A Full ANSWER Paragraph by Paragraph, TO Sir JOHN FENWICK's PAPER Given to the Sheriffs, January the 28 th', 1696/7. at the Place of Execution on Tower-Hill. By a true Son of the Church of England, as Established by Law. LONDON, Printed for Richard Baldwin nigh the Oxford-Arms in Warwick-Lane, 1697. REMARKS UPON Sir John Fenwick's Paper, &c▪ SPeaking nor Writing was never my Talon, I sh●●● therefore give a very Short but Faithful Accou●●● First, of my Religion; and next, what I Suff●● most Innocently for, to avoid the Calumnies I may Reasonably expect my Enemies will cast upon me when De●●● since they have most falsely and maliciously aspersed 〈◊〉 whilst under my Misfortunes. This First Paragraph contains the Heads of 〈◊〉 whole following Paper. He first modestly owns 〈◊〉 ●●all all Talon of Speaking or Writing; but in the ●●●lowing Discourse, he assumes a Boldness as Extravagant: Whilst in endeavouring to assert his own innocence's, he Arraigns' the whole Foundation of the 〈◊〉 Government, by fixing not only his own ●●yalty (as he so calls it) but that of the whole ●●●tion, as wholly and solely in all Justice and Duty ●●und to no other Sovereign Head than King James. ●ow far his Innocence may stand upon that Basis, ●●ll be farther examined, etc. In the next part, he seems to groan under the ●iction of a blemished Reputation, a sensible part 〈◊〉 a Man of Honour, received from the Calumnies 〈◊〉 his Enemies; with whom, and the whole World, 〈◊〉 endeavours to set himself right again, upon his ●●●lowing Declaration. As for my Religion, I was brought up in the Church 〈◊〉 England, as it is Established by Law, and have ever ●●●fess'd it, though I confess I have been an Unworthy ●●mber of it, in not living up to the strict and excel●●●● Rules thereof, for which I take shame to myself, 〈◊〉 humbly ask forgiveness of God. I come now to Die ●hat Communion; trusting, as an humble and hearty ●●●itent, to be received, by the Mercy of God, through 〈◊〉 Merits of Jesus Christ my Saviour. This Declaration of his Education in the Church of England, we are very well satisfied in, and even his worst Enemies have that Charity, as to hope he is received into that Mercy, through those Merits, etc. But that he has ever professed that Religion, and truly professed it, will admit of a very unhappy Reflection, especially, as he has stated the Basis of that Church, viz. As it is established by Law. That Church of England, I am afraid he forgets, has asserted the Title of our gracious Sovereign King William as the Rightful Monarch of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, and that the whole present Allegiance and Duty of the Members of that Church is wholly owing to no other Crowned Head but King William; and that consequently by his following Assertions of no other Right but K. James', even to denouncing no less than an Impending Judgement (as he says afterwards) upon the whole Nation, and no Hopes of its Welfare or Prosperity, till his Restoration; I am afraid this poor Gentleman is either no Member of that Communion, or, at least, a very Unworthy one, in a quite different sense than that in his Paper. And 'twere heartily to be desired, that he had either opened his own dying Eyes, or his Spiritual Confessors would have so opened them for him, as that he might have taken this shame to himself, and asked God forgiveness for it, as well as for those other Errors of his Life, that have deserved that dying Blush, and implored that Mercy: It being much to be feared, there wanted this additional Reformation, to complete the true Penitent. My Religion taught me my Loyalty, which, I bless God, is Untainted: And I have ever endeavoured in the Station wherein I have been placed, to the atmost of my power, to support the Crown of England in the true and Lineal course of Descent, without Interruption. Here he very frankly Confesses his whole Principles, and makes his Religion the School-Mistress that taught him them; viz. That he has ever endeavoured to support the Crown of England in its Lineal Course of Descent, without interruption. Which, as his farther Declaration intimates, he endeavours to prove, is the Universal Duty, whilst in thus Vindicating his own Loyalty to be untainted, he insinuates, that of the whole Kingdom besides, to be wholly Corrupted and Poisoned. A very hard Charge against a whole Nation, that at one stroke, clears his own whole Attainder, and turns it all back upon his Judges. The Criminals belike, were not Si● John Fenwick at the Bar, but the King, Lords, and Commons, upon the Tribunal. The many great Arguments relating to the Succession of Crowned Heads, and the various Dispensations of God's Providence, by whom King's Reign so often, in all Ages, and all Kingdoms, in breaking that Lineal Course of Descent, he speaks of, sometimes in Divine Writ, even with the special and immediate Command of God himself, are those grea● Themes too long to be handled in this narrow Paper, and already more learnedly discussed by abler Pens. I shall only say in short, if no Incapacities whatever can break that Lineal Chain; the whole State of Humanity is of all Creatures most miserable; and whatever Redemption we may have for our Souls in the other World, we have very little Titles to that of our Bodies in this: For Chains Slavery, Oppression, and whatever the unlimited power or Pleasure of Tyranny can lay upon us, are our Inheritance. If Sir John's Church of England Religion (as he blesses God for it) has taught him this, the other Members of her Communion bless God, tha● she has given them quite another Lesson, and taught them to submit to the present Establishment, as the Ordinance of God, without any Frights of those threatened Judgements hanging over our Heads, from the Administration of our present Gracious Sovereign. As for what I am now to die for, I call God to witness, I went not to that Meeting in Leaden-Hall-street, with any such intention as to Invite King James to Invade this Nation, nor was I myself provided with either Horse or Arms, or engaged for any Number of Men, or gave particular Consent for any such Invasion, as is most falsely Sworn against me. Here he acknowledges his going to the meeting in Leaden-hall-street, but not with an intention of Inviting King James to Invade this Nation, viz. by Force. Was King James to be Invited over any other way than by Force? As little as he acknowledges his Talon in Speaking, and Writing, he must own it much less in Thinking, if his Experience and Knowledge of the English aversion to King James could be so clouded, as but to flatter himself with the least dream of King James his Return but by Force. This Zealous Gentleman for his Old Master, must be quite of a different Opinion from all the other Friends of that Unhappy Prince, especially those on the other side of the Water; his good Friend Lewis would otherwise have never given himself the unnecessary Trouble and Charge of those Forces drawn down for King James his Descent upon England, if he had had any such entire confidence, either in the Justice of his Cause, or the Smiles of Providence, to have introduced him with a bloodless Revolution. But perhaps the Interpretation of this Paragraph will bear a fairer Sense. Sir John did not go to this meeting, Himself to Invite King James over by Force. No, perhaps there was no occasion for it, that Invitation was already made, and so Sir John only came to Visit and Compliment the Inviter, not to make the Invitation. And if the Invitation to a forcible Invasion was made by any other Members of that Leaden-hall-street Meeting, however Sir John was so Courteous as to come and kiss of the Cup, and dip in the Dish with them, undoubtedly not overmuch disrelisht either with his Company, or their Business before them, especially when (as he told you before) his Religion had taught him, in his Station, to the utmost of his Power to support the Crown in its Lineal descent; and consequently such a Forcible Invasion on that very account, should have a hearty Wellwisher of Sir John, if not as Vigorous a Champion; though the last of these seems most agreeable, both to Sir John's Martial Education, and his Religious Loyalty, when as he tells you, the utmost of his Power was never wanting in his Station on so good an occasion; and 'tis very unlikely that he would want a station in such important Service; and though he tells you, he gave no particular Consent for any such Invasion, at least, he Confesses his general Consent; and though he Charges the Evidence as For-sworn, upon the nice Distinction between particular and general Consent; 'tis very much to be presumed, that that Evidence that has hitherto had the Confirmation of dying Acknowledgements and Confessions, should not stretch harder upon Sir John Fenwick than upon any other of the Criminals that died in the same bad Cause before him. I also declare in the presence of God, that I knew nothing of King James his Coming to Calais, nor of any Invasion intended from thence, till it was publicly known; and the only Notion I had, that something might be attempted, was from the Thoulon Fleet coming to Breast. This Paragraph looks but with an Indifferent Face, for where it lays the greatest stress of Sir John's Innocence, and consequently the greatest Fa●●ty upon the Evidence against him; the Penmen of this Paragraph (for in Charity I would not willingly believe it his own) were mightily mistaken in their point of Time; for what he declares in this, utterly contradicts, or at least clashes with the former. For here in no less presence than Almighty God, 'tis declared that Sir John knew nothing of King James' coming to Calais, nor any Invasion intended from thence till publicly known; which upon our Calculation of public knowledge, was about February, 1695/6. An● next, that the whole Notion he had that something of that kind might be attempted, was from the Tho●lon Fleet's coming to Breast, which was in the Sprin● following, 1696. Now here's an unhappy Dilemma starts up again him. The foregoing Meeting, at Leaden-hall-stre●● unluckily fell out to be in June 1695. was a 〈◊〉 before the Thoulon Fleets return to Breast, and almost 〈◊〉 much before King James his coming to Calais, as 〈◊〉 proved at large in the Trial of Sir John Friend. p. 1 Capt. Porter, My Lord, about the latter en● 〈◊〉 May last, [viz. 1695.] or the beginning of 〈◊〉 we had two Meetings, one was at the King's-〈◊〉 in Leaden-hall-street, the other at Mrs. Mountjoys in St. James' - street. At the first Meeting there were present, my Lord of Aylsbury, my Lord Montgomery, Sir John Friend, Sir William Parkyns, Sir John Fenwick, Mr. Cook, Captain Chernock and myself, after Dinner Mr. Goodman came in. Now at both those Meetings, it was Consulted of, and agreed, to send Captain Chernock into France to King James, ●o desire him to borrow of the French-King 10000 Men to come over hither, 8000 Foot, 1000 Horse, and 1000 Dragoons. Captain Chernock ●aid he did not care to go upon a Foolish Message, ●nd therefore desired to know what they would ●ave him to acquaint King James with, and assure ●im of. They all agreed to meet the King, whenever they had notice of his Landing, with a Body ●f 2000 Horse, of which every one in particular as to bring his Quota, wherever he would ●●point. The Result of this Meeting, viz. Chernock's going 〈◊〉 to France, so Commissioned, and to invite King 〈◊〉 to an Invasion, was likewise confessed by Cher●●●● at his Execution; and his knowledge of this In●●●●●n was likewise confessed by Sir John Friend at his 〈◊〉; and whether Sir John Fenwick's was a particular or general consent to the Invasion, in concert with the whole Club at the Leaden-Hall-street meeting, it matters not; 'tis sufficient we have the very Dying Confessions of the Criminals themselves to own the Measures taken towards an Invasion, at which Sir John Fenwick by his own Confession was present, and consequently how far more or less consenting, could be no stranger to an intended Invasion; yet here is no less than God himself called to witness he knew nothing of an Invasion intended, till publicly known; nay, that the only notion he had that any such thing was upon the Anvil, or like to be attempted, was from the Thoulon Fleet coming to Breast. Nay suppose it in the largest sense, viz. the Thoulon Fleet coming to Breast, which was in the Spring Ninety Six, to be meant their very setting out in order to come hither, viz. their first setting Sail that way. Yet, as 'tis notoriously known, the Thoulon Fleet stirred not out till ours was upon Sail homewards, many a long Month after June 95; so still the unhappy Contradiction is the same, viz. That he knew nothing of the matter before February. 95-96, and yet was privy and consenting to it the June before. Nay, 'tis yet farther to be wondered what unaccountable pretended Ignorance this must be of Sir John's knowing nothing of an Invasion, till publicly known, (an Invasion which carries the Face of a kind of honourable Hostility) when the sequel of the Paper tells you, that he was made privy to no less than a base Design formed against the King's Life, the very April before (viz. 95.) which he tells you he prevented; as if the skulking Assassinates dared trust the Keys of their Cabinet, their Edge Tools with him, and the more generous Invaders durst not trust him with theirs. Good Heaven! who were the Managers of this dying Gentleman's Conscience, that could suffer him to leave such Living Records of Disingenuity behind him. And here I cannot but look back to the unhappy Reflections made by Sir John upon the Credit and Truth of the Evidence against him, where he utterly denies his being provided with Horse and Arms, or Engaged for any number of Men, or that he gave any particular Consent to the Invasion, as falsely Sworn against him, etc. And must say this in their behalves, That the Penmen of this Speech are not so altogether to be credited in their Veracity of the Charge of Perjury against the Witnesses, when they are so very loose in that point even upon Sir John himself; and have had the Misfortune so shamefully to prevaricate, even with Contradictions themselves in the very Declaration of his Innocence. I also call God to Witness, That I received the Knowledge of what is contained in those Papers, that I gave to a great Man that came to me in the Tower, both from Letters and Messages that came from France; and he told me when I read them to him, that the Prince of Orange had been acquainted with most of those things before. I cannot so well penetrate into the full depth of this Paragraph, by reason it seems to stand in a Darker Light, being somewhat obscurer than the other part of his Paper. Yet thus far it appears that the matters contained in those Papers, we may suppose to be some part of a Confession, in order to lay hold of the Royal Mercy, made to the Noble Peer sent to the Tower to Examine him, and given him in Writing, to be transmitted to the King; the Authority of which he declares he received from France. Whether this was any trifling Discovery, I will not determine; though it looks like such, by reason the Noble Peer made answer, it was no more than the King knew before. Here I shall make one Remark, viz, That Sir John keeps up to his high Professions for King James, when he dares not so much as give King William the Title of King, though in the Words from another Man's Mouth, when he tells you, that this great Man should answer him, that the Prince of Orange had been acquainted with those things before. What other Confessions Sir John pretended to make afterwards, viz. Such, as that of accusing so many of the Firmest and most Eminent Friends of the Crown, as ntended more for an Amuzement to the whole Government, than an Ingenuous Discovery: Possibly all that Knowledge might likewise come from a French Mint too; for nothing hardly of an English Face would have a Front hard enough for such a Forgery; however we dare not suppose that to be the Contents of those Papers in the Tower; for then the Great Man would not have answered, That the King was acquainted with them before. For that Confession looked more like a Gorgon then a Discovery; so far from any former Acquaintance of the Kings, that I suppose it never saw Light, before Sir John and his Prompters thrust its Dowdy Face into the World. I might have expected Mercy from that Prince, because I was Instrumental in saving his Life. For when about April Ninety five, an Attempt against him came to my Knowledge, I did partly by Dissuasions, and partly by Delays, prevent that Design, which I suppose was the Reason that the last Villainous Project was concealed from me. In this Paragraph he makes a kind of Mordecai's Plea for receiving of mercy from King William; for here he confesses himself entrusted with a Design form against King William, of no less Villainy than some Clandestine Attempts upon the King's Life, which he partly by dissuasions, and partly by delays prevented, and thereby (as he tells you) saved the King's Life. We must here observe, that a Person even of that great Honour and Character as Sir John Fenwick, was nevertheless judged that proper Confident and Counsel-keeper to the Ruffian Party, as to be made privy to so Black a Design as Assassination itself. Nay it further appears, that he tacitly confesses himself to be an Actor and a Leader in it; for otherwise without his privity, how could he dissuade, or without his own actual Leading Hand, or at least Commanding Power in it, how could he delay it. What Truth or what Merits soever there may be in this Narrative of his secret Service to the King I will not judge; but if any such good Service were really done, 'tis a sign that he has had that Tenderness for the Actors in it, (as much Remorse as he says he has had for the Act itself, viz. in preventing it) that from that day to this he has wholly concealed the Plotters, though at last he has declared the Plot. And this Aversion of his to a base Design, he supposes, was the Reason why the late Villaous Project was concealed from him. Very likely, for that, or other Reasons, it might be concealed from him; for I hear not of any thing of the last Assassination laid to his Charge. But all this clears not his Innocence from the Invasion; for that by the whole Party in general, even by the tenderest Scrupler of Honour amongst them, was reputed a more Manly, more Heroic, and more Warrantable Undertaking. If there be any Persons whom I have injured in Word or Deed, I heartily pray their Pardon, and beg of God to pardon those who have injured me, particularly those who with great Zeal have sought my Life, and brought the Gild of my Innocent Blood upon the Nation, no Treason being proved upon me. His hearty begging Pardon of all whom he had injured in Word or Deed, and his begging God to pardon those who had any wise injured him, is a very good Christian Acknowledgement, and would be infinitely both to his own Glory, and his Ghostly Guides, if his whole Paper had been all of a piece with it. 'Tis true, when he more particularly mentions those who, as he says, with great Zeal sought his Life, there perhaps he might be somewhat mistaken, for that Zeal might possibly savour more of a Loyal Warmth for the King's Preservation, and public Justice against his Enemies, than any great Heat or Animosity against the Person of Sir John Fenwick; and his Judges are so well satisfied in the Equity of their Judgement, that the Cry of Innocent Blood hanging over the Nation is the least part of their Fears. I return my most hearty Thanks to those noble and worthy Persons who gave me their Assistance, by opposing this Bill of Attainder, without which it had been impossible I could have fallen under the Sentence of Death. God bless them and their Posterity, though I am fully satisfied they pleaded their own Cause while they defended mine. His Expressions of Gratitude to those Members, whose peculiar Tenderness inclined them to Mercy towards him, is very worthy from him; but where he comes to tell them, that it had been impossible for him to have fallen under the Sentence of Death without a Bill of Attainder; he would have done well to have told the World, that he stood so much upon his own Innocence, that his trifling Motions towards a Confession were no false Mask of Candour and Ingenuity, only to protract Time till Goodman could be bribed off and spirited away to France. And where he tells them, that whilst they defended his Cause they pleaded their own; there, I am afraid, he has quite dashed his first grateful Acknowledgement; for God forbid that so many worthy Gentlemen, and Men of Honour and Loyalty, should fall under Sir John's Dilemmas, or be tinctured with his Blemishes, to stand in want either of a Plea or Defence. I pray God to bless my true and lawful Sovereign King James, the Queen, and Prince of Wales, and restore him and his Posterity to this Throne again, for the Peace and Prosperity of this Nation, which is impossible to prosper till the Government is settled upon a right Foot. The Transport and Zeal of this last Prayer sums all. His Death only wanted this conclusive Protestation to seal it a Martyrdom. The Glory and Merit of the Cause in which he dies so supersedes all the Gild of the Fact charged against him, that without any other Declaration, this Innocence alone wipes off all Attainder. There can be no Blot in that Scucheon where every private Conscience is the Herald. 'Tis true, Sir John before told you, That his Religion taught him his Loyalty to King James, his Church of England Persuasion:— Methinks 'tis a mad Church that can be so much felo de se, as to be so strangely active in Restoring of that Prince, that would bring over Daggers to cut its ' own Throat. Methinks the whole Malcontent Party, especially the Church of England Members amongst them, should not have forgotten the more particular Ungrateful Treatment from that Prince, to that very Church that mounted him into his Throne, and consequently what slender Hopes they must have of his future Civility to it, for keeping him thus long out of it. And therefore, if after all this Dreadful Prospect before them, (upon Supposition of his Return) their over-scrupulous straight-laced Consciences cannot come up to acquiesce to the Present Establishment, in acknowledging KING WILLIAM, that Prince's Title, not only supported by the National Assent, the best Foundation of Allegiance; but likewise by the Recognition of almost all the Princes of Europe, though even of a contrary Church, the very Romanists themselves. Certainly, I say, if there can be any such Depraved Senses left in that Communion, they are undoubtedly resolved to let the whole World know, that their Religion has either divested them of their Humanity or Reason, (viz.) either in wishing such a Scourge both to them and their Posterity, or otherwise fancying such Golden Dreams (or rather Airy ones) from such a Restauration. As Sacred, and as Darling as an Uninterrupted Succession may be esteemed, and as much upon a Right Foot as King James' Title stood, nevertheless we are but too sensible, that he began to warp into that Unfortunate Left-handed Administration, that his Restauration ought to be no part of any Sober or Rational Man's Prayers, except his Litany. And now, O God, I do with all humble Devotion commend my Soul into Thy Hands, the Great Maker and Preserver of Men, and Lover of Souls; beseeching Thee, that it may be always dear and precious in Thy Sight, through the Merits of my Saviour Jesus Christ, Amen. JOHN FENWICKE. Amen, Amen. FINIS.