement and happiness; I have been much amazed, and no less perplexst, after seeing and hearing some of their silly and simple éxpressions, pronounced in their private confabulations in London, and letter's from that city to thes parts much to this effect, Ormond (said one) will never betray us, he'll never shrink from us, he is our own, his intentions are good; an other said. Ormond is to Noble to do so base an act, it is not his Kind to do unworthy things, his father and Mother, (quoth the third man) were constant true Catholics, (that is indeed true) was not I beseech you, his grandfather (said the fourth man) walter earl of Ormond, for his devotion styled walter of the beads and rosary? will the child of so good, so godly, and virtuous progenitors, deceive the confidence, we his countrymen do place in him? noe, it cannot be; happy are we that he is so great with his Majesty, for though he seems at present some what could towards us, and to shake hands with Orrery and the rest of the Cromwelian faction, yet his hart however is with us, and for us, he may for a time favour their ways, but to stick for good and all to such men, rebellious enemies to the King, and to himself, is a thing I can not believe, for you must know that Ormond is a wise man, a great politician, you shall see in time how handsomely he will wind himself out of their claws.  
These and such like idle Sermocinations was their discourse, but alack! thes wise men did but flatter themselves and the time with such frivolous thoughts and conjectures, grounding the foundation of their future prosperity in Ormond's affection to the nation, and his special care of their preservation, which was in good earnest but to raise their building upon a foundation of sands, or as Jmay say to build castles in the air; but serò sapiunt Phryges', the web is dispelled that covered over our eyes, we can, tandem, see something, and much like those that rested long under the juniper tree (whose shadow is both noxious and grivous to nature) when they a wake, feel a violent headache; so we, having slept and slumbered long (without due care to our own preservation) under the noxious shadow of Ormond's apparent affections, at last experected, and having opened our eyes, we find our head, heart, and whole body in a far worse distemper than they that laid under the juniper tree; our fever is mounted to a hectical height, partly by our own carelessness, and chiefly by the improper administration of our physician Ormond, who instead of salutiferous potions, deluded us with poison; This Noble man have poisoned (as I may say) the heart of us all (I mean of his Majesty) with toxical counsels, and fallacious informations against us, so as this poison possessing the vitals, we are fainting and must of need perish, if the antidote cordials of his majesty's goodness, in whom, next to god as the fontaine of mercy and justice, we place all trust and hope, will not afford us life and comfort, which antidote cordials have been hitherto (as is evidently Known) unjustly detained from us, by the suggestions of Ormond and Clarindon.   

CHAPTER II. A diligent Search off the motifs and reasons, induced Ormond to forsake (since the king's restauration) the Catholics of Irland, and to stick to the Cromwelians.  
WE are now to search out the motifs induced Ormond to àbandon the Catholics, and cause moved him to this sudden separation; whether by ill chance, the catholics plotted against his life; person, liberty, or fortunes? or whether they withdrew first from him, or have given any occasion or offence sufficient to compel him to such à repentinous mutation? or whether it was the king's interest (for the better settlement of that kingdom under the crown) made him fasten hands with them new men, and forsake the old stead-fast friends?  
There is no man will believe that so noble à person, so complete à statesman, so much esteemed in court and city for gallantry, and honour, à man so much cried up for his integrity, and good nature, to be the paramount of thousand, as all his friends (in the beginning of his power) gave out of him, then when he begun to have dealing with the confederate catholics; there is not a man, I say would believe that à person of such unparalelled parts, would deflect foe nastilie in that nature from them without some efficatious ground, and reason.  
This unexpected catastrophe, as it suggested matter of admiration to all sort of people, so it hath struken even dumb his nearest relations, and thes his friends, that most dear respected him, in so much as they durst not speak one word in defence of this his instability; I am confident his grace wanted not such persons, his close sticklers, men skilled both in the english and latin letters (which formerly with heat and zeal were in a readiness to maintain, by hook, or crook, with apparent and seeming ratiocinations his sinistrous doeyngs, faults, and failings) now in this matter they dare not appear to justify his running a way from the camp of israel, to the phylistin's field, from the association and amity of honourable and honestly true men (the king's good subjects, and his own steadfast friends) to à cromwelian faction, that healed out so long in bloody rebellion against the crown and royal family; even father Waylsh himself (who beyond all mortals Sacrifices himself to Ormond, and who have written so much of that Noble man's constancy, virtues, and supereminent talents) sits now mute, and silent, he says nothing, gives not a word in vindication of his great patron's defection from his friends, alliances, and countrymen; I perceive the father's mind and the cause of his silence in this matter, he knows it is hard for him, invita Minerva, & pessima existente causâ to lay hand to his pen.  
His Grac●, the duke himself is sensible, there are several inducing and obliginge reasons, for continuing his affection (if he had been so pleased) and association with the catholics of Irland; as may be, the antiquity, greatness, and Catholic piety of his family, and renowned Ancestors for so many hundred years in that Kingdom of Irland his vast patrimony, the Noble houses of two Viscounts, three Barons, and great number of rich, and worthy families of Knights, and Esquires descended lineally from his pedigree, that his Noble brother Mr. Richard Buttler, his virtuous sisters, gallant Ladies, were borne in that land, and have their estates and being therein, add to this the alliance of several other peers of the land to his family; all which are undeniable and strong inducements, powerful to move, and bind such a person, or any other to love the Catholics of Irland and closely fasten unto them, in all their just concernments, and undertake.  
In this place I would feign Know, what had Orrery, Monthrath, and the rest of that crew to do with the house of Ormond? did there by good luck intervene at any time tuixt their families and his, any concatenation of marriages? any relation of consanguinity? any firm connection of unstained friendship? not that ever I could hear off; but all to the contrary, well Known they were his deadly enemies, and stared with an envious eye upon his Lustre and Splendour, who like unto a procerous Cedar they percenaved did overtopp themselves.  
His Grace (I suppose) will not say he deserted the Catholics (whose loyalty to the crown of England have been sufficiently Known, even to the very rebels themselves) to join in friendship, with these freash men (but stolen rebels) for better advancing and securi● his Majesty's interest? certainly a man of my lord's judgement (as I am confident) wid blush to pretend any such excuse, or to say so: my lord of right should a gone with more moderation in foe weighty a matter, and nicely ponder (before pacting friendship with them) whether or no (they that have been for so many years, fiery and sworn enemies to the King and crown) would at long trial prove worthy of his amity, or of any other man's else, that had been still faithful and loyal to the King and crown; this my lord neglected to have done, but rather, by his repentinous conjunction of friendship with those well approved and trusty ministers of Cromwell, gave occasion to several wise men to suspect, and think that Ormond did not much in heart averse Cromwell, nor dislike of his proceed, and that which we do wonder at, is, that all this while we could not see, nor hear by mouth or pen any apology from this good duke, that may give the world satisfaction for his so doing.  
In my opinion his Grace had good reason to be silent in this matter, and to conceal from the eyes, and ears of men, the cunning motifs, slights, and arcana's that pushed him on: for to manifest his reasons, were manifestare errores inexcusabiles suos. Seeing then that heerin my lord duke is pleased to be silent; I hope his Grace will give the loser leave to speak, and discover to the world the reasons deduced his Grace from the right road of virtue, justice, piety, and honour, (deserting his trusty old friends) to kint unexpected new sudden friendship, with his old enemies; it is to well Known to our woeful experience, he made the worst use a christian noble man could have done, of the power he had from his majesty, in order to the catholic interest of Irland striving; constantly and musing how to subvert, and suppress equity and justice to our destruction, which have been the chiefest ground induced him to this association, with the Cromwelians, that at once, and along with them he may plunder our houses, fortunes, and estates; and so really it fell out, for of all men he had the fattest, fairest, and greatest share.  
The greatness of his person cannot terrify me from apearing for my country, and countrymen, nor from speaking clearly, freely, and plainy the truth, if in case I shall speak, or write any thing ungroundedly I shall desire some of his learned sticklers take the pains to answer for him, and confute me, if he can; (we know his lordship hath more Hierelings, parasites, and flatterers, then true friends, and I believe his Grace will find my saying to be true, affore he dies; for it will be but the just judgement of god, that he, who deserted his honest and true friends, should be deserted by all, I could heartily wish in the mean time he had in him these true virtues, that would both merit, and deserve truefriends.  
For compassing what I have taken in hand, the right door and ingress to my discourse, must be a true and naked relation of Ormonds' deal and transactions, with the Catholics of Irland since the first unfortunate day they Knew him; this will make the reader Know what manner of man he was, and is, whether of virtue, or vice, love or hatred to the Catholics of Irland; all which I will endeavour Succinctly, with candid verity (so save me God) to perform, craving from my benevolous reader the patience off perusing all with attention, and to Suspend his judgement till Fully instructed of all that past.  
It is not my present intent to stand upon iustifing the revolution and war of that Kingdom, begun the year 1641. to which they were forcibly compelled; I have understood that matter is performed ala re●dy and soundly purpose, by a skilfuller quill than mine: my present scope is, and will be, to have the reader Know what Ormond did in that war, and afther the war, and so I doubt not but the reader will be able to pass a free and impartial judgement upon his Grace, and me; and next whether his desertinge of the catholics, and combining with the new men, is or can be justifiable and excusable:  
To this therefore effect, the reader may understand, that the now duke, (than Earl) of Ormond, at the beginning of this war, was lieutenant General of the King's forces under the lords justices, Sr. william parsons and Sr. john Burlace; I pass by how he demeaned himself in that high post, either showing enmity to the Catholics, or desiring the revolution should be suppressed: (some say he was for the suppressing off it) let us suppose he did what became a man placed in that office he had, and leave that so:   

CHAPTER III. Hear is shown how Ormond was chosen lord lieutenant, and his several cessations made with the confederate catholics, and vast sums of moneys received to transport over soldiers for his majesties; service.  
This Sr. William parsons a could, rigid, and wiseman, but an inveterat enemy to the catholic religion and Catholics, at once with Sr. Adam Loftus, Sr. Robert Merideth, Sr. john Temple, and others of the council became much addicted to the House of commons in England (which house began at that time to contest and be at variance with the King) and in good faith made no other use of his Majesty's power and Sword of justice in that Kingdom, then to increase and kindle (rather than quench) the flame of that revolution, which they called a rebellion: here you are to observe, that the said lords justices and above specified counsellors, though they were disloyal and perfidious to the King, yet the false and pernicious relations thes knaves gave, and divulged by proclamations of the Irish, that the universality of the Catholics of Irland got up into a new rebellion (whereas for one Catholic that was engaged in that revolution, there were thousands in the nation knew nothing off it, even the nobility, cities▪ and gentry of the nation were so) they were easily believed in that their false and Malicious aspersion; so that his Majesty did no less call and esteem us rebels, than the House of commons in England did; these men's disaffection to the King, and their Treachery, being at length discovered, his Majesty recalled their commissions, and appointed Ormond lord lieutenant of the Kingdom: after his Excellency was invested with this new commission and power, the parliament of England more and more growing stroung in hostility against the King, and declaring open war to his Majesty, (which was plain rebellion, not like the painted rebellion of Irland (his Excellency, who had at that timo trusty friends in the Council of the confederate Catholics, treated with the assembly of said Catholics, and in their absence, with the foresaid Council for a Cessation of arms between his Party and theirs; to which the Catholics did Freely and willingly consent, and to that effect granted and paid over to my lord Lieutenant thirty thousand and eight hundred pounds sterling for to transport over into England some of the King's Forces, to suppress the rebellion in that Kingdom; this free speedy, and loyal contribution of so vast a sum of moneys, in so seasonable a time, to furnish and pay the King's soldier against the rebels of England, was no sign of rebellious hearts in the Catholics. As for what these forces ferried over did there, whether they beat the rebels, or were beaten, is not my subject in hand; I come to my lord of Ormond, who for some years continued his capitulations, and treatings with the Catholics of Irland, and did indeed wijre-drawe them to their great loss, both to the disheartening of their soldiers, consumption of their treasures, and letting slip great advantages of service; great matters we expected from Ormond, and no less did our Commissioners tell us; that he was ready to condescend to our demands, and grant us good things, but in the end little or nothing was done; not withstanding all this, any thing that seemed to be with the King's interest, or for the King's service did much relish with the Catholics, and so desirous and forward we were to make peace with any party the King owned to be his own, as we omitted to pursue vigorously a good war, and at long running we made no good peace for liberty, Religion, Fortunes, or honour of the Nation.   

CHAP. FOUR Glanmorgans' peace rendered void by the Kings disavoving any authority given to that effect  
Twice we concluded peace by our Commissioners, the one off which have been with the Earl of Glanmorgan, and the other with Ormond: and in fin we had neither peace, nor the assurance of a peace; the said Earl of Glanmorgan, shown us under the private signet a fair and large commission he had from the King, authorising him to conclude a peace with us, and to grant us such favourable concessions for religion, as Ormond the King's Lieutenant (who also had a commission under the great seal) could not Publicly grant, or be seen in; this peace made with Glanmorgan became void and of no force, the King disavowing any power given to that effect unto Glanmorgan: you shall find the Kings disavowing of any such power in his book, commonly called, Reliquiae Sacrae Carolinae, pag: the 29:▪ in a message given (as it is written) in our court at Oxford the 29 lanu: 1645. to the speaker of the house of Peers pro tempore, to be communicated to the two houses of Parliament at westminster, and to the commissioners of the Parliament in Scotland.  
His Majesty's message of january 29. 1645. about Irland, and his Majesties further Concessions, and desire of a personal treaty; Oxford.  
C: R:  
His Majesty having received information from the lord Lieutenant and Council in Irland, that the Earl of Glanmorgan hath, without his or their orders or privity, entered into a treaty with some Commissioners on the Roman Catholic party there, and alsoe drawn up and agreed unto certain articles with the said Commissioners highly derogatory to his Majesty's honour, and royal dignity, and most prejudicial unto the protestant religion and church there in Irland: whereupon the said Earl of Glanmorgan is arrested upon suspicion of high treason, and imprisoned by the said lord Lieutenant and Council, at the instance and by the impeachment of the lord Digby, who (by reason of his place and former employment in these affairs) doth best know how contrary that proceeding of the said Earl hath been to his Majesty's intentions and directions, what great prejudice it might bring to his affairs, if those proceed of the Earl of Glanmorgan should ●e any way understood to have been done by directions, liking or approbation of his Majesty having in his former messages for a personal treaty offered to give contentment to his two Houses in the business of Irland, hath now thought fitting, the better to show his clearer intentions, and to give satisfaction to his two Houses of Parliament, and the rest of his subjects in all his Kingdoms, to send his declarations, to his said houses, containing the whole truth of the business which is.  
That the Earl of Glanmorgan having made offer unto his Majesty to raise forces in the Kingdom of Irland, and to conduct them into England for his Majesty's service, had a commission to that purpose, and to that purpose only.  
That he had no commission at all to treat of any thing else, without the privity, and direction of the lord Lieutenant, much less to Capitulat any thing concerning religion; or any property belonging either to Church or Laity.  
That it clearly appears by the lord Leutenants proceedings with the said Earl, that he had no notice at all of what the said Earl had treated, and pretended to have capitulated with the Irish, until by accident it came to his knowledge.  
And his Majesty doth protest, that until such time, as he had advertisement, that the person of the said Earl of Glanmorgan was arrested, and restrained (as is above said) he never heard, nor had any kind of notice, that the said Earl had entered into any kind of treaty or capitulation with the Irish commissioners: much less that he had concluded or signed these articles so destructive both to Church and State, and so repugnant to his Majesty's public professions, and known resolution.  
And for the further vindication of his Majesty's honour and integrity heerin, he doth declare, that he is so far from considering any thing contained in those papers, or writings framed by the said Earl, and those commissioners with whom he treated, as he doth absolutely disavow him therein, and hath given commandments to the lord Lieutenant and the Council there, to proceed against the said Earl, as one, who either out of falseness, presumption, or folly, had so hazarded the blemishing of his Majesty's reputation, with his good subjects, and so impertinently framed those articles of his own head, without the consent, privity or directions of his Majesty, or the lord Lieutenant, or any of his Majesty's Council there; but true it is, that for the necessary preservation of his Majesty's protestant subjects in Irland, whose case was daily represented unto him to be so desperate, his Majesty have given commission to the lord Lieutenant to treat and conclude such a peace there, as might be for safety of that Crown, the preservation of the protestant religion, and no way der●gatery to his own honour and public professions.  
You see plainly by this his Majesty's disavowig letter of any power given to Glanmorgan, as to the effect of peace to be concluded with the confederate Catholics, how Glanmorgans' peace came to nothing, and of no validity, though much labour, pains and monies it cost to the confederate Catholics; and not without great discredit to the said Earl. As for the peace made with Ormond year 1646. (who had the King's commission under the great seal) it had no better issue than the former, as shall be made clear out of the above specified divine his writings, reasons, arguments, and words as they are put down.  
And in as much as the Bishops and Clergy their opposition to that peace, hath drawn upon them the implacable anger of Ormond; perusing what I shall write, you shall be able to judge the reasons given by the Prelates were valid, and themselves honest in their intentions, and upright in their proceed, and that they have done nothing but what piety, and the obligation of their pastoral care did require; consequently yond will grant that the duke's anger, and rancour came by no offence given by the Bishops, but through his own heightie mind, which in all matters, and in all occasions must rule and domineer, or will have peace, nor quietness with any man; this matter comprehending many parts, arguments, and circumstances, I shall be forced to bestow more time about it.  
It fell out so, that the confederate Catholics appointed certain persons of quality as Commissioners of treaty (they appointed others for preparing instructions for those that were to treat, whom they named commissioners of instructions) to treat and conclude a peace with Ormond then lord Lieutenant; this was done in the year 1644. the names of those appointed, were Richard lord viscount of Mongaret, Donogh lord viscount of Musgrie, Sr. Robert Talbot Baronet, Dermot o Brien, Patrick Darcy, Geoffrey Brouwne, and john Dillon Esquires. After a long debate upon near two years, a peace was at length concluded between them and his Excellency the lord Lieutenant, consisting of thirty articles, which articles (after being perfected, duly and maturely examined by understanding and learned men) were suspected unsafe for the catholics; this is the subject the mentioned divine handled and sound Proved, and upon the same occasion learnedly justified the rejection of that peace out of the arguments, and decrees of the Ecclesiastical congregation.   

CHAP: V The rejection of the peace of 1646, made by the Bishops and Clergy at Waterford maintained and justified; which peace was alsoe void for being perfected without authority of Ormond ' s part.  
THis author says, the Bishops and Clergy alarmed at the publication of the said peace in Dublin, and Kilkenme, and obedience the Citizens and other natives gave thereunto, (they saw the Gouverment was devolved, the supreme Council of the Nation dissolved, and the forces and armies, and all to be put into the hands of said Ormond lord Lieutenant; the peace (as above was said) being not secure for the chiefest concernements of the Catholics) convened and came together at Waterford (a noble and Catholic City) the sixth of August 1466. the zeal of God's house, and of their flocks so requiring, to consider seriously the contents of the Articles of said peace, and ackordingly to determine, as piety and the safety of Religion, and their flocks would require at their hands.  
The method (said the Author) the Eishops and Clergy observed in rejecting said Peace, and the order of their consultations, was grave, and yet free, giving every divine licence to argue, discourse, and deliver his opinion as to the question proposed; the Chancellor of the congregation taking in the mean time his notes in writing of every man's sense and sentence of the question ventilated, and after a full debate, repeating viva voce, the substance of the arguments; they voted with much tranquillity a result or conclusion, and indeed so much was said to every of these articles that came under debate as nothing was left unsaid, that could be pertinent.  
A love Principium was the beginning of this Congregation, they publicly sacrificed and prayed with flaming Charity, and profound humility, demanding from God light and wisdom in this most important affair that so touched holy Religion and his divine worship; that he would be pleased to give a blessing to their work there: and for the better guiding their Consciences, they seriously perused.  
First the oath of association (the rule of war and peace with the confederate Catholics,) which could not be contravened by any without perfidiousness, and impiety.  
2. The model of Gouvernement.  
3. Several remonst rances printed in France, the year 1642. Fourthly, our grievances presented at Tryme, March, the 17. 1642. Fifthly, the several acts and protestations made by the Kingdom in open assembly at Kilkennie in the mounths Iuli● and August 1645. for the liberties and splendour of Religion, and for the Churches. Sixtly, the 17. propositions exhibited to his Majesty, year 1644. Seaventhly, the further addition and propositions after propounded to the lord Marquis of Ormond.  
All these things 〈◊〉 examened with great deliberation, and attention, being the rules laid down by the whole Kingdom for regulating the committie of treaty, as alsoe the committie of instructions for the said treaty, and all others to whom any charge was entrusted.  
They began with the important propositions the committie of treaty for the peace, were to present unto the Lord Marquez of Ormond Lieutenant Generael of Irland,  and in behalf of the confederate Catholics of Irland, for concluding a peace: those propositions were the chief rules they were bound to observe in that treaty.  
1. One proposition was, ●that the Roman Catholics both Clergy and Laity have and enjoy the free and public exercise of the Roman Catholic Religion through out that Kingdom, as it was in the reign of Henry the 7. or any other Catholic King his ptedecessours' Kings of England, and Lords of Irland, had either in England or Irland.  
2. That the secular roman Clergy of irland, viz: Primats, Archbishops, Bishops, Ordinaries, Deans, and Chapters, Archideakens, and other dignitaries, Persons, Vicars, and all other Pastors of the secular Clergy, and their respective successors, shall have and enjoy all and every of them all manner of jurisdictions, privileges, and immunites in as full and ample manner as the Roman Catholic Clergy had or enjoyed within this Realm at any time during the reign of the late King Henry the 7. of England and Lord of Irland, any declaration of law, laws, statute, power or any authority to the contrary not with standing.  
3. That all laws and statutes made since the time of King Henry the 8. whereby any restreinght, penalty, mulct, or incapacity, or other restriction whatsoever is or may be laid upon any of the Roman Catholics, either of the Clergy, or laity, for such the said exercise of the Roman Catholic Religion within this Kingdom, and of their several functions, jurisdictions, and Privileges, may be repealed, revoked, and declared void in the next Parliament by one or more acts of parliament to be passed therein.  
4. That the Primats, Bishops, Archbishops, Ordinaries, Deans, and Chapters, Archdeakens, Chancelours, Treasurers, Chanters, prevosts, Guardians of Collegial Churches, Prebendaries, and other dignitaries Persons, Vicars, and other Pastors of the Roman Catholic Clergy and their respective successors shall have, hold, and enjoy all the Churches and Church livings ●as large and ample manner as the late Potestant Clergy respectively enjoyed the same in the first day of Septem. 1641, together with all their rights, profits, emoluments, perquisits, liberties to their respective Seas, and Churches belonging as well in all places now in the possession of the confederate Catholics, as alsoe all other places that shall be recovered by the confederate Catholics, from the adverse party within this Kingdom saving to the Roman Catholic Laity, and their respective rights ackording to the laws of the land.  
The Roman Catholic Regular Clergy of the Kingdom were to have and hold the Bodies, sites, and precincts of their Abbeys, Monasteries, and churches etc.  
These four propositions were sworn by the Confederate Catholics in a general Assembly to be insisted upon, and obtained upon any treaty of peace, otherwise that they would not lay down their arms while they had power and ability to maintain the war. Now said four Propositions or matters (so sworn to be insisted upon) were not granted in the 30 Articles of 1646. (as above is clear and manifest) nor as much as presented or urged, as the Commissioners themselves did confess, which seems a breach of trust in those of the comity of Treaty, who were obliged to present and urge said propositions; certain I am that one of the most understanding of that Committie told me, it was but mere folly to present and offer them, for that Ormond was no way content to consent, o give way to them, nor even to Glanmorgan's concessions itself, which were of far lesser importance for Religion ad Nation, than the above four propositions; and that for this reason they said nothing of foresaid propositions, nor of Glanmorgan's concessions until after signature of the 30 Articles; they than desired Glanmorgan's confessions should be at once printed and published with the 30. Articles as contained and comprised in one of them, to wit, the Article of his Majesty's gracious favour and further concessions, (which is as I remember the first Article of all) but my lord of Ormond abfolutly denied said concessions of Glanmorgan should be published at once with the 30 Articles, and that he had nothing to do with Glanmorgan's treaty or concessions. Of the above four propositions the chiefest things to be urged and insisted upon, ackording the instructions they had, they said nothing to Ormond. After this followeth a title of the author in haec verba.  

How the comity of treaty demeaned themselves in concluding the peace of 1646 with Ormond.  
THe comity (saith this Divin) confessed, they upon concluding the peace of thirty Articles relejed principally upon Glanmorgan's concessions, as to the liberty and exercise of Religion, and as to the establishment and securitie●therof, and they conceived the benefit of Glanmorgan's concessions were included in these Articles of 1646, and made of equal force with them; whereas the benefit of said Glanmorgan'● concessions is rather waved and renonced in said Articles of 1646: those Commissioners of Treaty says Glanmorgan's concessions are included under these words of the first of the 30. Articles, further coucessions gr●nted, or to be granted by his Majesty. But you are to observe that all a long upon the debate of the peace of 46. they never made (as above said) as much as mention to my lord of Ormond of Glanmorgan's concessions to be included and to be of equal force with the 30. Articles; it is true after signature of said 30. Articles they moved his Excellency of Glanmorgan's concessions, but he told them plainly he never meant by the Article of further concessions, that the Catholics thereby should have the benefit of Glanmorgan's concessions.  
Behold how the greatest matter, that could concern the Catholics, (the matter of Religion) was handled by the comity of Treaty, to wit, the four propositions above mentioned, and Glanmorgan's concessions, (the basis upon which the Catholics relied for Religion, and splendour there-of, immunities, liberties, Churches, and church-living) committed to th●m to be insisted upon; now in all the time of said treaty, and debate with his Excellency about the ●0. Articles, not one word was spoken of said propositions and concessions nor at the very time of signature and perfection of the 30. Articles: as if they had been of so little worth as they merited not to be moved once, being not withstanding the principal part of their trust. Did they think by silencing them in time of Treaty to steal them upon my lord of Ormond? he was to wise to be so gulled, or did they mean by not moving them, to leave them for a seed of a new war when the King in Parliament should deny us the benefit of Glanmorgan's concessions, and of those other propositions and things, as in my opinion he could rationally do, they being not articled and agreed upon in the 30. Articles perfected by Ormond, by virtue of his commission under the great seal, and consequently not obliging the King as a matter contained included, and perfected in the said 30. Articles? what answer then can the comity make for themselves as to the four propositions and Glanmorgan's concessions not spoken of in the time of treaty? how could the benefit of them be obtained in Parliament, when the peace of 46. should be ratifyed and made good to the Nation? Ormond would deny in open Parliament any consent given by him to such concessions or propositions, or that they had been as much as moved to him or proposed upon time of treaty, or perfecting the 30. Articles; now it is clear that in contracts nothing can be claimed, but what is done by the consent of the parties contracting.  
Hear our comity of treaty is in a labyrinth for obtaining the four propositions and Glanmorgan's concessions in Parliament, what they affirm, Ormond stiffly denies, (and groundedly) for who will say he consented to concessions or propositions never mentioned or urged during the treaty, nor at the time of perfecting the 30. Articles? what shall the King determine in this dispute and difference? what other but deny the benefit of said propositions and Glanmorgan's concessions for not being consented unto by his commissioner Ormond? what then will the Catholics of Irland do? either they must content themselves with Ormond's peace of 30. Articles, and go without the benefit of both the propositions and said concessions (the best and principal ground and security for Religion) or else they must make war with the king for obtaining them, whereas until then they have never warred against his Majesty.  
Hear have I given you nakedly the deportment of the comity of Treaty, with the nature, substance, and quality of that peace of 46 altogether unsecure and unsafe for Catholic religion, and all the interest of the Nation.  
Now if in case that said comity of treaty for concluding of peace swerved from any of the rules and instructions given them (as indeed they have done) what they acted can no way oblige either the Clergy or the people to their own overthrow and destruction; it were a hard case for a commonwealth, if persons by her impowered, with trust, and not performing the same trust, could bind the commonwealth to Acts prejudicial and destructive both to their preservation, interest and liberty, as many of those 30. Articles were to do.    

CHAP: VI The opinion of two famous lawyers upon the peace of Glanmorgan, and that of Ormond, with the final result and judgement of the Prelates after examening the said peace of 30. Articles.  
We are in this place to see what the Congregation did, with their divins. After making a sound ponderation upon the above four Propositions, and other Acts and Ordinances of the several assemblies of that Kingdom, they came to a mature examination of the 30. Articles, above mentioned, and for their surer conduct and better understanding of all, made use of the advice and counsel of the two eminentest, and famous lawyers of the land, who made certain sound observations upon that peace and concessions of Glanmorgan, the substance of those observations is digested into four Articles  
1. That the Committie of treaty waved the the benefit of Glanmorgan's concessions, by not only not insisting upon them, but not so much as proposing them, during the treaty with my lord Lieutenant, which was contrary to the trust and charge laid upon them by the Kingdom.  
2. A public faith given by the Kingdom to the lord Nuntio and Clergy to make Glanmorgan's concessions, and all conditions for Churches and Religion, as public, as valid, and of as much force as that of the temporal, was not performed.  
3. That the king did disavow Glanmormorgan's concessions, so as they became utterly thereby void, for which reasons the Clergy were to provide for themselves by other ways.  
4. Upon the perclosing of those observations, the said lawyers hath this ensueing language. If the case of reference to further concessions, granted in the agreement of said 30. Articles can not extend to what the lord Lieutenant publicly disavoued, and as we understand (on the very perfection of said 30. Arucles) he before witnesses, expressed, to wit that the said clause of further concessions in his peace was not meant by him to extend to Glanmorgan's concessions, shall then the security of Religion and Churches in all the Kingdom depend on a matter that hath so many doubts in it?  
Besides if those 30. Articles concluded with Ormond had any matter of moment in them for Religion, before perfection of them, the King revoked the lord Leutenant's commission, and by this all goes to ground, for without authority he could not perfect articles. This revocation is in print and expressed in a letter from his Majesty to the Marquez of Ormond the 11. 1646. as followeth.  
C. R.  
RIght trusty etc. having long with much grief looked upon the sad condition our Kingdom of Irland hath been in these divers years, through the wicked and desperate rebellion there, and the bloody effects have ensued there-upon. For the settling where-of we would have wholly applied ourselves, if the difference betwixt us and our subjects here, had not diverted, and withdrawn us, and not having been able by force (for that respect) to reduce them, we were necessitated for the present saf●y of our protestant subjects there, to give you power and authority to treat with them, upon such pious, honourable, and safe grounds as that our kingdom did then reqiure; but for many reasons to long for a letter we thimke fit to require you to proceed no further in treaty with the rebels, nor to engage us upon any condition with them after sight hereof. And having formerly found such real proofs of your ready obedience to our commands, we doubt not of your care in this wherein our service and the good of our protestant subjects in Irland is so much concerned.  
from Newcastle june the 11. 1646.  
This letter was received by Ormed before perfecting of the 30. Articles, where fore said articles can be of no force. what remedy then can be had ● what help to make the 30. Articles valid? they said Digby brought some thing in cipher to incourrage the Lord Lieutenant, and what then? shall we rely upon a cipher, and get no better security for our Religion, and Churches, for our lives, fortunes and estates, than the relying upon a cipher? this were in good earnest to make a peace in cipher.  
Hear I have given you the sense of the two famous lawyers upon the 30. articles; one of those for his abilities was well known to the learnedest juges of England and Irland, was a Counsellor to Ormonds' family, and one that knew as much of the ground and cause of our quarrel and of all that passed in the Assembly, Council and several commities as any who somever in the Kingdom.  
By what is said you see Ormonds' commission was revoked before perfecting the said peace of 30. Articles (which shall be more expressly made clear hereafter) and did not his Excellency knowing this, play fooly with the confederate catholics? what then did he intent by intruding this peace upon us? what other but to cheat and deceive us by getting from us upon consideration of such a peace (as in effect he did) all our forts, cities, towns, arms, armies, and navy under his own command, and by dissolving our association and gouvemement; was not this a handsome trick and plot for undoeing us taking away all our defence for no other consideration then that of those plastered articles perfected without any commission, that could and lightly would be disavoved in Parliament by his Majesty, as concluded without his authority, and consequently we should gain no grace nor pardon by them.  
After the Bishops and other ordinaries, and divins, had well considered these things, and more particularly the result of the two renowned lawyers, who were especial leading-men in the commonwealth; after long debate, and learned arguments, great diligence, search and pains, they found it evident, that Religion, estates, lives, liberties, and safety of the Catholics, lay open to danger, notwithstanding the 30. articles agreed upon with Ormond by the comity of treaty (who discharging not the trust laid upon them by failing to pursue the instructions given them, as above was said) and finding all the cities, towns, forts Garrisons, army ships, magazines., and the strength of the Catholics to be rendered up to the lord Lieutenant (as some of them already was) and the supreme Council had by that time ceded their authority, and submitted to the said peace, which had been (as was said) proclaimed and published solemnly by the Kingss-at-arme in Dublin and Kilkennie, and that the lord Lieutenant come from Dublin gallantly attended by many hundreds of prime Gentlemen, was then at Kelkenny and began to gouverne according the articles of the peace; the Bishops (I say) and Clergy naked and without any guard other than the protection of God, and affection of good Catholics, after invoking the name of the most high, came to a final result, which was the insueing decree, which they put forth, and caused to be published to the Catholics over the Kingdom.  

Per congregationem Ecclesiasticam utriusque cleri hibernici, in Spiritu Sancto congregatam Waterfordiae coram Illustrissimo D: Archiespiscopo, FIRMANO Nuntio Apostolico extraordinario in Iberniam.  
SVper quastione inter nos orta, & per multos dies exagitata, an perjuri declarandi essent, qui pacem contentam triginta articulis ad nos ● supremo Concilio transmissis, acceptarent, & successiuè, an tanquam perjuri forent excommunicandi? auditis prius singulorum sententijs, & rationibus, lectisque aliquorum sacrae theologiae doctorum scriptis, decretum est unanimi consensu, & singulorum votis nemine contradicente, quod omnes & singuli confaederati Catholici, qui simili pa●i adhaerebunt, vel ejus fautoribus consentient, aut alio modo illam amplectentur, perjuri absolutè habendi sint, ea praecipuè de causa, quod in ijs articulis nulla facta est mentio Catholicae Religionis, ejusque securitatis, nec ulla habita ratio conseruanis privilegiorum Patriae, sicuti juramento legitur promissum, sed potius omnia referantur ad arbitrium Serenissimi Regis, a quo in presenti rerum statu nihil certi potest haberi, & interim subijciantur exercitus, arma, & munimenta, ipsumque supremum Concilium confederatorum Catholicorum, authoritati & dominio Concilij status suae Majestatis & officialium protestantium, a quibus, ut securi fieremus, juramentum illud suscepimus. Ex quibus & ex pluribus alijs causis sola nostra conscientia moti, solumque Deum prae oculis habentes, ut notum sit universis & singulis tum Ibernis, tum exteris, tali pace nos non dedisse, nec daturos consensum, nisi pro Religione, Rege & patria juxta nostrum juramentum securae conditiones apponantur; & ut Greges nostri confaederatique omnes Catholici, qui in generalibus comitijs aliquando in hoc Spirituali negotio, velut ad Ecclesiasticum judicem unice spectante, sententiam nostram rogaverunt, certo sciant quod a nobis determinatum fuerit, ut in eum sensum tanquam pij & sideles Catholici pastoribus suis obedientes concurrant. Hoc decretum scribi, & ubique locorum anglicâ vel etiam Ibernicâ lingua publicari juss●mus, & manibus ac sigillis nostris firmavimus. Alteram verò quaestionem de Excommunicatione ad proximas sessiones reseruamus.  
Datum Waterfodiae die 12, Aug: anno 1646. 

joannes Baptista Archiespiscopus FIRMANUS & Nuntius Apostolicus.  
Fr. Thomas Archiepiscopus Dublin: Hiberniae Primas.  
Thomas Archiepiscopus Casseliensis  
Fr. Boetius Episcopus Elphin:  
joannes Episcopus Loanensis  
Franciscus Episcopus Aladensis  
Nicolaus Episcopus Fernensis  
Fr. Patricius Episcop. Waterford: & Lismor:  
joannes Clonsertensis Episcopus●:  
Fr. Edmundus Episcopus Lacklin:  
Richardus Adfertensis & Accadem: Episcop:  
Edmundus Episcop: Limericensis  
Emerus Episcop: Clocheren:  
Fr. jacobus Abbas Benchorensis  
Fr. Patricius Abbas B. M. Dublin  
Fr. Laurentius Abbas de surio,  
Fr. jacobus Abbas de S. Cruce,  
Fr. jacobus Tobin Abbas de Kilcoole;  
Robertus vicarius Apostol: Rossen:  
Donaldus Vicarius Funiborensis  
Fr. Gregor: Prior Provinc: Ord: Praedicat:  
Fr. Diomsius Prior Provinc: Erim: S. Aug.  
Edmundus ô Theige Procur: Illustriss: D. Armach:  
Walterus Vicar: Apost: Tuamens:  
Guilelmus Vicar: Apost: Imolacen:  
jacobus Vicar: Generael: Kildar:  
Cornelius Vicar: General: Ardensis  
Oliverius Vicar: general: Meden:  
Dominicus Vicar: General: Corcagien:  
Simon Vicar: General: Cluanensis  
Edmundus Vicar: General: Clowensis  
Cornelius Vicar: general: Cluan:  
Robertus Superior Societ: jesu  
Fr. Antonius Procurator Provinc: FF: Minorum  
Fr. Barnabas Commiss: Gener: Capuci:     
These are the names of such as sat in the Ecclesiastical congregation of both the Irish clergy secular and regular in true spirit of the holy Ghost convened at Waterford before the most Illustrious and most Reverend Archbishop Firmanus Nuntio Apostolical in Irland.  
The decree is thus Englished.  

As to the question betwixt us moved, and for many days discussed whether such as would accept of that peace contained in the 30. articles, remitted unto us from the supreme Council, are to be declared perjurious, and consequently whether as perjurious they are to be excommunicated: we having first given ear to each one's opinion and sentiment in this matter, as alsoe having read the writings of some doctors of Divinity, it is decreed, and by each one's vote in particular (none contradicting) that all and every one of the confederate Catholics, that will adhere to such a peace, or consent to the furtherers thereof, or in any other manner or way will embrace the same, shall be absolutely as perjurions esteemed, chiefly in as much, as there is no mention made in them 30 articles, nor provision for the Catholic Religion, or safety thereof, nor any respect had for the preservation of the Kingdom's privileges, as were promised in the oath of association, but to the contrary all remitted and referred to the Kings will and pleasure, from whom (as the case stands at present with his Majesty) no certainty of things can be had or expected, ye● in the mean time all the arms, armies, fortifications, even the very supreme Council of the confederate Catholics are and is to be subjected to the authority and ●ule of his Majesty's Council of State, and protestant officers; from whom that we may be safe and secure, we have taken that oath.  
Out of which and several other reasons we (moved thereunto by our only conscience, having God before our eyes) would have it known to all, and to each person, and persons as well of the Irish natives, as to foreign nations, that we gave no consent, nor will any to such a peace, if they will not grant us further, surer and safer conditions for our Religion, our King and Country according to our oath of association; and to the end our flocks (all the confederate Catholics) who in their general assemblies required our sentence, in this spiritual matter appertaining to us only as Ecclesiastical judges, may know for certain what is by us determined herein, and as godly and faithful Catholics obeying their Pastors, may concur with us: we have ordered this decree to be written and published each where both in the English and Irish tongue.  
Given under our hands, and sealed with our proper seals. The other question of Excommunication we reserve to next sessions. Given at Waterford the 21. of August 1646.   
This Decree was the principal work of the Congregation, after which they writ to the Cities and towns in the Catholic quarters, to the Generals of the Armies, and some other principal officers, and to several other noble men, warning them of the danger and insecuritie of said peace, adhorting all to concur and join with them in rejecting the same peace, and at the same time they writ the ensueing letter to the lord precedent and members of the late supreme Council residing at Kelkennie.  
Right honourable after a serious debate with Mr. Plunket and Mr. Darcy desiring and hoping for a good understanding between us (whereby the union and true peace of the Kingdom may be preserved) we conceived and drew up the enclosed declaration and propositions containing our tru● sense of the late peace, and our just demands for a sufficient provision, and security for the Catholic Religion, churches, lives, liberties and estates of the confederate Catholics of this● Kingdom, praying we may with all convenien speed receive your answers (which if not timely returned, we shall find ourselves obliged in conscience to let our declaration and propositions be made public) with our best wishes, we rest your Honnours loving friends.  
Waterford. 24. August 1646. by command of the lord Renuccini Archbishop and Prince of Fermo, Apostolical Nuncio, and of the Ecclesiastical Congregation of both the secular and Regular Clergy of Irland. Nicolaus Episcopus Fernensis Cancellarius Congregationis. The supersciption was. For the Right Honnorable the lord Mongarret and the rest of the late supreme Council.  
The declaration mentionned in the above letter (which was printed) doth manifest what passed upon the examination of the peace of 30. Articles, and of the above mentioned matters, with our sense and judgement upon all, our prayers and fatherly commands to our flocks over the Kingdom, and to the Generals and other officers and soldiers to have nothing to do with that peace; the propositions mentioned in said letter were expedients offered by the Congregation for securing the Catholic Religion, life's liberties and estates of the Catholics.  
One (and that a principal proposition) that Glanmorgans' concessions upon which the comity of Treaty relied as to Religion) should be made as valid and pudlick as the 30. articles, and of the same force with them for the benefit and satisfaction of the Catholics. Ormond, (who was then in Kelkennie when the mentioned letter was received by the supreme Council) answered he had no power to consent to such concessions, nor as much as to add any article to the 30. articles, his Commission (by virtue of which he had concluded said 30. articles with them) being expired, yet he promised all the friendly offices that lay in his power, and all mediation with the king for the satisfaction of the Catholics, which was no security nor satisfaction to the Catholic Prelates.  
The supreme Council, after receiving the mentioned declaration and propositions, employed Sr. Lucas Dillon knight and Gerrat Finnel Esquire (both of the Council) with Thomas Tirel and Laurence Dudal esquires, adding to them Nicolas Plunket and Patrick Darcy esquires (who were in Waterford before) both members of the Council, to offer certain proposals for satisfying the Bishops, and clergy, to the end sorsaid peace of 30. Articles might be unanimously by them and the rest accepted; these gentlemen were humanly received and listened unto by the lord Nuncio and Bishops of Clonferty and Fernes, (which too were chosen by the congregation to attend on the lord Nunci● in that affair) after all was heard and considered of, and all they said represented to the Congregation, there was nothing of security found as to Religion and churches.  
Hear it is to be particularly observed, that the Lord Lieutenant Ormond upon a sudden departed from Kelkennie to Dublin like a man possessed by some fear, when Sir Luke and the rest were upon their way to Waterford, which departure of his prescinded all expectation of giving such security and satisfaction as the Bishops and Clergy expected. Here upon the Congregation told Sir Lucas and the rest of the Gentlemen, there was no other way remaining for satisfying all good men, then to summon of new a General Assembly of the confederate Catholics, and there and then to have the 30. Articles of 46. more nicely examened, and by them to be recepted, or rejected as pleased the prudency of the whole Catholic Assembly.  
This is a candid and ample account I give you out of the mentioned divin of the propositions and proceedings of the Bishops and Clergy assembled in Waterford, to the end (that all their transactions there and then rightly pondered and understood) they may appear to the world (as really they are) innocent and blameless as acting nothing therein, but what the dictamen of their conscience led them unto, touching the 30. Articles.  
It is by this manifestly known how Ormonds mercenary pens, and others upon their suggestions (without any search or examination) have both bitterly spoken and written of these Bishops, and of all the clergy for putting a side that peace; one of which (and that wrote bitterly) was F. Peter Wailsh, who censured them grivously for so doing, thought at the same time, this Congregation sat, this friar was as much against the said 30. Articles and Ormond, as another; how he came to Change his mind, and writ for Ormond against the Bishops and Clergy, I know not, neither to this day hath he given any ground or reason, nor is able to do, for that his instability; and if in case he had apparently given, yet no regard ought to be had by any good and Zealous Catholic, of what he says, in as much as he lies under the curse of an excommunication major (as I have said in the Preface) prononced against him by a general Chapter of his own order, against whom he most rebelliously stands out refusing submission to them.  
I hope these things well considered the Bishops and Clergy assembled in Waterford will lose no esteem in the sight of good impartial Christians, but rather be commended for their zeal vnd fortitude in God's cause; we are not to fear fire nor sword, nor the graetness of men, when we speak for God and his glory. Loquebar (saith the divin psalmist) de testimonijs tuis in conspectu regum & non confundebar.  
The diuin by me above cited protested before God and his Angels, that the Bishops and clergy had no intention to offend Ormond in that proceeding, or to blemish his honour in the least, but they were much unsatisfied with the comity of Treaty, for neglecting and not performing the trust laid unto their charge; by which protestation you see the Bishops gave no cause to Ormond to departed Kelkennie for Dublin, nor as much as thought of his going, or suspected in the least that he would be gone, but his own conscience why spered various thoughts unto him: so that verè trepidabat timore ubi non erat timor. He trembled with fear where there was no occasion of fear: however since this great man departed for Dublin, he fostered an inveterat odium against the Bishops and Clergy swearing and protesting he will be avenged of that stinking creuw (so he is heard to call them); which unusual form of speech to an entire, and of an entire body of Bishops, virtuous, learned, and honourable men, (divers of them being nobly descended.) If this be I say a language beseeming a noble man of Ormonds' quality, or rather the language of a rash, profane, and insolent person, let any discreet man judge.   

CHAP. VII. The Calumnies and aspersions cast by Fa. Wailsh upon the Congregation of jamestowne, and especially that of forcing the Lord Lieutenant out of the Kingdom, confuted; and their proceed justified.  
FOur years after this Congregation of Waterford, an other convened in jamestowne (a little town in Conaght) two years after the second peace concluded with Ormond in the year 1648, by the unanimous consent of the Kingdom: Ormond kept a great stir with this Congregation, and Fa: Wailsh (who busied himself still and always in verifying of Ormonds' do) must needs write unhandsomly of that venerable congregation, saying (in his little printed book, he calls by the name of the more ample account. pag: 105) that unfortunate and fatal Congregation gave a scandal which aspersed them, and aspersed not them, and the whole Irish Clergy alone, but even their Communion and Religion in its total extent, specially through these Nations. Further he says, they rendered the Catholics uncapable of any mercy intended by the King for tender consciences; that great argument being (saith he) the Irish rebellion in 41, the opposition and rejection of the peace of 46. with all the circumstances and consequents of ever since the fatal work of Waterford Congregation: the opposition likewise made by a very considerable part of the Clergy and people to the peace of 48, and the Cleargies rendering it at last fruitless (even I say after a general reception of, and submission to it) by the declaration made, and censure issued at lamestowne, and by the endeavours before and afther that last unfortunate meeting of the Bishops; finally their twice forcing, or at least putting a necessity on his Majesty's Lieutenant to departed the Kingdom.  
The diuin (who justified the casting away of the peace of 46) answered Wailsh in this kind. This fa: shown himself presumptuous and to busy in censuring the Cedars and Pillars of the Church, to whom he ought to bow his head for reverence, and would have done so, had he been a true and humble child of S. Francis, all he have said, or can say, will come to nothing, and his arguments will be found of no more strength than a wavering reed, (such a thing he is) for having played jack on both sides; will he dare say he had more piety than all the Bishops and Clergy of the Kingdom? more learning than they all in one body? more love to th● flocks and people? more fidelity to the King? more interest in the nation? or had he better knowledge of what passed since the making the peace of 48, till the meeting of jamestowne, than they all? what authority, power or commission had he to judge the decrees of Bishops and Clergy? he should rather have listened to Seneca's advice, si judicas, coonosce, know affore you judge, he knew not the grounds the Bishops went upon, and consequently gave an erroneous judgement; there needs no other reasons, or arguments for convincing him then the view of the acts and Decrees of the said congregation: in calling the Congregation fatal and unfortunate, he shows neither education or breeding towards these two venerable meetings.  
He is erroneously mistaken in saying they gave cause of scandal to the people; as for the revolution of 41. it hath been justified a holy and lawful war, by a skilful and learned pen: the Acts of the Congregation of jamestowne alsoe have been made good and maintained by what I have written, and was not yet answered by Fa: Wailsh; the peace of 48 was not rendered (as he pretends maliciously) frùitlesse by those of jamestowne, or the people: the Irish Commissioners have sufficiently proved this in London before his Majesty and Counsel. Besides the Bishops never intermeddled in that peace, having still esteemed the same as a precious jewel of the Kingdom dearly bought, and such as every man desired to perform, it hath been already sufficiently proved that they did not render these Articles fruitless; but Fa: Wailsh says, they rendered them fruitless by putting a necessity (which is the second proposition objected against them) upon the Lord Lieutenant to part the Kingdom, and this we alsoe deny; Fa: Wailsh will find no such decree of ours to that purpose: if his Excellency was able to do any good in the extreme condition we were in, why did not he stay? the obligation of being Lord Lieutenant would have him stay, and this was not taken from him, the truth is he was not able by his staying to face the enemy, or defend what as yet was in the King's possession, and this is it made him go away, ashamed and confounded to have lost us all we had in our possession, when he made the peace with us, and that he saw no way of regaining the places lost, this made him leave the Government with the Lord Marquis of Clanricard, when he saw evidently all was going to wrack; they say it is a secret instinct of rats to leave houses that are like to go to ruin, or vessels that are to be drowned: this truth we have found by experience; the Lord Lieutenant had a stronger ground for leaving Irland, than the secret instinct of these small beasts, reason made him evidently know that Irland was to be soon lost, (his coming to us was a great, if not the only cause of this unrecoverable loss) and that destruction was approaching their doors: shall I make this manifest? First there was no money, nor treasure to pay the soldiers, which did not use to fight without good pay, though our cause for fight was the best in the world, for lives, liberties, fortunes, estates, and religion; we had good experience of this, and we never saw in any country soldiers so well paid; now clear it is, there was no way for paying, ergò no fight to be expected; secondly there was no ammunition of powder for defending the places we had, nor for field service; would men (think you) expose themselves as marks to the enemy, expressly to be killed without any defence? Thirdly there was no revenue, or rents to be had for supporting in the future the souldrie, officers, train of Artillery, pensions for Commissioners of trust, and other necessary Commissioners attending the Army and public: this truth is clear out of the Gentlemen Commissioners at London, to wit, that there was no town or considerable place when his Excellency did departed, in his Majesty's hands, but Limerick and Galway, and the Counties of Galway and Clare, the other parts of connaght being waist, and the rest of the Kingdom lost; all which (as they aver) happened before the proceed of that part of the Clergy met at jamestowne, as was said before. Fourthly there was no expectation of aid from any part of the world.  
In this place I shall desire my Lord of Ormond or Fa: Wailsh for him to name me any person, Lord, Gentleman, Citizen, marchand or yeoman, that would give at that time by way of loan, or gift unto the public any thing? what hopes then had my Lord Lieutenant of any substance to maintain the war? they will say there remained as yet the Cities Limerick and Galway, and in these were many rich men; but let him tell me who was able to get these riches; the Lord Bishop of Limerick? noe; the Archbishop of Tuame ordinary of Galway? noe; the Commissioners of trust? nor those, Noah nor all the Bishops and Clergy of the Kingdom with them; nor my Lord Lieutenant himself; in whose face they shut their gates: I confess my Lord Lieutenant had his faction in Limerick (though the mayor and honnester part were against him) the recorder stackpole a rotten fellow, his creaghs, whites, macnemarras and Fenells, all these did not provide the least in way of loan or otherwise: they painted honest men in ill colours, and told his excellency under hand, they were to be suspected, and feared; but at last they themselves proved traitors and knaves, and these they would have suspected, proved honest men, true to God, king and country; tell me (I beseech) who where they, who foully betrayed Limerick to Irton, after many months noble resistance, were they of the lord Leutenants' faction; or of those adhered to the clergy? they were the lord Leutenants' people, the above named, who betrayed the town and blood of innocents': who were they Ir●on put to death? they were those adhered to the clergy and Kingdom, Terence o Brien Bishop of Emilie (the Bishop of the town escaped narrowly) Sr. Geoffrey Galloway, Geoffrey Barron, an ornament to his country; Mr. Dominick Faunin Alderman, Mr. Thomas stritch Alderman a right honest man; Mr. Higgens Doctor in physic, and fa: Laurence Wailsh priest, these were all put to death by Irton: Hugo Neale a man nobly borne, and who stoutly before defended Clonmel, taken prisoner was sent to London, committed to the tower, and had suffered but that he proved himself Alien born in Flanders, though of Irish parents: did any Creagh or White or stackpole etc. die or suffer that day? noe, but Irton one of the kings great murderers struck dead those he thought loved the King. what noise then doth this giddy friar keep about Ormonds departing the Kingdom, and must stone to death all the Bishops and clergy for having (as he says, but falsely) forced Ormond away? and if he had stayed, let him tell me, what could he do more than the marquez of Clanricard have done, whom he left in trust with the Government? he was not able to do so much, and this father, and all the Kingdom knew it, and this indeed made him part the Kingdom: let then any tell me doth not Fa: Wailsh speak against his conscience, when he pretends the Bishops did force the Lord Lieutenant away; again let this father tell me would not the people that obeyed his excellency's orders, commands, and letters at Loaghreagh, and who vexed much for his sake the Bishops and Clergy for what was done at jamestowne, and for having endeavoured to do them all good: did not these in that Assembly disclaim in, and seem to detest the proceed at jamestowne to pleasure his excellency (I mean the major part, but not the sounder part of them) would not these people keep him, if he had been pleased to stay? nor did the Prelates intent to cross there the major vote of the Assembly, for all their decrees, and excommunications were made with this limitation, that the Assembly whensoever they were pleased to meet, could dispose of all things in order to their own preservation; and consequently could of the matter of the Lord Leutenant's going or staying: and would not they who so adhered to him, stand or fall with his excellency? to fall they were sure had he stayed▪ and some of them knew he went expressly away that he might not be spectator of so great a fall and ruin, as that of a Kingdom.  
I confess ingeniously the Bishops and clergy at Lamestowne wished my lord would go away, and why? for grudge or spleen to his person? certainly they had no such thoughts, but they foresaw the ruin and destruction of the people could not be avoided he staying with them, and this before God was their fear and judgement of him, and there could not be in the world a more evident presumption for judging and fearing, as they did, and for this reason (though not certain his departure would cure the dangerous distemper of the Kingdom) some hopes they had, that the union of the People would be greater, and courage, and more cheerfully contribut to their own preservation; this was really the intention and mind of that congregation, which I knowingly do speak; let Fa: Wailsh put in print what propositions or dreams he pleaseth, or build castles in the air for excusing Ormond. This well grounded fear of theirs, and the desire they had of the People's preservation, moved them to write to his Excellency in an humble manner that he would be pleased to take a voyage for France to the Queen and Prince (now King whom God preserve) for to get aids and succour, and to leave the Government in some trusty hand; with this letter they sent the Bishop of Drommore (a great friend of Ormond's) and Charles kelly Dean of Tuame to express their intentions to his Excellency.  
Hear I set you down the letter and instructions, that you may pass your judgement on them, and first I give you this notice that in that grave Congregation was not a word spoken of his Excellency other then with respect due to his person, quality, and greatness, though there were then persons present several Bishops and other Cleargymen turned out of their Churches, and homes, not well knowing which way to turn themselves, which cala●●itie befell them in time of his government.  
The letter of jamestowne Congregation to the Lord Lieutenant.  
MAY it please your excellency wee▪ received your letter of the second currant, wherein to our admiration we saw some expressions that seems meant for casting the blame upon us of the present sad condition of the Kingdom, which we h●ve in good time to answer to the satisfaction of the whole world and Nation, in the mean time we premit this protestation as we are Christian Catholik Prelates that we have done our endeavours with all earnestness and ●andor for taking away from the hearts of all, jealousies, and diffidences occasioned (as we conceive) by so many disasters that befell the Nation of late, and that in all occasions we were ready to accompany all your Excellency's designs for preservation of all his Majesty's interests in this Kingdom, whose state being for the present desperate, we thought it fit and our d●ry to offer unto your Excellency our sense of the one only possibility and means we could divise for its preservation, and that by the intervention and expression of my Lord of Drommore and Doctor Kelly dean of Tuame; they will clearly deliver our thoughts, and good intentions as to this effect: we pray your Excellency to give full credit to what they shall say in our name in this business, which will be still owned as our commands laid on them, and the expression of the sincere hearts of your Excellencies very loving servants etc. ......  
Iames●owne 10. Aug: 1650.  
This letter was signed by all the Bishops sitting in the Congregation The instructions that accompanied this letter, were as followeth.  
First ye are to present unto his Excellency the ●ast destructions, and desolations of the Kingdom. the Cities, towns, places, etc. that we have lost in the space of few months, especially Wex●ord, Ross, Kilkennie, Clonmel, Cashel, Carrick, the jo●● of Tiecrohan, Car●ow, etc. almost the whole Provinces of Munster and Linster, with the churches and church live in them, and that the City of Waterfoord and the sort of Dunkanan blocked up by the enemy (no army being to relieve them) are in danger to be soon lost, as alsoe the rest of the kingdom not yet lost, which is but this Province of Connaght, and the county of Clare.  
2. That the People seeing no visible army for their defence to oppose the enemy, are come to despair of recovering what is lost, or deffending what we ●hould; and inclining (for the safety of their lives and estates) to compound with the Parliament, by which agreement the King's authority will be infallibly cast off, the Catholic faith (so we fear) with the time exstinguished, and the Nation first enslaved, will perhaps in the end be plucked up root and branch●  
3. Ye shall protest before God, Angels and men, in the name and behalf of the Congregation, that the Prelars of this Kingdom have employed their earnest and ●est endeavour for removing the fears and jealousies of the people, and that they have no power to do it, finding the universal sense of the people to be, that fate doth wait upon these times.  
4. Ye shall present to his excellency how we finding no other human expedient remedy for the preservation of this Nation, and his Majesty's interest therin● then the speedy repiare of his Excellency to the Queen and Prince in France, for preventing the destruction of all, do humbly pray he leave the King's authority in the hands of trusty persons to his Majesty, and faithful to the nation, and to such as the affection and confidence of the people will follow, by which the rage and fury of the enemy may with God's grace receive some interruption; we humbly offer this important matter of safety or destruction of the Nation, and the King's interest to his wisdom and consideration, and ye shall as●●●● his Excellency, we shall in the mean time do what lieth in our power to assist the persons entrusted by his Excellency.  
Ye are alsoe to pray his Excellency will be pleased to give ye an answer within few days, for that we are not in a condition to continue long together.  
I ask, if there be any thing in this letter, message, or instructions, but what is human, civil, and with great respect to his Excellency? In this nature the Bishops so demeaned themselves, even then when the greatest danger of destruction was over them, yea when most of them were destroyed already, and reduced to extreme poverty, through the loss of the kingdom in the short time of his government.  
I further demand is there any thing in this that savours of treason or disaffection to his Majesty, or of opposing or destroying of the peace, or of desire to put aside the king's authority and government? was there any thing in all these proceed could offend this noble man? or could any man draw out of this an occasion of carping or reprehending the Prelates? certainly no man, excepting this father, or some other Ormenian flatterer: was it I pray you, so haighnous a crime to desire the lord Lutenant to take a viadge to the Queen and Prince, for to seek supplies to support the war' and leave the king's authority behind him, in hope we might do some thing against the enemy in his absence by these entrusted by him, in as much as he himself did nothing all that time, but lost us all we had as likewise what was gained from the enemy in the beginning of his own Government? great Generals have been displaced for want of success, though valorous soever; this have been done in the Roman and Atthenian commonwealths the most flourishing in the world  
An ancient old woman came to Philip king of Macedo in presence of all his Grandes, beseeching his Majesty to give ear to her complaints, and do her justice, the king replied, he had no leisure to attend her, at which answer the bold poor woman said in presence of them all, igitur né sis Rex? what are you King for, but to do us justice? if you will not hear me lay down your crown, which you got to do me justice; immediately this great king stood up gave her audience, did her justice: would it not, I pray, well become my lord of Ormond to listen to the just and reasonable request of so many Bishops, spiritual fathers of the people, while they humbly prayed him to take in hand a viadge? certainly I am confident that the great Monarches of Spain and France would give care to what so many Bishops would say, and take it much to their serious consideration, and I doubt not but our own King would have done it, though of a different religion.  
It hath been said by some of his own friends, that he himself desired to take such a viadge in hand, but in as much as the Bishops desired him, he went bacl from his own resolution, what the reason is I know not, if not to cross their de●ire.   

CHAP: VIII. The true jealousies of the Irish Catholics at London, that Ormond was to desert them, wellset forth by F: Wailsh in a letter to Ormond, with certain observations made upon the same letter.  
NOw we come to the jealousies and fears of the Catholic nobility and Gentry in London, year ●660. well set forth in a letter from F. Wailsh unto Ormond, who, not-with●standing all the rest did fear, yet the F. did not, nor as much as suspect of Ormonds' disaffection and realty to his country, and catholic friends; wherefore Ormond may say to him, what our saviour said to the centurion Math. c. 8. Non inveni tantam fide●● in Israel. Hear I give you the father's letter.  
A letter from Peter Wailsh to the marquez now duke of Ormond and second time lord lieutenant of Irland, desiring a Just and merciful regard may he had of the Roman Catholics of Irland, written Octob: 1660.  
SInce I had the honour of speaking last to your Excellency, I reflected (by reason of several discourses had this week with persons of quality) on the daily increase of the fears and jealousies of my countrymen, which is the reason that instead of waiting upon you this morning about private concernments, (as I intended) I chose rather out of my unalterable affection to yourself, to give first this paper, and therein my thoughts, and my desires relating to the public that is, to your self, to his Majesty, and his Kingdom of Irland.  
My lord I thought fit to tell you that considering the general fear seized already almost on all the Nobility, and Gentry, and others here of that nation, and reflecting on the vast difference t' wixt my own belief, and th●irs, it seems unto me I behold in us all (particularly who have relied for so many years on your virtue) somewhat fulfilled not unlike the mysterious extinction of all the lights to one in the ceremony of Tenebrae in holy week: for my lord I observe in the generality of the Catholics of Irland here, even (I say) of those, who have been s●e long your constant believers, your passionate friends, a dimness and darkness seizing their judgement, even your fastest sticklers heretofore, losing at present their expectation of your future appearance for them, and hopes of their delivery by you at any time evermore: some through ignorance of states affairs, and intrigues obstructing as yet; others through inconsideration of these ways to you known, much wiser, though slower than folly and rashness could chalk out: and some out of prejudice, or an evil will, which blinds them, and makes them abuse the timorousness and credulity of all they can to lessen your esteem and your dependence, all they are able.  
My lord, these thoughts, which more and more tr●oubled me daily, because I have daily new occasions ●o reflect on them, and therefore would no longer but give them your Excellency even in this method and writing, that they may take the deeper impression, as every much concerning you, since your one welfare, and the kings and peoples, (in my jugment) very much depend on a good esteem of so great a minister as your great deserts have made you.  
But with all my lord I will give your Excellency my most earnest and most hearty desire, that you delay no longer then shall be necessary to clear these clouds of darkness, and clear them in this present conjuncture by an effectual demonstration of the justice and favour you intent the Catholics in your Articles of 48. when they so freely put themselves, and their power into your hands.  
Father Wailsh your letter is well penned expressing excellently the general fear that seized upon all the Catholics of our nation in London; a truer expression could not be. I observe you say in the generality of Irland here, even I say of those, who have been so long as well your constant believers, as your steadfast friends ● dimness etc. And for the better persuading him to show his virtue and affection to his Catholic friends, you tell him, his own webfare, the kings etc. did much depend on a great esteem of so great a minister as his great deserts have made him: Nothing can be said in reason to move a gallant man more than what you have said. In the end of your letter you press him closely to do the Catholics justice by virtue of the Articles of 48. saying when they put themselves and their power into your hands so freely.  
Certainly good fa: had Ormond loved you and the Catholics of Irland (those you name his fastest friends and sticklers) as much as you and they loved him, would he have given a good answer to your rational lines, but you tell nothing of his answer, if good or bad, if it were good, I am sure you would have published it amongst the rest of his great virtues, so as your silence in this argues no good answer: all your prayers good fa: to Ormond are in vain, you have cast your seed in a barren land, Hoc est supra Petram, and your prayers withered and shrank.  
Had Ormond been a worthy man and lover of his country, he had dispersed those clouds of darkness as you desired him, taking away those fears of his true friends by appearing for the nation as behoved a just man, and as he was bound by virtue of the articles of 48. themselves being the king's commissioner upon concluding that peace. These are the affections and duties required at his hands by the Catholics.  
Doth his greatness (think you) give him a Privilege that the Catholics should love him, and he hate them; that men nobly borne and many other worthy persons should for so many years rely upon him putting great trust in him, and he in the end should betray them in the greatest concernment they had in the world? if he hath in this done like a true Chri●●ia● or gallant nobleman head of so ancient a family, judge you and all others?  
You speak● after of Ceremonies and Tenebrae▪ all we had from Ormond were but Tenebrae and Darkness, nor did your glorious light in the Triangle ever shine propitious to the Catholics: his trusty friends and sticklers have too long relied upon a reed of Egijpt, a reed without stay or virtue, such as your Ormond was and is. Such in London of our Nation (as you say) that feared he would prove, as he showed himself, I see were wiser than you, that trusted so much in him, and could not be persuaded he would play booty in the end and abandon the Catholics, th●ir fear was grounded in good reason, and your confidence in him was vain, and you remain still deceived in that your confidence; oh! would to God the Catholics had feared him in good time, if so, Ormond had never come to the power of annoying them, or to lose them; but Serò sapiunt phrijges: he deceived the person most trusted in him, and did believe (as you do) that he would prove the deliverer of his country; I mean the Earl of Clancarty (than lord viscont Musgry) his brother in law, who seemed sore vexed in his dying bed for having placed trust in Ormond, (an error destructive to his Nation) and could his Excellency (than was the time not to dissemble) the heavyest fear that possessed his soul going unto an other world was for confiding so much in him, who deceived them all, and lost his poor country and countrymen.  
It is plain truth (and F. Wailsh you know it to be so) the great opinion very many of the assembly had of the sound judgement of my lord Clancarty (speaking nothing of his high descent an fortune) made many of the nobles and gentry follow him, and in the end they all found themselves deluded.  
You know well that young Musgry (Clan●arty his heir) who was Colonel in France, a stout and valiant person, one of the hopefullest men of his Nation, (who was killed in the first war at sea against the Hollanders) could never endure his uncle Ormond after seeing his finistrous ways, his cunning artices, and his deserting the Catholics so foully.  
You have indeed F: earnestly prayed Ormond and conjured him to appear for the Nation, and to obtain for them the benefit of the Articles of the peace of 48. (which he himself was bound in honour and conscience to do) and you constantly expected their delivery by him; and when shall that be think you? even then, when the jews shall see their Messiah long waited for.  
Honest friar, Ormond hath deceived you, and took a course to increase and secure his own fortunes, he collogued with your countrymen; and in the end stuck to that side, that preyed and rob them of their estates, and amongst all he had the greatest share, as is well known to all; yet not a word of this in your writings, of the high eulogies you give of his wisdom, virtue, and most precious qualities that can adorn a statesman.   

CHAPT: IX. In this Chapter is clearly set down Ormonds wrongful in vasion and possession of several IIrish Catholic gentlemen's estates, well expressed in the case of Sr. Robert Lyunch Knight and Baronet.  
ORmond hath invaded against conscience justice and honour the estates of hundreds of poor innocent Catholics: I beseech you, what title or right had his Grace to the estate of Sr. Robert Lynch knight? (whom I do instance for a thousandmore, not for any acquaintance with him) what right I say had he to this knight's estate? upon what account did he invade the islands of Aaron this gentleman's inheritance, and had his son Richard created earl of that place and estate? it is manifestly known that Domimum perfectum & plenum of said estate was in Sr. Robert Lynch and his heirs, and yet my lord took those lands from him, quo titulo quo iure is the question; deffend F. Wailsh if you can in this place your great patron; ipsa synderesis told Ormond, that he was doing wrong and robbery the lands appertaning to Sir Robert, that judicium naturale quo (as S. Basil speaks) ab iniquis, bona facile discernere postumus, clearly convinced Ormond that he was doing a robbery; that law of nature, quod tibi non vis fieri alteri ne feceris, that light of which holy David speaks, signatum est super nos lumen vultus tui domine: all those sacred laws cried out the depriving of Sr. Robert Lynch of his estate, was factum contra legem dei aternam: all those lights of God and nature condemns this fact, so that finis operis & finis operantis, objecctum circumstantiae, & omma qua agebat Ormonius erant contralegem Dei; what then can he say or plead for himself? or you for him? he cannot allege that he acquired that Dominium by any pact, stipulation, donation, permutation or prescription; what then will men say in this case? noe other than that Ormonds invading that gentleman's lands was apertum latr●cin●um.  
Likely you may tell me the King made a grant to Ormond of the said knights estate; you know well that in lege naturae no human power can dispense, and it is certain that the law of nature doth bind all kind of men, and that none can pretend exemption from the force of that law, the impression thereof being a light made in every man's haert, so that this law binds as well the prince as the lowest man: legi naturae (saith lactantius) net praerogari fas est, nec derogare ex hoc aliquid licet, neque tota abrogari potest, nec vero aut per senatum, aut per populum hac lege liberari possumus: shall I say more? probable it is that God himself: cannot dispense in the law of nature, take S. Thomas his authority for it, quia id sapientiae divinae omnino repugnat, proendeque fieri non potest 1. 2. quaest. 100 ar. 8. & ratio est (saith the saint) quia lex naturalis nihil aliud est, ut docet S. Aug: quam ipsius aternae legis & incommut abilis rattonis ipsius divinae sapientiae in mentibus hominum facta transcriptio. Now it is evidently clear a man's life, liberty, fame, lands, estates and fortunes are his own by the law of nature, and that by force of the same law quisuis potest se defendendo & sua, vine vi. repelsere; and so could Sr. Robert against Ormond invading his estate had he been, able to do so.  
But you will say the landsand estates of subjects forfeited to the king for treason, rebellion, and other like crimes by way of attaindeur may be disposed of by the king: I grant that, but this authority for taking away from such men their lands and estates, the prince hath from the law of nature, which doth not protect any private man to do against the public good, wherefore the commonwealth can take away the life of a man and his estate, (though both are his by the law of nature) when he transgresses against the prince or public good; to whom by pact or law of nature he should oboy: this the prince can do for justice sake, but not for convenience, or at his will and pleasure; for the bonds prescribed to the jurisdiction of a prince, are justice, law, and reason, and not to do his own pleasure. Now I would know from you what crime hath Sr. Robert committed? was he convinced of any crime against the king before any bench of justice? what hath he done? who charged him? the law of England (a good law) says no man can be condemned but by course of law, that is the subjects birthright, and to that effect are laws made, that justice may be done to all men: princes are obliged in conscience to administer justice ackording the law.  
I demand again, what hath Sr. Robert Lynch done? you will say he was engaged in the ●rish rebellion, (for so you still call that just war, which you could never as yet prove nor never shall) but grant it hath been a rebellion, Sr. Robert Lynch, as all the confederate catholics had an act of oblivion from the king, in the peace of 48. ergo your rebellion was pardonned, ergo Sr. Robert Lynch cannot lose his estate for that, nor hath he since that time entered into a new rebellion, or committed any act of ●reason; Ormond cannot say he broke the Articles of peace of 48. for he still observed them, and adhered to the gouverment and to Ormond, and had nothinh to do with the congregation of jamestowne whose acts were by Ormond esteemed or reputed treasonable ● tell me then what right had Ormond to that noble gentleman's estate? you see the King's grant (if any he gave) being against the law of nature and the law of the land is void, and cannot excuse Ormond's consc●ience, and if the king by a wrong information, had granted one man's estate to an other, that other cannot prescribe, quia numquam erat in bona fide, and consequently in conscience he is bound to restore the said estate, because he holds it malafide: and the prince himself rightly informed is obliged in conscience to have the estate restored to the right owner.  
But now let u● return to the other part of the F: letter, wherein he useth a christian freedom of minding the king and Ormond how dangerous a thing is the violation of public faith, and how such transgressors have been severely punished in all ages; but above all he brings down a formidable example of public faith broken with the Gabionites, and how King David fir appeasing the great famine, and the anger of God come upon the people, delivered to said Gabionits' seven children and nephews of Saul, who crucified them alive upon a mountain to expiate this public horrid sin even in the face of sun. Lib. 2. Reg. c. 21. he ends his letter to Ormond thus.  
My lord! conclude here but with my hearty wil●es, that in the house, and at the Counsels of our great king, your Excellency may both appear, and prove yourself hereafter, what you are in part already, an other joseph, that by the best advises you may preserve the best of Princes and all his people of so many different nation's of the british monarchy; may it be so my lord and may the catholics of Irland in particular own you a great deliverance; as I can not but confidently expect from you in due time, for my light in the triangle cannot be exstinguished. But my lord may not innocent benjamen alone, nor friendly Reuben only, but even simeon and Levi, and their complices against you heretofore have cause to bless God for you here after; may they all find in effect, that you have the bowels of joseph to forgive and compassion at them, and his power to deliver them, and his faith to believe that God permitted their evil against you even in for●ing you twice away from them of purpose to preserve you for their good, and that you might return even this second time their great deliverer Propitious heaven and your own good Genius (my lord) second my wishes', and may your faithful believer see with his own eyes the full accomplishment; that ● may employ all his days after and all his labours in consecratnig to posterity your name, with this Flogium of joseph, the saviour of his brethren, and of his country, and of all the People, and these are the hearty wishes of my lord  
your Excellency's most humble and most devoted servant P. W.  
Here is a glorious perciose of that famous letter; good God what a fair flourish we have here of magnificent words, and even nothing but words vows, and dreaming wishes, that will take effect at once with the Velleities of the damned souls of hell: first he infinuats the great wisdom of Ormond in the house and counsels of the king, and would make us believe he will appear like an other joseph, and by the best of advices preserve the best of Princes our gracious king and all his people of so many different nations of the British monarchy; so as the very British crown is again like to suffer an other fatal knock, i● Ormond's divine counsels and adviles do not prevent it; what man can read these Magnalia without gearing at this friar's folly? he than says, may the catholics of Irland in particular own you a great diliverance, as I can not but confidently expect from you in good time, for my light in the triangle can not be exstinguished Certainly the man have been in a pleasant humour and some jovial ecstasy when he wro●e these things, but I see the spirit of prophecy forsook this friar long ago, and nothing (I am sorry for it) fell out according his proguostication, for Ormond did quite deceive him in his hopes, and astrean predictions, and his false light in the triangle (if ever it was in the triangle) is shamefully put out; for the people of Irland in stead of this hopeful deliverance own to Ormond their downfall and utter destruction. He than speaks of beloved Benjamen, of friendly Reuben, as likewise of simeon and Levi and their complices against joseph giving thereby to understand that the Catholics sold Ormond as Ioseph'● brethren sold him to the Egyptians, which is as great a lie as could be framed by a diabolick mind, whereas Ormond, if he did not sell the nation (as Clarendo the Chanchelour did) he hath at leastwise betrayed them in trust, pray good F: name the marchand to whom we sold your Ormond? tell the price we had for selling him? name the country he was transported unto.  
Now he comes to the bowels of joseph in Ormond, O the merciful bowels of Ormond in compassionating his countrymen! It is true he had great power to do us good, but turned that power to destruction, carried away by a spirit of rancour and revenge: whereas you say we forced Ormond away out of the country, it is a shameful lie; but he himself withdrew, in as much as he could do no good to the country (as above said) next you tell us he will become the great deliverer of his country: O the great deliverer Ormond of his country and countrymen! of the Catholics of Irland, noble Ormond! that brought them out of chains and bondage, that defended them faith-fully against Orery, Montrath, and the rest of that rabelment of rebels when they had a contest before king and counsel; that consoled them in their extremities, delivered them from hunger and famine, that represented to the king their loyalty and affection, and made good to them the Articles of 48. O wonderful deliverer of the nation Ormond! the lying friar perclosed his letter with this great elogium and prayer. That Ormond may prove a joseph and saviour of his brethren, and of his Country and of all the people.  
Change your stile idle and vain friar, writ truth once in your life, and tell ●he world that thy Ormond hath not been a joseph, nor saviour, but the ruin, loser, and destroyer of his brethren, and country and of all the people. You may as well prove cruelty to be mercy, Hehogahalus was a Cato ●ticensis, or a Pho●ion of Athens, and that Messalina wife to Cla●dius was a vestal nun, as that Ormond was a joseph to the Irish.  
Let who please compare Ormond with joseph, and then judge this friar apostatising from all piety and his order, a liar in calling Ormond a joseph.  
joseph in Putiphar's house was faithful to his master, contenent and virtuous; joseph in prilon was patiented, obedient to Gods will and beloved of all; joseph in the court and government of Egypt was wise, just, humble, and in no way proud or arrogant; if Ormond hath those virtues, let those that know him tell us. joseph was of so great wisdom and providence, as he prevented seven year's famine by gathering corn in time of plenty, and selling it in time of scarcity and hunger to the people, thereby preserving them all from starving, wherefore Pharo called joseph the saviour of the world: surely the friar cannot style Ormond saviour of Irland or of the Irish in this sense; he preserved none of them from famine, but starved thousands of them, by taking away their lands, estates, and bread: this his crvel tyranny and oppression of the poor makes them strick the gates of heaven with groans and sighs and cries, they all say aloud O Ormond cruel man! thou hast taken away the pledge of thy brethren without cause, and th● naked thou has● spoiled of , widows thou ha●● sent away emplie, and the arms of pupils thou hast broken in pieces. job. ●. 22.  
Those are flattering friar the works of mercy Ormond thy joseph have done the Catholics of Irland; this is the tenderness of his merciful bowels towards them, those are the effects of his great affection and care of them; and all this being so, speak fa: Wailsh truth and shame the devil, what hath thy Ormond to do with joseph? thy Ormond (I say) a man, (of whom it is generally spoken and believed) could never forgiven any thing that looked like an offence, or injury done him, whereas mercy was the greatest virtue in joseph, and his remitting and forgiving the injuries done him by his brethren who sold him over to the Egyptians.   

CHAPTER X. Evident proofs of Ormonds deserting the Catholics chiefly drawn out of his own letter to Orery.  
FRom the fears of the Catholics of our nation in London, that Ormond was to desert them, and their good cause, let us pass o clear arguments fully convincing that noble man of this his mind and determination to abandon said catholics and join with Orery and the rest of that tribe, as really he did.  
God said to the Prophet. Ezeciehl. Son of man dig the wall, and when I had aigged the wall there appeared one door, and he saith to me, go in and see the most wicked abominations, which they do here. I am now coming to dig the wall, where you shall see the abominations Ormond was doing even about the time the credulous friar wrote him the above letter; what I am to say here will appear evidently by Ormond's own letter to Orery, which is in this form.  
Ormond's letter to Orery.  
My Lord agreeable to the particular friendship I desire to have inviolably with your Lordship, that upon occasion, the King's naming me to the gouvernement of Irland, I s●ould have written particularly to you, but I held it not so particularly necessary, because I understood a principal condition is that no change should be made in that, hoever it may make me more or less able to serve you, so that I presume on the oldfoot, and lay aside all ceremonies: I hope you will find, that since I had some title to make it my business, the main dispaches in order to the setlement of that Kingdom, h●ve not gone on slower than before, which with some thirsty alterations hath past hi● Majesty's approbation in full counsel, and will speedily be transmitted, and if it be possible, the great act of setlement with it, that with the retrenchements, the security as well of their possessions, as of a constant payment, of what is left of pay, may be secured unto them; I assure you no diligence nor ●●anes shall be wanting or omitted on my side to hast●n both to you. I thank your Idsp. for general Preston's pious oath, I never saw it before, but the fruits of it, and of an other perjury soon after I found; and in truth found nothing but direct treachery and disobedience from the generality of that people, governed by the worst spiritual guides, that ever lead a poor people to destruction, but they do, and it is just they should, find the smart of it: I have a design to make that smart wh●re it is reason it should, it is to execute the act in all the foundation of it, which must be  by way of plantation, and transplatation (I mean of the Irish) for it must be laid as a ground, that no● adventurer or soldier shall be removed from his lot, by which all the ends of satisfaction and security, I think will be met; which my conceptions are in the hands of your friend, and tells me he liketh them well; when they are brought to form you shall have ●hem sent you.  
I am yours etc. Ormond.   

CHAPTER XI. A paraphrase upon the mysterious meaning of this letter.  
IN this letter a blind man may perceive the great affection Ormond bears to the Cromwelians, and his longing desire to see them paid and satisfied of all their challenge and demands; more could not be desired by them, than what is promised by Ormonds' letter (the 12. Counties in Irland that Cromwell and the than parliament allotted them) the same affection and care he hase of the adventurers of London, as deeply in rebellion as the rest Understood here; for it must be (said Ormond) laid as a ground, that no adventurer nor soldier shall be removed from his lot, by which all the ends of satisfaction and security, I think will be met; which my conceptions are in the hands of your friend, and tells me he likes them well: this friend he means is Clarendon, who sold away Irland and the catholics of Irland; Ormonds conceptions ran upon the satisfaction and security of the Cromwelians, that they should not be removed from their lot, neither the adventurers; in manner that by this friendly distribution, there was nothing left to the Catholics, for what the Cromwel●ans and adventurers possessed, were 22. counties of thirty two in a●l Irland.  
If Cromwell were but alive again, and having an act of grace from his majesty for himself, he could not demand nor desire more for his close Sticklers, than what Ormond assures them of. Good friar trouble your brains no more with these Strained letters of yours unto Ormond as for favour to the Catholics, conclusum est contra ipsos: all is disposed of, and to the very rebels: your Ormond have stopped his ears to your flattering eloquence, and left nothing to the poor innocent Catholics, an eternal stain and blemish to his name and family: and this he was plotting (to your confusion friar be this spoken) this he was plotting I say, even then, and at the same time you strained your wit to pen him that learned letter: it is much, that for the confidence he placed in you his prone Orator, and affection he bore to his noble brother in law Clancarty, and Kindness to his gallant n●phew young Musgry, that he concealed all these his hidden straragems from you all, even from his intimat old friend Mr. Bel●ng.  
This letter is replenished with tender love and affection to Orery; my lord (said Ormond) agreeable to the particular friendship I desire to have inviolably with your lordship: what a sudden alteration (if they be sincerely spoken) is this, a noble man held still to be a royalist, to become so unexspectedly a fautor of Cromwelians, a man as Ormond, who stuck so closely to the king in his royal banishment, and unparalel misfortunes, the king's cabinet counsellor, to desire and insinuate freely (without solicitations from the other side) friendship and particular amity, inviolably to be observed and performed with the kings mortal enemy, not long ago, with Orery I mean, whose wit was brewing to crown Cromwell king of the three kingdoms; Ormond tells this Orery. I hope you will find that since I had some title to make it my business, the main dispaches in order to the setlement of that kingdom, have not gone on slower than before, which with some thrifty alterations hath passed his Majesty's approbation in full counsel, and will speedily be transmitted, and if it be possible the great act of setlement with it etc. Ormonds' business here (which he made his main work) was to undermine and destroy the Irish interest his settlement, (as he means) is to see all disposed of to the Cromwelians, Adventurers and Soldiers, not forgetting himself, and some others, as treacherous to Irclaud, as he himself, or Orrery; ●eere you may take notice of his godly conscience in having a special care to see a constant payment (of what is unpaid,) secured for the  crew: tell me Ormond, Sautour and joseph of your countrymen, what is your meaning by a constant payment to those who fought so vigorously against the Crown and Royal Blood? is this the Crowns Interest? will you have reconciled Enemies constantly in pay, and service? is this Loyalty or love to the King, to turn out true, and faithful men to the Crown, and confirm bloody Traitors in their place? How many be there, that wonders as well abroad as at home, his Majesty takes no notice of these proceed? certainly there can be no great argument of love to the King, in forsaking his constant and faithful subjects & making new friendship with his approved enemies, thy affection to Ortery & others do sound some mysterious policy, as men of weak capacity cannot reach unto, however, there be those, that say that the root of all this proceeds from an unsatiable desire of (auri sacra fames) and willingness to be revenged on the poor catholics of the Nation.  
He than thanks Orrery in his letter for an oath he sent him that General Preston made, and says he never saw it before, but found the fruits of it, and of another perjury soon after. I need not in this place make mention of the ancient and noble family of General Preston (Viscount of Taro) cadett to the most noble house of Gormanstowne the eldest and first house of vis counts in Irland, a family always true and faithful to the crown, and of great piety and deserts; that the said General ever showed themselves a gallant and valiant man in all dangers, is well known, and though Ormond and Ortery both have been Commanders of Armies, the first under his Majeste, and the other under Cromwell, I can scarce believe either of them, gained (by, or in any expidition) as mu● honour and applause as Preston had at the siege of louvain (where besieged by the French in the year 1634.) by a sally made in the head of 300. of his own regiment, upon S. Peter's day early in the morning breaking upon the French quarters, routing and Killing all Opposed or Resisted him, to the loss of 200 and eighty French soldiers, returning victorius sound and safe without losing a man & was received with triumph and joy of all the people of Louvain, which noble exploit of his is celebrated by the famousest writers of those days, as Vernuleus, and Puteaus. There was in General preston another thing of greater praise than all this, true Virtue and piety, being a man that feared God, and loathed to do against his Commandments, so that it is a calumny to call him perjured; but if Orrery and Ormond shall be admitted to judge honest upright people, many will be by them censured as Noble preston is, for perfidious, and perjured men: But, pray why may not Preston and others say to this O●mond, Quis te Constituit judicem? I will conclude with General Preston, for whom I do say, that his life being sifted out from his childhood, he will not be found to have done any base or vile action.  
Hear Ormond is not resolved to stop, but passes on further and says to his new moulded Friend Orrery: and in truth I found nothing but direct treachery and disobedience from the Generality of that people: it is true, Quod ex abundantia cordis os loquitur, in this place; but I would have his grace know (in a friendly manner I speak) that there is ne'er a Butler a live, nor have been in times past, Noah, nor of the Geraldins nor Bourkeses (families renounced as any of the Butlers) nor even of the old princely blood of that Nation, as your o Brian, o Nealls, o Mourchoes, o Donells, Macharties, O Connors etc. whose word, or testimony would be esteemed, as to the blemishing of the generality of a nation, to make them treacherus and perfidious: Father welsh hearken and take notice of this splendid attestation your great Maecenas Ormond gives of the Catholic people of Irland, that in truth he found nothing but direct Treachery and disobedience from the Generality of that people: what man so impudent would maintain so notorious a reproach and infamy cast upon a sound body of men, a whole nation faithful and loyal ever and all ways to the King: in this place good Father I discover, that (notwithstanding your intimacy with Ormond) it doth not stop him from giving you the lie, who in several places of your writings do prove the Generality of the nation (though you writ against some particulars) to have been loyal and faithful to the King, now Ormond doth blemish the Generality of the nation, with a stain of of treachery, what say you to this? Having aspersed the Nation by the  spot, he turns to the Bishops, Pastors, and Fathers of the people, and tells his loving Orrery, the people were governed by the worst Spiritual guides, that ever lead a poor people to destruction, and says further, they do it, and it is fit they should find the smart of it, and that he hath a design to make the smart where it is most reason it should be.  
(Hear my Lord Duke usurps a great presumption in saying the Bishops were dismal guides to the people: he is far mistaken in his false Suppositions, the Bishops were not they that misguided the people, & lead them a stray, he is mistaken I say again, Vox populi says it is he, and he alone, (Ormond I mean) that lead them blind fouled, deluded, and trapan'd them to their destruction, downfall and rvine, Seizing upon all they had, Fortunes, Liberty, and Estates, with the rest of his Complices, and not the Bishops,  
This good Duke seems to have a strange antipathy to these venerable Bishops, for each where he affronts them, an (argument of an ignominious mind,) he will have no peace with them. Though his Grace a while after the King's restauration was created Duke, and Lord Steward of the King's house, and Lord Lieutenant of Irland, and one of his Majesty's privy Counsel in England and Earl of Brecknock (in wales) created, that he might sit in the Parliament of England; to be short he attained to that height of favour with our good King, as none in the three Kingsdoms did reach unto; yet all this signified little or nothing to him, till he had seen those catholic Bishops (alliedy much afflicted) trampled under his feet, their sufferings could not appease his wrath, their Innocence could not satisfy his conscience, nor their integrity rectify his erroneous judgement; but must needs write to his beloved Orrery, his new friend, saying that these Bishops were the worst Spiritual guides that ever lead a poor people to destruction. this is Ormonds' testimony to the King of the good Bishops, he said they were Traitors and disaffected to his Majesty and Crown, (and says the same still) all this to kindle his Majesty's indignation against them, and by that way to see himself revenged of an Injury (he imagined) done him by those of the congregation of watersord and jamestowne, of which we have said enough above.  
Saint Paul himself (divine trumpet of the word of God,) though he suffered cheerfully and innocently many reproaches, contumelies, and imprisonments for God's cause and sake, yet he would not have his same to be taken away or stained Bonum est enim (saith the Apostle) mihi magis mori quam ut Gloriam meam Quis evacuet: Saint Jerome, in Imitation of Saint Paul, says Ad Silentiam: Apostolici et Exempli, et Praecepti est, ut Habeamus rationem non conscientiae tantum, sed etiam famae; Finally Saint Augustin Sermone tertio de vita Clericorum, hath these words, tenete quod dixi atque distinguite, duae res sunt, Conscientia, et famae, Conscientia Necessaria est tibi, fama Proximo tuo, qui fidens Conscientiae suae, negligit famam suam, credulis est. The Bishops being innocent are to follow Saint Paul's Example, to defend their fame against Ormond, and a greater man than he, and their Innocency, Piety; and known integrity will throughly defend then. My opinion is that Ormonds unquietness comes from the height of his spirit: for that the appetite of ambitious men is commonly so inordinate, & their will s●e unbridled, that they cannot endure to see themselves thwarted in the least, or crossed, so th●t, though they possess never so much contentment in all things, yet if in the least they find themselves opposed, all the rest seems noisome unto them: an Example of which we have in Holy Scripture, (in the book of Hester,) of Aman. who abounding in wealth and honour, Pleasures, and glories, seeing that Mardochaus the poor jew, let him pass without doing him any reverence, (which Mardochans did out of fear of offending God, knowing well Aman was a deadly enemy to God, and to the jews,) was so vexed therewith, that he assembled his wife, Children, and friends, having told them of all his Glories, and Familiarity with the King Assuerus, and how he alone was invited a long with the King, to Queen hester's banquet, he said and for all I have this pomp, magnificence and Glory, I think I have nothing, as long as I see Mardochaeus sitting before the King's door, and performing me no reverence (Even so Ormond, having all Glory, and prosperity, yet thinks he hath nothing, while the Catholic Bishops (that offended him not) do not prostrate themselves at his feet, and submit to his blindly trausported judgement.) Then Zares Amans wife and his friends answered him, saying, command a beam to be raised of sixty cubits high, and speak to the King on the morning, that Mardochaeus may be hanged thereon, and so thou shall go joyful and merrily to the feast, but all went quite to the contrary, and to Amans expectation, and to the expectation of all his friends; the Gibbet rai●ed by Aaman, for Mardochaeus, was turned to Aamons' own destruction.  
That he (as I said before) for his great ambition, accompanied with a revenging mind, can have but little ease or rest; The Prophet says, Impius quasi mare servens, quod quiescere non potest The wicked man is like a 
* Isa. cap 57  swelling Sea, which cannot rest; there can be no greater executioners or torments to the mind of man, than ambition, envy, and anger, this made Horace say, Invidia sicult non invenere tyranni tormentum majus. The tyrants of Cicilie never found agreater torment than envy.  
Seneca tells us the ambitious man receiveth not so much contentment by seeing many behind him, as discontent by seeing any before him; there are many great men in this age sick of this disease, such as cannot know when they are well, and though great they be, will strive still to be greater, so that they can at no time be at ease or at quietness, much like that Italian, who being well, must needs take physic, and died thereof, upon whose sepulchre this Epitaphe was engraved, I was well: and would be better, I took physic, and came to the phereter.  
Plutharch expresseth naturally this unquietness of ambitious minds in Pyrrhus' King of Epirot, who having greatly enlarged his Dominions with the conquest of the great Kingdom of Macedonia, began alsoe to design with himself the conquest of Italy, and having Communicated his deliberation with his great counsellor Cineas, he demanded his advice, whertoe Cineas answered, that he greatly desired to know what he meant t do when he had conquered Italy? Sir quoth Pyrrhus, the Kingdom of Cisilie is then near at hand, and deserveth to be had in consideration, as well for the fertility, as for the riches, and power of the Island, well quoth Cineas, and when you have gotten Sicily, what will you then do? Quoth Pyrrhus, afric is not fare of where there are divers goodly Kingdoms, which partly by the fame of my former eonquests, and partly by the valour of my soldiers, may easily be subdued, I grant it quoth Cineas, but when all Asrick is yours, what mean you then to do? when Pyrrhus saw that he urged him still with that question; then quoth Pyrrhus, thou and I will be merry, and make good cheer; whereunto Cineas replied, if this shall be the end of your adventures and labours, what hindereth you from doing the same now, will not your Kingdoms of Epyras and Macedonia suffice you to be merry, and make good cheer? and if you had Italy, Sicily, afric, and all the World, could you and I be merrier than we are, or make better cheer than we do? will you therefore venture your Kingdoms, Person, Life, Honour, and all you have to purchase that which you have already? Thus said wise Cineas to Pyrrhus, reprehending his Immoderate ambition, who knew not when he was well, neither yet what he would have, seeing he desired no more than that which he had alleready, which in the end cost him dear; for following his own ambition, and unbridled appetite, to amplify his Dominions; as he got much; so he lost much being able to conserve nothing any time, and at length having entered the town of Agros by force, he was killed with a brick bat thrown down by a woman from the top of a house; here you see the wretched end of Pyrr●us his ambition.  
Had Ormond such a Counsellor by him, as Cineas was, & heard unto him, he had lickly been happier than he is at present, such a Counsellor I mean as would say unto him intrepidly, when he took the course of stripping honest Gentlemen of their estates; my Lord I would desire to know what you resolve to do, when you have by hook and Crook engrossed the lands, and inheritances of Innocent persons, poor widows and Orphans unto yourself, when you have obtained all, is the thing you aim at, only to make good cheer and be merry if this be your design, you need not trouble yourself so much, nor expose your conscience to danger, nor your honour to such an Ignominious shame and infamy, (which shall endure to all ages,) in taking away that which is not your own? fare better content yourself as you are, and feast upon that great patrimony your Predecessors left, cannot that estate which maintained them honourably (without damaging any other) maintain and content you? but I see this is an evil familiar, those exalted to the height of greatness and favour in the Princès eye have no Counselors that will speak freely the ttuth, as worthy Cineas did to Pyrrhus; few are near Kings and Princes, can say that which Sene●a requires to be said by Just upright men, Loquimur quod Sentimus, et Sentimus quod Loquimur, this is a thing wanting in Court, Homo qut dicat veritatem, which Seneca excellently expressed to his friend, Lucilius, thus, Monstraho tibi cuius rei inopia laborant magna fastigia, quod ●mnia possidentibus, desit unum, Scilicet qui verum dicit; They live not in Courts and the houses of Kings that will severely speak, and sincerely the truth, what man can without tears behold so many great personages, even Christians in this age, that live, and do fare wickeder things, than Gentiles or pagans have done, or does, which had more respect and regard to their Idols (in whom they apprehended some deity) than those to the true and living God.   

CHAPTER 12. If Ormonds' attendance, and service upon the King in his baniishment, met with sufficient recompense and reward;  
THis query you may take to be something extravagant, such another, as if one had doubted whether it be day, even when the sun shines, and is scorching of the earth, putting men into such heat and sweat, as they must of all necessity put of their ; however this query is quickly resolved, by calculating the yearly rents Ormond had before the war, and conferring the same with this his present estate, in doing of this, the work is done, and your question resolved; what rent say you had he Immediately before the war? 7000. pound sterling no more? in as much, as that vast estate of his was engaged to men in long Leases, Mortgaged, and encumbered with Annuitys; what then is his present rent and estate? near upon eighty thousand pound starling annual rent (and I doubt whether any subject in Europe have the like estate, some say he hath more,) but how comes it that a man, that came home naked and bare after so many year's toe and fro in the World, (as several other noble men in poverty and need) came so suddenly by such vast acquisitions? This is quickly answered; all was made over to him by the kings grant, as for Example, Six Corporations, (which his Ancestors never had) all the estates of his house leased, so that the leasors are constrained to beg, he had alsoe conferred upon him the estates and lands of many honest faithful subjects; all this and more bestowed upon him by his Majesty's free grant; now see you whether his service and attendance upon his Majesty, be plentifully requited or no? My Sentiment of Ormonds' acquisitions I delivered in the case of Sir Robert Lynch as above, now whether the King hath duly and legally bestowed other men's estates upon his Grace, is left to every man's thought, to think what he will; however I am of this opinion, that (all being well considered by his Majesty, and this portentous liberality to that noble man, well examined,) his Majesty will find but little content or joy therein, nay to the contrary, his Royal hart will be in an ocean of unquietness, seeing so many deserving families numberless widows, Innocents' and orphans, deprived of their  right, forced both at home and abroad to unspeakable wants, consumed by hunger, vermin, and miseries, and all this, to raise up the greatness of one man's family, that was great enough of itself; If the Law of God or nature will allow of so many thousand Innocents' to perish and be destroyed, by depriving them of their rights and livelihood, is a maxim that toucheth much his Royal wisdom, for it is written, that God will have a care of the widows and fatherless, and in due time will cha●●ife a●d oppress the oppressors of those; thousands of Innocents' are sacrificed in this our age, to increase the estate of one man, can justice suffer this? can the merciful breast of a merciful King endure to see so many specktacles of woes and miseries without relief? will not God at long running look down upon these unlawful proceed? certainly he will, and to the confusion of the possessors.  
But Let us grant the parents of those Innocent creatures ran into a Rebellion, (as Ormond, Clarindon, and others falsely suggested to the King) have the little babes, (not borne at that time) been rebels? What have they done against the Crown? Must they all perish and suffer for their Parents crimes? (crimes only Imputed to them, but never proved;) God himself says, Filius non portabit iniquitatem patri●. The child shall not bear the iniquity of his Father; but Ormond says the contrary, let them suffer and perish for the errors of their Parents, so that I may be thereby both great and wealthy; justitia justi (says the Holy Ghost) super eum, et impietas i●●pij super eum, The justice of the Just fall upon him, and the Impiety of the Impious upon him; the quite contrary is in this case, for the Just have not found justice, nor mercy, the Innocent children (of the supposed rebels) are punished as Impious, left naked and to no mercy. Saint Jerome his saying is not regarded in this place, N●t virtutes, nec vitia parentam liberis Imputentur, Let not the virtues, or vices of the parents be Imposed to the Children; there is a God above all, when he comes to examine those open injustices, Clarindon Ormond and others and the rest (instruments of the ruin of so many thousand honest families) will not appear, all will be made more clear to their confusion; but we must leave the Innocent to God, who though he is pleased to Chastise them with the Rod of his anger (out of his secret and Just judgements, the which we must adore) yet the cruelty of those afflicters, (who plunged as in an ocean of Calamities) will not escape his seveare sentence and justice. What a ridiculus conceit is it, of some of Ormonds' flatterers, who tell the World, Ormond waited on the King out of mere affection, and thereby lost his estate and fortunes at home: truly no man hath been wiser (if it be wisdom to divest and rob honest men of their estates,) than Ormond in his a●quisitions, which as the World sees, are great, but the Malediction of God doth follow things unjustly acquired, and likely the bread he now eats dipped in the tears of widows, and blood of the Innocent doth not taste sweetly:  
I could not hear of any had the fortune that Ormond had in the time of the King's exile, he was still near the King, knew all his Arcana, had the comfort and honour to suffer with his King, (a sufficient recompense for all his attendance) and at the same time his Lady (a wise woman) was honoured and comforted by Crumwell; and her Ghildrens much carressed by his Children, so Gracious was this Lady in Crumwells' time, and in his eyes, that she obtained three thousand pound or more for her jointure per Annum; who more inward with the King then Ormond? who more respected by Crumwell then the Lady of Ormond? and she well requited Crumwels' kindness, to his relations, chiefly to his son Harry, upon the King's restauration, who obtained upon her knees from the King (as we have been informed) that Harry Crumwell might enjoy the estate given him in Ireland by his Father in the time of his Protectourship, among other lands he had that of Mr, Sedgrave of killeglan a good and ancient family, which estate he sold to one Sir Patrick Moledy knight, who possesseth it to this day, and the relict of said Sedra●es Mistress jane N●ttingam (a good and virtuous Lady) lives very poorly and in a sad condition with her Children, without jointure or relief; and so my Lady Duchess of Ormonds' solicitations for Harry Crumwell, wear for the Child of him that murdered the King's Father and against a poor widow and her babes, a widow whose Father and Kindred were ever faithful to the Crown, and were not these think you Godly, and mysterious prayers and intercessions?   

CHAPTER 13'th. How the frugality, and laudable husbandry of the ancient Renowned Heroes, did content itself, and have been satisfied with small rewards given them, for their rate services by the common wealth.  
GReat reason, that deserving men should be looked upon, and requited according the service done to their country or Prince; this custom hath been exercised in the best, and most flourishing common wealths of Rome, Athens, Carthage, and Lacedemonia, who reflecting upon the deserts of their people, and services done the common wealth at home and a broad, did by statutes express eternize their names, and families unto Posterity, as alsoe by gifts and rewards, And these (so collated) munificencies, were by distinct names called, as some, by the name of Adorea, martial praise, another was called Corona aurea, a gold Cro●ne, Nava●● a sea fight Crown, so Castrensis, a●d Obsi●iona●●, a field and siege Crown, etc. now and then they gave your Hostas Deauratas gilded spears, and some times they gave certain Acres of ground and measures of Corn, more or less as they deserved, and such measures were called Heminae which in physical measure is not three gallons: here it is to be noted how great Heroes, and Champions anciently were recompensed: for their extraordinary services done to the (commonwealth) with small presents, and, well contented were they with the same, so great have been their frugal husbandry, and parcemonie in all their life, that hardly we can give Credit to what historians writ of their wonderful moderation in their public expenses, of Pompes, feast, and shows; Great men were sober in those ages. Titus Livius tells us Quintus Cin●inatus was carried from the plough, to the dignity of a dictator; which war being ended, he returned cheerfully to the plough again; he relates alsoe how the Ambassadors of the Samnites found Curius Dentatus, another Dictaror, making ready, and cleansing of roots for his supper, and even at that time he says, there were no more in all the Roman Armies of waiting men (such as we call calones) but two: Mar●us Anthontus, not he (that fatal man to Cicero, and to the Commonwealth,) but another Chosen Consul of a great Army designed in to spain, had but eight servants; so Carbo in the same dignity placed, (as we read) had but seven; what shall I say of Cato the signior, who in the same Employment, power and commission for spain, had but three; however this Cato named the censor (though contented wisely with such a small retennue) was Captain General in their Army, a famous orator, and a prudent counsellor reputed by the Common wealth, (in the Commonwealth,) and by all Rome for his sober life, was called a good father to his children, a good husband to his wife, a frugal houskeeper, and a man (a great praise in those days) well skilled in the plough.  
Epaminondas a famous Captain, Protector, and flower of the Thebans, who fought so many battails valiantly, nevertheless it is written, he had but one suit of , which, when required reparation, he was forced to keep house, till mended and brought unto him; This Epaminond● I speak of, died so poor, as not so much in his house could be had, as to pay his funerals, which was performed by the Commonwealth.  
What need I speak in this place of Photion, Socrates, and Iphaltes', Miracles of nature, and wisest of Athens? This Photion, who fought 26. battails, victorious always, and triumphant over his enemies, yet a greater despiser of riches, honours, and titles, (as histories do testify,) refused one hundred talents, sent unto him by Alexander the great as a Present, demanding of those brought the Present, what was Alexander's meaning in, sending to him alone, and only, that Present, they replied, for as much as he takes you to be the only man of honour, and merit amongst the Athenians: to this he answered briefly, why then let Alexander leave me so during my life, which is a thing I cannot be, if I receive and accept of his talents of gold; upon the same Photion, alexander offered to bestow several Cities, but he answered the Messenger, go, return, and tell thy Master Alexander, that I took him to be of so noble a spirit, as he would do nothing that might render himself and me in famous, which is like to follow if I accept of his gift, for he will be esteemed a briber and I taken for a corrupt man, and traitor, to my Country, in this place I could make mention of Cato junior, Glory of Rome, a man did hate to flatter any body, this Cato bravely opposed Pompeius the great in some things, and denied him is Daughter in Marriage, saying I will not give my Daughter in hostage to Pompeius, for fear that he himself, (by that action) should be against the Commonwealth: yet after julius Caesar became Tyrant, this Cato ranked himself on Pompeius his side, so much was this Cato addicted to poverty, and all sort of hard sufferings, that it is written of him, and of Photion, that they went a great part of the year bare foot, and bore headed.  
These profane examples of those Heroic Champions, I have brought here expressly to the great confusion of our Christian dissolute great personages, that they may see how these rare virtues shined, and were Embraced by Pagans, which they abhor to exercise, or have seen in themselves, Frugality, Humility, honest and diseret poverty, zeal to their Country, contempt of wealth and honours, moderation in their pomps, shows, and, feast. These are the virtues, and the weapons with which those ancient Heroes kept their, commonwealth in peace and Concord, Glory, Wealth, and Prosperity, with these I say they have eternised their fame to future ages, not with Pride, Ambition, Extortion, Emulation, Deceits, vain Assentations, Gluttonies', and the like vices familiar to Christian personages.  
Certainly there is nothing procures in a Common Wealth sooner, Envy, & Discord, betwixt person and person, then to see some very rich, and others very poor, (equality among fellow subjects is a precious pearl in a Commonwealth) for Commonly wealth puffs men up to such a height of pride, as to contemn and despise other beneath them, and they so despised, can not but bear envy, and hatred to those dispises them Omne pomum habet suum vermem, vermus autem divitiarum superbia est, every apple have its own worm, the worm of wealth is pride; This age we live in is mounted to the height of ambition and pride, we are all going, or would feign go beyond our reach, pride in our eyes, and pride in our thoughts, pride and ambition in all our actions, now a days forsooth to set forth an Ambassador, we must have a whole legion of servants in their retennue, as if his embassy could bear no force otherwise unless the wealth of a Commonwealth must be exhausted to support those Extravagancies, Retennues, and needless trains: whereas honest Cato the Consul (agreater man than they for dignity) contented himself with three servants.  

* lib. 18.  The Historian justinus gives us a rare Example of this. After a peace had been concluded between the Romans and King Pyrrhus, Cineas was sent by him to the Romans for better confirming that agreement. Ad pacem Confirmandam Cineas Romam cum ingentibus a pyrrho donis missus neminem, cuius domus muneribus pateret, invenit. That is. For better confirming a peace with the Romans Cineas being sent to Rome with great presents found no house open to receive those gifts. O rare contempt of gold and gifts in Rome that in so vast a City no house was found, would receive gifts, no door open to Cineas with his gold, Alas there is no such City now in rerum Natura: It was Impossible such a City as Rome was then could be taken or betrayed. We have in England a rare Example of integrity in Sir Thomas More Chancellor of that Kingdom, A Lady presented him a cup of gold, a while after a sentence was given for her in a just cause, Sir Thomas received the same; and much commended the workmanship and value thereof, and then had it filled with spanish wine, and drank to the Lady, saying, Madam you gave me a cup of gold, but empty, be hold I bestow on you a cup of gold filled with good wine and so dismissed her. O when shall England see again such a Chancellor! certainly Chancellor Hyde was not such a man.   

CHAPTER 14'th The rewards given by the Commonwealth of Rome unto two noble Romans Horatius Cocles and Cajus Musius for their rare services done to their Country.  
THe right order is to begin with the exploits of the two noble Romans, and after to come unto the rewards and remunerations given them for their stupendious service; Titus Livius the fluentest of historians Libro Secundo Romanae Hustoriae sets forth these gallant men's services in this nature; having Porsenae King of Etrurians besieged Rome (saith Livius) non unquam alias ante talis terror Senatum invasit, adeo valida tum clufina erat, magnumque Porsenae nomen, nec hostes modo timebat sed suos met cives, ne Romana plebs metu perculsa receptis in urbem regibus, vel cum servitute pacem acciperet; Att no time have such fear ceased the Senate, so strong a thing than Clusina was, and the great name of Porsena, which did not only fear the enemies but even their own Citizens, for apprehension the people of Rome strucken with fear of King's again received into the City, and would accept of a peace with slavery:  
Porsena made war with the Romans, to have proved Tarquin their King admitted once again, whom the same people banished a way with all that race, for the foul rape of chaste Lucretie and other Tyrannies, at this time there was a wooden bridge that crossed over the River Tiber supported by many piles fastened in the ground, through this Bridge, Po●sena's men thought it easy to make their way into the City, Horatius Cocles a noble Roman, (a man worthy of perpetual praises) had the keeping of this bridge, when he saw all his men fall back and retire, he obtested and prayed them by all that is, or can be dear to the Gods Immortal, and by the sacred liberty they were fight for, to stick to him, and defend the Bridge, otherwise that the Enemies would quickly master the Bridge, and disperss themselves in the Capital, and hart of Rome, insulting over the Circumscript Fathers, killing and putting all to the sword, men women and Children, he Further desired and would have them stay, at least to cast and break down the Bridge by all possible means, and that he himself in the mean time would put a stop to the Enemies, rushing in upon them; this would not do, they must away, two only of the number remaining by him; Duos tamen (saith Livius) cum eo pudor tenuit, ambos claros genere factisque S. P. Lacrium, ac, T. Hermanium. The rest at length by great entreaty Fell upon breaking the Bridge, and while they were in that work, he prayed those two worthy men to go back unto their Fellows, and he alone stood looking upon the Etrurians with flaming eyes, daring them to come, and try battle with him, upbraiding them with the name of slaves to Tyrants, that came to invade the Roman liberty; the Army stood amazed, beholding this unspeakable wonder, to see one man daring a whole Army, having made a loud cry, they let fly their darts at him, the which this gallant Roman received undaunted with his shield, drawing near they endeavoured to fling him down from the Bridge, but the Romans having brooken down the Bridge by this time, gave great outcries of joy; at this Horace being armed leapt into the river, (Saying) Tiberine pater, te Sancte precor haec arma et hunc militem propitio flumine accipias, notwithstanding the store of darts they fling at him in the river, he got a way safe, Swimming over to his own people, who was very joyfully received: The Historian concludes, Rem ausus est plus famae habituram, ad posteros quam fidei; He attempted a thing that is to have more fame by posterity, than Credit; In the mean time Porsena notwithstanding that this attempt of the Bridge had no success, kept his close siege to the City, in manner that they were in evident danger to be at long running, overcome by his Army; Here Succeeded a noble action, a gallant man Caius Mutius by name appeared to free the City from this Fear, a resolute young Gentleman, fervent in afection to his Country, as Co●hles was, Cajus Mutic his design was to kill Porsena, the great enemy of Rome; resolving in his mind this great enterprise, he came to the Senate and said, Transire tiberim patres, & intrare si possim, castra Hostium volo, non proed● nec populationum invicem ultor, maj● si dij Iuvant in animo est Facinus; Fathers conscript, my resolution is to pass over Tiber, and so rush into the enemy's Camp, not to plunder, or to do any devastation, For, if the Gods will but help me, I have a greater matter in my mind; Of these expressions the Senators approved much, he departed, and soon came into their Camp, having a knife or dagger under his coat to kill Porsena, and having aproached the place the King was, it fell out, that it was a pay-dey with the Soldiers, drawing near he killed▪ Commissioner or Secretary near the King, thinking him to be the King, and so got a way, making place for himself with his sword brandishing before him, till at last overlaid by the multitude, he was taken, and brought before the King, being questioned who he was, and from whence he came, he answered more like unto a man to be feared, than a man in fear; saying to the King, Romanus sum civis, C. Musium vocant, host is hostem occidere volui, nec ad mortem minus animi est quam fuit ad caedem, et facere, et pati fortia Romanum est; A Citizen of Rome I am, by name C. musius, I thought as an enemy, to Kill an enemy, neither is my hart backwarder to die, than it hath been forward to kill you, to do, and suffer strong things is the part of a Roman. At which undaunted Expressions the King amaized and troubled, commanded to environ him round about with fire, but the Courageous young man putting his right hand in the fire, and there holding it, as not feeling the fire, (said generously,) En tibi! ut Sentias quam vile corpus sit ijs, qui magnam Gloriam vident; Behold! that you may know how vile is the body to those who sees great glory; The King astonished at the hand burning without any regard of pain, leapt out of his chair and commanded the young man to be removed from the Altar, and then said to him these Kingly words, Tu ver● abi in te maju●, quam in me hostilia ausus, juberem macta virtu●e esse, si pro mea patria ista virt● staret, nunc jure belli liberum te, intactum, inviolatumque dimitto: tum Musius, quasi romunerans meritum; quandoquidem inquit est apud to virtuti ●onos, ut beneficio tuleris a me, quod minis nequisti. Trecenti conjuravim●● principei juventutis Roman, ut in te hac via grassaremur, mea prima sors fuit, cateri, ut cuique ceciderit, primo, quo ad te opportunum fortuna dederit; suo quisque tempore aderunt Be you gone, more Cruel to yourself then to me, I would wish you to be of good courage, if that virtue had been for my Country, by the Law of war, I now dismiss you untouched, unviolated, to whom Mutius said, as if to recompense the favour don, in as much as you regard valour, and virtue, you get that from me by the benefit you do, which you could not by threats. 300. Of the Chiefest youths of Rome, we have conspired to inude you in this nature,, It fell out I should be the first, the rest each one in his own turn, as it will fall out will perform their duty. Mutius being sent to the Romans (after this was called Scavola, for the burn and wounds of his right hand,) Porssena seeing his life was saved by chance that time, and that there were as yet 200. and ninty nine more of the Primest of Roman youth designed to the same expedition; of his own accord he offered the Romans appease, and upon honourable conditions; one of them being (that which they desired above all) that he would have no more to do with with Tarquin, or his people; Ali● (said the King) Hinc sen bello opus est, seu quiete exilio querant locum, nequi● mean vobiscum pacem destineat, dictis facta meliora adjecit.  
Can there be more or nobler services done for a man's Country, than these Horatius Cochles and C. Mutius attempted? it is not easy to be desided, which of these two shown greatest valour and affection to Rome; Cochles he alone fought a whole Army and freed the Senate; the people from Massacres, and Rome from being taken; Mutius terrified King Porssenae, contemned the force of fire and removed the siege by his strange example of fortitude upon most honourable conditions for the Romans: Oh two Glorious Champions of Rome● O Immortal Heroes! O Patriots flaming with charity and affection! when shall we find in this age such unspeakable services? Now as to the rewards given them.  
What rewards think you had Horace, and Scavola given them? as to Horace (as Livius says) Grata erga tantam virtutem Civitas fuit, statue in comitijs posita: The City was kind and grateful towards such merits and virtues, there was by order an image errected in the Senate house for him; I must confess that! was honourably done, but what more? What other recompense and remuneration have they given? Agri quantum uno die Circumaravit datum, As much ground as he could in one day plough; What have they lotted for Mutius? Patres (said Livius) Caio Mutio virtutis Causa, trans tiberem agrum done dederê; to Muti●● the Senate for his rare virtue hath given beyond the River Tiber a platt of ground as a gift, Qui postea Mutia prata appellata, which afterwards was called by the name of the Mutian Green; Hear you may see the recompense given to these incomporable men was but a few acres of ground, with which their Sobriety remained satisfied, having done all they did out of mere affection to their Country, not for self end or hope of remuneration.  
Having spooken of the rewards given by Rome to Horatius Cochles, and to Mutius for unparalled services, let us consider with stupefaction the rewards and recompenses the Duke of Ormond had for his services and attending upon the King in time of his exile; I dare say, in the first place, there is none of the adorers of Ormonds virtues, (not one,) will presume to say, that the greatest of all his services he did the King, came; or could come near, those of the foresaid Romans; yet if we compare both their remunerations together, theirs will appear like a grain of sand, compared with Mons Olympus, as for the lands given him, hundred thousand of Acres, is the meanest gift of all; but what do I speak of Ormond, Lord of a most ancient family of Earls of above 300. Years (The first Earl of that family john Butler by name, was created in the Reign of Edward the third, anno. 1328.) When George Lane his recompenses are mounted to an unreasonable measure, a man inferior to thousands, both for his birth, and service to the King, Ormonds' secretary now Sir George Lane? this Lane, by the Kings grant of other men's estates enjoys many thousand Acres of ground, fare more than Cochles, or Mutt●●, the deliverers of Rome had, this new knight had conferred upon him, the estates of two worshipful esquires, that of Mr. Thomas wading of waterford, and that of Mr. Philip Hore of Kilshalchan; the seat of K●lbarry near waterford he hath from the former,, adelicious place, with the whole estate upon a thousand pound a year, and Kilshalchon within seven miles of Dublin, a fair seat with the live of eight hundred pound yearly, these gentlemen's Children (which were many in number) by this munificency, are to shift for themselves in great misery, the Lord knows in whar condition they are in, and this befalls them and several others, that Ceorge Lane should be gratifyed (an unknown man) For writing for Ormond, he has had conferred upon him, other estates, in all near upon four thousand pound annual rent, (this we are informed) brave rewards for a Secretary; I dare confidently say stout and valiant Colonel's, Officers, and Gentlemen of quality, which firmly adhered to the King, Fought stoutly for him, and lost both life in the bed of honour, and estates in his service, have not, nor any of theirs, in reeompence received the least provision, reward, or comfort: in this I may say that George Lane, his pen hath been more Fortunate and profitable to him, than these noble gentlemen's swords have been unto them: a sad incourragement, and cold Satisfaction to worthy Royalists to see this little Lane and such like night-sprungmus heroms to have sucked the Fattness of the earth from fare better plants than themselves, and perhaps the hands of as low men as themselves, will be ready to pluck them up root and branch, when the season shall serve, to clear the Land of such weeds; by what means this will come to pass I am quite Ignorant, but I think the justice of God will make way for it, and take, not only from Ceorge Lane, and men of that rank, but even from Ormond, and the greatest of them all, the conferred estates of honest men, for seldom the blessing of God doth accompany unjust plunderes and Robbers. And it is the opinion of several true hearted subjects to his Majesty, that things are not like to prosper with himself, until this be done.  
But I hear sum body say, Ormond hath done the King great service, though he hath not preserved the Monarchy of Britain, as Cochles and Musius did that of Rome, and that his affection to King and Country have been as great as theirs to the Senate, and common wealth of Rome, occasion being only wanting: as For his affection to King and Crown, I believe he had as much as another noble man, (but to his Country, where he hath his estate and lands he had none at all.) If affection to the king can draw rewards, and Remunerations, there be thousands loved the King, and the interest of the Crown of England as much as Ormond ever did, and appeared undoubtedly in all occations, against the King's enemies, nevertheless thousands of them never had an Acre of ground, nor a Cottage to shelter themselves in, in frosty weather, in recompensation of such affection: therefore I do heir conclude that Ormond was happily Fortunate in his affections to the King, and Crown, and others were not, having obtained those Eutraordinary rewards from his Royal Majesty, which in the ensuing Chapter I do resolve more amply to discover, and speak of.   

CHAPTER 15'th The Remunerations the Duke of Ormond had from the King after his Restauration  
These remunerations will be found so great, that you must needs confess Ormond was not Loyal gratis; neither do I in any way doubt but there be some Bassa's of the great Turck, and some of the chiefest of them would come and serve our King, and serve him Loyally for so incredible a recompense as Ormond had; Let us now speak of the quantity and quality thereof according the best notice we have received. We have said above his Annual rents before the war was but seven thousand pound starling (his ancient estate being then encumbered with Annuitys, and Leases, which otherwise was worth forty thousand pound starling per Annum) and at present it is upon Eighty thousand, now the first part of his new great revenues is the Kings grant of all those lands of his own estate which were leased, and mortgaged; the rest were grants of other men's Estates, and other gifts of his Majesty; for avoiding the trouble of searching after all his particular get, (many there are without doubt unknown to me) I will here put down certain Quaeres in number 29. Out of which, he, that will, may take notice of these Immense recompenses given him.  

Quaeres touching the Present Condition of his Majesty's Kingdom of IRELAND  
1. WHether it be not demonstrable by search made into the Records of his Majesties Auditor General of Ireland, that had his Majesties Revenue of that Kingdom been well managed, there had been money enough to answer the necessary Charge of that Kingdom?  
2. Whether upon search made of his Majesty's Exchequer in England, there doth not appear upwards of 200000 l. Sent out of England into Ireland since the Duke of Ormonds' last Government there?  
3. Whether there doth not appear that there were twenty four subsidies amounting to 360000 l. Assessed by the late Parliament of Ireland?  
4. Whether there was not 50000 l. advanced out of the Soldiers and Adventurers Rents?  
5. Whether the aforesaid Sums thus extraordinarily raised, do not amount to abve six hundred thousand, pounds?  
6. Whether the aforesaid extraordinary Sums would not discharge near Four Years of his Majesty's Establishment both in the Civil and Martial List, Independently of the Revenue of that Kingdom?  
7. Though the aforesaid Sums Extraordinarily raised would have paid near Four Years Establishment, yet whether the Martial and Civil Lists be not a Year and half in arrear?  
8. Whether his Majesty's Ordinary, certain and Casual Revenue, which if well managed, might have fully paid his Majesty's necessary Charge, whether upon the aforesaid Principles it is not demonstrable, that the said revenue hath not discharged more than one year and a halfs Establishment in six years' time?  
9 Whether it be not demonstrable then, that there hath been more than Four years and a half Revenue embesled in six years' time: and whether the chief Governor be not more Faulty in this great miscarriag; then the Earl of Anglesy.   

Quaeres in Relation to the Lord Duke of Ormond.  
1. WHether by sales of Offices, as Lord Steward and receipts out of his Majesty's Exchequer of England, the Lord Duke of Ormond hath not raised upwards of 30000 l?  
2. Whether he did not receive by one Act of Parliament of Ireland as a gift, 30000 l?  
3. Whether it doth not appear by the Records of his Majesty's Treasury in Ireland, that his Grace did receive 12000 l. Before his being last Lieutenant?  
4. Whether he did not receive 12000. l. Per Annum as Lord Lieutenant, which was a Moiety more than any Lord Lieutenant received; and that Moiety amounts in six years to 36000 l?  
5. Whether it doth not appear that his Grace hath released by the Act of Sentlements 60000 l? due to honest men and good Subjects, upon his Estate before the Rebellion?  
6. Whether his Grace hath not received 30000 l. out of Soldiers and Adventurers Lands, which he invaded and entered upon without any Title, as appears by the Records of the Court of Claims in Ireland, which hath decreed the Lands from him?  
7. Whether by the Act of Explanation he hath not got the City of Kilkenny, and six other▪ Corporat Townes, together with their Lands and Liberties, valved by himself and his friends of the Council but at 60000l. though they are well worth 120000 l?  
8. Whether he did not obtain by a special warrant from his Majesty 72000 l. out of the Soldiers and Adventurers half year Revenue?  
9 Whether there is not confirmed to him 50000 l. More by the Explanatory Act, for waving a grant which he got by the Act of Settlement?  
10. Whether he had not got as many gentlemen's Estates, upon the pretence of a grant of enjoying all Lands that he could prove (by witnesses) to have paid him any Chiefrey, as is worth at least 150000 l. and whether also, he hath not obtained that for the said Lands, no quit Rent be paid to the King, which grant at 3d. An Acre per annum amounts to 26000 l?  
11. Whether he hath not abitrarily laid upon the Inhabitants of the City of Dublin 8000 l. Per Annum, amounting (for these six years passed of his Government) to 48000 l?  
12. Whether he hath not against the Fundamental Laws and Magna Charta, enclosed divers parcels of Land belonging to the kings good subjects without their consent, to the value of 1500 l. per Annum at the very gates of Dublin, to the great prejudice of that City and the Country; the profit of which Land and Park, he hath bestowed upon the Lord of Dungannon and Colonel Cook?  
13. Whether it be credible, that his Grace is zealous for the English and Protestant Interest, seeing it is not possible for the Soldiers and Adventurers to be reprized according to his Majesty's gracious Declaration, when his Grace hath swallowed up in gifts and grants the best part of the Stock of reprizals, and hath made or permitted such Embeslements of his Majesty's revenue, and applied the Royal authority, wholly to gain vast advantages to himself, and whether by preferring his own private gains and grants, before the Public good and the Just right of the Adventurers and Soldiers, he hath not unsettled the Kingdom of Ireland, and unsatisfied the two main interests of Protestants (the Soldiers and Adventurers) to such a degree, that it is to be feared, it will be a continual charge to England, to keep to the rules of the Acts of Settlement and Explanation so destroyed and desperate a people: and whether all this expense, trouble and danger, for preserving the Duke of Ormond and his Family (that is as much Irish as any can be) in other men's Inheritances, and Rights, be the interest of England or agreeable to the Maxims of sound Policy or of Christian piety?  
14. Whether such of his Majesty's Protestant Subjects of Ireland, as have escaped the Duke of Ormonds' Proviso have not Just grounds to fear that if the same Duke of Ormond should continue in his Gouvernment, and press, as now he doth, the Paymeut of 100000 l. they will not be in a condition to live, or to pay his Majesties quit Rents, and the necessary charges of the Kingdom?  
15. Whether after the Prohibition of transporting Cattle, and so much oppression, by the Lord Lieutenant and his Creatures, it be possible For his Majesties empoverished subjects of Ireland, to pay the 300000 l. assessed by the Explanatory Act, whereof the First 100000 l. is for his Grace?  
16. Whether his Grace had not a great regard For his Majesty's service, when he lately pressed the King and Council to call a Parliament in Ireland, For imposing new Taxes upon that miserable people, and For confirming all his own new acquisitions, whereby the Soldiers, Advenrurers and Nominees are defrauded of his Majesty's intended Favours, and the English interest utterly destroyed?  
17, Whether the Duke of Ormonds' gifts and grandis amount not unto 630000 l. and whether this Sum would not have satisfied all the English Interest of Ireland, and have settled the Protestants and well meriting Natives Natives of that Kingdom in peace; whereas now his Majesty and all Christendom is troubled with their Clamours against the breach of Public Faith; and all this stir, destruction of the people, and discredit of the Government, to humour one particular man, whose merit is not so extraordinary, ●s his management hath been unsuccesful.  
18. Whether not only some of the Nobility of Ireland but very many of the Nobi-, lity, Knights and Gentry of England have not lost greater revenues, and richer moveables for being Cavaliers, than the Duke of Ormond, whose Estate was much encumbered, and his rents before the rebellion exceeding not 7000 l. per Annum, and during the War, got more by his Government of Ireland, and giving up Dublin, than he could it he were in possession of his Estate?  
19 Whether such as endeavoured to conceal these miscarriages and miseries of the Kingdom of Ireland From his Majesties and the Parliaments knowledge, and yet strive to have the Duke of Ormonds destructive Government continue, deserve not to be questioned by the Parliament, as betrayers of the Public good, and of the Laws and Liberties of England?  
20. Whether it be fit, that the Government of Ireland should continue so long in one person, as it hath in the Duke of Ormond, though he were not an Irish man, and all his relations were not Papists, and very great Enemies of the English and Protestant interest?  
What man can apprehend or read these incredible get, and recompenses (given Ormond) without amaizment? By the nine first Queries you see his grace is as yet countable for many thousands, of thousands of the two hundred thousand pound, sent out of England into Ireland, since his last government there; and of the three hundred and sixty thousand pounds assessed by the Parliament of Ireland; and fifty thousand pound advanced out of the Soldiers and Adventerours Rents: and that notwithstanding those vast Sums, the Marshal, and Civil lists were a year and half in arrears; Let his Majesty call him to question, or Forgive him, both is in his Royal breast to do; in the 20. Queries in relation to the Lord Duke of Ormond himself, you will find that he received in all, as in gifts, and grants, that amounted to six hundred and sixty thousand pound starling: if this wonderful and strange mass of treasures be not a sufficient Recompense and reward, Let the reader judge; For this amounts (according to Merchants rating a Tunn of gold) to sixty three tunns of gold; one Tunn of gold only makes a great noise, and surely is a vast sum of moneys; What then shall we say of sixty three Tunns? We find in the Chronicles of England that thirty thousand marks, or Forty thousand, to have been a Queens Dote in Marriage, Elleoner Daughter to Knig Edward the second, married to the Earl of Gelder's, (after made Duke) had but fiftien thousand pound portion, Queen Isabella Dowager to said Edward the second and mother to Edward the third (most Glorious of English Kings) daughter and Heir to Philip the Fair of France, (by whose title the Kings of England makes Claim to the Kingdom of France) had allowed her by her son but a thousand pound jointure a year, several such passages we may find in the Chronicles of England, and others; yet the Duke of Ormond, as is to be seen in the 12'th Quaerie of those in Relation to Ormond, granted the profit of a rent of one thousand five hundred pounds a year (of the park he hath near the Gates of Dublin,) to the Lord of Donga●non, and to Colonel Cook a Kingly Liberality.  
If Father welsh or any other will say, that these Queries are Idle, Frivolous, needless, and of no regard, I would ask of the same, and know whether matters of Fact, and Propositiones sensu notae (as are the Estates and lands of other men, and the Corporations now actually in Ormonds' possession, things that cannot be hidden From the Eyes of men) are Idle, needless, and Frivolous dreams and Fables? noe, but Fowl, and unhandsome things against justice, honour, trust committed unto him, and Government of that Kingdom of Ireland, conferred by his Majesty upon Ormond:  
If his grace or any for him, can answer the said Queries, why is he, or they so long mute and silent? they strick home to the quick, they render his integrity suspected, they wound his Fame and honour; certainly if there were any way to answer them, and to prove them False, Father Walsh had long before now spaken Loudly to the World; If Ormonds integrity and virtues be Calumniated by these Queries, I wonder there is nothing said in his vindication; none appears for him; but what? in a matter that cannot be defended, it is but wisdom to be silent; the whole Country knows, that Father welsh, of all men is most concerned to appear for Ormond, and vindicate his integrity the best he can, having in his several writings described him for a virtuous, upright, Just, judicious, and most rare statesman, now is the time good Friar to prove this, you see to what puzzle he is brought unto, by these Queries? you see how guilty he is on all sides? stretch him now your hand if you can, and bring him of clearly and unspottedly from all these blemishes, that stains his person so deeply, now is the time, I say, to prove him to the world, what you gave in paper of him, and make us all sensible that he is deserving of those Epithets, you are pleased to confer upon him, in the little book called the. Irish colours Folded, you have put down a Fair method, and good documents I must confess, for guiding of Ormond in the Charge of Lord Lieutenant of Irland, where you bid him by all means to be ware of the man of sin, (Meaning Orrery) who would have his Grace ●uoy up one interest wholly, that is the stronger, and more prevalent, of Orrery and his complices; and sink utterly the other interest; that of the Catholics, against all divine and human Laws; many ridiculous things of this nature hath this Friar said about his Ormond, and this was one; but Ormond contrary to his desire and Counsel buoyed up Orrery's interest, and sunk the Interest of the innocent party, because it was the weakest; For which he had a notable share of the grants, and estates he now Enjoyeth.  
I see good Father you are very unfortunate in your conceits of Ormond; who grants nothing of these things you demanded; I have a mind to produce in this place, other lines of this Friar (unto Ormond) out of the same Folded Colours; My Lord (Quoth he) I shall mind your Grace of what you know yourself already, that you shall behold under your Government a very great number of simple poor Innocents' and most afflicted Creatures, if any such be in the world, and that you think that God hath Principally created you, and hithertoe preserved you amidst so many dangers, and now at last inspired our gracious King to send you for them, and therefore that your greatest care must be to open to them your breast with an amorous compassion, extend to them the ●owells of your Charity, stretch to them affectionately your helpful hands, take their requests, l●nd care to their cries, cause their affairs to be speedily dispatched, not drawing them along in delays, which may devour them, strengthen your Arm against those that oppressed them, ●edeem the prey out of the lion's throat, and the Harpi's talons. By these expresions one would have thought Ormond to be aman, like to do great things, but here we have much smoke, and no fire, fair blossoms, and no Fruit, excellent documents given, and yet nothing done; take the pains Father to go up and down Ireland, and hear afflicted Innocent people, and make a list) of those, to whom Ormond in time of his Government Opened his hart with an amorous compassion, to whom he did extend the ●●wells of his charity, to whom he did stretch out his helpful hands, those whom he preserved out of the Lion's throat, or the Harpies Talon. You will come to short of your vaticinations, and hopes, nothing like this, but rather he was the Lion preyed on them, and did no justice to the Orphans as you desired, N●r ●yp● a way the tears of a forlorn widow's be steeped not in oil the yokes of a people, which lived on gale and wormwood, and who, sighel under unsupportable necessities, He hath done nothing in his Government for the ease of that people, but along with Orrery and the rest piled, and pulled them of all: truly good Father you seem to me a man much enchanted, and indeed to be in a state of blyndness ● to your understanding, that Harpaste was in her corporal sight, of whom Seneca, Epist: quinquagessima ad lucilium writes in this form, Harpastem uxoris meae fatuam sc● hereditarium donum in dom● meae, remansisse, haec fatua subitó desijt videre, incredibilem tibi narro rem, sed veram, nescit esse se cacam, subindè padagogam suam rogat ut migret, ais domum renebrosam esse; Harpastes, you know, the changeling of my wife is a Hereditary legacy in my house, this changeling suddenly lost her sight, I tell you an incredible thing, but true; she doth not believe that she is blind, now and then she desires of her guide to remove from thence, she says the house is dark and obsure.  
I am much of opinion Father welsh, that this is your condition, in relation to what you say, or write of Ormonds' affairs, and person; and so I take my leave in this place of both, leaving you in your manifold blindness in as much, as you will not see; and leaving your Ormond to the Fruition of these vast recompenses, or as rather I should say, Robberies of poor orphans and widows, which will have no good end; so much be said of his recompenses, received, and rewards; in the next Chapter I shall give a distinct, and the briefest account I can of the manifest Iniurys he hath done to his Country, and Countrymen.    

CHHPTER. 16'th. A Relation of some particular Injuries the Duke of Ormond hath done his Countrymen  
His subverting our union with Vlyssean practices.  
NOt withstanding all the trust and confidence the generality of that people placed in Ormond, both great and small, yet little affection did he show to his country, or Countrymen; the first Injury and stratagem have been to work a divition amongst them, he was the man let fall the venomous apple of discord in the middle of that united body; their union, (the basis of all prosperity) continuing, no power, no enemy was able to prevail against them, this union was our onlyest bulwark, and would prove (if not subverted,) Formidable to our Enemy's at home, and a broad: that Commonwealth doth prosper, whose Citizens are of one accord; Concordia res paerua crescunt, discordia res magnae dilabuntur. Ormond his chief Imagnation hath been to take away this union, the life of our confederacy; what people, commonwealth, or nation more knit in mutual Charity, (at the first beginning of the war) than we? The Bishops, Clergy, Noblemen, Gentry, towns and Cittys, and the common people looked all one way, all possessed with the same flame of Religious zeal to preserve, and recover our liberties, Country, and religion, all were Cor unum, et anima una, whilst Paersons, and Burlace did govern in Dubblin, and so had we still continued if Ormond had not been chosen Lord Lieutenant; by whose influence upon the people all was lost, subverted, and supplanted.  
If you demand how could Ormond destroy this union, and would his relations, even and dearest friends, which took the oath of association, become perjurous, and perfidious for Ormonds' sake? Would they Forsake the sacred confederacy, and the best quarrel in the world for his respect? I do not mean to say, thes affected him most were, perfidious and perjourous to the country, yea I hold his relations and friends to have been good catholics, how then say you could Ormond debauch them from their union and confederacy? his Excellency, you must understand, had a great number of his relations among us, and many more persons of good quality, that had nothing to do with him, held him for a man of great integrity and affection to his country, and took him for a man of virtue, justice, and sound judgement, a man that had power to do us good, and a good willingness thereunto, and hoped that he would represent unto the king our oppressions and burdens under cruel statesmen, that destroyed and enslaved the subjects by their sleights and cunning artifices, and in fine that he would prove the deliverer of this conceit, which proved but adreame, conferred all men's affection upon him, receiving and embracing all the reasons, and such sentiments as he pleased to infuse unto them, and ordered all their course (in all wisdom, as they thought) by his ways, and dictamen, by this means were undermined our union, and our quarrel destroyed, Ormonds persuasions prevailing in court and country, his reasons were esteemed the best and wisest; his friends and Faction cries Ormond is a wise man he loves our interest, understands our cause rightly; this public confidence well known, hath been no small means for him to deceive his Friends, and they deceived the Generality, possessing them with such and such imaginations, till at last we grew in good earnest could in our proceed; dissensions sprung up, and our union (the life, and strength of our country) dissolved and broken, desolation and destruction run over all places, we then began to disagree in our consultations and debates about the public; ●alousies invaded our assemblies, difference risen between such and such Families, between Noble men, Gentry, and even amoung the Bishops and clergy, some speaking high of the british interest, others of the interest of religion, and country: in the conclusion we came to be regn●m in se divisun: in the mean time Ormond, who had acted his part soidly, said to his counsel, and complices, Divisum est cor Catholicorum, jam interibunt my work is done, they are broken, they are at variance one with an other, they sprosper no more. That you may more plainly see the influence this great man had over the confederate Catholics in the supreme counsel, who gouverned all (consisting of 12.) You may know he had usually six of that number, for his trusty friends, the first was Richard Lord Viscount Mongret (at the beginning of the war, and for a great while Precedent of the counsel) this Lord was Brother to Ormonds' grandmother, the second was donogh Lord Viscount Musgue (after Earl of Clancartie) who married Ormonds' eldest sister, Mr. Richard Bealing Secretary to the counsel and a member thereof, married to ●said Viscount Mountgarets' Daughter, Mr. Great fenel Doctor physic, intimat do mystic counsellor to Ormond for some years, Mr. Patrick Darcy a Famous lawyer, counsel in law to the house Ormond, Mr. Gessery. Browne a sound and good lawyer, and Sr. Lucas Dillon knight an able personage, both much addicted to Ormonds' Ways esteeming them the best: as for the Lord of Mountgaret, he was a plain simple man, but the other five were substantial Pieces as the land could afford, Ormond was their delight and joy, and though they had wit sufficient to understand his ways, and ponder his evil designs, this they have not done, but rather gave him full scope to work what he pleased out of the fore-spooken confidence placed in him; by this means these wisemen were deceived, deluded, and inueagled away, and we with them; our repentance is to late, and without remedy, and we find our error Fatal and irrecoverable, and we have lived to see Ormond close with our deadly enemies, and himself the greatest enemy of them all Sed sero Sapiunt phriges.  
This Lethean cup ministered by Ormond unto us, the confederates, stupifyed our will so much, as we could neither understand nor perceive one another, we became much like to the confusion of Babel, when one sought for stone, the other gave him sand, when sand, he brought him stones,  
But the first step to our confusion was treaties of cessations, by those conferrences he deceived our people, who went still upon the opinion of his affection, he spunn us out with new devices, and delays, and in the Interim we omitted the opportunity of doing service, waiting daily for appease, for Ormond had brought us to that fools paradise, as we neglected our own preservation; great matters he promised to our committie of treaty, a good peace, the which when we had, was worth nothing, as formerly said, where I advertised you how the Committie of treaty failed to perform the instructions given them, and to conclude no peace without insisting on them, but clear sighted men, that trusted not in Ormond as those men did, found those articles to be a plastered bussiness, as a 'bove said. If Ormond had power from the King to grant better Articles, than the thirty Articles; will not your understanding be convinced, that he played foully with the confederate Catholics, and that his intention was not friendly nor honest, and that his only design hath been to deceive us? his Majesty in a letter to Ormond december the fiftienth 1644. Oxford hath these words.  
Ormond.  
I am sorry to find from Colonel Barry the sad condition of your particular fortune, for which I cannot find so good and speedy remedy as the peace of Irland, it being likewise to redress most necessary affairs here, wherefore I command you to dispatch it out of hand, for the doing of which▪ I hope my public dispatch will give you sufficient instructions and power etc. Some what lower down he hath thes Words, and to show this is more than words, I do hierby promise them, and command you to see it done, that the penal statutes against Roman Catholics shall not be put in execution etc. and concludes the letter thus, so recommending to your care the speedy dispatch of the peace of Irland and my necessary supply from thence, as I wrote you in my last private letter, I rest. Of an other letter to the Marquis of Ormond Feb: 1644. Oxford are these words. And now again I can not but mention unto you the necessity of hastening of the Irish peace, for which I. hope: you are already sufficiently furnished from me of materials, but in case peace cannot be had upon those terms you must not by any means fall to a new rapture with them but continue the cessation, according to ●● postscript in a letter by lack Barrys, a copy of which dispatch I. Hear with send you, So● I rest.  
 
POSTCRIPT  
IN case upon particular men's fancies, the Irish peace should not be procured, upon powers I have already given you, I have thought good to give you this further order (which I hope will prove needless) to seek to renew the cessation for a year, for which you shall promise the Irish (if you can have it no cheaper) to join with them against the Scot and Insiquin etc.  
Those Letters are to be seen in the King's book styled Reliquiae scarae Carolinae. By thes lines you see how clearly his Majesty insisted upon a peace with the Irish, and failed not to that effect to send Ormond materials sufficient to satisfy the Irish catholics, having heard their complaints and their reasonable articls, for they demanded no other than the liberty of their religion, benefit of their estates and privileges, yet Ormond in his peace of 30. Articles granted not thes things, nor was it in his thought to join with us against the Scot and Insiquin the King's professed enemies, who owned for their master the usurping power, and parliament of England, and there were reports grounded upon very good presumptions, that he sent some of his forces to assist the Scots in the North against us.  

* 3 ' Injury.  we come now to a third and main agrivance and injury done the confederate Catholics, which was the yielding up of Dublin castle, sword and all to the Parliament, not withstanding that the Queen and Prince sent from Paris a gentleman expressly instructed to his excellency, to prevent the giving up of these places to the King's enemies and rather to close up a peace with the Catholics (the only way then appearing for settling the King's affairs) this action hath been one of the ugliest things Ormond ever did, to render therefore my reader fully capable of this perfidious proceeding, I shall be forced to enlarge myself thereupon, this will be made clear out of a discourse of the journey that the Agent sent from the Queen and Prince (Mr. Wintergrant a Catholic Gentleman) made himself, who came to Ormond with his letters and instructions before he had given up the castle of Dublin; (the city was rendered before to the parliament) the chiefest part of the discourse runs thus, his Majesty being a prisoner at homby, and all negotiation for his deliverance and restablishment rendered frvitless, it was thought fit by the Queen and Prince of wales with their counsel, that some body should be sent to Irland with letters and instrustions to my Lord of Ormond for settling of a peace in that Kingdom, for that purpose said Mr. Wintergrant was chosen, and accordingly received certain instructions sent by the Queen? all these instructions tended to the settlement of peace between the confederate Catholics and the King's party, as appeareth by the express words of the second instruction: you shall inform the said Lord Lieutenant how sensible we and the Prince are, of the present troubles, of the Kingdom, as well in consideration of the King's affairs in general, as Particularly out of the apprehension of the great and imminent danger that may thereby happen to those which yet remain under the obedience of him the said Lord Lieutenant, and how desirous we and the Prince are to contribut all that is in our power to reconcile the things in question between the said Lord Lieutenant and the consederat Catholics of Irland, whereby all of them may be firmly United under the authority of our dearest Lord the King and thereby enabled to defend themselves against the common enemy, and seasonably assist the King in his other dominions: he also brought letters to the Lord Nun●io and Roman clergy and to several noble men, and to certain corporations and cities to be first showed to Ormond and as he pleased to be delivered or not deliverod, all was left to Otrmonds' breast, and this Mr. Wintergrant was to pursue all his instructions in such manner as the Lord Lieutenant shall think fit, and in all other things you shall saith the instruction govern yourself according to the advice and orders of the said Lord Lieutenant, In the sixst instruction are these words; If he the said Lord Lieutenant shall direct you to repair to the Lord Nuncio, Assembly, Clergy, or supreme counsel of the Irish nation, or to the General assembly now met at Kilkennie, you shall upon all occations, when your discretion shall think fit, publish a vow and declare the great inclination which we and the Prince have to contribut effectually all that shall be proper for us and him, to the speedy concluding a happy peace in Irland  
These were one sort of instructions I received saith Mr. Wintergrant, which were not to be kept so private but that they were in some cases comunicable, but these that follow not so.  

Private instructions.  
YOu shall deliver to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland fourtien blanks now given to your possession by us, and the Prince, two whereof were jointly signed by us, and the Prince, six other signed by us alone, and the other six by the Prince alone.  
You shall acquaint the Lord Lieutenant that we and the Prince do authoriz and appoint him to fill up all the said blanks in such manner, and to such purpose, and with such contents, as he shall think most proper for the service of our dearest Lord the King in his Irish affairs, and you shall assure him the said Lord Lieutenant that as we and the Prince repose this trust and confidence in him, that he shall make use of them as he shall think fit, for the advancement of the peace in Ireland; so will both of us at all times avow, and justify those Instruments so to be filled up by him as our own acts, and as don by our own particular directions, and command: you shall more particularly acquaint the Lord Lieutenant from us, and the Prince, that if in the treaty of peace, or in the conclusion thereof, he desires to be assisted with any further Authority grounded upon any letters sent to him from the King or otherwise in our power, than we desire him the said Lord Lieutenant to fill up the blanks signed by us, or the Prince with such authority from us, or from us and the Prince, or from the Prince only in such manner as he shall find most proper, and conducing to such a peace.  
You shall likewise particularly acquaint him the Lord Lieutenant, that if he shall find it proper for the advancement of the peace there, that yourself, or yourself with any others now in Ireland should in our name, and authorised by us, repair to the assembly General now held at Kilkennie, or the supreme Counsel of the Irish, or to any other body or persons with the overtures of a treaty or any particular, in order to, concerning or conducing to the same; our desire is, and we hierby authorize him the said Lord Lieutenant accordingly that he should fill up one or more of the said blanks, signed by us in the nature of a commission letter, or instructions with such authority from us, and in such manner, as he shall think fit, and that he would accordingly insert the name of such person or persons as he shall think fit to be joined with you in this Employment from us.   
These particulares you are to communicate to none but the Lord Digby, and Lord Clanrikard, unless the Lord Luetenant shall think fit to give you other orders concerning the same.  Then followeth the Prince's approbation of all the instructions of both sorts, with his command to put them in execution in these words. 

Charles Prince.  
We have perused and do fully approve of your instructions bearing date herwith, and Signed by our Royal Mother; and do appoint and authorise you so far as you shall find us named therein to put the same in execution.   

Charles Prince,  
We have perused, and do fully approve of your private instructions bearing date herewith, signed by our Royal Mother, and hierby appoint and authorize you so fare as you shall find us named therein to put the same in execution.   
With these instructions and many letters not only to my Lord Lieutenant Lord Clanrikard, and Lord Digby, but alsoe from the Queen to the Nuncio and Clergy, to O Nelle and Preston, with all the considerable persons than a mongst the Irish, I parted from Paris a bout the 16. of march 1647. in Companic of my Lord Crafford etc.  
From Nantes I landed at Waterford the 6'th. or 7'th. of April, and yet so unluckily as the assembly at Kilkennie had brook up that night at ten of the Clock, which they would not have done had they first heard of my landing, for so Mr. Barron, (who hath been an Agent hire in France for the confederate Irish) and to whom I sent a post so soon as I was in waterford, writ back to me; indeed I was very unfortunat for the Assembly had both power and means, to do or undo▪ what they had done in ordre to a treaty, which the supreme Counsel limited within bounds by the Assembly, afterwards had not.  
Being comito Kilkennie I was by Mr. Barron brought to the Counsel, to whom (after they had caused me to sit in a Chair not fare from my Lord of Antrim their Precedent nor would they hear me till I had done so) I delivered the cause of my coming thither, which was the Queen and Prince his desire of peace in that Kingdom, and for the Queen she was not only moved unto it for the King's interest, but alsoe by a zeal to the Catholic Religion and good of the People.  
The day I came to Dublin I was that night brought to my Lord of Ormond, to whom I delivered such letters as were for him, and then said, that he was sure those letters expressed civilities from the Queen and Prince; much better than I could; and that therefore I had nothing more now to say until I had such instructions disiphered as I had, which were many, and would take up some good time, and by which his Lordship would find the confidence her Majesty and the Prince had in him, which was so great, as no reports could shake, though we had weekly news, of his treaty with the Parliament for delivery of those places under his command, to which his Lordship replied, that confidence shall never deceive them, and that he who had ventured himself, his wife, and all his Children in the King's service, would make no sample of venturing or casting away one scruple when there shall be cause, (this he spook because one of his sons was then hostage with the Parliament,) yet if there be necessity he should give up those places under his command, he would rather give them to the English Rebels, then to the Irish Rebels, of which opinion he thought every good Englishman was; to this I replied nothing.  
Ormond having seen and perused these premises, and now spooken of instructions, I demand in this place, what his grace can aleage for himself, that can excuse his backwardness in satisfying the reasonable and Just demands of the confederate Catholics? He cannot say he wanted power and authority for concluding a peace with them, seeing he might insert in the papers of 14. blanks what conditions, what Articles he pleased for himself, the Queen and Prince being resolved To own and justify the same as their Royal act and deed; Further, he had from his Majesty a great latitude of power, to compass such a peace as the Queen and Prince (then) desired, (notwitstanding the rejection of the peace, of 46.) as is to be seen, by the King's Letter to Ormond Februarij 27'th 1647. in these words, page 258. of Reliquiae Carolinae.  
ORMOND.  
THe Impossibility of preserving my Protestant subjects in Irland, by a continuation of war, having moved me to give you the powers and directions; which I have formerly done for the concluding of a peace there, and the same growing daily much more Evident, that alone were reason Enough for me, to enlarge your powes, and to make my commands in the point more positive, but besides these considerations, being now manifest that the English rebels have (as fare as in them lies) given the command of Irland to the Scots, that their aim is at a total subversion, of Religion, and real power, and that nothing less will content them, or purchase peace. Here I think myself bound in conscience, not to let slip the means of settling that Kingdom (if it may be) fully under my obedience; nor to lose that assistance, which I may hope from my Irish subjects for such scrupels as in a less pressing condition might reasonably be struck at by me for their satisfaction; I do therefore command you to conclude a peace, with the Irish, whatever it cost, so that my Protstant subjects there may be secured, and my regal authority preserved; but for all this you are to make for me the best hargain you can, and not discover your enlargement of power, till you needs must, and though I leave the management of this great matter, and necessary work entirely unto you, yet I cannot but tell you, that if the suspension of Poynings act for such bills as shall be agreed upon between you there, and the present taking away the penal laws against Papists, by a law, will do it; I shall not think it a hard bargain, so that freely and vigorously they engage themselves in my assistance against my rebels of England and Scotland, for which no conditions can be to hard, not being against conscience or honour.  
Can there be any thing clearer than these expressions? can there be a larger commission given, or more straighter command laid on Ormond for compassing speedily a peace with the Irish Catholics, than what is repeated here? can Ormond pretend he wanted power to conclude a peace, or the King a willingness to have it done? his Majesty's intentions desires, and solicitations to that▪ effect, are urged in these words, what ever it cost so my protestant subjects may be secure, and Royal authority; there is nothing so certain (securing Catholics Religion) then that we desired, and unanimously minded to ●●●ure the King's interest and prerogative and to help him to our power, and not to molest or trouble any of his protestant subjects, if not provoked by themselves thereunto; take notice in this place of his royal assent, to a Suspension of Poynings act for such bills as should be agreed upon betwixt Ormond and us, and the taking away the penal Laws against us, neither did he think it a hard bargin so we freely and vigorously engaged ourselves in his Royal service against his Rebels of England and Scotland, and says, no conditions can be to hard, so this be done, and that in performing it nothing is against conscience, and honour; here you may observe the distinction his Majesty makes at that time betwixt his Catholic subjects of Irland, and those his Protestant Rebels of England, and Scotland, his Majesty, (whose interest it was, and the only judge of that fact, to approve, or disaprove us as such,) gave each according his desert, calling us his Irish subjects, and those of England and Scotland his Rebels, yet Ormond in his conference with Mr. Wintergr●nt calls us otherwise, (even Rebels as those of England and Scotland were,) adding thereunto that if there were necessity to give up those places under his command, unto any of the three Nations, he would rather make them over to his English rebels then to his Majesties faithful Irish subjects, of which opinion he thought every good Englishman was: to which expression. Mr. Wintergrant (a Roman Catholic and a person who had a better opinion of their conscience, than Ormond) replied nothing.  
By the prefated expressions of Ormond, you see how he declared himself for an Englishman, and being the King's Lieutenant in that Kingdom, he showed himself only exteriorly for the King, but interiorly a right Parlamentier, as by his several open disobediences and destructive delays to the King, Queen, and Princes orders and instructions, (as to the hastening of the Irish peace) is manifested; such a one in effect I must confess, his darling Orrery would have him to be, by all attributes, of Religion, breeding, person, speech, dispossitions, by his Lady and children, and predecessors (though Irish, and well skilled in the Irish speech, and of 480. years and more standing in that Country) would to God Orrery had gotten his wish in this, and that his Ormond had been of two sides an Englishman, and that our Country, and Countrymen had never known Ormond, Orrery, or Orreries father: were it so, things had gone far better with us, and with the Country; you see how this Statsman makes no difference between the confederate Catholics, and the Rebels of Scotland, and England, who got up in actual Arms against the King, who bought, and sold him & had him close Prisoner at the same time, these words were spoken by Ormond: can Ormond produce such an oath of association (made, and agreed upon by the Parlimentary party) to maintain the King's prorogatives, rights, person and Royal interest, as we have made and set forth unto the world? upon all occations, and in all places, even in the lowest ebb of his Majesties affairs, we spoke with veneration and respect of his sacred person, when they in pulpits, streets, banks, and theatres, in their private meetings and Counsels disdainfully violated his sacred person, and pursued him even in their news books, as you may see in the Heu! and Cry! of Mercurius Britantcus, ridiculously set forth in this form.  
If any man can bring tale or tiding of a wilful King, which hath, wilfully gone a stray from his Parliament with a guilty conscience, bloody hands, a hart full of broken vows, and protestations, if these marks be not sufficient, there is another in the mouth, for bid him speak and you will soon know him, then give notice to Britanicus, and you shall be well paid for your pains; god save the Parliament.  
These and such like scurrilous disrespects, to his Royaell person would be their quotidian pastime, yet our good Ormond was pleased to list us in the rank and cathalogue of those ridiculous profane Rebels. His Vn●e, and his Brother-inlaw, the two prefated Viscounts, and the rest of his affected friends, would hardly believe (had an Angel affirmed it) that Ormond would harbour so hard a thought of the confederate Catholics, whom he knew full well in his ●art to be good, faithful, and Zealous subjects. Now notwithstanding all these instructions, and the King's letters before mentioned, with all the instances Mr. Win ergrant could make, (which were done with a great deal of care and judgement) notwithstanding the accommodation (which I shall insert here) sent by the confederate Catholics to Ormond, notwithstanding all this I say, he yielded up to the King's enemies the Castle of Dublin, the Sword, and all, in which and by which action, he discovered his hatred to the confederate Catholics, his affection to the Parliament, his disrespect, and manifest disobedience to the King's orders and commands, and to those of the Queen and Prince. Neither wanted Ormond (as some men did think) his hidden reasons that moved him to neglect so much, and slight the Royal Authority.  
His Logic made him discourse thus secretly with himself: the King is prisoner to his Parliament, and no hopes left for his redemption, he is like to perish there; the Queen alsoe and the young Prince they are exiled, what can they do? They are not able to help themselves, much less to procure any foreign assistance for his Majesty: the Parliament of England with Crumwell have drawn all England to their own side with Scotland, and a great part of Irland, as the large Province of V●ster, where the Scot insulted, and that part of Munster, where Insequin with his Army remained under obedience of the Parliament: my best way than will be (quoth Ormond) to play my own game the best, and make good use of the times; I will therefore appear exteriorly for his Majesty, and yet oblige the Parliament in yielding up to them the Castle of Dublin, with the King's sword and all the fair County of Dublin, rather than keep it and take part with the Irish, (and this I will do notwithstanding the Queen and Prince's orders and commands to the contrary) for I may well fear, the Irish Catholics and I (though joined with them) will be at long running mastered by the Parliament; who will be mindful of me in due time for so necessary and friendly an action. And truly it fell. out so, for though they shown no personal favour to Ormond, they shown great kindness to his Lady allowing her three thousand pound starling for her jointure (as a 'bove said,) and Crum●●●lls Children wear not less friendly to her Children, and all this kindness hath been done them, by all liklyhood in recompensation of Ormonds giving up the City, Castle, and County of Dublin to the Parliament.  
Projects of Policy are deep and secret, and likely this act of Ormond was the Policy and Wisdom the Lord Digby meant, when he said to Mr. Wintergrant, that the Lord of Ormond was wiser, then to unite with the Irish Catholics But in the mean time what became of his Loyalty? Of his great zeal to his Majesties interest? Of his obedience to the Royal Commands, and to the orders, and instructions of the Queen and Prince? Herein the King was slighted, the Queen and Prince put by, who as they held the preserving of Dublin, the Castle thereof and County about it, to be the King's great interest, and beneficial for his Majesty, so alsoe they did think the delivering up of all to the Parliament would prove a very great loss, and destructive to his Royal interest; for preventing of which loss, and mischief, orders, commands, instructions, and all power were sent from Queen and Prince by Mr. Wintergrant to Ormond to perclose a peace with the Confederate Catholics at what price soever.  
If the neglect committed heerin by Ormond (slighting the Royal powers and Authority, a clear Argument of disobedience in him to both) hath redounded to the utter overthrow of the Catholics, and Kingdom, and consequently of his Majesties interest therein; you my reader may judge, or any other Impartial judgement?   

CHAPTER 17'th. The accommodation sent by the confederate Catholics to Ormond Lord Lieutenant for preserving of the City, and Castle of Dublin with the lands about it, rejected by him, and the reasons given by him for such rejection.  
GEntle Reader, here before I give you the accommodation presented, and offered by the Confederate Catholics, unto Ormond, I think it necessary to give you first, the sound observation of an understanding and discreet Member (made upon the same accommodation) of the said confederate Counsel of Catholics, which shall serve you as a guiding light to the clearer understanding how the matter was carried on, which was word to word as followeth.  
That the late Articles of pacification concluded with the Lord Marqnis of Ormond Anno 1646. Being rejected by the general assembly with an unanimous consent, by reason the Lord Marquis of Ormond did not grant those conditions unto which he was authorized by his Majesty, and for that the King was brought unto a condition incapable at present to perform any thing that was granted, and for that there was no security in them for Religion or Nation, and the insecurity not come knowledge of the confederates, until after the late pacification was published; the late general assembly in the beginning of March last, Employed Mr. Giffery Barron some time before Employed in France, and Mr. Gerrald Fennell, both persons of great trust, unto the said Marqnis with the enclosed heads or Overtures of an accommodation to continue until his Majesty were in a free condition to grant honourable and safe conditions unto the consederats, and the said Marquis after receiving the said Overtures by virtue of a letter of Credence from the said Mr. Barron and Mr. Fennell returned answer to the assembly, that he would send his answers by messengers of his own, first giving great hopes unto those Employed by the assembly, that he would never join with the Parliament.  
The assembly expecting this answer for one and twenty days received it not to the hazard, and very great charge of the Kingdom; his Lordship in the interim treated with the Parliament Commissioners, and the assembly fully possessed with a belief that his Lordship would never conclude with the Parliament, a few days days before the adjournment sent Theobala Butler Major of Horss in the Catholic Army to his Lordship, to know the cause which might retard or stay his Lordship's answer so long, and so much expected; at whose coming thither the said Marquis (having as it seems concluded with the Parliament, delivered hostages unto their Gommissioners, Viz: his son the Lord Richard Butler, and the Lord Dyllon, the Earl of Res●omon a considerable Peer, and native of this Kingdom, Colonel Arthur Chischester son and hair of the Lord Viscount Chischester, and Sr. Iames Ware Knight, a person of consideration with him, and of the Privy Counsel) hire upon the said Lord Marquis told the said Major Buttler, that he would never propound any thing to the confederate Catholics that was in their power to deny him.  
The Assembly receiving this answer so much tending to the King's disservice, by which the hopes of an accommodation was frustrated, they being solemnly sworn to endeavour an accommodation with him, (which were consistent with Loyalty and Catholic Religion) on the fourth currant adjourned itself until the 12'th of November next; soon after Monsieur Tallone, and Monsieur Munnery Residents to the King of France arrived here, and being with us at the Counsel declared that most of their bussiness hither was to solicit an accommodation tending Chief to the preservation of the Catholic Religion, and we did on all occations declare our willingness and rediness to effectuate the same, and after several journeys made by the said Monsieur Talent to Dublin, we did condescend to enlarge the Cessation at first agreed upon to the 17'th of April, which was performed. And after condescended, that incase good and particular hopes were demonstrated unto us, we would out of zeal to our liege Lord the King, and in our great expectation of the interposition by them promised of the Crown of France, embrace a Cessation for six months, so that in the interval the Lord Marquis would accept no Parliament forces into any of the Garrisons under his command, and give good assurance for his performance therein; where upon Monsieur Tallone repaired to Dublin, and brought unto us his Lordship's absolute denial of Cessation for more than three weeks, unto which we could not condescend, in regard we had Just and pregnant causes of fears, that the said Lord Marquis did but seek that short Cessation in expectation of forces from the Parliament, (whereof we had well grounded intelligence from London and otherwise;) and his Lordship having during the treaty with us received men from the Parliament into Dublin, and other his Garrisons, and we having understood that his Lordship's reason for not granting a Cessation for the six months propounded, was that thereby all hopes of his agreement with the Parliament had been taken away, and that then of necessity he must throw himself on our party, before he could fairly fall of from the Parliament, which, whether he can do or Noah, the delivery of the hostages and their quality, and the forces by him already received, and the daily expectation he hath of more, and the late propositions by him sent to the Parliament (which if assented unto by the Parliament, he declared himself to stick unto them) being considered it may be easily judged wherein the Impediment to an accommodation lieth.  
Adding to the premises for the more Clear understanding of our real desires to entertain an accommodation wit the Lord Marquis of Ormond, for preserving and continuing the places under his Majesties obedience, which his Lordship holdeth; that since our propositions sent him, to put his Lordship in mind of an accommodation, he did neither by message or otherwise authorize any to treat further with us there upon, but utterly slighted that treaty, by which we had no encourragment given us to listen to a cessation, which in itself was no way profitable to the affairs of the Confederate Catholics, for the reasons afforesaid, other than in order to the hopes we might have of an accommodation, the Copy of which propossitions is hierwith sent.  
Besides the motives afforesaid, we have it by assured and certain intelligence, that the Lord Marquis of Ormond hath already concluded with the Parliament, and hath upon confidence of prevailing for a short Cessation with us, assured them that he would hold what he enjoyeth until the month of May, expecting then the Parliament of England their Supplies.  

Overtures for an accommodation delivered by Doctor Gerrald Fennell, and Geffrie Brron Esquires from the General assembly of the confederate Catholics to the Lord Marquis of Ormond in March 1647.  
1. THat each party should continue their respective government independent of each other, within such quarters, as by the accommodation shall be agreed on, until a peace.  
2. That both should join in a war, both by sea and land against the Enemy's of his Majesty, and this Nation, and that neither party shall make Peace, Cessation, or other Agreement, or ntertaine any Commerce or Traffic with the said Enemy's without the consent of each other until a peace.  
3. That Dublin and other Garrisons your Lordship's quarters may be secured against the said Enemy.  
4. That the Confederate Catholics within the quarters, that by this accommodation shall be agreed upon to be left to your Lordship, shall be secured of the free Enjoying of their Religion Lives, Estates, and liberties.  
5. The like for all other Catholics in the said quarters.  
6. That your Lordship shall permit none to live within your quarters, but such as shall swear to the performance and accommodation.  
7. That your Lordship shall enjoy the profitts of your Estates in the quarters of the Confederate Catholics, paying such contributions out of it, as the said confederates shall do out of theirs.  
8. That the Confederates will contribut to the maintenance of your Lordship's Charge, by reason of your place in a Competent way.  
Can there be any accommodation thought on, more profitable to the King, more considerable to the Queen and Prince his expectation, and more advantageous to Ormond himself, (who thereby had the rents of a great part of his Estate, of that I mean, that laid within the Catholic quarters) than this? Let any indifferrent conscientious man tell me if any thing could be more Loyal, or laying forth our great affection to our King in the distressed state he then was in, than this? Here you have Ormonds answer to said accommodation, sent by Mr. Wintergrant unto the supreme Counsel the 10'th of may 1647.   

The answers were as followeth.  
THe two first propositions are such, as appear fit to be treated in a League offensive and defensive between neighbouring Princes, then between his Majesties governor of a Kingdom, and his subjects of the same declined from their obedience, with whom it is inconsistent with his Majesties Lieutenant to join otherwise, then by their return to their obedience, and submission to his Majesties Authority.  
2. To, the third. When they are thus returned to their obedience, and have submitted to his Majesties Authority, it will then be seasonable, to consider of securing the Garrisons.  
3. The five other propositions are such as may be fit to be considered in case of a sessation, which, when they shall propose unto us, we shall take it into consideration, and give such answers thereunto as shall be reasonable.  
You see the nature and condition of this answer. Ormond would not come to any accommodation with the Confederate Catholics, because they were (as he saith) declined from their obedience, until they had returned again to their former obedience and submission to his Majesties Authority; yet the very same time the same Ormond treated publicly of a peace with the Parliament party (a peace is of a higher nature than an accommodation) open and known Rebels to the King, and who had his Majesty at the very same time their close prisoner, and not only treated with those Rebels, but even yielded up to them the City of Dublin, the Castle, sword, and all appertaining thereunto.  
Ormond gave to the confederate Catholics and their propositions of an accommodation the answer, he should have given to the Parliament party, he should have said to their commissioners (with whom he then treated) that it was not consistent with his Majesties Lieutenant to treat with them, until they had set his Majesty at full liberty, laid down Arms, restored to the King his Towns, Forts, and Navy, acknowledging their obedience and sworn allegiance unto him. This he did not, but perclosed a peace with them as above was said. If this his acting, (when he could have preserved the King's City and interest from his enemies by an accommodation with the Confederate Catholics, as the King had commanded and the Queen and Prince ordered by their express instructions sent to him by Mr. Wintergrant) can b● excused from treason, let any indifferent man judge.  
So much I thought fit to mention of Mr. Wintergrant his Employment, of the Queen and Prince's orders and instructions for concluding a peace with the Irish Catholics, and of the Kings express commands to Ormond to the same purpose, of the diligence of Monsieur la Monnerie, and Monsieur Tallone to that effect in the mame of the French King their Master, as alsoe of the Articles of the aforesaid accommodation most advantageous to the King's interest offered by his subjects the Confederate Catholics.  
Put all these together my gentle reader, and then judge if Ormond hath not showed himself (transacting with the Parliament) disobedient to the Kings Commands, and to those of the Queen and Prince, an Enemy to the Catholics of Irland, and a friend to the usurping Parliament.  
I now pass to a great and Irreparable Injury done to the whole Nation by his Grace (a graceless action) the excluding of all the Catholics of Irland from the benefit of the general pardon and indemnity, granted to all his other subjects, of what Religion soever.    

CHAPTER 18'th. How, and by whom, were the Catholics of Irland excluded from the benefit of general pardon.  
Certain it is, that the King intended the pardon and act of Indemnity as well for the Catholics of Irland, as for those of England, and thee rest of his subjects, which is made clear and evident by his Majesties speech in favour of the Irish Catholics, in the house of Peers, july the 27'th 1660. I hope (said the King) I need not put you in mind of Irland, and that they alone shall not be without the benefit of my merey, they have shown much affection to me a broad, and you will have a care of my honour, and what I have promised to them.  
Can the King's intention of the benefit of pardon and his mercy to the Irish Catholics be spooken in more clear and noble expressions? But this Ormond (to his Eternal infamy be it said) hath cruelly opposed, in propounding a wicked and cunning proviso in the house of Peers, which their Lordship's thought would have satisfied us, and so have past it by: by this perfidious fraud of Ormond, we have been exempted from the benefit of the Indemnity, This is the grace Ormond (Peter Walsh his saviour of the Irish Nation) hath done us, for which the Mallediction of God will likely fall upon him and his posterity.  
After being excluded from the general pardon, Ormond, Clarindon, Orrery, Cloathworthy, and the rest of that holy Synagog put their heads together for drawing up a Bill of Settlement of the Kingdoms of Irland, (so powerful they wear in Cheating his Majesty as he gave them his ordinance for conceiving said Bill of Settlement, and their own Secretary had the penning of it.) By the artifice of those great men, and force of that Bill we have lost for ever our Lands, Estates, and the liberty of free borne subjects. This Bill is of an Immense Bulck, fraght with fair Language and barbarous contents and proceed, (They call it the Kings most gracious Declaration for the settlement of Irland:) This monstrous Bulck with all the substance therein, hath been reduced into few heads by a learned Laeyer as followeth.  

The substance and since of the vast bill of settlement.  
1. BY the late act of Parliament made for the settlement of Irland, all that might pretend to be free from the guilt of the late Commotion are concluded from being heard, and their estates disposed for the most part, to such of the English as served the Usurper Crumwell against his late and now Majesty.  
2. Those, who submitted to the peace concluded by his late Majesties Authority in the yeure 1648. be by the said act debarred from the benefit of the articles concluded in, and by the same peace, and the public faith then given denied them, as hath been already decreed.  
3. Innocents' are secluded from being restored to their houses in Corporations, a few excepted, who were restored to their houses by his Majesty's Letters.  
4. Catholics are not suffered to have their freedom in Corporations, or liberty of traffic.  
5. The Lords add other Catholics, who had presentations of benefices, are secluded from the benefit of their said Privileges, except they become Protestants.  
6 All the Nobility and gentry, that submitted to said Peace of 48. and put themselves to vast charges and expenses in raising troops, and Regiments of Horss and foot to serve his Majesty against the Usurper, have lost their Estates, and their Lands settled upon those, who made the Usurper's quarrel their own, and fought under him against the King and his Catholic subjects of Irland; and not only that, but are alsoe excluded from all Employments in the King's service, or Common wealth, except they renounce their Faith.  
By these means they are brought to great distress, want of Credit, Livelihood, and relief, Nil nisi vota supersunt.   

A short Ponderation upon these Branches.  
1. NEver was pronounced from the beginning of Christianity, to this day, a more  and wicked sentence against Christians then have been by this act, which bears the name of the Kings most gracious Declaration, for the settlement of Irland.  
2. What can there be more cruel, mor , more Impious, then to hinder one to answer for himself, and prove himself Innocent; what more against the law of nature? What can there be more iniquous, and unworthy of kingly piety, then to confer the loyal subject's Estates upon open known Rebels? What more sacred than public Faith? What more infamous than the violation of the same? For which in all times, dreadful punishments have befallen the Violatours.  
3. Can there be any thing more Barbarous and against justice, then to turn an Innocent out of his own house and right Inheritance?  
4. The Christians in Constantinople, and other the Dominions of the Turck; are dealt with fare better, and with more moderation, than the Catholics of Irland, whom those Statesmen, have excluded from all Commerte; which the very Turcks do grant unto their Christians.  
5. Men must renounce their Religion, the Basis of salvation, or lose their Advousins, a cruel Impious Tie upon Catholic patrons, but each of them will answer, Non Emam tanti panitere.  
6 Here you see Rebellion rewarded, and Loyalty punished, a preposterous and monstrous kind of justice; Behold O bountiful God this their portentous and Impious iniquity. Now I see afflicted Countrymen you may ramble up and down the world, and loudly raise your voice and say Spectaculum facti sumus mundo & Angelis, & hominibus. We are made a spectacle to the world, to Angels, and to men. Can there be more formal Iniquity, then to divest Innocent true subjects of their estates and liberty, and confer the same upon those fought against the King and Crown? was it not a precious knavery of these Statesmen, to persuade the King to such Impiety as this?  
What shall I think or say of these Statsman, contrivers of this great wickedness? Even that which Salvianus the good Bishop of Missilia, said of the Lieutenants and Prefests of the Provinces. Magistra●us, (quoth he) Et Provindiarum praefecti Statuunt non furandum, et agunt ipsi latrocinia, puniunt rapinam cum ipsi sint Maximi raptores; puniunt expoliatores domorum, cum ipsi sint expoliatores provinciarum; tantum ijs adeptus honour dat benefic●j, ut semper habeant Ius latrocinandi. The rulers and commanders of Cittys and Provinces, ordains a Law that none shall steal, and yet they themselves play the thief; they punish rapine and yet they themselves are great snatchers; they punish plunderers of houses, and themselves are the Robbers and plunderers of entire Provinces; for this they have of benefit by the honour obtained, that they can always rob and plunder with Authority. This have been the liberty our praefated Statesmen have assumed to themselves, and without question their malice must be deeply polished, when they could persuade, deceive and delude a King styled (the King of mercy and pardons) to give his Royal assent and approbation to the forementioned Act of settlement, an unspeakable, and an unheard justice, 
* Matth. cap. 3. v. 8.  Pregenies viperarum quis demonstravit vohis fugere a ventura Ioa facite ergo fructum dignum panitentiae Ye breed of vipers who hath showed you to fly from the wrath to come, yield therefore fruict-worthy of Penance. I am heir compelled to Cry with the Prophet jeremy with tears and sighs to God 
* Lament. cap. 5.  Remember o Lord wha● is fall'n to us, behold and regard our reproach, our inheritance is turned to Aliens, our houses to strangers.    

CHAPTER 19'th. of all these Usurpers who hath used most Artifice and Perfidy?  
IT is by this made evident, that all of them used much cunning and cruelty in compassing the work of Catholic Irlands destruction: but Ormoud hath surpassed them all; take my reason.  
Orrery, Cloathworthy, and all of the holy Crumwelian crew have done no less ●or more, than we expected from them, when they should be able to do us a mischief; at long running they had power to do it; and they have egrediously done it, and boasting in that sin, they tell us, they have in our Tragedy acted their own part, that of enemies: and we must confess they have not deceived us in trust, having never trusted them.  
Clarmdon hath been but a stranger to our Nation, we first knew this Crooked man in his, and our exile, and though we have done him good service, he was evermore our Enemy, and paid benefits done him with Injuries, as men of his nature use to do; in a word he was a man (as all that knew him will say) would for gold sell away the son of God himself, and for gold he hath sold us and justice.  
But Ormond the greatest Nobleman now of our Nation, in whom all the Nobility in general, and the generality of the people reposed (a special confidence hath betrayed that trust, a black stain of infamy upon a great Peer descended from so Catholic and Noble Ancestors.) He hath not proved (as we expected) a pillare and prop to his Nation, but a bruised rotten Reed of Egypt, deserting us in time of trial, and joining with all our Enemy's, that thirsted after our lives and possessions. It is true, we are not ourselves without some blame in the ruins of our Fortunes and Country, our sin is our unadvised trust in Ormond, which made the way easy for him to deceive us; we have not been wary, and mischief entereth at the open gates of security, Ormond came upon us in that kind; we had most of us friendly hearts for him, and we took his hart to be such to us. 
* Sallust. jugurth.  Per maximam amicitiam maxima fallendi copia. Infine we have been lost, because we did not fear his crafty ways and deal: but let him consider well, what Annals and Posterity will say of him for having betrayed us in this nature: certainly he hath done more unworthily than if he had oppressed us by open violence: Quia fraus faedior quam aperta riolentia.  
After this feat of destruction done upon us, at which Nations abroad are amaized, and abhor the actors, (and wonder much our King that spoke so much good of us In fancy solis, gave us up sacrifices to our Enemy's without all protection of our Innocency,) what do these gallant Usurpers? Do they relent, or do they fear the revenging hand of God? it seems no: but that they rather look like men left only to make up the number of those, the Holy Ghost speaks of. 
* Wisdom the 2. Cap●  Cum (said they) and let us enjoy the good things that are, let us fill ourselves with precious wine, and Ointments, and let not the flower of the time pass us, let us Crown ourselves with Roses before they whither; Every where let us leave signs of loy, because this is our portion, and lot; let us opress the poor lust man, and not spare the Widow, but let our strength be the law of justice, for that which is weak is found unprofitable. Have not I beseech you the do of those oppressed the afflicted Innocent Irish, been the very same do of those the Holy Ghost speaks of, living and pampering themselves in great feast, sensuality, pomps, vanities, pride, and pleasures? They seem by their life and manners to be Athists, (of that Tribe many these days live in Courts) and if they are realy so, they will Enjoy the purchases they have made by Robbery, without any unquietness of mind, for what should they fear, that own no God or puissance to punish, and reward, sin and virtue. But if they truly believe in God, it is Impossible they can Enjoy wrongfully the Lands and live of the Innocent, that perish for want of them, without some disquietness of Conscience, and ap●●hensions of the Just Judgements of God to fall upon them. Thosemen cannot want some of Caine's fears, who after having killed his brother Abel had never quietness or rest of mind, but was still tormented with several fears in hart and tremble in his head, so that this unfortunate bloody man terrefyed and frighted at his own● action, cried out a lowed to God. * Ecce Eijcis me hodie a fancy terrae, & a fancy tua abs●●●●ar, Et ero vagus & profugus in terra, omnis tgitur, qui me invenerit, occidet me. Lo than doth cast me out this day from the face of the earth, and from thy face shall I be hid; and shall be a vagabond, and fugitive on earth, every one therefore that findeth me, shall kill me. The spilling of Innocent Abel's blood made him fear all would kill him, and therefore always trembling, he feared men, and fled from men, and though the Lord have put a mark on Cain, that whosoever found him, should not kill him, (a trembling in his head as many hold) Cain was always frighted, and so distracted, as to hold that trembing of his head, for a sign given by God that he should be killed. You see by this how great is the fear and frightening of a guilty Conscience. And can these men live without being frighted after killing so many Innocent Abel's by nakedness, vermin, famine, and all kind of miseries, having taken from them all they had in the world. There have been many opulent persons and of great quality, Tea and some of them Peers and Lords of the Realm have been lodged in small smooking Huts and Cabins, and as I may well say buried there, and starved to death with the●re wives and Children. Can the Cruel Robbers of these men live without the fear of God's anger? If they have not a trembling in the head as Cain had, likely they will have a trembling in their hearts.   

CHAPTER 20'th. The Author speaks to Ormond a loan.  
But my Lord that I may return to your Grace (whose house I have ever honoured,) and spend a few words with you alone. Amongst Birds and Beasts (you know full well) some are Noble, and some Ignoble; Lions beget Lions, and Eagels engender Eagels; your ancient house hath given of both Lions, and Eagels. Your Noble progenitors, nobly minded did worthy things, and performed great matters, the poorest neighbour lived safely near them, possessing quietly what was his own, they succoured the distressed, and fare it was from them to oppress the weakest; but have been a prop to such as could not stand by themselves; and for such worthy do, the afection and blessing of those relieved by them, and supported by them in their right and Just causes, have followed your Ancestors: But my Lord the world speaks otherwise of your Grace, that being extolled to the title of Duke (that your house had not before) you digenerate from the true piety and greatness of your brave Ancestors, for the natives over all the Kingdom complain that your power is Employed to the opression of all, wherefore they all cry out, can not the Duke of Ormonds' greatness stand without our fall and Ruin. Is it possible my Lord that the title of greatness is so much inereased in you, and that of virtue diminished?  
My Lord the Lions of your house (I mean the noble Earls) did pray openly and fairly, but your game is of a new form; you are a Lion of another nature, than was one of the greatest Earls) of your house (by name black Thomas Grandfather to your Lady) a person highly esteemad by Queen Elizabeth, King james and the Counsels of England and Irland, and of the people of both Kingdoms, he made no purchases by destroying the natives of the Kingdom, as yours are, yet he was both a happy and glorious Earl, hospiciously noble, and had many depending of his bounty and good nature, who made no small fortune by him.  

* Nahum cap. 2.  Nahum the Prophet, if you will take the pains to read him, will tell you what kind of Lion you are; Where is (saith he) the habitation of Lions? and the pasture of Lion's whelps? The Lion hath caught (saith he) sufficiently for his whelps, and hath killed for his Lioness, and hath filled his Denns with prey and his Couc'h with Ravening o Ormond? Ormond thou hast caught sufficiently for thy Whelps, thou hast filled thy Denns with prey, and thy Couch with Ravening, thou hast made the noble house of Ormond an Infamous Den and Couch of Rapine; thy whelps are made fat with Pray and booty made upon thy neighbours.  
My Lord, there is a nother Prophet speaks to your Grace, and to Orrery, and the rest of the usurpers, in words able to make you tremble: Woe to him (said 
* Habacuc cap. 2.  Habacuc) that gathereth naughty Avarice to his house that his nest may be on high, and thinketh he is delivered out of the hand of Evil thou hast thought confusion to the house, thou hast cut in sunder many people, and thy soul hath sinned, because the stone out of the wale shall cry, and the T●mber that is between the juncturs of the buildings, shall answer. woe to him that buildeth a City in bloods, and prepareth a City in Iniquitys. A dreadful expression.  
Have not you my Lord and the rest of your Complices cut insunder many families; most of them Er this consumed with hunger and miseries are gone into the other world, and for such of them that live as yet, they are miserably perishing at home and abroad, will not the blood of those be laid at your door? You● ambition have built nests in a high place from the reach of human hands, but not from the hand of God, who with the breath of his Indignation will cast them all down in his good time; ye have houses and magnificent palaces for your posterity in Bloods, and the stone out of the wale shall cry out against you, and the Timber between the junctures of your buildings shall answer, Woe to them that builded Cittys in blood prepared houses in Iniquitys; God in a moment (though at present ye glory and triumph in your greatness and pleasures) can fill your houses with dissolations, mournings, Ignominy, death, fear, and trembling: And perhaps will do it, when you least think of it.  
When Sr. Ralph Fan was condemned to die by the practices of the Duke of Northumberland, and brought to the place of Exccution, in protestation of his Innocency, spook only these two words, My blood shall be the Duke's bolster as long as he shall live.  
My Lord you may have (I fear) many of these uneasy bolsters; cast therefore an eye upon the other world (whilst God mercifully gives you time to do it) and take that care now for yourself, that no other will, once you are gone, and perswad● yourself, that without this care all is lost and gone for all Eternity.   

CHAPTER 21'th. Ormond Seriously advised to think of long Eternity.  
MY Lord, God did forbid the Hebrues to mingel honey in the oblations, but commanded them to use salt in every sacrifice. 
* Levit. cap. 2.  What sacrifice soever thou offerest, thou shalt season it with salt, neither shalt thou take a way the salt of the Covenant of the God from thy Sacrifice. In every oblation thou shalt offer salt. What mystery doth this signify to banish honey from the Sacrifice and make use of salt? Why salt in Sacrifice and not honey? This is to tell us that sweet things deceive us, and that flatterer's betray us, but sharp things cure us, and mortify the body and mind when we are to Sacrifice both to God, and that we are to hear patiently and willingly those, that speak truth without assentation, and with the salt of sencerity. 
* Isai. cap. 3.  God himself said. My people they that the blessed, the same deceive thee. But a lass it is now in fashion that Princes and great men are deceived, because those about them will not speak a truth, that their Masters will not willingly hear. It is a great question with me, if any one of your numerous family, or of all those that depend upon you, and gain much by you, or of all those, that seem to be your friends, will say to your Grace the language and words of the Prophet Isai. 
* Isai. cap. 3.  Our Lord shall come to judgement with the Ancients of his people, and his Princes, for you have destroyed the vynyard, and the spoil of the poor is in your house. Why do you consume my people, and gryned the faces of the poor, saith our Lord the God of Hosts? I do not think any of them hath spooken to your Grace in this kind, though they know well the spoil of the poor is in your house, and that you and many more powerful men have grinded the faces of the poor and destroyed and consumed them; wherefore you and they have reason to fear, that God will soon come to judgement with you, unless you will tymly prevent it.  
Wise men should chase away from them flatterers, as we do swallows for making nests of dung in our dwellings. My Lord flatter not yourself with the great contentments of this world you Enjoy, vast revenues, great pomp, Copious retinue, the veneration and low bowing of the people unto you, Gorgeous, attire, magnificent feast, all your jolitys and pleasures; they will all pass a way like smook, and that soon, for they say you being to be old: those that tells your Grace these things can make you happy, do but delude you, and you can carry away of all no more than a winding sheet: it were therefore wisely done to forsake tymly those things, that will forsake and undo us. And I think truly it would be a great blessing to a person of your greatness and Employments, that God would strick you with some great affliction and Cross, for it is not easy for those to be wise and holy, who see nothing round about them but prosperity, delights, the applause of men, and all sort of pleasures and sensualities, and that no man tells them they are in danger. Alexander the great, in the height of his Glory and victories suffered men to call him the son of jupiter (it was not Enough for his ambition to be the son of Philip of Massedon a wise and great King) but wounded with an Arrow in the siege of a City he said to his courtiers and flatterers round about him 
* Senec. Epist. 45.  Ecce omnes jurant me esse ●lium Io●s: sed vulnus hoc me esse ho●●num clamat. Behold all swear I am the son of jupiter: but this wound proclaims me to be a man. Vexation makes us know God's greatness and our own weakness.  
When the people of Israel murmoured seditiously against Moses and Aaron for want of water, God commanded them both to take the Rodd, and strick a Rock therewith, and it should give them water. All the time Moses held the Rodd lifted over the Rock and did not strick, there came no water, but the Rock being twice strucken with the Rod water flowed out abundantly, and the people and their Cattle did drink plentifully. The hart of a man is a h●rd Rock, and will yield no water of compunction until strucken by the hand of God, but when man is smartingly afflicted in his fortunes or health, than he can weep, and know God and himself; it were therefore wholesome and good for your Lordship to receive a great vexation, cross, and contradiction in this world, and so I confess it should be to me, that have nothing of contentations and worldly pleasures as you have.  
Remember my good Lord in what a trembling was Ezeshiat, when the Prophet said to him. 
* Isat. cap. 38.  Take order with thy house for thou shalt die, and thou shlt not live. Then Ez●thi●● though a holy King in fear cried out. Qui● est hic, qui sic humiliate su●limes reges terre? God hath already given your grace, a sensible and gracious alarm, when those desperate Ruffians set upon you by night and wounded you, haling and abusing you most Ignominiously: God in his mercy brought you of from those bloody men and would not permit you to be murdered by them, but gave you time to do penance and dispose yourself well for the hour of death; you can never thank his divine goodness enough for this deliverance: make good use my Lord of this great mercy in duly preparing yourself for the next world. We go to bed sound and well, and yet we are not certain to live till the morning following, many were found dead in their bed that parted the night before merrily and sound from their friends; it may be your case my Lord as well as theirs, and mine alsoe, and to what Eternity we shall come God alone knows: o Eternity! o Eternity! how little art thou in the hearts of men! o fire burning for all Eternity how little art thou feared!  
My Lord I present to your Grace a short but horrible Meditation of Eternity, as this. If the damned souls could be persuaded that after a hundred thousand millions of years their torments should have an end, that very persuasion alone would be a great comfort to them, for then their sufferings (albeit very long) at length would come to an end, but otherwise they ●re persuaded, and assured the revolution of their pains and flames shall never have an end; (this makes them despair and blaspheme the goodness of God) if this we believe not, where is our faith? And if we believe it, where is our judgement and hart? What madness is it to neglect so Important a matter, as the Eternal Salvation of our soul? (without this a thousand worlds are worth nothing) this is the great matter of state, on which we ought to bestow day and night, all care and deliberation, what rest can we take by night or by day when this we sleight?  
Hearken as yet my Lord (with this I make an end) to the fearful words afflicted Iob● spoke to those came to visit him. 
* job. 21.  Why then (quoth this holy man) Do the Impious live? Are they advanced, and strengt hened with riches? their seed continueth before them, a multitude of kinsmen and Nephews in their sight, their houses be secure and peaceable, and the Rod of God is not upon them. But did job make an end hire? noe, but a little after he says. Where is the house of the Prince? and where are the Tabernacles of the Impious? Ask any of the way-faring men, and you shall understand, that he knoweth the selfsame things, because the wicked man is kept unto the day of perdition, and he shall be led to the day of fury. My Lord, I say, ponder well in your mind these dreadful speeches of holy and patiented job, and prepare yourself in time (I conjoure you) against this day of Fury and perdition.  

O Great and grarious God Grant to me, and this Nobleman, (grant I beg by the precious Blood and Sacred wounds of thy dear Son jesus) that we may in Humility, in Tears, and true Contrition of hart return to the, whose greatness, and goodness we have so often and grivously offended, (our great misery falls prostrate at the feet of thy great mercy,) Grant to us I beseech thee going out of this miserable and wicked world a Happy, and Holy hour, and that when the Veil of the Temple shall be lifted up, we may see you face to face for all Eternity, Amen.   
FINIS.   

The contents of this little book, And.  

First those of the Preface which Contains 19 pag. FIRST.  
THe Author banished for Religion and Loyalty. pag. 1.  
The Land possessed by Philistime, and the Arck Captive.  
Catholics beaten with Scourges, & with scorpions. pag. 2.  
An Irish Bishops answer to Cardinal Secretary. pag. 3.  
Charles Duke of Lorraine, he that offered fairest Ad rem Catholicorum in Hybernia restituendam.  
His highness advanced thirty thousand pistols in the Irish quarrel. pag. 5.  
Greatness of the house of Guise. pag. 6.  
Our King's Counsel at Paris, would not have Irland recovered by a Catholic Prince. p. 7.  
The Duke's answer to our King's new Commissioners. pag. 8.  
Bloody barbarous Laws of Crumwelians against Catholics. pag. 9  
A horrible engagement of Crumwelians against the family of Stuarts. pag. 10▪  
When Crumwell took in cities and towns, Ormond shown nothing of fortitude▪ or counsel.  
Ormond the forwardest of the King's Council in Paris, in doing mischief to Catholics. pag. 11.  
His Friendship to Catholics like a Kind of Drags hit in the mouth, & cold in operation.  
With Clarindon all was vendible, and with Ormond all was lawful, that was not unprofitable. pag. 12.  
A wise fable of the Fox and great bramble. pag. 13.  
Ormond a bramble, always scratching Catholics.  
Ormond a hard hearted man, and unplacable enemy to Catholics. pag. 16.  
A high figtree bearing leaves of vanity, and no fruit▪ sucking the sap of the earth, and starving all the plants round a bout him. pag. 17.  
Little books in defence of Catholics and the Nation, as a Narative of Clarindons' settlement and sale of Irland, the bleeding Iphigenia, etc. pag. 18.  
Clarindon and Ormond, two monsters of Avarice and Cruelty. pag. 19  
Great Cyrus his Judgement, what man ● King should be.  
An excellent oath taken by the Kings of the Mexicans.   

The Contents of the work itself as followeth.  
I. CHAP. Long silence Catholics had with Ormond, a great prejudice to the Nation. pag. 22.  
The Bishops of Irland & Clergy men, Canes muti non valentes Latrare. pag. 25.  
Ormond poisoned the hart of the people (the King) with Ill Counsel pag. 30.  
II. CHAP. A search of Ormonds' motives for deserting Catholics, and adhering to Crumwelians pag. 31.  
III. CHAP. The Catholics upon making a sessation with Ormond gave thirty thousand and eight hundred pound starling, an argument of hearty Loyalty pag. 41.  
IV. CHAP. Clamorgans' peace made void, with the King's declaration: the Catholics thereby deluded pag. 42. 44. 45. 46. 47.  
V CHAP. The rejection of the peace of 1646 with Ormond fully justified pag. 49.  
The same was void for want of Authority of Ormonds' part at the time of contracting.  
How the Committie of treaty for the peace demeaned themselves pag 56.  
Committie of treaty in a Labyrinth pag. 59  
VI CHAP. Opinions of two famons Laeyers upon Clamorgans' peace, and that of Ormond pag. 61.  
Result of the Waterfords congregation upon the peace of 1646. pag. 68  
A Letter of the Congregation to the late Suprem Counsel. pag. 73.  
Ormonds' Sudden departure from Ki●kenni● pag. 76.  
Ormond uncivilly called all the Bishops & Clergy a stinking Crew pag. 79.  
VII. CHAP. Calumnies and aspersions cast by Father Peter welsh upon the congregation of jamesstone pag. 80.  
Rats by an instinct of nature forsake veslells that are to be drowned pag. 84.  
Those Ormond trusted in Limmerick proved knaves, and those that stuck to the Clergy proved true to the King; jerton that murdered the King's Father, murdered alsoe the King's friends in that City, and Spared those of Ormonds' faction pag. 87.  
Those betrayed that City, were of Ormonds' faction pag. 89.  
The Letter of Congregation of james-stone to Ormond. pag. 91.  
VIII. CHAP. Peter welsh his letter to Ormond pag. 97.  
The words of the Earl Clancarty dying, to Ormond pag. 102.  
IX. CHAP. Ormonds wrongful invations of Catholic estates pag. 104.  
The King can for justice but not for convenience, take a way the life and estate of a subject. pag. 107,  
Laws are made that justice may be done to men, and Princes are obliged to administer justice according to law. pag. 108.  
A Rebellion once pardoned, cannot be punished. A Grant made by the King of another man's estate against the law of nature, and of the land is void.  
Clarindon sold the Irish nation, and Ormond betrayed them in trust. pag. 112.  
The Friar's dream, that Ormond hath been a joseph and Saviour to the Catholics: he was in deed the ruin, and loser of his brothers, Country, and all the people pag. 113.  
joseph said the Egyptians in the time of famine, Ormond starved thousands of the Irish. pag. 114.  
Mercy was josephs' Chiefest virtue▪ Ormond's sin to forgive no man. pag. 115.  
X. CHAP. Ormonds infamous Letter to Orrery. pag. 116.  
XI. CHAP. A paraphras upon that letter pag. 118. 119. 120. 121. 122. 123.  
Cynias good Counsel to Pirbus of Epire p. 130  
XII. CHAP. Ormonds good fortune in exile, himself being gracious with the King and his Lady at the same time respected by Crumwell. pag. 139.  
His Lady's good prayers to the King against widows and Orphans, to have Harry Crumwells' son favoured pag. 140.  
XIII. CHAP. The moderation and sobriety of ancient Heroes very commendable pag. 141. 142. 143. 144. 145. 146.  
No house in Rome would receive gold from Cyneas Per●us Ambassador pag. 147.  
XIV. CHAP. Sir Thomas Moors in tegrity▪ pag. 148.  
What rewards had Horatius Chocles and Cajus Mutius from the Senate for preserving and saving the City and people of Rome P. 156.  
What reward had George Lane a low man for his service. pag. 158.  
XV. CHAP. What reward had Ormond for his attending on the King▪ in time of his exile. pag. 161.  
The queries pag. 162.  
And the queries. pag. 164. 165. 166. 167. 168. 169.  
Ormond received in gifts, & grants above six hundred sixty thousand pound sterling. 171  
The Frayer gave Ormond good Documents, and he kept none of them. pag. 175.  
Peter Walsh as blind in his understanding as Harpastes in her bodily sight. pag. 176.  
XVI. CHAP. A Relation of particular Injuries Ormond hath done the Catholics of Irland. pag. 177.  
He Let fall the venomous Apple of discord a 'mong them; before that, they were Co● unum anima una. pag. 178.  
Ormonds' friends in the Government and Counsel of the confederate Catholics p. 181 182.  
The King's Letter to Ormond from Oxford to make peace with the Catholics. p. 184 185.  
He yielded up the Castle of Dubblin sword and all, notwithstanding the Queen & Prince's orders to him to the contrary by Mr. Wintergrant. pag. 186.  
Said Wintersgrants message to Ormond from Queen & Prince, and his instructions public and private. pag. 187. 188. 189. 190. 191.  
Relation of Wintergrants negotiation p. 192. 193. 194. 195.  
The King's letter to Ormond. pag. 196.  
Ormonds' words to Wintergrant to what Rebels he would deliver the Castle of Dubblin if necessity should force him to give it up. pag. 200.  
Consequently Ormonds discourse with himself resolving to give up the Castle of Dubblin to the Parliament and not to the Catholics.  
XVII. CHAP. The accommodation sent by the confederate Catholics to Ormond, & rejected by him and the reasons given for such rejection.  
XVIII. CHAP. How and by whom were the Catholics of Irland excluded from the benefit of general pardon.  
Substance of the vast bill of settlement.  
A short ponderation upon the branches of that bill.  
XIX. CHAP. Who used most artifice and perfidy against the Catholics of Irland, Clarindon sold them a way for Gold, Ortery & his Companions paid the gold, and Ormond in trust deceived them.  
XX. CHAP. The Author speaks to Ormond alone, and tells him the house of Ormond bred magnanimous Lions, & what Kind of Lion he is himself, and how he hath made the house of Ormond an infamous den, and Couch of Rapine. He tells him further the speech of sir Ralph Fan dying by the practices of the Duke of Northumberland.  
XXI CHAP. The Author seriously advises Ormond to think of long Eternity, and especially desires him to consider well two passages of the Prophet Isae in the third, & thirty eight Chapter. And a sentence of job in the 21. Chapter, and concludes this little book with a hearty prayer for the Duke & himself.   
FINIS.