THE French Intrigues DISCOVERED. With the Methods and Arts TO Retrench the Potency OF FRANCE BY LAND and SEA, And to Confine that MONARCH Within his Ancient DOMINIONS and TERRITORIES. Humbly submitted to the Consideration of the PRINCES and STATES of EUROPE, especially of ENGLAND. Written in a LETTER From a Person of Quality abroad, to his Correspondent here. Nulla potentia scelere quaesita, est diuturna. LONDON: Printed for R. Baldwin. 1681. THE French Intrigues DISCOVERED, etc. SIR, IN obedience to your Commands, I have soberly considered your learned Discourse; wherein are such excellent Prudentials of Government, such grave Aphorisms of State, and the whole composed with so great judgement, that it makes me think the Opinion of the equality of Souls, to be a Paradox: Yet I must beg your pardon, if I cannot obtain so much favour of my Reason, as to agree with you, that in this Juncture of Affairs in Europe, it's England's Interest to stand Neutral. When Neighbour- Princess are at difference, and their Forces not greatly unequal, and no fear of any Parties aggrandizing itself, it may be prudence: But when Kingdoms are tottering, Nation reeling against Nation, and France endeavouring to set up an Empire over the Emperor himself, and by the power of Arms reducing Princes and States under an Universal Dominion (as it's evident to be the French Design;) then I take it, for England to be an idle Spectator and to sit still, is the greatest Soloecism in point of State: For that Prince which stands Neutral, and suffers his weaker Neighbours to be subdued, (except his strength doth overbalance the Victors) doth but expose himself to danger, and his own Dominions to the mercy of the Conqueror. Theramenes thought it a great instance of prudence, during the Peloponnesian War, and the troubles of the Athenians, to keep himself quiet without taking part with the one or with the other; but in the end was deserted by all, his Dominions made a Prey, and his Life a Sacrifice to the prevailing Powers. Certainly, Sir, nothing can be more becoming the wisdom of the greatest Prince, than to be watchful that the States about him should not in-greaten themselves by access of Dominions, by ruining of Confederates, blocking up of Trade, or by the like means. Hence it was that Sextus Quintus being jealous of the Spanish Greatness, and that his design was of aggrandizing himself, with great efficacy stirred up the Crown of France to assist and defend the States of Holland. And for this reason of State, Pope Julius the second, Maximilian the Emperor, Lewis the twelfth of France, Ferdinand of Arragon, and other Princes and States, An. Dom. 1508. at Cambray, entered into a League against the Venetians; yet so as the Confederates had a perpetual Eye one upon the other, that none of them should over top. And the best Guard which the Italian Princes have, is the reciprocal fear which the one of them hath of the other. The wisest Princes have ever been in this point very jealous, (and the more jealous, the less they have been deceived;) for then are Kingdoms and States most safe, when their Neighbouring Forces are not greatly superior to their own Strength. And it's prudence in a Prince, as well to contain his best Friends within a moderate Greatness, as to weaken and depress his most potent Enemies. The safety of Princes consists in the equal counterpoise of Power; for Power is never safe when it groweth bold and doth exceed. And therefore it was great weakness and oversight in the Neighbouring Princes and States to the Commonwealth of Rome, to suffer it to grow to that magnitude of Reputation and Power, that when forty Princes and States, being jealous of its Power, with united Forces did endeavour to reduce it, they were all subdued; and their Conspiracies did much contribute to the enlarging by'r Dominions: for by seeking to suppress Rome, they made them not only provide for their own defence, but also gave them the means how they might, with more Force, better advice, and greater Power offend them. It hath been looked upon as a great imprudence in Lewis the twelfth of France, after he had gotten Milan, to give Aid to Pope Alexander to seize upon Romagna; who thereby became so powerful, that he would have made himself Lord of Tuscany, if Lewis had not with his Army made a descent into Italy. The Neighbouring Princes to the Signiory of Geneva would not suffer it (though but a palm of ground) to fall into the hands of the Duke of Savoy, or of any other Potentate of more strength than himself; insomuch that when he besieged it An. 1589. England, the State of Venice, and Florence, aided them. And at another time, when the Pope, the French King, the Spaniard, and Savoy, had designs upon it, the Emperor offered them assistance both of men and money; and sometimes the Duke of Savoy hath assisted them against the others. So watchful were Princes and States in those times, that none of them could enlarge their Dominions, thereby to become troublesome or formidable to their Neighbours. France and Spain were the Scales of the great Balance of Europe, and England was then the Beam of that Balance, which kept it in an even Counterpoise. And let me tell you, Sir, England, by observing this fundamental Maxim of their State, and by contributing Aid to one Party, hath ever risen in Honour and Reputation; and most commonly hath kept both Parties at their Devotion, and in Dependency, the one in hopes of Succours from them, the other for fear of their giving Assistance against them. And in case England should not take any Party, yet in prudence a Fleet must be equipped, Soldiers raised, an Army maintained, and all this Expense and Charge without any Fruit or Glory; otherwise the Scene of the War may be turned upon you, and the Ambition of the Victor may erect his Trophies, and extend his Triumphs into England. Whereas by giving Aid unto one Party, you will maintain a Spring and Seminary of brave men at the expense of others, (which will make you considerable to your Neighbours.) And in case of an Accommodation or Peace, you shall be sure therein to be comprised; which will be your Safety; Otherwise you will remain friendless, exposed to the charity of the Conqueror, and to the scorn and contempt of the Conquered; who upon all occasions will meditate revenge against you for not giving them your Aid, and it may be that both Parties with united Forces may attempt against you. However, that Prince or State which will stand for a cipher, when in prudence he is obliged to arm, shall with Servilius in Rome, please neither side; of whom the Historian observeth, that P. Servilius medium se gerendo, nec Plebis vitavit odium, nec apud Patres gratiam inivit. Henry the Eighth (amongst several other Princes) understood this Maxim of England so well, that he assumed unto himself this Motto, Cui adhaereo, praeest. Sometimes he would make Charles the Fisth weigh down, sometimes Francis the First. Anno 1522. at Cambray he settled all Europe in quiet (when it was much turmoiled) and Italy in security; therefore he was styled, Protector of the Clementine League: the Instrument whereof doth still remain in the Treasury at Westminster sealed with gold. And Clement the Seventh being cooped up by Charles the Fifth in the Castle of St. Angelo, was freed by the means of Henry of England; and therefore by the whole Consistory of Rome, he was called Liberator Orbis. Charles the Fifth, An. 1521. was by him made Emperor, as he doth acknowledge in two Letters to Henry of England; and indeed he was the great Arbitrator of all the Affairs of Europe in his time. If Henry the Eighth was so much celebrated for keeping the balance in aequilibrio, what Glory and Renown will his now Sacred Majesty of Great Britain have, by putting a Batricado to the Ambition of the French Empire, and reintegrating all Princes and States in their ancient Liberties and just Rights, and settling the Peace of all Europe upon a solid Basis? which only by his Wisdom and Power is to be effected. An Act certainly so full of Grandeur, that it will tread upon the grave of History, bury Monuments, see the World's funeral, Time laid in the dust, and stand up with Eternity. The glory of Sovereignty consists not in a Chair of State, but in such Acts as are well-becoming a Prince. Private men may direct their Counsels to such things as they think may be profitable to them, but the Actions of Princes must tend to Grandeur, and the attaining of Honour and Fame. For want of due observation of this prime and Alphabetical Maxim of England, the French King of late hath risen up to that Greatness, and is arrived to that Pyramid of Grandeur, that Europe gins to bow to his Power. Universal Empire was first attempted by Charles, the Fifth, designed by Henry the Great, but will be effected (if not timely prevented) by Lewis the Potent. And how great a Progress he hath made towards so vast a Design, it well becomes your great Judgement to consider. He hath gotten Brisac and Friburg, to enter Germany; the French Comte, to a we the Swissers; Pignoral, to enter Italy; Perpignan, to enter Spain; and almost all Flanders, to enter England. Besides, he hath impatronized himself of the Countries of Rousillon and Catalonia, the Dutchies of Lorraine and Barr, Alsatia, Burgundy; The French Comte, all the Spanish Netherlands are in his Talons, and he hath a hover possession of the remainder, as a Hobby hath over a Lark. The Italian Garrison in Avignion is cashiered, and he is Master of that place, though it was part of St. Peter's possession three hundred years. The Garrison of Foreign Soldiers which were in Orange, is dismissed, and the Castle is dismantled which was in the bowels of one of his Provinces. What will he not be able to compass against the rest of Europe, when he hath gotten the Accession of Germany and all the Low Countries, to that already too boundless Power, by which he hath enslaved his own people, and subjected them to an absolute Vassalage? Can England and the rest of Europe expect better terms than he hath given to his own Subjects? 'Tis well if he allow them Canvas and Salowes. By Sea he is become so potent, that I question if he were but furnished with Mariners and experienced Commanders suitable to the goodness of his Ships, if he might not contrast the power of all Europe, and make the Sea between Calais and Dover as a Ferry to pass over what Armies he pleased into England. In the beginning of the year 1665. he was not able to put to Sea twenty Ships of War; now he hath two hundred and upwards, and many larger than most in Europe, and is every day building more. Is it not then necessary for England, the United Netherlands, and all Europe, to look about them, and to secure their Necks against the Yoke of Slavery with which he threatens them? If some timely Expedient be not applied, from this Naval Power of France the destruction of Europe may take its date before we be much older. It will much concern England in point of Interest, to consider if Ireland by the Scheme of their designs, may not be looked upon as a Country which may procure France the absolute dominion of the Sea, of Trade, and the Conquest of the West Indies; which have been their ancient Project. For he being so potent at Sea, they may from Breast transmit an Army into Ireland (they having many of the Irish Nation in their service, and those discontented) if they should seize upon Kingsale or Waterford, and keep a good Squadron of Ships there, (which they may do, having such numbers of Men of War). And though it should not prove the loss of that Nation, yet it would obstruct and debar all Trade upon those Seas: And if you have any Ship pass there, it must be by their favour, and paying what Tribute they please to impose. Be assured, Sir, the French Cabal have some notable Design against England, either to engage you in a Civil War by disseminating of Divisions amongst you, thereby to put a disability upon his Majesty of Great Britain to give any Assistance, or contribute any Aid to the relief of the Spanish or United Netherlands, in case by his Arms he should attack them, as without dispute he will, in case there be not a stop put to his Career. Or peradventure the French King (if the Capricio shall take him) may by his Arms give disturbance to England itself: For he cannot think it safe to proceed in his Conquest on the Continent, whiles he hath so dangerous an Enemy as England at his rear. He well knows the Courage and Gallantry of the English, and your Talbots and Bedfords are not by them forgotten. They are setting up an Universal Monarchy of Commerce, and to make France the Staple of Trade; and to that purpose do labour to get what Ports they can into their power. After the Pyrenean Peace, they immediately entered into a League Offensive and Defensive with Portugal, though contrary to the Faith of that Treaty; and all the Harbours and Ports which the Portugal should take in Spain, either upon the one or other Sea, were to be put into the power of France. No sooner was Dunkirk in the French King's hands, but he made it a free Port. And that he might want no Seamen of his own, he hath by all imaginable Encouragements, established a mighty Navigation in France, and thereby will lay the foundation of a greater Empire than ever was in Charlemagne. For one trading Ship twenty years since, there are now forty. For this purpose he hath propagated the Fishery in Newfound Land (which is the Propriety of the Crown of England) and where they formerly (till now of late) never fished but by Licence, and paying a Tribute to the Kings of England; and besides, hath yearly educated supernumerary Seamen on board the French Trading-Ships at his own charges. He hath engaged most of his Nobility in the East and West Indian Trades; and the better to encourage them, hath granted many Privileges to them. And without doubt, by reason of his great preparations by Sea, he hath some great Design in projection. If he shall propose to make himself Master of the Indies, I do not see how he can fail in his Attempts, if Europe be not more watchful. By an Ordinance of the French Privy Council (which is the now standing Law of that Kingdom) all the Officers and Commanders in the Islands of America, are strictly enjoined and required to secure to the Most Christian King the Sovereignty of those Seas; and the French in execution of it, have much interrupted the Trade there, and have proved very vexatious. And having erected the East India Trade, he hath attempted to get footing in divers places in the East Indies: What his success may be, time will show. But if he should unite the Dutch Trade and Strengths in those parts to himself, by an Union of the United Provinces, and their Navigation to his Empire, (as he will, if some timely Assistance be not given by England) how the English Factories there will then preserve themselves from Violation or utter Extirpation, it doth well become England to consider: For France designs to engross the Trade of the Universe. And by their irregular course of Trade, they will exhaust all Europe of their Money. I have heard that England loseth yearly by the French Trade 1500000 l. sterling; and I am sure they draw out of the Northern Regions of Europe, for Wines, 25 Millions of Florins; for Salt 10 Millions of Florins; for Brandy 5 Millions; for Wines, Brandy, and Salt, they yearly exhaust from thence 40 Millions of Florins; for Silks, Stuffs, Toys, and Fripparies, they spirit out of those Country's yearly 40 Millions of Florins: and there is not imported into France of the Commodities of all the North so many as do amount unto 15 Millions of florence. So that France doth yearly drain out of the Northern Regions of Europe 65 Millions of florence. And what great and prodigious sums of money he draweth from the rest of Europe, must be left to sober men to consider. But no Foreign Commodities can be imported into France, but they are clogged and encumbered with such great Duties and Customs, that the return made thereof to the Merchant is without any profit. His Most Christian Majesty having for his Royal Revenue Sixty Millions of Florins yearly, and France being enriched yearly as abovesaid, and being able by his supreme power, without any check or control, to impose what Taxes he pleases; he hath laid such an inexhaustible Fond of Treasure to carry on his designs to the Oppression of all Europe, that he can rarely be disappointed or fail in any: He can support his Armies, when other Princes are enforced to beg for Peace because their Treasures are exhausted. He, after many years' War, can engage in a new War; and upon occasions, by reason of his Treasure, have Instruments to execute his Projects. By this he purchases the assistance of Foreign Princes, and endears their Ministers, opens their Cabinets, engageth true and close Correspondencies, and poisons their Councils. By this he can pass unseen through Rampires and Guards into Cities and Forts, and can surprise them, without tedious hazards of Guards. And many contemplative men think that he hath gained more Territories and Dominions by his Pistols, than by his Sword and Cannon: So that the Serpent is more serviceable to them than the Dragon as acting with less noise and greater execution. Ambition is the Compass whereby they sail, and Universal Dominion the Port whereunto their course is directed; and as their Ambition hath no Horizon, so their Designs have no Latitude. Charles the fifth his Motto, Plus Vltra, and his Son Philip's, Non sufficit Orbis, discovered their vast Ambition: And doth not that of Lewis the eleventh, Immensi tremor Oceani, and that of Lewis the fourteenth, Solus contra Omnes, manifest the Designs of France? Well, if there be not a Retrenchment of the spreading and ambitious Designs of France, I am sometimes of the opinion, that the Most Christian King may ere long take upon him that jolly humour of the great Cham of Tartary; who when he hath dined, commands his Trumpeters to sound, and make proclamation that now all other Kings and Princes may sit down to dinner. It will be worth the while, that all Europe may be satisfied of the Conduct of the French Cabal, to consider the candour and integrity of their Actions for some years last passed; and whether they may expect better Principles and Methods from them for the future, than they have hitherto had. The first Essay of their Ingenuity and Honesty, was in their behaviour and carriage in the Pyrenean Treaty, and their performance thereof. By the Endeavours of the Queen-Mother of France, a Peace being promoted between the two Crowns of France and Spain, with a Marriage between the French King and the Infanta of Spain; the whole Treaty was founded upon two considerable points: The one was the forsaking of Portugal; the other a Renunciation of the Infanta (ratified by the French King) of all her present or future pretences, titles, or claims whatsoever to the Spanish Monarchy and Dominions thereof; which if not granted, the great work of the Match had never taken effect. As to the first, the French King did promise and oblige himself upon his Honour, and upon the Faith of a King, not to give at present or for the future, neither in common, nor to any person or persons thereof in particular, any help or assistance, neither public nor secret, directly or indirectly, of Men, Munition, etc. under any pretence whatsoever. Yet the Peace was no sooner made, but they sent them Supplies of Men, Arms, and Money; and a while after, notwithstanding their former Treaty with Spain in the view of the whole world, they entered into an Offensive League with that Kingdom against all their Enemies. The other was the Renunciation aforementioned: And as to this, the French King, after the death of the late King of Spain, claimed (notwithstanding the said Renunciation) a great part of the Spanish Low Countries, as being devolved to him in the Right of his Wife; and to take possession thereof, invaded the Country contrary to his Engagements, and so destructive to the Essence of the Treaty, with a powerful Army. The Marquis de la Fuente extraordinary Ambassador from Spain, being upon his return into Spain, upon the death of the late King his Master, his Most Christian Majesty did with all possible Asseverations engage his Faith and his Royal Vow, That he would religiously observe and keep the Peace, and continue a faithful Friendship both to the Queen of Spain and to her Son. And the Archbishop of Ambrun, after the French Army was already in the Field, and had possessed Charleroy, some sieve days before the News of it came to Madrid, did in verbo Sacerdotis, and upon all that is most sacred, protest and vow to the Queen, That his Master intended nothing less than what was reported of him, and would not break with the King of Spain, or invade his Dominions; as long as he was under age. These Circumstances are more surprising than the Breach itself. But the March of the French Army, and the Hostility they committed, agreeing so little with their Vows and Promises, and the same being complained of, they answered, It was no Breach; and that they only came fairly and in a friendly manner to take possession of what belonged to them. This War, or as the French term it, a Friendly possessing of their own, ended by a Treaty at Aix; after which, contrary to the faith of that Treaty, they first dismantled the strong places and holds of the County of Burgundy, carried away all Munition out of the Country; and notwithstanding the same Treaty at Aix, they exacted great Contributions from the Dutchies of Limburg and Luxemburg, and laid a new Claim to some Towns as important as any of those granted to them by the Peace, and confiscated the Estates of the Subjects of the King of Spain that would not forswear their Allegiance. If these Infractions, and many more, are not sufficient to awaken England and all Europe, I know not what will. Since the Treaty at Nimmeguen, such have been the actings of the French Ministers, such Contraventions thereof, such horrid Injustice hath been committed and executed upon the Subjects of his Catholic Majesty in the Spanish Netherlands, and else where, notwithstanding the great Territories granted to the Most Christian King by that fatal and destructive Peace (which all Europe may have time enough to repent and lament) that no King in the world can in justice own or give any countenance thereunto. Certainly there men act as if great sins would merit Heaven by an Antiperistasis. Thus they have dealt with Spain. Let us see how other Princes have fared with them. We'll begin with the Duke of Lorraine, who by the Pyrenean Treaty was to be restored to his Duchy of Lorraine, with all the places and Towns which he had possessed in the Bishoprics of Metz, Toul, and Verdun; but contrary to the Treaty, the French King refused to restore it, and to this day doth detain it; and ordered one of his Generals to seize his person, and to bring him either dead or alive, (as it's the usual practice of all Usurpers to destroy those they have dispossessed and injured): and it was very near being effected. A new way of dealing with a Sovereign Prince, not yet known in these parts of the world, and which gives some hopes to Europe of seeing ere long the West governed by Bashaws, as well as the East. None but an Universal Monarch can pretend to a Right of displacing Princes, and disposing both of their Lives and Territories: And therefore nothing could deserve a higher Resentment, nor a more vigorous Opposition from all the Kings and Princes of Europe. The Kingdom of Poland comes next; which hath lain a bleeding ever since they had a French Queen, and which is at this instant in imminent danger of being conquered by the Turks, through the means of the French Cabal, who have called into the Kingdom the Enemy of the Christian name, merely because they could not have a King either of French Blood or of French Interest. The Duke of Newburg was not better used, whom they caused to engage the greatest part of his Estate almost beyond redemption, in hopes of the Polish Crown which they had promised to raise him to, by the help of a strong Party they had made in that Kingdom: Yet underhand, contrary both to their Treaties (as well with the Elector of Brandenburg, as with himself) and to their reiterated Promises and Vows, both by word of mouth and in writing, they did by their Creatures and Agents oppose the said Duke's pretention, and endeavoured with all industry to have the Prince of Conde preferred before all other Competitors. Nothing certainly can be a greater instance of the perfidiousness and treachery of the French Ministers, and how little faith or credit is to be given to any of their Promises or Vows. If there were no other instance thereof, this alone were sufficient to alarm the World to be careful and advised how they put any trust in them. The Emperor hath as little reason to thank them; for at the very time when the Most Christian King sent his Forces to join with his Army against the Turks, they began to settle a Correspondence with the Counts Serini, Franchipani, Nadasty, and Toffenback; from whence that so-well-known Conspiracy hath since broken out, as it hath been made apparent by the Depositions and Confessions of some of the Accomplices, who had been instrumental in carrying both Money and Letters from the French Ministers at Vienna. All the Confusions, Distempers, and Wars in Hungary, have been raised and continued by the Practices and Intrigues of France. And they have given disturbance to all Germany by their private Treaties and Correspondencies with several Princes, contrary to the Treaty at Munster. To which may be added, That one of the greatest Motives of bringing the Turks into Poland, was the Marriage of the Empress' Sister with their King. Yet it must be owned, that the French seem to have repent their pernicious Intrigues and caballing in that Kingdom: For when they saw the Emperor preparing in earnest to assist the Dutch (in the late Wars they made against them) to work him from that design, and to engage him (if it had been possible) not to concern himself or take part in the Quarrel; they very fairly offered him to put into his hands and deliver him all the original Letters they had from their Creatures and Friends in Poland, to the end both his Imperial Majesty and the King of Poland his Brother might take what course they thought fit with those Rebels. A fair warning to all those that prefer French Money before their Loyalty, and the true Interest of their Country. Nay, I doubt the Swedes, their good friends, have not always been pleased with them; and they cannot to this day forget, that about eighteen years since, having made a Treaty with the French, whereby they were to receive by way of gratuity or pension sixteen hundred thousand Crowns, the French (upon second thoughts) finding their Treaty with Sweden of little use to them, refused to ratify it; and sent their Monsieur de Trelon, who without more words told them in short, That the King his Master declared it to be void. A sine Court-stile for one Prince to use to another I and a short Majestic way of rescinding all Treaties. These are stupendious passages, and will be no more credited by Posterity, than we do what is said of King Arthur's round Table. It's needless to tell you, how they have observed their Treaties with Holland; for all Europe hath taken notice of it. They are in continual acquests of Dominion by force or fraud; and what they get by fraud, they keep by force: for the Sword, with them, is ever better than half the Title to any Dominion. They do not only pursue, but commonly wound their Adversary, before they declare him such, or give him leisure to draw. They first invade a Prince's Territories, and after set up their Title and Cause of War. They are not concerned, that all the world observe their pretence to be false and trifling, vain and unjust, warranted by no other reason than that of absolute and unbounded Will, which are the foundation and conclusion of all the Actions (of the Most Christian King) and Wars abroad, as well as of his Laws and Edicts at home, expressed in these imperious words, Tell est Nostre Plaiser. It's a prime Maxim of the French Cabal, That that Prince which wars for his Glory, and avows Power to be the Rule, and Strength the Law of Justice, may without Right enter upon any Prince's Dominions, and may in Honour and Justice detain them, so they be of conveniency to him to keep them. The Dukes of Lorraine, Deux-ponts, and Mewthelward, and the ten free Towns in Alsatia, sufficiently prove the truth thereof. They have erected at Metz, a Court where his Most Christian Majesty, as Judge and Party, citys the most August and Illustrious Houses of the Empire, (which he hath nothing to do withal) to make their appearance, and to give him an account by what Right they possess that which their Predecessors have for three or four hundred years peaceably enjoyed. His pretensions are to the greatest part of Lorraine, the whole Dukedom of Deux-ponts, and the best part of Alsatia as far as Lauterburg. These, as ancient Dependencies of the Bishoprics of Metz, Toul, and Verdun, and Thersow, must be reunited to that Crown, because they are of conveniency for him. By this all Kings, Princes, and States, may see what they are to expect, if they come within the despotical power of France. All Princes and States which may give them any jealousy, they keep employed, and design to depress all Powers which are capable of obstructing the Torrent of their Ambition. All Europe is sensible thereof, to their grief: They have engaged the Swedes to embroil the Empire; which they did to the loss of all their Territories and Dominions in Germany: And they brought the Turks upon the Muscovites, whereby the Swedish Army in Livonia, was let lose upon the Confederate Princes. They worked the Messinesses to form a Rebellion against his Catholic Majesty (their Sovereign Prince) in Sicily, and had gotten Messina into their power, where they had a potent Fleet of Men of War, thereby to give Law to all which should pass upon the Mediterranean. But afterwards (because they could not keep it) did most perfidiously desert them; whereby those poor people were exposed to the displeasure of an enraged Prince, and to the greatest miseries and calamities imaginable. A fair warning to all ambitious and discontented persons, who shall quit their Allegiance which they own to their natural Prince. They are continually brooding of Mischief, and labouring to enlarge their Empire, herein imitating the Grand Signior of Asia, who first subdued Asia Minor, than he passed over into Europe, and conquered all Greece; next he falls upon Syria, Egypt, and Armenia, till at last he came as far as Moldavia and Hungary. And doth not the French Cabal observe the same method? conquering or surprising one Dominion after another; by Arms endeavouring to reduce the Seventeen Provinces under his Obedience, and also Germany; labouring some of the Princes thereof to stand Neutral, working others to their Party by proposals of Matches and other Artifices; and will in short time (if not prevented) shake hands with the other Grand Signior of Asia. They have now in design, by the power of their Arms, to procure the Dauphin to be elected King of the Romans. Are not the persons and Estates of the three Ecclesiastical Electors, and of the Prince Palatine of the Rhine, every hour exposed to the Violences and Eruptions of the Arms of the French? It may easily be foreseen (without the help of Galileas Prospective) whether by force or promises (which will never be kept) they may not give their Suffrages for that ambitious Crown; and how far the Marquis of Brandenburg may be prevailed with, by reason of that dishonourable Peace patched up at the Congress at Nimmeguen, a little time will discover. But if the Dauphin shall be advanced to the Imperial Dignity, will not Germany become a Province to the French Monarchy? (the fatal consequences whereof let Europe soberly consider.) Can the Princes thereof expect better terms than they have given to the Duke of Lorraine? For certain, the Protestants will be sure of the same usage and infelicities which the poor Hugonots are now under in France: For Fire and Faggot must be prooemial to his Universal Monarchy. Dissimulation is the best support of the French Interest, and the first step to their Grandeur: And to deal plainly with you, that Prince which will lay the foundation of Empire by Cruelty, must build the Superstructures by dissimulation. The whole Globe of Miseries, Calamities, and Infelicities, which Europe hath suffered for many years, we must own to the unlucky contrivance and ambitious designs of the French Cabal. If there be not a Retrenchment of the Grandeur and Potency of that aspiring Monarch, I have so much of an ginger in me, that I can foretell what will be the fate of Europe: France, like a perpetual Aetna, will fling Fire and Flames, Blood and Confusion, into the Dominions of the Kings and Princes of Europe; and will be more dreadful to his Neighbours, than the Indian Hurricanes are to the Natives there. The common Inscription of his Cannon, Ratio ultima Regum, is by him inverted to a contrary sense, and made a public Warning to mankind, That he designs, as God did of old, to give Law to the world in Thunder and Lightning: To scatter by the flames of his Artillery, all those Clouds of Confederate Forces that shall eclipse the Majesty of his Glory. He makes the power of his Arms, his first and last reason. His Device, the Sun in its Meridian, with this Motto, Non pluribus impar, sufficiently shows his intentions for the Universal Monarchy; and the haughty opinion he conceives of his being the only person qualified for the government of more Worlds than one, declares his resolutions of admitting no Rivals in Sovereignty; looking upon all other Princes but as so many smaller Stars or wand'ring Planets, compared with him the Sun, from whom they are to receive their borrowed light or power as it shall please his Mightiness to dispense. So that crowned heads, Princes, and Republics, as well as their Subjects, are to expect the same meat of Slavery; and though that be not sweat, yet the Sauce will be four, Poignant to all, though perhaps a little differenced. The former may be allowed Golden, while the latter are to be manacled with Iron Chains. And be assured, he that makes War for his Glory, hath more ambition to put his Chains on Princes and States, than on their People. His thoughts are as large as any of the Roman Emperors; and they esteemed it a greater glory to lead one King in Triumph, than a thousand Subjects of several Kingdoms. He doth purpose to make all Princes and States of Europe Vassals and Tributaries to his Universal Empire; and rather than fail, he hath designed to bring in the Turks, (with whom, they will tell you, they have contracted an entire Friendship) in whose Court he hath found help to make his Coin currant. Nor is that infallible man at Rome to escape, at least to the Temporal part of his power, which he hath not as he ought employed for the French Interest; but will abrogate that great Authority in which his Predecessors Pipin and Charlemain's Charity have vested him; and without doubt, will pull down his Spiritual Grandeur, by fixing it in a Gallican Patriarch: and so his Holiness, instead of being Christ's Vicar, will be made a French Curate. And some of the Princes of Germany and Italy, which now seem unconcerned, will, when it's too late, repent the oversight. Sir, it's storied, when Beasts had Kings, the Lions had the Sovereignty every one of them within his peculiar Forest. Whiles their strengths were equal, they lived neighbourly; none insulted over the other: At last time produced a Lion stronger than the rest, who disdaining to be kept within the Precincts left by his Progenitors, preyed upon the Forest adjoining: The other Lions fearing their particular Estates or Walks, consulted for remedy; the way resolved upon, was to pair his Nails. Your Prudence, Sir, will easily make the Moral. Certainly, it's the true Interest of Europe, for all Kings, Princes, and States to unite for their common safety, and to act in concert; and not only to chase that ambitious and aspiring Prince out of his new Conquests, but to confine him to his ancient Empire, and his own Dominions. A devouring Lion which is never satiated with Prey, must be chained up. The Conquest of Naples by Charles the Eighth, occasioned a Confederacy of all the Neighbouring Princes against him; whereby he soon lost that he had gotten. Look into Asia, did not the Grand Signior pick up one Commonwealth after another (the one giving no Aid or Assistance to the other, but looking on with their hands in their pockets) till at last he reduced them all under his Empire? and what was the fatal consequence thereof, is well known. How much more than are the Arms of France to be dreaded, whose power is mightier than that was of the Turks! And every new acquest and accession of Territories enlarges his desires, and makes that Prince think, that which before seemed not only difficult but impossible, to be easy and feasable. Ambition is never so high, but it still thinks to mount; and that Station which lately seemed the top, is but a step to her now; and what before was great in desiring, seems little, being once in power. The Successes of the French have already made them think no Enterprise too hard, and still prompts them to push on their good fortune; which nothing can withstand, but a general opposition of all the Princes and States of Europe. Dum singuli pugnant, universi vincuntur. Sir, I must confess you are obliged in all duty to acknowledge his Majesty of Great Britain's incomparable Wisdom, great Vigilancy, and dextrous Conduct of Affairs, that you have been hitherto preserved in Peace and Prosperity, when the whole Neighbourhood hath been infested with Fire and Sword, and had no other Prospect but Blood and Confusion. But by sad experience you will find, that if you do not vigorously contribute your Assistance to put a stop to the progress of the French Arms, that the natural strength and situation of England, can be no sufficient defence against the power of France, when to that he hath already, is added all the rest of Europe; unless you can dream that your Fleets by Sea and Armies at Land are able to contrast and secure you against that power which hath subdued all Europe. I have observed, that the neglect of beginnings, many times makes the Disease mortal and incurable. The vivacity and boldness of brisk Resolutions, always bring forth fortunate proceed, and glorious conclusions. The way down hill is easy and ordinary; but to ascend unto the top of Glory, requireth Wisdom to frame the steps, and Courage to give the attempt. As sudden Resolutions are always dangerous, so no less peril ensueth of slow and doubtful Delays. In times of Danger, it's more safe to be found in Action than Counsel. Cunctatio servilis, statim exequi regium est. I am in my Constellation under Mercury, not Mars, and desire Peace; but I am of that Prince's mind, not to take up Peace at the interest of Danger to ensue. A wise State ought to desire Peace; but it's necessary to be prepared for War. In Puglia in Naples, if any be bitten by a Tarantula, it's not to be cured but by Music only. You are bitten in your Trade, and wounded in your Traffic; there is nothing will cure you but the noise of Cannon, and sound of Drum and Trumpet. But you are pleased to say that you are in League with France, and a Rupture on your part would be unjust; it's not honourable to break Leagues, which are the Tie and Cement of Nations. The French King will grant us any terms. I do not deny, but he will grant you any terms; but the more advantageous terms you have (if you consider the Genius of the French Nation) the more ought it to be your fear and jealousy of their breaking of them. But when France shall be brought to more Equality, better and more advantageous Conditions will be drawn from him, and he will be well advised before he break them. Sir, I must tell you, there is no Faith or Trust in France, but in its puissance to do hurt. France hath ever preferred interest of State before the faith of Treaties and Leagues; and that made the Duke of Rohan observe, that Princes command over the People, and Interest commands over Princes. Leagues and Alliances, as they are made for Interest, so Interest will dissolve them; and foreign Friendship lasts no longer than it's advanced with mutual Interest. All Leagues and Alliances made with France, are but as the Rod of Mercury, to charm them asleep with whom they are made. It was truly observed by Lysander the Greek, that Children are to be deceived with Toys, but Princes with Oaths and Leagues: And you know it's a prime Maxim in the Cabal of France, That Leagues and Alliances are to be made for Interest, and not on design to keep them: For a Prince ought not to be a Slave to his Faith or Word. What Leagues, Alliances, or Treaties can be reckoned, which the French Ministers have not violated? Have they not broken the famous Pyrenean Treaty confirmed by Oaths and Sacraments, and contrary to a solemn Renunciation, and the double Ties of Blood and Marriage? Before a Breach complained of, or a War declared, they invaded the Territories of an Infant King. Have they not by Addresses and Cunning, by Bribes and Rewards, endeavoured to corrupt most of the Ministers of State in Europe? How well they have kept the Articles of Peace concluded at Westphalia and Nimmeguen, the Emperor, King of Spain, and Princes of Germany, can tell you. And can you prudently hope that the future Practices of the Most Christian King will be more just than his former? He that hath broken thorough so many Obligations, Alliances, and Treaties, will he not do so again? Be assured, Sir, you cannot anchor any faith or confidence in the Alliance or Friendship of France; for France is a floating Island, and no Terra firma. It's prudence to keep an Enemy at the Sword's point, and not to suffer him to come within you. The Spanish Dominions are the Fountain from whence you draw a great part of your Traffic, and by consequence your Riches. The Netherlands are the Out works of England; if they are taken, you are weak and dismantled. And let me tell you, Sir, the day of the Ruin of Flanders, is the eve of the Subversion of England. If the United Provinces should be brought under the subjection of France, it would be a thing of that dreadful consequence, that the very thoughts of it must needs raise the blood of all true English men. They are so situated, that several of the greatest Rivers in Europe not only run thorough their Country, but disembogue into the Ocean within their Precincts." If the French make themselves Masters of the Rivers, (as it's their design and endeavour) will they not in a short time bring all the Havens, and all the Inhabitants bordering upon the Sea, under the same subjection? The Seaports without the Rivers, and the Rivers without the Seaports, being altogether useless; if they be reduced under the Obedience of the French, their Country will be the Nursery of his Seamen, and in all other respects the support of his Naval strength. If they must be Slaves, will it not be some satisfaction to them to lend a helping hand to bring their Neighbours, and in truth all Europe, into the same condition with themselves? The conquering of the United Provinces, is not only a fair step, but it's the best part of the way to the Universal Monarchy: They being conquered, the Spanish Netherlands will of course fall into their hands, being the Key which opens the door to the Throne of that Monarchy. And if you do not act vigorously with the rest of the Confederates, the Most Catholic King will be enforced to take new Measures, and break with you. I need not use many words to make all England sensible of the sad consequence of a Spanish War: 1. The seizure of all your Merchant's Estates, amounting in the whole to a vast sum. 2. The loss of your Trade with them; which of all others is the most beneficial to England, and without which your Woollen draperies must lie upon your hands, and half of your Weavers and Spinners, etc. go a begging. 3. The interruption of your Levant and Plantation-trade, which cannot in case of a Breach, be secured by ordinary Convoys With what encouragement or safety can your Traders venture abroad, when the Seas come to be infested with Ostenders, Biscainers, Majorcans, and Minorcans? Did not those very men, without any help, take above 1500 Ships from you in the late Spanish War, when Spain was at the lowest, and fought alone against England and France? I could offer many other reasons, but I am unwilling to be troublesome. When the French King suffered the Duke of Alenson his Brother to take upon him the Title of Duke of Brabant, and defence of those Countries, he sent an Ambassador into Spain to excuse his Brother's going thither, and signify unto the Spanish King, that which was done, was done without his privity or consent. The Spanish King was highly displeased with the Message, and answered the Ambassador, That he had rather have the French King his professed Enemy, than a dissembling Friend. And whether England ought not to have the same Sentiments, I pray consider. The French have no kindness for England, but an inlaid and hereditary Malice against them. When Lewis of France sent an Army into England to the assistance of the Barons there, against King John their Sovereign Prince, he vowed utterly to extinguish the English Nation; whom he held vile, unjust, perfidious, and never to be trusted, as it was declared with much compunction by Viscount Melun, a French Gentleman, lying at the point of death. And I can easily believe that the same Rancour doth yet run in the veins of the French. I pray, Sir, who contrived and encouraged the Distempers of the Scots against King Charles the First? was it not France? And the Peace at Rippon, Anno 1639. being concluded between the two Nations (but much against their will,) did not France stir them up to break that Peace, and to make a second attempt by their Arms on England? Which they durst never have done, if they had not received countenance and encouragement from France. By their Emissaries they form a Rebellion in England, and underhand supported it; and his Majesty's Forces being defeated and broken, France looked on till that great King was sacrificed to the Tyranny of his worst Enemies. His now most Sacred Majesty (England being hanged all with Blacks, and the best of his Subjects weeping over the Kingdom's funeral) for the safety of his person, retired into France; where he might have expected protection from so near a Relation, and comfort as a distressed Prince, but found none: for by virtue of an execrable Treaty made with the then Usurper, he was forced to forsake that Kingdom, or else would have been resigned up to Cromwell. For the chief Article of that Alliance was, That his Majesty, the Dukes of York and Gloucester, with all their Relations and Friends, should be expelled out of, and no more admitted into the Kingdom of France. If the French King had had the least trillo or touch of Honour in him, he would never have yielded to such a Condition, as to banish out of his Kingdom those who came to him for succour and relief, in the utmost extremity that ever Princes were put to; and they his nearest Relations, being his Sister's Children. And what could be more unbecoming so great a Prince, than to make a League Offensive with him who had murdered their Father, and expelled them out of their Dominions? What was this but the owning of that Murder, and aggravating their Oppressions instead of relieving of them? Such practices as these amongst private Christians would be abominable, and much more amongst any Kings, not styled the Most Christian. But you may observe, that neither Honour or Relations, can stand in competition with Self-interest. Did they not oppose his Majesty's restauration to the Imperial Crown of his Royal Ancestors? Did they not cabal with his greatest Enemies, to keep him out of his Kingdom? Of which his now Majesty was so sensible, that upon his coming into England, he commanded away the French Ambassador Bordeux, and would not suffer him to come into his presence. In the times of the Usurpation in England, they were the mischievous Instruments of the War between you and the States of the United Provinces, as they were of the two following in 1665. and 1671. dreading nothing more than a durable and firm Friendship between the two Nations; blowing up the Fends on both sides, pretending to take part with each, that they might with less opposition invade their Neighbours, and increase their Naval strength; but not really purposing it with either, having the same design of weakening both Parties (for your weakness is his strength) as the Britan's formerly had in throwing the Apple of Contention between the Picts and the Scots, that they might in the end be the better able to overcome both. When you had Victory in your palms, and Triumphs in your prospect, it was ravished from you by their means. The Bishop of Munster, who was his now Majesty's Ally, and in Arms against the said States, was necessitated to withdraw his Forces (for the security of his own Territories) because they sent their Troops against him. France wrought Denmark off from your Party, and hindered the Swedes to arm in favour of you, and contrived that Affront you suffered (to your shame and dishonour) at Chatham. They have made it their Masterpiece to raise Jealousies between you and the Dutch; and at last sided with the Dutch in a War against you, not with any intention for themselves to fight, but to see you destroy each other. Did they not most treacherously put to the sword and slavery, his Majesty's Subjects in St. Christopher's, plundered them of all which by their industry and providence they had for many years acquired? But a Peace at Breda being concluded, the French were by the Treaty to return to his Majesty St. Christopher's in such sort as therein is expressed. But instead of performing it according to the true meaning, and the very letter of the Article, they upon several unjust and frivolous pretences, did not deliver it in four years to the Commissioners which were sent to receive it: For it's against the Candour and Integrity of the French Cabal, to part with any thing that may be of conveniency for them to keep. But at last they delivered it to Sir Charles Wheeler; but before the delivery of it, they destroyed all the Plantations, plundered and carried away all that was there, laid the whole Country waste, and left it in a much worse condition that if it had never been planted. And as if the detaining of his Majesty's Territories had not been sufficient, they interrupted the Trade of his Subjects in those parts, and assuming to themselves the Sovereignty of those Seas, they would not suffer any Ships but their own to sail by or about their Islands; and upon no other ground, have brought in as Prizes, and confiscated many Vessels. In 1674, & 1675. when the Dutch and Neighbour-Nations were in War, but England in Peace, who thereby expecting a great Trade, bought many Dutch-built Vessels; the King of England accordingly granted them his Licence to trade in them, by reason of the Act of Navigation. But France, to hinder the Trade of England, issued out an Edict for the seizing of all Ships bought in any Enemy's Country. And in execution of their Edicts, there came out a swarm of French Capers, who not only seized on those Dutch-built Ships, though they had his Majesty's Licence, but finding the sweetness of that Trade, seized upon your English-built Ships, on pretence they carried Enemies goods, whilst they themselves would be Judges; they did actually seize all English-built Vessels merely laden on the account of being English Merchants, and retook many which had been discharged in France; they plundered your Ships, and wounded your Seamen. There were about 400 fail of your Merchant's Ships seized by them in this manner, many of which the French did absolutely condemn; and such as were released, were kept some three months, some six months, some twelve months, and others longer; and then were discharged with great damage by expense and plunder in France, besides the first affronts and violences. And after all, you lost the intended Fruit of your Voyages; and what was yet worse, they making the most advantages of every thing, got many thousands of your Seamen by extraordinary Pay to engage in his service. And that which may superadd Calamity to your Misery, when the French did forbear to take your Ships, the Algerines (Allies of France, and by them set up) have continually picked up your Merchantmen, and Vassalized your Sea men ever since. And what they take from you, they carry into the French Harbours, where the French buy the Commodities at their own prices. I need not tell you the great discouragements your French Trade hath for many years lain under, through their unjust practices, and manifold devices. Nor shall I speak now how by their Emissaries and Factories of Sedition, they have contrived and brooded a most execrable Plot in England and other his Majesty's Kingdoms; and have sown Divisions, Discontents, and Jealousies amongst his good Subjects; thereby to prevent his Majesty's Royal inclinations in giving his assistance to his oppressed Neighbours, against that great Prince. If these Enormities and Super-injustices of the French Cabal, be not sufficient to awaken England, considerate men will wonder what Opiate hath cast you asleep; and if you be not enchanted by the Magic of French Pistols. I pray, Sir, draw the Curtain; open your eyes, and see if the Liberty of all Christendom be not now at stake! Do you think it will add any Trophies to your Glory, when Posterity shall say, It was England which advanced the Most Christian King into the Throne of an Universal Monarchy? Is it not your interest to oppose that Power which opposeth all Europe, and labours to bury it in the Grave of Infamy and Slavery? If you be backward to give your Assistance, when you may have so many Allies, what will you do when their Forces are broken, and you are enforced singly to contrast the Power of France and its new Acquests? What you may expect from his Mightiness, inquire of the Duke of Lorraine, and of the Princes of Germany, and they will tell you. The Dominion of the British Sea (which is your Glory, and aught to be your Care) is gone. He will give Law to your Commerce; and Navigation which is now your Honour, will be nothing but a Piracy to you; and England, for want of Trade, (being an Island) will be nothing but a Prison to you. You which are the great Merchants, and so famous in the world for your Traffic, must become Higlers and petty Chapmen under him. Your Men of War (which are now a Terror to your Neighbours) will be of no use to you, but to make your Slavery the greater: Your gallant Commanders and Seamen (as the Romans served the Britan's when they had conquered them) will be sent into foreign Dominions to advance their Empire. And if he shall suffer any of you by his favour to grow rich and full, it's only like Sponges to be squeezed. You must like the Camel down upon your knees, and receive what burdens he shall please to lay upon your backs. You are now a flourishing and well- Crested People, you have your Liberty and Freedoms (which you ought to value above a Crown;) but if you come within the power of France, you will be such Slaves, as you will not be capable of a Jubilee. Suppose the Most Christian King should be so kind and merciful unto you, as to observe his Alliance with you tell he hath reduced all other Princes and States under his Obedience, yet you cannot but expect Poliphemus Courtesy, to be the last which shall be eaten up. Whereas if we all associate and unite, and act potently against that aspiring Prince, we are freed of all fears and jealousies; and it's not possible for him to be other than the French King. And then instead of an Universal Monarchy (which is the desigue of France) there will be established in Europe an Universal Peace; of which his Majesty of Great Britain will have the honour: for by the power of his Arms it's only to be effected. A timely War is less dangerous, than an uncertain Peace; and such is your condition with France. A War will fall upon you; and it's a great oversight to have been so modest as to abide the taking of the first blow. Wisdom teacheth us, that in Warlike actions the having of the start, and to strike first, is a great advantage; it puts the Enemy to the defensive, which is no other than fight for his own stake. The Romans, as long as they were Defendants, were miserable; and Antiochus refusing Hannibal's counsel to invade Italy, was put to the defensive, wherein he lost his Life and Crown. The charge of the invading Prince is certainly known; if he like not the Attempt, he may desist at pleasure. Whereas the invaded is not only at the charge to maintain Armies, but his Territories are instantly impoverished, his Revenues diminished, Trade and Commerce laid aside, his good Subjects with fear amazed, the Ill-affected who desirous of change, apt to run to the Enemy; and many other Mischiefs will fall upon you, whereof you cannot be eased, but at the pleasure of the Invader. Besides, the Money to be disbursed for the War offensive, especial with you in Great Britain, where Victuals, Arms, Shipping, and other Habiliments for the War abound, runs into the Subject's purse, and the Realm is little or nothing impoverished by it. But to forbid and attend the descents of the Invader (if we be on the defensive part) your Fleet must necessarily be divided; the consequence whereof (considering the Potency of their Naval power) I am afraid will prove, that you will be too weak in either Squadrons of your shattered Navy. I should be sorry to see Great Britain become a Province to the French Monarchy, and be made a Theatre where the Tragedy of Monieurs perseention shall be acted; and the good Protestants there suffer the same Calamities, Banishment, and Miseries for the Liberty of their Conscience, as the poor Hugonots have done in France for the exercise of their Religion. I do assure you, Sir, you cannot expect better terms than the Hugonots now have in France. With what Infelicities, pressures in Gonscience, and inquietude of Mind, and how precariously they do possess, but not enjoy their Estates, gotten with Sweat, and kept by Care, I need not tell you. It was not the method of Christ to force Belief by Slaughters, or instruct men's Consciences by the Sword; yet these are the Arguments which they apply to convince those unhappy Souls. Sir, there is no safety in depending upon the Charity of France; I must tell you again, the only security of all Christian Princes and States in Europe, is their impuissance to do hurt. The end of War is Peace; but a Peace with France seems to me to be the beginning of War: And though War be a great Evil, yet from all appearances, I dread the consequences of a Peace more. If the Most Christian King shall disband his Forces, it's far from being any security, since he may raise them again at his pleasure; nor is it to be imagined that he will so do, since that were to give his People an opportunity of rebelling, for which he is sensible they are sufficiently prepared, and only want Domestic Heads and Partisans, or foreign Assistance, to rescue them from Tyranny and Oppression. And whiles so potent a Monarch is in Arms, all Princes and States will be obliged for their own safety, to keep up standing Armies; which Charges will assuredly undo them: for it's a declared Maxim in their Counsels, That there is no better way to ruin the Princes and States of Europe, than to oblige them to keep Armies on Foot. For those require great expenses, which will impoverish them, and by consequence precipitate their Ruin. Just Fears, are a just cause of War; and a preventive War, is a true defensive, as well as a War upon an actual Invasion, though offensively acted. Hence the Lacedæmonians (as Thucydides tell us) armed against the Athenians, by reason of their over-growing Greatness. And Antiochus, upon this principle, invited Prussia's King of Bithynia (at that time in League with the Romans) to join with him in War against them; setting before him a just fear of the overspreading Greatness of the Romans, and that their design was to reduce all Kings and Princes under their Obedience, and to make the State of Rome an Universal Monarchy; that Philip and Nabis were already ruinated, and it was his turn to be assaulted next. So that those Princes or States which do desire too great Monarchies, and seek to enlarge their Dominions, do give a just fear to their Neighbours. That War is just which is necessary, and then Arms are deemed pious, when they are the last Refuge of those which use them. In elder time, it passed for an Oracle of Wisdom, Decreseat Hispania, & non Crescat Gallia. If we do make a War against that great Disturber of the Peace of Europe, as it's our Safety, so it is Prudence to make it speedily and powerfully: for if we do not make it powerfully, we shall be like the poor woman who bought Coals sufficient to roast her Pig, but laying them on one by one, her Coals were wasted, and her Pig unroasted: And if we do not make it speedily, we shall imitate that Empiric who gave Physic to a dead man. The Latins prayed in aid of the Lavinians against the Romans, but they put off their resolution so long, that when they were going forth of Town to give Summons to them, News came that the Latins were defeated; whereupon Milonius the Praetor said, We shall pay dear to the Romans for this little way we are gone. For if they had resolved not to have given Aid, they had not given offence to the Romans by helping of them; and had their Aid come in time with the addition of their own Forces, they might have gained the Victory. But by delays, loss and misfortunes came every way. And whether this may not be the Case of England, I submit it to your great judgement. This is not such a War as was between the Etolians and Archadians, for a wild Boar, nor for a Cartload of Sheepskins, as was between Charles Duke of Burgundy and the Swissers; nor like that between the Sco●s and picts, for a few Dogs: but it's pro aris & focis. We fight to preserve our own Interest, and to avoid Beggary and Slavery; which will unavoidably fall upon us, if the Ambition of that aspiring Prince be not stinted. When England shall vigorously appear against them, the French King will be necessitated to desire Peace, and to do Justice. The apprehension of your Forces will be a terror unto him, our Allies will be greatly encouraged, and they with united Forces will act more powerfully. Our Fleets will give them such just fears, that they will be obliged to employ some great part of their Troops to defend their own Coasts; and will be necessitated to quit some of their new Conquests (as they have done Messina) to secure their own Dominions. The conquering of Villages and Towns, are like Bonfires of Straw; but if they meet with a stout opposition, they are mortal as other men, and one good blow will cause a reverter of all their new Acquests. It's storied, that Charles the fifth, after he had clasped Germany almost in his fist, he was forced in the end to go from Jusprug as if it had been in a Masque by Torchlight, and to give up every foot in Germany that he had gotten. Which I doubt not will be the Hereditary fate of the late Purchases and Conquests of France. I know the Most Christian King hath as many experienced Captains and disciplined Soldiers, as any Prince in Europe; but that sorts to the honour of the English, seeing they ever have had the better of it in all Rencounters, and never left the Field but with Glory. The French Valour lieth to the eye of the lookers on, but the English Courage lieth about the Soldier's heart; and the Fury of the French, the first blast being over, turns to Fear. No King or Prince hath such a spring and seminary of brave Military people, as be in England, Scotland, and Ireland; and who will be ready to sacrifice their Lives for their King and Country. Where was Caesar in greater danger than in England? Where was there a Prince that durst challenge him to a single Combat, but in England? The Romans conquered Gallia in ten years, whereas they did not subdue England in 200 years; and not then, till they had conquered all the rest of the World: Because they reserved the Conquest of England (as Conquerors use to do most commonly in great Erterprises) for the last and greatest Conquest that they had to do. If you will consult the Register of times, you will observe England never had any Encounter with France, but it came off with Honour. I shall give you a particular List of some of them in an Historical truth, no ways strouted nor made greater by Language; that's becoming a General at the head of an Army, when they are going to Battle, but not with me: And I shall begin with that at Cressey, the first great Battle. That Heroic King Edward the third, having been provoked by divers Affronts that Philip of Valois the French King had offered him, goes over in person into France with an Army of 8000 men at Arms, and 10000 Archers; he takes with him his Son the Prince of Wales and Duke of Guyenne, being but fifteen years of age (called afterwards the black Prince) to train him up in feats of Arms. Landing in Normandy, he marches within ten miles of Paris; and after divers Skirmages, a Battle was appointed. King Edward encamped near a Village called Cressey; the French Kings Army was above twice the number, consisting of above 60000, with all the Flower of the French Nobility. The Battle began, the Fight grew hot and doubtful, insomuch that the Commanders sent to King Edward (who was gotten into a Windmill, where, as from a Centinel, he might behold the face of the Enemy) to come up with more power: the King asked the Messenger whether his Son was hurt or slain; and being answered no, he replies, Then tell them who sent you, that so long as my Son is alive, they send no more to me; for my will is, that he have the honour of the day. The Fight on both sides was very furious; the French King having his horse killed under him, withdrew; which being known to the English, it added so to their Courage, that they soon after won the Field. This Battle was so bloody, that there were none made Prisoners, but all put to the Sword. The number of the slain French, surmounted the whole Army of the English; for the number of the slain were about thirty thousand. The next great Victory in France, was the Battle of Poitiers. The black Prince being tapred up now to a good growth, was sent by advice of Parliament to Gascony, the Truce being expired: He ravaged the Country as far as Tourane. John the French King raiseth a potent Army more numerous than that at Cressey; and going to find out the Prince of Wales, found him about Poitiers, not much above 10000 men effective in his Army. The Prince finding the main strength of the French Army consisted in Horse, he entrenched amongst the Vineyards; where when the French Cavalry entered, being wrapped and entangled amongst the Vines, the English Archers did so ply and gall them, that thereby being defeated and put to rout, the whole Army was soon defected. In this Battle King John himself was taken prisoner, whom the Prince brought into England, where he continued four years: And as the French Historians themselves confess, he was so nobly received, that he knew not whether he was a free King or a Captive. Besides Lords and Nobles that were slain in this Battle, there were upon the whole more French slain, than the whole English Army was in number. We will now to Agincourt. Henry the fifth, that Mirror of Princes, being come to the Crown, he cast his eyes towards France; and for claiming of his Title, he sent the Duke of Exeter in a magnisicent Embassy to demand the Crown: but receiving no satisfactory Answer, but rather a kind of Jeer, the Dauphin sending him a Sack full of Racket-balls to pass away his time, he replied, That for every one of those Balls, he had so many Fiery Bullets to shoot at the proudest Terrets in France, as he should shortly find. And he was as good as his word: for he presently got over, and encountering the French Army at Agincourt, he gave it an utter Overthrow, and took more prisoners than his own Army had Soldiers. And this King made so absolute a Conquest of France, that Charles the seventh of France, like a poor Roy de Juidot, consigned himself to Burges, where (having cashiered his Retinue) he was found in a little Chamber at supper with a Napkin laid before him, a Rump of Mutton, and two Chickens. There were many other Warlike Encounters betwixt England and France, whereof the stories are full; and it's observed, that the English at most were but half, sometimes not the third or fourth part in number to the French, in the Engagements. And though the Scots did always confederate with the French against England, and when the King of England was in France, would for diversion invade England, yet England bore up single and victoriously against them both. I must beg your pardon, if I cannot omit one story. Edward the third being engaged in France with his Army, David King of Scots with about 60000 men (being a Confederate with the French King) invaded England: Queen Philippe, with the Archbishop of York, the Lords and the Knights of the North, encountered the King's Army and utterly defeated it: The Scottish King was taken prisoner, and reserved as a Present for Edward the third, when he returned out of France, to keep company with John the French King, taken prisoner by the black Prince. And there were but six week's difference between both Victories. Nor were such high Exploits performed by the English on Land only, but by Sea they have been as glorious. Philip the French King, not long before the Battle of Cressey, to hinder Edward the third's return into France, got a mighty Navy in equipage of 200 sail of Ships besides Galleys in the Haven of Sluice; where of King Edward being advertised, prepared such another Fleet, and encounters the French with such resolution and success, having the Wind and Sea for him, that he thereby defeated the whole Navy, slew about 30000 men, and so returned with mighty Triumphs, and the Admiration of all Europe. In the year 1591. was that memorable Fight of an English Ship called the Revenge, under the command of Sir Richard Greenfield; memorable, I say, beyond credit, and to the height of some Heroical Fable. This Ship for the space of 15 hours, sat like a Stag amongst Hounds at the Bay, and was seiged and fought with in turn, by 15 great Ships of Spain, part of a Navy of 55 Ships in all, the rest like Abettors looking on a far off. And amongst the 15 Ships that fought, the great St. Philip was one, a Ship of 1500 Tun, Prince of the twelve Sea-Apostles, which was glad when she was shifted off from the Revenge. This brave Ship the Revenge was maned only with 200 men, whereof 80 laid sick; yet nevertheless, after a Fight maintained 15 hours, and three Ships of the Enemies sunk by her side, and 15 more of them so torn and battered that they perished in the Sea before they could recover the Tercera; that gallant Ship never came to be entered, but was taken by composition, the Enemies themselves having in admiration the Virtue of the Commander, and the whole Tragedy of that Ship. Nor doth that Primitive innate Courage and Gallantry languish or decline in them (as some think the World doth, and as we find it doth in other Nations, as the Jews and Greeks) but it continueth in the same height. The ancient Stourness and Gallantry of the English, appeared in many Traverses of the late War here in England. The French King confessed that the Brigade of English before Dunkirk, though not the fifth part of the Army, did contribute most to the taking of that Preditory Town. And I doubt not but when his sacred Majesty of Great Britain shall be pleased to give his Royal Fiat, we shall see the same valiant Blood is now channelled in the English veins; and that every Royal Subject will be ready to take Talbot's Motto upon his Sword, Sum Talboti pro defendendo Rege contra inimicos. So that if the King of Great Britain will take into his Royal Consideration, the Galamities and miserable condition that all Europe is in by the Oppression of the French, and their designs of an Universal Monarchy, and potently act, having such a Warlike People, with the rest of the Confederates; the Reduction of France to its ancient Boundaries, would be no great work. I doubt not but that the Parliament of England will give Aid cheerfully, (and Sir Money is the Primum Mobile that moves the Spheres, which are the hearts and hands of men;) his Majesty's Fame and Power will be admired, his Subjects highly pleased, the Nations under his Sceptre feared, and it will beget a perfect Union between his Majesty and all his People; who in a grateful and humble acknowledgement of his Royal Care and Protection of them, will bring to his service a Magazine of Hearts, and to his Coffers a Treasury of Money, which is the Sovereign Cordial that gives life to all Warlike Actions. What the touring and ambitious thoughts of the French King signify, his great Preparations by Sea do manifest to all Europe: for he hath raised a greater Naval strength in few years since he hath applied himself to it, than ever yet was raised in the world for the time. And if he shall yearly increase in power at Sea as he hath done for these twenty years last passed, the whole world will not be Elbow-room enough for his Ambition. Having so prodigioully advanced in number of Ships, after he hath gained more Harbours and Ports, as it's his design, and bred up experienced Commanders and Seamen (as no Prince can be more industrious) he will then pull off the Vizard, and declare that all Kings, Princes, and States, must give Obedience to his Monarchy, and become his Vassals. Sir, it's certain, that those States whose Renown are greatest in Story, did establish their Supreme Dominion upon the Power they attained at Sea. The Romans did not impose upon the World their Laws, till they had forced the Sea to receive and acknowledge them. Had they not set out Warlike Fleets, they had never accomplished their glorious designs; they had never extended their Fronteers beyond Italy, nor brought down the pride of Garthage, nor triumphed over all the Crowns on Earth. The Egyptians, the Persians, and the Grecians, considered the Sea as the best Support of their Dominions. And whether the designs of the French King be not as large and great by his Naval Preparations, as those of the Romans, Greeians, or of the Egyptian or Persian Monarches were; it's well suiting with the Wisdom of the Kings and Princes of Europe to consider. Be assured, Sir, if this Sea- Giant be not timely destroyed, but suffered like the Crocodile yearly to grow in Magnitude, it will devour all Europe, and with it its Trade, Traffic, and Commerce. Therefore its Europe's Interest, as well as England's Safety, to destroy the Naval Power of France, which (with the conjunction of our Allies) may be effected; who being once brought down there, their Commerce will wax feeble, and by consequence their Power at Land will soon abate: For we have observed, that until the Spaniards lost his Maratine Forces, he maintained his designs for the Universal Monarchy very vigorously, and never sunk till then. The French King of late is become so potent at Sea, that if he should be pleased to give trouble to you or to any other Prince, we m●st be at his discretion how kindly he will deal with us. And, Sir, it's no wisdom in any Prince, to depend upon the discretion of another. That Prince or State which is Master at Sea, may make a descent at what place they please, unless they be hindered by a Fleet of equal strength; and except every Creek, Port, and sandy Bay, had a powerful Army to make opposition. If we have an Army in one place (as in all places we cannot have) than they may by reason of their Fleet, transport their Army to another place; and so take, ransack, burn, and consume the Country round about: as Agathocles did, who being besieged by the Carthagenians in Syracuse, put his Army into his Fleet and transported it into Africa; and the Carthagenians, for security of Carthage, and their own Dominions, were forced to raise their Siege and follow with their Army. Methinks the Miseries, Devastations, and Infelicities England heretofore suffered by the Naval power of the Danes, might teach you wisdom for the future. Sir, to deal plainly with you, it's impossible for any Mavitine Country (as England is) though the Coasts thereof be never so well fortified, to defend itself against a powerful Enemy that is Master at Sea; for a good Fleet of Men of War under a wise and judicious conduct, need not fear to pass by the best appointed Fort in Europe (though never so many great Artillery are planted in it) with the help of a good Tide and leading gale of Wind. The Duke of Parma besieged Antwerp, and finding no possibility to master it otherwise than by Famine, laid his Cannon on the bank of the River so well to purpose, and so even with the face of the water, that he thought it impossible for the least Boat to pass by; yet the Hollanders and Zelanders, to sell their Butter and Cheese at Antwerp where it was dear, passed in their Boats by the mouth of the Duke's Cannon in despite of it, when a strong Westerly wind and a Tide of flood favoured them, as also with a contrary wind and ebbing water they turned back again. In the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, when Denmark and Sweden were at war, our Eastland Fleet bound for Liefland, was forbidden by the King of Denmark to trade with the Subjects of his Enemies; and he threatened to sink their Ships, if they came through the straits of Elsenore: Yet our Merchants having a Ship of her Majesties called the Minion to defend them, made their adventure, and sustained some Volleys of shot, but kept on their course. The King made all the provisions he could to stop or sink them at their return; but the Minion leading the way, did not only pass without loss, but did beat down with their Artillery a great part of the Fort of Elsenore; and the Fleet of Merchants which followed went thorough without any wound received. Sir, Imperator Maris, est Dominus Terrae: When Augustus and Mark Anthony at Actium fought by Sea for the Empire of the World, Mark Anthony's Fleet being defeated, all the People and the Soldiers submitted to Augustus, well knowing they could never effect any thing by Land, as long as Augustus continued Master at Sea. Aladine a poor Fisherman, but famous for his great Actions at Sea, Abraham King of Achen in Sumatra preferred him to be his Lord-Lieutenant, and married him to one of his Kindswomen, and gave him the care and protection of his Son and Heir; Aladine having the Naval power at his command, he murdered the Son and Heir, and usurped the Kingdom to himself, there being no resistance to be made against him, because of his great power at Sea. The State of Genoa, by the advantage of their Naval power, beat the Pisans out of Sardinia, Corsica, and the Baleares in the Mediterranean, and having vanquished the Venetian Fleet, they took the Island of Chioggia not far from Venice. But the Genoesses being disabled in their Naval power by the oversight of Peter Doria their Admiral, they lost their Islands in the Mediterranean to the King of Arragon; Capha and Pera, and the Islands of Lesbos and Chio, with some other Islands in the Greek Sea, to the Grand Signior; and most of their Holds in Tuscany (whereof they had a good part) to the Florentines; and had nothing left them but Liguria, and the Isle of Corsica, and were enforced to put themselves into the protection of the Spaniard to preserve the same. Therefore, Sir, you may please to observe how highly England (being an Island) is concerned in point of interest and safety, to advance their own Naval power, and to abate that of others. There are three great Naval powers in Europe; England, France, and those of the United Provinces; if the King of England join with one of them, they will give Law to the third: But what if France and the United Provinces should join against England (as you have great reason to fear they will) if by his Majesty's transcendent Wisdom and happy Conduct, they be not prevented; then you can expect nothing but Confusion and Ruin to fall upon you. Therefore it will be the very test of Prudence in this juncture, to retrench the power of France by Sea; that being done, from his Land-forces there can be no great danger to you. At Land the Balance is indifferently even, but at Sea (which ought to be your care) there is no counterpoise. The fight and destroying of his Land-Armies, doth not weaken him at Sea; but when his new Conquests shall be taken from him, or a Peace concluded, if he should put an Army into his Navy, no Prince in Europe is able to hinder his Attempts; and those vast sums of money which he raiseth out of his Subjects, if they should be employed in Traffic, he being so potent at Sea, all States and Princes, especially England, would be undone. To strike the French King at Sea (where his strength lieth) is to cut his Sampsons' locks; it's un Coup de Maistre; a Master blow; a War in his bowels. To give him some light hurt, is dangerous to us, and to give ourselves an incurable wound; as the Horse did, who falling out with the Lion, bruised him with his heel; but not long after his Carcase became food for the Lion. Great Potentates are not at all to be touched; but if they be, they must be made sure from taking Revenge. Some considerate Princes have begun a War rather with the Sword than with a Trumpet: So dealt the Aragonoys with the French in Naples; Henry the second of France with the Imperialists, when he went to Brisac to surprise as many places as he could, before the War broke out; Don John with the Netherlands; and Philip the second of Spain with the English, when in the great Imbargo he took all your Ships and Goods in his Ports. And may not the French King (if the Capritio shall take him) before any denunciation or indiction of War, set upon your Fleets of Merchant's Ships at Sea? he having such powerful Squadrons of Men of War in all parts, that no Fleet of Merchants with their Convoys, are able to make any opposition, but they must be sunk or taken. As it was the oversight of the Kings and Princes of Europe (if you please to pardon the expression) to suffer France to grow up to that Potency and Magnitude of Power at Sea; so it will be their wisdom and interest to act in consort till they have destroyed it. Methods and Arts TO Retrench the Potency OF FRANCE BY LAND and SEA, And to Confine that Ambitious Monarch Within his Ancient DOMINIONS and TERRITORIES. Humbly submitted to the grave Consideration of the KINGS and PRINCES of Europe. 1. ALL Kings, Princes, and States to associate, and vigorously to act in concert against him, and to make France the seat of the War; if not, by his Contributions and the oppression of his Armies (by which he maintains his own Forces) they will all be ruinated, their Countries wasted, and themselves must be submitted to his power. Whereas by making France the seat of the War, the Soldiers will be enriched with the Spoils, support themselves at the cost and charges of France, and the French King will be necessitated to draw his Soldiers out of his new Acquests, for the defence of his ancient Dominions; and so they will revert. 2. All Princes and States to call home their Subjects which are in the French service, and by that means his Infantry will be weak and inconsiderable: For from the slavery of that people, such is their unfitness for War, that whenever they shall be confined to home for Soldiers, they will be constrained as well as contented to live in peace with their Neighbours. 3. No Prince or State to suffer any Levies of Men or Horse to be made in any of their Dominions or Territories, as they have done to the great recruits of the French Armies, and to the ruin of themselves and Countries. 4. To interdict all Trade and Commerce with France, is a good Expedient; for their Trade being obstructed, their power at Land will soon become feeble and weak (the first giving life to the latter;) and if he shall lay Taxes upon his people (their Trade being taken away) it may hazard the Obedience of his Subjects, and his Soldiers will mutiny for want of Pay. 5. The three Estates General of that Kingdom must be reestablished with their Privileges. There being fourscore and ten thousand Gentlemen in France, if they will draw their Swords and join with the honest Commonalty there, and with the Confederate Princes which are now in War against France, (which will be a generous and heroic act in them) they may deliver their own necks from that Yoke of Slavery which now oppresses them, and all Europe from destruction. For whiles the French King can exercise the despotical power over his Slaves (rather than Subjects) and without control levy what sums of Money he pleases from them, they must never expect to enjoy their just Rights and Liberties, or any the Kings, Princes, or States his Neighbours, to live in Peace or Tranquillity. 6. France must be opposed in all its endeavours for farther addition and engreatning his Dominions, especially on his designs upon the Spanish and United Netherlands; for should he gain the Harbours and Ports there, he would be formidable, and an over Match for all Europe. Therefore if the Crown of Spain had no Dominions in the Low-Countries, it's their interest, and in true policy they ought to preserve the United Provinces entire; and they ought to venture all their Kingdoms, and to the very last of their men to prevent (if it be possible) so formidable Accession of Naval power to the French. After which no Plate-Fleet or Galleons could never come safe, nor consequently their Monarchy stand much longer. And the King of Great Britain ought (be it spoken with due reverence to his person) to have the same Sentiments; for if the French should become Masters of the United Provinces, farewel the Sovereignty of the British Seas; farewel all Trade and Commerce of England; and his Majesty may bid adieu to the best branch of his Royal Revenue, the Customs. 7. The King of Great Britain ought to make himself Protector of the Protestant Kings and Princes in Europe; and the Cantons of the Swissers, and the Grisons, are to be invited (for their security, and because they can give trouble to France) into the Association: For though formerly with great reason (being jealous of the House of Austria, because of their pretensions to them) they held a good correspondency with France, yet now it's their interest all to be jealous of the growing Greatness of the French King, and to be firm to the House of Austria, and to hold a true Friendship with them. 8. A firm and sincere Friendship is to be established between the King of Great Britain and the United Provinces: For they being the two great Naval Powers in Europe, are by Providence so seated with admirable advantages, and for the security of themselves and of the Spanish Netherlands; that when there is a true intelligence preserved between them, their greatest Enemies cannot prejudice either, but they can give a check to any aspiring Prince, and be as an invincible Bulwark against the spreading and ambitious designs of France. 9 England must unite within itself, and settle a kindness and friendship amongst themselves, (Concord or Division being the life or death of a State;) for it's a Jergon of the French Cabal to disseminate Factions and Divisions amongst them, that they may not contribute their Assistance to the relief of oppressed Europe, or to obstruct the designs of the French King for the Universal Monarchy. 10. Firebands are to be sent into France to raise Divisions amongst them, as the French Cabal send their Engineers (to the disturbance of Europe) to make a Combustion in other Prince's Dominions, that he may with more safety drive on his designs. 11. Councils must be adapted to present necessity; and it's imprudence to expose security to apparent danger. In great concerns, it's not wisdom to rest in the dull Counsels of what is lawful, but to proceed to quick Resolutions of what is safe. 12. The Monarchy of France is to be cantonized into several Principalities, which was aimed at by the Grandees of France in the time of Henry the third; and had been effected, if the ambition of Philip the second would have given way to it. 13. It's the true interest of Europe to oppose the French designs; and in case there be any occasion of making use of them against some others, not to accept of their Assistance longer or further than public Utility requires it; nor to suffer them to proceed after the danger is over. As it was practised in the Peace of Passaw, in the time of Henry the second, and that of Munster, in both which the French were stopped in their full career by their own Allies. 14. All Kings, Princes, and States of the Protestant Communion, to enter into mutual Leagues and Alliances, and to be incorporated into one Union; that by their joint strength they may put a stop to the progress of the French Arms. It will be prudence in them to rely upon their own strength, and not to depend upon the Aids or Auxiliaries of others: 1. Because all the Councils of Catholic Princes, are governed by the Jesuits and French Pensioners. 2. The designs of the Conclave of Rome, and of the Jesuits, are to extirpate out of Christendom the Protestant Religion; which they have concluded to effect by the Arms of France (that are solely influenced by the Jesuits,) and to re-establish the Papacy in its ancient Glory and Splendour: for the fall of the one, is the exaltation of the other. 3. All Wars raised between Catholic Princes, are contrived to be but as Decoys to draw Heretical Princes (as they are pleased to call them) into Ruin and Destruction; and are used as delusary Mediums drawn before their eyes, that they may more securely advance the interest of the Mitre, and the designs of the Triple-Crown. If his Majesty of Swedeland managed by France, his Majesty of Denmark, his Electoral Highness of Brandenburg, and his Highness of Zell, managed by the Imperial Court, will take the pains to search to the bottom by what Artifices they have all four been engaged in War, which hath wasted their Subjects, ruined their Countries and Estates; they will find it was the designs of Rome (managed in conjunction with the Cabal of France) to bring Ruin and Confusion to them all. During the late War, the Protestant States of the Empire have been so miserably harrassed by Winter-quarters, Exactions, Burn, and Contributions, that most of the Protestant Imperial Towns have been almost ruined, while the hereditary Countries, Bavaria, and many other of the Roman Communion in the Empire, have been so little oppressed, that they scarce felt it. It's a concluded Maxim of the Rota, That where there is an Enemy compounded of several and distinct interests, the best Medium to effect their Ruin, is to divide the Powers, and to engage one against the other; by that means you will bring a Consumption to their Forces, and a Ruin to their Estates; and you must fortify yourselves upon their Fronteers, that when you please you may make sudden Inroads into their Countries. With what dexterity this hath been practised during the late Wars in France, all Europe is very sensible. 15. To restore the Hugonots of France to the full exercise of their Religion, according to the Edicts of Hen. 3. and Hen. 4. (which were confirmed to them by Act of Parliament;) and for their security and the performance thereof, that they have cautionary Towns put into their hands, as they formerly had. This would be not only an Act of Piety to deliver those poor people from Tyranny and Slavery, but an Act of Prudence, that he could not safely issue out with his Armies to the disturbance and undoing of his Neighbours. 16. The Kings of Great Britain, Spain, Denmark, Sweden, and the States of the United Provinces, aught to associate by Sea, and every one to set forth such a number and Quota of their Ships as shall be agreed upon. If the Naval Forces of France be at Sea, they must be fought (except the French King be Prince of the Air, and can post his Ships at Sea, as he doth his Forces at Land, that they cannot be attacked, as it's said, though that imagination was confuted at the Relief of Mons) if they be in Harbour, and will not take the Sea, they must be fired, which under the favour of a good Wind and Tide may be effected, notwithstanding their Castles and Forts. 17. To maintain Fleets constantly upon the Coasts of France, is necessary to keep in his Ships outward bound, and to interrupt his Ships of the Indies; to meet with the Fishers of Newfoundland, and to sink and destroy them; to forbid Strangers to bring him supplies of Pitch, Tar, Masts, Munition, etc. to burn as many of his Maritine Towns, and the Shipping in them as they can; and also such as are not far within the Land, as shall be within their power; and to give leave by Letters of Reprisal to as many of the Subjects of the Confederates, as will adventure to Sea. These Fleets are to be furnished with such a number of men, as may be able to make an Invasion into such a part of France, as shall be thought most convenient to the purpose: So the Heads of the Parties in France must be consulted, and made to part with such places as shall be taken, till the French King shall be constrained to submit to Reason and Justice. 18. Notwithstanding the great noise the number of the French Ships make in the world, yet they may be reduced by Sea; 1. Because they have no Ports in the narrow Seas. 2. None very good on this side the Mediterranean, save Breast in Britain, and the new-made Haven at Rochfort upon the River of Clarent, but that is so deep on the Bay of Biscay, as it's out of all Maratine course, except to their own Country. 3. The Ports and Harbours which they have, are so far distant from each other, that their Naval Forces may be destroyed by our Fleets before they can unite. Therefore nothing ought to be more the care and endeavours of the King of Great Britain, and of the United Provinces, than to keep the French King from any more Ports or Harbours than he now hath: for that Prince which hath many Ships and few Harbours, is of as little consideration, as that Prince which hath many Ports and Harbours, but few Ships. Nothing multiplies Seamen, but Foreign Commerce; and nothing so much that, as plenty of good Ports, Harbours, and safe Coasts; (of which, to the comfort of Europe I speak it, France is wanting:) but if we delay to lower the Sails of their Ambition, until they have furnished themselves further with Ports and Havens, they will soon prove too great to be dealt withal. Therefore, I say, it's the true interest of the King of Great Britain, and of the States of the United Provinces, and for them indispensably necessary, to destroy the French in their Naval strength; New-found-Land-Fishery, and their West India Trades, which are their Nursery for Seamen. By this means their Navigation being destroyed, their Trade will decay, and their Power at Land soon disband. No one Prince hath such advantages against the French, as the King of Great Britain hath, by reason of Tangier; which is so advantageously situated, that it surveys the greatest Thoroughfare of Trade and Commerce in the world; no Ship can pass in or out of the Mediterranean unobserved from thence. The French have more business in and about the straits, and frequent the Straights-mouth with more Shipping of one sort or other, than any two Nations in Christendom; from whence your Ships riding at Anchor, may weigh, or slip, and speak with all People that pass in or out, and may sink or take all Ships which sail that way; none can escape without a strong Convoy, which will eat up all their gains; and they will think it more prudence, during a War with England, to suspend their Trade, than with so much charge and hazard to prosecute it. 19 France being reduced in its Naval strength, it will be the interest of the King of Great Britain, and of the States of the United Provinces, to stint France for the future as to the number of Ships which he shall keep; as the Pope, the States of Italy, Kingdom of Naples and Sicily, Grand Duke, State of Genoa, and Grand Master of Malta, keep by agreement such a limited number of Galleys and Men of War; that one may not give occasion of trouble or jealousy to the other. These Methods being observed, France may be compared to a man which grasps a handful of fine Sand (in hopes to keep it;) if he holds it lose, all runs from him; if hard, but little remains; which agreeth with the Italian Proverb, Chi troppo abbraccio, poco string; He who graspeth too much, retaineth but little. Sir, I must tell you again, there is no trusting to the Charity of France; Incredulity is the best sinew of Wisdom; Nihil credendo, & omnia cavendo, tuti crimus: And the most Christian King will at last understand, that it's easier to make Subjects than to keep them; for men may submit to the force of Arms, but they will never obey but a just power. Present Successes are no Hostages to secure those which receive them of a perpetual Felicity, and the most uninterrupted Success cannot calcine an unjust action to the purity of Virtue. Cruel Empires, though they be absolute, are not lasting. Upon uncertain moments, do the fortune of Battles and the fate of Kingdoms depend. But you were pleased to say, That I have no kindness for France; I do assure you, Sir, I have that honour and regard for France, that whereas now there is but one King of France, I wish there were twenty. Sir, I am fearful I have stained too much Paper: I must with Apelles, Manum de Tabulâ; I beg your pardon for this interruption, and am, Sir, Your faithful Servant. FINIS.