THE APPEAL OF Injured Innocence: UNTO The RELIGIOUS LEARNED and INGENUOUS READER. In a CONTROVERSY betwixt the Animadvertor Dr. PETER HEYLYN AND The Author THOMAS FULLER.  1 King. 5.7. 
See how he seeketh a Quarrel against me.  Terent. in Eunucho. 
Responsum non dictum est, quia laesit prior.  
LONDON, Printed by W. Godbid, and are to be sold by john Williams at the Crown in St. Paul's Churchyard. M. DC. LIX.   

To the Right Honourable GEORGE BERKELEY, L. Berkeley, Mowbray, Segrave and Bruce, my most Bountiful and most Exemplary Patron.  
SIR,  
MY Church-History was so far from prostituting herself to Mercenary Embraces, She did not at all Espouse any Particular Interest, but kept herself a Virgin.  
However, a Dragon is risen up, with much Fierceness and fury, threatening this my Virgin's destruction.  
Your Name is GEORGE, and for you it is as easy as Honourable to protect Her from violence.  
If any Material Falsehood or Forgery be found in my Book, let LIAR be branded in my face: But oh! suffer not my Injured Innocence to be overborn in such things, which I have truly, clearly, and warily written.  
Thus shall you encourage Me (leaving off such Controversal deviations from my Calling) to PREACH and to perform in my Ministerial function somewhat worthy of the Honour to be  
Your Lordship's most obliged Servant and Chaplain THOMAS FULLER. Cranford Moat-house March the 21 th'.   

THE APPEAL OF INJURED INNOCENCE.  

CHAP. I. That it is impossible for the Pen of any Historians writing in (as ours) a divided Age, to please all Parties, and how easy it is to Cavil at any Author.  
SUch as lived after the Flood, and before the Confusion of Tongues, were happy in this particular, that they did Hear to Understand, and Speak to be Understood with all persons in their Generation. Not such their Felicity who lived after the Confusion of Languages at the Tower of Babel, when the Eloquence of the Best was but Barbarism to all, save a few Folk of his own Family.  
Happy those English Historians who wrote some Sixty years since, before our Civil Distempers were born or conceived; at leastwise, before there were House-burning (though some Heart-burnings) amongst us: I mean, before Mens latent Animosities broke out into open Hostility; seeing then there was a general right understanding betwixt all of the Nation.  
But alas! Such as wrote in or since our Civil Wars, are seldom apprehended truly and candidly, save of such of their own persuasion, whilst others do not (or what is worse will not) understand them aright: And no wonder if Speeches be not rendered according to the true intent of the Speaker, 
☜  when Prejudice is the Interpreter thereof.  
This I foresaw when I entered upon my Church-History, but comforted myself with the counsel of Erasmus; Si non possis placere Omnibus, place to Optimis; If thou canst not please all, please the best. In order whereunto I took up to myself this Resolution, to Steer my course betwixt the two Rocks of Adulation and Irritation; though it seems I have run upon both, if the Animadvertor may be believed; whereof hereafter.  
As it is impossible in distracted Times to please all, so is it easy for any at any time to Cavil at the best Performance. A Pigmy is Giant enough for this purpose. Now Cavils may be reduced to these two heads: 

Cavils  
Without Cause.  
Without Measure.    
Causeless Cavils are such as the Caviller himself doth create, without any Ground for the same; such find a Knot in a Bulrush, because they themselves before had tied it therein; and may be compared to Beggars, who breed Vermin in their own bodies, and then blow them on the clothes of others.  
Cavils without measure, are, when the anger and bitterness of the Caviller exceedeth due proportion, and the demerit of the Fault; as when he maketh Memory to be judgement-mistakes; Casual, to be Voluntary Errors; the Printers, to be the Author's faults: And then brags every Foil to be a Fall, and Triumpheth at the Rout of a small Party, as at the Defeat of the whole Army. This Distinction is here premised, whereof hereafter we shall make use as we see just occasion.   

CHAP. II. Why the Author desired and hoped never to come under the Pen of the Animadvertor in a Controversal Difference.  
IT was ever my Desire ●nd Care, if it were possible, not to fall under the Pen of the Animadvertor; having several reasons thereof to myself, which now I publicly profess: 

1. I knew him a Man of able Parts, and Learning; God sanctify both to his Glory, and the Churches Good.  
2. Of an Eager spirit, with him of whom it was said, Quicquid voluit valde voluit.  
3. Of a Tart and Smart Style, endeavouring to down with all which stood betwixt him and his Opinion.  
4. Not over Dutiful in his Language to the Fathers of the Church, (what then may Children expect from him?) if contrary in Judgement to him.  
Lastly and chiefly, One, the Edge of whose keenness is not taken off by the Death of his Adversary; witness his writing against the Archbishops of York and Armagh.    
The Fable tells us that the Tanner was the Worst of all Masters to his Cattle, as who would not only load them sound whilst living, but Tan their Hides when dead; and none could blame one if unwilling to exasperate such a Pen, which, if surviving, would prosecute his Adversary into his Grave. The premises made me, though not servilely fearful, (which I praise God I am not of any Writer) yet generally cautious not to give him any Personal provocation, knowing that though Both our Pens were Long, the World was Wide enough for them without Crossing each other.  
As I desired, so I partly hoped that my Church-History would escape the Animadvertor: First, because a Gentleman came to me (sent from him, as I supposed) informing me, That had not Dr. Heylin been visited with blindness, he had been upon my bones before. Then I desired him to return this Answer; That, as I was sorry for the Sad Cause, the Doctor's Blindness; I was glad of the joyful Effect, my own Quiet. Nor hearing any more for many months after, I conceived myself secure from any wind in that corner.  
It increased my Confidence, because I conceived Dr. Heylin neither out of Charity or Policy, would write against one who had been his Fellow-Servant to▪ and Sufferer for, the same Lord and Master, King Charles'; for whose Cause I lost none of the worst Livings, and one of the best prebend's in England: Only thus happy I was in my very unhappiness, to leave what was taken away from the rest of my Brethren.  
In a word, seeing no Birds or Beasts of Prey (except Sharp-set indeed) will feed on his own Kind, I concluded Dr. Heylin would not write against me, who conceived myself to be One of his own Party.  
But it seems I reckoned without my Host, and now am called to a Rear-account; I cannot say with job, The thing that I feared; but, The thing that I feared not, is fallen upon me.  

Psal. 34 14.  However, I conceived myself bound in Duty to David's Command, Not only to seek peace, but to pursue it; though in some sort it fled away from me, being now informed that the Doctor was writing against me; wherefore, finding him in Fleetstreet, and following him at his heels to his Chamber, (at a Stationer's house over again St. Dunstan's Church) I sent up my Name to him by a Servant of the House, desiring to speak a few Words with him; the Messenger went to him, and returned me this Answer; That the Doctor was very busy, and could not be spoken with. Thus my Treaty for Peace taking no effect, I armed myself with Patience, and quietly expected the coming forth of his Book against me.   

CHAP. III. That after serious Debate the Author found himself Necessitated to make this Appeal in his own just Vindication.  
HAving perused the Books of the Animadvertor against me, it bore a strong Debate within me, whether I should pass it over in silence, or return an Answer unto him, and Arguments on both sides presented themselves unto me.  
Silence seemed best, because I lacked leisure solemnly to confute his Animadversions, having at this time so much and various Employment: The Cow was well stocked with Milk, thus praised by the 
* Virgil Eg.  Poet; 
Bis venit ad Mulctrum binos alit Ubere faetus.  
She suckles Two, yet doth not fail  
Twice a day to come to th' Pail.   
But I justly feared, who twice a Lordsday do come to the Pulpit, (God knows my Heart I speak it not to Ostentation) that I could not suckle my Parish and the Press, without Starving or Short-feeding of one: Whereas the Animadvertor in his retired Life gives no other Milk then following his own private Studies.  
Secondly, I suggested to myself, that the second blow makes the Frey, and should I rejoin, probably it would engage me in an endless Contest, with which my declining age could ill comport. I remembered the Man who moved in Chancery for a Gelt Order which should beget no more; but knew not when any such Eunuch-Answer should pass betwixt us, to put a period to the Controversy.  
Lastly, our Saviour's counsel came into my mind, Matth. 5.39. Resist not evil; but whosoever shall smite thee on the right side, turn to him the other also. And although some Divines make this Precept but Temporary (as a Swaddling-cloth to the Church, whiles in the Infancy thereof, under Persecution;) yet others make it always Obligatory, and of perpetual Continuance.  
On the other side, the Distinction came seasonably to my Remembrance, of a Man's RIGHTING and REVENGING himself; the latter belongs to God alone, 
* Rom. 12.19.  Vengeance is mine, I will repay it; the former Men may, and in some cases must do, in their own fair defence, without Breach of our Saviour's Precept lately alleged.  
I called also to Mind, how in our Common Law, MUTES at the Bar, who would not plead to the Indictment are Adjudged guilty, and therefore justly suspected I should from my Silence be concluded Cast in the Court of Religion and Learning, for such Faults and Errors as the Animadvertor hath charged on me.  
But most of all it moved me, that Ministers of God's Word and Sacraments ought to Vindicate their Credits, that so they may be the more Effectual Factors for God's glory in their Vocation. When our Saviour went about to Heal the Man's withered hand on the Sabbath day, Mar. 3.4. Is it lawful (said he) to save Life, or to Kill? Where I observed, that our Saviour accounted not healing to be hurting; yea, not curing to be killing, in that person who had Ability and Opportunity to do it. And by the same Proportion, not plastering is Killing of one's wounded Credit, and so consequently I should be FELO DE SE, and by my sinful Silence be the Wilful murderer of my own Reputation.  
These last Reasons did preponderate with me; and I resolved on two things; to return a Plain, Full and Speedy Answer; and to refrain from all Railing, which is a Sick Wit (if not the Sickness of Wit;) and though perchance I may have something tart to Quicken the Appetite of the Reader, yet nothing bitter against the Credit of the Animadvertor. This my Answer I have here Entitled, The APPEAL unto the RELIGIOUS, LEARNED and INGENUOUS.  
But before I close with the Animadvertor, Comminùs, Hand to hand; let us first, Eminùs, try it at Distance, and entertain the Reader (to his Profit and Pleasure, I hope) with my General Defences, before I proceed to Answer each Particular.   

CHAP. IU. The Author's first General Answer taken from his Title-page and Word ENDEAVOURED.  
MEn may be ranked into three Forms, of INTENDERS, ENDEVOURERS and PERFORMERS.  
INTENDERS are the first and lowest Form, yet so far favoured by some Papists, that they maintain, That a good Intention though embracing ill Means, makes a good Action.  
PERFORMERS are the third and highest rank, to which my Thoughts dare not aspire, but leave this upper room empty, to be filled by Men of better parts and ability.  
The middle Form consists of ENDEVOURERS, amongst whom I took my station in the Title-page of my Book, The Church-History of Britain, ENDEAVOURED by Thomas Fuller. And as I did not hope that any Courteous Reader would call me up higher, so I did not fear that any Caviller thereat could cast me lower, but that I might still peaceably possess my Place of an ENDEVOURER.  
For, what though I fall short of that which I desire, and strive to perform, I did neither belie myself, nor deceive the Reader, who neither was the first, nor shall be the last, of whom it may be truly said, Magnis excidit Ausis. The Fate of many, my Betters, who have undertaken to compass high and hard Matters.  
But it may be objected against me, that being conscious of my own weakness with the weight of the burden, I should have left the Work for some stronger back to bear, and quitted it to those who would not only have endeavoured but performed the same.  
I answer; first, I did hope, that what was acceptable to God, would not be contemptible to good Men; having read, If there be first a willing mind, it is accepted according to that 
* 1 Cor. 8.12.  a man hath, and not according to that he hath not. Secondly, seeing this my willingness was attended with a competency of Books, Records, Friends, Intelligence, Strength, Health and Leisure, (be all spoken not to my praise, but God's glory) I did hope something worth the Readers acceptance might be produced. Lastly, though failing in what I undertook, I hoped to perform what might be useful and advantageous to abler Pens undertaking the same task, and to use my own (as who should forbid) Expression, my Beams, might be Scaffolds; my Corner, Filling stones for his more beautiful Building.  
The premises encouraged me to undertake my Church-History; wherein, if I have not done what the Reader expected, let him consider with himself, whether he did not expect what I never promised. Who being unwilling to be Cast by the Verdict of the Ingenuous, for laying my own Action too high, have not farced the first page of my Book, like a Mountebanks Bill, pretending no higher but to ENDEAVOUR.   

CHAP V. The Second General Answer. That many, especially MEMORY Mistakes and Pen-slips, must be expected in a great Volume.  
IT is the Advantage of a Small Book, that the Author's Eye may in a manner be Incumbent at once over it all, from the Beginning to the End thereof; a Cause why they may be more exactly corrected. A Garden hard by one's House is easier Weeded and Trimmed, than a Field lying at some distance; Books which swell to a great Volume, cannot be spun with so even a Thread, but will run courser here and there; yea, and have Knots in them sometimes, whereof the Author is not so sensible as the Reader; as the Faults in Children are not so soon found in them by their own Fathers, as by Strangers. Thus the Poet; Verum opere in Longo Fas est obrepere somnum.  
As for MEMORY-MISTAKES, which are not the Sleeping but Winking of an Author, they are so far from overthrowing the Credit of any Book, as a speck, (not paring-deep) in the rind of an apple, is from proving of the same rotten to the core. Yea, there want not learned Writers▪ whom I need not name) of the Opinion that even the Instrumental Penmen of the Scripture might commit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; though open that window to profaneness, and it will be in vain to shut any doors; Let God be true, and every man a liar: However, I mention their judgements to this purpose, to show that Memory-mistakes have not been counted such heinous matters, but venial in their own nature, as not only finding but deserving pardon.  
I confess when such mistakes become common and customary in an Author, they mar the credit of his Book, and intolerably abuse the Reader. Nothing is lighter in itself than a single crumb of Sand, yet many of them put together are the heavyest of bodily burdens: Heavier than the 
* Job 6.3.  Sand on the Sea. What is slight in itself, if numerous, will become ponderous; but I hope that Memory-mistakes and Pen-slips in my Book will not be found so frequent; and desire the benefit of this Plea to be allowed me but four times, in my Answer to the Animadvertor. A Number low enough, I hope, for the Ingenuous Reader to grant, though perchance too high for me to request.   

CHAP. VI The Third General Answer. That in Entire Stories of impregnable Truth it is facile for one to Cavil with some Colour at Dismembered Passages therein.  
IT is an Act as easy as unjust, for one to assault a naked Sentence, as it stands by itself, disarmed of the Assistance of the coherence before and after it: all Sentences (except they be entire and independent) have a double strength in them, one Inherent, the other relative, and the latter sometimes greater than the former; when what in a Sentence is doubtful, is explained; difficult, expounded; defective, supplied; yea, seemingly false, rendered really true by the Connexion.  
We read in the Life of 
* Cited in Cam. Romans. pag. 241.  St. Edward, that Harold Cupbearer to the King, chanced to stumble with the one foot, that he almost kissed the Ground; but with the other Leg he recovered himself: whereat his Father Godwin, Earl of Kent (then dining with the King) said, Now one 
* Meaning his Brother Alfred whom Godwin had shamefully murdered.  Brother doth help another; to whom the King replied, And so might my Brother have helped me, if it had so pleased you.  
Many times when one Sentence in my Book hath had a Casual slip, the next to it out of Fraternal kindness would have held it up (in the apprehension of the Reader) from falling into any Great Error, had the Animadvertor so pleased, who uncharitably cutteth it off from such support, so that one Brother cannot help another; whilst he representeth mangled and maimed Passages, to the Disadvantage of the Sense and Writer thereof. Thus one may prove Atheism out of Scripture itself; There is no God. But what went before? The fool hath said in his heart.  
I have dealt more fairly in this my Appeal with the Animadvertor; and have not Here and There picked out Parcels, and cut off Shreads where they make most for my advantage; but have presented the whole Cloth of his Book, (as he will find so, if pleasing to measure it over again) Length and Breadth, and List and Fag and all; that so the Reader may see of what Wool it is made, and what Thread it is spun, and thereby be the better enabled to pass his verdict upon it.   

CHAP. VII. The Fourth General Answer. That FAVOUR of COURSE is indulged to the first (as least perfect) Edition of Books.  
THe first Edition of a Book, in a difficult Subject, hath ever been beheld as less complete; and a liberty of Correcting and Amending hath been allowed to all Authors of this kind.  
I will instance in his Book (whose Books would I was worthy to bear) Mr. Camden's Britania. His first Edition was a Babe in a little; the second, a Child in a bigger Octavo; the third, a Youth in a Quarto (but Map-less;) the last, a Man in a fair Folio; first and last differing more than a Galley and Galeas, not only in the Greatness but Perfection, every newer Edition amending the Faults of the former.  
Next, we will insist in another Author above all exception, even the Animadvertor himself, who in his Epistle to the Reader, before the Second and much altered Edition of his MICROCOSM, thus expresseth himself, not unhappily either for his own or my purpose: I am not the first of whom it was said, Secundae Cogitationes sunt meliores; neither is it a thing rare for Children of this nature, to be as often perfected as born; Books have an Immortality above their Authors. They when they are full of Age and Guiltiness, can be retaken into the womb which bred them, and with a new Life, receive a greater Portion of Youth and Glory. Every Impression is to them another being; and that always may, and often doth bring with it, a sweeter Edition of Strength and Loveliness. Thus with them Age, and each several Death, is but an Usher to a new Birth; each several Birth the mother of a more vigorous Perfection.  
Had the like liberty of a Second Edition been allowed me, which the Animadvertor assumed, his pains had been prevented, and most of the Faults he hath found in my Book (being either directed by myself, or discovered by my Friends, communicating the same unto me) had been rectified.  
Thus in the Latin Tongue the same word SECUNDUS signifieth both Second and Successful, because Second Undertake (wherein the failings of the former are observed and amended) generally prove most Prosperous.  
But it will be Objected, Such Second Editions with new Insertions, Additions and Alterations, are no better than Pickpockets to the Reader, who having purchased and perused the first Edition, is by this new one, both in his purse and pains equally abused, and his Book rendered little better than Waste paper.  
I Answer; First, I am no more obnoxious to this Objection than other Authors who set for't New Editions. Secondly, I hope my Alterations shall not be so many or great as to disguise the second from the first Edition; Lastly, I will take order (God willing) for the Printing of a piece of Paper (less than a Leaf) in my second Impression, being the Index of Alteration, so that the Owners of the First, may (if so pleased) in less than an Hour, with their Pens, conform their Books to the new Edition, which though a little less Beautiful to the Eye, will be no less Beneficial to the Users thereof.  
Here let me humbly tender to the Readers Consideration, that my HOLY WAR, though (for some Design of the Stationer) sticking still in the Title Page, at the third Edition (as some unmarried Maids will never be more than eighteen) yet hath it oftener passed the Press, as hath my HOLY STATE, MEDITATIONS, etc. and yet never did I alter Line or Word in any new Impression.  
I speak not this by way of Attribution to myself, as if my Books came for that first with more Perfection than other men's, but with Insinuation to the Reader, that ti is but equal that I, who have been no Common Beggar in this Kind, yea never before made use of a second Edition, may now have the Benefit thereof allowed me, especially in a Subject of such Length, Latitude, Difficulty, Variety and Multiplicity of Matter.   

CHAP. VIII. The Fifth General Answer. That it is no shame for any Man to confess (when convinced thereof) and amend an Error in his judgement.  
THe Knowledge of our Saviour, as God, may be compared to the Sun, all perfect and complete at once without any accession or addition thereunto, whilst his Knowledge, as Man, like the Waxing Moon was capable of Increase, and was (though not subject to the least Error) receptive of clearer Information; 
* Luke 2.28.  and jesus increased in Wisdom; yea, it is expressly said, yet learned he Obedience by the thing which he suffered.  
Not such, the Knowledge of the best and wisest Man, which besides a Capability of more Instruction, is always attended with an obnoxiousness to many mistakes, seeing 
* 1 Cor. 13.9.  here we know in part, and easy it is for any Man to come on the Blind Side of another, as being better versed and skilled in such particular matters.  
When therefore I find myself convinced in my Judgement of an Error in my Church-History, by perusing the Notes of the Animadvertor, I will fairly and freely confess and amend it.  
And I conceive it is no shame at all for a Child to write a few Lines of Retractation, after so good a 
* St Augustin.  Father hath set him so fair a Copy thereof.  
In such a case let not the Animadvertor give me any Blows, where I conceive that my own Blush is a sufficient Penance for the same; and let him not immoderately insult on such occasions, seeing my judgement-faults will be found neither in number nor Nature such as He hath suggested. Covetous Euclio in the 
* Aulularia Plauti.  Comedy, complained that his Servant Intromisit Sexentos Coquos, had let in six hundred Cooks, when they wanted five hundred ninety eight of that number, being but two [Anthrax and Congrio] truly told; and though the Animadvertor frequently complaineth, that I 
* Page 218, 223, and often elsewhere.  run into many Errors, run into many Errors; yet on examination, many of those Errors will prove Truths, and such as remain Errors will not prove many.  
Besides, the Animadvertor is concerned to be civil to me in this Kind, seeing in this particular.  
Veniam petimus dabimusque vicissim:  
A mutual Bargain we may make,  
Pardon to give, and Pardon take.  
If I were minded to retaliate, and to show that Humanum est errare, I could instance in many mistakes in the last Edition of his Geography. Some of the best Birth and Brains in our Nation, and Travalers in foreign parts, as far as India itself, proffered me on their accord to detect in several Countries unexcusable Errors, confuted by their ocular discovery.  
I heartily thanked them for that which I refused to accept; and did return; First, that the Book had achieved a general Repute, and not undeservedly. Secondly, that it was very useful, and I myself had reaped Benefit thereby. Thirdly, that it would seem in me like to Revenge in this Juncture of Time, when the Doctor was disadvantaged by some Infirmity. Lastly, that others might be detremented thereby. Yea, if we but look into his SHORT VIEW of the Life and Reign of King CHARLES, some Faults occur therein which God willing I will calmly discover in our Answer to these Animadversions, not with intent to Cloud his Credit, but Clear my own.   

CHAP. IX. The Sixth General Answer. That Prelial Mistakes in Defiance of all Care will escape in the best Corrected Book.  
THe most accurate Book, that ever came forth into Light, had some Mistakes of the Press therein. Indeed, I have heard of Robert Stephen, that he offered a great Sum of Money (equivalent perchance to five Pounds of our English Coin) to such who would discover any Erratum in his Folio Greek Testament, dedicated to King Francis the first.  
But sure I am, that some of our English Bibles, which may be presumed set forth with the best Care, printed at London, have their Errats'; and therefore Prelial Faults being a catching Disease, no wonder if my Book as well (or rather as ill) as others, be subject to the same.  
Here it will be objected that there is a known and sure Receipt for the Cure of this Disease, viz. the Listing of such Faults as have escaped, either in the Beginning or End of the Book; that so the Reader may, if he please, amend, if otherwise, avoid them. Such an Index Erratorum, or Catalogue of Mistakes, is, in some sort a STOOL OF REPENTANCE, wherein Offenders find their lost Innocence; and such faults thus confessed, are never charged either on the Author's or Printer's Account.  
It is answered, that although such a List of Faults, generally followeth as the Impedimentum or Baggage in the Rear of a Book, yet seldom or never is it adequate to all the Erratas, which are committed therein.  
For first, all committed, are not discovered, neither by the Corrector, nor the Author himself, who perusing his own Book, in overlooking the faults therein, Overlooks them indeed, and following the conduct of his own fancy, (wherein He intended all to be right) readeth the words in his Book, rather as they should be, than as they are printed.  
Secondly, all faults which are discovered are not confessed. Such as the Printer esteemeth small, He leaveth to be amended by the direction of the Sense, and discretion of the Reader; according to the common Speech, that the Reader ought to be better than his Book.  
In my Book, the Index of Erratas amounts not to above forty, a very small number in proportion of so voluminous a Work, which with Credit might crave the allowance of twice as many more thereunto: The Animadvertor in these his Notes, maketh great advantage of some of these un-confessed-Faults, and I sometimes plead the mistake of the Press for my Answer, though seldom, save when some similitude of form in the mistaken letter rendereth it probable for a Prelial Error.   

CHAP. X. The Seventh and last General Answer. That an Author charging his Margin with his Author is thereby Himself discharged.  
HIstorians, who write of things done at distance, many miles from their dwellings, and more years before their Births, must either feign them in their own Brains, or fetch them from other credible Authors. I say credible, such as carry worth and weight with them, Substantial Persons, Subsidy men (as I may say) in Truth's Book; otherwise, for some Pamphlets, and all Pasquil's, I behold them as so many Knights of the Post, even of no Reputation.  
Now, for the more credit of what is written, and better assurance of the Reader, it is very expedient that the Author alleged be fully and fairly quoted in the Margin, with the Tome, Book; Chapter, Leaf, Page and Column, sometimes (seldom descending so low as the Line) where the thing quoted is expressed; and this done, the Author is free from fault which citeth it, though He may be faulty who is cited, if delivering a falsehood.  
Indeed, if one become bound as Surety for another, he engageth Himself to make good the Debt in the Default of Principal. But if he only be Bail for his Appearance, and accordingly produceth his Person in Public Court, He ought to be discharged without farther trouble.  
Semblably, if one not only citys, but commends the words of an Author, than He undertakes for him, adopts his words to be his own, becomes his Pledge, and consequently is bound to justify and maintain the truth of what he hath quoted. But if he barely allegeth his words, without any closing with them in his Judgement, he is only bound for that Author's appearance. Understand me, to justify that such words are exactly extant in manner and form in the place alleged, easy to be found by any who will follow the Marginal direction.  
This I reserve for my Eighth and last Answer, when taxed by the Animadvertor for such things for which I have presented my Author in the Margin. In such cases I conceive I should be discharged; and, if any Fees at all be to be paid, I hope the Courteous Reader (on my request) will remit them, and dismiss me, without more molestation.   

CHAP. XI. That many of the Animadvertors Notes are only Additional, not Opposite to what I have written; And that all things, omitted in an History, are not Defects.  
WHo so beholdeth the Several places in my Book, noted on by the Animadvertor, hath cause, at the first Blush, to conclude my Church-History very Erroneous and full of Faults; out of which, so big a Bundle of Mistakes have been collected: but upon serious Perusal of these Notes, it will appear that a third part of them at the least, are merely Additional not opposite to what I have written; so that they render my Book not for Truth the less, but his for Bulk the greater.  
Herein he seemeth like unto those Builders; who either wanting Materials to erect an entire house, or fearing so frail and feeble a Fabric will not stand by itself, run it along the side-walls of another house, whereby they not only save Timber, but gain strength to their New Edifice.  
The Animadvertor had a Mind to communicate some new Notions he had to the World, but he found them not many and weighty enough to fill a just Book for Sale: whereupon, he resolves to range his Notions against my Church-History, that so partly carping thereat, and partly adding thereto, he might betwixt both make up a Book Competent for Sale.  
Hence, it is that sometimes not liking my Language (as not proper and expressive enough) he substituted his own, with little or no variation of Matter; and sometimes adds new Passages: some whereof I could formerly have inserted, but because I perceived my Book (as the Reader is sensible by the price thereof) grown already to too great a Volume.  
When Additional Notes frequently occur, I conceive myself not obliged in the least degree to return an Answer thereunto, as being rather besides than against what I have written: However, if I have left out any thing, it would have been suspected I had omitted that which most had made against me, to prevent which Jealousy, such Additional Notes are also here verbatim represented.  
To such as object that the Animadvertor's Additions are Suppletory of the Defects in my Church-History; I answer, that a Defect properly is Absentia debiti adesse, the Absence of what ought to be there, so that a thing is maimed or lame without it.  
But Additions to an History are reducible to these two Heads, viz. either such as they 
Must without Imperfection be added.  
May without Impertinency be added.   
Few, if any, of the former; some of the latter kind are found in the Animadvertor's Additory Notes. And let me tell Him, that if He writes Books against all who have written Books, and have not written all which may be said of their Subject, he may even write against all who have ever written Books, and then He will have work enough.  
Let us go no farther then to his own Geophraphy, being sure he is too judicious to be so conceited of his own pains, as to think he hath inserted all that may be said of so large a Subject.  
The 
* In Vit. Aesopi.  Story is well known of Aesop's Master, who buying two Servants together in the Marketplace, demanded of one of them, what he could do; He answered, that he would do all things, do all things. Then the other [Aesop himself] being asked what he could do, answered, He could do nothing. His Master seeming angry to keep so unprofitable a Servant; How can I (returned Aesop) do any thing, when my Fellow-servant will do all, and leave me nothing to do?  
If Dr. Heylin hath done all things in his Geography, he hath given a Writ of Ease for ever to Posterity, who may Despair to merit more of that matter. All who hereafter shall write a new Book of Geography, must also find out a new World with Columbus, as anticipated by the Doctor, having formerly completed all on that Subject.  
I presume not to say, that I have in my Church-History done all things, having written many and most material Passages, leaving the rest to others. But this I say, that all things left out in a History, are not wanting; neither are all things wanting, Defects, if not essential thereunto. As for some of the Animadvertors added Notes, they are no more needful or useful than a sixth finger to a man's Hand, as (God willing) in due time shall appear.   

CHAP. XII. That the Author Designed unto himself no Party-pleasing in Writing his Church-History.  
PArtiality is constantly charged on me by the Animadvertor, and once, with a witness, as followeth, pag. 257.  
We see by this, as by like Passages, which way our Author's Bowl is BY ASSED, how constantly he declares himself in Favour of those who have either Separated from the Church, or appeared against it.  
I return, (to prosecute his Metaphor) that I have used as UPRIGHT BOWLS as ever any that enter the Alley of History, since our Civil Dissensions.  
I do freely declare myself, that I in Writing my Book, am for the Church of England, as it stood established by Law; the Creed being the Contracted Articles, and the 39 Articles the Expanded Creed of her Doctrine, as the Canons of her Discipline. And still I prize her Favour highest, though for the present it be least worth, as little able to protect, and less to prefer any that are faithful to her Interest.  
As for pleasing of Parties, I never Designed or Endeavoured it. There were a kind of Philosophers, called ELECTICI, which were of none, yet of all Sects, and who would not engage in gross in the Opinions of any Philosophers, but did pick and choose here and there, what they found Consonant to Truth, either amongst the Stoics, Peripatetics, Academics, or (misinterpreted Epicures,) receiving that, and rejecting the rest; such my Project to commend in all Parties what I find praiseworthy, and condemn the rest; on which Account, some Fleer, some Frown, none Smile upon me.  
First, for the Papists, though I malice not their Persons, and have a Pity (as God I hope hath a Mercy) for many amongst them, yet I do, as occasion is offered, dislike their Errors, whereby I have incurred (and according to their principles) deserved their Displeasure.  
The old Non-conformists being the same with the modern Presbuterians, but depressed and under, as the modern Presbuterians are the old Non-conformists, but vertical and in Authority, do (though the Animadvertor twi●teth me constantly to Advocate for them) take great and general exception at me; and it is not long since, in a Meeting of the most Eminent amongst them, I was told, that I put too much Gall into my Ink against them.  
The Independent, being the 
* Gen. 43.44.  Benjamin of Parties, (and his Mess I assure you is none of the least) taxeth me for too much fieriness, as the Animadvertor (in his Expression lately cited) chargeth me for too much Favour unto them.  
Thomas Lord Coventry, when coming from the Chancery to sit down at Dinner, was wont to say, Surely, to day I have dealt equally, for I have displeased both sides. I hope that I have his Happiness, for I am sure I have his Unhappiness, that having disobliged all Parties, I have written the very Truth. Thus I can only privately comfort myself in my own Innocence, and hope that when my Head is laid low, what seems too sweet, too bitter, too salt, too fresh to the present divided Age, will be adjudged well tasted and seasoned to the Palate of Unpartial Posterity.   

CHAP. XIII. What Good the Animadvertor might, but would not do; and, what Good, by God's goodness he Herein hath done unto the Author.  
WHen the Animadvertor had perused my Book, marking some (but making moe) fault's therein, it was in his Power to have done me a Pleasure, the greatest he could give, or I receive, viz. not to paradigmatize me, but by Letter in an amicable way to impart my Mistakes unto me, that I might amend them in my next Edition. Say not, He owed me no such thing, who would have beheld it not as a Debt paid unto, but Alms bestowed upon me.  
I was not wholly without hope hereof, having found such favour from some worthy Friends. Had the Animadvertor done the like, How had he obliged me? As the Society of Peter-house do preserve the Pictures of their Benefactors in their Parlour, so would I have erected unto him a Monument of Gratitude in my Heart, besides my public acknowledgement of the courtesy.  
But it seems He intended not my Information, but Defamation. However, he hath done to me a great good turn, for which (because not intended) I will thank God, viz. He by his causeless Carping hath allayed in me the delight in Writing of Histories; seeing nothing can be so unpartially and inoffensively written, but some will carp thereat.  
Mother's minding to wean their Children, use to put Soot, Wormwood or Mustard on the Nibbles of their Breasts. God foresaw I might Suck to a Surfeit in Writing Histories, which hath been a Thief in the Lamp of my Life, wasting much Oil thereof. My Head and Hand had robbed my Heart in such delightful Studies. Wherefore he raised the bitter Pen of the Animadvertor to wean me from such Digressions from my Vocation.  
I now experimentally find the Truth of * Solomon's words, of making many Books there is no End. Not, but that all perfect Books (I mean perfect in sheets, otherwise none save Scripture perfect) have Finis in the Close thereof; or that any Author is so irrational, but He propounds an End to himself before he begins it; but that in making of many Books there is no end; that is, the Writers of them seldom or never do attain that End which they propound to themselves, especially if Squinting at sinister Ends, as who is not flesh and blood? Such as project wealth to themselves, are commonly by unwise managing, or casual miscarriage, impaired thereby in their Estates. Others who designed to themselves, (with the builders of Babel) to get them a Name, commonly meet with shame and disgrace. Or else, when their Books are ended, yet they are not ended, because though never so cautiously written, some Antagonists will take up the Bucklers against them, so that they must begin again after they have ended, (or sink in their credits) to write in their own vindication, which is my case, enough to take off my edge, formerly too keen in making multiplicity of Books.  
I confess, I have yet one History ready for the Press, which I hope will be for God's Glory and Honour of our Nation. This new-built Ship is now on the Stocks, ready to be launched; and being a Vessel of great Burden, God send me some good Adventurers to bear part of the Expense. This done, I will never meddle more with making any Books of this Nature. It is a provident way, before Writing leave us, to leave of Writing; and the rather, because Scribbling is the Frequentative thereof.  
If therefore my Petitioning and Optative Amen, shall meet with Gods Commissioning and Imperative Amen, I will hereafter totally attend the Concernments of my Calling, and what directly and immediately shall tend to the advance of Devotion in myself and in Others, as preparatory to my Dissolution out of this state of Mortality.   

CHAP. XIV. That the Author is unjustly charged by the Animadvertor for being agreeable to the Times; And how far forth such Agreeableness is consistent with Christian Prudence.  

* Page. 268. towards the bottom thereof  THe Animadvertor is pleased to Charge me to be a great Temporizer, and agreeable to the Times. In Order to my Defence herein, let me premise this Distinction; that there is a Sinful and Sinless Agreeableness with the Times, be they never so bad.  
It is a Sinful Agreeableness, when People for their private profit, or safety, or both, are resolved in Belief and Life; Faith, and Fact; Doctrine and Manners, to be the same with the Times; how contrary soever they be unto the Will and Word of God. Be it BIBLE, or THALMUD, or ALCORAN, or MASSE-BOOK, or COMMON-PRAYER-BOOK, or DIRECTORY; any, many, all, or no Manner of God's public Service; to them, all is alike, and equally embraced.  
But there is also a Sinless, yea lawful and necessary agreeableness to the Times, insomuch that no meaner Father than St. Ambrose, or worse Critic than Erasmus, read the Text Romans 12.11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Serving the Time. A Reading countenanced by the Context, Rejoicing in Hope, patient in Tribulation, continuing in Prayer; all being Directions of our demeanour in dangerous times. And even those who dislike the Reading as false, defend the Doctrine as true; that though we must not be Slaves and Vassals, we may be Servants to the Times, so far forth as not to Dis-serve God thereby.  
This Sinless and lawful Agreeableness with the Times, is partly Passive, partly Active. Passive chiefly consisteth in Bearing and Forbearing: Bearing, in paying all Pecuniary burdens imposed; it being but equal (in my opinion) there to return Tribute where we receive Protection. I doubt not but in this point even the Animadvertor himself is agreeable to the Times, going along with the rest of his Neighbours in their paying of all public Taxes.  
Forbearing expresseth itself, first in Silence. The Spanish Proverb, true at all, is necessary in dangerous, Times, Where the mouth is shut no Fly doth enter: Yea, the Spirit of God giveth his Servants this counsel, 
* Amos 5.13.  Therefore the prudent shall keep silence in that Time, for it is an evil Time. Thus, Holding of one's peace, that is, using no Provoking Language against the Present Power, procureth Holding of one's Peace, that is, retaining and possessing of one's Safety and Quiet.  
Secondly, Forbearing consisteth in Refraining (though not without secret sorrow) from some Laudable Act which he heartily desireth, but dares not do, as visibly destructive to his Person and Estate, being prohibited by the Predominant Powers: In such a Case a man may, to use the 
1 Cor. 7 26.  Apostle's phrase, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for the present necessity, omit many things Pleasing to, but not Commanded by that God, who preferreth Mercy before Sacrifice.  
For instance; If any Earthly Prince or Power should enjoin a Christian (as Darius did 
Dan. 6.7.  Daniel) not to pray to God for the space of Thirty days together; his Command is not to be obeyed, as contrary to God's positive Precept, 
1 Tehss. 5.17.  Pray continually. But if he should only enjoin him to forbear such a Form of Prayer, allowing him liberty to use any other; I conceive that such an omission, Lawful; dictated unto him by the Principles of Prudence, for his self- Preservation.  
The Active Part of Lawful Agreeableness with the times, is in doing what they enjoin, as being Indifferent; and sometimes so good, that our own Conscience doth or should enjoin the same. In such a case, where there is a Concurrence of Both together, it is neither Dishonesty, nor Indiscretion, for one in himself to conceal his own Inclinations, and publicly to put his Actions (as Fasting, Thanksgiving, Preaching, etc.) on the Account of Conformity to the Times; it being (as flattery to court, so no less) folly to contemn and reject the favour of the Times, when it may be had without the least violation, yet possibly with an Improvement of our own Conscience.  
I have Endeavoured to steer my Carriage by the Compass aforesaid; and my main Motive thereunto was, that I might enjoy the Benefit of my Ministry, the bare using whereof, is the greatest Advancement I am capable of in this Life. I know all Stars, are not of the same Bigness and Brightness; some shine, some only twinkle; and allowing myself of the latter Size and Sort, I would not willingly put out my own (though dim) light in total Darkness, nor would bury my halfe-Talent, hoping by putting it forth to gain an other half-Talent thereby to the Glory of God, and the good of others.  
But it will be Objected against me, that it is suspicious (at the least) that I have Bribed the Times, with some base Compliance with them, because they have reflected so favourably upon me. Otherwise, how cometh it to pass, that my fleece, like gideon's, is dry, when the rest of my Brethren of the same party, are wet with their own Tears; I being permitted Preaching, and peaceable Enjoying of a Parsonage.  
I answer first, I impute this Peaceableness I enjoy, to Gods undeserved Goodness on my Unworthiness. He hath not dealt thus with all my Brethren, above me in all respects. God maketh People sometimes, potius reperire quam invenire Gratiam, to find the Favours they sought not for. If I am one of them, whom God 
Psal. 106.46.  hath made to be pitied of those who carried me away captive, I hope, I shall be thankful unto Him; and Others, I hope, will not be Envious at me for so great a Mercy.  
Next to the Fountain of God's Goodness, I ascribe my Liberty of Preaching, to the Favour of some Great Friends, God hath raised up for me. It was not a Childish answer, though the answer of a Child to his Father taxing him for being Proud of his New Coat, I am glad (said he,) but not proud of it. Give me leave to be glad, and joyful in myself, for my Good Friends; and to desire, and endeavour their Continuance and increase. A Friend in the Court hath always been accounted as Good as a Penny, in the Council; as a Pound, in the Purse. Nor will any rational man Condemn me, for making my Addresses to, and improvement of them, seeing the Animadvertor himself (as I am informed) hath his Friend in the Council; and it is not long since, he had Occasion to make use of his Favour.  
I must not forget the Articles of Exeter, whereof I had the Benefit, living, and waiting there on the King's Daughter at the Rendition thereof. Articles, which both as Penned, and Performed were the best in England, thanks to their Wisdom, who so Warily made; and Honesty, who so well observed them. Nor was it (though last named) lest causal of my Quiet, that (Happy Criticism to myself as I may call it) I never was formally sequestered, but went, before driven away from my Living, which took of the Edge off the Ordinance against me, that the Weight thereof fell but slentingly upon me. Thus when God will fasten a favour on any Person, (though never so unworthy) he ordereth the Concurrences of all things contributive thereunto.  
All I will add is this, that hitherto (and I hope, Who hath, will keep me I speak it in the presence of God) I have not by my Pen, or Practice to my knowledge done any thing Unworthily to the betraying of the Interest of the Church of England; and if it can be proved, Let my Mother-Church not only spit in my face (the expression it seems of 
* Numb. 12.14.  Parents amongst the jews when they were offended with their Children for some misdemeanour) but also spew me out of her mouth. Some will say, such a Vaunt savoreth of a Pharisaical Pride. I utterly deny it. For even the Publican after he came from his Confession he had made in the Temple 
* Luk. 18.13.  God be merciful to me a Sinner, had he met one in the outward Court, accusing and taxing him with such particular Sins, whereof he was guiltless, would no doubt have replied in his own just defence. And seeing I am on my Purgation, in what the Schools term justitia Causae (though not Personae) I cannot say less, (as I will no more) in my justification.  
Thus have I represented the Reader with the True Complexion of my Cause, and though I have not painted the ●ace thereof with false Colours, I hope I have washed from it the foul Aspersion of Temporising or sinful Agreeableness with the Times, which the Animadvertor causelessly casts upon it.  
So much for my Outward Carriage in reference to the Times; Mean time what the Thoughts of my Heart have been thereof. I am not bound to make a Discovery to my Own Danger. Sure I am, such who are 
* 2 Sam. 20.19.  Peaceable and Faithful in Israel, may nevertheless be 
* Esaiah 61.3.  Mourners in Zion, and grieve at what they cannot mend, but must endure. This also I know that, That Spoke in the Wheel which Creeketh most, doth not bear the Greatest burden in the Cart. The Greatest complainers are not always the Greatest Sufferers, whilst as much yea more sincere sorrow may be managed in Secret Silence, than with Querulous, and Clamorous Obstreporousness; and such, who will neither print nor preach Satyrs on the Times, may make Elegies on them in their own Souls.   

Dr. Heilyn's TITLE-PAGE. Examen Historicum: OR A DISCOVERY and EXAMINATION OF THE Mistakes, Falsities, and Defects in some Modern History. Part. I. CONTAINING Necessary ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Church-History of BRITAIN: AND The History of CAMBRIDGE, Published by Thomas Fuller: For Vindication of the Truth, the Church, and the Injured Clergy.  2 CORINTH. 13.8. 
Non possumus aliquid adversus veritatem: sed pro veritate.  Minut. Foel. in Octavio. 
Et Veritas quidem obvia est, sed requirentibus.  Fuller. 
THe Challenge, is no part of the Combat; nor the Mountebanks Bill of the Cure. It is answer enough to a Title-page, to return, It is but a Title-page. Whereas the Doctor entitleth his Notes on my Books Animadversions, know, Animadvertere in Latin signifieth, to mark, and observe; but rather, by the way of reproof, than approbation. And in a Secundary Sense, it importeth to correct, chastise, and severely to punish a [reputed] Malefactor, as the Doctor in a Judicatory, of his own Erecting, (without any Commission for the same,) hath herein passed many most heavy Censures on Me, before He heard what I could say in my own just defence.  
Whereas the Animadvertor proceedeth, as followeth, ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Church-History of BRITAIN: AND The History of CAMBRIDGE, Published by Thomas Fuller: For Vindication of the Truth, the Church, and the Injured Clergy.  
He hath done me more— right, than he was aware of, or was willing to do: for those indeed were the three principal Motives of my weak Endeavours in my Church-History. However, because he intended those words to relate not to my History, but his own Animadversions thereon, let the Reader Judge, to which of our two Works they bear the best and most proper reference.  
The words of St. Paul 2. Cor. 13.8. Non possumus aliquid adversus veritatem sed pro veritate, We can do nothing against the Truth but for the Truth; well fitted the mouth of the Apostle, divinely inspired in his writings, only to be a Champion for the Truth. In one sense I allow them also applicable to the Animadvertor, according to the received Rule Illud possumus, quod jure possumus, We can do that which we can lawfully do—. But otherwise, I humbly conceive that St. Paul could not, and the Animadvertor should not, do any thing against the Truth.  
All that I will add is this, that although the Doctor be pleased to call his notes Necessary Animadversions, (who can blame the loving Father for giving his own dear Babe a good name) yet upon serious examination it will appear that some of these Animadversions, aught to have been omitted, for the promoting of Piety; and many of them might have been omitted, without any prejudice to the Truth: as in due time and place, God willing, shall be observed.  Dr. Heylyn. 
A General PREFACE TO THE WHOLE.  
It is affirmed of History by the famous Orator, that it is Testis Temporum, the Witness and Record of Time, by which the Actions of it are transmitted from one Age to another. And therefore it concerns all those who apply themselves to the writing of Histories to take special care, that all things be laid down exactly, faithfully, and without Deviation from the Truth in the least particular; For if the Witnesses be suborned, the Record falsified, or the Evidence wrested, neither posterity can Judge rightly of the Actions of this present time; or this time, give a certain Judgement of the Ages past.  Fuller. 
Although Mr. Sanderson is equally concerned with myself in this General Preface, yet because I am beheld as the principal malefactor, I have here presented it entire. I look on it thus far as but the flourish or Illumining of a Text and Initial-Letter, signifying nothing in itself: and therefore let him proceed, to something more material.  Dr. Heylyn. 
It is therefore a good direction which josephus the Historian gives us, and which he followed as it seems in his jewish Antiquities, not only to be careful that the Style be pleasing, but that the whole work be framed by the level and line of Truth, Nam qui Historiam & rerum propter Antiquitatem obscurarum expositionem, etc. They (saith he) who make profession to write Histories, and to recite such things as are obscured by Antiquity, ought not only studiously to conform their stile, but also to beautify the same with ornaments of Eloquence, to the intent the Reader may converse in their Writings with the more delectation. But above all things they must have an especial care so exactly to set down the truth, that they who know not how those things came to pass, may be the more duly and fitly informed.  Fuller. 
I acknowledge that this is the Character of a Complete Historian, to which all in their Writings ought to aspire with their best endeavours; though I believe none ever attained to the height thereof.  
But first I would fain know, (seeing these are Necessary Animadversions) what need there was of that long- Latine-Line (staved off at last with an &c.) seeing josephus did write in Greek. And if the Doctor would have presented us with the Original, it should have been in Greek; if but with a Translation, it might only have been in English.  
I behold josephus as a worthy Historian, whose memory I deservedly honour; yet herein he might say with the Poet, Monitis sum minor ipse meis. He in his Practice fell far short of his Precepts, witness his inserting of this false passage, opposite to the very Letter of the Old Testament, speaking of jehojakaim King of judah, 2 King. 24.9. 
And he did what was evil in the sight of the Lord, according to all that his Father had done.  josephus' Ant. jud. lib. 10. cap. 9 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
This man being merciful and just by his nature. etc.   
But because it is not my Work to accuse josephus (whom I cannot praise and prize enough) but to defend myself against the Animadvertor, let us proceed.  Dr. Heylyn. 
There is another rule which he bound himself to, that is to say, Neither to omit any thing through ignorance, nor to bury any thing in forgetfulness: And all these cautions well observed make a perfect History.  Fuller. 
Here is the Elixir indeed of Historical perfection. Let a Glorified Saint write such an History of the Church-Triumphant, that so there may be a just proportion betwixt the Author and his Subject, both being Perfect.  
I have met with this Distich made by reverend 
* in his Life Page, 103.  Bernard Gilpin, upon such Sectaries as require exactness in our Church of England. 
Optant ut careat maculis Ecclesia cunctis;  
Praesens vita negat, vita futura dabit.   
Thus Englished by Bishop Carleton. 
Men wish our Church no blemish had at all;  
It cannot be so here, in Heaven it shall.   
This is true both of our Church, and all Church-Histories; whereof none without faults, and they the best which have the fewest.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But on the contrary, there are some who do spend themselves on the style and dress, as if their business rather were to delight the ear then inform the judgement; Others so biased by self-ends and private interest, that they seem rather Advocates to plead for some growing party, then true Reporters of affairs as they be before them. Some who endeavouring to be copious, clap all together in a huddle which is offered to them, without relation to the Ornaments and Attire of Language; and others with like carelessness as unto themselves, but greater inconvenience as unto the Reader, examine not the truth and certainty of what they write, so they write somewhat which they think may inform the Reader. Betwixt these, Truth is oftentimes irrecoverably lost, the Reader led aside from the ways of Verity into the crooked lanes of Error; and many times conducted to such dangerous precipices as may prove destructive to himself, and of ill consequence to all those which are guided by him. The Errors of the Understanding, in matters which may possibly be reduced to Practise, are far more mischievous than those which do consist in the niceties of Speculation, and advance no farther; which moved the Orator, not only to honour History with the Attribute of Testis Temporum, but to style it also by the name of Magistra Vitae.  Fuller. 
I remember when the reverend Vice-master of Trinity College in Cambridge was told that one of the Scholars had abused him in an Oration. Did he (said he) name me? Did he name Thomas Harrison? And when it was returned, that he named him not; then said he, I do not believe that he meant me. Although it is very suspicious that I am the mark aimed at in this discourse; yet being not conscious of such faults to myself, and because I am not named by him, I will not understand myself intended, till he toucheth me with more personal particularities.  Dr. Heylyn. 
These things considered as they ought, hath made me wonder many times at the unadvisedness of some late Writers in this kind, whose Histories are composed with so much partiality on the one Side, and so much inadvertency on the Other; that they stand more in need of a Commentator to expound the Truth, and lay it clear and open to the view of the Reader, than either the dark words of Aristotle, or any other obscure Piece of the ancient Writers. I speak of Histories, not Libels; of which last sort, I reckon Weldon's Pamphlet, called The Court of King james; and Wilson's most infamous Pasquil of the Reign of that King: in which it is not easy to judge, whether the Matter be more false, or the Style more reproachful in all parts thereof. Certain I am, we may affirm of them as Cremutius Cordus doth of the Epistles of Antonius, and the Orations of Brutus, Falsa quidem in Augustum probra, sed multa cum acerbitate habent; that is to say, that they contained not only false and disgraceful passages against the honour of Augustus, but were apparelled also in the habit of scurrilous language. With such as these I shall not meddle at the present, leaving their crimes unto the punishment not of an Index, but an Ignis Expurgatorius, as most proper for them.  Fuller. 
I am not concerned at all in this Paragraph; Only let me add this in the honour of the deceased Robert Earl of Warwick, who told me at Beddington, that when Wilson's Book in Manuscript was brought unto him, he expunged out of it more than an hundred offensive passages. My Lord, said I) you have done well, and you had done better if you had put out one hundred more.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But as for those whom either the want of true intelligence or inadvertency in not weighing seriously what they were to do, or the too much indulgence to their own affections have made more capable of being bettered by correction, I have thought it more agreeable to the Rules of justice, to rectify their mistakes, and reform their Errors, than absolutely to condemn and decry their Writings.  Fuller. 
REFORMING of Errors is a specious and glorious Design, especially when proportionable means are used in order thereunto. But of late the word REFORMATION is grown so threadbare, it hath no nap left it, thereunder to cover foul acts to attain a fair end. I much suspect the Animadvertor will prove such a Deforming-Reformer, as our Age hath produced too many of them.  Dr. Heylyn. 
At this time I have Two before me whom I conceive to stand in need of such Observations, by which the truth may be preserved, and the clear face of things presented to the Readers eye; the one of them an Author of Ecclesiastical, the other of some Civil Histories.  Fuller. 
I commend the valour of the Animadvertor, to combat with Two at once; odds, on which Hercules himself durst not adventure. I also am to deal with two, the Animadvertor and Dr. Cousins, but not as a Challenger, but in the notion of a poor Defendant; and if one be assaulted by two hundred, he may and must guard himself against them as well as he can.  Dr. Heylyn. 
In both I find the Truth much injured, and in one the Church. The Errors of the one tend not to the subversion of any public interest, but, being Errors, may misguide the Reader in the way of his knowledge and discourse; and therefore I have rectified him with some Advertisements (not taking notice of such passages as have been made the subject of some Observations from another hand) that so he may be read with the greatest profit.  Fuller. 
This is meant of Mr. Sanderson. I am not so devilishly minded as to desire all men might be equally faulty with myself, that so being involved with others in a joynt-Guiltiness of the same degree, I might on that account pretend to a mock-Innocence. If Mr. Sanderson's Pen be less peccant than mine, I congratulate his condition, and provide to answer to my own Charge, which followeth.  Dr: Heylyn. 
The other (besides Errors of this kind too many) hath intermingled his Discourse with some Positions of a dangerous nature; which being reduced into practice, as they easily may, not only overthrow the whole power of the Church, as it stands constituted and established by the Laws of the Land, but lay a probable foundation for the like disturbances in the Civil State.  Fuller. 
Si satis sit accusâsse, quis Innocens? saith Tertullian. To this double Indictment I plead, not guilty, and put myself on the Trial of God and Goodmen, requesting the Reader's patience till the proofs on both sides be produced.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And therefore I have fitted him with some Animadversions in the way of an Antidote, that so he may be read if possible without any danger.  Fuller. 
Common custom hath overswayed the word Antidote to signify a Defensative against, or expulsative of, Poison; However, the bare notation of the word advanceth no further than to import something given against: in which sense none of our Nation hath been so free of his Antidotes as the Animadvertor; having given them against Mr. Calvin, Archbishop Williams, Archbishop Usher, Dr. Hackwell, Dr. Prideaux, Dr. Barnard, Mr. Le-strange, Mr. Sanderson, and my unworthy Self, no shame to follow in the Rear after such a Van and Main-battel.  
Sure I am, his pretended Antidote on my Book, hath more of Poison than Cordial therein, envenoming many plain and true passages, sound and solid sentences,, with his false Glosses, forced Inferences, and pestilent Applications.  Dr. Heylyn. 
I know well, how Invidious a Task I have undertaken and that it will be charged upon me at the first apprehensions of it, that I have rather chosen to find fault with the writings of others, than to write any things of this kind, which may be subject to the like partialities, and mistake. Carpere vel noli nostra, vel ede tua, might come in seasonably here, if I had not somewhat to allege for my Justification; But when the Reasons which induced me to the first Adventure (mentioned in the Introduction following) be seriously considered, as they ought to be, I hope I shall be capable of excuse, if not of pardon.  Fuller. 
The Animadvertor hath here raised up (I assure you) a Strong Spirit against himself, and whether the Spells, here used by him, be able to conjure it down again, others must decide it; mean time, fight Animadvertor, fight Objection of his own making, seeing I have neither Skill, nor Will, to interpose to part them.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And for my venturing on the other, I shall say nothing more at the present, but that as well my love to Truth, as to do right unto the Author (whom I would willingly look on as a man well principled, and of no ill affectioons to Church or State) hath invited me to it.  Fuller. 
Here my credit is more deeply wounded by the glance of a bullet, than if it were directly shot against me; For whereas he saith, that he would willingly look on Mr. Sanderson as a man well principled, and of no ill affections to Church, or State, he concludes me by plain intimation disaffected to both; But I hope that those who are clear-sighted, look on me under a better notion.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Truth is the Mistress which I serve.  Fuller. 
Rough though I am, I have a Mistress too, and her the Selfsame, with the Animadvertor's. Be it referred to Her, to Judge betwixt us, which of us hath, doth, or shall do her the better Service; and let him be received, the other rejected.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And I presume that none will be offended with me, because I tell them of their Errors in a modest way, and bear witness for them to that Truth, of which they do profess themselves such especial lovers. In that great Disputation betwixt the Esquires of the Body of King 
* Esdr. 4.41.  Darius, whether the King, womans, or the Truth, were of greatest Power, the whole Assembly cried out in the behalf of Truth, Magna est veritas & praevalet, that is to say, Great is Truth, and mighty above all things.  Fuller. 
I acknowledge this a Canonical Truth, though written in the Apocrypha. It will soon be seen, who will shout most at the Triumphs of Truth, I or the Animadvertor, corrival with me to the same Mistress.  Dr. Heylyn. 
So that in standing for the Truth, without Consideration of the RECOMPENSE of REWARD, I hope though I meet some Adversaries, I shall find more Friends.  Fuller. 
Here he soareth so high a flight I cannot follow him; yea, I suspect, that in reaching so high a Note he hath strained (if not broken) his voice. What, no reflection on a Reward? He might have had an Intuition at it, as the Encouragement though not the Cause of his pains; he might look at, in, through, and beyond the Reward, without the least mixture of any Mercenar inesse: Sure I am, that one of as much Meekness, as some are of Morosness, even upright Moses himself, in his Service of the Essential, and Increated Truth (of higher consequence than the Historical Truth controverted betwixt us) had notwithstanding a 
* Heb. 11.26.  respect to the recompense of Reward.  Dr. Heylyn. 
If not (for I am at a reasonable pass for that) it shall be no small comfort to me, that the weak Candle of my Studies hath given light to others, whereby they may discern some Historical Truths even in the darkest mists of Error, which either Partiality or Incogitance hath cast before the eyes of many Readers.  Fuller. 
The Reader in due time will Judge, whether his Candle hath by the light thereof discovered more Truths; or by the Smoke thereof darkened more, or given more just offence by the unsavoury Snuff thereof.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Which said, I shall now add no more, but that having two Patients under cure of different tempers, it is not to be thought, that I should administer unto both the same kind of Physic, an ordinary purge being sufficient for the one, whereas the foul body of the other doth require a Fluxing; as some wounds may be healed with Balm, when others more corrupt and putrified do exact a Lancing.  Fuller. 
Which said, I shall now add no more but that having two Adversaries, Dr. Heylyn, and Dr. Cousins to encounter, it is not to be thought, that I should proceed against both alike; Dr. Cousins hath merited much of the Protestant Cause in France, and thereby commands my Pen to pay the Homage of due reverence to the Crown of his old Age, especially when found in the way of Truth. But I am not under any such Obligation of particular respect to Dr Heylyn on the same account.  
I could wish he had used a more cleanly Metaphor, and forborn the phrase of Fluxing. Such a cure appears not in Hypocrates, as being a modern remedy, for a modern malady. However, would I were but half so holy as he was, of whom it was said, An evil disease 
* Psal. 41.8.  say they (and they did but say it) cleaveth fast unto him.  
I will use no harsher Metaphor in relation of my answers to my two Antagonists, than only, That men may meddle with a Mallow with naked hands, but need to put on their Hedging-gloves when to deal with a Thorn or Nettle.  
Only here I shall presume to request the Reader, to take especial notice of those remarkable words of the Animadvertor [tell them of their Errors in a MODEST WAY] and keep them against a rainy-day, I mean such a seasonable Time as we may make use thereof.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But so it happeneth many times, that some men are more impatient of the Cure, then sensible of their Diseases; and that, in stead of giving thanks to to the Physician, for the great pains he took about them, they pay him with nothing but displeasures. Which being the worst that can befall me, I am armed against it.  Fuller. 
But so it happeneth many times, that (as in this case) there may be plus periculi à Medico quam à Morbo, Moore danger of the Physician than of the Disease; A good belief and conceit of the Physician, is more than half a Cure: and I confess I have none of the Animadvertor, whom I behold but as an adventurous Empiric, having seen and marked his practice on other Patients, rather disgraceing their Persons than amending their Errors: Give me a Physician of my own Election, not of his Intrusion; especially when he usually wrappeth up his best Receipts in Poisoned Papers.  Dr. Heylyn. 
If by the hazard of my Peace I shall procure this benefit to the present and succeeding times, that men may prove more careful of what they write, and not obtrude upon the Reader (either through Ignorance, inadvertency, or somewhat worse) such and so many falsities, mistakes, and errors, as have been lately put upon him in some modern Histories; It is that I aimed at, and having gained that point, I have gained my purpose.  Fuller. 
But what if on the contrary (which is more probable) it cometh to pass, that some having commendable Inclinations, and proportionable Qualifications to write Histories, perceiving their Books, Damnatos antequam natos, baned before born, by the prejudice which this Animadvertor bears their Parents; who is ready as soon as their Books shall peep out of the Press, to assault them with causeless cavils: What I say if such persons on the tender resentment of the premises shall quit all their Intentions to write; the Animadvertor can little com●ort himself, and others will less commend him, for this his over-activity, so destructive to the public Good. But there are some, who when they can no longer bewitch with their Beauty, endeavour to do it with their Malice, thereby to render themselves in any sort considerable; to be feared, when they are no more loved. All I will add is this, He who already having one of his feet in the Grave, will spurn his brother with the other; will find few to pity him, if falling all along for his pains.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Non Partis Studiis agimur, sed Sumpsimus Arma  
Consiliis Inimica tuis, Ignavia fallax.  Peter Heylyn. Fuller. 
This Distich, whereof the Animadvertor, (by the immediate subscription of his name thereunto▪ may to some seem the Author, is frequently cited by Mr. Selden, and may thus be Englished, 
We serve no Sides, nor Parties seek to please,  
But do defy, Sloth, thy deceiving Ease.   
However I humbly conceive, that (what faults soever I am guilty of) the sin of Sloth cannot justly, especially in my Church-History, be laid to my charge.  
1. All passages of Church-concernment from the Reign of Henry the third, until King Henry the sixth, I got exactly written and attested out of the Records in the Tower.  
2. The most material transactions in all Convocations since the Reformation till the time of Queen Elizabeth (save that sometimes the Journals be very defective, which was no fault of mine,) I transcribed out of the Registers of Canterbury.  
3. I have by much labour procured many Letters and other Rarities (which formerly never did see the light) out of the Library of Sir Thomas Cotton and others.  
4. The learned Mr. Selden (on his own desire) honoured my first four Centuries with reading, and returned them unto me some weeks after; without any considerable alterations.  
5. The best Antiquaries of England (amongst whom the Archbishop of Armagh, it being not then my happiness to be known to the Learned and religious Sir R. Twisden,) I consulted with; These now I forbear to name, lest I remove and derive the Animadvertors anger on them from myself, who am (though not the most able) the best prepared to endure his displeasure.  
Give me leave to add, that a greater volume of general church-history might be made with less time, pains, and cost: for in the making thereof, I had Straw provided me to burn my Brick; I mean, could find what I needed, in printed Books. Whereas in this British Church-History, I must (as well as I could) provide my own Straw, and my pains have been scattered all over the Land, by riding, writing, going, sending, chiding, begging, praying, and sometimes paying too, to procure manuscript materials.  
These particulars seriously considered, I hope it will appear, that the Animadvertor unjustly chargeth Sloth on my account, and Tyrannically crieth out with Pharaoh, 
* Exod. 5.17.  Ye are idle, Idle are you. Yea I hope, I may alter the property of the Animadvertors Distich, and turn his Sword into my Shield after this manner. 
Non Partis Studiis agimur, sed sumpsimus arma  
Consiliis peramica tuis, Industria Doctrix.   
Thomas Fuller.   

An ANSWER TO Dr. Heylyn's Necessary INTRODUCTION etc.  Dr. Heylyn. 
INtending some short Animadversions on the Church-History of Britain, for Vindication of the Truth, the Church, and the injured Clergy, I have thought good to prepare the way unto them by a plain, but necessary Introduction, touching the Quality and Nature of the Book which I have in hand.  Fuller. 
Intending, God willing, to return a true, clear, and short Answer to the Introduction, I conceived it requisite to premise these few lines following.  
The Animadvertor like a Cunning Market-man, hath put his best Corn in the top of his Sack to invite Chapmen to buy it. His Preface hath a Decoction of his whole Book, which was advisedly done by him, hoping that those might read his Preface whom he suspected would never peruse his Book.  
Reader, As I am loath, any thing in his Book should not be once Answered, so be not offended, if to avoid repetition, I am loath it should be twice answered. Each particular in the Preface will recurre in the body of the Book, where (by God's assistance) no emphatical word nor syllable shall pass without its respective reply.  
Nor hath the Reader any cause to suspect, that by such shifting I intent any Evasion, by pleading in the Preface, that I will answer objections in the Body of my Book, and alleging in the Body of my Book, that I have answered them in the Preface. For I have to do with the Animadvertor, so cunning and so exacting a Merchant, that it is impossible for one indebted unto him, to escape without full payment, by changing the place of his habitation.  
However the Animadvertor hath dealt severely (to say no worse) with me, who, to render me the more culpable, and my Book of the less credit, hath represented all my faults in a Duplicating Glass; And whereas the Best of Being's, non bis judicat in id ipsum, doth not punish the same faults twice, he hath twice taxed every supposed mistake in my History, once in his Preface, and again, in the Body of his Book.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Concerning which, the Reader is to understand that in the Year 1642. Mr. Fuller published his Book called The Holy State; in the Preface whereof he let● us know, that he should count it freedom to serve two Apprenticeships (God spinning out the 〈◊〉 thread of his life so long) in writing the Ecclesiastical History from Christ● time to our days. And so much time it seems he had spent upon it (excepting some 〈◊〉 for recreation in the Holy Land, before he had finished and exposed it to pub●●ck view; the Book not coming out until the year 1655. whether agreeable to his promise and such a tedious expectation, we are now to see.  Fuller. 
My words are by the Animadvertor given-in defectively, and (as to me) disadvantageously; this ●assage (which ought to have been inserted) immediately preceding my Promise.  
If I may be so happy as to see these gloomy days disclouded with the beams of God's mercy.  
I appeal to the Conscience of the Animadvertor himself, wh●ther in his Soul he conceiveth these days disclouded or no. Gloomy they were when I written those words, before any war reigned in the Land; and since such bloody showers have ended, they continue louring, gloomy, and dark unto this day.  
My promise therefore being thus but Conditional, and the condition on which it was grounded not as yet performed, I have no ne●d Liberare fidem, to free my Faith, which was never bound, though I had ever since utterly quitted all thoughts of writing any Church-History.  
For, the first five years, during our actual Civil Wars, I had little list or leisure to write; fearing to be made an History, and shifting daily for my safety. All that time I could not live to study, who did only study to live.  
So soon as God's goodness gave me a fixed habitation, I composed my Land of Canaan or Pisgah-Sight. This, though I confess it be no part of Church-Building, yet it is the clearing of the floor or Foundation thereof, by presenting the performances of Christ and his Apostles in Palestine. I perceive the Animadvertor hath a month's mind to give me a Jeer, for my sallying into the Holy-Land, which I can bear the better, seeing (by God's goodness) that my Book hath met with general reception, likely to live when I am dead; so that friends of quality solicit me, to teach it the Latine-Language.  Dr. Heylyn. 
For first, the Reader might expect by the former passage, that he designed the General History of the Church, from the first preaching of Christ, and the calling of the twelve Apostles to the times we live in: whereas he hath restrained himself to the Church of Britain, which he conceives to be so far from being founded in the time of Christ, that he is loath to give it the Antiquity of being the work of any of the Apostles, of any of the Seventy Disciples, or finally of any Apostolical Spirit of those eldest times.  Fuller. 
Charity begins, but doth not end, at home. The same Method was embraced in my Church-History. It began with our own Domestic affairs, to confute that accusation, commonly charged on Englishmen, that they are very knowing in foreign parts, but ignorant in their own Country. I intended (God willing) to have proceeded to foreign Churches, but I am discouraged by the causeless caviling at what I have written already.  
My Church-History beginneth (for point of Time) Indeterminately before the Birth of Christ, (lapping in, or folding over part of Paganism) and presenteth the doleful condition of the Britons, whilst yet unconverted, and grievious Idolaters.  
Determinately, my History begins Anno Dom. 37. which is but four years after Christ's Passion, and that is very early, I assure you: Christianity in this Island, being a Timely riser, to be up so soon, and dressing itself, whilst as yet (and many years after) most Countries were fast asleep in Pugan Impiety,  
I deny not but that Apostolical men, were the first founders of Religion in our Land. But as for such Apostles, (St. Peter, St. Paul, etc.) who without probability of Truth, and against proportion of Time, are by some Authors obtruded on us, those I do reject, (I hope, without the least ●ault) rendering my reasons for the same.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And secondly, Though he entitle it by the name of the Church-History of Britain, yet he pursues not his Design agreeable to that Title neither: there being little said of the affairs of the Church of Scotland, which certainly makes up a considerable part of the Isle of Britain; and less (if any thing at all) of the Church of Ireland, which anciently passed in the account of a Brittish-Island.  Fuller. 
I will render the Reader a true account, why I entitled my Book, The Church-History of Britain.  
First, the Church-History of England I might not call it, the five first Centuries therein belonging wholly to the Britain's before the Name and Notion of England, was ever heard of in any Author.  
Secondly, The Church-History of Great-Brittain, I did not call it; for fear of bringing in Scotland within the Latitude thereof, a compass too large for my weak Endeavours.  
Thirdly, The Church-History of Britain, I did, and might call it, in a double respect, tam à parte Majore, quam meliore, both from the bigger and better, the fairer and fruitfuller part of Britain, the Ecclesiastical affairs whereof were therein contained.  
Yea the Animadvertor knows full well, that the South of this Island, by way of Eminence is so called: To give one Instance of many, from the Title-page, of a passage of State. Nobilissima disceptatio super Dignitate & magnitudine Regnorum Britannici Et Gallici, habita ab utriusque Oratoribus & Legatis, in Concilio Constantiensi; Lovanii, anno 1517. Typis excusa.  
The most noble Dispute, about the Dignity and greatness of the Kingdoms of Britain and France, betwixt the Ambassadors and Legates of both Sides, in the Council of Constance; Anno 1517. printed at Louvain.  
Here the contest only was betwixt the Crowns of England [here termed Britain] and France, Scotland not at all interesting itself therein.  
It will not be long before the Animadvertor (as, God willing, in due time shall be observed) stickleth with might and main, that Lucius might properly style himself, and be styled King of Britain, who had not an half of the Southern-half of this Island: and therefore, by his own Principles, it is no Solecism in me, to name the cis-Tweedan Moiety thereof, Britain.  
Had I given my native Country a narrow and restrictive name, I had deserved due reproof; but now, measuring the denomination thereof, with all honourable advantage, I humbly conceive myself not to fall under just reprehension for the same.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Nor is it, thirdly, a Church-History rightly and properly so called, but an aggregation of such and so many Heterogeneous bodies, that Ecclesiastical affairs make the least part of it. Abstracted from the dress and trimming, and all those outward embellishments which appear upon it, it hath a very fit resemblance to that Lady of pleasure of which Marshal tells us, Pars minima est ipsa puella sui, that the woman was the least part of herself. The name of a Church-Rhapsody had been fitter for it, though to say truth (had it been answerable thereunto in point of learning) it might have passed by the old Title of Fuller's Miscellanies. For such and so many are the impertinencies, as to matters of Historical nature, more as to matters of the Church, that without them this great Volume had been brought to a narrower compass, if it had taken up any room at all. So that we may affirm of the present History, as one did of the Writings of Chrysippus an old Philosopher, 
Diog. Laert. in vita Chrysippi.  viz. Si quis tollat●è Chrysippi Libris quae aliena sunt, facilè illi vacua relinquerentur Pergamena, that is to say, that if they were well purged of all such passages as were not pertinent to the business which he had in hand, there would be nothing left in them to fill up his Parchments.  Fuller. 
The Animadvertor hath a free liberty to name His own Books; and I crave the same leave myself, to denominate My own.  
Before he had fallen so fiercely on my extravagancies in the church-history, he had done well to have defended his own, in his Geography; sixteen parts of twenty therein being merely Historical, and alien from his Subject in the strictness thereof. Sure I am, Ptolomey, Strabo, Pliny etc. in their several descriptions of the world, have nothing to countenance the excursions about the Pedigrees of Princes, not reductive to Geography without the great favour of the Reader so to understand it.  
But because Recrimination is no part of Purgation, I provide myself to answer to all which shall be objected for impertinencies.  Dr. Heylyn. 
The first of this kind which I am to note, is a mere extrinsecall and outside unto those impertinencies which are couched within; consisting of Title-Pages, Dedicatory-Epistles, and several intermediate Inscriptions unto every Section. A new way, never traveled before by any, till he found it out; and such wherein he is not like to find many followers, though the way be opened. I know it is no unusual thing for works of different Arguments, published at several times, and dedicated to several persons, to be drawn together into one Volume; and being so drawn together, to retain still those particular Titles and Dedications which at first they had. But I dare confidently say, that our Historian is the first, who writing a Book of the same Argument, not published by piecemeal, as it came from his hand, but in a full and entire Volume, hath filled his Sheets with so many Title-leaves and Dedications, as we have before us.  Fuller. 
I answer first, Although it be unlawful even for the owner himself abuti re sua, to abuse what is his own, because the Public hath an interest therein; Yet, 
* Math. 5.10.  Is it not lawful for me to Do, what I will with my Own?  
Secondly, seeing the Animadvertor pretendeth in his notes to rectify Mistakes, Falsities, and Defects, this cometh not under any of these notions. And whereas he writeth (as he saith) for the Vindication of the Truth, Church, and injured-Clergy; by my dedicating of my Book to many Patrons, the Truth is not prejudiced, nor the Church wronged, nor any of the Clergy injured.  
Thirdly, Of late some useful and costly Books, when past their Parent's power to bring them forth, have been delivered to the Public, by the Midwifery of such Dedications.  
Fourthly, Many (if not most) of my Patrons invited themselves purposely to encourage my endeavours; And why should any man's eye be evil, because theirs were good unto me.  
Lastly, It is all one in effect, whether one printeth his Dedications to many Patrons, or whether one presenteth a printed History of St▪ George, to each English Knight of the Garter, with a written 
* As in the 〈…〉 wh●ch I have seen under the hand of the Animadve●●o●.  letter prefixed to every one of them: save that the former way is better, as which rendereth the Author's gratitude the more public and conspicuous.  Dr. Heylyn. 
For in this one Book, taking in the History of Cambridge, which is but an Appendix to it, there are no fewer than twelve particular Titles, besides the general; as many particular Dedications; and no fewer than fifty eight or sixty of those By-Inscriptions, which are addressed to his particular Friends and Benefactors, which make it bigger by forty Sheets at the least, than it had been otherwise. Nay, so ambitious he is of increasing the Number of his Patrons, that having but four Leaves to come to the end of his History, he finds out a particular Benefactress to inscribe it to: Which brings to my mind the vanity of Vitellius in bestowing, and of Roscius, Regulus for accepting the Consular Dignity, for that part of the day on which Cecinna, by Order and Decree of the Senate, was degraded from it: Of which the Historian gives this Note, that it was, Magno cum irrisu accipientis tribuentisque, a matter of no mean disport amongst the People for a long time after.  Fuller. 
Ordinary Dedications exceed not a dozen lines, and therefore I believe the Animadvertor is much mistaken in his proportions.  
If I did Dedicate four leaves to a distinct Patroness, no such fault therein; seeing, I am confident, those four leaves contain in them so remarkable an Accident, as the Animadvertor never read the like in four thousand leaves of any Historian.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But of this Argument our Author heard so much at the late Act at Oxford, that I shall say no more of it at this present time.  Fuller. 
I heard nothing thereof at Oxford, being then sixty miles distanced thence. Sure I am, I did not there Malè audire deservedly; and if undeservedly, mala fama bene parta delectat.  
Secondly, I have heard since, that one in the Act, was bold to play on my own name and Church-History. But for the seventeen years I lived in Cambridge, I never heard any Prevaricator mention his Senior by name: We count such particularising beneath an University.  
Thirdly, I hope it will not be accounted Pride, but Prudence in me, to believe myself above such Trifles, who have written a Book to Eternity.  
Fourthly, I regreat not to be Anvil, for any ingenious Hammer to make pleasant music on; but it seems my Traducer was not so happy.  
Lastly, I remember a speech o● Sir Walter Raleigh's, If any (saith he) speaketh against me to my face, my Tongue shall give him an Answer; but my backside is good enough to return to him, who abuseth me behind my back.  Dr. Heylyn. 
In the next rank of Impertinencies, which are more intrinseall, part of the substance of the work, I account his Heraldry, Blazons of Arms, Descents of noble Families with their Atchivements intermingled as they come in his way; not pertinent, I am sure, to a Church-Historian, unless such persons had been Founders of Episcopal Sees, or Religious-Houses, or that the Arms so blazoned did belong to either.  Fuller. 
I answer in general, Those passages of Heraldry are put in for variety and diversion, to refresh the wearied Reader.  
They are never used without ask of leave before, or craving pardon after the inserting thereof; and such craving is having a request in that kind with the Ingenious. Grant it ill manners in the Author not to ask, it is ill nature in the Reader not to grant so small a suit.  
Mr. Camden in his description of Oxfordshire, hath a prolix (though not tedious) poem, of the marriage of Thame and Isis, which he ushereth in with Si placet, vel legas vel negligas, read or reject, either set by it, or set it by; as the Reader is disposed.  
The same, (though not expressed) is implied in all such Digressions, which may be said to be left unprinted in Effect, to such as like them not: their Ploughs may make Balks of such deviations, and proceed to more serious matter.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author tells us, lib. 9 fol. 151. that knowledge in the Laws of this Land, is neither to be expected or required in one of his profession; and yet, I trow, considering the great influence which the Laws have upon Church-matters, the knowledge of the Law cannot be so unnecessary in the way of a Clergyman, as the study of Heraldry: But granting Heraldry to be an Ornament in all them that have it, yet is it no ingredient requisite to the composition of an Ecclesiastical History: The Copies of Battle-Abbey Roll fitter for Stow and Hollinshead, (where before we had them) can, in an History of the Church, pretend to no place at all, though possibly the names of some may be remembered, as their Foundations or Endowments of Churches give occasion for it. The Arms of Knight-Errant, billeted in the Isle of Ely, by the Norman Conqueror, is of like extravagancy. Such also is the Catalogue of those noble Adventurers, (with their Arms, Issue and Achievements) who did accompany King Richard the first to the War of Palestine, which might have better served as an Appendix to his History of the Holy War, than found a place in the main Body of an History of the Church of England: Which three alone, besides many intercalations of that kind, in most parts of the Book, make up eight sheets more, inserted only for the ostentation of his skill in Heraldry, in which notwithstanding he hath fallen on as palpable Errors as he hath committed in his History:  Fuller. 
Mr. Fox in his Acts and Monuments hath done the like, presenting the names of such who came over at the Norman Conquest. I have only made their Catalogue more complete. And seeing it was preserved in Battle-Abbey, the very addition of Abbey doth die it with some Ecclesiastical tincture.  
The Arms of the Knights of Ely, might on a threefold title have escaped the Animadvertor's censure: First, they was never before printed. Secondly, the Wall whereon they were depicted, is now demolished. Lastly, each Knight being blended (or, as I may say, impaled) with a Monk, a Moiety of that Mixture may be construed reducible to Church-History.  
As for the Arms of some signal persons achieved in the HOLY-WAR; If the Surname of WAR be secular, the Christian name thereof, HOLY, is Ecclesiastical; and so rendered all actions therein within the latitude of Church-History, to an ingenuous Reader.  Dr. Heylyn. 
For, besides those which are observed in the course of this work, I find two others of that kind in his History of Cambridge, to be noted there.  
For fol. 146. he telleth us, That Alice Countess of Oxford was Daughter and sole Heir of Gilbert Lord Samford, which Gilbert was Hereditary Lord Chamberlain of England]. But, by his leave, Gilbert Lord Samford was never the hereditary Chamberlain of the Realm of England, but only Chamberlain in Fee to the Queens of England; betwixt which Offices how vast a difference there is, let our Author judge.  Fuller. 
I plead in my own defence (according to my last general Answer) that I have charged my Margin with my Author. Mr. Parker 
* In his S●●●e●on Cantab. M. Sc.  (Fellow of Caius College in Cambridge,) one known for a most ab●● Antiquary, but especially in Heraldry; and I thought that he had lighten on some rare Evidence, out of the ordinary road: but, seeing he was mistaken, I will amend it (God willing) in my next Edition.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And secondly, The Honour of Lord Chamberlain of England, came not unto the Earls of Oxford by that Marriage, or by any other, but was invested in that Family, before they had attained the Title and Degree of Earls: Conferred by King Henry the first on Aubrey de Vere, a right puissant Person, and afterwards on Aubrey de Vere his Son, together with the Earldom of Oxford, by King Henry the second; continuing Hereditary in that House, till the death of Robert Duke of Ireland, the ninth Earl thereof, and then bestowed for a time at the King's discretion, and at last settled by King Charles in the House of Lindsey.  Fuller. 
This is nothing Confutatory of Me, who never affirmed that the High-Chamberlainship accrued to the House of Oxford by any such match.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But because being a Cambridge Man, he may be better skilled in the Earls of that County, let us see what he saith of them; and we shall find, fol. 162. That Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York, was the eighth Earl of Cambridge.  
Whereas first, Richard Duke of York was not Earl of Cambridge.  Fuller. 
He was, he was, he was; as presently (God willing) will appear, beyond all doubt and contradiction.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And secondly, If he had been such, he must have been the seventh Earl, and not the eighth: For thus those Earls are marshaled in our Catalogues of Honour, and Books of Heraldry, viz. 1. William de Meschines. 2. john de Hainalt. 3. William Marquis of juliers. 4. Edmond of Langley, D. of York. 5. Edward D. of York. 6. Richard de Conisburgh, younger Brother of Edward. 7. james Marquis Hamilton, etc.  Fuller. 
Indeed they are thus reckoned up in a late little (and useful) Book, entitled, The Help of History, made (as I am credibly informed) by the Animadvertor himself, and therefore by him well styled OUR Catalogues of Honour. But more exact Heralds, whom it concerns to be skilful in their own Profession, do otherwise account them.  Dr. Heylyn. 
No Richard Duke of York to be found amongst them; his Father, Richard of Konisburgh, having lost that Title by Attainder, which never was restored to Richard his Son (though most improvidently advanced to the Dukedom of York) nor unto any other of that Line and Family.  Fuller. 
I admire at the Animadvertor's peremptoriness in this point, when the no less learned (but more modest) Mr. Camden, speaking of these Earls in the Description of Cambridge-shire, saith, that after the death of Richard of Conisburgh, The Title of the Earl of Cambridge, either wholly vanished with him, or else lay hid amongst the Titles of Richard his Son, who was restored Duke of York as Kinsman and Heir to his Uncle Edward Duke of York.  
What he warily said laid hid, is found out by such as since wrote on that Subject, Mr. Brooke, York Herald, and Mr. Augustine Vincent (in effect Mr. Camden revised;) who writing Corrections on Brook, 
* Pag. 94, 95.  concurreth with him in this particular. for Richard of Conisburgh, Edward's Brother, was after created Earl of that place, [Cambridge] and after him another Richard, who was Richard of Conisburgh's Son. See Reader what an Adversary I have gotten, who careth not to write against the most evident and avowed Truths, so be it, he may write something against Me.  Dr. Heylyn. 
4. Proceed we in the next place to Verses, and old ends of Poetry, scattered and dispersed in all parts of the History, from one end to the other; for which he hath no precedent in any Historian, Greek or Latin, or any of the National Histories of these latter times: The Histories of Herodotus, Xenophon, Thucydides and Plutarch, amongst the Greeks; of Caesar, Livy, Sallust, Tacitus, and Suetonius, amongst the Latins; afford him neither warrant nor example for it: The like may be affirmed of Eusebius, Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret, Ruffin and Evagrius, Church-Historians all; though they had all the best choice, and the most excellent Poets of the world to befriend them in it: And he that shall consult the Histories of succeeding times, through all the Ages of the Church, to this present day, will find them all as barren of any encouragements in this kind, as the ancients were.  Fuller. 
Never had Herodotus given his Nine Books the names of the Nine Muses, if such was his Abstemiousness from Poetry. Not one of them, which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this kind; and there are found in Clio the first, no fewer than thirty Verses of the Oracles of Pythia. As those his Books are fruitful, so his Book of the Life of Homer hath a superfetation of them, so that if Paose be the Warp, Verses are the Woof thereof. Whereas the Animadvertor instances in Plutarch; open at the life of Theseus, and we are presented with Poetry therein.  
But grant no precedent in this nature in these Authors. A more free Genius acteth in modern than in ancient Historians, manumissed from the Servilities they were tied (or tied themselves) unto. The Animadvertor, like another Empson, endeavoureth to revive the Penal Statutes of History against me, (so to subject me to fine for the breach thereof) which Time in effect hath canceled.  
Qui Scribit Historicè, scribit miserè, if enslaved to all puntilloes thereof. Let the Animadvertor keep those Steel-bodies for his own wearing, and not force them on me. What, not a Plait or a Ruffle more or less but all must be done in Number, Waight, and Measure! according to Historical criticism! This is not putting the Book, but the Author himself, into the Press.  
Tacitus himself, (here instanced in) would be Tacitus indeed, if all Politic Sentences and prudential results were deleted in him, being trespasses on the preciseness of History, confined to matter of Fact: But welfare that Historian, who will go out of his own way, to direct his Reader.  
We know Pliny, Solinus, etc. in their Topographical description of Country's, are barren of verses. Let the Animadvertor on the same account therefore charge Mr. Camden for surcharging his Britannia with Poetry, having but three verseless Shires, viz. (Dorset, Bucks, and Westmoreland) in all England, and more than fourscore verses apiece, in the three several Counties of Berks, Oxford, and Somerset.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Nay, whereas Bishop Godwin in his Annals, gives us an Epitaph of two Verses only made on Queen jane Seymour, and afterwards a Copy of eighteen verses on the Martyrdom of Archbishop Cranmer; he ushers in the last with this short Apology, Contra morem Historiae liceat quaeso inserère, etc. Let me, (saith he, I beseech you) insert these following verses, though otherwise against the Rule and Laws of History.  Fuller. 
What if that worthy Prelate was pleased to pass a Compliment on his Reader, it followeth not that they do want Civility, who have less Courtship in this Point than he hath. Let us look on his Catalogue of Bishops, which hath more vicinity with my Subject, and there we shall find (the Bulk of the Book considered) more verses in proportion, than in my Church-History, on the token that where I cite but four, he quoteth fourteen, out of Martial, to prove Claudia Ruffina a Britain, and a Christian.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But what alas were eighteen or twenty verses compared with those many hundred (six or seven hundred at the least) which we find in our Author, whether to show the universality of his reading in all kind of Writers, or his faculty in Translating (which when he meets with hard Copies, he knows how to spare) I shall not determine at the present.  Fuller. 
If pieces of verses be counted whole ones, which in this point is no Charitable Synecdoche, and if Translations be reckoned distinct Verses, though it is hard that a Man and his Shadow should be accounted two different persons:  
And if the verses in the History of Cambridge be adjected, though he who banisheth Poetry out of an University, will find iambics enough to pay him for his pains:  
And if the verses in the History of Waltham-Abby be cast in, though who shall hinder but I will describe my own Parish in Prose or Poetry as I think fit; all put together will not amount to the number.  
Besides many of my verses may be said to be Prose in Effect, as containing the Religion of that Age, and therefore alleged as Evidence thereof, before the Norman Conquest; and no authority can in Prose be produced which doth so fully and clearly represent the same.  
Other Verses are generally Epitaphs on some eminent Churchmen, which could not well be omitted.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Certain I am, that by the interlarding of his Prose with so many Verses, he makes his Book look rather like a Church-Romance, (our late Romancers being much given to such kind of mixtures) than a well-built Ecclesiastical History. And if it be a matter so inconvenient to put a new piece of cloth on an old garment; the putting of so many old patches on a new piece of cloth, must be more unfashionable. Besides that, many of these old ends are so light and ludicrous, so little pertinent to the business which he has in hand, that they serve only to make sport for Children, (ut pueris placeas & Declamatio fias) and for nothing else.  Fuller. 
Had the Animadvertor come with a good stomach, such larding had been no bad Cookery. Certain I am, that a Comment admitteth less latitude in this kind than a Church-History. Certain I am also, that a Comment on the Creed, is allowed less Liberty than other Comments. Now the Animadvertor hath be scattered his, every where with Verses, and Translations. It consisteth not with my Charity to miscall it a Creed-Romance, accounting it a sin so to decry or disparage his useful endeavours. The best way to discover the deformity of my Fabric, is for the Animadvertor to erect a more beautiful Building hard by it, that so his rare and regular, may shame my rude piece of Architecture.  
What if such mixtures make the Garment (which also I utterly deny) to be less in the fashion (the fondling of Fancy;) I made it not for Sight but Service, that it might be strong and warm to the Wearers thereof.  
I stand on my justification, that no such light or ludicrous Verses are to be found in my Book, which render it to just exception. But no wonder if the Bel clinketh even as the prejudiced Hearer thinketh thereof.  Dr. Heylyn. 
This leads me to the next impertinency, his raking into the Channel of old Popish Legends, writ in the darker times of Superstition, but written with an honest zeal, and a good intention, as well to raise the Reader to the admiration of the person of whom they write, as to the emulation of his virtues: But being mixed with some Monkish dotages, the most learned and ingenious men in the Church of Rome have now laid them by; and it had been very well if our Author had done so to, but that there must be something of entertainment for the gentle Reader, and to inflame the reckoning which he pays not for.  Fuller. 
I have not raked into the Kennel of old Popish Legends, who took the clearest water, in this kind, out of those Rivers which run, at this day, in highest Reputation with the Romanists. I never cited any Legend but either out of Harpsfield, who wrote in the last Generation, and was as Ingenuous as any of his Persuasion; or else out of Hierom Porter his Flores Sanctorum, who wrote some forty years, and in high esteem with the Papists at this day, as appears by the dear price thereof.  
I confess I have instanced (taking ten perchance out of ten thousand) in the grossest of them, (that is the fairest Monster, which is most Deformed) partly to show what a Spirit of Delusion acted in that Age, partly to raise our Gratitude to God, seeing such Lying vanities, are now ridiculous even to children.  
I believe not the Animadvertor, when saying, that the most learned and Ingenious of Rome have laid them aside, seeing Cornelius à lapide weaveth them in, all along his comments, and K. james did justly complain, that Bellarmine himself, did mar his pretty Books of Devotion, with such Legendary mixtures.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But above all things, recommend me to his Merry Tales, and scraps of Trencherjests, frequently interlaced in all parts of the History; which if abstracted from the rest, and put into a Book by themselves, might very well be served up for a second course to the Banquet of jests, a Supplement to the old Book, entitled, Wits, Fits, and Fancies; or an additional Century to the old Hundred Merry Tales, so long since extant. But standing as they do, they neither do become the gravity of a Church-Historian, nor are consistent with the nature of a sober argument.  Fuller. 
The Animadvertor should have rendered me liable to just Reproof, by instancing in One of those Tales so inconsistent with the gravity of a Church-Historian: which no doubt he had done, but because he knew himself unable to produce it.  
He, who is often seen to snap hastily at, and feed hungerly on an hard crust, will not be believed if bragging that he can eat Pheasants and Partridges at his Pleasure. And seeing the Animadvertor, doth commonly carp and cavil at the silly shadows of seeming mistakes, in my Book; it is utterly improbable he can, yet will not, charge me with a fault, which cannot be defended.  
But let him at leisure produce the most light and ludicrous Story in all my Book, and here I stand ready to Parallel it with as light, (I say not in the Animadvertor,) but in as Grave Authors as ever put Pen to Paper.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But as it seems, our Author came with the same thoughts to the writing of this present History, as Poets anciently address themselves to the writing of Comedies, of which thus my Terence. 
Poeta cum primùm animum ad scribendum appulit.  
Id sibi negotii credidit solum dari,  
Populo ut placerent quas fecisset fabulas.   
That is to say, 
Thus Poets, when their mind they first apply  
In loser verse to frame a Comedy,  
Think there is nothing more for them to do,  
Then please the people, whom they speak unto.   Fuller. 
I admire that the Animadvertor, who so lately had taxed me for writing and translating of Verses, will now do the same himself. There is a double people-pleasing. One sordid and servile, made of falsehood and flattery, which I defy and detest. The other lawful, when men deliver and dress Truth in the most plausible expression. I have a precedent above Exception to warrant it, even Solomon himself, Eccles. 12.10. The Preacher sought out Acceptable words. This I did, and will, aim at in all my writings, and I doubt not but that the Animadvertor's Stationer doth hope and desire, that he hath thus pleased people in his Book, for the advancing of the price, and quickening the Sale thereof.  Dr. Heylyn. 
In the last place proceed we to the manifold excursions about the Antiquity of Cambridge, built on as weak Authority as the Monkish Legends, and so impertinent to the matter which he hath in hand, that the most Reverend Mat. Parker (though a Cambridge man) in his Antiquitates Britannicae, makes no business of it.  
The more impertinent, in regard that at the fag-end of his Book there follows a distinct History of that University, to which all former passages might have been reduced.  
But, as it seems, he was resolved to insert nothing in that History but what he had some probable ground for; leaving the Legendary part thereof to the Church-Romance, as most proper for it. And certainly he is wondrous wise in his generation.  
For fearing lest he might be asked for those Bulls and Chartularies which frequently he relates unto in the former Books, he tells us in the History of Cambridge, fol 53. That they were burnt by some of the seditious Townsmen in the open Market place, Anno 1380. or thereabouts: So that for want of other ancient evidence, we must take his word; which whether those of Cambridge will depend upon, they can best resolve.  
For my part I forbear all intermeddling in a controversy so clearly stated, and which hath lain so long asleep, till now awakened by our Author to beget new quarrels: Such passages in that History as come under any Animadversion, have been reduced unto the other, as occasion served, which the Reader may be pleased to take notice of as they come before him.  Fuller. 
Because omitted by Archbishop Parker, I have the more Cause and Reason to insert it: Otherwise, had he handled the Subject before, the Animadvertor would have cried out Crambe, that there was nothing novel therein.  
Call it (I pray) The FRINGE of my Book, be it but for the Subjects sake, whereof it treats, my dear Mother, the University of Cambridge.  
I live in the same generation with the Animadvertor, and I hope shall acquit myself as honest, which truly is as wise as himself. CHURCH-ROMANCE parciùs ista.  
As I tell the Reader of the burning of those Original Charters, so in the same place I charge my Margin with my Author, [Dr. Caius] and thereby discharge myself.  
Doth the Animadvertor now forbear all intermeddling therein, in this Controversy? Why did he not forbear before, when setting forth his last Geography some five years since? And is it not as lawful for me to defend, as for him to oppose my Mother? When, where, and by whom, was this Controversy so clearly stated? Was it by the Animadvertor himself? Such a Party is unfit for a judge. Or, was it stated by the Parliament mentioned by him 1 more. jacobi, when, as he telleth us, the Clerk was commanded to place Oxford first. But it plainly appears it was not then so clearly decided; but that the question was ever started again, in the late long Parliament, with Arguments on both Sides. Witness the printed Speech of Sir Simonds D'EWES on that occasion.  Dr. Heylyn. 
All these extravagancies and impertinencies (which make up a fifth part of the whole Volume) being thus discharged, it is to be presumed that nothing should remain but a mere Church History, as the Title promiseth. But let us not be too presumptuous on no better grounds.  Fuller. 
The Animadvertor's Words, mind me of a Memorable passage, which hereafter he hath in his Animadversions on my Sixth Book, or History of Abbeys. The Intruder payeth to the Sequestered Minister but a NINETEENTH part in stead of a FIFTH. But if the FIFTH-PART, in relation to my Book, be here stated to the same proportion, for the NINETEENTH, yet will not the Animadvertor's measure be reconciled to the Standard of Truth.  Dr. Heylyn. 
For on a Melius inquirendum into the whole course of the Book which we have before us, we shall find too little of the Church, and too much of the State, I mean too little of the Ecclesiastical, and too much of the Civil History: It might be reasonably expected, that in a History of the Church of England, we should have heard somewhat of the foundation and enlargement of Cathedral Churches, if not of the more eminent Monasteries and Religious Houses; and that we should have heard somewhat more of the succession of Bishops in their several and respective Sees, their personal Endowments, learned Writings, and other Acts of Piety, Magnificence, and public Interess, especially when the times afforded any whose names in some of those respects deserved to be retained in everlasting remembrance.  Fuller. 
I doubt not, but the Reader, who hath perused my Church-History, will bear me witness, that therein there is a competent Representation of all these particulars, so far forth as the Proportion of the Book will bear.  Dr. Heylyn. 
It might have been expected also, that we should have found more frequent mention of the calling of National and Provincial Synods, with the result of their proceedings, and the great influence which they had on the Civil State, sparingly spoken of at the best, and totally discontinued in a manner, from the death of King Henry the fourth, until the Convocation of the year, 1552. of which no notice had been taken, but that he had a mind to question the Authority of the Book of Articles which came out that year, though published as the issue and product of it, by the express Warrant and Command of King Edward the sixth.  Fuller. 
All Counsels before the Conquest, with their Canons are completely (and the most remarkable, after it) represented in my History. With what face can the Animadvertor say that I have discontinued the Acts of the Convocation till the year 1552? The Acts of one [critical] Convocation in the 27 of Henry the eighth, 1535. taking up no less than eight sheets in my Book, and another in the same King's Reign employing more than a sheet.  Dr. Heylyn. 
No mention of that memorable Convocation in the fourth and fifth years of Philip and Mary, in which the Clergy taking notice of an Act of Parliament then newly passed, by which the Subjects of the Temporality, having Lands to the yearly value of five pounds, and upwards, were charged with finding Horse and Armour, according to the proportion of their yearly Revenues and Possessions, did by their sole authority, as a Convocation, impose upon themselves and the rest of the Clergy of this Land, the finding of a like number of Horses, Armour, and other Necessaries for the War, according to their yearly income, proportion for proportion, and rate for rate, as by that Statute had been laid on the Temporal Subjects.  Fuller. 
I am confident that this is the selfsame Convocation which is thus entered in my Church-History, Book 8. p. 39 Anno 1557. quinto Mariae. The Clergy gave the Queen a Subsidy of eight shillings in the pound (confirmed by Act of Parliament) to be paid in four years: In requital whereof, by Poole 's procurement, the Queen Privileged them from showing their horses with the Laily; yet so, that they should muster them up for the defence of the Land, under Captains of their own own choosing.  
I cannot therefore be justly charged with no mention of the Acts of this Convocation.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And this they did by their own sole Authority, as before was said, Ordering the same to be levied on all such as were refractory, by Sequestration, Deprivation, Suspension, Excommunication, Ecclesiastical Censures all; without relating to any subsequent confirmation by Act of Parliament, which they conceived they had no need of.  Fuller. 
I took the less notice of, and gave the less heed to the transactions of the Clergy therein, because than they were in their Hufte and Height, furious with Fire and Faggot, so that all done by them de facto, cannot be justified for Legal; who sometimes borrowed a point of Law (even with intent never to repay it) in their proceedings. It may be proved out of Mr. Fox, that some at that time (by a cruel Prolepsis) antedated the burning of some Martyrs, before the Writ de Haeretico Comburendo came unto them. Wherefore all their actions in that time are not Precedential to warrant Posterity, and the Air of that Torrid Zone will not fit the Bodies in our Temperate Climate.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Nor find we any thing of the Convocations of Queen Elizabeth's time, except that of the year 1562. (and that not fairly dealt with neither, as is elsewhere showed) though there passed many Canons in the Convocation of the year 1571. and of the year 1585. and the year 1597. all Printed, and still publicly extant; besides the memorable Convocation of the year 1555. in which the Clergy gave the Queen a Benevolence of 2 s. in the pound, to be levied by Ecclesiastical Censures, without relating to any subsequent confirmation by Act of Parliament, as had accustomably been used in the Grant of Subsidies.  Fuller. 
Bernardus non vidit omnia; I could not come to the knowledge of every particular. But I confess I cannot conjecture the cause of the Animadvertor's retrograde motion, who after so many years in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, goeth back again to the year 1555. Which was four years before she came to the Crown.  Dr. Heylyn. 
It might have been expected also that we should have found in a Church-History of Britain, the several degrees and steps by which the Heterodoxies and Superstitions of the Church of Rome did creep in amongst us; and the degrees by which they were ejected and cast out again, and the whole Reformation settled upon the Doctrine of the Apostles, attended by the Rites and Ceremonies of the Primitive times.  Fuller. 
I hope the peruser of my Book will be sensible of no defect, but that the same in a good degree is performed by me on several occasions.  Dr. Heylyn. 
As also that some honourable mention should be found of those gallant Defences which were made by Dr. Bancroft, Dr. Bilson, Dr. Bridges, Dr. Cousins, and divers others, against the violent Batteries and Assaults of the Puritan Faction in Queen Elizabeth's time; and of the learned Writings of B. Buckeridge, B. Morton, Dr. Sutcliff, Dr. Burges, etc. in justification of the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England, against the remnants of that scattered (and then broken) Faction in the time of King james; of which we have Ne gry quidem, not a word delivered: Nor could it stand with his design (which will discover itself in part in this Introduction, and shall more fully be discovered in the Animadversions) that it should be otherwise.  Fuller. 
I answer: First, no Drag-net can be so comprehensive as to catch all Fish and Fry in the River; I mean, no Historian can descend to every particular.  
Secondly, What if I left that piece in the Dish, for manners sake? I must not engross all History to myself, but leave some to such as shall succeed me in the same Subject.  
Thirdly, the Reader in perusing my Book will bear me witness that most of these have their true Encomiums on the same account; and especially Dr. Bancroft, Dr. Bilson, Dr. Cousins.  
Fourthly, if my omission of his Book hath offended B. Morton, my ask will be having the pardon of so vivacious a piety; who being past the age of a man, now leads the life of an Angel.  
Lastly, I have a Book of the Lives of all English Worthies, (God send it good success) which had been in print, if not obstructed by the intervening of this Contest; And, coming forth, will be suppletory of all such defects.  Dr. Heylyn. 
All which together, make it clear and evident that there is too little of the Church or Ecclesiastical History in our Author's Book: And that there is too much of the State or Civil History, will be easily seen, by that unnecessary intermixture of State-Concernments, not pertinent to the business which he hath in hand.  Fuller. 
I answer first in general; Such the sympathy betwixt the embracing Twins, Church and State, that sometimes 'tis both painful and pity to part them. More particularly, such passages have at the least a cast or eye of Church-colour in them, or else they are inserted for necessity, Ne detur vacuum, for mere lack of Church-matter. All the Ecclesiastical History in Mr. Fox, during the Reign of Edward the fourth, will not fill his hollow Pen, the cause why he makes it up with History of the State; and I sometimes do the like. Lastly, it is done for Variety, (and then, commonly, I crave the Readers leave) which I hope is no offence. Must I turn Schoolboy again, and the Animadvertor be my Schoolmaster, to give me a Theme, that I must write on no other Subject, but what he appoints me?  Dr. Heylyn. 
Of this sort to look no further, is the long Will and Testament of King Henry the eighth, with his Gloss or Comment on the same, taking up three whole sheets at least, in which there is not any thing which concerns Religion, or which relates unto the Church, or Church-affairs; although to have the better colour to bring it in, he tells us that he hath transcribed it, not only for the rarity thereof, but because it contained many passages which might reflect much light upon Church-History.  Fuller. 
I answer first, All ancient Wills have something of Sacredness in them, beginning In the name of God Amen. Secondly, they are proved in the Court-Christian, which evidenceth something of Ecclesiasticalness in them. Thirdly, Kings have ever been beheld as mixed Persons, wherein Church and State, are blended together. Fourthly, the Will of King Henry the eighth, in that Active-juncture of times, is more than the Will of an ordinary King. Fiftly, it is most remarkable even in Church-History, if only on this Account, to show that he who had violated the Testaments of so many Founders and Benefactors, had hardly any one Particular of his own Will performed. Sixthly, it never was, and perchance (had I not done it) never had been Printed Seventhly, false and imperfect Copies thereof pass about in Manuscript. Lastly, I have received so much thanks from the Animadvertor's Betters for printing of it, that I will freely pardon and pass by his causeless cavil against me for the same.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Lib. 5. fol. 243. Of this sort also is his description of the pomp and order of the Coronation of King Charles, which though he doth acknowledge not to be within Pale and Park of Ecclesiastical History, yet he resolves to bring it in, because it comes within the Purlieuses of it, as his own words are: But for this he hath a better reason than we are aware of, that is to say, That if hereafter Divine Providence shall assign England another King, though the transactions herein be not wholly precedential, something of State may be chosen out grateful for imitation.  
Lib. 11. fol. 124. As if the Pomp and order of a Coronation were not more punctually preserved in the Herald's Office who have the ordering of all things done without the Church, (and are eye-Witnesses of all which is done within) than in our Author's second-hand and imperfect Collections.  Fuller. 
I answer first, a Coronation is Church-work, performed therein by an Archbishop, attended with prayers and a Sermon.  
2. I never expected that a Chaplain to K. Charles, should find fault with any thing tending to the honour of his Lord; How can any good Disciple grudge at what is expended 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, on the burial of the Memory of his Master being the last in this kind.  
3. My Collections, I mean printed by me, but observed by my most worthy Friend, are (abating only the uncertain place of the Lord Maior) most critically exact.  
Lastly, though the Herald's Office doth carefully preserve all such Ceremonies, yet cannot all persons living at great distance, and desiring information herein, have on all occasions so facile and convenient access to their Office, as to my Printed Book.  Dr. Heylyn. 
The like may be said also of the quick and active Reigns of Edward the the sixth, and Queen Marry, in which the w●ole Body of the reformed Religion was digested, settled, and destroyed; sufficient of itself to make a competent Volume, but contracted by our Author (like Homer's Iliads, in the Nutshell) into less than 25. sheets: And yet in that small Abstract we find many Impertinences, as to the work he hath in hand, that is to say, the great proficiency of King Edward, in his Grammar Learning, exemplified in three pieces of Latin of his making, when he was but eight or nine yerrs old.  Fuller. 
Just reason of such contraction because of Mr. Fox his dilatation on the same: Where he found my fault, he (if so pleased) might have found my defence, viz. If Papists preserve the Nails and Hairs of their supposed Saints, give me leave to Record the first Essays of this Pious Prince, especially they being unprinted rarieties, with which no Divine or Scholar, save the Animadvertor alone, would, or could have found any fault.  Dr. Heylyn. 
The long Narrative of Sir Edward Montague, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, to vindicate himself from being a voluntary Agent in the business of the Lady jane Grace needlessly inserted.  Fuller. 
King Edward the sixth, his passing the Crown (over the heads of his two Sisters) to his Cousin the Lady jane, is a piece of Church-History; because the continuing of the Protestant Religion, is all the plausible Plea for the same, and the fair varnish of so foul a Groundwork. This passage of Consequence is defectively delivered by our Historians, some Circumstances thereof being hitherto locked from the world: Some have endeavoured to force the lock by their bold Conjectures. I am the first that have brought the true key and opened it, from Judge Montague's own hand, truly Passive, (though charged to be most Active therein) driven with the Tempest of Duke Dudley's anger, against the Tide of his own Inclinations. I prise a Dram of acceptance from the Ingenuous Reader, above a Pound of the Animadvertor's Cavilling; which is offended with my inserting of so authentic and informative a Manuscript.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Needless the full and punctual relation of Wyat's Rebellion, and the Issue of it, though acted upon some false grounds of Civil Interess, without relating to Religion or to Church Affairs: Infinitum esset ire per singula, etc.  Fuller. 
This Rebellion was grounded on Erroneous Principles of Religion, and therefore Goodman (Il-man) did in his Book of that Subject entitle it GODS-CAUSE; and, though souly mistaken therein, it is enough to reduce this Design to Church-concernment. Had I omitted it, the Animadvertor would have charged me with Puritanical (pardon the Prolepsis) compliance▪ so hard it is to please him, either full, or fasting.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But well it were, if only Aberrations from Historical truth were to be met with in our Author: In whom we find such a continual vein of Puritanism, such dangerous grounds for Inconformity and Sedition to be raised upon, as easily may pervert the unwary Reader, whom the facetiousness of the style (like a Hook baited with a painted Fly) may be apt to work on. Murdering of Kings avowed for a necessary prudence, as oft as they shall fall into the power of their Subjects, Lib. 4. fol. 109.  Fuller. 
The Page cited by him happily happeneth to be the Initial One of a Section, and hath no more therein then as followeth. Church-History, Book 4. Page. 109. 
Soon after his Death, K. Edward was much lamented by those of whom in his li●e time he was never beloved. Whether this proceeded from the mere mutability ●f men's minds, (weary to loiter long in the lazy posture of the same affection.) Or whether it proceeded from the Pride of Mortimer, whose insolence grew intolerable. Or whether, because his punishment was generally apprehended too heavy for his fault; so that Deposition without Death, or (at the worst) Death without such unhuman cruelty, had been sufficient.  
One of our English-Poet-Historians accquainteth us with a passage which to my knowledge appeareth not in any other Author.   
This all in that page.  
Reader I request thee do Me, thyself, and Truth right: Whether can my avowance of King-murdering be collected from any thing here written by me?  
But because, some will say, the Quotation possibly may be mistaken: If any thing sounding to that sense, there, or elsewhere, be found in my Book, may the Ravens of the Valleys (whom I behold as loyal Subjects) in Vindication of the Eagle their Sovereign pick out my eyes, for delivering such rebellious Doctrine.  Dr. Heylyn. 
The Coronation of Kings, (and consequently their succession to the Crown of England made to depend upon the suffrage and consent of the People, Lib. 11. fol. 122.  
The Sword extorted from the Supreme Magistrate, and put into the hands of the common People, whensoever the Reforming humour shall grow strong amongst them, Lib. 9 fol. 51.  
The Church deprived of her Authority in determining controversies of the Faith, and a dispute raised against that clause of the Article, (in which that Authority is declared) whether forged or not, Lib. 9 fol. 73.  Fuller. 
Stylus Equabilis! Here is a continued Champion, large Level, and fair Flat, of fourteen untruths at least, without any Elevation of Truth interposed. No such matter in that place, as hereafter shall appear.  
False as the former as in due time and place (cited now, afterwards by him eagerly improved) will appear.  
I am depraved unjustly, who never deprived ' the Church of her Authority. I raised no such Dispute, but would have quelled it, if in my power. All which I refer to my Answer to these respective Quotations.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Her power in making Canons every where prostituted to the lust of the Parliament, contrary both to Law and constant practice.  Fuller. 
Every where, is No where. And seeing no particular place is instanced; to a General Charge, a General Denial shall suffice. Let me add, that whereas the Animadvertor 
* Vide, infra. part. 3. pag. 70.  hereafter taxeth me for calling the two Houses, the Parliament; we therefore may presume that he (not running on the same rock) by Parliament meaneth the King, Lords, and Commons: which granted, how much of loyalty and Discretion there is in these his words prostituted to the LUST let others judge.  Dr. Heylyn. 
The Heterodoxies of Wickcliff Canonised for Gospel, and Calvin's Opinions whatsoever they were, declared for Orthodox.  Fuller. 
The Animadvertor's words are more than Apocrypha, even a very untruth.  Dr. Heylyn. 
The Sabbatarian Rigours, published for Divine and Ancient Truths, though there be no antiquity nor divinity in them.  
The Hierarchy of Bishops so coldly pleaded for, as shows he had a mind to betray the cause, etc.  Fuller. 
Most false, as in due time and place shall abundantly appear.  
Weakly, it may be, for lack of Ability, not coldly for want of affection: But rather than the Cause I so cordially wish well to, should miscarry by my well-intended weakness, henceforward I will stand by, and resign my place at the Bar, to better Pleaders in its behalf.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Whilst all things pass on smoothly for the Presbyterians, whom he chiefly acts for: And this is that which we must look for, par my & par tout, as the Frnchmen say. Nor deals he otherwise with the Persons which are brought before him, than he doth with the Causes which they bring. No professed Puritan, no cunning Nonconformist, or open Separatist, comes upon the Stage, whom he follows not with Plaudite's and some fair Commends.  Fuller. 
He means Mr. Carlwright, Travers, Stone, Udal, Greenham, Hildersham, Dod; all, (though dissenting from the Church in Ceremonies) eminent in their Generations. I commend them not for their Nonconformity, but other qualities of Piety, Painfullness, Learning, Patience, etc. Doth not 
* Anno 1586.  Mr. Camden give Babington (who suffered as a Traitor to Q. Eliz.) the commendation of Wealth, Wit, Learning, and Handsomeness? Yea, doth not the holy Spirit praise Absalon for his blameless Beauty? and Achitophel for his oraculous wisdom? The worst of moral men may be commended for their Naturals, and the worst of Spiritual men for their Morals.  Dr. Heylyn. 
When as the Fathers of the Church, and conformable Children of it, are sent off commonly in silence, and sometimes with censure.  Fuller. 
The Reader by perusing my Book will find, I have embalmed their memories with my best spices.  Dr. Heylyn. 
The late Archbishop of Canterbury, so eminently deserving of the Church of England, must be raked out of his Grave, arraigned for many misdemeanours, of which none could accuse him when he was alive; all his infirmities and weaknesses mustered up together, make him hateful to the present and succeeding Ages; when Mr. Love's Treasonable practices and seditious Speeches, must needs (forsooth) be buried in the same Earth with him.  Fuller. 
I have in this my Appeal collected twenty two commendations of the Archbishop out of my Church-History, and had made them up forty, save that the Press prevented me: The best is, what is lost in the Hundred, is found in the Shire; I mean may be (though not in this my Defence) found in my Book at large.  Dr. Heylyn. 
The University of Oxford frequently quarrelled and exasperated, upon slight occasions.  
The late King's party, branded by the odious Title of Malignants, not bettered by some froth of pretended Wit in the Etymology.  Fuller. 
When, and Where, being now left at large, without any direction to the place; I am more troubled what my Offence is, than what my Defence shall be. I am sure the Animadvertor, (as a dutiful Son to his Mother) will in due time and place discover it, and (unwilling to antedate my own molestation,) my answer is deferred (or rather referred) thereunto.  
As for my using the term Malignant, in due time I shall make a satisfactory Answer.  Dr. Heylyn. 
The regular Clergy shamefully reproached by the Name of covetous Conformists. Lib. 9 fol. 98.  Fuller. 
Who would not think, but that (as the Charge standeth against me) I had branded all Conformists with the Note of Covetous, which had been an Abominable Scandal indeed. Whereas my words only relate to some particular persons: whom, if the Animadvertor will say, they were Conformists, (as indeed they were;) I dare swear, (if called thereunto) that they were Covetous, as who, by Unreasonable Leases, (as the Statute calleth them) wasted the Lands of the Church, till they were seasonably retrenched by that wholesome Law made the 13. th'. of Q. Elizabeth.  
Regular Clergy they might be, (as the Animadvertor termeth them) in other things, but in this particular, Regular, only to the Rules of Avarice: making such Leases against Reason, and common Equity, though, in the Rigour of the [then] Law, justifiable; I wonder that the Animadvertor will advocate for their Actions so detrimental to the Church.  
Nor doth this dash the least disgrace on Conformity itself, they not doing it quà Conformists. It was not their Conformity made them Covetous, (though perchance their Covetousness might make them conformable) but their own Corruption.  
But if the Epithet of Covetous be so offensive, I will in my next Edition, to mend the Matter, change it into Sacrilegious Conformity, and justify my Expression, according to the Principle of the Animadvertor's own Judgement, because they enriched themselves with impairing the goods of the Church.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And those poor men who were ejected by this late long-Parliament, despitefully called Baal's Priests, unsavoury salt, not fit to be thrown upon the Dunghill; though he be doubtful of the Proofs which were brought against them. Lib. 11. fol. 207.  Fuller. 
I have, at large, defended myself against this foul and false accusation, when the place cited doth occur.  Dr. Heylyn. 
So many of all sorts wronged and injured him, that, should they all study their personal and particular Revenges, he were not able to abide it: And therefore we may justly say, in the Poet's Language, 
Si de tot laesis sua Numina quisque Deorum.  
Vindicet, in poenas non satis unus erit.  
Which may be Englisht in these words.  
Should all wronged parties seek t'avenge their fame,  
One man were not enough to bear the shame.   Fuller. 
If I stand indebted to so many for wronging of them, the fairest way is for them jointly, to seize on what I have, that so my small Estate may be shared amongst them all, so far as it will go, and every one have his Proportion thereof: Whereas now the Animadvertor taking all (and more than all) his Pennyworths out of Me, he hath injuriously dealt with the rest of the Creditors thereby. However, I hope to appear responsible, (seeing no debt is soon satisfied) and the Animadvertor himself in due time, will be found in my debt, if all accounts be equally audited betwixt us.  
This I dare boldly say (though I confess his faults excuse not mine, if guilty) that he hath wronged more, and Persons of higher quality, in his late Books. Bishop james Montague, a known eminent Scholar, vilified by an odious and indiscreet comparing him with another of his Surname.  
Judge Hutton and Crook scandalously abused by him for consenting privately to the SHIPMONEY, who as well privately (in the King's presence) as publicly opposed it, though they subscribed their hands, in Conformity to the greater number: as the Animadvertor (more knowing in Law, than myself) will acknowledge the common and constant custom in such cases. I could instance in many more, it being no discretion to play out all I have at once, but to keep a Reserve in my hand, in case, (which God forefend) I should be provoked to another Answer.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But nothing does more evidently discover his unfaithful dealing, than his report of the proceedings in the Isle of Wight, between his Majesty, and the long-Parliament Divines; of which he tells us, Lib. 11. fol. 235. That his Majesty, in the last Paper which he sent them, acknowledged their great pains to inform his judgement, according to their persuasions, and also took especial notice of their Civilities of the Application both in the beginning and body of their Reply; and having cleared himself from some misunderstanding about the Writ of Partition which they speak of, puts an end to the business. The man who reads this passage, cannot choose but think that his Majesty, being vanquished by the Arguments of the Presbyterians, had given over the cause; and therefore, as convicted in his Conscience, rendereth them thanks for the Instruction which he had received, and the Civilities they used towards him in the way thereof. But he that looks upon his majesty's last Paper, will find that he had Learnedly and Divinely refeled all their Arguments: And having so done, puts them in mind of three questions which are proposed in his former Paper, acknowledged by themselves, to be of great importance in the present controversy; without an Answer whereunto, his Majesty declared that he would put an end to that conference: It not being probable (as he told them) that they should work much upon his judgement, whilst they are fearful to declare their own, nor possible to relieve his conscience, but by a free declaring of theirs. But they not able, or not daring, (for fear of displeasing their great Masters) to return an Answer to those Questions, his Majesty remained sole Master of the field, a most absolute Conqueror: For though the first blow commonly does begin the Quarrel, it is the last blow always that gets the Victory: But Regium est cum benefeceris malè audire: It hath been commonly the fortune of the greatest Princes, when they deserve best, to be worst reported.  Fuller. 
Here I will truly acquaint the Reader with the State of this Matter. The posting Press, which with the Time and Tide will stay for no man, mistaking my Copy complete, and not attending my coming to London, that morning from Waltham, clapped it up imperfect. I must therefore deservedly take all the blame and shame thereof on myself, and here in this Sheet do publick-pennance for the same, promising amendment to the full, God willing, in the next Edition.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Nor deals he better with the Church, than he does with the King; concealing such things as might make for her justification, and advocating for such things as disturb her order. In the last Book we find him speaking of some heats which were raised in the Church, about placing the Communion-Table Altarwise, and great fault found for the want of Moderation in those Men, who had the managing of that business. But he conceals his Majesty's Determination in the Case of St. Gregory's, Novemb. 3. 1633. By which all Bishops and other Ordinaries, were encouraged to proceed, therein, and consequently those of inferior rank to defend their actings.  Fuller. 
I have not full twenty Lines on the whole Subject, being loath to enlarge on so odious a difference, sopited in good measure: and as I durst not totally omit, so I passed it over, with all possible brevity.  Dr. Heylyn. 
The Chapel of Emanuel College in Cambridge is built North and South, contrary to the usage of the primitive times; and the Church of England, with which King james being made acquainted, he answered (as our Author tells us) That it was no matter how the Chapel stood, so the heart stood aright: Which Tale being told by him, and believed by others (& populum, qui sibi credit, habet, Ovid. in Ep. Hysiphil.) as he is like enough to find many Believers, farewell to all external Reverence in the Service of God: What need we trouble ourselves or others with standing, kneeling, bowing in the acts of Worship; it is no matter in what posture the Body be, so the Heart be right.  Fuller. 
The Speech of K. james was no Tale but a Truth; when he did not exclude bodily reverence, but prefer Soul sincerity in divine Service. Parallel unto those Scripture-Instances, Psalm. 51.26. for thou desirest no Sacrifice, that is, thou wouldst them not, comparatively to cordial Contrition. 1 Pet. 4, 3. speaking of good women, whose adorning let it not be that outward of plaiting the hair, viz. not chiefly therein, to the neglecting of inward holiness. Nor is the Speech inductive of corporal Irreverence, if believed; seeing a Man's body may, and ought easily, quickly, and cheaply, be contrived; into standing, bowing, kneeling; when it requires time, and expense to take down, and rebuild a Chapel, which would cost the College five hundred Pounds at the least.  Dr. Heylyn. 
What need we put ourselves or others to the charge of Surplices and Hoods, of Gowns and Cassocks, in the officiating of God's Service; It is no matter in what habit the Body be, so the heart be right. There is another Chapel in Cambridge which was never consecrated, (whether a Stable or a Dormitory, is all one to me.) At which time when some found themselves grieved, our Author tells them, This others of us great Learning and Religion (himself especially for one) dare defend, that the continued Series of Divine Duties, publicly practised for more than thirty years (without the least check or control of those in authority) in a place set apart to that purpose, doth sufficiently consecrate the same: Stables and Barns by this Argument, shall in some tract of time become as sacred as our Churches.  Fuller. 
Had I lived in Sidney College, when that Dormitory was first used for a Chapel, I would have advised, and (in my Sphere) advanced its consecration; accounting the Omission to fall under just reproof. But seeing it hath been so long omitted, I now conceive it hath no need of Consecration, seeing though never solemnly and formally dedicated to Divine Service by the Ordinary, (or one deputed by him) yet hath it had a tacit, & interpretative Consecration, and thereby hath contracted a relative sacredness. By the same Proportion, it is, that Utensils, long used in a Family, to most civil and generous employment, by degrees acquire to themselves, the Reputation (in the Apostle's language) of vessels of honour; as being opposed to such vessels employed in sordid (though necessary) Service, and of the same metal and matter.  
I doubt not but if this place used for a Chapel (now about a Jubilee of years) should be turned to a Stable, the Animadvertor would behold it (and justly too) as a piece of Profanation, and this intimates a sacredness therein.  
It is mainly material, that Bishop Andrews, of Ely, a Reverend Prelate, and as knowing as any of his Order in this point of Antiquity; knew this to be in his Diocese, yet never manifested the least Regreet at the Chappelizing of this Place.  
As for consecration of Churches and Chapels, I say; first, is no Sacramental action.  
Secondly, It is not of Evangelical Institution, as Bellarmine himself doth freely confess, no Express for it in the New-Testament. De cultu Sanctorum. lib. 3. cap. 5. 
In statu Evangelii non habemus tam expressa testimonia Scripturae.   
Thirdly, It is charitably to be presumed, that when Dr. Montague, and the fellows first entered the Dormitory, sequestering that place for a Chapel, they by Prayers and a Sermon, did solemnly consign it, to the Service of God: seeing no man of common Principles of Piety, will offer to eat meat, before he hath said Grace.  
Fourthly, Such Prayers did in some sort Dedicate the place, wanting no formality, save, because not done by a Bishop; and if this be all the fault can be found therein, let the Animadvertor prove, (probatio incumbit affirmanti) that in the primitive Times, consecrating of Churches was only an Episcopal Act.  
Fifthly, What was wanting in the consecration at the first, hath since sufficiently been supplied and corroborated by usance thereof to God's Service only.  
If factious people, should, in peaceable times, against lawful Authority conventicle in a Barn or Stable; their Meetings, (sinful in themselves) could not derive any sacredness to the place, whilst the World lasteth.  
But if Persecution, which God of his goodness avert (though we by our wickedness deserve it) should invade our Land; I conceive, Stables are, by Prayers, and presence of God's suffering Servants, and chiefly by God's presence with them, at the minute of their entrance thither, elevated into Holy places.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And if the Brethren think it not enough for their ease to be penned up in so narrow a Room, 'tis but repairing to the next Grove or Coppise, and that in a like traet of time shall become as holy as Solomon's Temple, or any consecrated place whatsoever it be.  Fuller. 
Not the solemnest Consecration, can advance our Churches into the same degree of Sacredness with Solomon's Temple, which was (yea might be) but one, dignified (when dedicated) with God his Glorious Presence, 2 Chro. 7.12. Who chose that place to himself for an house of Sacrifice. It was the Type of our blessed Saviour, perfect in all Points, as made by inspired Architects; and the utensils in the Holy of Holiest, the self same which Moses made according to the pattern in the Mount.  
But I hold English Churches may amount to the Holiness of the Jewish Synagogues.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Church's may well be spared, pulled down, and their Materials sold for the use of the Saints.  Fuller. 
God forbid! The clean contrary followeth from my Position, wherein I do offer an Argument for the Sacredness of Places, the Register of whose Consecration is lost, as Time out of Mind, so that now they can no otherwise prove it, (no Record being extant thereof) save by pious Prescription. Enough in my Judgement to give Sacrilege, a Rap over the fingers, if offering to lay hold on such places and buildings, and turn them to her private Profit.  
Were it in my power, I would have built a Church, where I only made my Church-History. But the worst is, the Animadvertor would then have quarrelled the contriving and adorning of my Church, as much as now he doth the matter and making of my Book; and therefore I leave it to others, of more ability, first to do, and then to defend their good Actions, from his Morosity.  Dr. Heylyn. 
A Tub by this our Author's Logic, will be as useful as the Pulpit unto Edification.  Fuller. 
This is a Tale (for I am sure it is no Truth) of a Tub indeed. I ever beheld a Pulpit, as in some sort jure divino, ever since I read Nehem. 8.4. that Ezrah stood upon a Pulpit of Wood However, if called thereunto, I pray God I may make but as good a practical Sermon, as john Badby effectually preached in a Tub, of Constancy and Christian Patience, when put into such a 
Fox, Acts and Monuments.  Vessel, and burnt therein for the testimony of the Truth, in the Reign of K. Henry the fourth.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And that we may perceive that nothing is more precious with him then an irregular, unconsecrated, and unfurnished Chapel, etc.  Fuller. 
Next to an Heart, such as David had, made (the best Copy of the best Original) after Gods own heart, I most highly prise a regular and consecrated Chapel, furnished with Matron-like, not Meritricious Ornaments.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Melvin's infamous Libel against the Furniture of the Altars in the Chapels Royal, (for which he was censured in the Star-Chamber) must be brought in by head and shoulders, out of time and place, for fear lest such an excellent piece of Puritanical Zeal should be lost to posterity: These things I might have noted in their proper places, but that they were reserved for this as a taste to the rest.  Fuller. 
I account not those his verses worth the translating, (though easy) and speak of his censure as well as of his offence. I mistimed nothing, having entered this passage near the year wherein he was settled a Professor beyond the Seas.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Et jam sinis erat; And here I thought I should have ended this Anatomy of our Author's Book, but that there is another passage in the Preface thereof, which requires a little further consideration.  
For in that Preface he informs us, by the way of caution, That the three first Books were for the main written in the Reign of the late King, as appear by the Passages then proper for the Government: The other nine Books were made since Monarchy was turned into a State.  Fuller. 
The Animadvertor hath fairly and fully (no constant Practice) cited my words; I request the Reader to take especial notice of those three FOR THE MAIN  
I presume the Reader conceiveth such a caveat not improper or impertinent, but safe and seasonable, for my Defence, and his Direction, especially seeing the like happened not to any English Historian, this thousand 
* The Government of England, though often translated from one Family, yea Nation to another, yet hath so long continued Monarchical.  years, that his Pen (during the writing of his Book) should pass through Climates of different Governments.  Dr. Heylyn. 
By which it seems, that our Author never meant to frame his History by the line of Truth, but to attemper it to the palate of the present Government, whatsoever it then was, or should prove to be; which I am sure agrees not with the Laws of History.  
And though I can most easily grant, that the fourth Book and the rest that follow, were written after the great alteration and change of State, in making a new Commonwealth out of the ruins of an ancient Monarchy; yet I concur not with our Author in the time of the former: For it appears by some passages, that the three first Books either were not all written in the time of the King, or else he must give himself some disloyal hopes, that the King should never be restored to his place and Power, by which he might be called to a reckoning for them.  Fuller. 
It Seems. [Multa videntur quae non sunt.] The Inference is false and forced; Titus Livius lived in Imperial, yet wrote of Regal, Consulatory, Tribunitial at Rome, without the least imputation of falsehood. I conceive Monarchical Aristocratical and Democralical truth, to be One and the Same: It followeth not, that two-faced janus (as beholding two worlds, one before, the other after the Flood) had also two Hearts. I did not attemper my History to the palate of the Government; so as to sweeten it with any Falsehood; but I made it Palatable thus far forth as not to give a wilful disgust to those in present Power, and procure danger to myself, by using any over-salt tart or bitter Expression, better forborn than inserted, without any prejudice to the Truth.  Dr. Heylyn. 
For in the second Book he reckons the Cross in Baptism for a Popish Trinket, by which it appears not, I am sure, to have been written in the time of Kingly Government, that being no expression suitable unto such a time.  Fuller. 
Should I simply and absolutely call the Cross in Baptism a Popish Trinket, my forehead (Signed therewith) would give my Tongue the lie, and return the Popery in the teeth thereof. I behold it as an Ancient and Significant Ceremony, but in no degree essential to, or completory of, the Sacrament▪ witness the wisdom of the Church of England, which in private Baptism permitteth the omitting thereof. But when Ceremonies shall devour their distance, and intrude themselves necessary and essential, it is high time to term them Superstititious Trinkets. The rest I refer to what I have written, when this passage recurreth in the place cited by the Animadvertor.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Secondly, speaking of the precedency which was fixed in Canterbury, by removing the Archiepiscopal See from London thither, he telleth us that the matter is not much, which See went first, when living; seeing our Age hath laid them both alike level in their Graves: But certainly the Government was not changed into a State or Commonwealth, till the death of the King; and till the death of the King, neither of those Episcopal Sees, nor any of the rest, were laid so level in their Graves, but that they were in hope of a Resurrection; the King declaring himself very constantly in the Treaty at the Isle of Wight, as well against the abolishing of the Episcopal Government, as the alienation of their Lands.  
Thirdly, In the latter end of the same Book, he makes a great dispute against the high and sacred privilege of the Kings of England, in curing the disease commonly called the King's Evil, whether to be imputed to Magic, or Imagination, or indeed a Miracle; next, brings us in an old Wife's Tale about Queen Elizabeth, as if she had disclaimed that power she daily exercised; and finally, manageth a Quarrel against the form of Prayer used at the curing of that Evil, which he arraigns for Superstition and impertinencies, no inferior Crimes: Are all these passages proper to that Government also?  
Finally in the third Book, he derogates from the power of the Church in making Canons, giving the binding and concluding Power in matters which concern the civil Rights of the Subjects, not to the King, but to the Lay-people of the Land assembled in Parliament; which game he after followeth in the eighth and last: And though it might be safe enough for him in the eighth and last, to derogate in this manner from the King's supremacy in Ecclesiastical affairs; yet certainly it was neither safe for him so to do, nor proper for him so to write, in the time of the Kingly Government, unless he had some such wretched hopes as before we spoke of.  Fuller. 
I desire the Reader, to remember my late words, (as the Animadvertor recited them) FOR THE MAIN.  
I confess, though these Books were written in the Reign of King Charles; yet after his Death, I interpolated some lines, and amongst others, that of levelling all Bishoprics.  
I raised no dispute against the Kings curing the Evil, it being raised before I was born, and which I endeavoured to allay, referring it to Miracle, as to the peruser of my History, in that place will appear. I tell no old Wife's Tale of Queen Elizabeth, it being a Masculine Truth, from most authentic Authors.  
I derogate not, in the least degree, from the power of the Church; but the Animadvertor doth arrogate unto it more than is due, by the Laws of God and Man: maintaining that Churchmen may go beyond Ecclesiastical Censures, even to the Limbs and Lives of such! as are Recusants to their Constitutions.  
WRETCHED and what formerly he said DISLOYAL HOPES, I defy and return them in the Teeth of him that wrote the words.  
He had WRETCHED AND DISLOIAL HOPES, who wrote, that King james went to New-market, as Tiberius to his Capri; he waved his Loyalty and Discretion together, who so saucily and un-subject-like counted, how often King Charles waved his Crown.  
Here give me leave to tell the Animadvertor, that such whom he slighteth for LOW-ROYALISTS, were (whilst they had a King in England) as HIGH in their Loyalty to him, Prayers and Sufferings for him, as those HIGH-ROIALISTS, who maintain that all goods of the Subjects are at the King's absolute Dispose, and yet since those Kings are departed this life, can write of them in so base and disparaging Language, that any one of the LOW-ROIALISTS, would have his right hand cut off, rather than write the like. Reader, pardon my too just passion, when DISLOIALTY is laid to my charge: It is with me Either now speak or else for ever hereafter hold your Peace.  Dr. Heylyn. 
I must needs say that on the reading of these Passages, and the rest that follow, I found myself possessed with much Indignation.  
And I long expected when some Champion would appear in the Lists against this Goliath, who so reproachfully had defied the whole Armies of Israel.  
And I must needs confess withal, that I did never enter more unwillingly on any undertaking.  
But being solicited thereunto by Letters, Messages, and several personal Addresses, by Men of all Orders and Dignities in the Church, and of all degrees in the Universities, I was at last overcome by that Importunity, which I found would not be resisted.  Fuller. 

The Breaks in my Answer relate respectively to those in the Doctor's Animadversions.  Indignation, is grief and anger boiled up to the height. What just cause I have given for so great passion, the Reader will judge.  
If I be a Goliath, in this point may I have his Success to be conquered, killed, and my head cut off even with my own Sword; If I be none, May the Animadvertor be graciously pardoned.  
And it may be, he shall never come off any undertaking more unhappily.  
I could mate him, with telling him, that Men of all Sorts and Sizes, their Equals in Number and Quality, have likewise importuned me, not tamely to sit down, but to vindicate my own credit and conscience.  Dr. Heylyn. 
I know that as the Times stand, I am to expect nothing for my pains and Travel but the displeasure of some, and censure of others.  Fuller. 
I will take no advantage by the Times; and, if without their help, I cannot Bwoy up my credit, let it sink for ever. And I humbly desire all, who have, or may reap benefit by my Books, not to be displeased with the Animadvertor, in my behalf. It is Punishment enough that he hath written, and too much for his Stationer that he hath printed, so impertinent a Book.  
When Henry Lord Hunsdon, on the Highway, had in Passion, given a Blow to Sir Henry Colt, the Lord had it returned him, the Principal with Interest: and when the Lord his Servants and Followers began to draw their Swords, Away, away, (said he) cannot I and my Neighbour exchange a Box on the Ear, but you must interest yourselves in the matter.  
Let none of my Friends and Favourers, engage their anger in this difference betwixt Me and the Animadvertor. Let us alone; and although we enter Adversaries in the Beginning, we shall I hope go out friends at the end of the Contest, after there hath been a Pass or two betwixt ourselves. Thus, Heats betwixt Lawyers born at the Bar, in Westminster-Hall, are commonly buried at the Board, in the Inns of Court.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But coming to the work with a single Heart abstracted from all self-ends and Interests, I shall satisfy myself, with having done this poor Service to the Church, my once blessed Mother, for whose sake only I have put myself upon this Adventure.  
The party whom I am to deal with, is so much a stranger to me, that he is neither beneficio, nec injuriâ notus; and therefore no particular respects have moved me to the making of these Animadversions.  
Which I have writ (without Relation to his person) for vindication of the Truth, the Church, and the injured Clergy, as before is said: So that I may affirm with an honest Conscience;  
Non lecta est operi, sed data, causa meo, That this employment was not chosen by me, but imposed upon me; the unresistable Entreaties of so many friends having something in them of Commands.  
But howsoever, jacta est alea, as Caesar once said when he passed over the Rubicon.  
I must now take my fortune whatsoever it proves. So God speed me well.  Fuller. 
How much of this SELF-DENYING ORDINANCE is performed by him, let the Reader judge in due time.  
I am glad to hear this Passage from the Animadvertor, that I never did him any Injury; the rather because some of my Friends have charged me for provoking his Pen against me. And though I pleaded that neither in Thought, Word, or Deed, I ever did him any wrong, I hardly prevailed with them for belief: And now the Animadvertor hath cleared me, that I never did any Injury unto him. Would I could say the same of him, that he never did me any Injury. However, as a Christian, I here fully and freely forgive him, and hereafter will endeavour as a Scholar, so to defend myself against his Injury, that (God willing) it shall not shake my Contentment.  
Without relation to my person, let the Reader be Judge hereof. Indeed Thomas hath been well used by him, but Fuller hath sound felt his displeasure. However, if Truth, the Church, and Clergy have been abused by me; He hath given Me too fair quarter, who deserved Death downright, for so heinous an Offence.  
Amongst all which Persons inciting him to write against me, one Letter sent to him, from Regina Pecunia was most prevalent with him. Witness this his Book offered to, and refused by some Stationers, because, on his high terms, they could not make a saving Bargain to themselves.  
jacta est alea. The English is, you have cast the Dey. And seeing the Animadvertor, hath begun the Metaphor, I hope I may make it an Allegory, without rendering either of us Scandalous. I appeal to the Reader, whom I make Groom Porter, (termed by Mr. Camb. Aleatorum Arbiter) and let him judge, who plays with False, who Clogs, who slurrs a Dey and in a doubtful Case, when we cannot agree upon the Cast; betwixt ourselves, let him decide it.  
By Fortune, I presume the Animadvertor intendeth nothing derogatory to divine Providence, in which Sense St. Augustin, retracteth his [former] frequent using of the Word. Only he meaneth uncertainty of Success. In which notion I say an hearty Amen to his Prayer, when I have enlarged his God speed me into God speed US well. May he, who manageth this Controversy, with most Sincerity, come off with best Success. AMEN.   

Errata confessed by the Printer of Dr. heylyn's Animadversions.  
PAge 10. line 17. for Helkinus r. Telkinus, p. 20. l. 21. for Queen of, r. Queen of England, p. 27. l. 6. for Wooderpoir r. Woodensdike, p. 42. l. 1. for inconsiderateness r. the inconsiderateness of Children, p. 121. l. f28. for ter. r. better, p. 145. l. 2. for statuendo● statuendi p. 15 l. 22. Horcon●nar r. cantuur, p. 154. l. 17. for Dr. Hammond r. Dr. Book, p. 160. l. 1. for his r. this, p. 163. l. 28. for Jesuits r. Franciscans, p. 189. l. ult. 2 or contemn r. confession, p. 221. in the Marg. for whether r. with other, p. 228. l. 2. for Den r. Dean, p. 239. l. 9 for Commons r. Canons, p. 271. l. ult. for culis r. ocul●s.  

Fuller.  
THis is a Catalogue of Prelal. Mistakes, committed and confessed in the Doctor's Book of Animadversions, and here by me inserted, not to disparage the pains of c●re of the Printer, but on these Considerations.  
First, to prevent all Exceptions, that I have defectively presented in his Book.  
Secondly, to show, that sometimes (as here) there may be an Erratum Erratorum, to be re-reformed. It thus beginneth. Page 10. l. 17. for Melkinus r. Tolkinus. That is, read that which is wrong, instead of tha● which was right before. For a M●lkinus Avalonius, appeareth in Bale, Pits, and others but a Telkinus was never in Nature. But Take notice also of this confessed Mistake, p. 163. l. 28. for jesuits r. Franciscans. There is here no temptation to the Press to Err, there being betwixt the two Words, no literal Similitude, or Orthographical Symbolising, scarce a letter in the one, which is in the other.  
I make no other use hereof save only to crave the like Favour, in my own Defence, when in the Earls of March, Roger is misprinted Edward; and in the Earls of Bath, Henry is misprinted William, in my Church History.  
I confess there be some Press faults in this my Book, as for Prelial, (wherever occurring) read Prelal; part 1. p. 50. l. 32. for Anno Dom. 580 r. 560. part. 1. p. 52. l. 18. for DEMOL r. DEINOL. and part 2. page 88 betwixt the 33. and 34 l. insert I pray,  
Papists, Non-conformists, and covetous Conformists, the Acts therein appearing like.  
For the rest, I hope they are nothing so many or great, as to discompose the sense, and therefore I confide in the Reader's Discretion as also in the Animadvertor's Ingenuity, expecting he will deal as candidly with me, as I have done with him, when such (though unconfessed) Erratas do occur.  
And because my hand is now in, I request such as have my Church-history to delete these words 
Book 2. p. 129. l. 21. A Title till his Time unknown in England   
For I profess I know not by what casualty these words crept into my Book, contrary to my intent.    

PART I.  Dr. Heylyn. 
IN order to the first conversion of the British Nation, our Author takes beginning at the sad condition they were in, before the Christian Faith was preached unto them.] And in a sad condition they were indeed, as being in the state of Gentilism, and consequently without the true knowledge of the God that made them.  Fuller. 
The Author takes beginning where Dr. Heylyn himself, had he writ the Church-History of Britain, I believe, would, and I am sure should, have begun. And seeing he concurreth with the Author in the same expression, that the Britain's were in a sad condition, he might have spared himself and his Reader the trouble, of the following impertinency.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But yet they were not in a worse condition than the other Gentiles, etc.  Fuller. 
Nor did I ever say they were. Had I said so, the Doctor's carping had had a handle to hold on, whereas now his teeth and nails must bite and scratch a fastening for themselves.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But yet not in a worse condition than the other Gentiles, who were not only darkened in their understanding, but so depraved also in their affections, as to work all manner of uncleanness even with greediness. Not so effeminate in their conversation as the asiatics, nor so luxurious as the Greeks, nor branded with those filthy and unnatural lusts which St. Paul chargeth on the Romans, and were in ordinary practice with most Eastern Nations.  Fuller. 
What of all this? It is said of King 
* 2 King. 3.2.  joram, He wrought evil in the sight of the Lord, but not like his father and like his mother. It is said of King 
* 2 King. 17.2.  Hoshea, He did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord, but not as the Kings of Israel that were before him. It doth not follow, that these Kings were good, because less bad than others. So that my words stand an un-shakened truth, that the Britain's before their conversion were (though not so debauched as other Heathens) Idolaters, in a sad condition.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And though they were Idolaters, yea, and foul ones, as our Author hath it; yet neither, etc.  Fuller. 
If they were Idolaters, they must be foul ones, except (as one hath fancied a tale of a fair Aethiopian) any could make a truth of fair Idolaters.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Yet neither were their gods of so brutish and impure a nature, as the Priapus, Cloacina, and Stercutia amongst the Romans; or as their Venus, Flora, Lupa, common Harlots. All of which, and such like other gods, the old Fathers tell us, that they were not nomina Colendorum, sed crimina Colentium. Nor were they so immodest and obscene in their rites and ceremonies, as were the Greeks and Romans, in the Sacrifices to their Cybele or Berecynthia, whom they call the mother of the gods; described by Arnobius, Lactantius, and others of the ancient Writers, in such lively colours, as no chaste eye can look upon them without detestation.  Fuller. 
Well may the Doctor run apace, drawing an empty Cart after him. What is all this to confute my position, that the unconverted Britain's, foul Idolaters, were in a sad condition? It seems he had a mind to tell the world of the foulest Idols amongst the Romans; and, if so, let them thank him for his intelligence, who knew it not before.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And for the number of their gods, they fell extremely short of that infinite multitude, which St. Augustine finds amongst the Romans, our Author naming only three, (which he calls god's paramount) that is to say, BELINUS, ANDATE, and DIANA.  Fuller. 
If they had only three gods, they had two too many, However, it will appear, that these were only (as the Author phraseth them) Paramount▪ That they fell not (to use the Doctor's words) extremely short (a virtuous extreme) of the Romans in their Idolatry, may thus be proved. 
They that had Idols almost exceeding the Egyptians in number, fell not much short of the Romans.  
But the ancient Britain's almost exceeded the Egyptians in number of Idols.  
Therefore they fell not much short of the Romans.   
The Major is plain in Scripture, often complaining of the Idols of Egypt; as also in human Writers, juvenal jeering the Egyptians, for being over-stocked with such kind of cattle, whose gods (Leeks and Onions) did commonly grow in their Gardens.  
The Minor are the very words of grave Gildas, the most ancient British Writer, (flourishing Anno Domini 580.) Portenta pene numero Aegyptiaca vincentia. Where, in few words, we have the Numerosity and Monstrosity of the British Idols. Numerosity, almost exceeding the Egyptians; Monstrosity, called Portents, misshapen Antics of prodigious deformity.  Dr. Heylyn. 
When therefore Gildas telleth us of the ancient Britain's, that in the number of their gods they had almost exceeded Egypt, (Portenta pene numero Aegyptiaca vincentia, in that Author's language) it must be understood with reference to the Times in which he lived, when all the Roman Rabble had been thrust upon them, and not as speaking of the time of their first Conversion.  Fuller. 
Satis pro Imperio, MUST is for a King; and seeing the Doctor and I are both Kings alike, I return, He MUST NOT be so understood; as, to any judicious and indifferent Reader will appear.  
For the clearing hereof, I will present and translate the words of Gildas, with what precedeth and followeth them, conducing effectually to the true understanding of this clause controverted. I use the first and best printed Edition, set forth by Polydore Virgil 1523. and Dedicated to Cuthbert Tonstall, than the learned Bishop of London, Only because I suspect, that some Readers will be out of breath in going along with the long-winded style of Gildas, (the excusable fault of the Age he lived in) I crave leave to divide his long and entire Sentence, for the better understanding thereof, into several parcels, without the least addition thereto, or alteration thereof.  

Gildas Folio primo.  
Igitur omittens priscos illos communesque cum omnibus gentibus, errores, quibus ante adventum Christi in carne omne humanum genus obligabatur adstrictum.  
Nec enumerans PATRIAE PORTENTA ipsa diabolica pene numero Aegyptiaca vincentia, quorum nonnulla lineamentis adhuc deformibus intra vel extra deserta moenia solito more rigentia, torvis vultibus intuemur.  
Neque nominatim inclamitans Montes ipsos aut Colles, vel Fluvios (olim exitiabiles, nunc vero humanis usibus utiles) quibus divinus Honor à caeco tunc populo cumulabatur.  
Et tacens vetustos immanium Tyrannorum Annos, qui in aliis longe positis Regionibus vulgati sunt, ità ut Porphyrius, rabidus orientalis adversus Ecclesiam canis, dementiae suae ac vanitatis stylo hoc etiam adnecteret, Britannia, inquiens, fertilis Provincia Tyrannorum.  
Illa tanium proferre conabor in medium, quae temporibus Romanorum Imperatorum & passa est, & aliis intulit Civibus & longe positis, mala.   

Gilda first Leaf.  
Omitting therefore those old Errors, and common [to the Britain's] with other Nations, to which all Mankind was tied and fettered, before the coming of Christ in the flesh.  
Nor reckoning up those very devilish PORTENTS of our own COUNTRY, almost exceeding those of Egypt in Number; some whereof we, with frowning eyes, do still behold, drawn with deformed shapes within or without our desert Walls.  
Nor calling upon by name the Mountains themselves, or Hills, or Rivers, (in times past deadly, now profitable to man's use) on which divine honour was then heaped up by the blind people.  
And passing over in silence the ancient years of those vast Tyrants, which are commonly spoken of in other far-distant Countries; so that Porphyrius (that raging Dog of the East against the Church) in the style of his madness and vanity, addeth this also, Britain (saith he) a fruitful Province of Tyrants.  
I will only endeavour publicly to proffer such evils, as she [Britain] in the times of the Roman Emperors both suffered in herself, and impressed on her People placed far off.   
See here this Prolix sentence of Gildas, built (as I may say) five stories high; the four first are of Privation, or Preterition, of what he will not meddle with; the fifth and last, of Position, whereon he would insist. He would not reckon the British Errors common with others, nor Patriae Portenta, the Portentive Idols of their Country, which plainly decideth the thing in controversy, that those their Idols were Indigenae, non Advenae; Natives, not Foreigners, of British origination, not Roman superinduction. His method plainly proveth, that these Subjects which he declineth to treat of, were all of them precedaneous to the Romans coming into Britain, whence he beginneth his History. I mention not the Marginal Note of Polydore Virgil, (placed over against the words of Gildas) Veterum Britannorum vana Religio, The vain Religion of the old Britain's. The rest of his Testimony we leave lying in the Deck, and it will not be long before we shall make use thereof.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But whether their Idols were more or fewer, our Author is resolved on DIANA for one though whether this were a British deity may be more then questioned, whose Temple was built in, or near the place, where St. Paul's now stands, as our learned Antiquaries do acknowledge.  Fuller. 
The Animadvertor doth confess, that the Britain's did worship Diana: But whether she was one of the latter brood of Idols, brought in by the Romans at their Conquest; or hatched long before amongst the Britain's, as their own Country-goddess, is the Question. I am confident in the latter.  
The British Stories tell us, that Brutus (some hundred of years before the Romans arrived here) being upon his Sea to seek his fortune, repaired to the Temple of Diana, in an Island called Largeria, and there addressing himself to her Temple, was in a dream not only instructed in the manner of her sacrifices, and ritual services; but also directed to an Island in the West, now Britain, where his Posterity should fix themselves in happiness. And that this passeth for currant amongst the Welsh, I report myself to their learned Gentry, the proper judges thereof.  
Let me add this Passage from the Pen of as great an Antiquary, as any Wales now doth enjoy. As for the name of Diana, I do conceive that she was called Dain in our Language; and I have many Histories of our Nation, that seem to make no question of it. To this day in Wales, fat marketable Cattle are called Guartheg Demol; that is to say, Diana's Cattle, or, Cattle fit to be sacrificed, etc. And I am more than confident, there is no man living can put any other interpretation upon this word Demol; it must be an Adjective of Dain, and Dain hath no other signification in our Language, than the name of Diana.  Dr. Heylyn. 
This Temple of Diana in London (saith the Author) rendereth their conceit not altogether unlikely, who will have London so called from L●an-Dian, which signifieth in British, the Temple of Diana.] A conceit, whosesoever it was, not altogether so likely neither as the Author makes it.  Fuller. 
No cautiousness of proof against captiousness. I called it but a conceit, I said not that it was true; yea, my words left an insinuation of unlikeliness to an indifferent Reader. But seeing the Animadvertor is so hard-hearted to an innocent conceit, I shall ever hereafter love it the better.  Dr. Heylyn. 
A conceit, LONDON from LLAN-DIAN, whosesoever it was; not altogether so likely neither as the Author makes it. For though the Britain's being well stored with Wood and Venison, possibly might have a Hunting-goddess amongst the rest. Yet certainly she was not called by the name of Diana, till the Roman Conquest and Plantations, before which time this City had the name of London, (or Londinum) as we read in Tacitus. The name and sacrifices of Diana were not originally British, but of Roman race, as the great Temple in or near the place where St. Paul's now stands, was of their foundation. The Britain's, worshipping Apollo by the name of Belinus, as both Cambden and our Author say they did, must be supposed to have another name for Diana also, and were more likely to have called her by the name of Artemis, her old Grecian name, or by some other of as near a resemblance to it, as Belinus was to that of Bel in the Eastern Countries. Assuredly, if that great City had received its name from Diana's Temple, the Welsh being so tenacious of their ancient Language, would have had some remembrance of it, who to this day call it Lundayn, and not LLAN-DIAN, according to the new conceit which our Author speaks of. But of this enough.  Fuller. 
Yea indeed, too much. So may you say, A surfeit is enough. Whosesoever this conceit was.] I had thought the Animadvertor could not have been ignorant thereof, being no meaner a man than Mr. Selden.  
This learned Antiquary, after he had alleged some Verses out of Robert of Gloucester, deriving the name of LONDON, quasi LUD'S TOWN, from LUD, he proceedeth as followeth;  
In his Notes on the eighth SONG in POLYOLBION, Page 126.  
judicious Reform●rs of fabulous Report, I know, have more serious derivations of the name; and, seeing conjecture is free, I could imagine, it might be called at first LHAN-DIEN, 1. the Temple of Diana, as LHAN-DEWI, LHAN-STEPHAN, LHAN-PADERN VAUR, LHAN-VAIR. i e. S. Dewys, S. stephan's, S. Pattern the great, S. Mary (and Verulam, is by H. Lhuid derived from VER-LHAN, i. e. the Church upon the River Ver) with divers more such places in Wales: and so afterwards by strangers turned into Londinium, and the like. For that Diana and her brother Apollo (under the name of Belin) were two great deities amongst the Britons.  
If the Animadvertor hath a mind to enter the List with Mr. Selden, and have a vennue with him, to try whose skill is most and weapon best; he may, if he pleaseth.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Now to facilitate this great work of their Conversion, Cambden and Godwin, two great Antiquaries, have alleged one reason, which is not allowed of by our Author; and our Author hath alleged another reason, which none can allow of but himself. The reason alleged by the two great Antiquaries, is, that the Druids did instruct the Britain's in the knowledge of One only God, which questionless was a great step to their Conversion. Druids unum esse Deum semper inculcârunt, saith our Author's Margin. But this he reckoneth a mistake, and thus charitably wisheth thereupon, viz. May their mistake herein be as freely forgiven them, as I hope and desire, that the charitable Reader will with his pardon meet those unvoluntary errors, which in this work by me shall be committed.  
Whether all the errors of our Author be involuntary, or not, (for I grant that some of them may be such) will be seen hereafter.  Fuller. 
In good time, Sir. But till this [hereafter] cometh, judge not, lest you be judged; and think charitably, that a Christian will not willingly, wittingly, and wilfully run into errors.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But whether those two learned Pens were mistaken or not, shall be now examined. I conceive clearly, that they were not mistaken in it, it being first improbable, if not impossible, that two Men of such Parts and Learning, and of such eminent integrity in all their Writings, should vent a Proposition, or position rather, which they have no ground for.  Fuller. 
They were learned Pens indeed, as ever our Nation bred, in their kind of Studies; and great Antiquaries. But only the * ANCIENT OF DAYS is Omniscient and Infallible. And I am confident, such was their Ingenuity, that they would rather be thankful to, than angry with any, who, with due respect to their persons, should discover their mistakes. Amongst which, this was one, that the DRUIDS instructed the Britain's in the knowledge of one God.  
The contrary doth plainly appear by the testimony of Gildas, lately alleged, whose words are so walled about (as I may say) on both sides, by what went before, and after that, as they cannot be evaded, they cannot be perverted to other reference, than relating unto the Religion of the ancient Britain's, long before the entrance of the Romans into this Island; who, besides a numerous rabblement of portentous Idols, gave divine honour to Mountains, Hills, and Rivers. Nothing can be more diametrically opposite to the worship of One God, than such gross and generally diffused Polytheism.  
Add to the authority of Gildas that of Origen, thus writing in his fourth Homily on Ezekiel. Confitentur & miserabiles Iudaei haec de Christi presentia praedicari; sed stultè ignorant personam, cum videant impleta quae dicta sunt. Quando enim terra Britanniae ante adventum Christi in unius Dei consensit religionem? Quando terra Maurorum, etc.  
All judicious Readers easily understand this Interrogation, [When did the Land of Britain, before the coming of Christ, consent in the Religion of one God?] I say, all do understand, that this his question asked, and left unanswered, amounteth unto a very strong Negation; and, that before the coming of Christ, Britain was divided into the worshipping of many gods.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And secondly our Author tells of the Druids, that they were Philosophers, Divines, and Lawyers, to the rest of the Britain's; and if Philosophers, they might by their long study in the book of Nature, and their Industrious inquiry into natural Causes, attain unto the knowledge of that one and only Supernatural Cause, (as others of the Heathen Philosophers in their several Countries,) from which the works of Nature had their first Original. And of some other the old Philosophers, it is said expressly by Minutius, that they had spoken so divinely of the things of God; ut quivis arbitretur aut nunc Christianos Philosophos esse, aut Philosophos fuisse jam tunc Christianos. So little was the difference in that particular, between these old Philosophers and the Primitive Christians. For though they did admit a multitude of Inferior Gods, Topical in respect of Countries, and Tutelar in respect of particular Persons; yet in the middle of that darkness they discerned one Supreme God over all the rest, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the Grecians; Hominum Sator atque Deorum, as the Latins call him. And though they were mistaken in the name of that Supreme Power, whom generally they entitled by the name of jupiter, yet they did well enough agree in giving him the Supreme Power over all the world. Et qui jovem principem volunt falluntur in nomine, sed de ea potestate consentiunt, as my Author hath it. Nor did those old Philosophers keep the great truth unto themselves, like a Candle in a darklanthorn, or hid under a bushel; but placed it like a great Light on the top of a Mountain, that all the people might discern it; who thereupon lifting their hands unto the Heavens, did frequently make their addresses but to one God only, saying in common SPEECH unto one another, that God was great, and God was true, and, If God permit. Of which, my Author (the same Christian Advocate) seems to make a question; Vulgi iste naturalis sermo est, an Christiani confitentis oratio? that is to say, Whether these expressions favoured not rather of the Christian, than the vulgar Heathen. And hereupon I may conclude in the behalf of the Druids, (or rather of those learned Pens who affirm it of them) that being Philosophers in Study, and Divines by Office, and very eminent in their times in both capacities, they might as well instruct the People in the knowledge of one only God, as any other of the Heathen Sages, either Greeks or Romans. The reason alleged by these great Antiquaries being thus made good, we next proceed to the examination of that which is produced by our Author.  Fuller. 
In this long Harangue, I know not what the Animadvertor aims at; this I know, he hits not me, nor allegeth any thing in opposition to what I have written. If he desireth only to prove, that the refined Heathens worshipped one God above all the rest, he shall not only have my free consent, but the adjection of this my Symbol thereunto.  
I conceive, that the Pagans adored the Essence of God under the name of jupiter: and his Attributes under other Titles; Wisdom, of Apollo; Omni-presence, Swiftness of Mercury; Power, of Mars; Beauty, of Venus; Providence over the Sea, Neptune; Winds, Aeolus; Catile, Pan, etc. Yet can I not see, how this can excuse them from being foul Idolaters, seeing the moral Commandment doth not say, Thou shalt not have other gods in equal degree of worship with me; but, 
* Exod. 20.3.  Thou shalt not have other gods before me: and the Animadvertor knoweth well, that the Original importeth, Coram me, that is, Thou shalt have none other in my sight or presence.  
Now for quietness sake, let the result of this long discourse (so far as I can understand) be granted him, and it amounts to no more, then to put the Britain's in the same form with the Grecians; instructed by their Druids in the worship of one God, as well and as far as the Grecians were in the same Lesson by their Philosophers. Now what the Grecians held and did in this point, will appear by the practice of the Athenians, whose City was the Mistress of Greece, Staple of Learning, and Palace of Philosophers; and how well the Athenians worshipped one God, we have from the infallible witness of St. 
* Act. 17.16.  Paul, whose spirit was stirred within him, whilst he saw the City wholly given to idolatry. Whence it will follow, that the Britons, form-fellowes with the Grecians, were wholly given to Idolatry: which is as much, and more than I said before.  
And now the Reader may judge, what progress the Animadvertor hath made in confuting what I have written; yea, less than the Beast Pigritia in Brasil, which, as he telleth us 
* In his Microcosm, p. 800.  elsewhere, goeth not so far in fourteen days, as one may throw a stone. Yea, our Adversary hath not gone at all, (save backward) and if he doth not mend his pace, it will be late before he cometh to his lodging.  
Here let me mind the Animadvertor, that my Church-History thus beginneth; That we may the more freely and fully pay the tribute of our thanks to God's goodness, for the Gospel which we now enjoy; let us recount the sad condition of the Britain's, our Predecessors, before the Christian faith was preached unto them. If therefore the Animadvertor by his tedious discourse, endeavouring to UN-IDOLATRIZE the Britain's as much as he could; I say, if hereby he hath hindered or lessened any man's paying of his thanks to God, he hath done a thankless office both to God and Man therein.  Dr Heylyn. 
Our Author proceedeth, fol. 3. It facilitated the entrance of the Gospel hither, that lately the Roman Conquest had in part civilised the South of this Island, by transporting Colonies, and erecting of Cities there.] Than which, there could not any thing be said more different from the truth of story, or from the time of that Conversion, which we have in hand; performed, as all our latter Writers (and amongst them our Author himself) have affirmed from Gildas, who lived in the fourth Century of the Christian Church) Tempore summo Tiberii Caesaris, toward the latter end of the Reign of Tiberius Cesar, that is to say, about thirty seven years after Christ's Nativity, at what time the Romans had neither erected any one City, nor planted any one Colony in the South parts of the Island. For though julius Cesar, in pursuance of his gallic Conquest, had attempted this Island, crossed the Thames, and pierced as far as Verulamium, in the County of the Cattieuchlani, (now Hartfordshire) yet either finding how difficult a work it was like to prove, or having business of more moment, he gave over the enterprise, resting contented with the honour of the first discovery. Et ostendisse potius quam trad disse, as we read in Tacitus. Nothing done after this in order to the Conquest of Britain, until the time of Claudius. Augustus would by no means be persuaded to the undertaking, and much less Tiberius, in whose last years the Gospel was first preached in Britain, as before was said. 
* 〈◊〉 cit. in vita 〈◊〉 ola.  Concilium id Divus Augustus vocabat, Tiberius praecipue. And though Caligula, leaving the honour of this Conquest to his Uncle Claudius, who next succeeded in the Empire; and being invited into Britain by a discontented party amongst the Natives, reduced some part thereof into the form of a Roman Province. Of this, see Tacitus at large, in the life of Agricola. By which it will appear most clearly, that there was neither City of the Romans erection, nor Colony of their plantation, till the time of Claudius, and consequently no such facilitating of the work, by either of those means which our Author dreams of. But from the Time, proceed we to the Author of this first Conversion, of which thus our Author.  Fuller. 
In the first place, know, Reader, that Mr. Burton, in his late learned Notes on Antoninus, justifieth, that julius Cesar did Colonize (what ever the Animadvertor saith to the contrary) some part of this Land; otherwise, his whole Conquest would have unraveled after his departure, and his Successors had had their work to begin afresh.  
2ly. I say not, the first entrance, but, the Entrance of the Gospel was facilitated by the Roman Conquest. The entrance of the Gospel into this Island was so far from being done in an instant, or, simul & semel, that it was not, res unius seculi, the product of one age; but was successively done, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, at sundry times, and in divers manners. So that this extensive entrance of the Christian Religion, gradually insinuating itself, took up a century of years, from the latter end of Tiberius, and so forwards.  
Christianity entered not into this Island like Lightning, but like light. None can behold this Essay thereof in the time of Tiberius, otherwise then a morningstar; some forty years after the day dawned; and lastly, under King Lucius, (that Lever-maure, or the great light) the Sun of Religion may be siad to arise; before which time, the South of this Island was sufficiently Colonized by the Romans, whereby Commerce and Civility ushered Christianity into Britain. Yet to clear my words, not from untruth in themselves, but mistakes in others, and to avoid all appearance of falsehood, it shall be altered (God-willing) in the next Edition. It facilitated the entrance and propagation of the Gospel here, etc.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Parsons the jesuit mainly stickleth for the Apostle Peter to have first preached the Gospel here. And our Author doth as mainly stickle against it. The Reason which induced Parsons so to stickle in it, was, as our Author thinks and telleth us, fol. 4. to infer an Obligation of this Island to the See of Rome. And to exempt this Island from that Obligation, our Author hath endeavoured to disprove the Tradition.  Fuller. 
That the jesuit furiously driveth on that design▪ appeareth to any that peruse his Works, and your Author conceiveth his own Endeavours lawful and useful in stopping his full Carrere, and disobliging the Church of England from a Debt as unjustly pretended, as vehemently prosecuted. 
Et veniam pro laude petit; laudatus abun●e,  
Non fastiditus, si tuus Author erit.  
Your Author for his praise doth pardon crave;  
If not despised, his praise enough shall have.   
It is therefore but hard measure, for you to require his good intentions, (if failing in success) with contempt and reproach.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Whereas indeed St. Peter preaching in this Island, (if he were the first that preached here) in the Time of Tiberius, must be before his Preaching in the City of Rome, to which he came not till the Reign of the Emperor Claudius. And thereupon it followeth by the Iesuits Logic, that the Britain's by sparing their Apostle to preach at Rome, did lay an Obligation upon that City, but received none from it.  Fuller. 
Yea but if Simeon 
* S. Metaphrastes, Comment. de Petro et Paulo ad diem 29. Junij.  Metaphrastes be to be believed (on whose testimony Parsons Principally relieth) being the self same Author, whom the Animadvertor within few lines hereafter doth so highly commend and extol, St. Peter preached here, not before, but long after his being at Rome; and but a little before his Death, namely in the twelfth year of Nero Cesar.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Or granting that St. Peter did first preach at Rome, yet would this draw upon us no such engagement to the Pope, and the Church of Rome, as our Author fears; and other Germane Nations by Boniface, Willibade, Willibad, Willibidd, and Swibert, English Saxons all, might or did draw the like Dependence of those Churches, upon this of England.  Fuller. 
The proportion, I confess, is Good and well-grounded: but I answer, great the difference betwixt the Natures of England and Rome. England never pretended Superiority over other Churches, which Rome doth, prosecuting even Shadowy pretences with all violence. What the Talent-hiding servant said of his Master, may be justly said of modern Rome, She reapeth where she hath not strewed; demanding Officium, where she never bestowed Beneficium, and requiring duty where she never conferred Courtesy. Rome therefore being no fair Creditor, but so cruel an Extortioner, I conceive my pains well employed, to quit England from a Debt of Obligation, unjustly exacted of her by Parsons the jesuit, on the pretence of St. Peter's preaching here.  Dr. Heylyn. 
So that this fear being overblown, we will consider somewhat further of St. Peter's first Preaching in this Island, not as delivered by Tradition from the Church of Rome, which is suspected to have pleaded their own Interest in it; but as affirmed positively by the Greek Menologies, and in the works of Simeon Metaphrastes an approved Greek Author. Of the Menologies (though vouched by Camden to this purpose) our Author takes no notice at all, but lets the weight of his displeasure fall on Metaphrastes.  Fuller. 
The best way to over-blow this fear is to confute the five Arguments alleged by Parsons, for St. Peter's Preaching here, which I hope is done effectually by me in my Church-History, where I follow the jesuit verbatim, in answering to his Reasons. And this is the Reason that I took no notice of the Greek Menologies, because not mentioned by Parsons: whence I collect that either he had never seen them, (which is very improbable,) or else he conceived, that no great belief was to be given unto them, or advantage thereby to be gotten for his Cause.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author saith, Metaphrastes is an Author of no Credit, as Baronius himself doth confess. But first, Baronius himself makes no such Confession, that which our Author tells us from him being only this, In aliis multis ibi ab ipso positis errare eum certum est; that is to say, that he hath erred in many things by him delivered. Assuredly if to err in many things delivered in so great a Work, as that of Simon Metaphrastes, may forthwith be conceived sufficient to make an Author of no Credit, God bless not only our Historian, but Baronius himself from being held Authors of no Credit, in both whom there are many Errors not possible to be reconciled to the Truth of Story.  Fuller. 
THREE is a perfect Number, let therefore the Animadvertor be put in also, partly to make up a Complete company; partly that he may have the Benefit of his own JEAR-PRAYERS to himself.  
Baronius being Dead, to pray for him, is Popery; and to take God's Name in vain (to Jeer us both) is Profaneness. The Animadvertor who now inserts, GOD-BLESSE, when it might have been omitted, will omit it when it should be inserted; as God willing I shall take notice of in due time and place hereafter.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But secondly, as Baronius did not, so he could not say, that Metaphrastes was an Author of no credit: the Man being not only pious, but Learned also, for the times wherein he lived; honoured as a Saint in the Greek Menologies, on the 27. day of November, and graced with a Funeral Oration by Michael Psellus a Renowned Scholar, highly extolled by Balsamon for his pains and industry in this present work, and no less magnified by the Fathers in the Council of Florence, Anno. 1436. All which had never set such an Estimate upon him in their several Times, had he been an Author of no Credit as our Author makes him.  Fuller. 
I shall hereafter have an higher esteem for Metaphrastes. However, to return to the words of Baronius, which (in the last Note) gave the occasion of this contest.  
In aliis multis IBI ab ipso positis errare eum certum est: It is certain that he hath erred in many things THERE delivered by him. The Animadvertor in his Translation omitteth THERE, the most emphatical word in the whole Sentence, seeing, granting Metaphrastes a good Author in other things, he is erroneous in this particular.  Dr. Heylyn. 
I had now ended with St. Peter, but that I find him appear in a vision to King Edward the Confessor, and telling him, That he had preached the Gospel in Britain, (occasioning thereby the foundation of the Abbey of St. Peter in Westminster.) To which our Author makes this answer, To this vision pretended of Peter, we oppose the certain words of St. Paul, 1 Tim. 4.1. Neither give heed to fables.  
What a pity is it, that this apparition was not made, and the same tale told over again, to Thomas Fuller of Hammersmith, that so it might have found some credit with our Author, though with no body else.  Fuller. 
Nay rather, what a pity was it, that this Apparition of St. Peter was not made unto his namesake Peter, (here the Animadvertor) and then all had been authentic indeed.  Dr. Heylyn. 
For of this, Thomas Fuller our Author telleth us, (and telleth it in confirmation of some Miracles done by King Henry the sixth after his decease) that being a very honest man, he happened into the company of some who had stolen some Cattle, for which he was condemned and executed; and being on the top of the Ladder, King Henry the sixth appeared unto him, and so ordered the matter, that he was not strangled with the Rope, but preserved alive: And finally, that in gratitude of so great a benefit, he repaired to that King's Tomb in Chertsey Abbey, and there presented his humble thanks for that great deliverance. There being as good Authors for that Apparition of St. Peter, as of this of St. Henry. Vel neutrum flammis ure, vel ure duos: Either let both be believed for truths, or for falsehoods burn both.  Fuller. 
Let the Echo both in Latin and English answer for me, Ure duos, Burn both, for a brace of notorious falsehoods, and see who will shed a tear to quench the fire. As for the Apparition to Thomas Fuller of Hammersmith, seeing afterwards the Animadvertor twitteth me therewith, we will till then defer our Answer thereunto.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Less opposition meets the preaching of St. joseph of Arimathea, though it meeteth some. For notwithstanding that this Tradition be as general, as universally received, as almost any other in the Christian Church; yet our Author, being resolved to let fly at all, declares it for a piece of Novel superstition, disguised with pretended Antiquity. Better provided (as it seems) to dispute this point than the Ambassadors of Castille, when they contended for precedency with those of England in the Council of Basil; who had not any thing to object against this Tradition of Joseph's preaching to the Britain's, although the English had provoked them, by confuting their absurd pretences for St. james his preaching to the Spaniards.  Fuller. 
I never denied the Historical groundwork, but the Fabulous varnish of Arimathean joseph here preaching. My words run thus. Church-History, Pag. 6. Part 12. 
Yet because the Norman Charters of Glassenbury refer to a Succession of many ancient Charters, bestowed on that Church by several Saxon Kings, as the Saxon Charters relate to British Grants in Intuition to Joseph's being there; We dare not wholly deny the substance of the Story, though the Leaven of Monkery hath much swollen and puffed up the circumstance thereof.   
And to the impartial peruser of the connexion of my words, Novel Superstition, disguised with pretended Antiquity, relate not to the substance of the Story, but as it is presented unto us with fictitious embellishments.  
And here I foretell the Reader, what he shall see within few pages performed, namely, that after the Animadvertor hath flung, and flounced, and fluttered about, to show his own activity and opposition, against what I (though never so well and warily) have written, at last he will calmly come up, and in this controversy close with my sense, though not words, using (for the more credit) his own expressions.  Dr. Heylyn. 
For first, our Author doth object in the way of scorn, that, fol. 6. The relation is as ill accoutred with tackle, as the Ship, in which it is affirmed that St. Philip, St. Joseph, and the rest, were put by the jews, into a Vessel without Sails or Oars, with intent to drown them; and being tossed with tempests in the midland Sea, at last safely landed at Marcelles in France, and thence afterwards made for England.] No such strange piece of Errantry (if we mark it well) as to render the whole truth suspected.  Fuller. 
Not by way of scorn, Sir, but by way of dislike and distrust. The more I mark it, the more strange piece of Errantry it seemeth, so that I cannot meet with a stranger.  Dr. Heylyn. 
For first, we find it in the Monuments of elder times, that Acrisius King of Argos exposed his daughter Danae, with her young son Perseus, in such a vessel as this was, and as ill provided of all necessaries, to the open Seas; who, notwithstanding, by divine providence, were safely wafted to those parts of Italy, which we now call Puglia.  Fuller. 
Monuments of elder times! What be your Acts, if these be your Monuments? Ask my fellow if I be a thief; ask a Poetical Fable, if a Monkish Legend be a liar. And what if Danae (the selfsame forsooth which had a golden shower reigned into her lap) crossed from Argos in Peloponesus, to Apulia, now Puglia, almost in a straight line, and the narrowest part of the Adriatic. This doth not parallel the improbability of joseph his voyage, in an un-accoutred Ship, from some Port in Palestine, to Marselles, the way being ten times as far, full of flexures, and making of several points; which costs our Seamen some months in sailing, (though better accommodated). I confess, God's power can bring any, a greater distance, with cordage of cobweb in a nutshell, but no wise man will make his belief so cheap, to credit such a miracle, except it be better attested.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And secondly, for the middle times, we have the LIKE story in an Author above all exception, even our Author himself, who telleth us, lib. 6. fol. 265. of our present History, that King Athelstane put his brother Edwin into a little Wherry or Cockboat, without any tackling or furniture thereunto, to the end, that if the poor Prince perished, his wickedness might be imputed to the waves.  Fuller. 
Thanks for the jeer premised. I am not the Author, but bare Relater of that story, obvious in all our English Chronicles. Nor is the story LIKE to that of Ioseph's, except he had been drowned in his Waftage to Marelles, as this exposed Prince Edwin was in our Narrow Seas, (whether wilfully or casually, not so certain) his corpse being taken up in Flanders. The resemblance betwixt stories chiefly consists in similitude of success; And what likeness betwixt a miserable death, and a miraculous deliverance?  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author objecteth in the next place, that no writer of credit can be produced before the Conquest, who mentioneth Joseph 's coming hither.] For answer whereunto, it may first be said, that where there is a constant uncontrolled Tradition, there is most commonly the less care taken to commit it to Writing.  Fuller. 
Less care implieth some care, whereas here no care, but a panic silence of all Authors, British, Saxon, and Christian, for a thousand years together. Secondly, the Animadvertor might have done well, to have instanced in any one Tradition, (seeing he saith it is most commonly done) which is constant and uncontrolled, yet attested by no creditable Author; and then let him carry the cause.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Secondly, that the Charters of Glassenbury, relating from the Norman to the Sax●n Kings, and from the Saxons to the Britain's, being all built upon St. Ioseph's coming hither, and preaching here, may serve instead of many Authors bearing witness to it.  
And thirdly, that Friar Bale, as great an enemy to the unwarrantable Traditions of the Church of Rome, as our Author can desire to have him, hath vouched two witnesses hereunto, that is to say, Melkinus Avalonius, and Gildas Albanus; whose Writings, or some fragments of them, he may be believed to have seen, though our Author hath not.  Fuller. 
Nor the Animadvertor neither. Bale doth not intimate that he ever saw any part of them; and he useth to Cackle, when lighting on such Eggs. But we collect from him and other Authors, that no credit is to be given to such supposititious fragments.  Dr. Heylyn. 
As for some circumstances in the story, that is to say, the dedicating of Joseph's first Church to the Virgin Mary, the burying of his body in it, and the enclosing of the same with a large Churchyard; I look upon them as the products of Munkish ignorance, accommodated unto the fashion of those times which the writers lived in. There is scarce any Saint in all the Calendar, whose History would not be subject to the like misconstructions, if the additaments of the middle and darker times should be produced to the disparagement of the whole Narration.  Fuller. 
Now the Reader sees my Prediction performed, viz. that after the Animadvertor had flounced about, he would close with my sense in his own words. Is no● this the very same in effect with what I said, approving the Substance, but rejecting the Fabulous circumstances of the story of joseph? In all this he hath done just nothing, save only swelled his Book, (though hollow within) to make it amount to a Saleable bigness.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But such an Enemy Our Author is to all old Traditions, that he must needs have a blow at Glassen-bury Thorn, though before ●ut down by some Soldiers, as himself confesseth; like Sir john Falstaff in the Play, who to show his Valour, must thrust his sword into the Bodies of those men which were dead before.  Fuller. 
Not to all old Traditions, good Animadvertor. Saint Paul 
Of Thessal. 2.15.  saith, Hold the Traditions which you have been taught whether by Word, or our Epistle: such Traditions as these, whether in Doctrine or Practice, I desire to retain. As for unwitnessed Traditions, my Enmity is not such, but in the heat thereof I can smile at them. The Animadvertor hath wronged me, and, The Comedian hath wronged Sir john Falstaff. He was a valiant Knight, famous for his Achievements in France, made (as the History 
* Pag. 329.  of St. George testifieth,) Knight of the Garter by King Henry the sixth, and one who disdained to violate the Concerments of the Dead. Nor have I been injurious to the Thorn of Glassenbury living or Dead, as will appear.  Dr. Heylyn. 
The budding or blossoming of which Thorn, he accounts untrue (which, were it true, etc. Fol. 8.) affirming, from I know not whom, that it doth not punctually and critically bud on Christmas Day, but on the days near it and about it. And were it no otherwise then so, the Miracle were not much the less, then if it budded critically on Christmas Day, as I have heard from persons of great Worth and credit dwelling near the place, that indeed it did: though unto such, as had a mind to decry the Festival, it was no very hard matter to belie the Miracle.  Fuller. 
My words amount not to an absolute Denial, but to some Dissatisfaction. Parcel-Diffidelity in matters of such nature, I am sure is no sin. Mr. Tailor, burges for Bristol in the long Parliament, was He who told me, that going thither purposely with his Kinsman it did not that year exactly bud on Christmas Day. A Person as improbable to de●ry the Festival, being a Colonel on the King's side, (who refusing quarter was killed under the walls of Bristol); so unlikely, if living, to have taken the LIE from the Pen of the Animadvertor.  
And now Reader, (seeing some mirth will not be amiss) know that, As I do not believe his report, who on a Christmas day, stroking his Hand down his Doublet before, found there a great green Quickset suddenly grown, and Wondered thereat, until he remembered, that the moulds of his Bald-worne buttens were made of Glassen-bury Thorn: so am I not of so sullen and Morose a Nature, as not to Credit what is generally and Credibly reported. Nor do my words Positively and Peremptorily conclude against the budding of this Thorn, but against the necessary relating thereof, to Arimathean joseph, which I rather leave at large to some occult Quality in nature, paralleling it with the like, (never as yet fathered on any Saint the causer thereof,) the Oak in Hamshire. But enough, lest we occasion the altering of the Proverb from de Lana Caprina, into de Corno Glastoniensi.  Dr. Heylyn. 
In fine, our Author either is unwilling to have the Gospel as soon preached here as in other places, or else we must have preachers for it from he knows not whence. Such preachers we must have, as either drop down immediately from the Heavens, as Diana's Image is said to have done by the Towne-Clark of Ephesus; or else must suddenly rise out of the earth, as Tages the first Soothsayer amongst Tuscans, is reported to have done by some ancient Writers. And yet we cannot say of our Author neither, as Lactantius did of one Acesilas (if my memory fail not,) Recte hic aliorum sustulit disciplinas, sed non rectè fundavit suam; that is to say, that though he had laid no good grounds for his own opinion, yet he had solidly confuted the opinions of others. Our Author hath a way by himself, neither well skilled in pulling down, or in building up.  Fuller. 
I have plucked nothing down but what would have fallen of itself, and thereby perchance hurt others, (I mean mis-inform them) as grounded on a foundered foundation. In place whereof I have erected, if not so fair, a more firm Fabric, acknowledging, That Apostolical men did at first found the Gospel here, though (to use my 
1 Cent. p. 4.  words) the British Church hath forgotten her own infancy, and who were her first Godfathers'. Adding hereto that as God concealed the Body of 
Deu. 34.6.  Moses to prevent Idolatry; So, to cut off from posterity all occasion of superstition, He suffered the memories of our Primitive planters to be buried in Obscurity.  
This is enough to satisfy any ingenuous person, who prefers a modest truth before adventurous assertions, having in them much of falsehood and more of uncertainty.  Dr. Heylyn. 
From the first conversion of the Britain's, proceed we now unto the second, as Parsons calls it, or rather from the first Preaching to the Propagation. The Christian Faith here planted by St. Peter or St. joseph (or perhaps planted by the one, and watered by the other, in their several times) had still a being in this Island till the time of Lucius. So that there was no need of a new Conversion, but only of some able Labourers to take in the Harvest. The Miracles done by some pious Christians induced King Lucius to send Elvanus and Meduinus (two of that profession) to the Pope of Rome, requesting principally, that some Preachers might be sent to instruct him in the saith of Christ. Which the Pope did according to the King's desire, sending Faganus and Derwianus, two right godly men, by whom much people were converted, the Temples of the gods converted into Christian Churches, the Hierarchy of Bishops settled, and the whole building raised on so good a foundation, that it continued undemolisht till the time of the Saxons.  Fuller. 
This is the Sum and Substance of the Story of K. Lucius, which the Animadvertor hath breviated, and with whom I concur therein. It never came into my thoughts to doubt the substance, but deny some circumstances thereof. My own 
Church Hist. v. 1. pag. 10.  expression is, that the whole Bulk thereof is not to be Refused, but Refined, and to this I adhere.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And in the summing up of this story, our Author having refuted some petit Arguments which had been answered to his hand (though much mistaken by the way in taking Diotarus King of Galatia, for a King of Sicily, fol. 10.) gives us some other in their stead, which he thinks unanswerable.  Fuller. 
I deny not that P. Eleutherius might or did send a Letter to K. Lucius, but I justly suspect the Letter now extant to be but-pretended and forged. I never thought (by the way, how came the Animadvertor to know my thoughts,) my Arguments unanswerable, but now I say they are unanswered; standing in full force, notwithstanding any alleged by the Animadvertor to the contrary. I confess a Memory-mistake of Sicilia for Galatia: and as it is the first fault he hath detected in my Book; so shall it be the first by me (God Willing) amended in the next Edition.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author First objects against the Pope's answer to the King, that  
Fol. 11. It relates to a former letter of King Lucius wherein he requested of the Pope to send him a Copy or Collection of the Roman Laws, which being at that time in force in the I'll of Britain, was but actum agere.] But certainly though those parts of Britain in which Lucius reigned, were governed in part (and but in part) by the Laws of Rome, yet were the Laws of Rome, at that time more in number, and of a far more general practice, then to be limited to so narrow a part of their Dominions. Two thousand Volumes we find of them in justinian's time, out of which, by the help of Theophilus, Trebonianus, and many other learned men of that noble faculty, the Emperor composed that Book or body of Law which from the universality of its comprehension, we still call the Pandects.  Fuller. 
One who hath taken but two Turns in Trinity hall Court in Cambridge, knows full well what PANDECTS are, and why so called. All this is but praefatory: I wait for the answer to the Objection still to come.  Dr. Heylyn. 
In the next place it is objected, that  
This letter mounts King Lucius to too high a Throne, making him the Monarch or King of Britain, who neither was the Supreme nor sole King here, but partial and subordinate to the Romans.] This we acknowledge to be true, but no way prejudicial to the cause in hand. Lucius both was and might be called the King of Britain, though Tributary and Vassal to the Roman Emperors, as the two Balliol's john and Edward were both Kings of Scotland, though Homagers and Vassals to Edward the first, and third, of England, the Kings of Naples to the Pope, and those of Austria and Bohemia to the Germane Emperors.  Fuller. 
A Blank is better than such writing to no purpose. For first, both the Balliol's in their several times were (though not SUPREME) SOLE Kings of Scotland. So were the Kings of Naples, and the King of Austria, (there never being but one, the first, and Last, viz. 
* Seb. Munsterus de Germania.  Fredoritus Leopoldus) and the Kings of Bohemia in their respective Dominions. Not so Lucius, who was neither Supreme nor Sole King of Britain.  
Besides the Balliol's being Kings of Scotland, did never Style themselves, (or were Styled by other) Kings of Britain. The Kings of Naples never entitled themselves Kings of Italy: Nor the Kings of Austria and Bohemia ever wrote themselves, (or were written to,) as Kings of Germany.  
Whereas Lucius, (Ruler only in the South West-part of this Isle,) is in this Letter made King of Britain, more than came to his share; an Argument that the Forger thereof was unacquainted with the Constitution of his Kingdom. And this just Exception stands firm against the Letter, what ever the Animadvertor hath alleged in the excuse thereof.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Nor doth the next objection give us any trouble at all, that is to say, that  
The Scripture quoted in that Letter is out of St. Hieroms Translation, which came more than a hundred years after:] Unless it can be proved withal (as I think it cannot) that Hierom followed not, in those Texts, those old Translations, which were before received and used in the Western Churches.  Fuller. 
See the different tempers of men, how some in point of Truth, are of a tenderer constitution than others. The 
* De prim Ec. Brit.  Primate Armach was so sensible of the strength of this reason, that it made him conclude against the authenticallnesse of the Letter.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Lesle am I moved with that which follows, viz.  
That this letter not appearing till a thousand years after the death of Pope Eleutherius, might probably creep out of some Monk's Cell, some four hundred years since.] Which allegation being admitted, (the Monk's Cell excepted,) it makes no more to the discredit of the letter which we have before us, then to the undervaluing of those excellent Monuments of Piety and Learning, which have been recovered of late times from the dust and moths of ancient Libraries. Such Treasures like money long locked up, is never thought less profitable when it comes abroad. And from what place soever it first came abroad, I am confident it came not out of any Monk's Cell; that generation being then wholly at the Pope's devotion, by consequence not likely to divulge an Evidence, so manifestly tending to the overthrow of his pretensions. The Popes about four hundred years since were mounted to the height of that power and Tyranny which they claimed as Vicars unto Christ. To which there could not any thing be more plainly contrary then that passage in the Pope's letter, whereto he tells the King, That he was God's Vicar in his own Kingdom (vos estis Vicarius Dei in Regno vestro, as the Latin hath it.) Too great a secret to proceed from the Cell of a Monk, who would have rather forged ten Decretals to uphold the Popish usurpations over Sovereign Princes, then published one only (whether true or false) to subvert the same. Nor doth this Letter only give the King an empty Title, but such a Title as imports the exercise of the chief Ecclesiastical Power within his Dominions. For thus it followeth in the same; The people and the folk of the Realm of Britain be yours, whom if they be divided, ye ought to gather in concord and peace, to call them to the faith and law of Christ, to cherish and maintain them, to rule and govern them, so as you may reign everlastingly with him whose Vicar you are. So far the very words of the letter, as our Author rendereth them, which savour far more of the honest simplicity of the Primitive Popes, than the impostures and supposititious issues of the latter times.  Fuller. 
I confess some precious pieces of Antiquity, long Latent in Obscurity, have at last broke forth into the Light, with no little advantage to Learning. But then such were entire Books, and we know, how, when, where, and by whom, they were found out, and brought forth. Whereas this loose Letter secretly and slily slid into the World, unattended with any such Cicumstances to attest the Genuinesse thereof. Children casually lost, are no whit the less Legitimate; and beloved the more, when found and owned of their Parents. But give me leave to suspect that Babe a Bastard, which is left on a bulk, or under a Stall; no Father being found, or Mother, to maintain it. A Presumption that this Letter of Elutherius is supposititious.  
I confess, this pretended Letter of Lucius hath something in it, which doth act and personate primitive simplicity, (as that passage of Regal power in Church-matters,) but more which doth practise the Monkish ignorance, of later times. There were lately false twenty Shilling pieces, (commonly called Morgan's) coined by a cunning and cheating Chemist, whose part without the Rind was good Gold, and would endure the touch, whilst that within was base as but double guilded Brass. Such, this Letter of Lucius; some part whereof will endure the Test, the other not: the Monk, who made it, pretending something of antiquity, (so to palliate the deceit); but having more of the Novelty of the middle age. He lived in some six hundred years since.  
May the Reader be pleased to take notice, that the Animadvertor hath silently passed by, the strongest Argument to shatter the credit of this Letter alleged by me, and taken from a phrase unknown in that Age, yet used in the Letter, even MANU TENERE, to Maintain, or defend. This the Animadvertor slips over in silence, and that I believe for nineteen reasons, whereof this was one, because He himself was unable to answer it, and knew Critics would laugh at him, if affirming those words, in that sense, contemporary with Pope Eleutherius. Herein, He appears like a Dunkerker, who delights to prey on poor Merchant's Ships passing on in their Calling, but meeting an English Man of War, He can look Big, and fairly give him the goe-By. He finds it more facile to carp an easy inoffensive passage, then to confute what hath difficulty, and strength of reason therein.  
I resume what I said before, and what the Animadvertor hath gainsaid to no purpose, viz. that this Story of K. Lucius is not to be Refused but Refined, and the dross is to be put from the good Metal; or (as my own words also are,) the good Corn therein sifted from the Chaff; and, amongst the Chaff, I have cast away this Letter. But if the Animadvertor loves to eat both Corn and Chaff, much good may his Diet do him, and let Him and Horse feed on their Loaf together.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author tells us, fol. 9 that he had ventured on this story with much averseness; and we dare believe him. He had not else laboured to discredit it in so many particulars, and wilfully (that I say no worse) suppressed, etc.  Fuller. 
Can he say worse than wilfully, except it be Maliciously? Seeing, in my conscience, I believe the Story of the conversion of K. Lucius: though this Letter, and some other circumstances seem to me improbable.  
I entered on this story with this much averseness, as finding much difficulty, and fearing not to give satisfaction therein to myself, and others.  
I see not how it can be inferred from such my averseness, that I therefore laboured to discredit the story in so many particulars.  
If this be a good consequence, I desire the Reader to remember, what the Animadvertor hath written in the latter end of the introduction to his Animadversions on my Book, viz.  
I must needs confess withal, that I did never enter more unwillingly upon any undertaking, than I did on this.  
May I not then, by the same Logic, conclude his endeavouring to disparage my Book: because he entered thereon so unwillingly?  Dr. Heylyn. 
The best part of the Evidence in the words of Beda; who being no friend unto the Britain's, hath notwithstanding done them right in this great business. And from him take the story in these following words; Anno ab Incarnatione Domini, 156. etc. In the 156. year after Christ's Nativity, Marcus Antonius Verus together with Aurelius Commodus his Brother, did in the fourteenth place from Augustus Ceasar, undertake the government of the Empire. In whose times when as Eleutherius a godly man was Bishop of the Church of Rome, Lucius King of the Britain's sent unto him, Obsecrans u● per eius mandatum Christianus efficeretur, entreating by his means to be made a Christian. Whose virtuous desire herein was granted; and the faith of Christ being thus received by the Britain's, was by them kept inviolate and undefiled until the time of Diocle●ian. This is the substance of the story, as by him delivered, true in the main, though possibly there may be some mistake in his Chronology, as in a matter not so canvassed as it hath been lately.  Fuller. 
I entered a grand Jury of Authors, which mentioned the Conversion of Lucius, amongst whom Bede is one. I expressed none of them, (as I had no cause) in their words at length; neither can I properly be said to suppress any of them, solemnly giving in their names, and their several Dates, which they assign to that memorable action.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Now to proceed unto our Author, he tells us. Fol. 10. out of jeffery of Monmouth, That at this time there were in England twenty eight Cities, each of them having a Flamen or Pagan Priest; and three of them, namely London, York, and Caerlion in Wales, had Arch-flamen, to which the Rest were subjected: and Lucius placed Bishops in the Rome of the Flamens, and Archbishops, Metropolitans in the places of Arch-flamen; concluding in the way of Scorn, that his Flamines, and Arch-flamines seem to be Flams and Arch-flams, even notorious Falsehoods.  Fuller. 
I would not willingly sit in the seat of the 
Psal. 1.  Scorner, and if the Animadvertor by his force will thrust me down into it, I will (God willing) rise up again, and leave the place empty to himself to stand or sit therein, Pro libero suo Arbitrio.  
I say no more, nor so much, as that Worthy Knight Sr. Henry Spelman (so great an Antiquary, that it is Questionable, whether his Industry, judgement, or Humility were the Greatest) hath said on the same Subject. Who having learnedly confuted this Report of Geoffrey of Monmouth, concludeth with the cause of his Mistake, relying on some supposititious Epistles. Sr. H. Spelman de Concilijs Page 13. 
Gaufrido autem atque aliis, qui Flaminum. Archiflaminum, et Protoflaminum Commento capiuntur, imposuisse videtur Gratiani authoritas, Epistolis munita S Lucij, etc.   
See! He calleth that Commentum, which our Dictionaries English a Flat. Lie, which I have mitigated into a flame, as importing in common Discourse a Falsehood, which hath more of vanity, than Mischief therein.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And it is well they do but seem so, it being possible enough that they may seem Falsehoods to our Author, even notorious Falsehoods; though they seem true enough to others, even apparent Truths.  Fuller. 
They seem so also to learned Sr. Henry Spelman, lately alleged; and to the Reverend Archbishop of Armagh, and many others.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And first though jeffery of Monmouth, seem to deserve no credit in this particular, where he speaks against our Author's sense; yet in another place where he comes up to his Desires, he is otherwise thought of, and therefore made the Foreman of the Grand-inquest against Augustine the Monk, whom he enditeth for the Murder of the Monks of Bangor. And certainly, if jeffery may be believed when he speaks in Passion, when his Welch-Blood was up, as our Author words it, as one that was concerned in the Cause of his Countrymen; he may more easily be believed in a Cause of so remote Antiquity, where neither Love nor Hatred, or any other prevalent Affection had any power or reason to divert him from the Way of Truth.  Fuller. 
It is usual with all Authors, sometimes to close with the judgements of the same Person, from whom they afterwards on just Cause may descent; and should not this Liberty be allowed me, to like or leave, in jeffery Monmouth, what I think fitting? The Animadvertor concurreth with Bishop God-win, that the DRUIDS instructed the Britons in the worship of one God; yet will not be concluded with his judgement, when averring the Letter fathered on Eleutherius not to savour of the Style of that Age. Yea, when I make for him, he can allege twenty Lines together, out of my Book, against H. le Strange; though at other times, when he hath served his Turn of me, I am the Object of his slighting and Contempt.  
Now when as the IN-ANIMADVERTOR (for now I must so call him for his Carelessness,) citeth a place in my Book, viz. [Lib. 2. Fol. 63.] that I make J. Monmouth the Foreman of the great inquest against Augustine the Monk, he is much mistaken therein. For in the place by him cited, I Impannell a Grand jury, (amongst whom J. Monmouth is neither Foreman, nor any Man) of judicious Readers consisting of twenty four. As false is it what he addeth, as if in that Trial I attributed much to the judgement of J. Monmouth, who therein is only produced as a Witness, and a Verdict brought in, point-Blank against his Evidence, acquitting Augustine the Monk of the Murder, whereof Monmouth did accuse him.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And secondly, though jeffery of Monmouth be a Writer of no great credit with me, when he stands single by himself; yet when I find him seconded and confirmed by others, I shall not brand a truth by the name of falsehood, because he reports it. Now that in Britain at that time there were no fewer than eight and twenty Cities, is affirmed by Beda. Henry of Huntingdon not only agrees with him in the number, but gives us also the names of them, though where to find many of them it is hard to say. That in each of these Cities was some Temple dedicated to the Pagan Gods, that those Temples afterwards were employed to the use of Christians, and the Revenues of them assigned over to the maintenance of the Bishops and other Ministers of the Gospel, hath the concurrent testimony of approved Authors; that is to say, Matthew of Westminster out of Gildas, Anno 187. Rodolph de Diceto, cited by the learned Primate of Armach in his Book De Primordiis Eccles. Brit. cap. 4. Gervase of Tilbury, ibid. cap. 6. And for the Flamines, and Arch-flamines, they stand not only on the credit of jeffery of Monmouth, but of all our own Writers, who speak of the foundation of the ancient Bishoprics, even to Polydore Virgil.  Fuller. 
I concur with the Animadvertor in the number of the Cities in Britain.  
Also I do not deny but that K. Lucius might place Bishops in some (perchance half) of them, which I believe is all which the Animadvertor doth desire. Only as to Bishops and Archbishops exactly substituted in the Individual places of Flamens and Arch-flamen, my belief cannot come up to the height thereof. I find that Giraldus Cambrensis and other Authors of that age, (though concurring with J. Monmouth in Lucius his Episcopating of Cities,) make not any mention of these Arch-flamen.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Nor want there many foreign Writers who affirm the same, beginning with Martinus Polonus, who being esteemed no friend to the Popedom (because of the Story of Pope jone which occurs in his Writings) may the rather be believed in the story of Lucius. And he agrees with jeffery of Monmouth in all parts of the story, as to the Flamines and Arch-flamines, as do also many other of the Roman Writers which came after him.  Fuller. 
Nothing more usual then for foreign Writers, with implicit faith, to take things on the credit of such who have wrote the History of their own Country. But on the Confutation of the Leading Author, the rest sink of course of themselves.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But where both our Author and some others have raised some objections against this part of the History, for Answer thereunto I refer the Reader to the learned and laborious Work of Francis Mason late Archdeacon of Norfolk, De Ministerio Anglicano, the sum whereof in brief is this, Licet in una urbe multi Flamines, that though there were many Flamines in one City, yet was there only one which was called Pontifex or Primus Flaminum; the Pope or principal of the Flamines; of which kind one for every City, were those whom our Historians speak of. And for the Archi-Flamines or Proto-Flamines, though the name occur not in old Roman Writers, yet were there some in power and Authority above the rest, who were entitled Primi Pontificum (as indeed Coifi by that name is called in Beda) which is the same in sense with Arch-flamines although not in sound. All I shall further add is this, that if these 28 Cities were not all furnished with Bishops in the time of Lucius, for whom it was impossible to spread his arms and express his power over all the South parts of the Island; yet may the honour of the work be ascribed to him, because begun by his encouragement, and perfected by his example; as Romulus is generally esteemed for the Founder of Rome, although the least part of that great City was of his Foundation.  Fuller. 
But, whereas both the Animadvertor and some others conceive their Answers satisfactory to such Objections raised against this part of the History; I refer the Reader unto Sr. Henry 
* In his Counsels.  Spelman, and to the Archbishop of 
* In his Primord. Eccl. Angl.  Armagh; both as learned and Judicious Antiquaries as ever our Land enjoyed.  
These it seems were not satisfied, with such Solutions, as Mr. Mason produceth against those Objections, because (writing later than Mr. Mason) they in their judgements declare themselves against J. Monmouth herein.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author has not yet done with Lucius. For admitting the story to be true, he disallows the turning of the Pagan Temples into Christian Churches, which he censureth as the putting of new Wine into old Vessels, which afterwards savoured of the Cask, Christianity hereby getting a smack of Heathen ceremonies. But in this point the Primitive Christians were as wise as our Author, though they were not so nice. Who without fearing any such smack, accommodated themselves in many ceremonies to the Gentiles, and in some to the jews; that being all things to all men, they might gain the more, as in fine they did: which notwithstanding our Author hereupon inferreth.  Fuller. 
I only humbly tendered my weak Opinion herein, that Religion was a loser by such mixtures. If it findeth no welcome in the breast of the Animadvertor and others, no hurt is done; let it fairly return into his Bosom, who (it seems) first gave it a being, though I could cite most Pious and Learned Authors of the same Judgement. But for the present let all the weight of the guilt light on myself alone.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds, Fol. 13. They had better built new Nests for the holy Dove, and not have lodged it where Schriech-owls and unclean Birds had formerly been harboured.] A pretty piece of new Divinity, and such as savours strongly of the Modern Anabaptist; such as not only doth reproach the practice of most pious Antiquity, but lays a sure ground for the pulling down of all our Churches (as having been abused to Popish Superstitions in the former times) if ever that increasing faction should become predominant. What pity is it that our Author had not lived and preached this Doctrine in King Edward's time, that the Parochial Churches and Cathedrals being sent after the Abbeys, new Nests might have been built for the Dove in some tree or other, under the shade whereof the people might assemble to their devotions: and not new Nests provided only, burr new feathers also, the vestments prescribed to the Ministers by the Church of England, being condemned and disallowed by the Puritan party, because in use formerly with the Priests of the Church of Rome. More of this stuff, but of a more dangerous consequence to the public peace, we shall see hereafter.  Fuller. 
I do not quarrel with the posture of my Nativity, knowing God hath 
* Act. 17.23.  determined the times fore-appointed and the bounds of their Habitation. Nor would I have my being antedated in the days of K. Edward the sixth, whereby my Soul should be degraded into a dimmer Light, than what now I live in.  
Had I lived in His Reign, I know not what I would have done, seeing one may be lost in the Labyrinth of his own Heart. But though I know not what I would have done, I know what I should have done, viz. persuaded, to my power, all people to be sensible of the vast difference betwixt Heathen-Temples and Christian-Churches.  
The former were the Sties of swine, yea the Dens of Devils, profaned to the foul Idols of Pagans.  
The latter were dedicated to the true God, and the memory of his glorious Saints, out of zeal, and wel-intended Devotion. And though the same were abused by superstition, yet the substantial use of them might remain, when their accidential abuse was removed, and might be continued for God's service without any Sin; not to say, could not be aliened from it, without some sacrilege.  Dr. Heylyn. 
We have now done at last with the story of Lucius, and must next follow our Author unto that of Amphibalus, in prosecution whereof he telleth us of a great slaughter of Christians in or near the City of Litchfield, from thence so denominated, of which thus saith he;  
Fol. 19 This relation is favoured by the name of Litchfield, which in the British tongue signifies a Golgotha, or a place bestrewed with skulls.] It's true indeed that Litchfield, or Licidfield, as Bedae calleth it, is made by john Rosse to signify Cadaverum Campus, or the field of dead bodies. But that it doth so signify in the British language, I do more than doubt, the termination of the word being merely Saxon, as in Hefensield, Cock-field, Camps-field, and many others. As little am I satisfied in the Etymon of the name of Maidenhead, which he ascribes unto the worshipping of the head of one of those many Maidens which were martyred with Ursula at Colen, fol. 36. For which though he cite Camden for his Author (following therein, but not approving the old Tradition) yet when I find in the same Camden, that this Town was formerly called Maiden-hith, that anciently there was a ferry near the place where the Town now stands, and that Heath in the old Saxon tongue, did signify a Wharf, Haven, or landing place, I have some reason to believe, that the Town took this name from the Wharf or Ferry belonging at that time to some neighbouring Nunnery, or to some private Maidens dwelling thereabout, who then received the profits of it. Just so, Queen-Hith in London took that appellation, because the profits of that Wharf were anciently accounted for, to the Queens of England; and Maiden-bradly in Wiltshire, was so denominated because belonging to one of the inheretrices of Manasses Basset, a most noble personage in his time, who founded a House here for Maiden Lepers.  Fuller. 
As for Litchfield, thereof hereafter. But whether it be Maidenhead, or Maiden-hith, is not a straw matter to me, who cited the words out of Cambdens' Latin Brittannia: which is more properly Cambden, than the English translation thereof.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But to return again to Leitch-field, It must needs seem as strange to my judicious Reader, that one part of it should be borrowed from the Britain's, and the other from the Saxons; as it seems strange unto our Author, and that justly too, that Cern in Dorcetshire should anciently be called Cernel, from the Latin word Cerno, which signifies to see, and the Hebrew word El signifying God, fol. 67.  Fuller. 
Nothing more usual, than for the same word to bear parley par pale, two languages. But such mixtures only are made in such places, where those two Languages have entered common together.  
And this is the reason that disapproveth the probability of Cernel, because Hebrew and Latin never incorporated together, Greek, as I may say, being interposed betwixt them.  
But such Conjunctions of two Languages, which, in some sort, indented one another, are frequent and familiar.  
Our Author lately presented us with two half-Greek, half-Latine Archi-flamen, and Proto-flamen.  
He also just now mentioned a word half●French, half Saxon, Camps-field.  
Many towns names in England are half Saxons, half British; Up-Avon, Neather-Avon, two villages in Wilt-shire. Avon being a river in the British tongue.  
To put all out of doubt, the Reader may rely on the judgement of this my worthy friend, whose Letter I have here caused to be inserted, Mr. Fuller.  
As touching the Elymology of the City of Litchfield, I can give you no satisfactory account; being not well skilled in the Saxon Tongue. But if Mr. John Rosse hath ground for his Campus Cadaverum, I conceive he deduced it from the British Tongues and Saxon. For in our British language, Llaith signifies death, as may be seen in several ancient British Authors, as Taliefin and others. Lleithfa may well bear a place of slaughter as well as lladdfa; the word lladd in the British is the same with occidere in the Latin, ma and Man, denotes a place: and ma, being joined with lleith or lladd, the m by the rules of the British language turns into f as lladdfa lleithfa lladdfaes. Maes is the ordinary name for a field in our Language, and so the old Saxons, which were not ignorant of our language might well make use of their own word field and join it with the British lleith: which in process and corruption of time came to be Litchfield. You must note that when the Saxons met with our ll, they wrote and pronounced it always as one single l.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds, Fol. 20. I fear that learned pen hath gone too far, who makes him founder of a Bishopric at York, and styleth him an Emperor surpassing in all virtue and Christian piety.] The learned pen here spoken of, is that of judicious Camden, whose character of Constantius Chlorus our Author in this place will not let pass without some censure. That he did found (or rather re-found) a Bishopric in the City of ●ork, I am confident Cambden had not said without very good grounds, though on what grounds he said it, I am yet to seek. A Bishopric and a Bishop of York we find on good Record within few years after; Eborius the Bishop of that City subscribing to the Council of Arles in the time of Constantine, the Son and next successor of Constantius Chlorus. And that he was a Prince of surpassing virtue, is generally agreed upon by all Historians, both Pagans and Christians. The Question than will be only this, Whether he did surpass also in Christian piety, which our Author will not otherwise grant, but by our Saviour's Argument only, concluding those to be on our part who are not against us; Constantius doing no other good unto Christianity, but that he did not do it harm. A censure not agreeable to so good an Emperor, who though he were no through-paced Christian, yet did he both favour their Religion, and protect their persons, as Eusebius testifies de vita Constantini, lib. 1. cap. 12. And not so only, but as our Author himself confesseth, he both permitted and preserved them who would rebuild the decayed Christian Churches. If to preserve the persons of Christians in the exercise of their Religion, to have them near unto him in places of greatest trust and eminence, to suffer them to rebuild their Churches and defend them in it, be not the doing of some good unto Christianity, more than the doing it no harm, let our Author carry it, and Cambden bear the blame of his needless Courtship.  Fuller. 
If at the end of this long Note, the Animadvertor at Last had demonstrated that Constantius Chlorus was a thoroughpaced Christian; the Reader, and I myself, would not have grudged our attention unto it.  
But what is the Total sum of what he saith? It amounts to just nothing, only to show that (which I confessed) he did some good (besides no hurt) to Christianity. What is this to prove the words of Learned, (but here mistaken) Mr. Camden. An Emperor surpassing in all Virtues and Christian Piety.  
The Animadvertor should first have proved that this Constantius had passed into Christianity before he was surpassing therein; a thing which He, and all his Friends, are never able to evidence by any authentic Author.  
In a word, As Chlorus or YELLOW (so his Name in Greek) is a Middle colour betwixt White and Black, below the former, and above the latter in Brightness; So this Emperor, (well answering his name,) was indeed much better than most Pagans, and yet far short (so far as by any humane Author can be collected) of a true Christian.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But this is not the first time, in which our Author hath clashed with Camden, and I see it will not be the last, by that which followeth. For speaking on the by how. Wolves first entered into England, considering that Merchants would not bring them, and that they could not swim over themselves, he adds these words, viz.  
Fol. 25. Which hath prevailed so far with some, as to conceive this now an Island, originally annexed to the Continent.] It seems that though some so conceive it, yet our Author doth not. And yet he cannot choose but know that those whom he doth pass so slightly over by the name of some (as if not worthy to be notified by their proper names) are the most eminent and renowned Antiquaries of these latter times. Amongst which if I reckon Camden for one, and a chief one too, I should but do him right, and not wrong the rest. Whose arguments to prove the point; he that lists to see, may find them at large laid down in his description of Kent; which when our Author can confute (as I doubt he cannot) he may then slight it over as a thing conceived, and conceived only by some men not worth the naming. Till then, I shall behold it as a matter not conceived but proved, and so must he.  Fuller. 
It seems] multa videntur quae no● sunt. I am ashamed to return an answer to this needless and impertinent Note. S. Hierom honoured not Cicero more than I reverence Mr. Camden.  Dr. Heylyn. 
I should here end this Chapter and this Book together, but that I find a trifling error not worth our notice, but that I would set all things right as they come before me; which is the placing of the Emperor Constantine in the Catalogue of those who commonly pass under the name of the 9 Worthies, and this saith he.  Fuller. 
Not so. He should have ended this Chapter and Book before, and not have inserted his last impertinent note. Num Aquila capit muscas?  Dr. Heylyn. 
Fol. 39 Is more than comes to the proportion of Britain; that amongst but nine in the whole World, two should prove Natives of this Island, Constantine and Arthur.] That Arthur goes for one of the Worthies, I shall easily grant, and I shall grant too, that in the opinion of some writers this Island gave birth unto another of them, namely Guy of Warwick. His Knight Sir Guy one of the nine, we touch but by the way, saith Warner in his Albion's England.  Fuller. 
Perchance Guy of Warwick may be made one of the nine English worthies. But I believe none ever made him one of the NINE GENERAL WORTHIES little known beyond the Seas, no General [not to say Prince] as the rest of his Form-fellowes, and famed only for his personal performances.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But in the common estimate they are reckoned thus; that is to say, three jews, 1. joshua, 2. David, 3. judas Maccabeus; three Gentiles, 4. Hector of Troy, 5. Alexander the great, and 6. julius Caesar; three Christians, 7. Arthur of Britain, 8. Charlemagne of France, and 9 Godfrey of Bovillon. But I condemn myself for mingling this poor piece of Errantry with such serious matters, though the necessity of following my Leader as he goeth may excuse me in it.  Fuller. 
The words of the Animadvertor in common estimate intimate, that they are not constantly so accounted. The seven wise men of Greece are variously reckoned up, as several Authors fancied them. So also are the nine Worthies; and if worth makes a worthy, Constantine deserved a place amongst them, being in time before any, in valour behind none of the three Christians. Yea as Sappho is adjected by 
* Le●bia pieriis Sapho soror addita Mu●is, Ausonius.  some to the nine Muses, and made a Tenth; so let there be ten worthies, rather than Constantine should be excluded. But enough hereof, Poets and Painters being the most staple Authors in this point.    


THE SECOND BOOK. Of the Conversion of the Saxons, and that which followed thereupon till the Norman Conquest.  Dr. Heylin. 
IN order to the Conversion of the Saxons, our Author begins (as he had done before in that of the Britan's) with the unhappy condition of that People in the state of Gentilism.  Fuller. 
Here is an intimation, as If I had mistake my Epoches in my Church History of Britan's or Saxons, or both; beginning them too soon or too late. I avouch it done in due time: and so pass from the Animadvertors snarling to his biting.  Dr. Heylin. 
In the description whereof, he omitteth that which was indeed their greatest unhappiness, that is to say, their barbarous and inhuman sacrifices of men and women unto two of their Idols. For Camden telleth us of their god called Wooden, 
Camd. in Brit. fol. 135.  that they used to procure his favour by sacrificing unto him men alive: And I have read in Verstegan (if my memory fail not) a man inferior to none, in the Antiquities of this Nation, that at their return from any conquest, they used to sacrifice the noblest of their Captives to their Idol Thur. In this not much inferior to the Palestinians, in their sacrifices to Moloch; or to the Carthaginians, in the like abominable sacrifices to Saturn; or to the Scythians, in the like to Diana Taurica; 
Lactant. lib. 16 cap. 21.  or finally, to the Galls, in theirs to Haesus and Teutate● their own National Deities. But not to lay at our Authors charge these small sins of Omission, we must next see whether he be not guilty of some sin of Commission also.  Fuller. 
See here the signal Charity of the Animadvertor! After he had laid the charge as heavy as he could, (and heavier than he should) he candidly comes off, he will not lay to my charge such small faults of Omission.  
I was not bound to particularise in all the Saxon prodigious impieties, all being included in that my general expression, 
* Lib. 2. pag. 5●  ABOMINABLE (the proper Scripture-word in this case) in the Rites and Ceremonies of their Adoration.  Dr. Heylin. 
For making a general muster of the Saxon Gods, and showing how they were disposed of in relation to the days of the week, he concludes it thus: Fol. 55. And thus we see the whole week bescattered with Saxon Idols, whose Pagan gods were the Godfathers of the days, and gave them their names.] Not the whole week, though the greatest part thereof was thus bescattered. Sunday and Monday being so called in reference to the Sun and Moon, or else in correspondence to the names of Die Solis and Dies Lunae, which they found given by the Romans at their entrance here. For either the Sun and Moon were worshipped by the ancient Saxons, and then might think themselves neglected in having no place assigned them amongst the rest; or else the Saxon Pagan Gods were not the Godfathers to all the days of the week, as our Author telleth us.  Fuller. 
It is harsh, that I must be indicted to justify every metaphorical expression; but know, That the word [bescattered] properly importeth some empty intervals; or naked distances betwixt the things scattered; which otherwise, would be covered all over, and not be scattered. If therefore two days in the seven have escaped nomination from Saxon Idols, the week notwithstanding may be said, bescattered by them.  Dr. Heylin. 
As much he seems to be mistaken in their god called Woden; of whom thus he telleth us. Fol. 54. Woden, that is wood, fierce, or furious, giving the denomination to Wednesday, 
In Brit. fol. 135  or Wodens-day, armed cap a pe with military Coronet on his head, he was the god of Battle, by whose aid and furtherance, they hoped to obtain Victory; correspondent to Mars.] But Camden sings another song, telling us that Wooden was not worshipped for Mars, but Mercury. Above all other gods, saith he; they worshipped Mercury, whom they called Wooden, whose favour they procured by sacrificing unto him men alive, and to him they consecrated the fourth day of the week, whereupon we call it at this day Wednesday. Thus also in another place, 
Id. in Wiltsh. fol. 241.  Wansdike, in the Saxon tongue called Wodenepoic, that is to say, the Ditch of Wooden or Mercury, and as it should seem of Woden, that false imagined god and father of the English Saxons. And herein I shall rather subscribe to Camden's, than our Author's judgement. For certainly had the Saxons worshipped Wooden as the god of Battle, or correspondent to Mars, they would have given him the third day of the week, or the day of Mars, and not the fourth day of the week or the day of Mercury; as they gave Sunday and Monday unto Sol and Luna, and Thursday unto Thur, whom they worshipped in the place of jupiter, ascribing unto him (as the Greeks and Romans did to jupiter) the power of bearing rule in the Air, governing Thunder, Lightnings, Winds, Showers, fair weather, etc. as Adam Bremensis, a good Writer, doth inform us of them. And though it may be true, which our Author telleth us, that by his aid and furtherance they hoped to obtain Victory, yet this entitleth him not to the place of Mars; as many victories being gotten by wit and stratagem (the known arts of Mercury) as by strength and valour.  Fuller. 
In describing the Saxon Idolatries I followed Verstegan, as the best in this kind, as who (Data opera) had written on that subject, and who lately by the 
* In the last page.  Animadvertor was styled (and that very deservedly) a man inferior to none in the Antiquities of this Nation.  
However, finding a difference betwixt him and Mr. Camden in this particular, I fairly entered this plain note in the 
* Pag. ut prius.  margin of my book, So Verstegan pag. 72. but Camden Brit. pag. 135. makes him to be Mercury.  
Now either the Animadvertor did not, or did take notice of this marginal note. If he did not, being there tendered so conspicuously to the Reader, it is high time for him to leave off writing of books, and turn his pen into prayers; otherwise, such omissions by those who read unto him, will every day more and more inevitably betray him to, and involve him in more inconveniences.  
If he did take notice of this note (which is most probable, always consulting my margin, when making for his advantage) he discovered much superfluity; (not to say of 
* james 1.21.  naughtiness,) Actum agere, that what I had done before, he must do again; and also find fault with me, who had done it before, in this his unnecessary Animadversion.  
I will only add, that the fierce and furious aspect of Woden, the evidence of his wild and would nature (whence He had his Name) better countenanceth his correspondency with Mars, than Mercury; the latter being concerned to carry a more meek and mild countenance, as who being of a tamer kind, and acting all by craft and cunning, did not fright, but flatter deluded people into his plausible Designs.  Dr. Heylin. 
But from our Author's failers, in recounting the superstitions of our Saxon Ancestors, let us next see how he behaves himself in laying down the story of their conversion. In which, though he ascribe something unto Austin the Monk, yet he will by no means allow him to be their Apostle: For, fol. 54. The Papists (saith he) commonly call Augustine the English Apostle, how properly we shall see hereafter. And after, fol. 68 The Papists brag that he was the Apostle of the English.] In these few words there are two things to be considered, whether he is called the Apostle of the English by the Papists only; and secondly, whether he were not so, both in fact and title. Not called so by the Papists only, I am sure of that; but called so commonly by as good Protestants as our Author himself. Thus Camden, 
Camd. Brit. fol. 136.  a right English Protestant, After this Augustine, whom commonly they call the Apostle of the English men, being sent hither by Gregory the Great, having abolished these monstrous abominations of Heathenish impiety, with most happy success, planting Christ in their hearts, converted them to the Christian faith. Nor doth he speak this only in the voice of the common people, 
Id. in Worcest. fol. 578.  but in another place more plainly, as his own opinion. A place there is about this shire called Augustine's Oak, at which Augustine the Apostle of the English men, and the Bishops of Britain met, etc.  
Dr. Philemon Holland of Coventry, a good Protestant also, making an Index unto Camden, speaks the self same language; Augustine the Apostle of the English; which is short, but full. Gabriel Richardson of Brazen-Nose, 
Richardsons' State of Europe lib. 3.  an honest Protestant, in his laborious piece called the State of Europe, telleth us of Canterbury, that the Archbishops See was founded by King Ethelbert in the person of St. Austin the Apostle of the English. More of this kind might be produced, were it not given us for a Rule in the holy Scripture, Ex ore duorum testium vel trium, that two or three witnesses were sufficient to confirm a truth.  
The next thing here to be considered is, whether Austin were not the Apostle of the English, both in fact and title. In order whereunto, we must first take notice, that the word being merely Greek, doth signify in its natural and original sense a Messenger, a Legate, an Ambassador, from whom, to whomsoever sent; and though appropriated to twelve as by way of excellence, yet not improperly communicated unto others in succeeding times, with reference to the Nations whom they had converted. So Boniface an English man the first Archbishop of Ments, is called by Dr. Holland, (as by many others) the Apostle of Germany; Palladius styled by Camden, 
Camd in Scotland, fol. 45.  the Apostle of the Scottish Nation; and the Irish would not think themselves to be fairly dealt with, if their St. Patrick should not be honoured with that Title also. In this sense Austin may be called, and that not improperly, the Apostle of the English Nation; though a derivative Apostle, an Apostle (as our Author calls him in the way of scorn, fol. 68) at the second hand, though others propagated the Gospel further than he lived to do. It was enough to entitle him to this Apostleship, that be first publicly preached the Gospel, and brought the glad Tiding of Salvation amongst the English, though he neither converted all the Nation, nor traveled into all parts of the Land to attempt the same. Neither St. Paul could be entitled the Apostle of the Gentiles, St. Thomas of the Indians, nor St. Matthew of the Ethiopians; if it were necessarily required to their Apostleships, that all the Nations of the Indians must be converted by the one, or the vast Countries of the Ethiopians must be converted by the other; of finally, if St. Paul, to save them a labour, must have reduced all the Gentiles to the faith of Christ. And this the Ambassadors for the King of England at the council of Basil, understood right well, when they contended for precedency with those of Castille. For when the Castilians had objected, that although joseph of Arimathea had preached in England, it was but in a corner thereof, the grand body of Britain remaining Pagan many hundred years after: the English Ambassadors wisely answered, that the Allegation was impertinent to the present purpose, it being not the Universality, but the first Preaching of the Christian Faith which gained the name of an Apostle; there being no Disciple (as they truly urged it) that ever converted a Kingdom totally and entirely to Christianity, for which consult our very Author, Lib. 4.181.  
And yet ●he pains in preaching of Austin were not so limited and restrained to one Kingdom only, but that he travailed into most parts of the Saxon Heptarchy, preaching the Gospel in all places to which the spirit did conduct him, or his business lead him. Our Author grants him to have converted the Kingdom of Kent, fol. 7. and to have taken care for planting the Gospel in the Kingdom of the East-Saxons, and for that end ordaining Mellitus the first Bishop of London fol. 67. From hence he carries him to a conference with the British Bishops in the Country of the Wiccians (now Worcestershire) than part of the Kingdom of Mercia, fol. 60. From thence to Richmondshire in the Kingdom of Northumberland, where he is said to have baptised above ten thousand in one day, fol. 66. And finally, to Cern in Dorsetshire, part of the Kingdom of the Westsaxons, where he destroyed the Idol of Heale of Aesculapius. By which we see, that he visited no fewer than five of the seven Kingdoms in the Saxon Heptarchy, not only doing in each of them that particular work which he went about, but preaching in all fit places as he passed along. And this considered as it ought, with reference to the distance of those several places to which our very Author brings him, gives him just title to that honour which our Author would so willingly deprive him of, when telling us how the Papists called him the English Apostle, he adds these words, how properly (so called) we shall see hereafter.  Fuller. 
The Animadvertor engageth deeper in this Controversy, than in my mind it deserveth. To sta●e the difference truly, whether Augustine properly is called the Apostle of the English? we must explain two Terms, Apostle and English.  
Waving the general notation of Apostle for no more than a Messenger; In the new Testament it importeth a person immediately sent by Christ, to preach people into salvation: It was essential to their constitution, either to have accompanied Christ in the flesh, a qualification required by St. 
* Acts 1.21.  Peter in such Elects, who should supply the vacancy of judas, or at the least that they should see Christ incarnate, either humbled or glorified; the latter favour being peculiarly afforded to St. Paul: 
1 Corinth. 9.1.  Am I not an Apostle, Am I not free, have I not seen jesus Christ our Lord? These I may call primitive Apostles; and none will entitle Augustin the Monk, to be one of their order. A second sort I call derivative Apostles, a Term, which though the Animadvertor sayeth is used by me in the way of scorn, I protest it in sober seriousness, God hath not endowed me to make a more proper Expression, signifying such as mediately, and (as I say) at the second hand, and sent by some eminent servants of God to convert Pagans to Christianity.  
English may be taken in a threefold sense. 

First, for all the Nation, (an Indefinite, tantamounting to an universal) and this is the most proper sense of the word.  
Secondly, for the greater part of the Nation, which in common discourse denominates the whole.  
Thirdly, for some part of the nation, which may be made good by a Synecdoche, especially justified, when it is a chief and first (though least) part thereof, which (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or) per eminentiam, taketh the name of the whole.    
My clear sense is, Augustine the Monk may be called a derivative Apostle of the English in the last acception of the word, and so Mr. Camden, Mr. Richardson, Mr. Holland, and I doubt not but many more have and may entitle him.  
The Animadvertor measureth the progress of Augustine with too extensive dimensions, making him a greater English Traveller than ever he was; Kent was generally the Sphere he moved in, and from thence he was Itinerant to Cerne in Dorsetshire, the boundary of his Western travail: No personal achievements by him North of Thames, seeing that grave baptization (if in Yorkshire) was surely done by Paulinus. As for the interview and conference betwixt him and the British Bishops in Worcestershire (though some probably might be converted in his passage thither, and return thence) no great advantage, but detriment to Christianity was thereby occasioned, those parts generally remaining in Paganism.  
And here I will tender the Reader another distinction of Apostles, submitting it to his judgement, They were either of God alone, Man alone, God and Man together.  
Of God alone, 
Gal. 1.5.  as St. Paul (and the other twelve) an Apostle not of Man, neither by man, but by jesus Christ and God the Father, who raised him from the dead.  
Secondly, of Man alone, being such as the false Apostles amongst the Corinthians, and else where, whose Commission was made and drawn up by themselves, sealed and attested by some of their Factious admirers.  
Thirdly, of God and Man, and such an Apostle was Augustine sent, as I may say, by God and Gregory to the English Nation. But let him not engross the name to himself, but admit also as his partners therein, 1 Mellitus, 2 Paulinus, and Aidan, 3 Felix, 4 Birinus, 5 Chad, 6 Wilfrid, Apostles also, because sent to, and convertors of the, 1 East-Saxons, 2 Northumbrians, 3 East-Angles, 4 West, 5 Mercians, 6 South-Saxons.  Dr. Heylin. 
I have spent more time than I intended in defence of this Title, and therefore think it seasonable to proceed from the Person to his Acts. Of which the first we meet with is, the fixing of the Archiepiscopal See at Canterbury, for which our Author, amongst many other Reasons, gives us this for one, viz. That London, by reason of the receipt thereof was likely to prove the residing place for the English Monarch, and it was probable that the Archiepiscopal dignity would there be eclipsed, and outshined by the Regal Diadem.] But here I must needs ask our Author, whether he thinks, that this was really one of those many motives which occasioned Austin to resolve of Canterbury for his Seat of Residence? If yea, then must our Author grant him to be endued with the Spirit of Prophecy, which I think he will not; if not, than a contingency so remote could not be taken by him into consideration, as indeed it was not. For first, London at that time, was the chief City of the Kingdom of East-sex, one of the weakest of the seven, and so not likely to prevail over all the rest. Secondly, if any of the greater Kingdoms of Mercia, West-sex, or Northumberland, should in fine prevail, it was not probable that the Conquerors would remove the Seat Royal from their own Dominions into any of the conquered Countries. And thirdly, though the Kings of the Westsaxons, who prevailed at last, and became Monarches of the whole, settled the Royal Seat in London, yet was it not till Winchester, their own Regal City, was destroyed by fire, and made unable to receive them.  Fuller. 
Other Reasons are alleged by me, why Austin chose Canterbury rather than London for his Archiepiscopal See. These Arguments juncta juvant, and will hold in the Sheaff, though a single Arrow should be broken, I mean, though this one Reason (alleged by me) were disproved.  
Austin needed no prophetical Inspiration, whilst prudential prevision could sufficiently suggest unto him, that if ever the Saxon-Heptarchy terminated (which was most probable) in a Monarchy, London might be presumed the principal place of the Royal Residence, as most convenient for Trading, and commodious for situation: I say London, an Infant in the time of Tacitus, a Stripling in the time of Austin, a Man before the Conquest, and grown a Giant in our days.  Dr Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 60. The first cast of his Office was to call a Council for the Saxon and British Bishops to come together in the confines of the Wiccians and Westsaxons.] Our Author placeth this meeting within few lines after, in the confines of Worcester and Herefordshire, and more rightly there; Worcestershire, or the Country of the Wiccii confining on the County of Hereford, but bordering in no place on the Kingdom of West-sex, the whole County of Gloucester being interposed. So that our Author being mistaken in the place of the meeting, it is no wonder if he stumble at the Monuments and Records thereof. Of one of which he telleth us.  Fuller 
Here is more than an Insinuation, as if I in designing the Place of this Meeting, had written something contrary to Truth, and also to myself, who indeed have exactly followed the best Authors in the Position thereof. 
Bede fixeth it [Book 2. Chap. 2.] in confinio Wicciorum & Occidentalium-Saxonum in the confines of Worcestershire Men and Westsaxons; and H. Huntingdon hath the same words, lib. 3. pag. 323.  
Mr. Camden makes the Oak under which they met, in the borders of Worcester and Herefordshire; and Sir Henry Spelman doth concur with him therein.   
If therefore the Interposition of Glocestershire distanceth Worcestershire from confining on the Westsaxons, the Animadvertor ought to have vented his displeasure not on Me, but on Bede, and Huntingdon, whose words I exactly translated.  
May the Reader be pleased to take notice, that Glocestershire, a limitary County, did in that Age belong to three Dominions: That West of Severn (now the Forest of Dean) to the Britan's or Welsh; the East part thereof, (chiefly consisting of Cotsall) to the Kingdom of Mercia; and the middle of that County, (along the East of Severn) to the West Saxons, as I have seen in an exquisite Map of the Heptarchy; and this I tender as the most probable Expedient to reconcile learned Authors amongst themselves, and all to the Truth, in bringing Worcestershire and West Saxons together. Thus being critical in stating the Place, and laying the Scene, I hope I shall be the better believed in relating the Acts of this Conference.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 61. That we can part with it without any loss to ourselves, and therefore bids it to make shift for its own authenticalness, fol. 60. The Record slighted thus, is a Memorial of the Answer of the Abbot of Bancor, to Archbishop Augustine's proposition, communicated by Peter Moston a Welsh Gentleman, to that learned and industrious Antiquary Sir Henry Spelman, and by him placed in his collection of the British and Saxon Counsels: Which honour he had never given it, had he not conceived it worthy to deserve that place▪ nor had the Papists used such violence to wrest it from us, without the hope of gaining some what to themselves.  Fuller. 
Had I slighted that Record, I would not have took the pains to have exemplyfied it in British and English, and procured a Prime Antiquary of the Welsh to correct it; I have given the true Valuation thereunto, esteeming it as highly, as Doctor Hammond hath done, thus writing thereof in his Account of H. T. his Appendix to the Manual of Controversy concerning the Abbot of Bangors Answer to Augustine, Page 168.  
In case this one Testimony should be demonstrated to be a Simple Imposture, we can unconcernedly and easily part with it, standing in no need of this Auxiliary: And not long after, The acquisitions of this Author [H.T.] hereby, and proportionably out losses must be so unconsiderable.  
For the rest I refer myself to my Church-History in this particular passage, and stand ready to justify the same, as truly and cautiously written:  Dr. Heylin. 
But to proceed, this conference being ended without success, there followed not long after the great slaughter of the Monks of Bancor, for which our Author in a merrier humour than becomes the sadness of the matter, or the gravity of an Ecclesiastical History, hath caused Austin to be indicted, impanelling a Jury, and producing his evidence.  Fuller. 
I am sensible of no mis-becoming mirth or levity therein. The impanelling of a jury is one of the most solemn and serious of all the proceedings in our Law; I preferred this method as the clearest to present all passages to the fancy, and fittest to fix the same in the memory of the Reader.  Dr. Heylin. 
Amongst which Matthew Parker, the learned Archbishop of Canterbury, and john jewel, the renowned Bishop of Salisbury, must be rejected by the Jury as incompetent witnesses; partly because of their known opposition to the Romish Church; and partly because of their modern writing, almost a thousand years after the matter in fact, fol. 64. And all this done to add the greater honour to Mr. Fox, as Modern as either of the two, and as averse as either of them from the Church of Rome. But Mr. Fox was Mr. Fox, no friend unto the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England, whereas the other two were Bishops and great sticklers for them. This makes our Author magnify Fox for his moderation, whose moderate testimony (saith he) much moved the whole Court; and as much to condemn the others for the sharpness of their expressions against Austin, (whom our Author himself reproacheth often for his pride and haughtiness, fol. 62.) which made them of less credit amongst the Jury. A thread of which fine spinning we shall find frequently interwoven in the whole web of this History; and towards the latter end thereof, not a few whole pieces made of no better yarn. And let the Reader take this with him for a taste of our Authors good affections to the several parties, that it is bare M. Parker and plain Bishop jewel, without welt or guard, but reverend Mr. Fox by all means; and so let him pass. And let us pass also to the residue of the Acts of Austin.  Fuller. 
1. I did not expect that the Animadvertor, being of magdalen's in Oxford, would have been offended to have heard his Collegiate (Mr. Fox) to be commended.  
2. The testimonies of Archbishop Parker and Bishop jewel are (to hold the Balance indifferently) the less valued, Because in some sort they were parties, as who (in their Writings) had engaged themselves in this present Controversy, whilst Mr. Fox stands Neu●er as to this particular Controversy.  
3. Though the Animadvertor be pleased to entitle him no friend to the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England, give me leave to add, and he was no fierce foe against them; But Mr. Fox was Mr. Fox, and Dr. Heylin is Dr. Heylin.  
4. As Mr. Fox hath now the casual favour of my Pen to be epithited Reverend, so afterwards without welt or guard, he is plainly called 
* Church Hist. Book 9 page 187. parag. 63  john Fox. The Animadvertor in this his sleight Note, reaping what was not purposely sown, will find little food in what He reaps.  
Lastly, Bishop jewel hath his large and due character of commendation (with all honourable Additions with advantage) in due 
* Lib 9 pag 101 and oft before.  place: So also hath Archbishop Parker, on the same token, that in my History of 
* Page 14.  Cambridge, I clear him from the scandalous insinuation of Bryan Twine; Si illis standum sit, etc. suggesting some unworthy suspicions, as if he had falsified Matthew Paris in his Edition thereof.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 66. Who all this while was very industrious, and no less successful in converting the Saxons to the Christian faith: Insomuch that a certain Author reporteth, how in the River Small near Richmond in Yorkshire, he in one day baptised above ten thousand.] The certain Author whom he means, is an old fragment of a nameless Author, cited by Camden, fol. 136. who tells the story otherwise than our author doth: For though the Fragment tell us, that the River was called Small, yet that it was the River Small near Richmond in Yorkshire, is the addition of our Author. That there is a River of that name near Richmond is affirmed by Camden, 
Camden in Richmondshire, fol. 720.  who withal telleth us, That it was reputed very sacred amongst the ancient English, for that in it, when the English-Saxons first embraced Christianity, there were in one day baptised with festival joy by Paulinus the Archbishop of York, above ten thousand Men besides Women and little Children. Of Augustine's baptising in this River, not one word saith he. Neither doth Beda touch upon it, as certainly he would have done, had there been ground for it. And therefore if I may have leave to venture my opinion, I shall concur with the old fragment as to the name of the River, and yet not carry Austin out of Kent, & much less into Richmondshire to perform that office. For when we find in Camden that the Medway falling into the Thames, 
Camden in Kent, fol. 333.  is divided by the Isle of Sheppey into two great branches, of which the one is called East Small, the other West-Swale, I see no reason why we should look any where else for that River Small mentioned in the old fragment, which before we spoke of. But herein I must submit myself to more able judgements. The place agreed on, we should next inquire into the numbers, but that our Author seems to grant as much as the fragment craveth.  Fuller. 
I could heartily wish that all the Animadvertors Book had consisted of such matter, than had it been greater though less, I mean bigger in benefit, though smaller in Bulk, and more instructive to the Reader thereof. I did not before take notice of either East or West-Swale in Kent, and now profess myself the Animadvertors Convert in this point, agreeing with him, that this grand-Baptizing (if done by St. Austin) was done in the place by him specified.  
But this still doth more and more confirm me in my judgement, that Austin advanced never into Yorkshire, and that the conversion of the Northumbrians was the work of Paulinus and others.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 66. If so many were baptised in one day, it appears plainly, that in that age the Administration of that Sacrament was not loaded with those superstitious Ceremonies, as essential thereunto, of crossing, spittle, Oil, Cream, Salt, and such like Trinkets.] Our Author here reckoneth the sign of the Cross in Baptism amongst the vain trinkets, and superstitious Ceremonies of the Church of Rome, and thereby utterly condemneth the Church of England, which doth not only require it in her Rubrics, but also pleads for it in her Canons. Not as essential to that Sacrament (the Papists not making spital, Oil, Cream, Salt, etc. to be essential thereunto, as our Author saith) but only for a sign significative, in token that the party signed shall not be ashamed to confess the faith of Christ crucified, 
Form of Baptism.  and manfully to fight under his Banner, against sin, the world, and the Devil, and to continue Christ's faithful soldier and servant unto his lives end. A Ceremony not so new as to be brought within the compass of Popish Trinkets, though by them abused, For when the point was agitated in the Conference at Hampton Court, 
Conference pag. 7.  and that it was affirmed by some of the Bishops, that the Cross in Baptism was used in the time of Constantine; Dr. Reynolds, the most able man of the opposite party, who had before acknowledged it to have been in use in other cases, from the very times of the Apostles, had not one word to say against it. And to say truth, no man of modesty and learning, could have spoke against it, when it was proved so clearly by Dr. Andrews then Dean of Westminster out of Tertullian, Cyprian, Origen, (each of which died long time before Constantine's birth) to have been used in immortali Lavacro, in that blessed Sacrament. That good old saying of Tertullian, Caro signetur, ut anima muniatur, may serve once for all. And therefore when our Author telleth us in the following words, that in that age nothing was used with Baptism, but Baptism, it must be considered as a smack of that old leaven which more and more will sour the lump of his whole discourse. We have already had a taste of it in the very first Book, we find a continuance of it here, and we shall see more of it hereafter; our Author not being coy in showing his good affections not only to the persons of the Non-conformists, but their inconformity; not to the men only, but their Doctrines and Opinions also. And this is that which we must trust to in the whole course of this History.  Fuller. 
This Objection hath been answered at large in the Introduction, and here I intent no repetition, only desiring the Reader to take notice of those my words, as ESSENTIAL thereunto.  
Let me add that a 
* Deut. 27.17.  Curse is pronounced on those who remove the Landmarks, and it falleth most heavy on them who remove the limits in God's worship, (as being Boundaries of highest Consequence,) turn MAY into MU, convenient into necessary, Ornamental into Essential.  
I have as high an Esteem for the Cross in Baptism as the Animadvertor Himself, so long as it observes the due distance of an Ancient and Significant Ceremony, and intrudes not itself as Essential. A Chain of Gold is an eminent Ornament about the Neck, but it may be drawn so close, as to choke and strangle the wearer thereof. And in like manner Ceremonies, though decent and useful, when pretending to Essentiality, become (as Luther saith) Carnificinae Conscientiae, and therefore justly may we beware thereof.  Dr. Heylin. 
Having now done with the Acts of Austin, we shall not keep ourselves to so continued a discourse as before we did, but take our Author's Text by piecemeal, as it comes before us, and making such Animadversions on the same, as may best serve to rectify the story and maintain the truth, as namely, Fol. 65. Thus the Italian, Spanish, and French, Daughters or Nieces to the Latin, are generated from the corruption thereof.] This is (I grant) the common and received opinion; but yet, me thinks, our Author who loves singularities, should not vouchsafe to travel on the public Road.  Fuller. 
In my passage to heaven, I desire to go in the narrow path, and decline the broad way which leadeth to destruction: 
Matth 7.14.  But on earth I love to travel the common and beaten road, as easiest to find, and wherein (if wrong, or at a loss,) one may soon find company to guide and direct him.  
If I should travel over the Animadvertors several at Laceys-Court, I have cause to suspect he would sue me for pedibus ambulando; And it is hard, if also he will not let me go (without carping at me) in the highway or public road.  
I build nothing on the highway (so to trespass upon the Lord of the Soil) but only peaceably pass along it: I mean, I make no inferences or deductions from this received opinion, I derive no consequence thence. All that I do, is to gain just advantage thereby to honour the Welsh tongue, by showing that it is no Daughter or Niece (like the Italians, Spanish, and French) but a Mother and original Language, and might justly have expected thanks rather than censure, from the Animadvertor for my pains, seeing he delighteth to derive himself from British extraction.  Dr. Heylin. 
For in my mind it is affirmed with better reason by our learned Brerewood, That those tongues have not sprung from the corruption of the Latin, 
●●●●●wood 〈◊〉. cap V.  by the inundation and mixture of barbarous people in those Provinces, but from the first imperfect impression and receiving of it in those foreign Countries. For the Latin tongue was never so generally received in any of the conquered Provinces out of Italy, as to be spoken ordinarily by the common people; the Gentry and Nobility might be perfect in it, for the better dispatch of their Affairs with the Roman Magistrates, who had the Government and Lieutenancy in their several Countries. And some taste of it might be found with the Vulgar also, who having continual intercourse with the Roman Soldiers, and some recourse for Trade to the Roman Colonies, could not but get a smattering of the Latin tongue. Just so the Gentry and Nobility both in Wales and Ireland, are trained up for the same reasons in the English tongue; which notwithstanding could never get the mastery of the natural Languages, or gain much ground on those of inferior quality. Secondly, had these National Languages proceeded from the depravation of the Latin tongue, by the mixture of the barbarous Nations, it must needs follow, that the Italian had not now been the language of all people in Italy, nor the French of all the Nations which inhabit France: & sic de caeteris. My reason is, because the Heruli, being settled in those parts, which we now call Piedmont, the Longobards more towards the East, the Goths about the middle parts, the Saracens and Greeks in the Realm of Naples, there must needs be as many distinct Languages in that one Continent, as there were barbarous Nations planted in it, or at the least such different Dialects, as could be scarce intelligible unto one another. Whereas it is certainly and most plainly known, that there is only one Language spoken in all that Country, equally understood by all, without so much as any sensible difference in pronunciation; more than is usual in all places between the Country Villages and the neighbouring Citizens. The like may be affirmed of the ancient Gallia, planted on the East-side of the Loire by the Burgundians; on the Westside of that River, and towards the Mediterranean, the Pyrenies and the Aquitan Ocean by the Gothish Nations, in most other parts of it by the Franks; and yet all speaking (with very little difference) the same one Language, which from the most predominant People we now call the French. More to this purpose might be said, were not this sufficient.  Fuller. 
In this my Expression, that the Italian, Spanish, and French, are 
* I request the Reader to consult my words, as rendered by the Animadvertor, in the former paragraph.  Generated from the Corruption of the Latin, the Animadvertor layeth not so much weight on the term GENERATED, as on the word CORRUPTION; whereas indeed whatsoever is Generated, must be by the Corruption [in some kind] of that whereof it is begotten.  
Corruption importeth (as currant in common discourse) the abasing of a thing from the purity thereof: Now it is all one in Effect, and equally doth my work, to dignify the British as an Original, above those three Languages, if they came from the imperfect Impression or Reception of the Latin, which may be reduced to the Corruption thereof. Thus the Siboleth of the 
* judges 12.6.  Ephraimites, may in proprieiy of phrase, be said to have had its rise and being from the Corruption [viz. natural mispronunciation] of the Hebrew word Shiboleth. As for the Animadvertors long discourse of the irruption of Barbarous, I will return an answer when at better leisure, beholding myself as utterly unconcerned therein.  
Let me add a passage from the mouth of a person present thereat: Bishop William's Lord Keeper could speak the Spanish very well; but knowing how much it concerned a Minister of State to be perfect Master of his Tongue, declined it in all Negotiations, Now Gondomar in a State-passage, desired Him to speak Spanish, and on the Bishop's refusal thereof, My Lord (said the Don) do but spoil your good, turning it into scurvy Latin, and it will make as good Spanish as any in the World. It seems he was of my Mind in this present Controversy.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Ibid. The Hebrew the common Tongue of the whole world, before it was enclosed (that is to say, divided) into several Languages.] An Opinion as common as the other, and as weakly grounded, such as I marvel at in our Author, who having travelled over all the Holy-Land, should have been better studied in the true nature and original of the Holy-Tongue.  Fuller. 
It is strongly grounded on convincing arguments, as God willing shall soon appear.  
The Animadvertors marveling why I am no better studied in the nature and original of the Hebrew Tongue, who (as he saith) have traveled over the Holy-Land, moveth me more to admire, that he himself should be so utterly ignorant in the Brasilian, Mexican, Aethiopian, Persian, Indian, and Tartarian Tongues; but especially in the China language, one letter whereof he did never understand, although he hath written a general Geography of the whole world.  Dr. Heylin. 
Nor is it the opinion only, that this Tongue was spoken universally before the Flood, and even in Paradise itself in the state of Innocency, but that it shall be spoken in the Celestial Paradise, the language of the Saints in glory.  Fuller. 
I will not engage myself in such a point of mere curiosity; yet is it not improbable, that it might be spoken in Paradise, seeing the word Paradise, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek, is borrowed, as Critics confess, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Hebrew word. Besides, it is not probable that Adam lost his Language with his Innocence; and that he sp●ke Hebrew after his fall, shall immediately be proved.  
Less will I trouble myself what Language the glorified Saints shall speak in Heaven, though I am sure that Halaluijah, praise ye the Lord, is pure Hebrew. When people report unto us improbable passages from foreign far distant Countries, we commonly return, That it is better to believe them, than to go thither to confute them. But if any have over confidently affirmed, that the Saints in glory shall speak Hebrew, let us rather labour to go thither to confute them, than here to believe them. Mean time let us here take heed of the malicious language of Detraction against our Brethren, and of scurrilous and profane Language, whereby Piety may be dishonoured.  Dr. Heylin. 
Insomuch that some good women of my old acquaintance, were once very eagerly bend to learn this Language, for fear (as I conceive) they should not chat in handsomely when they came to heaven.  Fuller. 
The Doctor's Book bears the title of NECESSARY Animadversions; But if this be one, let it even serve the Reader for his NECESSARY use.  
Indeed I have read of Cato, who having heard some Philosophers maintain that the Heathen gods spoke Greek in Heaven, being past sixty years old, he began to learn the Greek, that after death he might the better converse with them; a project and practise proportionable enough to Pagan principles: The analogy whereof is too appliable to some profane mouths of our age, who by execrable oaths and Curses practise aforehand to blaspheme, rendering themselves (without their serious and seasonable repentance) in a nearer capacity to discourse with the Devils and Damned in Hell. But of chatting of Hebrew in Heaven, this is the first, and I hope it shall be the last time I shall meet with the expression.  Dr. Heylin. 
Now for the ground thereof, it is no other than an old jewish Tradition, importing, that this being the common Language of all people before the Flood, was afterwards appropriated unto Phaleg (the son of Heber) and to his Posterity, because not present with the rest at the bullding of Babel, and consequently not within the curse of confounded Languages. 
Heylins' Cosmog. pag 17.  But against this it is disputed; first that it is but a Tradition, and therefore of no sure foundation to build upon.  Fuller. 
Before we come to the serious examination of the point in hand, I would said be satisfied what means this marginal note, (Heylins' cosmography, page 19) What? Doth he allege himself to prove his own opinion; my bad Heraldry was never guilty of such a fault, metal upon metal.  
Now that the Hebrew was the common Tongue of the world, before the Confusion at Babel, is more than a mere Tradition, being back● with many Authorities and unanswerable Arguments.  
Of Authorities, we begin with St. Hierom, one who is many Authors in this Point (because of his great and general skill in Languages) and who in his Comment on Zephany, chapt. 3.18. affirmeth, Linguam Hebraicam omnium Linguarum esse Matricem, that the Hebrew is the Mother of all Languages. St. Augustine, lib. 10. cap. 1 de Civitate Dei, Quae prius humano generi non immerito creditur esse communis, ideo deinceps Hebreae est nuncupata.  
To these I will add a jury of public Professors, all of Eminent note, since the reviving of Languages in the Western world. 

1. Mercerus, Professor Parisiensis Regis, in Gen. 11. 1.  
2. D. Pareus, Prof. Heidelberg. in eundum locum.  
3. Rivetus, Prof. Leiden. Isay c. 4.  
4. Crinesius, Prof. Aldorphini Noricor. de confusione Linguarum, pag. 4.17.  
5. joh. Buxtorfius signior, in Epist. ded. Thesauri Grammat.  
6. joh. Buxtorfius junior, Prof. Basil. de origine Primigeniae Lingua, in 410.  
7. Glassius, Prof. jenae, lib. 4. tract. 3. de nomine proprio, pag. 775.  
8. Polyander, Prof. Leid. Orat. 18. in laudem linguae Hebraae, pag. 296, 297.  
9 Tremellius, Profess. Heb. Linguae, Cantabrigia.  
10. Fr. junius, Prof. Heidelberg. in Gen. 11.1. Urbis iisdem, etc.  
11. Whitakerus, Prof. Cantab. Controv. 1. quaest: 2. de script.  
12. Christ. 
* For the elder Buckstors and Beckman, I am as certain they were, as uncertain were, public Professors.  Beckman, de prop. voc. significatione, pag. 30.    
These Authorities are seconded with convincing Arguments. Not to insist on some Ruins and Relics of Hebrew, scattered in all ancient Languages (and therefore Io. Scaliger hath his last (as surest) recourse to it in his Quest after the originaiion of Words) Names imposed on Persons before the Confusion of Tongues, are by the Spirit in Scripture (the best Interpreter) made to speak pure Hebrew.  
Not to instance in Adam, notoriously known for red Earth, we take notice of, 

1. Eve 
* Gen 3.20.  or Chavah, so called by her husband, Because she was the Mother of all living, and there is life enough in her Name to justify it.  
2. Cain 
* Gen. 4.1. , so called by his Mother, rejoicing that she had gotten a Man, and the word signifieth a Possession, though therein She (with many other parents, abused by their own over-affection) promised herself more happiness than was performed.  
3. SETH 
* Gen. 4 25. , so named by his mother, for God (said she) hath APPOINTED me another seed, etc. and signifieth one put, placed, or constituted.  
4. Noah 
* Gen. 5.24. , so named by his Father, because this son (said he) shall comfort us, etc. as the word doth import.  
5. Peleg 
* Gen. 10 25. , the son of Heber, may be presumed born at or immediately after the divisions of the World into Languages, and Colonies, and brooks division in his name.    
It is not to be expected that all the whole sentence (spoken by their parents) should be completely contained in their name, but only that the most operative, emphatical, and expressive word, should appear therein.  
I am not ignorant that Goropius Becanus in his Book, which is rather smiled at for the wit, than approved for the judgement therein, deriveth all words from the Germane or Dutch Tongue. An handsome and pretty Essay, but I believe that the Animadvertor is not of his opinion.  
It is one thing here and there to take a name, and to make it countenance such a sense; and another thing to charge through and through, so as all names may be demonstrated Hebrew in persons born before the confusion of Babel.  
How vain would He prove himself, who from the name of AHIMAN 
* Numb. 13 22.  (one of the giant sons of Anak) and from some correspondency of height in our Language, would thence infer, that English was the ancient Tongue spoken in the Land of Canaan.  
But I have stayed too long on this discourse, and refer the rest unto Doctor Brian Walton, who in his Preface unto the last and very laborious and judicious Edition of the Hebrew and many-languaged Bible, hath no less learnedly than copiously handled this Subject.  Dr. Heylin. 
And secondly, that it is such a Tradition, as holds no good coherence with the truth of Story, it being a most clear and demonstrative truth, that the Hebrew tongue was not the Language which Abraham brought with him out of Chaldea and Mesopotamia, but that which he found spoken in the Land of Canaan at his coming thither, to which both he and his posterity did conform themselves. Or had it been the Language of Heber, as they say it was, (but most undoubtedly was not) yet, thirdly, had this been a privilege conferred on Heber, that he and his posterity should speak the Original Language without alteration or corruption, it must have been extended to all those of the house of jocktan, which descend from him; as also to the house of Laban in Padan-Aram, and to the Moabites, and the Ammonites, as the seed of Lot; and finally to the Madianites, Ishmaelites, and Idumaeans, descended of Abraham and Esau; and not be limited and confined only to the House of jacob. Now that the language which afterwards was and still is called by the name of the Hebrew, was spoken vulgarly in the Land of Canaan before the coming of Abraham thither, is not affirmed by Brerewood only, but by Scaliger, Grotius, Vossius, Bochartus, (all of them men of great renown for their learned studies) and by many others of this age. By most of which it is affirmed also, that the name of Hebrews was given unto them by the people of Canaan, not in regard of their descent from Heber the father of Phaleg, but from Abraham's passing over the River Euphrates, when he came out of Chaldaea with his Family to dwell amongst them; that name in the Canaanitish language signifying as much as trajiciens or transfluvialis; and therefore not unfitly given by them to Abraham at his first coming thither. And if the Hebrew (as we now call it) was that Holy Language which was spoken in Paradise, continued by the Patriarches before the Flood, and after to the building of Babel; it must needs seem infinitely strange, that it should be reserved only amongst the Canaanites, accursed in the person of Canaan (their common Parent) by his Grandfather Noah, and so abominated by God for their filthy wickednesses, that he resolved to spew them out of their Native Country, as in fine he did. Or if Abraham brought it with him also, when he came into the Land of Canaan, he must needs leave it behind him also amongst the Chaldees, where he was born, and where his Ancestors had dwelled before their removal unto Haran. And yet we know that the Hebrew Tongue was so different from the Chaldean, that when the jews returned from the Captivity of Babylon, where they had been accustomed to, and bred up for the most part in the Chaldean Language, they could not understand the very words of the Hebrew Text without an Interpreter, as is apparent in the eighth chapter of Nehemiah, vers. 7.8. But of this Argument enough, let us now go forward.  Fuller. 
There be Three distinct Questions, which the Animadvertor doth purposely huddle together for his own advantage. 

1. Whether the Hebrew was the common Tongue of the old World.  
2. Whether the Hebrew was so preserved in the posterity of Heber, and so confined to his Family, that no other communicated therein.  
3. Whether Abraham did bring the Hebrew Tongue into the Land of Canaan, or rather found it there, as spoken formerly by the Natives thereof.    
Such as maintain the first, of the Coevity of the Hebrew with the World and Mankind, are not necessarily obliged to defend the two latter.  
I said and only said, (as neither enforcing it, nor inferring any thing thence) that the Hebrew was the common Tongue of the world, and have proved it. The rest I am ready to say, so soon as the affirming thereof shall lie in my way, or make for my work, and then (God willing) I will defend my positions. Till than I will gratify the Animadvertor with no other Answer; and that for these reasons: 1. To show my own liberty, that I am free born, and not bound to lackey after his Animadversions when I have no business of my own. 2. To wean him from morosenesse, by not indulging too much to his humour therein. Lastly, to spare time, my own, and the Readers pains now, that we may the more seasonably spend them hereafter, on matter of more importance.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 69. As Pitseus a Catholic Writer would have it.] A Roman Catholic if you will, but no catholic Writer. And much I wonder, that an Author so averse from the Church of Rome, should give the Title of Catholic to a stickler in the Romish Quarrel; though others of less zeal and prudence do commonly but inconsiderately bestow it on them, A Title which they take with joy, 
Parenes. ad Scotos p 99  and from thence suck unto themselves no small advantage. Adeo probanda est Ecclesia nostra à nomine Catholici, quod extorquet etiam ab invitis Haereticis, as is bragged by Barclay. But as Pope Gregory pleading against the Patriarch of Constantinople, who had then assumed unto himself the name of Ecumenical Bishop; advertiseth all the rest of that sacred Order; Si ille est Universalis, restat ut vos non sitis Episcopi: 
Greg. M. Epist. 70.  so may I say with reference to the present case. By gratifying these men with the name of Catholics, we do unwittingly confess ourselves to be no Christians, or at least but Heretics.  Fuller. 
Had I called Pits a Roman Catholic, then the Animadvertor would have charged me with a contradiction, of a particular general. To clear all, Catholic shall be deleted in the next Edition, and Papist placed in the room thereof.  
It is no great wonder if my Pen, perusing many Authors of the Romish persuasion, hath got a smatch of their language. But the danger is the less, seeing the Animadvertor will be my compurgator, that my judgement is not inclined to their erroneous Opinions. However, he might have omitted this Note, who in his book against Mr. Sanderson, calleth the whole Lump of English Papists, the Catholic Party; as also he termeth them so in his View of the Life of King Charles, Page 27. the two first lines. 
A necessity lay on Prince Charles (then in Spain) of keeping at that time a plausible correspondency with the Catholic PARTY.   
Nor can He justly condemn that in Me, which He committeth in himself.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 76. Oxford of●rekelade ●rekelade and Lechlade, two ancient Schools of Greek and Latin, as some would have it, removed afterwards to Oxford, etc.] The like we find fol. 117. where our Author telleth us of two Towns on the banks of the Isis▪ the one called Greekelade, in which the Greek, the other Lechlade, or Latinlade, in which the Latin Tongue was taught by Philosophers. 
Camden in Wilts. 241.  Most miserably mistaken in both places. For though ●rekelade, or Grekelade may import a study of Greek Philosophers, as some are ready to believe, yet certainly Lechlade in no Language will signify the like study of the Latin Tongue. The Country people (as it seems) do better understand themselves than our Author doth. Amongst whom there is a common Tradition, that ●rekelade was a University of Greek Philosophers, Lechlade of Leches, or Physicians, as the name doth intimate▪ and Lat●en, a small Village betwixt both, to be the place of study for the Latin Tongue. But though the people are mistaken in the Etymon of the name of Lechlade, yet are they not so far out as our Author is, in making Lechlade or Latinlade, to be both the same place and of the same signification; whereas in truth that Town is si● denominated from the River Lech, which arising in the Hills Cotsall, passeth first by Northlech, from thence to Eastlech, and finally falleth into the Thames near St. johns-bridge in this Parish of Lechlade. As for the University of Oxford, which from hence took beginning, as our Author hath it, and the antiquity thereof, I shall not meddle at the present, though our Author, forgetting the Subject which he was to write of, takes all occasions to hook in every old Tradition, (though less probably grounded) to justify the seniority of the younger Sister.  Fuller. 
I live and learn, being in this particular beholden to the Animadvertor. It seems there be three places near one another, 

1. ●reeklad, where Greek, are reported professed.  
2. Le●ch-lade, where Physic, are reported professed.  
3. Latin, where Latin, are reported professed.    
The last of these I never heard of before, and since have never seen in any Map [Shoxtons, Camden's, Speeds;] so that it seems an inconsiderable Village. However my next Edition, God willing, shall be reform accordingly. And yet I might justly discount this my mistake, and make it go for nothing, by setting another of the Animadvertors over against it, when in the close of his last Note he informeth us, that the River Lech falleth into the Thames in the Parish of Lechlade: Whereas Thames is more than eighteen miles from Lech-lade by Land, (and thirty by water) not taking the name until the confluence of Tame with Isis, near to Dorchester in Oxfordshire. This small Error I had passed over in silence; but because I have to do with an Adversary, who lieth at catch for the least advantage, and therefore he ought not to be offended, if I return him the same measure I receive from him.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 78. Del●a, whence, some say, Deirham or Durham, lay betwixt Tues and Humber.] More out of this, than in his Lech-lade or Latinlade, which before we had. For first Durham is not so called quasi Deirham.  Fuller. 
It seems that the Animadvertor playeth always at In and In, and I, alas, at Out and Out; But herein I am not out one hairs breadth, as soon will appear.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our learned Antiquary gives us a better and more certain derivation of it. The River (saith he) as though it purposed to make an Island, compasseth almost on every side, the chief City of this Province, standing on a Hill, whence the Saxons gave it the name of Dunholm. For as you may gather out of Bede, they called an Hill Dun, and a River-Island Holme. Hereof the Latin Writers have made Dunelmum, the Normans, Duresme; but the common people most corruptly Durham.  Fuller. 
Our learned Antiquary (though here not named) doth name himself even Mr. Camden. I ever did and do believe, that he giveth the true Denomination of Durham, so called from Dunholm.  
But let me add, that I may lawfully, without the least fault, give in also another etymology, (though not true, yet probable) which I meet with in perusing of several Writers.  
Mercator, in his Description of Italy, saith some will have it so called quasi Vitalie, from the fairest and fattest Calves bred therein, though I believe that he himself did not believe it to be true, but only relates it as he found it in Festus. I may challenge the like liberty of presenting etymologies of places, as tendered to me by other Authors.  Dr. Heylin. 
But secondly (which marrsall the matter) the Bishopric of Durham was not in the Kingdom of Deira, as being wholly situate on the North side of the Tees, and consequently part of the Realm of Bernicia, which makes our Authors mistake in another place, fol. 51. the more remarkable, where speaking of the Kingdom of Deira, he gives us this Comment in the Margin, (viz.) What this day is the Bishopric of Deirham or Durham.  Fuller. 
Be it here rather repeated than inserted, that in the Saxon Heptarchy, limitary Counties, did march and retreat, dilated and contracted by their Prince's success.  
As for the Bishopric of Durham, (though sometimes it might belong to Bernicia) yet generally it was the North-east boundary of the Kingdom of DEIRA, as in the Archbishop of Armagh doth plainly appear, De Brit. Eccles. primord pag. 395.  
Deiri possessed 

Lancashire,  
Yorkshire,  
Westmoreland,  
Camberland,  
Bishopric of Durham.    
Let me add, that He is as exact (even to fractions) as any who ever wrote of the partage of the Saxon Heptarchy.  Dr. Heylin. 
But as long as some say so, all is well, though who those some are (except our Author) I can no where find. Only I find, that as it is held necessary for a No body to be in all great Houses, to bear the blame of such mischances as by the carelessness of servants and inconsiderateness, do too often happen; so is it no less necessary, that there should be a somebody also in all great undertake to bear the blame of such misfortunes as our Adventurers at wit do as often meet with.  Fuller. 
What if He can no where find it, doth it therefore follow, that it is not to be found? Will he presume that his own reading is adequate to things being?  
This Nobody, so much derided by the Animadvertor, will at last appear somebody, even Mr. john Fox, Acts & Mon. pag. 149. last Edition. 
Deira, a part of North-Saxons, whereof, as it is thought, that which we now call Deirham taketh his name.   
Thus, Reader, I have discharged myself from all appearance of fault, by producing my Author, a learned and able Historian, how meanly soever the Animadvertor may be pleased to esteem him.  Dr. Heylin. 
And such a somebody as this, our Author hath found out to be the father of another conceit of his concerning Teyburn (that I may take in this also whilst it is in my mind) of which he tells us lib. 4. fol. 168. That some have deduced the etymology of Teyburn from Tie and Burn; because forsooth the Lord Cobham was there hanged and burnt. Whereas indeed it was so named from the Tey, or Teybourn, a small Brook passing near unto it in the former times. Which Brook or Bourn arising nor far from Paddington, hath since been drawn into several Conduits for the use of the City.  Fuller. 
I have heard of the Animadvertors etymology, and believe it probable. I have also been informed from good Antiquaries, that the true name is Twey-BORN, from two little Brooks (wherewith it is insulated in the Winter) running near to it.  
The deduction of Tye-BORN, alias I BURN, from burning of Lollards, I protest I did read in Harpsfield, and it is none of my own invention.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 69. A place so marked, being foretold fortunate to Aeneas to found Alba (since Rome) therein.] A passage as well stored with Errors as the rest before, and such a piece of fine new learning, as never any Antiquary had found out till now. For first, Aeneas was not the founder of Alba, though that the place designed unto him for the seat of his Kingdom. The building of that City was the work of Ascanius, as we find in Virgil. 
At puer Ascanius— Regnumque à sede Lavini  
Transferet, & longam multa vi muniet Albam.   
That is to say, 
Ascanius from Lavinum shall translate  
To Alba strongly fenced, the Regal State.  And secondly Alba was not built in the place where Rome since stood, but duedecimo ab Urbe lapide, about twelve miles off. For though the River Tiber in some ancient Writers hath the name of Albula, yet I never found in any Writer either old or new (till I encountered it in our Author) that Rome was anciently called Alba.  Fuller. 
Rather than any difference shall arise betwixt us about this matter, the Parenthesis [since Rome] shall be altered into [near Rome] and then I hope all shall be right and straight beyond exception.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 104. It is admirable to consider what Shoals of People were formely vented out of Cimbrica Chersonesus, take it in the largest extent, for Denmark, Norway, and Swedeland.] And in the largest extent it is taken indeed, such as no Author ever gave it before this time. The Cimbrick Chersonese, truly and properly so called, comprehended only those parts of the Kingdom of Denmark which we now call juitland, divided by the River Eydore from the Dukedom of Holstein. Ortelius, and some late Geographers make it to take up all that Languet, or piece of Land on the North of Germany, extended from the River Albis in the South, and stretching Northward to that part of the Ocean which leads into the narrow Strait, or passage now called Sundt. But never any till our Author, extended this name over those great Kingdoms of Denmark, Norway, and Swedeland, or unto any part of either beyond the Sundt. And yet he had need stretch it a great deal further before he can find place in it for his Huns, and Vandals; of which the first inhabited in Asia, beyond the Fens of Maeotis; the last upon the Coast of the Baltic Sea in Germany, now the Dukedom of Mecklenburg.  Fuller. 
That Denmark, Norway, and Swedeland are a Chersonesus, or almost an Island, the Animadvertor will not deny. But that I called them the Cimbrian Chersonese, cannot clearly be collected from those my words, take it in the largest extent; which amount only to a Concession, to such who have a mind so to accept it, and to extend the bounds thereof.  
Here plainly to discover my judgement, I conceive that those Shoals of People, did not, and yet did, come out of the Cimbrick Chersonese, in the strict and true acception thereof.  
They did not, that is, they came not thence, as having all their birth therein. juitland, not so big as Yorkshire, and the Languet the Animadvertor speaks of, not bigger than Wales, being Hives too little to hold such swarms and Cas●es of People.  
Yet I believe they did come out of that Chesonese immediately, it being most probable, that out of the opposite Continent of Norway and Swedland, they crossed the Baltick-Sea, being narrowest thereabouts, and so came into juitland, and thence Inunded the most of Europe.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds, Fol. 125. Datum in Grantecestria, Anno ab incarnatione Domini 915. venerabili Fratri Frithstano, Civitatis Scolarium Cantabrig. Cancellario, & Doctori per suum, etc.] These words are the conclusion of an ancient Charter, supposed to have been given to the Scholars of Cambridge by King Edward the elder; against which our Author fancies one objection, which he thinks easy to be answered, but utterly leaves out another, which I think unanswerable. The objection which our Author makes against it, is the barbarous style and language of it; which if it be a good objection against this Charter, will be as strong against all the Charters of this age, as some ages following in which there was but little of the Elegancies of the Latin tongue. And therefore this objection might have well been spared, but that our Author would be thought to deal very equally in the business, by saying all that might be said against himself.  Fuller. 
I plead my last General Answer, discharging myself, because I did there charge my Margin with two Authors (besides Clareball in Cambridge, where this Charter is extant) Thomas Rudburn, and john Rouse of Warwick. I did not engage with any earnestness for the Charter, per me si non VALEAT, VALEAT. Yet let me add, that following Arguments of the Animadvertor, are so far from shattering, they do not shake the credit thereof.  Dr. Heylin. 
But yet I have another objection which he takes no notice of, because not so easy to be answered; which is, that Frithstan (whatsoever he was) is here honoured with the degree of Doctor, and the title of Chancellor. But first I would fain know where Frithstan took the degree of Doctor, and in what faculty he took it; that title in those early days being so unusual, as hardly to be found amongst the Attributes of the learnedst men. Secondly, I conceive it to be very hard, I had almost said impossible, for him to prove, that the chief Officer of Cambridge, (admitting it at that time for a place of learning) had the name of Chancellor. When I shall see some proof of this, and some satisfaction, I shall give some credit to the Charter, till then, none at all.  Fuller. 
The name of Doctor is threefold, first, for a Teacher at large, extant in Scripture, Art thou a 
* john 3 10.  Doctor in Israel, and knows not these things?  
Secondly, as a title of Dignity fixed by a Society of learned men, on some eminent person amongst them.  
Thirdly, for one solemnly and ceremoniously graduated by a Professor in some particular faculty, and the word in this sense is not of so great seniority.  
I take Doctor in this Charter in the second acception thereof.  
And here I cannot but commend the wariness of the Animadvertors words, that the Title of Doctor is hardly to be found in those early days. He hath read the Rule of Grammarians, Quod fere fit, non fit; quod vix fit, fit; what is almost done, is not done; what is scarcely or hardly done, is done. He knew that the Title of Doctor began to come into request in that Age.  
Thus Bale and Pits (but both of them, as they confess; taking their word from a better Antiquary, I. Leland) writing of BRIDFERTUS, contemporary with our Frithstun in the same Generation, dying about the year 980. Monachus & DOCTOR Anglus in Coenobio Ramsiensi.  
As for the name Chancellor, it was (as in Sir H. Spelman his Glossary doth appear) used at and before this time by the Saxons for a prime officer (though generally the Secretary) and therefore no such improbability that the Chief of Cambridge might be so denominated.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 139. Cambridgshire men claim an ancient (now antiquated) privilege to lead the Van in all Battles.] Zealous alike, not only for the University, but the County of Cambridge, his zeal in both transporting him beyond his knowledge into dark adventures. Some Authors he pretends to for the University, for this privilege none, telling us only that he hath read it, though he know not where. But I can tell him when and where I have read the contrary, that is to say, in learned Camden, who ascribes this honour to the Kentish. For this he citys not only the authority of a nameless Monk, but the words of johannes Saruburiensis in his Polycraticon, which are these that follow, For good desert (saith he) of that notable valour which Kent showed so pvissantly and patiently against the Danes, 
Camd. in K●nt, 324.  it retaineth still unto these days in all Battles the first and forward, yea and of the first conflict with the Enemy. And if this privilege was given the Kentish for their valour showed against the Danes, it could neither be given to the men of Cambridgshire, as our Author would, nor on the same occasion as he saith it was.  Fuller. 
I have read, that when at the taking of a City by the Romans, two soldiers contended for the CROWN-MURAL, (each pleading he first scaled the walls) that the General caused two Crowns-Mural to be made, affirming that on serious examination of all circumstances, both appeared to him mounting the walls in the same moment; and so rewarding them both, prevented a Mutiny of partaking in the Army.  
This controversy is not capable of the same expedient, seeing one cannot make two VANS at once in the same Army, yet may we distinguish of several Times, and accommodate the contest.  
King Arthur in his time, gave the conduct of the Front to the Cornish, 
Nobilis 
* Carew in Cornwall.  Arthurus nobis dat primitus ictum.   
Cambridgeshire might afterwards have that honour conferred on them, the words of 
* Cronicon pag. 887.  Brimpton, though not cleaving the pin, touch the mark in this point, Unde Anglis regnantibus laus CANTABRIGIENSIS PROVINCIAE splendide florebat.  
Yet the dignity being but tempory, and disposable at the Prince's pleasure, in reward of new Services, the Kentish had it afterward bestowed on them, and for a long time enjoyed it.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 141. It did not afterwards embolden him to the anticipation of the Crown, attending till it descended upon him.] He speaks this of King Edward the Confessor, who had he tarried till the Crown had descended on him, might possibly have found a place amongst the Confessors, but not amongst the Kings of England. For the truth is, the right title to the Crown was at that time in Edward surnamed the Outlaw, the eldest son of Edmund Ironside, who flying into Hungary to avoid the fury of the Danes, married the King's sister of that Country, and was by her the Father of Edgar Atheling, and of Margaret wife to Malcolm Conmor King of the Scots. But these being absent at that time, Emma the Mother of Prince Edward, and Widow to Canutus the Dane, took the opportunity to set her son upon the Throne, as being not only half-brother to King Edmund Ironside, but also half-brother, and consequently nearest Kinsman to Canutus the second; which if it were a good descent, will plead almost as strongly for King Harald as it did for him.  Fuller. 
My words are true, and not subject to just exception, which I confined only to King Edward his relation to his own brethren. The legend of his life reports him to be crowned, when unborn, in his Mother's Belly, and having six elder Brethren by the same father King Ethelred: 

1. Ethelstan,  
2. Egbert,  
3. Edmond,  
4. Edred,  
5. Edwy,  
6. Edgar.   (Some of which came to the Crown, others died in their minority.) King Edward (though thus pre-crowned) did not endeavour to ante-date his possession of the Throne, before his elder Brethren, but waited till the title (as it was derived unto him from his father) descended on him. Otherwise I advocate not for Him, if He took it from any other, who had more right to it than himself.  Dr. Heylin. 
But by what means soever he got the Crown, he deserved to wear it.  Fuller. 
I cannot cordially close with the Animadvertors expression herein, being sensible of no Desert, which in this Case is not attended with a true Title: For who shall judge of the desert of Competitors? If the person himself, than every usurper will cry up his own worthiness. If his party, they will make him most meriting whom they favour most in their fancies. This will unsettle all States, cassat all Titles, and cause much distraction. But believing no Ill at all intended in these his words, let us proceed.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author telleth us, ibid. That whereas formerly there were manifold Laws in the Land, made, some by the Britain's, others by the Danes, others by the English, etc. He caused some few of the best to be selected, and the rest as captious and unnecessary, to be rejected; from whence they had the name of the Common Laws.] That the Common-Law was so called, because compounded of the Saxon, British, and Danish Laws, which were before of force only in such places where the Danes, Britan's and Saxons had the greatest sway; though it be easy to be said, will be hard to be proved. The Britain's at that time lived under their own Princes, and were governed by their own Laws, and so they were for a long time after; so that King Edward, having no dominion over them, could not impose a Law upon them. Nor was it propable that he should borrow any of their Laws, or impose them on his natural Subjects, considering the antipathy and disaffection betwixt the Nations. There were at that time indeed in England three kinds of Laws: The first called Dane-lage, or the Danish Laws, prevailing for the most part in the Kingdom of the East-Angles, and that of Northumberland: Secondly, Saxon-lage, used generally in the Kingdoms of the Westsaxons, East-Saxons, South-Saxons, and that of Kent: And thirdly, Mercen-lage, extending over all the Provinces of the Kingdom of Mercia. As for the Britan's of Cornwall and Cumberland, they had no distinct Law for themselves (as had those of Wales) but were governed by the Laws of that Nation unto which they were Subject. By these three sorts of Laws were these Nations governed in their several and respective limits, which being afterwards reduced into one body, and made common equally to all the subjects, did worthily deserve the name of the Common-Law. But secondly I dare not give the honour of this Action to King Edward the Confessor. The great justinian in this work was another Edward, called, for distinctions sake, King Edward the elder, who began his Reign Anno 900. almost 150 years before this Confessor, to whom our Author hath ascribed it. But the truth is, that these Laws being suppressed by the Danish Kings, who governed either in an arbitrary way, or by Laws of their own Country, they were revived and reinforced in the time of this Edward, from whence they had the name of Edward the Confessors Laws, and by that name were sued and fought for in the time succeeding, of which more hereafter. Now as this work may be ascribed to his love to Justice; so from his piety, his successors derive as great a benefit of curing the disease which from thence is called the King's-evil, which some impute (as our Author tells us) to secret and hidden causes.  Fuller. 
This long Note might well have been boiled down from a Gallon to a Gil, to make it more cordial. If the Reader can pick any information out of it, much good may it do him. Let the honour of so good a Deed, with all my heart, be parted betwixt the two Edward's, one the Beginner, the other the finisher thereof.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 145. Others ascribe it to the power of fancy and an exalted imagination.] Amongst which others, I may reckon our Author for one. He had not else so strongly pleaded in defence thereof. But certainly what effect soever the strength of fancy and an exalted imagination, as our Author calls it, may produce in those of riper years, it can contribute nothing to the cure of children. And I have seen some children brought before the King by the hanging sleeves, some hanging at their Mother's breasts, and others in the arms of their Nurses, all touched and cured without the help of any such fancies or imaginations as our Author speaks of.  Fuller. 
If I be reckoned amongst them, I am mis-reckoned; for though I conceive fancy may much conduce, in Adultis, thereunto, yet I believe it partly Miraculous, as may appear by my last and largest insisting thereon. I say partly, because a complete Miracle is done presently and perfectly, whereas this cure is generally advanced by Degrees, and some Days interposed.  Dr. Heylin. 
Others less charitably condemn this cure as guilty of superstition, quarrelling at the Circumstances and Ceremonies which are used. And this they do (saith he ibid.) either displeased at the Collect, consisting of the first nine verses of the Gospel of St. John, as wholly improper, and nothing relating to the occasion, etc.] Our Author tells us more than once, lib. 11.167. of his being a Clerk of the Convocation, but I find by this, that he never came so high as to be Clerk of the Closet.  Fuller. 
I never was (nor the Animadvertor neither) Clerk of the Closet, Non tanto me dignor honore. But I have had the honour to see the King solemnly Heal in the Choir of the Cathedral of Sarisbury, though, being so long since, I cannot recover all particulars.  Dr. Heylin. 
Which had he been, he would not have mistaken the Gospel for a Collect; or touched upon that Gospel which is less material, without insisting on the other, which is more pertinent and proper to the work in hand; or suffered the displeased party to remain unsatisfied about the sign of the Cross made by the Royal Hands on the place infected (as it after followed) when there is no such crossing used in that sacred Ceremony, the King only gently drawing both his hands over the sore at the reading of the first Gospel.  Fuller. 
I fully satisfy the displeased party, (if he be not through weakness nor wilfulness incapable thereof) about the Sign of the Cross, in those my words immediately following.  
All which exceptions fall to the ground when it shall be avowed, That the Kings bare Hands, notwithstanding the omission of such Ceremonies have effected the Healing.  
Take it pray as since it is set down in more ample manner in a late Book, which I know not whither it be more learned in it self or useful to others.  

H. le Strange Alliances of Divine Offices, pag. 250.  All along K. Edward the sixth, and Queen Elizabeth her reign, when the Strumosi, such as had the Kings-Evil came to be touched, the manner was then, for Her to apply the Sign of the 
* As appears in Dr. Tuckers Charisma p. 109.  Cross to the Tumour, which raising a cause of Jealousies, as if some mysterious Operation were imputed to it. That wise and learned King, not only (with his Son the late King) practically discontinued it; but ordered it to be expunged out of the prayers relating to the Cure, which hath proceeded as effectually, that omission notwithstanding, as ever before.  Dr. Heylin. 
But that both he and others may be satisfied in these particulars, I have thought fit to lay down the whole form of prayers and readings used in the healing of that malady in this manner following.  

The form of the Service at the healing of the Kings-Evil.  
THe first Gospel is exactly the same with that on Ascension day▪ At the touching of every infirm person, these words are repeated, They shall lay their hands on the sick, and they shall recover.  
The second Gospel begins the first of St. john, and ends at these words, Full of grace and truth. At the putting the Angel about their necks were repeated, That Light was the true Light, which lighteth every man that cometh into the world.  
Lord have mercy upon us.  
Christ have mercy upon us.  
Lord have mercy upon us.  
Our Father which art in Heaven, hallowed be thy Name, etc. 
Min. O Lord, save thy servants.  
Answ. Which put their trust in thee.  
Min. Send unto them help from above.  
Answ. And evermore mightily defend them.  
Min. Help us, O God our Saviour.  
Answ. And for the glory of thy Names sake deliver us, be merciful unto us sinners for thy Names sake.  
Min. O Lord, hear our prayer.  
Answ. And let our cry come unto thee.   

The Collect.  
Almighty God, the eternal health of all such as put their trust in thee, Hear us, we beseech thee, on the behalf of these thy servants, for whom we call for thy merciful help, that they receiving health may give thanks unto thee in thy holy Church, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.  
The peace of God, etc.    
This is the whole form, against which nothing is objected, but the using of the words before mentioned at the putting on of the Angel; the pertinency whereof may appear to any who consider that the Light which was the true Light, and lighteth every man which cometh into the world, did not shine more visibly, at the least more comfortably upon the people, than in the healing of so many sick, infirm and leprous persons, as did from time to time receive the benefit of it. But it is time I should proceed.  Fuller. 
I perceive by this office, that I have mistaken the Gospel for the the Collect; which in the next Edition (God willing) shall be rectified.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 148. These chose Harald to be King, whose title to the Crown is not worth our deriving of it, much less his relying on it.] A Title not so despicable as our Author makes it, nor much inferior unto that, by which his predecessor obtained the Kingdom. Harald being son to Earl Godwin, (the most potent man of all the Saxons) by Theyra the natural daughter of Canutus the first, was consequently Brother by the whole blood to Harald Harfagar, and Brother by the half blood to Canutus the second, the two last Danish Kings of England. In which respect being of Saxon Ancestry by his Father, and of the Danish Royal blood by his Mother, he might be looked on as the fittest person in that conjuncture, to content both Nations: But whatsoever his Title was, it was undoubtedly better than that of the Norman, had either his success been answerable, or his sword as good.  Fuller. 
It was a despicable Tit●le, even after the Animadvertor hath befriended it with his most advantageous representing thereof,  


1. From his Father, Earl Godwin, the most potent man of Saxon Ancestry.  
2. From his Mother, Theyra, the natural Daughter of Canutus the first.    
As to his Paternal Title, if his Father's potency was all can be alleged for it, any Oppressor hath the same right.  
His Maternal Title, if from Canutus his natural [understand base] Daughter openeth a Door (as I may say) for all who come in by the window.  
Besides, the Animadvertor is much mistaken in the name of his Mother, seeing Mr. 
* Britar. Lat. pag. 104.  Camden saith, E Githâ Suenonis Regis Danici Sorore natu● fuit: He was born of Githa Sister to Sweno King of Denmark.  Dr. Heylin. 
Upon occasion of which Conquest, our Author telleth us that, Ibid. This was the fifth time wherein the South of this Island was conquered; first by Romans, secondly by Picts and Scots, thirdly by Saxons, fourthly by the Danes, and fifthly by the Norman.] But this I can by no means yield to, the Scots and Picts not being to be named amongst those Nations who subdued the South part of this Island. That they did many time's harrass and depopulate the South part of it, I shall easily grant; but to the subduing of a Country, there is more required than to waste and spoil it; that is to say, to fix their dwelling and abode (for some time at least) in the Country conquered; to change the Laws, alter the Language, or new mould the Government; or finally, to translate the Sceptre from the old Royal Family to some one of their own. None of which things being done in the Invasions of the Scots and Picts, they cannot properly be said to have subdued the South parts of the Island, as our Author (out of love perhaps to the Scots) would persuade the Reader.  Fuller. 
I confess of all Five, the Picts and Scots had the most short and uncertain abode in the South. The distinction is very nice, betwixt harrassing or depopulating of a Country and subduing it. If I could but harrasse and depopulate (that is but deargumenta●e) the Animamadvertors Book against me, I doubt not but I should be accounted to subdue it.  
Why is not my Pen charged with a love to the Picts (whom I also equally with the Scots entitle to this subduing) and is a Nation now no where extant, to be the object of my affection.  
But this five-times subduing of the South of this Island, is in all Authors as generally known and received, as that a man hath five fingers on his hand. Wherefore no more in Answer to just nothing.   

THE THIRD BOOK From the time of the Norman Conquest, to the first preaching of Wickliff.  Dr. Heylin. 
WE are now come unto the times of the Norman Government, when the Church began to settle on a surer bottom, both for power and polity; the Bishops less obnoxious to the Kings than formerly, because elected by the Monks and Canons of their own Cathedrals; their Consistories free from the intermixture of Lay-assistance, and their Synods managed by themselves. Wherein though they had power of making such Synodical Constitutions as did ipso facto bind all parties, yet our Author is resolved to have it otherwise.  Fuller. 
All this is but perfatary, and therefore my Answer not necessary thereunto. The Animadvertor seemeth to congratulate the Condition of the English Church, as better hereafter in the following, than in foregoing Ages.  
He instanceth in two particulars POWER and POLITY, omitting a third worth Both, Piety (to which Purity in Doctrine may be reduced) which now began more and more to be impaired.  
Let me add, that after the Kings of England had parted (which indeed was wrested from them) with the Investing of Bishops, Bishops became less managable by, and dutiful to their Prince, and more insulting over the People: and being less OBNOXIOUS (to use the Animadvertors word) to the Sovereign, were more NOXIOUS to the Subjects.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds, Fol. 19 The Proceedings (saith he) of the Canon Law were never wholly received into practice in the Land; but so as made subject in whatsoever touched temporals, to Secular Laws, and National Customs. And the Laity as pleasure limited Canons in this behalf.] How false this is, how contrary to the power and practice of the Church before the submission of the Clergy to King Henry the eight; and finally how dangerous a ground is hereby laid to weaken the Authority of Convocations, will best appear by laying down the sum of a Petition presented by the House of Commons to the same King Henry, together with the Answer of the Prelates and inferior Clergy, then being Synodically assembled, to the said Petition.  
The substance of the Petition was as followeth, viz. THat the Clergy of this your Realm, being your Highness' Subjects, in their Convocation by them holden within this your Realm, have made, and daily make divers Sanctions or Laws concerning Temporal things, and some of them be repugnant to the Laws and Statutes of your Realm, 
Acts of Convoc. Anno 1532.  not having ne requiring your most Royal assent to the same Laws so by them made, nother any assent or knowledge of your Lay Subjects, is had to the same, nother to them published and known in their Mother tongue, albeit divers and sundry of the said Laws extend in certain causes to your excellent Person, your Liberty and Prerogative Royal, and to the interdiction of your Laws and Possessions, and so likewise to the Goods and Possessions of your Lay Subjects, declaring the infringers of the same Laws so by them made, not only to incur the terrible censure of Excommunication, but also to the detestable crime and sin of Heresy, by the which divers of your humble and obedient Lay Subjects be brought into this Ambiguity, whether they may do and execute your Laws according to your jurisdiction Royal of this Realm, for dread of the same Censures and pains comprised in the same Laws so by them made in their Convocations, to the great trouble and inquietation of your said humble and obedient Lay Subjects, etc. the impeachment of your Jurisdiction and Prerogative Royal. The Answer thereunto was this. 
TO this we say, that forasmuch as we repute and take our Authority of making Laws to be grounded upon the Scripture of God, and the determination of holy Church, which must also be a rule and squire to try the justice and righteousness of all Laws, as well Spiritual as Temporal; we verily trust, that considering the Laws of this Realm be such as have been made by most Christian, religious, and devout Princes and People, how both these Laws proceeding from one fountain, the same being sincerely interpretrd, and after the good meaning of the makers, there shall be found no repugnancy, nor contrariety, but that the one shall be found as aiding, maintaining, and supporting the other. And if it shall otherwise appear, as it is our duty (whereunto we shall always most diligently apply ourselves) to reform our Ordinances to God's Commission, and to conform our Statutes and Laws, and those of our predecessors, to the determination of Scripture and holy Church; so we hope in God, and shall daily pray for the same, that your Highness' will, if there appear cause why, with the assent of your People, temper your Grace's Laws accordingly. Whereby shall ensue a most happy and perfect conjunction and agreement, as God being Lapis angularis, to agree and conjoin the same. And as concerning the requiring of your Highness' Royal assent to the authority of such Laws as have been by our Predecessors, or shall be made by us in such points and Articles as we have by God's authority to rule and order by such Provisions and Laws; we knowing your Highness' wisdom, and virtue, and learning, nothing doubt but the same perceiveth how the granting hereunto dependeth not upon our will and liberty. And that we your most humble Subjects may not submit the execution of our charge and duty certainly prescribed by God, to your Highness' assent, although in very deed the same is most worthy for your most Noble, Princely, and excellent virtues, not only to give your Royal assent, but also to devise and command what we should for good order and manners by Statutes and Laws provide in the Church, nevertheless considering we may not so, ne in such sort refrain the doing of our office in the feeding and ruling of Christ's people your Grace's Subjects; we most humbly desiring your Grace as the same hath heretofore, so from henceforth to show your Grace's mind and opinion unto us, what your high Wisdom shall think convenient, which we shall most gladly hear and follow, if it shall please God to inspire us so to do, with all submission and humility beseech the same, following the steps of of your most Noble Progenitors, and conformably to your our own Acts do maintain and defend such Laws, and Ordinances, as we according to our calling and by Authority of God, shall for his honour make, to the edification of virtue, and maintaining Christ's faith, of which your Highness is named Defender, and hath been hitherto indeed a special Protector.  
Furthermore whereas your said Lay Subjects say, that sundry of the said Laws extend in certain causes to your excellent Person, your Liberty and Prerogative Royal, and to the interdiction of your Land and Possessions: To this your said Orators say, that having submitted the trial and examining of the Laws made in the Church by us and our Predecessors, to the just and strait Rule of God's Laws, which giveth measure of Power, Prerogative, and Authority to all Emperors, Kings, Princes, and Potentates, and all other; we have conceived such opinion, and have such estimation of your Majesty's goodness and virtue, that whatsoever any persons not so well learned as your Grace is, would pretend unto the same, whereby we your most humble Subjects may be brought in your Grace's displeasure and indignation, surmising that we should by usurpation and presumption, extend our Laws to your most noble Person, Prerogative and Realm, yet the same your Highness being so highly learned, will of your own most bounteous goodness facilly discharge and deliver us from that envy, when it shall appear that the said Laws are made by us, or out Predecessors, conformable and maintainable by the Scripture of God, and determination of the Church, against which no Laws can stand or take effect.  Somewhat to this purpose had been before endeavoured by the Commons in the last Parliament of King Edw. 3. of which, because they got nothing by it, but only the showing of their teeth without hurting any body; I shall lay nothing in this place, reserving it to the time of the long Parliament, in the Reign of King Charles, when this point was more hotly followed, and more powerfully prosecuted than ever formerly.  
What says our Author unto this? Finds he here any such matter, as that the Laity at their pleasure could limit the Canons of the Church? Or that such Canons in whatsoever touched temporals were subject unto secular Laws and National Customs? And here of I desire the Reader to take special notice, as that which is to serve for a Catholicon, or general Antidote against those many venomous insinuations, which he shall meet with up and down in the course of this History. As for the case in which our Author grounds this pestilent Position, it was the Canon made in a Synod at Westminster, in the time of Anselm, Anno 1102. prohibiting the sale of men and women like brute beasts in the open Market. Which Canon not finding presently an universal obedience over all the Kingdom (as certainly ill customs are not easily left, when they are countenanced by profit) occasioned our Author to adventure upon this bold assertion.  Fuller. 
I conceived it uncivil to interrupt the Animadvertor in his long discourse until he had ended it, and now profess, I know not how it maketh in opposition to what I said, and heartily wish that the Reader may understand it better than I do.  
It cannot be denied, but that the Clergy did claim and challenge a power, and sometimes the facto executed it, over the temporal Estates of the La●ty (for I behold the Clergy, more bound, (because binding themselves by their representatives) unto their Canons) yet they never peaceably enjoyed their Power, as constantly checked and controlled by the Laws of the Land, in such things, wherein the Temporal Estate, Life and Limb of Persons were concerned.  
We have an eminent instance hereof, in the Canon, occasioning this discourse. Anselm makes a Constitution (and that indeed charitable and Christian) against the sale of men and women like brute beasts in the open market place. Now such persons sold (slaves and Vassals as I understand it) being the Goods and Chattels of their Masters, the proprietaries and owners of their Bodies, they would not part with their right in obedience to the Canon.  
Suppose a Convocation some thirty years ago should have made a Canon, without any confirmation from Parliament, That no Merchant living in England should by his Factors sell any Negroes or Blacks in the Barbadoss, which formerly he had bought in Guinnie, it would not oblige to the observation thereof; because in such matters wherein property was concerned, the Canon must say to the Common-Law, By your leave Sir.  
I have written nothing in this point, bu● what I have a good Author for. And seeing the Animadvertor in his Geography hath been pleased to tell a passage betwixt him and his father's man, let me relate another, wherein myself was concerned, knowing it to be as true, and hoping it to be as well applied.  
Some three years since, walking on the Lord's day into the Park at Copthall, the third son (a child in coats) of the Earl of Dorset, desired to go with me, whereof I was unwilling, fearing he should straggle from me whilst I meditated on my Sermon: And when I told him, that if he went with me, he would lose himself, he returned, Then you must lose yourself first, for I will go with you.  
This rule I always observe, when meddling with matters of Law, because I myself am a child therein, I will ever go with a man in that faculty, such as is most eminent in his profession, à cujus latere non discedam; so that if he lose me, he shall first lose himself, as hereafter when we grapple together in this Controversy, will appear.  
As for this particular case (for I will engage no further for the present) this Canon did not dispossess Masters of their property in their Vassals, and no meaner than Mr. Selden, is my conductor herein, styled hereafter by, the Animadvertor 
* In his Animadversion on my 8. Lib. or reign of Q Mary. , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that renowned Humanitian and Philologer.  
Yea I entered my Author in the Margin, had the Animadvertor been pleased to take notice thereof) Spiceleg ad Edmerium, page two hundred and eight.  
Neque sane Canon▪ hic, aut alia apud nos lata Lex id juris hactenus adeo refixit; quin in jurisconsultorum nostratium Commentariis passim Legibus quibus utimur consonum agnoscatur. Neither truly this Canon, or any other Law made amongst us, hath hitherto unfastened this right; but that in the Comments (or Reports), of our Common Lawyers, it is acknowledged consonant to those Laws which we use. And though in process of Time, first conscientious, than all Masters laudibly submitted themselves to this Canon (forbearing such sales;) yet were they not by the Canon devested of the power of Doing it, such vendition and emption being by the Common-Law preserved unto them, though now, very commendably, long disused.  
And whereas the Clergy in their Answer, pretend all their Canons grounded on the Word of God, I would fain be informed where they find in the New-Testament (which ought to regulate their proceedings) that the power of the Church extendeth to life, limb, or estate. Sure I am her censures appear spiritual on the soul, by those expressions, Bind 
* Matth. 16, 19  on Earth, Cast 
* 1 john 9.34.  out, Deliver 
* 1 Cor. 5.5.  to Satan, etc. But because the Reader reserveth a lager prosecution of this point for another time, we will also respite our larger answer hereunto.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 24. Indeed 1. David's had been Christian some hundred of years, whilst Canterbury was yet Pagan.] Not many hundred years I am sure of that nor yet so many as to make a plural number by the Latin Grammar; Kent being conquered by the Saxons, who brought in Paganism, Anno 455. Converted unto Christianity by the preaching of Austin, Anno 569. Not much more than 140. years betwixt the one and the other.  Fuller. 
The Christian Antiquity of St. David bore a double Date, one native or inherent, the other adopted and Reputative. 

1. The Inherent from the time that St. David fixed there, on which account I believe it was no more than 140. years signior to Canterbury.  
2. The Reputative from the first founding of a Bishopric at Carleon by King Lucius, which (indifferently stated) was about the year of our Lord 169▪ which was four hundred years before Canterbury.    
Now it is notoriously known, that the antiquity of Carleon (whence the See was removed) in computation of the seniority is adjected to St. David's, (her adopted Daughter.)  
Hence was it that the Abbot of Bancar in his 
* (A Record lately so priced by the Animadv)  Answer unto Austin, acknowledged himself and his Convent under the Government of the Bishop of Carleon upon Uske, (though then no Bishop therein) meaning St. David's thereby, as Dr. 
* In his account H S. his Appendix.  Hammond and others do unanimously allow.  
Thus grafting St. david's (as it ought) on the Stock of Carleon, it is signior in Christianity to Canterbury four hundred years, and FOUR, may be termed Some, in the strictest propriety of Language.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 29. To whose honour he (viz. King Stephen) erected St. Stephen's Chapel in Westminster, near the place where lately the Court of Requests was kept.] Our Author is here mealy mouthed, and will not parler le tout, as the French men say. For otherwise he might have told us that this Chapel is still standing, and since the surrendry of it to King Edward the sixth, hath been used for a Parliament House, 
Stowe Survey, p 893.  employed to that purpose by the Commons, as it still continueth. What might induce our Author to be thus reserved, I can hardly tell; unless it be to prevent such inferences and observations, which by some wanton wits might be made upon it.  Fuller. 
I hope rather some gracious hearts will make pious improvement thereupon, praying to God, that seeing so many signal persons are now assembled therein, the very place once dedicated as a Chapel to St. Stephen, may be their more effectual Remembrancer, to imitate the purity and piety of that renowned Saint: That so God may be invited graciously to be present amongst them, to overrule all their consultations to his Glory, the Good of the Church and State, and the true honour of the Nation: And to this let every good man say, Amen.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 40. By the same title from his Father Jeffery Plantagenet, be possessed fair lands in Anjou and Maine.] I had thought he had possessed somewhat more in Anjou and Maine, than some fair Lands only, his Father jeffrey Plantagenet being the Proprietary Earl of Anjou, Maine, and Toureine, not a titular only, succeeded in the same by this King Henry and his two sons, Richard and john, till lost unhappily by the last, with the rest of our Estates on that side of the Sea. From this jeffery descended fourteen Kings of the name of Plantagenet, the name not yet extinguished, though it be improverished: Our Author speaking of one of them, who was found not long since at the Blow, Lib. 2. p. 170. Another of that name publishing a Book about the Plantation of New-Albion, Anno 1646. or not long before.  Fuller. 
The frequent and familiar figure of MOISIS will rectify all, whereby less is said than meant, and therefore more must be understood than is said. Besides, it made me mince my expression, (being loath to exceed) because this jeffery did not to me appear (though the Earl,) so entire in those Dominions, but that the Kings of France and England had Cities and Castles interposed therein.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 53. King John sent a base, degenerous, and unchristian Embassage to Admitalius Mutmelius a Mahometan King of Morocco, then very puissant, and possessing a great part of Spain.] This Admiralius Murmelius, as our Author and the old Monks call him, was by his own name called Mahomet Enaser, the Miramomoline of Morocco; to whom if King john sent any such Message, it was as base, unchristian▪ and degenerate as our Author makes it.  Fuller. 
I will ingenuously confess, that the first time I found this Story, was in the Doctor's Mi●ro-cosm (the novelty making me take the more notice thereof.) Though since I have met with it in M. Paris (the fountain) and other Authors, the channels thereof, I conceive it was as lawful for me to relate it, as for the Animadvertor, who epitheiss this Embassy BASE 
* His description of Barbary. , DEGENEROUS, and UNCHRISTIAN, the words which in me he reproveth.  Dr. Heylin. 
But being the credit of the Tale depends upon the credit of the Monkish Authors, to which brood of men that King was known to be a processed Enemy (hating and hated by one another) it is not to be esteemed so highly as a piece of Apocrypha, and much less to be held for Gospel.  Fuller. 
Here he rather speaks aliter than alia, from what I had written on the same Subject, who thus concluded the Character of King john. Church-Hist. Book 3. pag. 54. 
We only behold him Him through such a Light as the Friars his foes show him in; who so hold the candle, that with the Shadow thereof they darken his virtues, and present only his Vices; yea, and as if they had also poisoned his memory, they cause his faults to swell to a prodigious greatness, making him with their pens more black in conditions, than the Morocco King (whose aid he requested) could be in complexion.   
Here I desire to give the Reader a ●aste of what doth frequently occur in this Book, and of what I justly did complain, viz. the Animadvertor 
* Vide supra, part. 1 chap. 11  sometimes not liking my language, (as not proper and expressive enough) substituteth his own, with little or no variation of matter.  
I confess he is not bound to use my words, and such variations simply in itself, is no wrong unto me; but it becometh an Injury when they must pass for necessary Animadversions on my Book, to the defaming thereof, as if it were defective without them, which were there (though perchance not so finely) as fully and clearly before.  Dr. Heylin. 
Possible it is, that being overlaid by his own Subjects, and distressed by the French, he might send unto that King for aid in his great extremities. And doing this (if this were all) he did no more than Nature, and indignation, and the necessity of his affairs did provoke him to; not half so much as was done afterwards upon far weaker grounds by King Francis the first, employing the Turks Forces both by Sea and Land against Charles the fifth. But the Monks coming to the knowledge of this secret practice, and construing his actions to the worst, improved the Molehill to a Mountain, rendering him thereby as odious to posterity, as he was to themselves.  Fuller. 
How much is this different from what I have written before, but that the Animadvertor will not wear words at the second hand of my using, but will have them spick and span new of his own making.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 63. I question whether the Bishop of Rochester (whose Country house at Bromley is so nigh) had ever a House in the City.] There is no question but he had, Stow finding it in Southwark by the name of Rochester house, adjoining on the South side to the Bishop of winchester's, ruinous and out of reparation in his time (as possibly not much frequented since the building of Bromley House) and since converted into Tenements for private persons.  Fuller. 
It was a Question to me, though none to the Animadvertor; now it is a question neither to him nor to me, who by him am informed. I see that men may learn by what boys learn in their Qui mihi, 
Sed qui nil dubitat, nil capit inde boni.   
Had I not questioned this once publicly, probably I had questioned it ever privately, and gone in myself without satisfaction.  Dr. Heylin. 
But since our Author hath desired others to recover the rest from oblivion, I shall help him to the knowledge of two more, and shall thank any man to find out the third. The first of these two is the Bishop of Lincoln's House, situate near the old Temple in Holborn, first built by Robert de Chesney, Bishop of Lincoln, Anno 1147. since aliened from that See to the Earls of Southampton, and passing by the name of Southampton House. The second is the Bishop of Bangors, a fair House situate in Shoe-lane near St. Andrews Church, of late time leased out by the Bishops, and not since, the dwelling of Dr. Smith Doctor in Physic, a right honest and ingenuous person, and my very good friend. Of all the old Bishops which were founded before King Harry the eight, there is none whose House we have not found, but the Bishop of Asaph; to the finding whereof, if our Author, or any other will hold forth the Candle, I shall follow the light the best I can, and be thankful for it.  Fuller. 
I faithfully promise so to do, as soon as I arrive at any good intelligence thereof.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 67. And though some high Royalists look on it as the product of Subject's animosities improving themselves on their Prince's extremities, etc.] Our Author telleth us in his Epistle to the Reader, that the three first Books of this Volume were for the main written in the reign of the late King, and that it would appear so by some passages which were then proper for the Government. But certainly if these words were written in the time of the late King, they were written in the time of his distress, when his affairs were desperate, and his Party ruined; the name of Royalists had not else been used here in the way of reproach, nor any new matter charged upon them, which might render them more obnoxious to fine and ransom than the crime of Loyalty.  Fuller. 
My Loyalty did rise and fall with his Majesty's success, as a Rock in the Sea doth with the ebbing and flowing of the Tide. I had more pity but not less honour for him in his deepest distress.  
God knows my heart, I use not the word High-Royalist here as by way of reproach, and the unpartial Reader niether will nor can so understand it.  
Some there are who maintain, that a King is no way confined with his own Laws, but that without any fault, he may by his own l●st limit his Demands on his Subjects, taking from them, without any wrong, what they refuse to pay unto him. There the Animadvertor will call Royalists, and I dare call them High-Royalists, beholding (as I have said) the Grand-Charter as the product of Subject's animosities improving themselves on their Prince's extremities.  Dr. Heylin. 
But whatsoever our Author thinks, it cannot but appear to any who consults the story of former times, that the original of this Charter, was first writ in blood, obtained by working on the necessities of some Princes, extorted in the minority of another, and finally confirmed by him who had not power to justify his denial of it.  Fuller. 
I could heartily have wished, that the Animadvertor had expressed the names of these Kings. Who now only hope that I conjecture them aright. 

1. King john, on the working of whose necessities it was first obtainned.  
2. Henry the third, whose consent thereto was extorted in his minority.  
3. Edward the first, confirming it when not in power to justify his denial, during his durance as a Prisoner taken in Battle.    
Here I confess, are three sad conditions, necessity of the first, minority of the second, captivity of the third. But know, that the last of these when at liberty, and not only endued with freedom, but impowered with force, and being as wise and successful a Prince, as ever sat on the English Throne; found it advantageous for his Interest, to observe what formerly when a Prisoner he had confirmed.  
Otherwise his Sword was so long, reaching as far as Palestine itself, and so sharp, hewing his conquering way through Wales and Scotland; that therewith (enforced with his arm) he might have rescinded the Seals of the Grand-Charter, and put himself into the condition of an absolute command.  
But he preferred the strict observation thereof, partly out of Piety, because solemnly sworn thereunto; partly out of Policy, as sensible that therein the Rights of Sovereigns and Subjects, were indifferently contempered to their mutual happiness, it being Fetters to neither, but Girdles to both to be strengthened by such restraints.  Dr. Heylin. 
And if our Author be so certain, that those Kings flourihed most both at home and abroad, who tied themselves most conscientiously to the observation thereof: I would fain know how some of our Kings, who have most conscientiously tied themselves to that observation, became so unprosperous; or how some others came to flourish both at home and abroad, who have made it their great work to infringe the same in almost all the principal Articles and main branches of it.  Fuller. 
It is an hard question, and yet perchance more dangerous than difficult to answer, but the reason I dare allege is this, Even so Father, because it pleased thee.  
Let me add, that such conscientious observers thereof, which have proved unsuccessful, may esteem their losses as Sweet-Bryar and Holy-Thistle, and more cordially comfort themselves in such sanctified afflictions, than the Infringers of their Charter could content themselves in their successful oppression.  
I cannot part from this point, till I have inserted that Sir Robert Cotton, (one who had in him as much of the Gentleman, Antiquary, Lawyer, good Subject, and good Patriot, as any in England) was the Author, [in his short view of the long reign of King Henry the third] who made the observation of those most successful Kings, by whom the Grand-Charter was most conscientiously observed.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 88 The poor Jews durst not go into France (whence lately they had been solemnly banished) but generally disposed themselves in Germany and Italy.] The poor jews are more beholding to our Author for his commiseration than the high Royalists, (as he calls them) in the former passage. But poor or rich, they might have passed safely into France, had they been so minded. For though he tell us, that they had been solemnly banished out of France before this time; yet either such banishment was repealed, or temporary only, or (as I rather think) not so much as sentenced. Certain I am, our learned Brerewood upon a diligent enquiry hath found it otherwise than our Author doth; letting us know, 
Brerewoods' Enq. cap. 13.  That the first Country in Christendom, whence the Jews were expelled without hope of return, was our Country of England, whence they were banished, Anno 1290. by King Edward the first; and not long after out of France, Anno 1307. by Philippus Pulcher. Not out of France first, out of England afterwards, as our Author would have it.  Fuller. 
I wonder any good Christians would be offended with me, for pitying them by the name poor jews. If any High royalist, (as I fear there is too many) be in low Estate, would it were as well in my power to relieve as to pity them. Till when they shall have my prayers, that God would give them patience, and support them in their deepest distress.  
The Author will find, that though the Great, General, and Final banishment of the Jews out of France, was Anno 1307. under Philip the Fair, yet formely there had been Edicts for their Exile thence.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds, Fol. 100 Thus men of yesterday have pride too much to remember what they were the day before.] An observation true enough, but not well applied. The two Spencer's whom he speaks this off, were not men of yesterday, or raised out of the dirt or dunghill to so great an height; but of as old and known Nobility as the best in England: 
Camden in Monmout●●h.  insomuch that when a question grew in Parliament, whether the Baroness de Spencer, or the Lord of Aburgaveny were to have precedency, it was adjudged unto de Spencer, thereby declared the ancientest Barony of the Kingdom at that time then being. These two Hugh●he ●he Father was created Earl of Winchester for term of life; and Hugh the Son by marrying one of the Daughters and coheirs of Gilbert de Clare, became Earl of Gloucester. Men more to be commended for their Loyalty, than accused for their pride, but that the King was now declining, and therefore it was held fit by the prevalent faction to take his two supporters from him, as they after did.  Fuller. 
The two Spencer's fall under a double consideration, and are beheld in History for their extraction, either, as 

Absolutely in themselves.  
Comparatively with others.    
Absolutely they were of honourable parentage, and I believe the Elder might be born a Baron, whose Baronry (by the Heir general is still extant in Mildmay Fane, Earl of Westmoreland, and from the younger House of a Male Heir, the Lord Spencer of Wormelayton (now Earl of Sunderland) doth, as I have seen in his Pedigree, derive himself.  
Comparatively, So were they far inferior to most of those great persons over whom they insulted, being originally Earls, and some of them of Royal extraction.  
Again, the Two Spencers may and aught by an Historian to be considered, as to be 

1. Commended for their Loyalty,  
2. Condemned for their Insolency.    
On the first account, they deserve just praise; and it is probable enough, that they find the less Favour from some Pens, for being so Faithful to so unfortunate a Sovereign.  
The latter cannot be excused, appearing too plain in all our Histories.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds, Fol. 113. The Lord Chancellor was ever a Bishop.] If our Author by this word ever understands 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, most commonly, or for the most part, he is right enough; but than it will not stand with the following words viz. as if it had been against equity to employ any other therein. And on the other side, if he take the word ever in its proper and more natural sense, as if none but Bishops had ever been advanced unto that office, he doth not only misinform the Reader, but confute himself, he having told us fol. 31. of this present book, that Thomas Becket being then but Archdeacon of Canterbury, was made Lord Chancellor, and that as soon as he was made Archbishop, he resigned that office. But the truth is, that not only men in holy Orders, but many of the Laity also had attained that dignity, as will appear to any who will take the pains to consult the Catalogue of the Chancellors and Keepers of the Great Seal, in the Glossary of Sir Henry Spelman: in which appear not only some of inferior dignity, as Deans, Archdeacon's, household Chaplains; but many also not dignified with any Ecclesiastical Title, or Notification, and therefore in all probability to be looked on as mere Laymen, Counsellors, and Servants to the Kings in whose times they lived, or otherwise studied in the Laws, and of good affections, and consequently capable of the place of such trust and power.  Fuller. 
May the Reader take notice, that this complaint was made by the Commons in the 11th of Edward the 3d Anno 1336. Now Ever I here restrain to the oldest man alive, then present in Parliament, who could not distinctly remember the contrary, from the first of King Edward the first, who began his Reign 1272. so that for full 64. years, an uninterrupted series of Bishops (except possibly one put in pro tempore, for a month or two) possessed the place of Chancellors.  
This complaint of the Commons occasioned that the King some three years after. viz. in the fifteenth year of his reign, conferred the Chancellor's place on a Layman. But it was not long before things returned to the old channel of Clergymen, and so generally for many years continued, with some few and short interpositions of Laymen.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 116. This year, viz. 1350. as Authors generally agree, King Edward instituted the Order of the Garter.] Right enough as unto the time, but much mistaken in some things which relate unto that ancient and most noble Order; our Author taking up his Commodities at the second hand, neither consulting the Records, nor dealing in this business with men of credit.  Fuller. 
I am now come under the Roof of the Animadvertor, who (by the Laws of Hospitality) is bound to treat me the more courteously; I mean, I am entered into a Subject, wherein he is well seen, and therefore might favourably connive at my small slips, being therein best studied.  
It is severely said, that in this business I dealt with no men of credit. The highest person (next the Son of the King) wearing a blue Ribbon was pleased so far to favour me, as that from his own mouth I wrote the last sheet of my History, his Grace endeavouring to be very exact in all particulars.  Dr. Heylin. 
For first there are not fourteen Canons resident in the Church of Windsor, but thirteen only with the Dean; it being King Edward's purpose when he founded that Order, consisting of twenty six Knights, himself being one, to institute as many greater and lesser Canons, and as many old Soldiers (commonly called poor Knights) to be pensioned there: Though in this last, the number was not made up to his first intention.  Fuller. 
The mistake (such an one as it is) shall be amended in my next Edition.  Dr. Heylin. 
He tells us secondly, that if he be not mistaken (as indeed he is) Sir Thomas Row was the last Chanoellor of the Order. Whereas Sir james Palmer one of the Gentlemen Ushers of the Privy Chamber succeeded him in the place of Chancellor after his decease, Anno 1644.  Fuller. 
The Animadvertor is very discourteous to deny me the benefit of the Parenthesis, If I be not mistaken. The best Authors have their Ni fallor, Si quid video, Si bene intelligo, and the like: These are Grains allowed to all Pieces currant in payment.  
Sir Thomas Roe was the last Chancellor who effectually officiated in his place. Windsor before the year 1644. being a chief Garrison of the Parliament.  
Tully calls a Consul, chosen in the morning and put out before night, a Vigilant Consul, who never slept in all his Consulship. But (on another occasion) one may say of Sir james Palmer (otherwise a worthy Gentleman, well deserving that and a better place) that He was a very watchful Chancellor, who never slept in Windsor whilst invested in his Office.  Dr. Heylin. 
He tells us thirdly, That there belongs unto it one Register, being always the Dean of Windsor: which is nothing so. For though the Deans of late times have been Registers also, yet ab initio non fuit sic, it was not so from the beginning; The first Dean was also Register, being john Boxul, Anno 1557. Before which time, beginning at the year 1414. there had been nine Registers which were not Deans; but how many more before that time, I am not able to say, their names not being on Record.  Fuller. 
I say not that the Register always Was the Dean, but being always the Dean; which relating to our and our father's memories, is right enough: but it shall be reform.  Dr. Heylin. 
And fourthly he tells us, That the Garter is one of the extraordinary Habiliments of the Knights of this Order, their ordinary being only the blue Ribbon about their necks, with the Picture of St. George appendent, and the Sun in his glory on the left shoulder of their Cloak; whereas indeed the Garter is of common wearing, and of such necessary use, that the Knights are not to be seen abroad without it, upon pain of paying two Crowns to any Officer of the Order, who shall first claim it, unless they be to take a journey; 
Hist. of St. George lib. 3. cap. 3.8.  in which case it is sufficient to wear a blue Ribbon under their Boots to denote the Garter. Lastly, whereas our Author tells us, that the Knights hereof do wear on the left shoulder of their Cloaks a Sun in his glory, and attributes this wearing, as some say, to King Charles'. I will first put him out of doubt, that this addition was King Charles his; then show him his mistake in the matter itself. And first, in the first year of that King, Apr. 26. 1626. it was thus enacted at a public Chapter of the Order, viz. That all Knights and Companions of the Order, shall wear upon the left part of their Cloaks, Coats, and riding Cassocks at all times when they shall not wear their Robes, and in all places of Assembly, an Escocheon of the Arms of St. George, id est, a Cross within a Garter, not enriched with Pearls or Stones: in token of the honour which they hold from the said most noble Order, instituted and ordained for persons of the highest worth and honour. Our Author, secondly, may perceive by this Act of the Kings, that St. George's Cross within the Garter, is the main device enjoined to be worn by all the Knights of that noble Order; to which the adding of the Sun in his glory served but for ornament and imbellishing, and might be either used or not used (but only for conformities sake) as they would themselves.  Fuller. 
This Sun in Glory affords me small light, so that I can see but very little (if any thing at all) which I have to alter.  Dr. Heylin. 
So many Errors in so few lines one shall hardly meet with.  Fuller. 
Yea, with more in fewer lines, even in the Animadvertor himself, in laying down the Root and Branches of the noble family of the Montagues: Mistakes the more remarkable, because done in correction of Mr. Sanderson, and making more faults that He mendeth; Or rather all is but one mistake, resulting from a continued complication of omissions, confusions, and transpositions.  

Advertisements on the History of the Reign of King james, pag. 21, 22.  
Fol. 490. Sir Edward Montague had three sons, Edward the eldest Knight of the Bath, etc.] The Author here is much mistaken in the House of the Montagues.  
For first, that Edward Montague who was Knight of the Bath, etc. was not Brother to james Bishop of Winchester, and Henry Earl of Manchester, but their Brother's Son, that is to say, the Son of another Edward their eldest Brother.  
Secondly, besides that, Edward, james, and Henry, there was another Brother whom the Author names not, though he could not choose but know the man, viz. Sir Sidney Montague, one of the Masters of the Requests to the late King Charles. Therefore to set this matter right, I am to let both him and his Readers know, that Sir Edward Montague chief Justice in the time of King Edward the sixth, was father of another Edward who lived peaceably and nobly in his own Country. To whom succeeded a third Edward, who sought for honour in the Wars, and gained the reputation of a good Commander▪ the elder Brother of james, Henry, and Sidney before mentioned, and the father of a fourth Edward who was made Knight of the Bath, at the Coronation of King james, Anno 1603. and afterwards created Lord Montague of Boughton in the nineteenth year of that King, Anno 1621. which honourable Title is now enjoyed by his Son (another Edward) Anno 1658.  
And thirdly, though I grant that Dr. james Montague Bishop of Winchester (the second Brother of the four) was of great power and favour in the time of King james.  
Thus far Dr. Heylin, out of his Advertisements, written in correction of Mr. sanderson's History of the Reign of King james.  
To rectify this heap of Errors, not to be paralleled in any Author (pretending to the emendation of another) I have here plainly set down the Male-pedegree of this Noble, Numerous, and successful Family.  

1 Sir Edward Montague, Lord Chief Justice in the Reign of King Henry the eighth. 

2 Sir Edward Montague, a worthy Patriot, in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth. 

Sir Walter Montague Knight, second Son, died without Issue. 

Sir Henry Montague third Son, Earl of Manchester, Lord Chief Justice, Lord Treasurer, etc. 

Edw. Montague now Earl of Manchester, besides other Sons.      
3 Sir Edward Montague, made Knight of the Bath at the Coronation of King james (never a Martialist,) and created by Him Baron Montague of Boughton, dying in the beginning of the Civil Wars. 

William Montague Esq of the Middle-Temple, second Son.  
4 Edward now Lord Montague of Boughton. 

Ralph Montague Esq second Son.  
Edward Montague Esq eldest Son.    
Christopher Montague third Son, died before his Father, being a most hopeful Gentleman.    
Sir Charles Montague fourth Son, who did good service in Ireland; and left three Daughters and Coheirs. 

james Montague fifth Son, Bishop of Winchester, died unmarried.  
Sir Sidney Montague sixth Son, Master of the Requests. 

Edward Montague now Admiral, and one of the Lords of the Council.           
I presume the Animadvertor will allow me exact in this Family, which hath reflected so favourably upon me, that I desire (and indeed deserve) to live no longer, than whilst I acknowledge the same.    

THE FOURTH BOOK. From the first preaching of Wickliff, to the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the eighth.  Dr. Heylin. 
OUR Author begins this Book with the Story of Wickliff, and continueth it in relating the successes of him and his followers, to which he seems so much addicted, as to christian their Opinions by the name of the Gospel: For, speaking of such encouragements and helps as were given to Wickliff by the Duke of Lancaster, with other advantages, which the conditions of those times did afford unto him, he addeth, That,  
Fol. 129. We must attribute the main to Divine Providence blessing the Gospel.] A name too high to be bestowed upon the Fancies of a private man, many of whose Opinions were so far from truth, so contrary to peace and civil Order, so inconsistent with the Government of the Church of Christ, as make them utterly unworthy to be looked on as a part of the Gospel. Or if the Doctrines of Wickliff must be called the Gospel, what shall become of the Religion then established in the Realm of England, and in most other parts of the Western World? Were all but Wickliff's Followers relapsed to Heathenism; were they turned Jews, or had embraced the Law of Mahomet? If none of these, and that they still continued in the faith of Christ, delivered to them in the Gospels of the four Evangelists and other Apostolical Writers, Wickliff's new Doctrines could not challenge the name of Gospel, no● ought it to be given to him by the Pen of any. But such is the humour of some men, as to call every separation from the Church of Rome, by the name of Gospel, the greater the separation is, the more pure the Gospel. No name but that of Evangelici would content the Germans when they first separated from that Church, and reform their own: And Harry Nichols, when he separated from the Germane Churches, and became the Father of Familists, bestows the name of Evangelium Regni on his Dreams and Dotages. Gospels of this kind we have had, and may have too many, quot Capita t●t Fides, as many Gospels, in a manner, as Sects and Sectaries, if this world go on.  
Now as Wickliff's Doctrines are advanced to the name of Gospel, so his Followers whatsoever they were) must be called Gods servants, the Bishops being said fol. 151. to be busy in persecuting Gods servants; and for what crime soever, they were brought to punishment, it must be thought they suffered only for the Gospel and the service of God. A pregnant evidence whereof we have in the story of Sir john Oldcastle, accused in the time of King Harry the fifth for a design to kill the King and his Brethren, actually in Arms against that King in the head of 20000 men, 
Stow in Hen 5.  attainted for the same in open Parliament, and condemned to die, and executed in St. Giles his Fields accordingly, as both Sir Roger Acton his principal Counsellor, and 37 of his Accomplices had been before. For this we have not only the Authority of our common Chronicles, Walsingham, Stow, and many others; but the Records of the Tower, and Acts of Parliament, as is confessed by our Author, fol. 168. Yet coming out of Wickliff's Schools, and the chief Scholar questionless which was trained up in them, he must be Registered for a Martyr in Fox his Calendar. And though our Author dares not quit him, (as he says himself) yet such is his tenderness and respect to Wickliff's Gospel, that he is loath to load his Memory with causeless Crimes; fol. 167. taxeth the Clergy of that time for their hatred to him, discrediteth the relation of T. Walsingham, and all later Authors, who are affirmed to follow him, as the Flock their Bell-wether; and finally leaves it as a special verdict to the last day of the Revelation of the righteous judgements of God.  Fuller. 
First, I fain would know, whether the Animadvertor would be contented with the Condition of the Church of England, as Wickliff found it, for Opinions and Practice, and doth not earnestly desire a Reformation thereof.  
I am charitably confident, that He doth desire such an Emendation, and therefore being both of us agreed in this Point of the convenience, yea necessity thereof; in the second place I would as fain be satisfied from the Animadvertor, whether He conceived it possible, that such Reformation could be advanced (without Miracle) all on a sudden, so that many gross Errors would not continue, and some new one be superadded.  
The man in the Gospel first saw men walking as trees, before he saw perfectly. Nature hath appointed the Twilight as a Bridge to pass us out of Night into Day. Such false and wild opinions (like the 
Acts 9.18.  Scales, which fell down from the Eyes of St. Paul, when perfectly restored to his sight) have either vanished or been banished, out of all Protestant Confession.  
Far be it from me to account the rest of England relapsed into Atheism, or lapsed in judaism, Turcism, etc. whom I behold as Erroneous Christians in Doctrine and Practice, and yet still in such a condition, that though so living and dying, if they lead a good life, and being weak, ignorant, and seduced, seriously repent of all their sins of ignorance, they might be saved; closing fully with the moderate Judgement of learned Hooker herein.  
I know that the very worst of Heretics, have assumed to themselves the very best of Names, gild themselves over with the Title of Gospelers, and the like; but because Thiefs often pretend themselves honest men, may not honest men avow themselves to be so, and also be so termed by others?  
The words of the Animadvertor of Wickliffs' Gospel, might well have been spared, seeing indeed it was Christ's Gospel (dawning is part of day) preached by Wickliff, in a purer manner than in that Age, (thanks to God it was then so good;) impurer than in our Age, thanks be to God it now is better.  
As for Sir john Oldcastle L. Cobham, his Case is so perplexed with contrary relations much may be said against him, and little less in his behalf; and I have cause to believe indeed, that his Innocence wanted not clearness but clearing.  
Whereas the Animadvertor takes exception at my referring the Decision hereof to the revelation of the righteous judgement of God, it must be Either because 

1. That Time will come too soon to decide the Controversy.  
2. Or else come too late to decide the Controversy.  
3. Or else be insufficient to decide the Controversy.   And having no just cause to suspect any of these, it had been better if my (or rather St. 
* Rom. 2.5.  Paul's words) had passed without his reprehension.  Dr. Heylin. 
From the Scholar pass we to the Master, of whom it is reported in a late Popish Pamphlet, that he made a recantation of his Errors, and lived and died conformable to the Church of Rome. This I will behold as a notorious falsehood, an imposture of the Romish party, though the argument used by our Author, be not of strength sufficient to enforce me to it. If, saith he, Wickliff was sufficiently reconciled to the Roman faith, why was not Rome sufficiently reconciled to him? Using such cruelty to him many years after his death, fol. 171. But this, say I, is no reason, of no force at all. Wickliff might possibly be reconciled to the Church of Rome, and yet the Ministers of that Church, to strike a terror into others, might execute that vengeance on him after his decease, which they had neither power nor opportunity to do when he was alive. Quam vivo iracundiam debuerant, in corpus mortui contulerunt. And hereof we have a fair example in Marcus Antonius de Dominis Archbishop of Spalleto, who coming into England 1616. did manifestly oppose the Doctrines of the Church of Rome in some learned Volumes. But being cunningly wrought on by some Emissaries of the Romish party in the year 1622. he went back to Rome, was reconciled to that Church, and writ there most reproachfully of the Church of England; which notwithstanding, he was kept prisoner all the rest of his life, and his body burnt to ashes after his decease. So than it is no such new matter for a dissenting Christian, such as Wickliff and de Dominis were, though branded by the name of Heretics, to be admitted to a reconciliation with the Church of Rome, and yet that Church to carry a revengeful mind towards them when occasion serves.  Fuller. 
I answer first, I am not the first who have discovered strong affections, with a weak Judgement, endeavouring to prove a Truth with a non-cogent, and un-concluding Argument, in case my reason should be disproved.  
Secondly, Spalleto is no proper parallel of Wickliff, in this point. Spalleto contracted a new 
* Out of exact intelligence sent from his near Kindred, to Venice, and thence to Mr. Calendrine, now Minister of the Dutch Church.  Gild, by bragging at the Table of a Cardinal in Rome, that his Book de Repub. Eccles. could be answered by none but himself; and dum calebat, whilst the scent hereof was hot, they burned his Body when but lately dead: Whereas their despite followed Wickliff at a distance more than forty years after his Death, on no pretended new misdemeanour.  
Lastly, the Animadvertor cometh up unto me, in allowing Wickliff his Reconciliation to Rome, a notorious untruth; and therefore we may proceed to what is more material, wherein we two shall appear two, being, it seems, but one in this difference.  Dr. Heylin. 
And all this while we have expected that our Author would have given us a brief Summary of Wickliff's Doctrines, that by seeing the Piety and Orthodoxy of his Opinions, we might have thought more reverently both of him and his Followers. But therein our expectation must remain unsatisfied, our Author thinking it more agreeable to his Design to hold the Reader in suspense, and conceal this from him: dealing herein as the old Germans did with those of other Nations, who came to wait upon Valeda a great Queen amongst them; not suffering any to have a sight of her, to keep them in a greater admiration of her Parts and Person. 
Hist. lib. ●.  Arcebantur aspectu quò plus venerationis inesset, as it is in Tacitus. The wheat of Wickliff was so foul, so full of chaff, and intermingled with so many and such dangerous Tares, that to expose it to the view, were to mar the market. And therefore our Author having formerly honoured his Opinions by the name of Gospel, and his followers with the Title of God's servants, as before was noted; had reason not to show them all at once, in a lump together, that we might think them better and more Orthodox than indeed they were. But the best is (to save us the trouble of consulting Harpsfield, and others who have written of them) our Author hath given them us at last on another occasion, Lib. 5. fol. 208. many of which the Reader may peruse in these Animadversions, Numb. 113. Thus having laid together so much of this present Book as relates to Wickliff and his followers, I must behold the rest in fragments, as they lie before me.  Fuller. 
Wickliff's Doctrines, so called, fall under a double notion, being either such as were 

1. Charged on Him.  
2. Maintained by Him.   For the former, no Fault of Omission can be found in me, having given in (in a full Sheet 
* Church. Hist. 4. Book, p. 131. ) a Catalogue of them, digested under several Heads, as concerning the Pope, Prelates, Priests, Saints, King, Christ, God, with the Tome, Book, Article, Chapter, where they are to be found in T. Waldensis.  
Sure I am, they were not so bad in all particulars as he there representeth them. If the Animadvertor a Protestant, living with me in the same suffering Age, 
* In his Introduction.  accuse me for accounting Murdering of Kings for necessary Prudence, as oft as they shall fall into the power of their Subjects, which I abhor in my heart, and no such thing appears in the place cited; no wonder if Waldensis charged on Wickliff abominable Errors, which he cordially detested.  
As for the Doctrines which Wickliff did maintain, we have some, but want an exact List of them; and I believe it is passed the power of any Author alive to present it entire (defecated from the calumniations of his Adversaries;) and therefore impossibilities are not to be expected from me.  
Yet am I not such an Admirer of Wickliff, but that I believe he did defend some gross Errors; and it had been no wonder if it were, but had been a miracle if it had not been so, considering the frailty of flesh, darkness of the Age he lived in, and difficulty of the Subject he undertook. But because the Animadvertor refers to something following in my fifth Book; I will also reserve myself for his Encounter in time and place appointed.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 152. He lies buried in the South Isle of St. Peter's Westminster, and since hath got the company of Spencer and Drayton.] Not Draytons' company I am sure, whose body was not buried in the South-Isle of that Church, but under the North wall thereof in the main body of it, not far from a little door which openeth into one of the prebend's houses. This I can say on certain knowledge, being casually invited to his Funeral, when I thought not of it; though since his Statue hath been set up in the other place which our Author speaks of.  Fuller. 
I follow the Information in his Epitaph on his Tomb, near the South door in Westminster Abbey. 
Do Pious Marble, let the Readers know  
What they, and what their Children owe  
To DRAITONS' name, whose sacred Dust  
We recommend unto thy trust.  
Preserve his Memory, and protect his Story,  
Remain a lasting Monument of his Glory.  
And When thy Ruin shall disclaim  
To be the Treasurer of his name,  
His name, which cannot die, shall be  
An Everlasting Monument to thee.   
Have Stones learned to Lie, and abuse posterity? Must there needs be a Fiction in the Epitaph of a Poet? If this be a mere Cenotaph, that Marble hath nothing to do with Draitons' Dust: but let us proceed.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 153. The right to the Crown lay not in this Henry, but in Edmund Mortimer Earl of March, descended by his Mother Philippe, from Lionel Duke of Clarence, elder son to Edward the third.] I shall not now dispute the Title of the House of Lancaster, though I think it no hard matter to defend it.  Fuller. 
I think it is not only difficult, but impossible, except the Animadvertor can challenge the Privilege of the Patriarch 
* Gen. 48.14.  jacob, to cross his Hands, and prefer the younger before the Elder Child, in succession.  
Again, the Title of Lancaster may be considered, either 

1. As it was when Henry the fourth first found it.  
2. As it was when Henry the sixth last left it.    
The latter of these was countenanced with many Laws, corroborated with three descents, and almost threescore years' possession.  
Know Reader, my words are of the right, where it was when Henry the fourth first seized the Crown, and then he had not a Rag of Right to cover his Usurpation. Instead of justifying whereof, let us admire Gods free Pleasure, in permitting the House of Lancaster to last so long; his justice, in assisting York afterwards to recover their Right; and his Mercy at last, in uniting them both, for the happiness of our Nation.  Dr. Heylin. 
And much less shall I venture on the other controversy, viz. whether a King may Legally be deposed? as is insinuated by our Author in the words foregoing.  Fuller. 
If seems the Animadvertor finds little in my Book above ground for his purpose to cavil at, because fain to Mine for my insinuations. But let the Reader judge, whether any man alive can from those my words, the right lay not in this Henry, but in Mortimer Earl of March, infer an INSINUATION, that Kings may legally be deposed. This Insinuation must be in Sinu, in the Bosom of the Animadvertor, which never was in the breast of the Author. More perspicacity must be in the Organ, than perspicuity in the Object, to perceive such an Insinuation.  Dr. Heylin. 
But I dare grapple with him in a point of Heraldry, though I find him better studied in it, than in matter of History. And certainly our Author is here out, in his own dear Element: 
Camden in Radnor 624▪  Edmund Mortimer Earl of March not being the Son, but Husband of the Lady Philippe Daughter of Lionel Duke of Clarence, and Mother of Roger Mortimer Earl of March, whom Richard the second (to despite the house of Lancaster) declared Heir apparent to the Kingdom of England. 'Tis true, this Edmund was the Son of another Philippe, that is to say, of Philip Montacute, wife of a former Roger Earl of March, one of the founders of the Garter. So that in whomsoever the best Title lay, it lay not in this Edmond Mortimer as our Author makes it.  Fuller. 
It is a mere casual slip of my Pen, Edmund for Roger, and this is the first time I crave the Benefit of this Plea in my defence.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 154. This is one of the clearest distinguishing Characters betwixt the Temporal and Spiritual Lords; that the former are to be tried per Pares, by their Peers, being Barons of the Realm.] Not shall I here dispute the point, whether a Bishop may not challenge to be tried by his Peers, but whether the Bishops were not Barons and Peers of the Realm. Our Author intimates that they were not, but I think they were.  Fuller. 
From a late Insinuation, the Animadvertor now proceeds to a new Intimation of mine, utterly unextractable from my words. But know, it never came into my mind to think that Bishops were not Peers, who to my power will defend it against any who shall oppose it.  Dr. Heylin. 

Selden. Tit. Hon. part. 2. c. 5.  And this I think on the authority of the learned Selden, in whom we find, that at a Parliament at Northampton under Henry the second the Bishops thus challenge their own Peerage, viz. Non sedemus hic Episcopi, said Barones; Nos Barones, vos Barones; Pares hic sumus: that is to say, We sit not here as Bishops only, but as Barons; We are Barons, and you are Barons; here we sit as Peers. Which last is also verified in terminis, 
Stat. 25. Edw. Antiquit. Britan. in Stratf.  by the words of a Statute or Act of Parliament, wherein the Bishops are acknowledged to be Peers of the Land. And for further proof hereof, john Stratford Archbishop of Canterbury (if I remember it aright) being fallen into the displeasure of King Edward the third, and denied entrance into the House of Peers, made his Protest, that he was Primus par Regni, the first Peer of the Realm, and therefore not to be excluded from his place and Suffrage.  Fuller. 
This indeed is one of the most ancient and pregnant Evidence of our Bishops sitting as Peers in Parliament. But I suspect it may be mis-improved by the Back-friends to Bishops, that they sat there only in the Capacity of Peers, and not a THIRD ESTATE.  Dr. Heylin. 
But of this Argument enough, if not too much, as the case now stands; it being an unhappy thing, to consider what they have been formerly, and what they are at this present.  Fuller. 
It is a sad Truth which the Animadvertor sayeth. And here I cannot but remember David 
* 2 Sam. 15.25.  his expression, when flying from Absalon, If I shall find favour in the Eyes of the Lord, he will bring me again: But if he say, I have no delight in thee, behold, here I am, etc. If it be consistent with the good will and pleasure of God, in due time he will Boy up again the sunk credit of the Clergy; if not, all must submit to him, whose ways are often above reason, never against right.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 156. Yea this very Statute which gave power to a Bishop in his Diocese to condemn an Heretic, plainly proveth that the King by consent of Parliament, directed the proceedings of the Ecclesiastical Court in Cases of Heresy.] The Bishops and Clergy in their Convocations had anciently the power of declaring Heresy, the Bishops singly in their Consistories to proceed against them, by enjoining penance and recantation, or otherwise to subject them to Excommunication. The Statute which our Author speaks of, being 2 H. 4. c. 15. proceedeth further, and ordained in favour of the Church, that the Ordinary might not only convent, but imprison the party suspected of Heresy, and that the party so convented and convicted of Heresy, and continuing obstinate in the same, should upon a certificate thereof made and delivered to the Secular Judge, be publicly burned before the People. In order whereunto, as in a matter which concerned the life of a Subject, the King with the advice of his Parliament, might lay down some rules for the regulating the proceedings of the Bishops and other Ordinaries.  Fuller. 
There be two distinct things which in this Point must be severally considered, 

1. To declare and define, what shall be accounted Heresy.  
2. To condemn to Death a declared Heretic.    
The Power of the former was in this Age fixed in the Bishops (without any competition) and is so clear none can question it. Yea by the same Power, they might proceed against a declared Heretic (without any leave or liceence from King or Parliament,) so far as Church-Censures, Suspensions, Excommunications, etc. could extend.  
But as for the latter, to condemn them to Death, herein the Common-Law began, where the Cannon Law ended, and regulated their proceedings accordingly.  Dr. Heylin. 
But certainly it is a sorry piece of Logic to conclude from hence, that generally in all cases of Heresy, the King with advice of his Parliament directed the proceedings of the Ecclesiastical Courts. A piece of Logic shall I call it, or a Fallacy rather, a Fallacy à d●cto secundum quid ad dictum simpliciter, committed commonly, when from a proposition which is true only in some respect, with reference to time, place, and other circumstances, the Sophister inferreth something, as if simply true, though in itself it be most absolutely false. As for example, The Pope even in matters of spiritual cognisance (for so it followeth in our Author) had no power over the lifes of the English Subjects; and therefore had then no power to proceed against them in point of Heresy.  Fuller. 
I intended not, nor have I abused the Reader with any fallacious argumentation. It is true 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the King and Parliament directed the proceedings of the Ecclesiastical Court in cases of Heresy: I mean not to decide which were Heresies, but to order the Power of the Bishop over declared Heretics, without the direction of the Statute, not to proceed to Limb and Life: And I believe my words will be found transcribed out of Sir Edward Coke his most elaborate Report of the King's power in Ecclesiastical matters.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 161. Henry the seventh (born in the Bowels of Wales at Pembroke, etc.) some years after plucked down the Partition Wall betwixt them.] Neither so, nor so. For first Pembroke doth not stand in the Bowels of Wales, but almost on the outside of it; as being situate on one of the Creeks of Milford-Haven.  Fuller. 
Pembroke (though verging to the Sea) may properly be called in the Bowels of Wales, beholding the Marches [next England] as the outward Skin thereof. Bowels are known to the Latins by the name of Penetralia, à penetrando; one must pierce and pass so far from the outward skin, before one can come at them. So is Pembroke placed in the very Penetrals of Wales, seeing the Traveller must go sixscore miles from England, before he can come thither.  Dr. Heylin. 
And secondly King Henry the seventh did not break down the Partition Wall between Wales and England. That was a work reserved for King Harry the eighth, in the 27. of whose Reign there past an Act of Parliament, by which it was enacted, That the Country of Wales should be, stand, and continue for ever, from thenceforth incorporated, united, and annexed to, and with this Realm of England. And that all and singular person and persons born and to be born in the said Principality, Country, or Dominion of Wales shall have, enjoy, and inherit all and singular Freedoms, 
27 H. 8 c. 26.  Liberties, Rights, Privileges, and Laws within this Realm and other the King's Dominions, as other the King's Subjects naturally born within the same, have, and enjoy, and inherit. And thirdly, between the time which our Author speaks of, being the 14 year of King Henry the fourth, and the making of this Act by King Henry the eighth, there passed above an hundred and twenty years, which intimates a longer time than some years after, as our Author words it.  Fuller. 
Far be it from me to set variance betwixt Father and Son, and to make a Partition Wall betwixt them, which of them first did break down the Partition Wall betwixt Wales and England. The intentions of King Henry the seventh, were executed by King Henry the eighth; and all shall be reform in my Book accordingly.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 168. I will not complain of the dearness of this University, where seventeen weeks cost me more than seventeen years in Cambridge, even all that I had.] The ordinary and unwary Reader might collect from hence, that Oxford is a chargeable place, and that all commodities there are exceeding dear, but that our Author lets him know, that it was on some occasion of disturbance.  Fuller. 
He must be a very Ordinary and unwary Reader indeed; or an Extraordinary one (if you please) of no common weakness or wilfulness so to understand my words, which plainly expound themselves.  Dr. Heylin. 
By which it seems our Author doth relate to the time of the War, when men from all parts did repair to Oxford, not as a University, but a place of safety, and the seat Royal of the King; at which time notwithstanding all provisions were so plentiful and at such cheap rates, as no man had reason to complain of the dearness of them. No better argument of the fertility of the soil and richness of the Country in which Oxford standeth, than that the Markets were not raised on the accession of such infinite multitudes as resorted to it at that time, and on that occasion. Our Author therefore must be thought to relate unto somewhat else than is here expressed, and possibly may be, that his being at Oxford at that time, brought him within the compass of Delinquency, and consequently of Sequestration.  Fuller. 
I commend the carefulness of the Animadvertor, tender of the honour of Oxford and Oxfordshire his native Country, as I have heard from his own mouth. But herein his jealousy had no● just cause, nothing derogatory thereunto being by me intended herein. Oxfordshire hath in it as much of Rachel and Leah, fairness and fruitfulness, as in any County in England, and so God willing in my description of the English Worthies I shall make to appear.  Dr. Heylin. 
And were it so, he hath no reason to complain of the University, or the dearness of it; but rather of himself, for coming to a place so chargeable and destructive to him. He might have tarried where he was (for I never heard that he was sent for) and then this great complaint against the dearness of that University would have found no place.  Fuller. 
I was once sent up thither from London, being one of the Six, who was chosen to carry a Petition for Peace to his Majesty, from the City of Westminster and the Liberties thereof, though in the way remanded by the Parliament.  
As for my being sent for to Oxford, the Animadvertor I see hath not heard of all that was done. I thought that as St. 
* Acts 26.29.  Paul wished all altogether such as he was, except these bonds; so the Animadvertor would have wished all Englishmen like himself, save in his sequestration, and rather welcomed than jeered such as went to Oxford. But let him say and do as he pleaseth.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 175. Surely what Charles the fifth is said to have said of the City of Florence, that it is pity it should be seen save only on holidays, etc.] Our Author is somewhat out in this, in fathering that saying on Charles the fifth, Emperor and King of Spain, which Boterus and all other Authors ascribe to Charles Archduke of Austria; that is to say, to Charles' of Inspruch, one of the younger Sons of the Emperor Ferdinand the first, and consequently Nephew to Charles the fifth.  Fuller. 
Nihil dictum, quod non dictum prius: And it is very probable that the one first made, the other used the same expression.  Dr. Heylin. 
Nor is our Author very right in taking Aquensis for Aix in Provence: Fol. 178. Especially (saith he) if, as I take it, by Provensis Aix be meant, sited in the farthermost parts of Provence, though even now the English power in France was waning.] For first, the English never had any power in Provence, no interest at all therein, nor pretensions to it; as neither had the French Kings in the times our Author speaks of. Provence in those days was independent of that Crown, an absolute Estate, and held immediately of the Empire, as being a part and member of the Realm of Burgundy, and in the actual possession of the Dukes of Anjou; on the expiring of which House, by the last Will and Testament of Duke Rene the second, it was bequeathed to Lewis the eleventh of France, by him & his Successors to be enjoyed upon the death of Charles Earl of Maine, as it was accordingly. And secondly, that Bernard, whom the Latin calls Episcopus Aquensis is very ill taken by our Author to be Bishop of Aix. He was indeed Bishop of Acqus or Aux in Guinne called anciently Aquae Augustae from whence those parts of France had the name of Aquitain; and not of Aix (which the ancient Writers called Aquae Sextiae) in the Country of Provence. Now Guinne was at that time in the power of the Kings of England, which was the reason why this Bernard was sent with the rest of the Commissioners to the Council of Basil; and being there, amongst the rest, maintained the rights and preeminences of the English Kings.  Fuller. 
There is nothing more destructive to Truth, than when Writers are peremptory in affirming what seems doubtful unto them. Errand Hypocrisy for the Hand to be positive in a Point, when the Head is (as I may say) but suppositive, as not sufficiently satisfied therein. Such men, because they scorn to doubt, lead others quite out of the way.  
To prevent this mischief, I only said, if, as I take it by Aquensis, Aix be meant▪ for it seemed to me too long a stride, (or straddle rather) for the legs of our English Armies to have any power in Provence. And now seeing it was but hal● a fault in me, it doth not deserve the Animadvertors whole reproof.  Dr. Heylin. 
In agitating of which controversy, as it stands in our Author, I find mention of one johannes de Voragine, a worthless Author, fol. 181. Mistake both in the name of the man, and his quality also. For first the Author of the Book called Legenda aurea related to in their former passage, was not johannes, but jacobus de Voragine. In which book, though there are many idle and unwarrantable ●ictions; yet secondly was the man of more esteem, than to pass under the Character of a worthless Author, as being learned for the times in which he lived, Archbishop of Genoa a chief City of Italy, & moribus & dignitate magno precio, as Philippus Bergomensis telleth us of him, Anno 1290. at what time he lived; most eminent for his translation of the Bible into the Italian tongue (as we read Vossius) a work of great both difficulty and danger, 
Vossig. de Lat. Hist.  as the times than were, sufficient (were there nothing else) to free him from the ignominious name of a worthless Author  Fuller. 
I here enter my public thanks to the Animadvertor, jacobus de Voragine (so it seems was his name) was a better Author than I took him for, indeed having read that Melchior Canus called the author of some Legends, a man ferrei oris et plumbei cordis, one of an Iron face and leaden heart, I conceived him incended therein.  
But if he did translate the Bible into Italian, (as I have cause to believe, knowing nothing to the contrary,) it was, as the Animadvertor saith well, a work of great both difficulty, and danger, as the times than were.  
I confess I have formerly in the Table of my Esteem, placed this Voragine as the very lag at the lowest end thereof; But hereafter I shall say to him, come up hither, and provide a higher place for him in my Reputation.  Dr. Heylin. 
A greater mistake than this, as to the person of the man, is that which follows viz. Fol. 185. Humphrey Duke of Gloster son to King Henry the fifth.] This though I cannot look on as a fault of the Press, yet I can easily consider it as a slip of the Pen; it being impossible that our Author should be so far mistaken in Duke Humphrey of Gloster, who was not son but brother to King Henry the fifth.  Fuller. 
This being allowed (as indeed it is) but a Pen-slip, who is more faulty, the Author in the cursorily committing, or the Animadvertor in the deliberate censuring thereof?  Dr. Heylin. 
But I cannot think so charitably of some other errors of this kind, which I find in his History of Cambridge, fol. 67. Where amongst the English Dukes which carried the title of Earl of Cambridge, he reckoneth Edmond of Langly fifth son to Edward the third, Edward his son, Richard Duke of York his brother, father to King Edward the fourth. But first this Richard whom he speaks of, though he were Earl of Cambridge by the consent of Edward his elder brother, yet was he never Duke o● York; Richard being executed at South-hampton for treason against King Harry the fifth, before that Kings going into France, and Edward his elder brother slain not long after in the Battle of Agincourt. And secondly, this Richard was not the Father, but Grandfather of King Edward the fourth. For being married unto Anne, sister and heir unto Edmond Mortimer Earl of March, he had by her a son called Richard, improvidently restored in blood, and advanced unto the Title of Duke of York, by King Henry the sixth, Anno 1426. Who by the Lady Cecely his wife, one of the many Daughters of Ralph Earl of Westmoreland, was father of King Edward the fourth, George Duke of Clarence, and King Richard the third. Thirdly, as Richard Earl of Cambridge was not Duke of York, so Richard Duke of York was not Earl of Cambridge; though by our Author made the last Earl thereof (Hist. of Cam. 162.) before the restoring of that title on the House of the hamilton's.  Fuller. 
This hath formerly been answered at large in the Introduction, wherein it plainly appears, that the last Richard was Duke of York and Earl of Cambridge: though I confess it is questionable, whether his Father were Duke of York.  
However it doth my work, viz. That the Earldom of Cambridge was always (the first alone excepted) conferred on either a foreign Prince, or an English Peer of the Blood-royal, an honour not communicated to any other Peer in England.  Dr. Heylin. 
If our Author be no better at a pedigree in private Families, than he is in those of Kings and Princes, I shall not give him much for his Art of memory, for his History less, and for his Heraldry just nothing.  Fuller. 
When I intent to expose them to sale, I know where to meet with a francker Chapman. None alive ever heard me pretend to the Art of memory, who in my book have decried it as a Trick, 
Holy State, title Memory.  no Art; and indeed is more of fancy than memory. I confess some ten years since, when I came out of the Pulpit of St. Dunstons-East; One (who since wrote a book thereof,) told me in the Vestry, before credible people▪ That he in Sidney College, had taught me the Art of memory. I returned unto him, that it was not so; for I could not remember that I had ever seen his face; which I conceive, was a real Refutation. However, seeing that a natural memory is the best flower in mine, and not the worst in the Animadvertors garden, Let us turn our competitions herein, unto mutual thinkfulnesse to the God of heaven.  Dr. Heylin. 
But I see our Author is as good at the succession of Bishops, as in that of Princes. For saith he, speaking of Cardinal Beaufort, Fol. 185. He built the fair Hospital of St. Cross near Winchester; and although Chancellor of the Univesity of Oxford, was no grand benefactor thereunto, as were his Predecessors Wickam and Wainfleet.] Wickham and Wainfleet are here made the Predecessors of Cardinal Beaufort in the See of Winchester; whereas in very deed, though he succeeded Wickham in that Bishopric, he preceded Wainfleet. For in the Catalogue of the Bishops of Winchester they are marshulled thus, viz. 1365. 50. William of Wickham, 1405. 51. Henry Beaufort, 1447. 52. William de Wainfleet, which last continued Bishop till the year 1485 the See being kept by these three Bishops above 120. years, and thereby giving them great Advantages of doing those excellent works, and founding those famous Colleges, which our Author rightly hath ascribed to the first and last. But whereas our Author kelleth us also of this Cardinal Beaufort, that he built the Hospital of St. Cross, he is as much out in that, 
Camb. in Ham. fol 267.  as he was in the other; that Hospital being first built by Henry of Blais, Brother of King Stephen and Bishop of Winchester, Auno 1129. augmented only, and perhaps more liberally endowed by this Potent Cardinal. From these Foundations made and enlarged by these three great Bishops of Winchester successively, proceed we to two others raised by King Henry the sixth, of which our Author telleth us.  Fuller. 
What a piece of DON QUIXOTISME is this, for the Animadvertor to fight in confutation of that which was formerly confessed? These words being thus fairly entered in the Table of Erratas.  
Book pag. line 4. 185. 22. read it thus, of his Predecessor Wickham, or Successor Wainfleet.  
Faults thus fairly confessed, are presumed fully forgiven; and faults thus fully forgiven, have their guilt returning no more. In the Court Christian, such might have been sued, who upbraided their Neighbours for incontinence, after they formerly had performed public penance for the same. And I hope the Reader will allow me Reparation from the Animadvertor, for a fault so causelessly taxed, after it was so clearly acknowledged, and amended.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 183. This good precedent of the Archbishop's bounty (that is to say, the foundation of All-souls College by Archbishop Chicheley) may be presumed a spur to the speed of the King's liberality; who soon after founded Eton College, etc. to be a Nursery to King's College in Cambridge, fol. 184.] Of Eton College, and the condition of the same, our Author hath spoken here at large, but we must look for the foundation of King's College, in the History of Cambridge, fol. 77. where I find something which requireth an Animadversion. Our Author there chargeth Dr. Heylin for avowing something which he cannot justify, that is to say, for saying, That when William of Wainfleet Bishop of Winchester (afterwards founder of Magdalen College) persuaded King Henry the Sixth, to erect some Monument for Learning in Oxford, the King returned, Imo potius Cantabrigiae, ut duas (si fieri possit) in Anglia Academias habeam. Yea rather (said he) at Cambridge, that (if it be possible) I may have two Universities in England. As if Cambridge were not reputed one before the founding of King's College therein. But here the premises only are the Doctors, the inference or conclusion is our Authors own. The Doctor infers not thereupon, that Cambridge was not reputed an University till the founding of King's College by King Henry the sixth; and indeed he could not: for he acknowledged before out of Robert de Renington, that it was made an University in the time of King Edward the second. All that the Doctor says, is this, that as the University of Cambridge was of a later foundation than Oxford was, so it was long before it grew into esteem, that is to say, to such a measure of esteem at home or abroad (before the building of King's College, and the rest that followed) but that the King might use those words in his discourse with the Bishop of Winchester. And for the Narrative, the Doctor (whom I have talked with in this business) doth not shame to say, that he borrowed it, from that great Treasury of Academical Antiquities Mr. Brian Twine, whose learned Works stand good against all Opponents; and that he found the passage justified by Sir Isaac Wake in his Rex Platonicus. Two Persons of too great wit and judgement, to relate a matter of this nature on no better ground than common Table-talk, and that too spoke in merriment by Sir Henry Savil. Assuredly Sir Henry Savil was too great a Zealot for that University, and too much a friend to Mr. Wake, who was Fellow of the same College with him, to have his Table-talk and discourses of merriment to be put upon Record as grounds and arguments for such men to build on in that weighty Controversy. And therefore when our Author tells us, what he was told by Mr. Hubbard, Mr. Hubbard by Mr. Barlow, Mr. Barlow by Mr. Bust, and Mr. Bust by Sir Henry Savil. It brings into my mind the like Pedigree of as true a Story, even that of Mother Miso in Sir Philip Sidney, telling the young Ladies an old Tale, which a good old woman told her, which an old wise man told her, which a great learned Clerk told him, and gave it him in writing; and there she had it in her Prayer-book; as here our Author hath found this on the end of his Creed. Not much unlike to which, is that which I find in the Poet; 
Quae Phaebo Pater omnipotens, mihi Phoebus Apollo  
Praedix●t, vobis Furiarum ego maxima pando.   
That is so say, 
What jove told Phoebus, Phoebus told to me,  
And I the chief of Furies tell to thee.   Fuller. 
The controversy betwixt us consists about a pretended Speech of King Henry the sixth, to Bishop Wainfleet, persuading him to found a College at Oxford. To whom the King is said to return, Yea rather at Cambridge, that (if it be possible) I may have two Universities in England.  
A passage pregnant with an Inference, which delivereth itself without any Midwifery to help it, viz. that till the time of King Henry the sixth, Cambridge was no, or but an obscure University, both being equally untrue.  
The Animadvertor will have the speech grounded on good Authority, whilst I more than suspect to have been the frolic of the fancy of S. Isaac Wake, citing my Author for my belief, which because removed four descents, is, I confess, of the less validity: Yet is it better to take a Truth from the tenth, than a Falsehood from the first hand.  
Both our Relations ultimately terminate in Sir Isaac Wake, by the Animadvertor confessed the first printed Reporter thereof. I confess S. I. Wake needed none but Sr. Isaac Wake, to attest the truth of such thing, which he had heard or seen himself. In such Case his bare Name commandeth credit with Posterity. But relating a passage done at distance, some years before his great Grandfather was rocked in his Cradle, we may and must do that right to our own judgement, as civility to require of him security for what he affirmeth, especially seeing it is so clogged with such palpable improbability. Wherefore, till this Knights invisible Author be brought forth into light, I shall remain the more confirmed in my former Opinion, Rex Platonicus alone sounding to me in this point no more than Plato's Commonwealth; I mean, a mere Wit work, or Brain-Being, without any other real existence in Nature.  Dr. Heylin. 
But to proceed, Fol. 190. This was that Nevil, who for Extraction, Estate, Alliance, Dependants, Wisdom, Valour, Success, and Popularity, was superior to any English Subject since the Conquest.] Our Author speaks this of that Richard Nevil who was first Earl of Warwick, in right of Anne his Wife, Sister & Heir of Henry Beauchamp, the last of that Family, and after Earl of Salisbury by descent from his Father; a potent and popular man indeed, but yet not in all or in any of those respects to be matched with Henry of Bullenbrook, son to john of Gaunt, whom our Author must needs grant to have lived since the time of the Conquest. Which Henry after the death of his Father was Duke of Lancaster and Hereford, Earl of Leicester, Lincoln, and Derby, etc. and Lord High Steward of England: Possessed by the donation of King Henry the third, of the County Palatine of Lancaster, the forfeited Estates of Simon de Montfort Earl of Leicester, Robert de Ferrars Earl of Derby, and john Lord of Monmouth; By the compact made between Thomas Earl of Lancaster, and Alice his Wife, of the Honour of Pomfret, the whole Estate of the Earl of Lincoln, and a great part of the Estates of the Earl of Salisbury; of the goodly Territories of Ogmore and Kidwelly in Wales, in right of his descent from the Chaworths; of the Honour and Castle of Hartford by the grant of King Edward the third; and of the Honour of Tickhill in Yorkshire, by the donation of King Richard the second; and finally of a Moiety of the vast Estate of Humphrey de Bohun Earl of Hereford, Essex, and Northampton in right of his Wife. So royal in his Extraction, that he was Grandchild unto one King, Cousin-german to another, Father and Grandfather to two more. So popular when a private person, and that too in the life of his Father, that he was able to raise and head an Army against Richard the Second, with which he discomfited the King's Forces, under the command of the Duke of Ireland. So fortunate in his Successes, that he not only had the better in the Battle mentioned, but came off with Honour and Renown in the War of afric, and finally obtained the Crown of England. And this I trow, renders him much Superior to our Authors Nevil, whom he exceeded also in this particular, that he died in his bed, and left his Estates unto his Son. But having got the Crown by the murder of his Predecessor, it stayed but two descents in his Line, being unfortunately lost by King Henry the sixth: of whom, being taken and imprisoned by those of the Yorkish Faction, our Author telleth us.  Fuller. 
It never came into my thoughts, to extend the Parallel beyond the line of Subjection, confining it to such as moved only in that Sphere, living and dying in the Station of a Subject; and thus far I am sure I am ●ight, that this our Nevil was not equalled, much less exceeded, by any Englishman since the Conquest.  
As for Henry Duke of Lancaster, his Coronet was afterwards turned into a Crown, and I never intended comparison with one who became a Sovereign, having learned, primum in unoquoque Genere, est excipiendum.  
The Animadvertor hath here taken occasion to write much, but thereof nothing to confute me, and little to inform others. He deserved to be this King Henry's Chaplain (if living in that Age) for his exactness in the distinct enumeration of all his Dignities and Estate, before he came to the Crown.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds Fol. 190. That Statesmen do admire how blind the Policy of that Age was, in keeping King Henry alive, there being no such sure Prison as a Grave for a Captive King, whose life (though in restraint) is a fair mark for the full Aim of mal-contents to practise his enlargement.] Our Author might have spared this Doctrine so frequently in practice amongst the worldly Politicians of all times and ages, 
Ovid Met. Lib. 2.  that there is more need of a Bridle to hold them in, than a Spur to quicken them. Parce precor stimulis, & fortiùs utere loris, had been a wholesome caveat there, had any friend of his been by to have advised him of it. The murdering of deposed and Captive Princes, though too often practised, never found Advocates to plead for it, and much less Preachers to preach for it, 
History of Florence.  until these latter times. First made a Maxim of State in the School of Machiavelli, who lays it down for an Aphorism in point of policy, viz. that great Persons must not at all be touched, or if they be, must be made sure from taking Revenge; inculcated afterwards by the Lord Grace, who being sent by King james to intercede for the life of his Mother, did underhand solicit her death, and whispered nothing so much in Queen Elizabeth's ears, 
Camden's Annals. An. 1656.  as Mortua non mordet, if the Scots Queen were once dead, she would never bite. But never pressed so home, never so punctually applied to the case of Kings, as here I find it by our Author; of whom it cannot be affirmed, that he speaks in this case the sense of others, but positively and plainly doth declare his own. No such divinity preached in the Schools of Ignatius, though fitter for the Pen of a Mariana, than of a Divine or Minister of the Church of England. Which whether it passed from him, before or since the last sad accident of this nature, it comes all to one; this being like a two-hand-sword made to strike on both sides, and if it come too late for instruction, will serve abundantly howsoever for the justification. Another note we have within two leaves after as derogatory to the Honour of the late Archbishop, as this is dangerous to the Estate of all Sovereign Princes, if once they chance to happen into the hands of their Enemies. But of this our Author will give me an occasion to speak more in another place, and then he shall hear further from me.  Fuller. 
My words, as by me laid down, are so far from being a two-handed sword they have neither hilt nor blade in them, only they hold out an Handle for me, thereby to defend myself; I say, Statesmen did admire at the preserving King Henry alive, and render their reason, If the Animadvertor takes me for a Statesman (whose general Judgement in this point I did barely relate) he is much mistaken in me.  
Reason of State and Reason of Religion, are Stars of so different an Horizon, that the elevation of the One, is the depression of the other. Not that God hath placed Religion and Right Reason diametrically opposite in themselves, (so that wherever they meet, they must fall out and fight,) but Reason bowed by Politicians, o their present Interest (that is Achitophelesme) is Enmity to Religion. But the less we touch this harsh string the better music.  Dr. Heylin. 
Now to go on. Fol. 197. The Duke requested of King Richard the Earldom of Hereford, and Hereditary Constableship of England.] Not so, it was not the Earldom, that is to say, the Title of Earl of Hereford, which the Duke requested; but so much of the Lands of those Earls, as had been formerly enjoyed by the House of Lancaster. Concerning which we are to know, that Humphrey de Bohun the last Earl of Hereford, left behind him two Daughters only, of which the eldest called Eleanor was married to Thomas of Woods●ock, Duke of Gloster; Marry, the other, married unto Henry of Bullenbrook, Earl of Derby. Betwixt these two the Estate was parted; the one moiety, which drew after it the Title of Hereford, falling to Henry Earl of Derby; the other, which drew after it the Office o● Constable, to the Duke of Glo●ester. But the Duke of Gloucester being dead, and his estate coming in fine unto his Daughter, who was not able to contend, Henry the fifth forced her unto a sub-division, laying one half of her just partage to the other moiety. But the issue of Henry of Bullenbrook being quite extinct in the Person of Edward Prince of Wales Son of Henry the sixth, these three parts of the Lands of the Earls of Hereford having been formerly incorporated into the Duchy of Lancaster, remained in possession of the Crown, but were conceived by this Duke to belong to him, as being the direct Heir of Anne Daughter of Thomas Duke of Gloucester, and consequently the direct Heir also of the House of Hereford. This was the sum of his demand. Nor do I find that he made any suit for the Office of Constable, or that he needed so to do, he being then Constable of England, as his Son Edward the last Duke of Buckingham of that Family, was after him.  Fuller. 
The cause of their variance is given in differently by several Authors. Some say, that at once this Duke requested three things of King Richard, 1. Power. 2. Honour, 3. Wealth: First, Power, to be Hereditary Constable of England, not to hold it as he did pro arbitrio Regis, but in the right of his descent. Secondly, Honour, the Earldom of Hereford. Thirdly, Wealth, that partage of Land mentioned by the Animadvertor. I instanced only in the first, the pride of this Duke, being notoriously known to be more than his covetousness, not denying but that the King's denial of the Land he requested, had an effectual influence on his discontent.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 169. At last the coming in of the Lord Stanley with three thousand fresh men decided the controversy on the Earls side.] Our Author is out in this also. It was not the Lord Stanley, but his Brother Sir William Stanley, who came in so seasonably, and thereby turned the Scale, and changed the fortune of the day. For which service he was afterward made Lord Chamberlain of the new King's Household, and advanced to great Riches and Estates, but finally beheaded by that very King for whom, and to whom he had done the same. But the King looked upon this action with another eye. And therefore when the merit of his service was interposed to mitigate the King's displeasure, and preserve the ma●, the King remembered very shrewdly, that as he came soon enough to win the Victory, so he stayed long enough to have lost it.  Fuller. 
Though a courteous Prolepsis might salve all the matter, yet (to prevent exceptions) in my next Edition, the Lord shall be degraded into Sir William Stanley.   

THE FIFTH BOOK. Relating to the time of King Henry the Eight.  Dr. Heylin. 
WE are now come to the busy times of King Henry the Eight, in which the power of the Church was much diminished, though not reduced to such ill terms as our Author makes it We have him here laying his foundations to overthrow that little which is left of the Church's Rights. His superstructures we shall see in the times ensuing more seasonable for the practice of that Authority which in this fifth Book he hammereth only in the speculation.  Fuller. 
I deny, and defy any such Design, to overthrow the foundations of the Churches right. If the foundations be destroyed, what can the righteous do? I● my Back could butterresse them up, it should not be wanting. However, I am not sensible that any such invasion was made on the true property of the Church, but that the King resumed what by God was invested in him, and what by the Pope was unjustly taken from him; though none can justify every particular in the managery of the Reformation.  Dr. Heylin. 
But first we will begin with such Animadversions as relate unto this time and story, as they come in our way; leaving such principles and positions as concern the Church, to the close of all; where we shall draw them all together, that our discourse and observations thereupon may come before the Reader without interruption.  
And the first thing I meet with, is a fault of Omission; Dr. Newlen who succeeded Dr. jackson in the Presidentship of Corpus Christi College in Oxford, Anno 1640 by a free election, and in a statutable way, being left out of our Author's Catlogue of the Precedents of C. C. C. in Oxford, fol. 166. and Dr. Stanton who came in by the power of the Visitors above eight years after being placed therein. Which I thought fit (though otherwise of no great moment) to take notice of, that I might do the honest man that right which our Author doth not.  Fuller. 
Would the Animadvertor had given me the Christian, as well as the Sir●name of the Doctor, that I may enter it in my next Edition. But I will endeavour some other ways to recover it.  
Such, and greater Omisions, often attend the Pens of the most exact Authors. Witness the Lord Stanhop, created Baron of Harington in Narthampton-shire, ●ertio jacobi, left out in all the Editions [Latin and English] of the Industrious and Judicious Mr. Camden though his junior Baron (the Lord Arundel of Wardour) be there inserted. This his omission proceeded not from the least neglect, as I protest my Innocence in the casual preterition of Dr. Newlen.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 168. King Henry endeavoured an uniformity of Grammar all over his Dominions; that so youths, though changing their Schoolmasters, might keep their learning.] That this was endeavoured by King Henry, and at last enjoined, I shall easily grant. But then our Author should have told us (if at least he knew it) that the first hint thereof proceeded from the Convocation in the year 1530▪ in which, complaint being made, Quod multiplex & varius in Scholis Grammaticalibus modus esset docendi, etc. That the multiplicity of Grammars did much hurt to learning; it was thought meet by the Prelates and Clergy then assembled, 
Acta Convoca●ionis 1530.  Ut una eadem edatur formula auctoritate hujus sacrae Synodi, in qualibet & singula Schola Grammaticali per Cantuariensem Provinciam usitanda & edocenda: that is to say, that one only form of teaching Grammar should be enjoined from thenceforth by the Authority of the Convocation, to be used in all the Grammar Schools of the Province of Canterbury. Which being so agreed upon, Lily then Schoolmaster of St. Paul's School, was thought the fittest man for that undertaking; and he performed his part so well, that within few years after, it was enjoined by the King's Proclamation to be used in all the Schools throughout the Kingdom. But here we are to note withal, that our Author anticipates this business, placing it in the eleventh year of this King, Anno 1519. whereas the Convocation took not this into consideration till the eighth of March, Anno 1530. and certainly would not have meddled in it then, if the King had settled and enjoined it so long before.  Fuller. 
The Animadvertor discovers much indiscretion, in cavilling at a well-timed truth in my Book, and substituting a falsehood in the room thereof.  
The endeavour of Henry the eight, for uniformity of Grammar throughout all his Dominions, begun (as I have placed it) one thousand five hundred and nineteen, William Lillie being the prime person employed for the composure thereof.  
Indeed it met not with universal Reception for some years (babits not being easily deposed:) and therefore the Convocation concurring with the King's pleasure therein, added their assistance in the year 1530. as the Animadvertor observeth; and soon after by the King's Proclamation, the matter was generally effected.  
But whereas he saith, That after that time 1530. William lily was thought the fittest man for that undertaking, Let me tell him, That a man dead five, if not eight years before, was not fit to make a Grammar.  
I appeal to Bale and Pitts, both which render William lily to die in the year 1525. but mistaken herein; For indeed he died three years before, if the Epitaph on his Monument, made by his son George lily, may be believed, in a brass plate near the great North door of St. Paul's. Gulielmo Lilio Paulinae Scholae olim, Preceptori Primario, & Agneti Conjugi, in Sacratissimo hujus Templi coemiterio hinc à tergo nunc destructo consepultis, Georgius Lillius hujus Ecclesiae Canonicus, parentum memoriae piae consulens, Tabellam hanc ab amicis conservatam, hic reponendam curavit. Obiit ille G. L. Anno Dom. 1522. Calend. Mart. Vixit annos 54.  
Wherefore this unnecessary Animadversion, to correct what was right before, might very well have been spared.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 168. Howsoever it is probable, some other Gardener gathered the Flowers (made the Collections) though King Henry had the honour to wear the Posy.] I am not ignorant that the making of the King's Book against Martin Luther▪ is by some Popish Writers ascribed to Dr. john Fisher, than Bishop of Rochester. But this Cavil was not made till after this King had rejected the Pope's Supremacy, and consequently the less credit to be given unto it. It is well known, that his Father King Henry the seventh designed him for the Archbishopric of Canterbury, and to that end caused him to be trained up in all parts of learning which might enable him for that place. But his eldest brother Prince Arthur dying, and himself succeeding in the Crown, though he had laid aside the thoughts of being a Priest, he could not but retain that Learning which he had acquired, and reckon it amongst the fairest Flowers which adorned his Diadem. Too great a Clerk he was to be called Beauclerk junior, as i● he were as short in learning of King Henry the first (whom commonly they called Beauclerk) as he was in time▪ though so our Author would fain have it, Hist. Cam. p. 2.3. A little Learning went a great way in those early days, which in this King would have made no show, in whose time both the Arts and Languages began to flourish. And if our Author doth not suspect this King's lack of learning, he hath no reason to suspect his lack of time, the work being small, the glory great, and helps enough at hand if he wanted any. But of this enough.  Fuller. 
No considerable variation from what I have written, so that my Answer thereunto is not required. Let him be another Beauclerk instead of Beauclerk junior.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 196. Which when finished (as White-Hall, Hampton-Court, etc.) he either freely gave to the King▪ or exchanged them on very reasonable considerations.] That Hampton-Court was either freely given by Wolsey, or otherwise exchanged on very reasonable terms, I shall grant as easily; but Whitehall was none of his to give, as belonging to the Archbishop in the right of the See o● York, and then called York place. But the King's Palace at Westminster being lately burnt, and this house much beautified by the Cardinal, the King cast a longing eye upon it; and having attainted the Cardinal in a Praemunire, he seized upon this house with all the furniture thereof, as a part of the spoil. Which when he found he could not hold, as being the Archbishops and not the Cardinals, he sent an Instrument unto him, to be signed and sealed for the surrendry of his title and estate therein; and not content to have forced it from him (the Cardinal honestly declaring his inability to make good the grant) he caused the Dean and Chapter of York to confirm the same unto him under their Common Seal, in due form of Law; which being obtained, and much cost bestowed upon the House, he caused it to be called Whitehall; gratifying the Archbishops of York with another House, belonging then to the See of Norwich, and now called York-house.  Fuller. 
My words are, he either freely gave to the King, or exchanged them, [but I say not FREELY] on very reasonable terms. Now though he did not freely give Whitehall to the King, he exchanged it, (though unwillingly) on very reasonable considerations; seeing for bigness, building, and circuit of ground, it than was worth Ten of York-house, given to his See, in lieu thereof. However, the Animadvertor is exact in some circumstances of this Exchange, which I knew not before.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 170. So that lately there were maintained therein one Dean, eight Canons, three public Professors of Divinity, Hebrew and Greek, sixty Students, etc.] Our Author tells us, Lib. 4. that he spent seventeen weeks in this University, but he that looks on this and some other passages, would think he had not tarried there above seventeen hours.  Fuller. 
Yea, the Animadvertor would persuade his Reader, That I never spent seaventeen week's in Oxford or in any other University, if all the errors be so many and great as he accuseth me of. But I prepare myself to hear his Charge.  Dr. Heylin. 
For besides his omitting of Dr. Newlin spoken of before, and his giving of the name of Censors to the Deans of Magdalen, which I find afterwards, Lib. 8. fol. 7. he is very much mistaken in the matters of Christ Church.  Fuller. 
What Dr. Newlen again? What if I called the Dean of Magdalen College, the Censor. Grande piaculum!  
Do I not confess it possible, That my Cambridge Sibboleth may make me lisp, and mispronounce the topical offices in Oxford, and publicly desired pardon, when such mistakes are committed? Where hath the Animadvertor left or lost his ingenuity, that so another may look after, and make use of it, if so pleased?  
Hereafter I shall remember that there is, though not a Censor now living in Magdalen College, yet there was therein a Censurer [the Animadvertor] when no just cause is given him.  
I expected rather, that he would have thanked, than censured me; Who being a Cambridge man, and finding their printed Catalogue of the precedents of Magdalen College imperfect, as set forth by their own Antiquary Bryan Twine, did amend the same, by inserting (in his due time) no meaner man than Dr. Walter Haddon, that famous and learned Civilian formerly omitted.  Dr. Heylin. 
For first the three Professors, of Divinity, Hebrew, and Greek, are no necessary parts of that foundation, nor can be properly said to be founded in it. Till of late times they were and might be of other Colleges, as they are at this present, this College being only bound to pay them for their annual Pensions forty pounds a piece. In after times, King james annexed a prebend's place in this Church, to the Professor of Divinity, as King Charles' did another to the Hebrew Reader. But for the Greek Reader he hath only his bare pension from it, and hath no other relation to it, but by accident only; the last Greek Reader of this House being Dr. john Perin who died in the year 1615  Fuller. 
I say not, that those three professors were founded in that College, but that they are maintained therein. And seeing the College (as the Animadvertor confesseth pays them their salaries, my words are subject to no just Exceptions.  Dr. Heylin. 
And secondly, he is very far short in the number of Students, diminishing them from an hundred to sixty, there being an Hundred and one of that foundation by the name of Students, equivalent to the Fellows of most other Colleges in the Revenues of their place and all advantages and encouragements in the way of learning. But this perhaps hath somewhat in it of design, that by making the foundations of Oxford to seem less than they are, those in the other University, might appear the fairer.  Fuller. 
'Tis a mere pen-slip, and shall be amended accordingly. God knows I hatch no such envious design, who could wish, that not only sixty, but six score six hundred, were founded, etc. therein. Always provided, That the Nursery exceed not the Orchard: And that the Universities by too large a Plantation breed not more Scholars, than the Kingdom is able to prefer and employ.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 171. And here Wolsey had provided him a second Wife (viz.) Margaret Countess of Alanzon, sister to Francis King of France.] As much out in his French as his English Heraldry. For first the Lady Margaret here spoken of, was never Countess, though sometimes Duchess of Alanzon, as being once wife to Charles the fourth Duke thereof. And secondly, at the time when King Henry's Divorce from Queen Katherine was first agitated, this Lady was not in a capacity of being projected for a Wife to King Henry the eighth, being then actually in the bed of another Henry, etc.  Fuller. 
Margaret (who shall be amended Duchess) of Alanzon was Here, (I mean not just in this year, but in this business, afterwards designed by Wolsy for a Wife to King Henry.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 178. Yet had he the whole Revenues of York Archbishopric (worth then little less than four thousand pounds yearly) besides a large Pension paid him out of the Bishopric of Winchester.] And a large Pension it was indeed (if it were a Pension) which amounted to the whole Revenue, etc.  Fuller. 
For quietness sake, he shall have the whole Bishopric, though I have read, that after Wolsey fell in the King's displeasure, his revenue in Winchester (which he kept in Commendam) was reduced to a Pension.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 184. The Clergy of the Province of Canterbury alone bestowed on the King One hundred thousand pounds, to be paid by equal portions in the same year, say some; in four years say others, and that in my opinion with more probabily.] Here have we three Authors for one thing, some, others, and our Author himself, more knowing than all the rest in his own opinion. But all out alike. This great sum was not to be paid in one year, nor in four years neither, but to be paid by equal portions (that is to say, by twenty thousand pound per annum) in the five years following, etc.  Fuller. 
Not reckoning the first sum, which was paid down on the Nail, that had just four years assigned them for the payment of the remainder.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 186. But he might have remembered, which also produced the peerless Queen Elizabeth, who perfected the Reformation.] Either our Author speaks not this for his own opinion, as in that before, or if he do, it is an opinion of his own, in which he is not like to find many followers. The Puritan party whom he acts for in all this work, will by no means grant it; comparing that most excellent Lady in their frequent Pasquil's, to an idle Huswife, who sweeps the middle of the house to make a show, but leaves all the dirt and rubbish behind the door. The grand Composers of the Directory do persuade themselves, that if the first Reformers had been then alive, 
Pres. to the Directory.  they would have joined with them in the work, and laboured for a further Reformation. And what else hath been clamoured for during all her Reign, and the Ring leaders of the Faction endeavoured ever since her death, but to carry on the work of Reformation from one step to another, till they had brought it unto such a perfection as they vainly dreamt of, and of which now we feel and see the most bitter consequences? And as for the Prelatical party, the high Royalists, as our Author calls them, they conceive the Reformation was not so perfected in the time of that prudent Queen, but that there was somewhat left to do for her two Successors; that is to ●ay, the altering of some Rubrics in the Book of Common-prayer, the adding of some Collects at the end of the Litany, the enlargement of the common Catechism, a more exact translation of the Bible than had been before, the settling of the Church upon the Canons of 603. and finally, a stricter and more hopeful course for suppressing Popery, and for the maintenance both of conformity and uniformity by the Canons of 640.  Fuller. 
I have the company of many honest and learned men going before, with, or after me, in the same opinion.  
Perfection, in relation to the Church, is twofold, Absolute or Exact, Gradual or Comparative.  
The former is only Christ's work to perform for whom alone the honour is reserved, to present the Church without spot or wrinkle to his father.  
The latter, viz. Gradual and Comparative Perfection, may be attributed to particular militant Churches.  
Queen Elizabeth did gradually perfect the Reformation, leaving it in a far better condition than she found it in, in the reign of King Edward the sixth. Yet do I not deny but that her Successors made commendable additions thereunto, notwithstanding all whose endeavours, I doubt not but still something did remain, to be amended; So that it will be perfectio perficienda as long as the Church is militant.  
The Animadvertor must not strain up perfection (when appliable to any Church on Earth) too high to the Pin, with which the spirits 
* Heb. 11.23.  of just men are made perfect. For as long as the Church hath a FORM on Earth, it will be subject to deformities, and consequently will need reformation.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 187. And now I cannot call King Henry a Bachelor, because once married; nor a married man, because having no wife; nor properly a Widower, because his wife was not dead.] Our Author speaks this of Henry the eighth immediately after his divorce, but is much mistaken in the matter. King Henry was so averse from living without a Wife, that he thought it more agreeable to his constitution to have two Wives together, than none at all. To that end while the business of the Divorce remained undecided, 
holinsh p. 129  he was married privately to the Lady Anne Bullen, on the 14 of November, etc.  Fuller. 
It will rectify all if I change those words having no wife, into as yet publicly owning no wife, which shall be done accordingly.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 208. Though many wild and distempered Expressions be found therein, yet they contain the Protestant Religion in Oar, which since by God's blessing is happily refined.] Our Author speaks this of a Paper containing many erroneous Doctrines presented by the Prolocutor to the Convocation: some few of which, as being part of Wickliffs' Gospel and chief ingredients in the Composition of the new Protestant Religion lately taken up, I shall here subjoin. 

1. That the Sacrament of the Altar, is nothing else but a piece of bread, or a little predie Round-Robin.  
2. That Priests have no more Authority to minister Sacraments than the Laymen have.  
3. That all Ceremonies accustomed in the Church, which are not clearly expressed in Scripture, must be taken away, because they are men's inventions.  
4. That the Church commonly so called is the old Synagogue; and that the Church, is the Congregation of good men only.  
5. That God never gave grace nor knowledge of holy Scripture to any great Estate or rich man, and that they in no wise follow the same.  
6. That all things ought to be common.  
7. That it is as lawful to christian a child in a Tub of water at home, or in a Ditch by the way, as in a Font-stone in the Church.  
8. That it is no sin or offence to eat White-meats, Eggs, Butter, Cheese, or Flesh in Lent, or other Fasting days commanded by the Church, and received by consent of Christian people.  
9 That it is as lawful to eat flesh on Good-Friday, as upon Easter-day, or other times in the year.  
10. That the Ghostly Father cannot give or enjoin any penance at all.  
11. That it is sufficient for a Man or Woman to make their confession to God alone.  
12. That it is as lawful at all times to confess to a Layman as to a Priest.  
13. That it is sufficient that the sinner do say, I know myself a sinner.  
14. That Bishops, Ordinaries, and Eccelesiastical judges, have no Authority to give any sentence of Excommunication or censure, ne yet to absolve or lose any man from the same.  
15. That it is not necessary or profitable to have any Church or Chapel to pray in, or to do any divine service in.  
16. That bury in Churches and Churchyards be unprofitable and vain.  
17. That the rich and costly Ornaments in the Church are rather high displeasure than pleasure or honour to God.  
18. That our Lady was no better than another Woman, and like a bag of Pepper or Saffron when the spice is out.  
19 That Prayers, Suffrages, Fasting, or Alms-deeds, do not help to take away sin.  
20. That Holidays ordained and instituted by the Church, are not to be observed and kept in reverence, in as much as all days and times be alike.  
21. That Ploughing and Carting, and such servile work, may be done in the same, without any offence at all, as on other days.  
22. That it is sufficient and enough to believe, though a man do no good works at all.  
23. That seeing Christ hath shed his blood for us, and Redeemed us, we need not to do any thing at all, but to believe and repent if we have offended.  
24. That no humane Constitutions or Laws do bind any Christian man, but such as be in the Gospels, Paul's Epistles, or the New Testament: and that a man may break them without any offence at all.  
25. That the singing or saying of Mass, Matins, or Even song, is but a roaring, howling, whistling, mumming, tom●ing, and juggling, and the playing on the Organs a foolish vanity.    
This is our Authors golden Oar, out of which his new Protestant Religion was to be extracted. So happily refined, that there is nothing of the Old Christian Religion to be found therein. Which though our Author doth defend as Expressions rather than Opinions, the Careers of the Soul, and Extravagancies of humane infirmity, as he doth the rest; yet he that looks upon these points, and sees not in them the rude draught and lineaments of the Puritan Platform, which they have been hammering since the time of Cartwright and his Associates, must either have better eyes than mine, or no eyes at all. I see our Author looks for thanks for this discovery for publishing the paper which contained these new Protestant truths, and I give him mine.  Fuller. 
I have many things to return in this Contest. First, had I garbled the Opinions of my own Head, and not presented them to the Reader, as I found them presented in the Records of the Convocation, than the Animadvertor had had just advantage against me.  
Secondly, He taketh exception at me in his Introduction, for not giving in the Degrees by which Heterodoxies in Religion were ejected and cast out: Yet not he is offended at me, because I go about to do it, showing how bad Religion was before the Reformation, even in the best Professors thereof.  
Thirdly, It is more than probable, that these Opinions, presented by such as were disaffected to the Reformation, were not over favourably stated, but rather worded to the disadvantage.  
Fourthly, Some of these Opinions, thus condemned by the Animadvertor, are ●ound in themselves. I instance in that which in this his List is the eleventh in number, viz That it is sufficient for a man or woman to make confession to God alone. This at this day is defended by the Protestant Church, which though commending Confession as expedient in some cases, especially when the afflicted Conscience cannot otherwise get any ea●e, yet doth it not command it on any as necessary, necessitate precepti, so that the omission thereof should amount to a sin. I am confident that the Animadvertor himself never solemnly confessed his sins to any but to God alo●e. And it is injurious in him, to demand of another to do that which was never done by himself.  
Lastly, How unjust were it to put all 
* jer. 24.2.  jeremy's bud figs by themselves, and thence to conclude all the rest (which indeed were very good) to be like unto them? Such the dealing of the Animadvertor herein, who hath called out the very Refuse and Dross of the Dross in these Opinions, and left out the rest, then maintained by God's People in opposition to the Errors and Superstition of that Age, some whereof are here inserted. 

1. They deny Extreme Unction to be any Sacrament.  
2. That all those are Antichrists, who deny the Laity the Sacrament under both kinds.  
3. That it is plain Idolatry, to set up any Lights before any Images, or in any place of the Church in time of Divine Service, as long as the Sun giveth light.  
4. That Auricular Confession is invented to know the secrets of men's hearts, and to pull money out of their purse.  
5. That Sain●s are not to be invocated, and that they understand not, nor know nothing of our Petitions, nor can be Mediators or Intercessors betwixt us and God.  
6. That Diriges, Mass●s, etc. done for the Souls of those which are departed out of this World, are bu● vain, and of no profit.  
7. That Souls departed go straight to Heaven, others to Hell.  
8. That there is no mean place betwixt Heaven and Hell, where Souls departed may be affected.  
9 That there is no distinction of Sin, to be Venial and Mortal.  
10. That hallowed Water, Bread, Candles, Ashes, Palms, are of none effect, and are only used to seduce people.    
The rest I refer to my Church-History.  
Had that all been like these, I would have called them the Gold, but (because of many Errors mixed amongst them) I resume my Metaphor, and term them the Golden Oar, out of which the Reformed Christian Religion was extracted. And let the Author and Reader join in their thanks to God's Goodness, by whose blessing on the pious endeavours of the Reformers, th● bad Figs, I mean those false, indiscreet, scandalous, and dangerous Doctrines are cashired and condemned, and the good ones, understand me, the Positions which were pious and orthodox, retained, defended and practised at this day in the Church of England.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 239. At this time also were the Stews suppressed by the King's command.] And I could wish that some command had been laid upon our Author by the Parliament to suppress them also, and not to have given them any place in the present History, especially not to have produced those arguments by which some shameless persons endeavoured to maintain both the conveniency and necessity of such common Brothel-houses. 
Defence of the Apolog.  Had Bishop jewel been alive, and seen but half so much from Dr. Harding pleading in behalf of the common women permitted by the Pope in Rome, he would have thought, that to call him an Advocate for the Stews had not been enough. But that Doctor was not half so wise as our Author is, and doth not fit each Argument with a several Antidote as our Author doth, hoping thereby, but vainly hoping, that the arguments alleged will be washed away. Some of our late Critics had a like Design in marking all the wanton and obscene Epigrams in Martial with a Hand or Asterism, to the intent that young Scholars, when they read that Author, might be forewarned to pass them over: Whereas on the contrary, it was found, that too many young fellows, or wanton wits, ●s our Author calls them, did ordinarily skip over the rest, and pitch on those which were so marked and set out unto them. And much I fear that it will so fall out with our Author also, whose Arguments will be studied and made use of, when his Answers will not.  Fuller. 
The commendable Act of King Henry the eighth, in suppressing the Stews, may well be reported in Church-History, it being recorded in 
* 1 King. 15.12  Scripture to the eternal praise of King Asa, that he took away the Sodomites out of the Land. I hope my collection of arguments in confutation of such Sties of Lust, will appear to any rational Reader of sufficient validity.  
Indeed it is reported of Zeuxes, that famous Painter, that he so lively pictured a Boy with a Rod in his hand, carrying a Basket of Grapes, that Birds (mistaking them for real ones) pecked at them; and whilst others commended his Art, he was angry with his own work-manship, confessing, that if he had made the Boy but as well as the Grapes, the Birds durst not adventure at them.  
I have the same just cause to be offended with my own endeavours, if the Arguments against those Schools of Wantonness should prove insufficient, though I am confident that if seriously considered, they do in their own true weight preponderate those produced in favour of them. However, if my well-intended pains be abused by such who only will feed on the poisons, wholly neglecting the Antidotes, their destruction is of themselves, and I can wash my hands of any fault therein.  
But me thinks the Animadvertor might well have passed this over in silence, for fear of awaking sleeping wantonness, jogged by this his Note; so that if my Arguments, only presented in my Book, be singly, this his Animadversion is doubly guilty on the same account, occasioning loose eyes to reflect on that which otherwise would not be observed.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 253. Otherwise some suspect, had he survived King Edward the sixth, we might presently have heard of a King Henry the ninth.] Our Author speaks this of Henry Fitz Roy, the King's natural Son by Elizabeth Blunt, and the great disturbance he might have wrought to the Kings two daughters in their Succession to the Crown. A Prince indeed whom his Father very highly cherished, creating him Duke of Somerset and Richmond, Earl of Nottingham, and Earl Marshal of England, and raising him to no small hopes of the Crown itself, as appears plainly by the Statute 22 H. 8. c. 7. But whereas our Author speaks it on a supposition of his surviving King Edward the sixth, he should have done well in the first place to have informed himself, whether this Henry and Prince Edward were at any time alive together. And if my Books speak true, they were not; Henry of Somerset and Richmond dying the 22 of july, Anno 1536. Prince Edward not being born till the 12 of October, Anno 1537. So that if our Author had been but as good at Law or Grammar, as he is at Heraldry, he would not have spoke of a Survivor-ship in such a case, when the one person had been long dead before the other was born.  Fuller. 
Terms of Law when used not in Law-Books, nor in any solemn Court, but in common Discourse, are weaned from their critical sense, and admit more latitude. If the word surviving should be tied up to legal strictness, Survivor is appliable to none save only to such who are joint-tenants. However, because co-viving is properly required in a Survivor, those my words had he survived, shall be altered into had he lived to survive Prince Edward, and then all is beyond exception.  Dr. Heylin. 
These incoherent Animadversions being thus passed over, we now proceed to the Examination of our Author's Principles, for weakening the Authority of the Church, and subjecting it in all proceedings to the power of Parliaments. Concerning which he had before given us two Rules Preparatory to the great business which we have in hand. First, that the proceedings of the Canon Law were subject in whatsoever touched temporals, to secular Laws and National Customs. And the Laity at pleasure limited Canons in this behalf, Lib. 3. n. 61. And secondly, that the King by consent of Parliament directed the proceedings of the Ecclesiastical Court in cases of Heresy. Lib. 4. n. 88 And if the Ecclesiastical power was thus kerbed and fettered when it was at the highest, there is no question to be made, but that it was much more obnoxious to the secular Courts when it began to sink in reputation, and decline in strength. How true and justifiable, or rather how unjustifiable and false these two principles are, we have shown already, and must now look into the rest, which our Author in pursuance of the main Design hath presented to us. But first we must take notice of another passage concerning the calling of Convocations or Synodical meetings, formerly called by the two Archbishops in their several Provinces by their own sole and proper power, as our Author grants, fol. 190. to which he adds,  
Fol. 190. But after the Statute of Praemunire was made (which did much restrain the Papal power, and subject it to the Laws of the Land) when Arcbishops called no more Convocations by their sole and absolute command, but at the pleasure of the King.] In which I must confess myself to be much unsatisfied, though I find the same position in some other Authors. My reasons two, 1. Because there is nothing in the Statu●e of Praemunire to restrain the Archbishops from calling these meetings as before; that Act extending only to such as purchase or pursue, or cause to be purchased or pursued, in the Court of Rome, or elsewhere any such Translations, Processes, Sentences of Excommunication, Bulls, Instruments, or any other things whatsoever which touch the King, against him, his Crown and his Regality, or his Realm; or to such as bring within the Realm or them receive, or make thereof notification, or any other Execution whatsoever within the same Realm, or without, etc. And secondly, because I find in the Statute of the submission of the Clergy, that it was recognized and acknowledged by the Clergy in their Convocation, 
Stat 25 H 8. c. 19  that the Convocation of the said Clergy is, always hath been, and aught to be assembled always by the King's Writ. And if they had been always called by the King's Writ, then certainly before the Statute of Praemunire; for that the whole Clergy in their Convocation should publicly declare and avow a notorious falsehood, especially in a matter of fact, is not a thing to be imagined. I must confess myself to be at a loss in this intricate Labyrinth, unless perhaps there were some critical difference in those elder times between a Synod and a Convocation: the first being called by the Archbishops in their several and respective Provinces, as the necessities of the Church; the other only by the King, as his occasion and affairs did require the same. But whether this were so or not, is not much material, as the case now stands, the Clergy not assembling since the 25 of King Henry the eighth, but as they are convocated and convened by the Kings Writ only. I only add that the time and year of this submission is mistake by our Author▪ who placeth it in 1533. whereas indeed the Clergy made this acknowledgement and submission in their Convocation, Anno 1532. though it passed not into an Act or Statute till the year next following. Well then, suppose the Clergy called by the King's Authority, and all their Acts and Constitutions ratified by the Royals assent, are they of force to bind the Subject to submit and conform unto them? Not, if our Author may be judge; for he tells us plainly,  
Fol. 191. That even such Convocations with the Royal assent, subject not any (for recusancy to obey their Canons) to a civil penalty in person or property, until confirmed by Act of Parliament.] I marvel where our Author took up this opinion, which he neither finds in the Registers of Convocation, or Records of Parliament. Himself hath told us, fol. 190. that such Canons and Constitutions as were concluded on in Synods or Convocations, before the passing of the Statute of Praemunire, were without any further Ratification, obligatory to all subjected to their jurisdiction. And he hath told us also of such Convocations as had been called between the passing of the Statute of Praemunire, and the Act for Submission, that they made Canons which were binding, although none other than Synodical Authority did confirm the same. Upon which premises I shall not fear to raise this Syllogism, viz. That power which the Clergy had in their Convocations before their submission to the King, to bind the Subject by their Canons and Constitutions without any further ratification than own Synodical Authority, the same they had when the King's power signified in his Royal assent was added to them; but the Clergy (by our Authors own confession) had power in their Convocations before their submission to the King, to bind the Subject by their Canons and Constitutions, without any further ratification than their own Synodical Authority; Ergo they had the same power to bind the Subjects, when the King's power signified by the Royal assent was added to them. The Minor being granted by our Author, as before is showed, the Major is only to be proved. And for the proof hereof, I am to put the Reader in mind of a Petition or Remonstrance exhibited to the King by the House of Commons, Anno 1532. in which they showed themselves aggrieved, that the Clergy of this Realm should act Authoritatively and Supremely in the Convocations, and they in Parliament do nothing, but as it was confirmed and ratified by Royal assent. By which it seems that there was nothing then desired by the House of Commons, but that the Convocation should be brought down to the same level with the Houses of Parliament; and that their Acts and Constitutions should not bind the Subject as before, in their Goods and Possessions, until they were confirmed and ratified by the Regal Power. The Answer unto which Remonstrance being drawn up by Dr. Gardiner then newly made Bishop of Winchester, and allowed of by both Houses of Convocation, was by them presented to the King. But the King not satisfied with this Answer, resolves to bring them to his bent, lest else perhaps they might have acted something to the hindrance of his divorce, which was at that time in agitation; and therefore on the tenth of May he sends a Paper to them by Dr. Fox, (after Bishop of Hereford) in which it was peremptorily required, That no Constitution or Ordinance shall be hereafter by the Clergy Enacted, Promulged, or put in Execution, unless the King's Highness do approve the same by his high Authority and Royal assent; and his advice and favour be also interponed for the execution of every such Constitution among his Highness' Subjects. And though the Clergy on the receipt of this paper removed first to the Chapel of St. Katherine's, and after unto that of St. Dunstan to consult about it, yet found they no Saint able to inspire them with a resolution contrary to the King's desires; and therefore upon the Wednesday following, being the fifteenth of the same Month, they made their absolute submission, binding themselves in Verbo Sacerdotii, not to make or execute any Canons or other Synodical Constitutions, but as they were from time to time enabled by the King's Authority. But this submission being made unto the King in his single person, and not as in conjunction with his Houses of Parliament, could neither bring the Convocation under the command of Parliaments, nor render them obnoxious to the power thereof, as indeed it did not. But to the contrary hereof it is said by our Author, that  
Fol. 194. He (viz. the King) by the advice and consent of his Clergy in Convocation and great Council in Parliament, resolved to reform the Church under his inspection from gross abuses crept into it.] To this I need no other Answer than our Author himself, who though in this place he makes the Parliament to be joined in Commission with Convocation, as if a joint Agent in that great business of Reforming the Church; yet in another place he tells us another tale. For fol. 188. It will appear, saith he (and I can tell from whom he saith it) upon serious examination, that there was nothing done in the Reformation of Religion, save what was acted by the Clergy in their Convocations, or grounded on some Act of theirs precedent to it, with the Advice, Counsel, and Consent of the Bishops and most eminent Churchmen; confirmed upon the Postfact, and not otherwise by the Civil Sanction, according to the usage of the best and happiest times of Christianity. So then the Reformation of the Church was acted chiefly by the King with the advice of the Clergy in their Convocation; the confirmation on the post-fact by the King in Parliament: and that (by his leave) not in all the Acts and Particulars of it, but in some few only, for which consult the Tract entitled, The Way and Manner of the Reformation of the Church of England. Now as our Author makes the Parliament a joint Assistant with the King in the Reformation, so he conferreth on Parliaments the Supreme Power of ratifying and confirming all Synodical Acts.  
Fol. 199. The Parliament (saith he) did notify and declare that Ecclesiastical Power to be in the King, which the Pope had formerly unjustly invaded: Yet so, that they reserved to themselves the confirming power of all Canons Ecclesiastical; so that the person or property of Refusers should not be subjected to temporal penalty without consent of Parliament.] But certainly there is no such matter in that Act of Parliament, in which the submission of the Clergy and the Authority of the King grounded thereupon is notified and recorded to succeeding times; nor any such reservation to themselves of a confirming power, as our Author speaks of, in any Act of Parliament (I can knowingly and boldly say it) from that time to this. Had there been any such Privilege, any such Reservation as is here declared, their Power in confirming Ecclesiastical Canons had been Lord Paramount to the Kings; who could have acted nothing in it, but as he was enabled by his Houses of Parliament. Nor is this only a new and unheard of Paradox an Heterodoxie (as I may call it) in point of Law, but plainly contrary to the practice of the Kings of England from that time to this; there being no Synodical Canons or Constitutions (I dare as boldly say this too) confirmed in Parliament, or any otherwise ratified, than by the superadding of the Royal assent. For proof whereof look we no further than the Canons of 603 and 640 confirmed by the two Kings respectively, and without any other Authority concurring with them in these following words (viz.) We have therefore for Us, our Heirs, and lawful Successors, of our especial Grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, given, and by these presents do give our Royal assent according to the form of the said Statute or Act of Parliament aforesaid, to all and every of the said Canons, Orders, Ordinances, and Constitutions, and to all and every thing in them contained. And furthermore, we do not only by our said Prerogative Royal, and Supreme Authority, in causes Ecclesiastical, ratify, confirm, and establish by these our Letters Patents, the said Canons, Orders, Ordinances, and Constitutions, and all and every thing in them contained, as is aforesaid: But do likewise propound, publish, and straightly enjoin and command by our said Authority, and by these our Letters Patents, the same to be diligently observed, executed, and equally kept by all our loving Subjects of this our Kingdom, both within the Province of Canterbury and York, in all points wherein they do or may concern every or any o● them according to this our Will and Pleasure hereby signified and expressed. No other Power required to confirm these Canons, or to impose them on the People but the Kings alone. And yet I trow there are not a few particulars, in which those Canons do extend, to the property and persons of such Refusers as are concerned in the same; which our Author may soon find in them if he list to look. And having so done, let him give us the like Precedent for his Houses of Parliament (either abstractedly in themselves, or in cooperation with the King) in confirming Canons; and we shall gladly quit the cause, willingly submit to his 
* I bilieve this should be better, as may appear in the Errata. But because the page is mistaken, 121, for 101, I dare not alter it.  ter judgement.  
But if it be objected, as perhaps it may, That the Subsidies granted by the Clergy in the Convocation, are ratified and confirmed by Act of Parliament, before they can be levied either on the Granters themselves, or the rest of the Clergy.  
I answer, that this makes nothing to our Author's purpose, that is to say, that the person or property of Refusers should not be subjected to temporal penalty, without consent of Parliament. For first, before the submission of the Clergy to King Henry the 8. they granted Subsidies and other aids unto the King in their Convocations, and levied them upon the persons concerned therein, by no other way than the usual Censures of the Church, especially by Suspension and deprivation, if any Refuser prove so refractory as to dispute the payment of the sum imposed. And by this way they gave and levied that great sum of an Hundred thousand pounds in the Province of Canterbury only; by which they bought their peace of the said King Henry, at such time as he had caused them to be attainted in the Praemunire. And secondly, there is a like Precedent for it since the said Submission. For whereas the Clergy in their Convocation in the year 1585. being the 27 year of Queen Elizabeth, had given that Queen a Subsidy of four shillings in the pound, confirmed by Act of Parliament in the usual way; th●y gave her at the same time (finding their former gift too short for her present occasions) a Benevolence of two shillings in the pound to be raised upon all the Clergy, by virtue of their own Synodical Act only, under the penalty of such Ecclesiastical Censures as before were mentioned. Which precedent was after followed by the Clergy in their Convocation, An 1640. the Instrument of the Grant being the same verbatim with that before; though so it happened (such influence have the times on the Actions of men) that they were quarreled and condemned for it by the following Parliament in the time of the King, and not so much as checked at, or thought to have gone beyond their bounds in the time of the Queen. And for the ratifying of their Bill by Act of Parliament, it came up first at such times (after the Submission before mentioned) as the Kings of England being in distrust of their Clergy, did not think fit to empower them by their Letters Patents for the making of any Synodical Acts, Canons or Constitutions whatsoever, by which their Subsidies have been levied in former times, but put them off to be confirmed and made Obligatory by Act of Parliament. Which being afterwards found to be the more expedite way, and not considered as derogatory to the Church's Rights, was followed in succeeding times without doubt or scruple; the Church proceeding in all other Cases by her native power, even in Cases where both the persons and property of the Subject were alike concerned, as by the Canons 1603, 1640, and many of those past in Queen Elizabeth's time (though not so easy to be seen) doth at full appear. Which said, we may have leisure to consider of another passage relating not unto the Power of the Church, but the wealth of the Churchmen. Of which thus our Author.  Fuller. 
I conceived it Civil to suffer the Animadvertor (to use his own phrase) parler le tout, to speak all out in this long Discourse; which, although it consisteth of several Notes, yet because all treat of the same subject, and because a Relative strength might result thereby to the whole, I have presented it entire: Yet when all is said, I find very little I have learned thereby, and less (if any thing) which I am to alter.  
These my two preparatory Rules (as the Animadvertor terms them) I have formerly stated, and proved, and here intent no repetition.  
It is no Beam, and but a Moat-fault at most, if I have dated the submission of the Clergy to the King, not from the first private performance, but the passing thereof into Print and public cognisance. Thus the Age of Children are by their Parents reckoned from their birth, but by others from their entrance in the Register.  
But the main fault (and that a foul one, if true) laid to my charge is, for weakening the Authority of Church, and subjecting it to the power of Parliaments. But know it is passed the might and spite of the most malicious man finally to weaken the just Authority of the Church, God having solemnly promised That the Gates of Hell shall not prevail against it. Yet Princes (as King Henry the eighth did) might retrence the Power of the Church (or ambitious Churchmen rather) when they invaded the just privileges of others.  
I shall only return a few plain and general answers to what is objected. First, before I entered on the difficult Subject of Synods and Convocations (before and since the Clergies Submission) with their respective powers, I placed, as followeth, Church-History, Book 1. pag. 191. 
This I humbly conceive to be the difference betwixt the three kinds of Convocations, submitting what I have written, to the censure and correction of the learned in the Law, conscious of my own ignorance therein, as indeed such skill neither is to be expected or required in one of my profession, who am ready with willingness, yea with cheerfulness, yea with thankfulness to God and man publicly to recall and retract what any such convince me to have mistaken herein; hoping that my stumbling in so dark a subject, may prevent the failing of others.   
Having thus humbly desired (I say not deserved) favour, I hope it will be indulged unto me.  
Secondly, I presume to tender this (I hope reasonable) motion to the Reader, that seeing the Animadvertor not only freely confesseth this Subject to be an intricate Labyrinth, but also fairly acknowledgeth, that he findeth the Positions I maintain in SOME OTHER AUTHORS, that I may be discharged, and that the guilt (if any) may be derived on such Authors as have misguided me.  
Thirdly, When I use the word Parliament, it expoundeth itself what was meant thereby (capable in that age of no other comment) viz. The aggregation of the King, Lords, and Commons.  
Fourthly, I distinguish betwixt a consultive, conclusive, and punitive power in matters of Religion. The consultive power God hath entrusted his Church with, and the Clergy as the Representative thereof. The conclusive power also is invested in them, so far forth as to declare what is Orthodox, and what Heretical. But the punitive power (especially when exceeding Church Censors) and extending to Life, Limb, and Estate, is in the Parliament; that so neither Royal Prerogative nor Subjects Right may be injured.  
Fifthly, I distinguish betwixt the power which the Convocation had over the Clergy, and what they have over the Laity. Over the Estates of the latter, they have no power.  
As for the Clergy, they are all represented, by their voluntary elections, in their Clerks or Proctors: Volenti non fit injuria, A man that is willing is not wronged. What sums therefore they give away of the Clergy, they may be presumed empowered therein, with the consent of the Clergy. However, to clear all doubts, the consent of Parliament hath [since the Submission of the Clergy] been required unto it.  
As for the black Swan in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, I mean that single and signal instance of tha● Unparliament-impowred-Convocation, which gave that supplimental Subsidy to Queen Elizabeth; I humbly conceive that the popularity of so peerless a Princess, the necessity of her occasions, and the tranquillity of those times (a happiness denied in our Age) made that unquestioned, which might be questionable if any turbulent Clergyman had proved recusant in payment.  
As to the Convocation 1640. let me request the Reader, that I may without danger humbly tender my opinion therein. That Convocation (as all others) consisted of Bishops, Deans, Archdeacon's, and Clerks. Of these, the three former acted only in their personal capacities, and carrying their own Purses in their own pockets, might give Subsidies to the King to what proportion they pleased, and justify the doing thereof.  
Not so the fourth and last Members, being Clerks chosen for their respective Cathedrals and Dioceses, legally to sit as long as the Parliament lasted. After the dissolution whereof they desisted to be public Persons, lost the notion of Representatives, and returned to their private condition. In which capacity they might have given for themselves what sums they pleased, but could not vote away the estates of other Clergymen, except the respective Cathedrals and Dioceses had re-Elected them; which had it been done, they might no doubt have justified the giving away of Subsidies, as authorized thereunto, though the Parliament had been dissolved, seeing every man may do with his own as he pleaseth, and the diffusive Clergy were justly interpreted to do what was done by their Proctors. Truth may be blamed, but cannot be shamed, and I have unbosomed my thoughts and judgement herein. But this outswelleth the proportion of my book, and let me make a fair motion to the Animadvertor. I resume my two former Propositions, (viz.) 

1 The proceedings of the Canon Law in what touched temporals of Life, Limb, and Estate, was always limited with the secular Laws and national Customs of England.  
2 That the King, by consent of Parliament, directed the proceedings of Ecclesiastical Courts, against declared Heretics, so that they could not punish them in Life or Limb, but as limited by the Statute.    
If the Animadvertor, who hath leisure and ability, be pleased in confutation of these my Propositions, to write a few sheets (it being richly worth his and the Readers pains) clearly, briefly, fully and fairly, without the least dash of ill language, subscribing his name thereunto, I will God willing return him my answer qualified accordingly; and, though I confess the Animadvertor hath the advantage of me at the weapon of Law, yet my confidence of a good Cause will make me undertake the Challenge; always provided, That no advantage be taken against us by any for delivering our Judgements and Consciences in so nice a Controversy: For the present I forbear, because this dispute is substantive enough to stand by itself, and too large to be adjected to this book.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 253. I have heard (saith he) that Queen Elizabeth being informed that Dr. Pilkington Bishop of Durham had given ten thousand pounds in marriage with his Daughter; and being offended that a Prelate's daughter should equal a Princess in Portion, took away one thousand pounds a year from that Bishopric, and assigned it for the better maintenance of the Garrison of Barwick.] In telling of which story our Author commits many mistakes, as in most things else. For first to justify the Queen's displeasure (if she were displeased) he makes the Bishop richer, and the Portion greater than indeed they were. The ten thousand pounds Lib 9 fol. 109. being shrunk to eight; and that eight thousand pound not given to one Daughter (as is here affirmed) but divided equally between two: whereof the one was married to Sir james Harrington, the other unto Dunch of Berkshire. Secondly, this could be no cause of the Queen's displeasure, and much less of the Country's envy; that Bishop having sat in the See of Durham above seventeen years. And certainly he must needs have been a very ill Husband if out of such a great Revenue he had not saved five hundred pounds per annum to prefer his Children; the income being as great, and the charges of Hospility less than they have been since. Thirdly, the Queen did not take away a thousand pound a year from that Bishopric, as is here affirmed. The Lands were left to it as before, but in regard the Garrison of Barwick preserved the Bishop's Lands and Tenants from the spoil of the Scots; the Queen thought fit, that the Bishops should contribute towards their own defence, imposing on them an annual pension of a thousand pound for the better maintaining of that Garrison. Fourthly, Bishop Pilkington was no Doctor, but a Bachelor of Divinity only; and possibly had not been raised by our Author to an higher title and Degree than the University had given him, but that he was a Conniver at Nonconformity, as our Author telleth us Lib. 9 fol. 109. Lastly, I shall here add, that I conceived the Pension above mentioned, not to have been laid upon that See after Pilkingtons' death, but on his first preferment to it, the French having then newly landed some forces in Scotland, which put the Queen upon a necessity of doubling her Guards and increasing her Garrisons. But whatsoever was the cause of imposing this great yearly payment upon that Bishopric, certain I am, that it continued, and the money was duly paid into the Exchequer for many years, after the true cause thereof was taken away; the Queen's displeasure against Pilkington ending either with his life or hers, and all the Garrisons and forces upon the Borders being taken away in the beginning of the Reign of King james. So true is that old saying, Quod Christus non capit, fiscus rapit; never more fully verified than in this particular.  Fuller. 
I have given in a double account of Bishop Pilkingtons' Issue and Estate. 

1. As same reported, and as envious Courtiers represented it to Queen Elizabeth, that he gave ten thousand with his only Daughter, Lib. 5. fol. 253.  
2. As it was in truth, giving but four thousand a piece with Two daughters, lib. 8. fol. 109.    
The Animadvertor may allow me knowing in his family, my wife being Grandchild to his Eldest Daughter, married to Sir 
* So is his name in my corrected Books.  Henry Harrington.  
Yet no relation to him, or favour for him as a semi-non conformist, but mere love to the Truth, made me entitle him Doctor, though I confess Bishop Godwin maketh him but Bachelor in Divinity. For Dr. Caius, Master of Gonvil Hall, whilst Pilkington was of St. john's in Cambridge, giveth him the stile of 
* In his List of the Masters of St. john's.  Doctor, who must be presumed most exact in the Titles of his own Contemporary.  
The difference is not great, betwixt taking away 1000 l. yearly from the Bishopric, and charging it with an annual Pension of 1000 l. to maintain the Garrison of Barwick. However if the Reader can gain any information from what is additory in the Animadvertor, I shall be light glad thereof.   

THE six BOOK. Containing the History of Abbeys.  Dr. Heylin. 
THis Book, containing the History of Abbeys seems but a Supplement to the former, but being made a distinct book by our Author, we must do so likewise. In which the first thing capable of an Animadversion, is but merely verbal, viz.  
Fol. 266. Cistercians so called from one Robert living in Cistercium in Burgundy.] The place in Burgundy from whence these Monks took denomination, though called Cirstercium by the Latins, is better known to the French and English by the name Cisteaux; the Monks thereof, the Monks of Cisteaux by the English, and Lesmoines de Cisteaux by the French; and yet our Author hath hit it better in his Cistercians, than Ralph Brook York Herald did in his Sister-senses, for which sufficiently derided by Augustin Vincent, as our Author, being so well studied in Heraldry, cannot choose but know.  Fuller. 
It was equally in my power and pleasure (without the least prejudice to the Truth) whether I would render the place in the French [Cisteaux,] or retain the Latin name Cistercium. I preferred the latter because our English word Cistercians hath most conformity therewith.  
What is R. Brooke his Sister-senses, Brother-senses, or Non-senses to me? This spends time in writing, money in buying, pains in reading, makes some more angry, none more knowing.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 268. But be he who he himself or any other pleaseth, brother if they will to St. George on Horseback.] Our Author not satisfying himself in that Equitius, who is supposed to be the first Founder of Monks in England, makes him in scorn to be the Brother of St. George on Horse back; that is to say, a mere Chimaera, a Legendary Saint, a thing of nothing. The Knights of that most noble Order are beholding to him for putting their Patron in the same Rank with St. Equitius; of whose existence on the Earth he can find no Constat.  Fuller. 
I honour the Knights of that noble Order, as much as the Animadvertor himself. Their Ribbons though (now wearing out apace) seem in my eyes as fair and fresh as when first put on. I do not deny, but much doubt of St. George, as he is presented with his improbable Achievements; Yet grant the whole History, only Emblematical, and Allegorical of Christ, rescuing his Church from the might and malice of Satan, no Diminution of Honour at all is thereby to the Fellows of that noble Order.  Dr. Heylin. 
But I would have him know, how poorly soever he thinks of St. George on Horseback, that there hath more been said of him, his Noble birth, Achievements, with his death and Martyrdom, than all the Friends our Author hath, will or can justly say in defence of our present History.  Fuller. 
The Animadvertor might have done well, to instanced in that Author which hath been the Champion for this Champion, and hath so substantially asserted him. If in this passage he reflecteth on his own Book on that Subject, he hath looked so long on St. George, he hath forgot Solomon: Let another praise thee, and not thy own mouth; a stranger, and not thine own lips. For my part I am yet to seek what service he hath done to the Church of God, so busy to make DOWN SABBATH, and UP St. GEORGE.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 270— So they deserve some commendation for their Orthodox Judgement in maintaining some Controversies in Divinity of importance against the Jesuits.] Our Author speaks this of the Dominicans or preaching Friars, who though they be the sole active managers of the Inquisition, deserve notwithstanding to be commended for their Orthodox judgement. How so? Because forsooth in some Controversies of importance, that is to say, Predestination, Grace, freewill, and the rest of that link, they hold the same opinions against the Jesuits and Fraenciscans, as the Rigid Lutherans do against the Melanchthonians, and the Rigid or peremptory Calvinists against the Remonstrants. etc.  Fuller. 
Two things are considerable in the Dominicans, First their Cruelty in managing the inquisition, which all must justly condemn. And I doubt not, but God, when he maketh Inquisition for blood, will remember the bloody Inquisition.  
Secondly, their orthodoxness in many points, here reckoned up by the Animadvertor, which in the Judgement of many pious and learned Divines, deserve just commendation. And if the Animadvertor descent from them herein, sure I am, He will close with them in another controversy against the Franciscans, in maintaining that the Virgin Mary was conceived in sin: For although all generations shall call her BLESSED, yet it followeth not thence, that she was without sin, Seeing BLESSED is he to whom God imputeth no sin. In a word the Dominicans are the least erroneous of all the Monks and Friars.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 300. We will conclude with their observation (as an ominous presage of Abbeys ruin) that there was scarce a great Abbey in England, which once at least, was not burnt down with lightning from Heaven.] Our Author may be as well our in this, as he hath been in many things else; it being an ordinary thing to ascribe that to Lightning or fire from Heaven, which happened by the malice or carelessness of Knaves on Earth, of which I shall speak more hereafter, on occasion of the firing of St. Paul's steeple in London, lib. 9  Fuller. 
If your Author be out, he told you who were out with your Author, yea, who led him out; viz. the following Authors being all of them authentical, and of the Romish persuasion, cited in the margin. 

1. Historia Gervasii.  
2. Historia Ingulphi.  
3. Cronicon Petroburg.  
4. Cronicon Sti Edmundi.  
5. Malmsbury  
6. Hoveden.  
7. Walter Covenir.  
8. Fabian.    
These may be presumed utterly unlikely to be-libell heaven for the Actions of Earth, or to entitle that an accident of Lightning, which was voluntary from knavish incendiaries.  Dr. Heylin. 
Now only noting by the way, that scarce any, and but thirteen (for our Author names no more which were so consumed) hang not well together. If only thirteen were so burnt (and sure our Author would have named them if they had been more) he should have rather changed his style, and said that of so many Religious Houses as suffered by the decays of time and the fury of the Danish Wars, or the rage of accidental fires, scarf any of them had been stricken by the hand of Heaven.  Fuller. 
He might as well have said, that the Husbandman, who only showeth a Sample, hath no more corn in his Barn. Or the Draper who presenteth but a Pattern, hath no more cloth in his Shop.  
I was unwilling to burden my book with the enumeration of them all, and the Reader may take notice of the thirteen named, nine Mitred Abbeys, each 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, eminently worth many meaner Monasteries, whose names follow. 

1. Canterbury.  
2. Croyland.  
3. Peterburrough.  
4. St. mary's, York.  
5. Edmondsbury.  
6. Gloucester.  
7. Cicester.  
8. Glassenbury.  
9 Evesham.    
If it were worth the while, I could add many more; mean time, it is enough to say, Mr. Fox is the Author wherein this is to be found.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 313. Hence presently arose the Northern Rebellion, wherein all the open undertakers were North of Trent, etc.] Not all the open undertakers▪ I am sure of that, our Author telling us in the words next following, that this commotion began first in Lincolnshire, no part whereof, except the River- Isle of Axholm, lies beyond the Trent, etc.  Fuller. 
Almost all Lincolnshire lieth North (though not of the fall) of the foundation of Trent. However, these words North of Trent shall be altered into, in the North of England.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 316. Where there be many people, there will be many Offenders, there being a Cham amongst the eight in the Ark, yea a Cain amongst the four Primitive Persons in the beginning of the world.] In this, our Author's rule is better than his Exemplification. For though there were but eight persons in the Ark. whereof Cham was one, yet in all probability there were more than four persons in the world at the birth of Abel, reckoning him for one. etc.  Fuller. 
I pass not whether there were, or were not; I build nothing of consequence thereon, and the matter being no more, I may take it by content without telling it, on the reputation of the general Opinion.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 340. It was in those days conceived highly injurious, to thrust Monks and Nuns out of House and Home, without assigning them any allowance for their subsistence.] Our Author says very well in this, there being few Religious persons thrust out of their Houses, (except those that suffered by the first act of dissolution) who either were not preferred in the Church, (as Wakeman the last Abbot of Tewksbery, was by the King made the first Bishop of Gloucester) or otherwise provided of some liberal pension, etc.  Fuller. 
The Animadvertor going along with me in this long Note, needeth no answer of mine. Hereupon he taketh occasion to show how injuriously many sequestered Clergymen are dealt with in their fifth part, that instead thereof but a nineteenth part is but paid in some places; and I am sorry I must concur with him in so sad a Truth.  
But whereas, after his too just complaint, he concludeth with this passage: Our Author might have saved me the greatest part of this Application, had he been minded to do the poor Clergy any right, as he seldom doth. Let me add, The Animadvertor might have saved me all the pains of this Answer, had he not been minded causelessly to cavil, as he often doth. For when I handled the Subject of the fifth part, first I got the Order for it, (hard to come by) to be inserted. Secondly, I solemnly answered seven subterfuges, pretended by such as either wholly refuse, or defectively pay the fifth part to the sequestered Minister, and then thus conclude. Church-Hist. Book 11. pag. 230: 
I am sorry to see the pitiful and pious intentions of the Parliament so abused and deluded by the indirect dealings of others, so that they cannot attain their intended ends, for the relief of so many poor people, seeing no doubt, therein they desired to be like the best of Being's, who as closely applieth his lenitive as corrasive plasters, and that his Mercy may take as true effect as his justice.. Sure if the present Authority (when at leisure from higher employment) shall be pleased to take the groans of these poor souls into its consideration, the voice of their hungry Bowels will quickly be turned to a more pleasant tune, from barking for food, to the blessing of those who procured it. Now let any censure this a digression from my History; for though my Estate will not suffer me with 
* job. 29.15.  Job; to be eyes to the blind, and feet to the lame, I will endeavour what I can to be a tongue for the Dumb.   
Let the Reader judge betwixt me and the Animadvertor, whether in this particular matter controverted, I have not done the poor Clergy as much right, as lay in my power, and more than consisted with my safety.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 357. But this was done without any great cost to the Crown, only by altering the Property of the place from a late made Cathedral to an Abbey.] Our Author speaks this of the Church of Westminster; which though it suffered many changes, yet had it no such change as our Author speaks of; that is to say, from a Cathedral to an Abbey, without any other alteration which came in between. etc.  Fuller. 
I said not, that it was immediately changed from a Cathedral to an Abbey; but that it was changed, and that without any great cost to the Crown; so my words want nothing but a candid Reader of them.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 359. Nor can I find in the first year of Queen Elizabeth any particular Statute wherein (as in the reign of King Henry the eight) these Orders are nominatim suppressed, etc.] But first, the several Orders of Religious Persons were not suppressed nominatim, except that of St. john's, by a Statute in the time of King Henry the eighth. Secondly, if there were no such Statute, yet was it not because those Houses had no legal settlement, as it after followeth; Queen Mary being vested with a power of granting Mortmains, and consequently of founding these Religious Houses in a legal way. Thirdly, there might be such a Statute, though our Author never had the good luck to see it; and yet for want of such good luck, I find him apt enough to think there was no such Statute; Et quod non invenit usquam, esse putat nusquam, in the Poet's language etc.  Fuller. 
I could not then find the Statute, and I am not ashamed to confess it. Let those be censured who pretend to have found what they have no●, and so by their confidence (or impudence rather) abuse Posterity. Since, I have found a Copy thereof in Sr. Thomas Cottons Library, with many Commissions granted thereupon, for the dissolution of such Marian foundations.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 369. Jesuits, the last and newest of all Orders.] The newest if the last, there's doubt of that: But the last they were not, the Oratorians (as they call them) being of a later brood. The Jesuits, founded by Ignatius Loyola, a Spaniard, and confirmed by Pope Paul the third, Anno 1540 The Oratorians founded by Philip Merio a Florentine, and confirmed by Pope Pius the fourth, Anno 1564. By which account these Oratorians are younger Brethren to the jesuits, by the space of four and twenty years; and consequently the jesuits' not the last and newest of Religious Orders.  Fuller. 
Writing the Church-History of Britain, I herein confined my expression thereunto. The Jesuits are the last and newest Order, whose over-activity in our Land commends (or condemns them rather) to public notice.  
Idem est non esse, & non apparere. The Oratorians never appeared in England, save an handful of them, who (at Queen Mary's first arrival from France) only came Hither, to go hence a few months after.   

THE SEVENTH BOOK. Containing the Reign of King Edward the sixth.  Dr. Heylin. 
WE are now come unto the Reign of King Edward the sixth, which our Author passeth lightly over, though very full of action and great alterations. And here the first thing which I meet with, is an unnecessary Quaere which he makes about the Injunctions of this King. Amongst which we find one concerning the religious keeping of the Holidays, in the close whereof it is declared, That it shall be lawful for all people in time of Harvest, to labour upon Holy and Festival days, and save that thing which God hath sent, and that scrupulosity to abstain from working on those days doth grievously offend God. Our Author hereupon makes this Quaere, that is to say, fol. 375. Whether in the 24 Injunction, labouring in time of Harvest upon Holidays and Festivals, relateth not only to those of Ecclesiastical Constitution (as dedicated to Saints) or be inclusive of the Lordsday also.]. Were not our Author a great Zealot for the Lords-day-Sabbath, and studious to entitle it to some antiquity, we had not met with such a Quaere. The Law and practice of those times make this plain enough. etc.  Fuller. 
It is better to be over doubtful, than over confident. It had been much for the credit, and nothing against the Conscience of the Animadvertor, if he had made queries, where he so positively and falsely hath concluded against me. Now my Quaere is answered: And I believe that the Lords Day was included within the number of holy days, and common work permitted thereon.  
This maketh me bespeak my own and the Readers (justly suspecting that the Animadvertor will not join with us herein on this account) thankfulness to God. That the Reformation since the time of King Edward the sixth, hath been progressive, and more perfected in this point amongst the Rest, in securing the Lordsday from servile employments.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 386. In the first year of King Edward the sixth, it was recommended to the care of the most grave Bishops and others (assembled by the King at his Castle at Windsor) and when by them completed, set forth in Print 1548. with a Proclamation in the King's name, to give Authority thereunto, being also recommended unto every Bishop by especial Letters from the Lords of the Council to see the same put in execution. And in the next year a penalty was imposed by Act of Parliament on such who should deprave or neglect the use thereof.] Our Author here mistakes himself, and confounds the business; making no difference between the whole first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth, and a particular form of Administration. etc.  Fuller. 
I● the Reader, by perusing this Note of the Animadvertor, can methodise the Confusion charged on me, I shall be right glad thereof. And I wish that the nice distinction of the Liturgy, and the form of Administration may be informative unto him more than it is to me.  
The close of this Animadversion, whether this Book brought under a Review, much altered in all the parts and offices of it, be unto the better or unto the worse, Leaves it under a strong suspicion of the negative in the Judgement of the Animadvertor.  
And now I shall wonder no more at the Animadvertors falling foul on my Book, who (as he 
* In his Introduction.  confesseth) am not known unto him by any injury. Seeing such distance in our judgements, that he conceiveth the Reformation in the Reign of King Edward more perfect than what was afterwards, 
Numb. 14 4.  Let us make us a Captain and return unto Egypt. I have too much advantage in my own hand, and a principle in my bosom will not give me leave to make use thereof to the utmost.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 404. At last the great Earl of Warwick deserted his Chaplain in open field to shift for himself. Indeed he had higher things in his head, than to attend such trifles.] A man may easily discern a Cat by her Claw, and we may find as easily by be scratches of our Author's Pen, to what party in the Church he stands most inclined. He had before declared for the Dominicans and Rigid Calvinists in some points of Doctrine, and now declares himself for the Non-Conformists in point of Ceremony. He had not else called the Episcopal Ornaments, particularly the Rochet, Chimere, and Square-cap, by the name of trifles; such trifles as were not worth the contending for, if Resolute Ridley had been pleased to dispense therein. etc.  Fuller. 
I say not that they were trifles, but that john Dudley Earl of Warwick (afterwards) Duke of Northumberland) counted them so, in respect to his high designs to the Crown yea it is more than suspicious, that his ambition esteemed greater matters than Ceremonies, mere trifles, even Religion itself, which he so often changed.  
If the Cat hath put in her claw, let her put in her whole foot. I conceive such vestments comparatively trifles, as to things necessary to salvation. And thus I prove it.  
I dare wager with the Animadvertor. That take the Clergy of England, as constituted 1640, that three parts of four did not know what a CHIMERE was. Nor is this any diminution to their Learning and Religion; seeing they were not bound to take cognisance thereof. And therefore I believe one may safely call it a trifle, without the knowledge of which word, and what was meant thereby, so many flocks of pious and learned Shepherds have gone to Heaven.  
As for the Animadvertors additory Note which followeth, concerning the singing of Psalms in Churches, I am not concerned therein.  
Nor will I here insert his Instances of some fortunate Subjects, who married Queens, seeing I say not always, but often, such matches prove unprosperous.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 421. This barren Convocation is entitled the Parent of those Articles of Religion (forty two in number) which are printed with this Preface, Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinensi, etc.] Our Author here is guilty of a greater crime than that of Scandalum Magnatum, making King Edward the sixth of pious memory, no better than an impious and lewd Impostor. For if the Convocation of this year were barren (as he saith it was) it could neither be the Parent of those Articles, nor of the short Catechism which was printed with them, countenanced by the King's Letters Patents prefixed before it, etc.  Fuller. 
Here is an high charge indeed. I believe●hat ●hat I am generally believed to have as high a reverence for the Memory of King Edward as the Animadvertor himself.  
The Journals of the Convocation in this King's Reign I have carefully perused, which a●e no better than blank paper, containing only the names of the Members therein daily meeting, without any matter of moment (yea any matte● at all) Registered to be performed by them. But I wholly refer myself to what I have written in my Church-History of this hard Subject, making it there as plain as I could, which the Animadvertor hath a mind again to involve and perplex.   

THE EIGHTH BOOK. The Reign of Queen Mary.  Dr. Heylin. 
WE next proceed unto the short, but troublesome Reign of Queen Mary; in which the first thing that occurs, is Fol. 1. But the Commons of England who for many years together had conned Loyalty by-heart, out of the Statute of the succession, were so perfect in their Lesson, that they would not be put out of it by this new started design] In which I am to note these things; first that he makes the Loyaly of the Commons of England not to depend upon the primogeniture of their Princes, but on the Statute of Succession, and then the object of that Loyalty must not be the King, but the Act of Parliament, by which they were directed to the knowledge of the next successor: and then it must needs be in the power of Parliaments to dispose of the Kingdom as they pleased; the People's Loyalty being tied to such dispositions. etc.  Fuller. 
I make not the loyalty of the Commons to depend on, but to be directed by the Statute of Succession.  
In such Intricacies, it was good to have such a Guide to lead men's Judgements in the right. And though some malcontents started from their Loyalty, the Generality of the Commons of England kept constant unto it.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 11. Afterwards Philpot was troubled by Gardiner for his words spoken in the Convocation. In vain did he plead the privilege of the place, commonly reputed a part of Parliament.] I cannot find that the Convocation at this time, nor many years before this time, was commonly reputed as a part of the Parliament. etc.  Fuller. 
I only say that Mr. Philpot pleaded it, (and that in vain) that it was so reputed, as may plainly appear in Mr. Fox; so that my words are liable to no just exception.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 27. The Litany, Surplice, and other Ceremonies in Service and Sacraments they omitted, both as superfluous and superstitious.] Our Author speaks this of the Schismatical Congregation at Frankford, who turned the Public Church Liturgy quite out of their Church, fashioning to themselves a new form of Worship, which had no warrant and foundation by the Laws of this Realm. And first (saith he) the Litany, Surplice, and other Ceremonies they omitted both as superfluous and superstitious. Superfluous, and superstitious, in whose opinion? In that of the Schismatics at Frankford, our Authors, or in both alike? Most probable in our Authors, as well as theirs; for otherwise he would have added some note of qualifications, etc.  Fuller. 
This note might well have been spared, I appeal to such as knew my conformity in the College Chappel, Country Parishes, and Cathedral of Sarum, to be my Cumpurgators in this unjust accusation.  Dr. Heylin. 
Thirdly, having laid down an abstract of the form of worship contrived by the Schismatics at Frankford, he honoureth them with no lower Title than that of Saints; and counts this liberty of deviating from the Rules of the Church for a part of their happiness. For so it followeth, fol. 28. This, faith he, is the Communion of Saints, who never account themselves peaceably possessed of any happiness, until (if it be in their power) they have also made their fellow-sufferers partakers thereof. If those be Saints, who separate themselves schismatically from their Mother Church; and if it be a happiness to them to be permitted so to do; our Author hath all the reason in the world to desire to be admitted into their Communion, and be made partaker of that happiness which such Saints enjoy. etc.  Fuller. 
If God were not more merciful unto us, than we are charitable one to another, what would become of us all?  
I humbly conceive that these Exiles, (though I will not advocate for their carriage in all particulars) had more liberty in modeling their own Church, than such as live in England, under a settled Government, commanded by Authority.  
Schismatic in my mind is too harsh for such who fled and suffered for their conscience; However, I conceive a Saint-ship not inconsistent with such Schismaticalnesse; God graciously, on their general repentance, forgiving them their fault herein.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds, Fol. 39 Trinity College built by Sir Thomas Pope.] I shall not derogate so much from Sir Thomas Pope, as our Author doth from Trinity College, naming no Bishop of this House, as he doth of others. He tells us that he lived in this University about 17 weeks, and all that time Dr. Skinner the Bishop of Oxford lived there too. Dr. Wright the Bishop of Lichfield, probably was then living also, (for he deceased not till after the beginning of the year 1643.) but he living at that time in his own House of Ecclesal Castle. Both of them Members of this College, and therefore worthily deserving to have found some place in our Author's History. And because our Author can find no learned Writers of this College neither, I will supply him with two others ●n that kind also. The first whereof shall be john Selden, of the Inner Temple, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ that renowned Humanitian and Philologer, sometimes a Commoner of this House, and here initiated in those Studies, in which he afterwards attained to so high an eminence. The second William Chillingworth, an able and acute Divine, and once a Fellow of this College; whose Book entitled, The Religion of Protestants a safe way to Salvation, written in defence of Dr. Potter's Book called Charity mistaken, commended by our Author, Lib 3. fol. 115. remains unanswered by the Jesuits, notwithstanding all their brags beforehand, to this very day. Which Book though most ridiculously buried with the Author at Arundel (get thee gone thou accursed Book etc.) by Mr. Francis Cheynel, the usu fructuary of the rich Parsonage of Petworth, shall still survive unto the world in its own value, when the poor threepenny commodities of such a sorry Haberdasher of Small-weares shall be out of credit. Of this Pageant, see the Pamphlet called Chillingworthi Novissima, printed at London, Anno 1644.  Fuller. 
If the Animavertor had written an History of Cambridge, perchance he would have made as many and great Omissions. I have craved solemn pardon of the Reader when such failings should occur. Church History Book 3. pag. 67. 
I humbly request the Antiquaries of their respective foundations (best skilled in their own worthy Natives) to insert their own observations, which if they would restore unto me against the next Edition of this work, if it be thought worthy thereof; God shall have the Glory, they the public thanks, and the world the benefit of their contributions to my endeavours.   
Bishop Wright is entered in (where he ought) a Warden of Wadham; the rest shall be inserted in the next Edition, with my worthy friend Mr. Gilbert Ironside of the same foundation.  
Mr. Cheynel is now rather the object of the Animadvertors prayer and pity, than of his Anger.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 41. But now it is gone, let it go; it was but a beggarly Town, and cost England ten times yearly more than it was worth in keeping thereof.] Admit it be so, yet certainly it was worth the keeping, had it cost much more. The English while they kept that Town, had a door open into France upon all occasions, and therefore it was commonly said that they carried the Keys of France at their Girdles. etc.  Fuller. 
The Animadvertor might understand my meaning, even to make the best of a bad matter, when it cannot be helped.  
A KEY falleth under a double valuation, one for the intrinsical works from the weight thereof in Metal, which is very inconsiderable. The other from the use thereof, and thus it's price riseth or falleth, as it openeth to more or less treasure.  
Calis I confess, in the second consideration, was a place of main importance; yet indeed it cost a vast expense in keeping it, as by a Book in the Exchequer (which some months since 
* In particulars, their total Sum, to my remembrance, not being cast up.  I perused) doth appear, the charge amounting to an innumerable Sum, at the rate of Money in that Age.   

THE NINTH BOOK. Containing the Reign of Queen Elizabeth.  Dr. Heylin. 
THe short Reigns of King Edward the sixth, and Queen Mary being briefly passed over by our Author, he spends the more time in setting out the affairs of the Church under Queen Elizabeth; not so much because her Reign was long, but because it was a busy Age, and full of Faction. To which Faction how he stands affected, he is not coy to let us see on all occasions, giving us in the very first entrance this brief, but notable Essay, viz.  
Fol. 51. Idolaty is not to be permitted a moment; the first minute is the fittest to abolish it: all that have power, have right to destroy it by that grand Charter of Religion, whereby every one is bound to advance God's glory. And if Sovereigns forget, no reason but Subjects should remember their duty.] Our Author speaks this in behalf of some forward Spirits, who not enduring the laziness of Authority in order to the great work of Reformation, fell before hand to the beating down of superstitious Pictures and Images. And though some others condemned their indiscretion herein, yet our Author will not, but rather gives these reasons for their justification; 1. That the Popish Religion is Idolatry. 2. That Idolatry is to be destroyed by all that have power to do it. 3. (Which is indeed the main) that if the Sovereigns do forget, there is no reason but Subjects should remember their duty. This being our Author's Masterpiece, and a fair groundwork for Seditious and Rebellious for the times ensuing, I shall spend a little the more time in the examination of the propositions, as before we had them, etc.  Fuller. 
The Animadvertor hath dealt most unfairly with me in citing by the halfs what I have written, and leaving out what immediately followed, and what he ought to have inserted, viz.  
For after I had presented the Judgement of these rigid and violent Hotspurs, I subjoined as followeth, in confutation of their Extravagancies:  
But others condemned their indiscretion herein; for though they might reform the private persons and families, and refrain to communicate in any outward Act contrary to God's word; yet public reformation belonged to the Magistrate, and a good deed was by them ill done, for want of a calling to do it.  
I appeal to such who knew me in the University, to those that have heard my many Sermons on this Subject in London, and else where, but especially to my Book called TRUTH MAINTAINED, made against Mr. Saltmarsh, wherein I have heartily, (to place that first) largely, and to my power strongly vindicated. Non licet Populo renuente Magistratu, Reformationem moliri.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 54. This Parliament being very active in matters of Religion, the Convocation (younger Brother thereunto) was little employed, and less regarded.] Our Author follows this Design of putting matters of Religion into the power of Parliaments, though he hath chosen a very ill Medium to conclude the point. This Parliament as active as he seems to make it, troubled itself so little with matters of Religion, that had it done less, it had done just nothing. All that it did, was the Repealing of some Acts made in the time of Queen Mary, and settling matters in the same State in which she found them at her first coming to the Crown. The Common Prayer Book being reviewed and fitted to the use of the Church by some godly men, appointed by the Queen alone, received no other confirmation in this present Parliament, than what it had before in the last years of King Edward. The Supremacy was again restored, as it had been formerly; the Title of Supreme head, which seemed offensive unto many of both Religions, being changed into that of Supreme Governor, nothing in all this done de novo, which could entitle this Parliament to such activity in matters of Religion, but that our Author had a mind to undervalue the Convocation, as being little employed, and less regarded. I grant indeed, that the Convocation of that year did only meet for forms sake, without acting any thing, etc.  Fuller. 
Yea God hath done great things for us already, whereof we rejoice. And although the Animadvector is pleased to say, That if this Parliament had done less, it had done just nothing, these truly were MAGNALIA, so far as the word is appliable to humane performances.  Dr. Heylin. 
In the mean time I would fain know our Author's Reason, why speaking of the Convocation and the Parliament in the notion of Twins, the Convocation must be made the younger Brother. Assuredly there had been Convocations in the Church of England some hundreds of years before the name of Parliament had been ever heard of; which he that lists to read the collection of Counsels published by that learned and industrious Gentleman Sir Henry Spelman, cannot but perceive.  Fuller. 
I confess Convocations in their general notion more ancient, and regular, and completely constituted than Parliaments: Yet of these Twins, I called the Convocation the younger Brother properly enough.  
First, Because modern Convocations, as modelled since the submission of the Clergy to Henry the eighth, are many years junior to Parliaments.  
Secondly, The Convocations always began the day after the Parliament, the Archbishops and Bishops always attending the King the first day in Parliament.  
Lastly, The Parliament hath made a younger Brother of the Convocation: And there being a priority in Power, he in effect is the Heir and elder Brother, who confineth the other to a poor pittance and small portion as our Age can well remember.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 71. This year the spire of Poles- steeple, covered with lead, strangely fell on fire.] More modestly in this than when he formerly ascribes the burning of some great Abbeys to Lightning from Heaven. And so this steeple was both reported and believed to be fired also, it being an ordinary thing in our common Almanacs, till these latter times, to count the time (among the other Epoches of Computation) from the year that St. Paul-steeple was fired with Lightning. But afterwards it was acknowledged (as our Author truly notes) to be done by the negligence of a Plumber, carelessly leaving his Coals therein: since which acknowledgement we find no mention of this accident in our yearly Almanacs. But whereas our Author finds no other Benefactors for the repairing of this great Ruin, but the Queen's bounty, and the Clergies benevolence, I must needs tell him that these were only accessories to the principal charge. The greatest part hereof, or to say better, the whole work was by the Queen imposed on the City of London, 
Stow's Survey of Lond. p 623.  it being affirmed by john Stow, that after this mischance the Queen's Majesty directed her Letters to the Major, willing him to take order for the speedy repairing of the same, etc.  Fuller. 
Non est tanti all this Note. The Queen and Clergy are only mentioned by way of eminence not exclusion of others.  
The Animadvertor commonly layeth it to my charge, that in my writing I am injurious to the Church and Clergy; and now he is offended with me for giving them too much honour.  
Sure I am, Mr. 
* In his Eliz. Anno 1561.  Camden, speaking of the repairing of S. Paul's on this occasion, ascribes it to the great bounty of the Queen, and money gathered of the Churchmen and others, where his particular nomination only of the Queen and Churchmen making them paramount Benefactors.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 72. In the Convocation now sitting, the nine and thirty Articles were composed, agreeing for the main with those set forth in the Reign of King Edward the sixth, though in some particulars allowing more liberty to dissenting judgements.] This is the active Convocation which before I spoke of, not set●ing matters of Religion in the same estate in which they were left by King Edward; but altering some Articles, expunging others, adding some de novo, and fitting the whole body of them unto edification; Not leaving any liberty to dissenting judgements, as our Author would have it, but binding men unto the literal and Grammatical sense.  Fuller. 
But the literal and Grammatical sense is worded in so favourable and receptive terms, that two opposite parties (both well●skilled in Grammar) have with great assurance of success, pleaded them in their defence.  
In such Cases, when the Controversy is admissive of a latitude, as not necessary to salvation, the pious and learned Penners of the Articles, though they did not purposely use Cheverel expressions (to afford shelter to equivocation;) yet prudently seeing that all things in the Articles were not of equal concernment, and politicly foreseeing men would be divided and differ in their judgements about them, selected phrases Grammatically admissive of several senses, all consistent with Salvation; and would draw their words no closer, for fear of strangling tender Consciences. Hence is it that in the Question, Whether Concupiscence be properly a sin in the Regenerate? both parties appeal unto the Article, equally persuaded there so find favour in their several Opinions; as indeed (like a well drawn Picture) it seemeth to Eye them both, and yet frown on neither.  
And one may read in the works of King james, that on this account he highly commendeth the discretion and moderation of the Composers of our Articles.  Dr. Heylin. 
They had not otherwise attained to the end they aimed at, which was ad tollendam opinionum dissensionem, & consensum in vera Religione firmandum; that is to say, to take away diversity of Opinions, and to establish an agreement in the true Religion. Which end could never be effected, if men were left unto the liberty of dissenting, or might have leave to put their own sense upon the Articles. But whereas our instances in the Article of Christ's descent into Hell, telling us that Christ's preaching unto the Spirits there (on which the Article seemed to be grounded in King Edward's Book) was left out in this; and thereupon inferreth, that men are left unto a latitude concerning the cause, time, manner of his descent; I must needs say, that he is very much mistaken. For first the Church of England hath always constantly maintained a local Descent, though many which would be thought her Children, the better to comply with Calvin and some other Divines of foreign Nations, have deviated in this point from the sense of the Church. And secondly, the reason why this Convocation left out that passage of Christ preaching to the spirits in hell; was not, that men might be left unto a latitude concerning the cause, time, and manner of his Descent, as our Author dreams; but because that passaage of St. Peter being capable of some other interpretations, was not conceived to be a clear and sufficient evidence to prove the Article. For which see Bishop bilson's Survey, p. 388.389.  Fuller. 
I cannot fully concur with the Animadvertor, That the Church of England hath constantly maintained a LOCAL DESCENT, though no man hath an higher esteem for those worthy Writers who are of that persuasion.  
I will confess this hitherto hath staggered me, viz. St. Peter his application of David's words to Christ, 
Acts 2.27.  thou shalt not leave my soul in hell.  
I appeal whether these words import not a favour to all unprejudiced hearers, which God did to his Son, bearing this natural and unviolated sense, That had God left Christ's soul in hell, his soul had been in a bad condition, as being there in a suffering capacity, but God's Paternal affection to his dear Son, would not leave his soul in hell, but did rescue it thence.  
Now all our Protestant, and especially English Writers, who maintain a LOCAL DESCENT, do very worthily (in opposition to the Romish Error) defend, that Christ was then in a good estate, yea in a triumphing condition.  
Now then, it had been no favour not to leave his soul in Hell, but a less love unto him, to contract his happiness in his triumph.  
I protest, that in this or any other point, I am not possessed with a spirit of opposition; and when I am herein satisfied in any good degree, I shall become the Animadvertors thankful Convert in this particular.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 74. In a word, concerning this clause whether the Bishops were faulty in their addition, or their opposites in their substraction, I leave to more cunning Arithmeticians to decide.] The Clause here spoken of by our Author, is the first Sentence in the twentieth Article, entitled De Ecclesiae Authoritate, where it is said that the Church hath power to decree Rites and Ceremonies, and Authority in Controversies of the Faith, etc.  Fuller. 
To this and to what ensueth in two leaves following I return no answer; not because I am pinched therein with any matter of moment, but for these reasons following.  
First, I understand, That the Animadvertors Stationer taketh exception, that I have printed all his book, which may tend to his detriment. Now I protest, when I ●irst took up this resolution to present the Animadvertors whole Cloth, List, Fag and all, I aimed not at his damage, but my own defence: no● can I see how I could do otherwise, seeing the plaster must be as broad as the sore, the tent as deep as the wound; yea, I have been informed by prime Stationers, the like hath formerly been done without exception taken on either side, in the Replies and Rejoinders betwixt Dr. Whitgift and Mr. Cartwright, and many others. However, being willing to avoid all appearance of injury, I have left out some observations which I conceived might well be spared, as containing no pungent matter against me.  
Secondly, I am confident, That there needs no other answer to these notes, than the distinct and serious perusal of my Church History, with the due alteration of favour indulged to all writings.  
L●stly, What of moment in these notes is omitted by me, relateth to those two Church Questions in Law, 
Vid. sup. part. 2. p. 62.  which I have formerly desired may fairly be ventilated betwixt the Animadvertor and me: and if he be sensible, That any thing herein tendeth to his advantage, he may, and no doubt will reassume and enforce the same.  Dr. Heylin. 
From the Articles our Author proceeds unto the Homilies approved in those Articles, and of them he tells us, Fol. 75. That if they did little good, they did little harm.] With scorn and insolence enough. Those Homilies were so composed, as to instruct the people in all positive Doctrines necessary for Christian men to know, with reference both to Faith and Manners; and being penned in a plain style, as our Author hath it, were fitter for the edification of the common people, than either the strong lines of some, or the flashes of vain wit in others, in these latter times, etc.  Fuller. 
With scorn and insolence I defy the words. The Animadvertor might have added my words immediately following, viz. They preached not strange Doctrines to People, as too many vent, DARKNESSES now a days, entitled New Lights.  
And well had it been for the peace and happiness of the Church, if the Animadvertor (and all of his Party) had had as high an esteem as the Author hath, for the Homilies, If none of them had called them HOMELY HOMILIES, (as one did,) And if they had conformed their practice to the second Homily in the second Book, and not appeared so forward in countenancing Images of God and his Saints in Churches.  Dr. Heylin. 
The Author proceeds. Fol. 76. The English Bishops conceiving themselves empowered by their Canons, began to show their authority, in urging the Clergy of their Diocese to subscribe to the Liturgy, Ceremonies and Discipline of the Church, and such as refused the same, were branded with the odious name of Puritans.] Our Author having given the Parliament a power of confirming no Canons, as before was showed, he brings the Bishop's acting by as weak Authority in the years 1563. & 1564. there being at that time no Canons for them to proceed upon for requiring their Clergy to subscribe to the Liturgies, Ceremonies, and Discipline of the Church: And therefore if they did any such thing, it was not as they were empowered by their Canons, but as they were enabled by that Authority which was inherent naturally in their Episcopal Office.  Fuller. 
I profess myself not to understand the sense of the Animadvertor, and what he driveth at herein. And as soon as I shall understand him, I will either fully concur with him, or fairly descent from him, rendering my reason for the same.  Dr. Heylin. 
But whereas he tells us in the following words, that the name of Puritan in that notion began this year, viz. 1564. I fear he hath anticipated the time a little, Genebrard a right good Chronologer placing it (ortos in Anglia Puritanoes) about two years after, Anno 1566, etc.  Fuller. 
I answer, First, Let the Animadvertor keep his fears for me to himself, and not be solicitous in my behalf.  
Secondly, If the time be anticipated but a little, these necessary Animadversions needed not to take notice thereof.  
Thirdly, Genebrards' placing the beginning of the Name Puritan, about two years after, intimates a latitude in his Computation.  
Fourthly, Genebrard Anno 1566. calleth them ortos [but not orientes] in Anglia Puritanoes: And when I speak of the beginning of the name, I relate to it rising, not risen.  
Fifthly, Genebrard is so disaffected to our Religion, he is not to be credited, taking all implicitly out of railing Saunders: Witness this eminent Note amongst the rest, Anno 1570. UNCTI in Surria Comitatu Angliae, è Calvinii Schola o●iuntur; qui docent peccare neminem nisi qui veritatem ab ipsis praedicatam non rec●pit. The ANOINTED Scholars of Calvin did rise this year in Surry, an English County; who teach, that every man must sin that will not embrace their Doctrine: all which is a notorious untruth.  
Lastly, The Animadvertor cannot justly be angry with me if I antedated the Puritans by two years, seeing he findeth the Lineaments of the 
* Vid. sup●●a c. 2. ●ag●● ●●  Puritan Platform in the Reign of King Henry the eighth, twenty years at least be●ore my mention of them.  Dr. Heylin. 
But why our Author should call the Bishop of London's House by the name of the Pope's Palace, I do very much wonder; unless it were to hold conformity with the style of Martin Mar-Prelate, and the rest of that Faction. Amongst whom nothing was more common than to call all Bishop's Petty-popes', and more particularly to call the Archbishop of Canterbury the Pope of Lambeth, and the Bishop of London, Pope o● London. But I hope more charitably than so, being more willing to impute it to the fault of the Printers, than the Pen of our Author, etc.  Fuller. 
It falls out happily for me that Grindal was then Bishop o● London, one so far from Popery, that he is beheld under an opposite notion. I wonder the Animadvertor will lay so much weight on a plain mistake of the Press.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 98. Against covetous Conformists it was provided, that no spiritual Person, College, or Hospital, shall let Lease, other than for twenty one years, or three lives, etc.] No mention in the Statute of Covetous Conformists, I am sure of that; and therefore no provision to be made against them, the Covetous Conformist is our Authors own, etc.]  Fuller. 
I say in the same place, that in this Parliament Laws were enacted against Poiniards with three Edges. Conformists they must needs be, who enjoyed so great Church-preferment; and Covetous I may call them, who made so unreasonable Leases. But of this I have largely spoken in my Answer to the Introduction.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 121. These Prophecying were founded on the Apostles Precept; For ye may all Prophesy one by one, that all may learn and all be comforted; but so as to make it out, they were fain to make use of humane prudential additions.] Not grounded, but pretended to be grounded on those words of St. Paul, etc.  Fuller. 
Grounded shall be altered, God willing, into pretended to be grounded, and then I hope no shadow of offence.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 135. A loud Parliament is always attended with a silent Convocation, as here it came to pass. The Activity of the former in Church matters, l●st the latter nothing to do.] A man would think by this, that the Parliament of this year, being the 23 of the Qu●en, had done great ●eats in matters of Religion, as making new Articles of Faith, or confirming Canons, or something else of like importance, etc.  Fuller. 
It lieth not in the Power of Parliament to make new ARTICLES of FAITH, nor did they ever pretend unto it. Nor lieth it in the Power of the Church to make any new ARTICLES; Canons they may make, for the Descipline; and may declare and publish Articles of faith. But God alone in Scripture hath made them; to which man, under an heavy curse, may make no Addition.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 187. That since the High Commission, and this Oath (it is that ex officio which he meaneth) were taken away by the Act of Parliament, it is to be hoped, that (if such swearing were so great a grievance) nihil analogum, nothing like unto it (which may amount to as much) shall hereafter be substituted in the room thereof.] What could be said more plain to testify his disaffections one way, and his zeal another? The High-Commission and the Oath reproached as Grievances, because the greatest curbs of the Puritan party, and the strongest Bulwarks of the Church, a congratulation to the times for abolishing both, though as yet I find no Act of Parliament against the Oath, except it be by consequence and illation only; and finally a hope expressed that the Church never shall revert to her former power in substituting any like thing in the place thereof, by which the good people of the Land may be stopped in their way to the fifth Monarchy so much sought after. And yet this does not speak so plain as the following passage.  Fuller. 
God restore the Church in his good time to her just rights, and give her wisdom mo●e ra●ely to use it.  
I am ●o● no fifth Monarchy or Anarchy●he● ●he● but desire from my heart, that no such analogical Oath may be offered to me; and let the Animadvertor, if desirous thereof, have it to himself, and much good may it do him.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 193. Wit's will be working, and such as have a Satirical vein, cannot better vent it than in lashing of sin.] This spoken in defence of those scurrilous Libels which job Throgmorton, Penry, Fenner, and the rest of the Puritan Rabble published in print against the Bishops, Anno 1588. thereby to render them ridiculous both abroad and at home.  Fuller. 
I am most disingeniously dealt with by the Animadvertor, obtruding on me such words. In defence, I defy it, these me words immediately following. But 〈…〉 and devou● sort of men, even of such as were no great friends to the 〈◊〉 upon solemn deba●e then resolved (I speak on certain knowledge from the mouths of such whom I must believe) that for many foul falsehoods therein suggested, altogether unbeseeming a pious spirit to print, publish, or with pleasure peruse▪ which ●●posed true both in matter and measure, rather conceal than discover: The best of men being so conscious of their own badness, that they are more careful to wash their own faces, than busy to throw dirt on others. Any man may be witty in a biting way; and those who have the dullest brains, have commonly the sharpest teeth to that purpose▪ But such ca●nal mirth, whilst it tickleth the flesh doth wound the soul. And which was the 〈◊〉, these ba●● Books would give a great advantage to the General foe; and Papists would make too much u●e thereof against Protestant Religion; especially seeing an Archangel thought himself too good to bring, and 
* jude 9  Satan not bad enough to have railing speeches brought against him. Reader, what could I have written more fully and freely in the cordial detestation of such abhominal Libels.  Dr. Heylin. 
For if our Author's rule be good, fol. 193. That the fault is not in the Writer, if he truly cite what is false on the credit of another, they had no reason to examine punctually the truth of that which tended so apparently to the great advantage of their cause and party, etc.  Fuller. 
I say again the Writer is faultless, who truly citys what is false on the CREDIT of another; always provided that the other, who is quoted, hath Credit, and be not a lying Libeler like these Pasauls.  
If this Rule be not true, the Animadvertor will have an hard task of it, to make good all in his Geography on his own knowledge, who therein hath traded on trust as much as another.  Dr. Heylin. 
But I am weary and ashamed of raking in so impure a kennel, and for that cause also shall willingly pass over his apology for Hacket that blasphemous wretch, and most execrable Miscreant, justly condemned and executed for a double Treason, against the King of Kings in Heaven, and the Queen on earth.  Fuller. 
I appeal to the Reader, whether I have not in my Church History wrote most bitterly and deservedly against Him; only I took occasion by Hackets badness to raise our thankfulness to God. If my meat herein please not the Animadvertors palate, let him leave it in the Dish; none shall eat thereof against their own stomaches, for fear of a surfeit.  Dr. Heylin. 
Of whom he would not have us think, fol. 204. that he and his two Companions (his two Prophets, for so they called themselves) were not worse by nature than all others of the English Nation▪ the natural corruption in the hearts of others being not less headstrong, but more bridled: And finally, that if Gods restraining grace be taken from us, we shall all run unto the same excess of Riot. Which Plea, if it be good for Hacket, will hold good for judas; and pity it is, that some of our fine wits did never study an apology for him, etc.  Fuller. 
 Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 214. At Antwerp he was ordained Minister by the Presbytery there, and not long after that, he was put in Orders by the Presbytery of a foreign Nation.] Here have we Ordination, and putting into Orders ascribed to the Presbytery of Antwerp, a Mongrel company, consisting of two blue Aprons to each Cruel night cap: and that too in such positive terms, and without any the least qualification, that no Presbyterian in the pack could have spoke more plainly, etc.  Fuller. 
It is better to wear a Cruel Nightcap than a cruel heart, causelessly cavilling at every man.  
Mr. Travers was ordained Minister or Priest by the Presbytery of Antwerp, and never had other Ordination. I only relate that it was so the facto, and appeal to the Reader, whether my words import the least countenance and approbation thereof, though the sin had not been so heinous if I had so done.  Dr. Heylin. 
Only I shall make bold to quit my Author with a merry tale (though but one for an hundred) and 'tis a tale of an old jolly popish Priest, who having no entertainment for a friend, who came to him on a Fasting day, but a piece of Pork, and making conscience of observing the appointed Fast, dipped it into a tub of water, saying down Pork, up Pike. Satisfied with which device (as being accustomed to transubstantiate, he well might be) he caused it to be put into the pot and made ready for dinner. But as the Pork, for all this sudden piece of wit, was no other than Pork; so these good fellows of the Presbytery by laying hands upon one another, act as little as he. The parties so imposed upon (imposed upon indeed in the proper notion) are but as they were, Lay-bretherens of the better stamp, Ministers, if you will, but not Priests nor Deacons, nor any ways Canonically enabled for divine performances.  Fuller. 
It is not a fortnight since I heard proclamation against the selling of Pork, because about London fatted with the flesh of diseased horses.  
I suspect some unwholsomness in the Animadvertors Pork-story, especially as applied, and therefore will not meddle therewith.  Dr. Heylin. 
But fearing to be chidden for his levity, I knock off again, following my Author as he lea●s me; who being over shoes, will be over boots also. He is so lost to the High Royalist and covetous Conformist, that he cannot be in a worse case (with them) than he is already.  Fuller. 
If I be lost with the high Royalists and covetous Conformists, I hope I shall be found by the low Royalists and liberal Conformists: However may God be pleased to find my soul, and I pass not with whom I be lost.  
There are a sort of men who with Dr. Manwaring maintain that Kings may impose without Parliaments what taxes they please, and the Subjects bound to payment under pain of Damnation, a principle introductory to tyranny and slavery: These I term high Royalists, and I protest myself as to descent in judgement from them, so not to be at all ambitious of their favour.  Dr. Heylin. 
And therefore having declared himself for a Presbyterian in point of Government, he will go thorough with his work, etc.  Fuller. 
Where have I declared myself for a Presbyterian in point of Government? who never scattered syllable, (and if I did, I would snatch it up again) to countenance such presumption.  
I confess I said, That Mr. Travers was made Minister or Priest by the Presbytery at Antwerp; that is, made Minister so far forth as they could give, and he receive the Ministerial Character, who never had it otherwise impressed upon him.  
Suppose a Knights Might not a Historian say such a man was made a Knight by such a power of person, not engaging himself to justify his Authority that made him? And by the same proportion, I relating Mr. Travers made Minister at Antwerp, am not concerned to justify, nor by my expression do I any way approve their Minister-making, if they have no Commission thereunto.  
I cannot close with the Animadvertor in his uncharitable censure of the Ministry of foreign Protestant Churches, rendering them utterly invalid, because ordained by no Bishops. Cain (as commonly believed) is conceived to have killed a fourth part of mankind by murdering Abel; but the Animadvertors cruelty to Protestants hath exceeded this proportion, in spiritually killing more than a fourth part of Protestants, according to his own principles: For if no Priests in France, Low Countries, Switzerland, etc. then no Sacraments; then no Church; then no Salvation.  
Far more Charity in those of the former Age. Bishop Andrews when he concurred with others of his own order, in ordaining a Scotishman Bishop, who (as by proportion of time may be demonstrated) received his Deaconship and Pristhood from the Presbytery, conceived such ordination of validity when done; though I believe in his judgement, not so well approving the doing thereof: Otherwise he would never have consented to make a mere Lay man, per saltum, a Bishop.  Dr. Heylin. 
First for the Sabbath, (for the better day the better deed) having repeated the chief heads of Dr. Bounds Book published Anno 1595. in which the Sabbatarian Doctrines were first set on foot, he adds, that learned men were much divided in their judgements about the same.  
Fol. 228. Some (saith he) embraced them as ancient truths consonant to Scripture, long disused and neglected, now seasonably revived for the increase of piety.] Amongst which some, he that shall take our Author for one, will not be much mistaken either in the man, or in the matter. For that he doth approve Bounds Doctrines in this particular, etc.  Fuller. 
The Animadvertor imposeth on me that which is contrary to my Judgemen.  
I am not of Dr. Bounds Opinion, who straineth the Sabbath too high; yea the Animadvertor when writing against Mr. Le strange, maketh use of above twenty lines out of my Book against him.  
I am of the judgement of moderate men, as I have clearly and largely stated it in my Church-History, and will live, and desire to die in the maintenance thereof. And I hope the Animadvertor will allow me to know my own judgement better than he doth.  
I am not of the Animadvertors mind, That the Lords day is alterable and of mere Ecclesiastical constitution; much less dare I concur with him in his scandalous expression, That the late 
* In his Advertisements on the History of King Charles, p. 64.  Parliament hath by their Orders and Ordinances laid greater restraints on People than ever the Scribes and pharisees did on the jews.  
To what followeth in the Animadvertor concerning the Articles at Lambeth, I return no other answer, save this: As a Historian I have written truly for matter of Fact; And if as a Divine, I have interposed something of my Judgement in those points, I believe the Animadvertor, if writing on the same subject, would not appear more moderate. Mean time, I am sure he differs as much from me, as I from him in these opinions; and therefore I see no reason of his animosity on this accounted.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 179. Queen Elizabeth coming to the Crown, sent for Abbot Fecknam to come to her, whom the Messenger found setting of Elms in the Orchard of Westminster Abbey: But he would not follow the messenger, till first he had finished his Plantation.] The tale goes otherwise by Tradition than is here delivered; and well it may. For who did ever hear of any Elms in Westminster Orchard, or to say truth, of any Elms in any Orchard whatsoever of a late Plantation? Elms are for Groves, and Fields, and Forests, too cumbersome and overspreading to be set in Orchards, etc.  Fuller. 
When a Traveller on the Highway suddenly returns back again, surely 'tis to fetch some matter of moment, which he hath forgotten and left behind him. The Animadvertor in this his Note, retreats above 50 pages in my Church-History, viz. from fol. 233. to fol. 179. And what is this Retrograde motion for? Even to carp at Elms, which I say were set by Abbot Feckenham in the Orchard of the Dean of Westminster, citing my Author Reynerius for the same; whose words in horto, I translate in the Orchard, as more proper for Elms than a Garden. Thus have you my Tale and my Tales maker. So that this wooden Animadversion might well have been spared.   

THE TENTH BOOK. Containing the Reign of King James.  Dr. Heylin. 
OUr Author proceeds. Fol. 5. Watson with William Clark (another of his own profession) having fancied a notional Treason, imparted it to George Brooks.] To these he after adds the Lord Cobham a Protestant, the Lord Grace of Wh●ddon a Puritan, and Sir Walter Raleigh an able Statseman, and some other Knights.  
In the recital of which names our Author hath committed a double fault, the one of omission, and the other of commission. A fault of omission, in leaving out Sir Griffith Markam, as much concerned as any of the principal actors, designed to have been Secretary of Estate, had the Plot succeeded, and finally arraigned and condemned at Winchester, as the others were.  Fuller. 
I distinguish betwixt total Omission, express Enumeration, and implicit Inclusion. Sir Griffith Markam cannot be said to be omitted by me, because included in that clause, and some other Knights. Yea this whole treason had not at all sound any mention in my History (not being bound to take cognizance thereof) save for the two Priests, who were engaged therein.  Dr. Heylin. 
His fault of commission is, his call the Lord Grace by the name of the Lord Grace of Whaddon (a fault not easily to be pardoned in so great an Herald) whereas indeed though Whaddon in Buckinghamshire was part of his Estate, yet Wilton in Herefordshire was his Barony and ancient Seat; his Ancestors being called LL. Grace of Wilton, to difference them from the Lord Grace of Reuthen, the Lord Grace of Codnor, etc.  Fuller. 
A fault not so great neither in an Herald, seeing I call him not Lord Grace Baron of Whaddon, but of Whaddon; and a noble Person may be additioned either from his Honour or his Habitation. Besides Wilton in Herefordshire, long since being run into ruin, those Lords, some sixscore years ago, removed their residence to Whaddon in Bucks where some of them lived, died, and are bur●ed.  
The Animadvertor made as great an omission in his Short view of K. Charles, when mentioning his Tutor Mr. Murrey, but quite leaving out Sir james Fullerton, conjoined with him in the same charge of the Prince's education. And a greater fault of Commission is he guilty of, when taxing Mr. Murrey as disaffected to the English Church, who when made Provost of Eton▪ took his oath and therein professed his good liking of our Discipline, as in the Cabala doth appear.  
To return to Whaddon the Animadvertor might have spared this his Note, who in the 
* Pag. 2. li. 14.  Postcript annexed to this Book, maketh Edward Lord Montagu created Baron of Broughton in Northamptonshire. Now though the L. Montagu hath the Manor of Broughton (with the appendent Advowson) and other considerable Lands therein; yet is he Baron of Boughton in the same County. A mistake so much the greater in the Animadvertor, because done in his Emendation of his Emendations of the faults of another, so that he cannot hit it right in this his third endeavour. This I had passed over in silence, had not his cruelty on my Pen or Presse-slips occasioned me to take notice thereof.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author proceeds. Fol. 21. This Conference was partially set forth only by Dr. Barlow Dean of Chester, their professed Adversary, to the great disadvantage of their Divines.] If so, how did it come to pass, that none of their Divines then present, nor any other in their behalf did ever manifest to the world the partialities and falsehoods of it. The Book was printed not long after the end of the Conference, publicly passing from one hand to another, and never convicted of any such Crime as it stands charged with, in any one particular passage to this very day, etc.  Fuller. 
I only said that some did complain that this Conference was partially set forth. I avowed not that they complained justly, I believe their complaint causeless, (and let it be remediless for me,) seeing I myself profess verbo Sacerdotis, that I have been accused that I have abridged this Conference to the disparagement of Dr. Reynolds, though my Conscience be clear herein.  Dr. Heylin. 
However our Author telleth us, that he (viz. Mr. Nicholas Fuller) left behind him the reputation of an honest man. No question of it. It is a thing so incident to the Name, that whatsoever they do or say, they are honest still.  Fuller. 
All his jeering on my Name shall not make me go to the Herald's Office to endeavour the altering thereof. I fetched it from my great-great Grand father, and hope shall leave it to my great-great Grandchild. A Name which no doubt originally was taken from that useful trade, without which Mankind can neither be warm or cleanly.  
The like is frequent in many respectful Families in England, as the Antiquary hath observed. 
* Verstegan of decayed intelligence.  
From whence came Smith, all be he Knight or Squire,  
But from the Smith that forgeth at the fire.   
Yet considering the narrowness of my name, it is inferior to few, having produced the best of English Pilots T. Fuller, who steered Captain Cavendish round about the World; the best of English Critics, N. Fuller, so famous in foreign parts for his Miscellany's; and none of the worst of English Benefactors, I. Fuller, one of the Judges of the Sheriff's Court in London, who built and 
* Stow his Survey of London, pag. 97.  endowed an Almeshouse for twelve poor men at Stoken-heath, and another at Shoreditch for as many poor Women. Besides, he gave his Lands and Tenements of great yearly valuation in the Parishes of S. Bennet, and Peter's Paul's Wharf London, to Feoffees in Trust, to release Prisoners in the Hole of both Counters, whose Debts exceeded not twenty shillings eightpences. Yea it hath at this Day, one Bishop, one Dean, one Doctor, two Bachelor of Divinity, and many Masters of Arts, of no contemptible condition. Pardon Reader this digression done se defendendo against one, by whom my Name is too much undervalved, by Ironical over-valuing thereof.  Dr Heylin. 
Before we had the story of Thomas Fuller of Hammersmith condemned for felony, but still so honest and so entirely beloved by King Harry the sixth after his decease, that he appeared to him on the top of the Gallows, encouraged him, and so charmed the Rope, that it did not strangle him, lib. 4.154.  
Afterwards we meet with john Fuller, Doctor of the Laws (a better than he) a Persecutor in Queen Mary's days, but a pitiful man, as the Index telleth us.  
Here we have Nicholas Fuller a Counsellor (the best of the three) decrying openly the Authority on the High Commission; and thereby giving a legal advantage to Archbishop Bancroft, by whom imprisoned, and there dying but dying, with the reputation of an honest man.  
And then another Thomas Fuller a Minister, (the best of all the company) and an honest man too, so well deserving of the Church▪ and all good Churchmen (both alive and dead) by this notable History, as not to doubt of the like favour at their hands (should there be occasion) as Thomas of Hammersmith received of King Harry the sixth.  Fuller. 
Here are four Gradations of Fuller's, good, better, best, best of all, which in the language of jeering (speaking always by the contraries, amounteth unto bad, worse, worst, worst of all. As for the first T. Fuller, I answer; First, the tale is not made, but related by me, who have charged my Margin with the Author thereof, 
* Hist. Ecclesiast. seculo decimo quinto, pag. 646.  Harpsfeild, not inconsiderable for Learning & Religion amongst his own party. Secondly, not the least credit is given thereunto in my reporting it, matching it with another miracle, which I call equally true, that is equally untrue in the interpretation of any unpartial Reader. Thirdly, seeing I followed Harpsfeild in relating his Miracles in other places; if here I should have deserted him, probably it would have been by others condemned in me for a sullen omission, as by the Animadvertor for a light Insertion, because T. F. was my Namesake.  
The good nature and pitiful disposition of Dr. I. Fuller plainly appeareth in Mr. Fox; and as for his bounty to jesus Col. in Cambridge, I leave it to some of that foundation to give testimony thereof.  
As for the third N. Fuller, be it reported to the 
* 1 Sam. 17.12  JESSES' of Grays-inn, I mean such Benchers as pass amongst them for Old Men, and can distinctly remember him, whether he hath not left a precious and perfumed memory behind him, of one pious to God, temperate in himself, able in his Profession, moderate in his Fees, careful for his Client, faithful to his Friend, hospital to his Neighbour, pitiful to the Poor, and bountiful to Emanuel College in Cambridge: in a word blameless in all things, save this one Act of Indiscretion, which could not make him forfeit the reputation of his honesty, especially seeing he paid dear for it, and died in durance. Thus though Mr. Stubbs was so obnoxious to the displeasure of Queen Elizabeth, that h●s Right-hand was cut off, for writing a Libel against Her Match with Monseir; yet 
* In his Elizab. Anno 1581.  Mr. Camden does call him Virum famae integerrimae.  
For the fourth and last, I will make the Animadvertor the self same Answer which the Servants of Hezekiah returned to Rabsecah; 
* Esay 36.21.  But they held their peace, and answered him not a word.  Dr. Heylin. 
The Author saith, and as about this time, some perchance overvalued the Geneva Notes, out of that especial love they bore to the Authors, and place whence it proceeded: So on the other side, same without cause did sleight, or rather without charity did slander the same.] I trow our Author will not take upon him to condemn all those who approve not of the Genevian Notes upon the Bible, or to appear an Advocate for them, though he tells us not many lines before, that they were printed thirty times over with the general liking of the people.  Fuller. 
Had I said two and thirty times, though past the Head Game I had not been out. And now the Reader shall have my full and free sense of the Genevian Notes. I remember the Proverb.  

* Plutarch.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 

In Head of Polypus is had  
What is good, and what is bad.    
Such a mixture is in these Notes, wherein the most, pious and proper to expound their respective places; but some (And those too many, though never so few) false, factious, dangerous, yea destructive to Religion. I could therefore wish some godly and discreet persons, empowered and employed to purge forth the latter, that the rest may remain without danger, for the profit of plain people. But till this be done, I am (I thank God) old enough to eat fish, feeding on the flesh thereof, and laying by the bones on my Trencher, or casting them down to the Dogs.  Dr. Heylin. 
I hope he will not condemn all those who approve not those Notes, for K james, who in the Conference at Hampton Court, did first declare that of all the Translation of the Bible into the English tongue, that of Geneva was the worst; And secondly, that the Notes upon it were partial, untrue, seditious, and savouring too much of dangerous and traitorous conceits. For proof whereof his Majesty instanced in two places, the one on Exod. 1. ver. 19 where disobediance to the King is allowed of: The other in 2 Chron. 8.15, 16. where Asa is taxed for deposing his Mother only, and not killing Her: A note, whereof the Scottish Presbyterians made special use, not only deposing Mary their lawful Queen from the Regal Throne, but prosecuting Her openly, and under hand, till they had took away her life. These instances our Author in his Summary of that Confererence, hath passed over in silence, as loath to have such blemishes appear in the Genevians, or their Annotations: And I hope also that he will not advocate for the rest.  Fuller. 
Down with these Bones to the Dogs indeed, which alone are proper for their palate. The Scots are old enough (being reputed by Historians one of the most ancient Nations of Europe;) let them answer for themselves, though (I believe) they cannot answer this foul fact, but by penitent confession thereof. But whereas the Animadvertor taxeth me for wilfully omitting those Instances of K. james in favour to the Genevians; I protest my integrity therein. It was only because I would have my Summary a Summary, no Abridgement being adequate to the Narration abridged therein.  Dr. Heylin. 
For let him tell me what he thinks of that on the second of St. Matthews Gosspel, ver. 12. viz. Promise aught, etc.  Fuller. 
Let him show me what commission he hath to inquire into my thoughts; However, to do him a pleasure, I will tell him what I think in the point.  Dr. Heylin. 
Promise (say the Genevians) in their Note, Matthew 5.12. ought not to be kept where God's Honour and preaching of his Truth is hindered, or else it ought not to be broken. What a wide gap, think we, doth this open to the breach of all Promises, Oaths, Covenants, Contracts, and Agreements, not only betwixt man and man, but between Kings and their Subjects? What Rebel ever took up Arms without some pretences of that nature? What Tumults and Rebellions have been raised in all parts of Christendom, in England, Scotland, Ireland, France, the Netherlands, Germany, and indeed where not? under colour that God's honour, and the preaching of the truth is hindered? If this once pass for good sound Doctrine, Neither the King nor any of his Good Subjects, in what Realm soever, can live in safety. God's Honour and the preaching of his Truth are two such pretences, as will make void all Laws, elude all Oaths, and thrust out all Covenants and agreements, be they what they will.  Fuller. 
I behold this Note as impertinent to that place, seeing it appears not in the Text, that those wise men made Herod any promise to return unto him. Secondly, Had they made him any promise, yea bound it with an Oath by the living God, such an Oath had not been obligatory, because God (to whom the forfeiture was due) released the Band in an extraordinary Vision, unto them such, that our Age doth not produce.  
As the Note is impertinent in that place, so it is dangerous at all times; and man's corruption may take thence too much mischievous advantage, which is partly given, because so perilous a pit is left open (contrary to the judicial 
* Exod. 21.33.  Law) and not covered over with due caution requisite thereunto. I concur therefore with the Animadvertor in the just dislike thereof.  Dr. Heylin. 
Next I would have our Author tell me, what he thinks on this Note, on the ninth of the Revelation, vers. 3. where the Locusts which came out of the smoke are said to be false Teachers, Heretics, and wouldly subtle Prelates, with Monks, Friars, Cardinals, Patriarches, Archbishops, Bishops, Doctors, Bachelors, and Masters. Does not this Note apparently fasten the Name of Locusts on all the Clergy of this Realm, that is to say, Archbishops, Bishops, and all such as are graduated in the University by the name of Doctors; Bachelors, and Masters? And doth it not as plainly yoke them with Friars, Monks, and Cardinals, etc.  Fuller. 
It was in my opinion both indiscreetly and uncharitably done, to jumble them together, being of so different (not to say contrary) originations. Sure I am, though they are pleased to match them by force, yet the Parties were never agreed.  
They might as well have added Superintendents, Lecturers, Assistants, and whole Classesses; seeing all such, it victous in Life, or Heretical in Doctrine, (notwithstanding their reformed Names) are Locusts▪ as well (that is, as ill) as any of the other.  
But let us return to those my words which first gave the first occasion to these four last Animadversions. Church-History, 10 Book, Page 59 
And as about this time, some perchance overvalued the Geneva Notes, out of the especial love they bore to the Authors and Place whence they proceeded; soon the other side, 
* In the Margin this Note Dr H in Oxfo●d causelessly inveyeth against the Geneva Notes.  some without cause, did sleight, or rather without charity, did slander the same: For in this or the next year a Doctor in solemn assembly in the University of Oxford publicly in his Sermon at St. Mary's, accused them as guilty of misinterpretation touching the Divinity of Christ; and his Messiah-ship, as if symbolising with Arrians and Jews against them both. For which he was afterwards suspended by Dr. Robert Abbot propter conciones publicas minus Orthodoxas & offensionis plenas.   
Fain would I know first, whether these my words import my inclination to defend all in the Geneva Notes.  
Secondly, though I neither can nor will (as by the premises doth appear) excuse all passages in them, I am confident that neither the Animadvertor, nor all those of all degrees and qualities in both Universities urging him to write against me, are able to find out any Arianism or Anti-Mess●anisme in those Notes. And therefore as an Historian I was bound to take notice of the fault and censure of that Doctor, only expressed in the Margin by the initial letter of his surname.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author goeth on. Fol. 77. At this time began the troubles in the Low-Countries about matters of Religion heightened between two opposite parties, Remonstrants, and Contra-Remonstrants; their Controversies being chiefly reducible to five points, etc.] Not at this time, viz. 1618. which our Author speaks of, but some years before.  Fuller. 
A causeless Cavil. I said not absolutely they now began, but now they began heightened. The Animadvertor knows full well that such participles equivale Infinitives. 
In Greek, Matth. 1.8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
In Latin, Virg. En. 2.— Sensit medios delapsus in Hosts, pro delapsum se esse.   
The Troubles in the Low-Countries began heightened, that is to heightened. The distemper was bred some years before, which now came to the Paroxysm thereof, viz. anno 1618.  Dr. Heylin. 
And first it is to be observed, that though he was then Dean of Westminster when the custody of the Great Seal was committed to him; yet was he not then and still Dean of that Church, that is to say, not Dean thereof at such times as our Author writ this part of the History: For fol. 80. speaking of Dr. Hall's return from the Synod of Dort, Anno 1618. he adds, that he continued in health till this day, thirty three years after, which falls into the year 1651. And certainly at that time Dr. Williams (then Archbishop of York) was not Dean of Westminster, that place being bestowed by his Majesty on Dr. Steward Clerk of the Closet, Anno 1645. being full six years before the time our Author speaks of.  Fuller. 
This I have learned from the Animadvertor, which I knew not before, and I thank him for it. The great distance of Exeter (where I lived) from Oxford, may partly excuse my ignorance therein; who always beheld Archbishop Williams as the last Dean of Westminster: as indeed he was the last that ever was instauled therein. And Dr. Steward never lived minute in, or gained farthing from his Deanship. So umbratile a Dignity is not worth the contending for.  Dr. Heylin. 
Secondly, Whereas our Author tells us, that the place was proper not for the plain but guarded Gown; I would fain know how it should be more proper for the guarded Gown than it was for the plain. There was a time when the Chancellors (as our Author telleth us elsewhere) were always Bishops; and from that time till the fall of Cardinal Wolsey, that Office continued for the most part in the hands of the Prelates: at what time, that great Office was discharged with such a general contentment, that people found more expedition in their Suits, and more ease to their purses than of later times. By which it seems that men who are never bred to know the true grounds and reasons of the Common Law, might and could mitigate the rigour of it in such difficult cases as were brought before them; the Chancery not having in those days such a mixture of Law as now it hath, nor being so tied up to such intricate Rules as now it is.  Fuller. 
I have nothing to return in opposition to the Animadvertor in his endeavouring to make a Clergyman proper to be Lord Chancellor of England, as, as well qualified As any Common-Lawyer for the Place. Nor if I could, would I disprove what tendeth to the Honour of my Profession. The little toe is advanced when the Head is Crowned, as a Member of the same Body; and my meanness is sensible of some honour, that any of my Calling are put in a capacity of so high a Preferment. Only I request, that if the Animadvertor be advanced to the Place, and if I have a cause brought before him, that he would be pleased to hear it cum omni favore on this consideration, that he put me to much trouble in answering his causeless Cavils against my Church-History.  
Give me leave to add, that I suspect the Common-Lawyers will take advantage from the last words of the Animadvertor, confessing the Court of Chancery now more intricated and mingled with Law, than in former Ages. Hence I fear they will infer, that Clergymen (though they were heretofore) will not hereafter be so able and fit to discharge that Office. But let us proceed.  Dr. Heylin. 
But thirdly, whereas our Author in advocating for the Common Lawyers, prescribeth for them a Succession of six Descents, he hath therein confuted himself, and saved me the trouble of an Animadversion, by a Marginal Note; in which he telleth us, that Sir Ch. Hatton was not bred a Lawyer. If so, than neither was the Title so strong, nor the Proscriptions so well grounded as our Author makes it; the interposition of Sir Christopher Hatton between Sir Tho. Bromley and Sir john Puckering, restraining it to three Descents▪ and but thirty years; which is too short a time for a Prescription to be built upon.  Fuller. 
I prescribe not for the Common-Lawyers whose words are, the Common-Lawyers (and those I assure you knowing enough in this their own Art) prescribed for six Descents. The Marginal note was entered by me, a little to check, for (say they) it doth not confute their prescription. Alleging that Sir Christopher Hatton, though not bred so professed a Lawyer, as to be called to the Bar, was admitted in one of the Inns of Court, and wore no plain but a guarded Gown in Westminster-Hall, as some still alive do remember.  Dr. Heylin. 
Our Author telleth us folio. 93. how Marcus Antonius de Dominis, He had 14. years been Archbishop of Spalleto, etc. Conscience in show, and Covetousness in deed, caused his coming hither.] This is a very hard saying, a censure which entrenches too much upon the Privileges of Almighty God, who alone knows the secrets of the heart of man. Interest tenebris, interest cogitationibus nostris, quasi alteris tenebris, as Minutius hath it.  Fuller. 
If my saying intrencheth on divine Privileges, I shall crave pardon from that God, who will more freely forgive me, than the Animadvertor would, had I offended him: besides, it is no encroachment on the Prerogative of the Crown of Heaven, to censure the secrets of men's hearts, when made visible to the World in their actions: And though the thoughts of this Prelate were written in secret Characters, yet are they easily read, as deciphered by the Key of his ensuing Deeds, who left the Print of his covetous claws in all places where he got English preferment.  Dr. Heylin. 
The man here mentioned had been in the confession of our Author himself, Archbishop of Spalleto in Dalmatia, a dignity of great power and reputation, and consequently of a fair Revenue in proportion to it.  Fuller. 
I believe no less; but far short of our English Bishoprics. It may be said of Italian Dignities, (to which Dalmatian may be reduced, as under the Venetian Commonwealth) that generally they have high Racks, but bad Mangers, as being set too thick to burnish about in much breadth and wealth. The Intrado of the Archbishopric of Spalleto consisteth partly in his jurisdiction, the exercise whereof is much obstructed, partly in Lands, the Revenues whereof are more impaired by the vicinity of the Turk, harraging those parts with his daily Intrusion. 
* A●●a●, p. 334.  Mercator tells us, that the Port of Salona (which is hardly an English mile from Spalleto) nunc quidem parum Colitur ob Turcarum Viciniam.  
A 
* Dr. C●●k●n 〈…〉 disensione Eccles A●g●●r pag 3.  judicious Writer, valuing his Archbishopric (as it seemeth to advantage) estimateth it annually at 3000 Crowns, which falleth a fourth part short of 1000 pounds sterling, a sum exceeded in most of our middling Bishoprics: Besides the Archbishopric of Spalleto was clogged and encumbered with a Pension of 500 Crowns (the sixth part of his Revenues) payable (with the arrears) by the Pope's Command, to one Andrutius. The payment of which sixth part went as much against Spalato's stomach, as the payment of the Fifts now a days doth from the present Possessors to sequestered Minister.  Dr. Heylin. 
He could not hope to mend his fortunes by his coming hither, or to advance himself to a more liberal entertainment in the Church of England, than what he had attained to in the Church of Rome. Covetousness therefore could not be the motive for leaving his own Estate, of which he had been possessed 14. years in our Author's reckoning, to betake himself to a strange Country, where he could promise himself nothing but protection and the freedom of conscience. Our Author might have said, with more probability, that covetousness, and not conscience, was the cause of his going hence, no bait of profit or preferment being laid before him to invite him hither, as they were both, by those which had the managing of that design, to allure him hence▪ etc.  Fuller. 
Dark men are the best Comment upon themselves, whose precedent are best expounded by their subsequent actions. Who so considereth the rapacity and tenacity of this Prelate in England, will easily believe that a two-handed covetousness moved him to leave his native Country and come over hither; One to save, the other to gain. To save, that is to evade the payment of the aforesaid Pension, with the arrears thereof: To gain, promising himself, as by the future will appear, not only protection, but preferment; not only safety, but more plenty by coming hither. He had Learning enough to deserve, Ambition enough to desire, Boldness enough to beg, and presumed K. james had bounty enough to give him the highest and best preferment in England; and he who publicly did beg York, may be presumed privately to have promised the Archbishopric of Canterbury to himself.  Dr. Heylin. 
All men's mouths (saith our Author) were now filled with discourse of Prince Charles his Match with Donna Maria, the Infanta of Spain. The Protestants grieved thereat, fearing that his Marriage would be the Funerals of their Religion, etc.] The business of the Match with Spain hath already sufficiently been agitated, between the Author of the History of the Reign of King Charles and his Observator: And yet I must add something to let our Author and his Reader to understand thus much, that the Protestants had no cause to fear such a Funeral.  Fuller. 
H●d I said that the Protestants justly feared this Marriage, than the Animadvertor had justly censured; whereas now, grant they feared where no fear was, he findeth fault where no fault is. Historians may and must relate those great and general impressions which are made on the spirits of people, and are not bound to justify the causes thereof to be sound and sufficient. Ten thousand Persons of quality are still alive, who can ●nd will attest, that a panic fear for that Match invaded the Nation.  Dr. Heylin. 
They knew they lived under such a King who loved his Sovereignty too well, to quit any part thereof to the Pope of Rome; especially to part with that Supremacy in Ecclesiastical matters, which he esteemed the fairest flower in the Royal Garland. They knew they lived under such a King, whose interest it was to preserve Religion in the same state in which he found it; and could not fear but that he would sufficiently provide for the safety of it.  Fuller. 
Mr. Camden writing of the Match of Q. Elizabeth, with monsieur, younger Brother to the King of France, hath this presage, that when Mr. Stubs whose hand was cut off, said, God save the Queen, the multitude standing by held their peace, rendering this as one reason thereof: 

* Camden's 〈◊〉, Anno 1●81. pag. 346.  Ex odio Nuptiarum, quas religione exitiosas futuras praesagierunt.  
Out of hatred to that Match, which they presaged would be destructive to Religion.   
Now may not the Animadvertor as well tax Mr. Camden for inserting this needless Note, and tell the world, that no Princess was more skilled in Queen craft than Q Elizabeth, and that this presage of her People was falsely fo●●de●? I detract not from the policy or piety, head or heart of K. james; but this I say, let Sovereigns be never so good, their Subjects under them will have their own joys, Griefs, Loves, Hatreds, Hopes, Fears; sometimes caused, sometimes causeless; and Histor●ans have an equal Commission to report both to posterity.  Dr. Heylin. 
If any Protestants feared the funeral of their Religion, they were such Protestants as had been frighted out of their wits, as you know who used to call the Puritans; or such who under the name of Protestants had contrived themselves into a Faction not only against Episcopacy, but even Monarchy also.  Fuller. 
I profess I know not who used to call Puritan Protestant's frighted out of their wits: who ever it was, it was not Michael the Archangel, who would not rail on the Devil.  
By Protestants, I mean Protestants indeed, or (if you will rather have it) Christians sound in their judgement, uncontrived into any Faction; so far from being Anti-episcopal, that some of them were Members of the Hierarchy; and so far from destroying Monarchy, that since they endeavoured the preservation thereof, with the destruction of their own Estates.  
As worthy Doctor Hackwel, Archdeacon of Surrey, was outed his Chaplains place, for his opposing the Match when first tendered to Prince Henry; so many (qualified as aforesaid) concurred with his ●udgement, in the resumption of the Match with K. Charles; notwithstanding they were justly and fully possessed of integrity and ability of K. james. Their seriously considering the Z●●l of the Spanish to promote Popery; the activity of the Romish Priests to gain Proselytes; their dexterous sinisterity in seducing Souls; the negligence of two many English Ministers in feeding their Flocks; the plausibility o● Popery to vulgar judgements▪ the lushiousness thereof to the pala● of flesh and Blood▪ the fickleness of our English Nation to embrace Novelties; the wavering of many unsettled minds; the substilty of Satan to advance any mischievous design; the justice of God to leave a sinful Nation to the Spirit of delusion; feared (whether justly or no, let the Reader judge) that the Spanish Match (as represented, attended with a Toleration) might prove fatal to the Protestant Religion.  Dr. Heylin. 
And to these Puritans, nothing was more terrible than the Match with Spain, fearing (and perhaps justly fearing) that the King's alliance with that Crown, might arm him both with power and counsel to suppress those Practices which have since proved the funeral of the Church of England.  Fuller. 
By the Church of England the Animadvertor meaneth (as I believ) the Hierarchy, the Funerals whereof for the present we do behold: However I hope there is still a Church in England alive, or else we were all in a sad, yea in an unsaluable condition. The state of which Church in England I compare to 
* Acts 20.9.  Eutichus. I suspect it hath formerly slept too sound in case and security. Sure I am, it is since, with him, fallen down from the third Loft; from Honour into Contempt; from Unity into Faction; from Verity into dangerous Errors● Yet I hope (to follow the Allegory) that her life is still left in her; I mean so much soundness left, that persons born, living, and dying therein are capable of salvation. Let such who think the Church of England sick, pray for her wonderful Recovery; and such as think her dead, pray for her miraculous Resurrection.  Dr. Heylin. 
But as it seems they feared where no fear was, our Author telling us, fol. 112. that the Spanish State had no mind or meaning of a Match; and that this was quickly discovered by Prince Charles at his coming thither. How so? Because, saith he, fol. 112. they demanded such unreasonable liberty in education of the Loyal Offspring, and other Privileges for English Priests, etc.] If this be all, it signifies as much as nothing. For thus the argument seems to stand, viz. The Spaniards were desirous to get as good conditions as they could for themselves and their Party, ergo they had no mind to the match. Or thus, The demands of the Spaniards when the business was first in Treaty, seemed to be unreasonable, ergo they never really intended that it should proceed. Our Author cannot be so great a stranger in the shops of London, as not to know that Tradesmen use to ask many times twice as much for a Commodity, as they mean to take; and therefore may conclude as strongly, that they do not mean to sell those wares for which they ask such an unreasonable price at the first demand. Iniquum petere, ut aequum obtineas, hath been the usual practice (especially in driving State-bargains) or all times and ages. And though the Spaniards at the first spoke big, and stood upon such points, as the King neither could, nor would in honour or conscience consent unto: yet things were after brought to such a temperament, that the Marriage was agreed upon, the Articles by both Kings subscribed, a Proxy made by the Prince of Wales to espouse the Infanta, and all things on her part prepared for the day of the Wedding. The breach which followed came not from any averseness in the Court of Spain, though where the ●ault was, and by what means occasioned, need not here be said.  Fuller. 
I expected when the Animadvertor had knocked away my Bowl, he would have laid a Toucher in the room thereof: but if neither of us have a Bowl in the Alley, we must both begin the Game again.  
May the Reader be pleased to know, that living in Exeter, I had many hours private Converse with the Right Honourable john Digby Earl of Bristol, who favoured me so far (much above my desert) that at his last going over into France (where he died) he was earnest with me to go with him, promising me, to use his own expression, that I should have half a loaf with him, so long as he had a whole one to himself. This I mention to insinuate a probability, that I may be as knowing in the Mysteries of the Spanish Match as the Animadvertor.  
Double was the Cause of the breach of the Spanish Match; One, such as may with no less truth than safety be related, as publicly insisted on in the Parliament, viz. the Spanish Prevarication to restore the Palatinate: The other secret, not so necessary to be known, nor safe to be reported. And I crave the liberty to conceal it, seeing the Animadvertor himself hath his Politic Aposiopaesis, breaking off as abruptly as the Spanish Match with this wary reservation; though where the fault was, and by what Means occasioned, need not here to be said.  Dr. Heylin. 
But well fare our Author for all that; who finally hath absolved the Spaniard from this breach, and laid the same upon King james, despairing of any restitution to be made of the Palatinate by the way of Treaty.  
Ibid. Whereupon King James not only broke off all Treaty with Spain, but also called the great Council of his Kingdom together.] By which it seems, that the breaking off of the Treaty did precede the Parliament. But multa apparent quae non sunt, every is not as it seems. The Parliament in this case came before, by whose continual importunity and solicitation, the breach of the Treaties followed after. The King loved peace too well to lay aside the Treaties, and engage in War before he was desperate of success any other way than by that of the Sword, as was assured both of the hands and hearts of his subjects to assist him in it. And therefore our Author should have said, that the King not only called together his great Council, but broke off the Treaty, and not have given us here such an Hysteron Proteron, as neither doth consist with reason, nor the truth of story.  Fuller. 
To be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Covenant-breaker, is a foul fault, as the 
* Rome 1.31.  Apostle accounteth it: Far be it from me to charge it causelessly on any, especially on a dead Christian, especially on a King, especially on King james, generally represented overfond of Peace, and therefore the more improbable first to infringe it.  
To prevent exception, in the next Edition, calling the Parliament, shall have the precedency of breaking off the Treaty for the Match.  
I suspect that the Animadvertor hath committed a greater transposition, when affirming King 
* In his short view of the reign of King. Charles.  james to have designed the Spanish Match in order to the recovery of the Palatinate: Whereas it plainly appears, 
* In the Cabala, and in the historical observations of Mr. Rushworth  that before any suspicion of troubles in the Palatinate (occasioned by P. frederick's accepting the Crown of Bohemia,) this Match was projected by K. james for P. Henry his eldest Son; and after his death, resumed for P. Charles, without the least relation to the regaining of the (not then lost) Palatinate.  
I have passed over some additory notes of the Animadvertor in this King's Reign, partly because I perceive my Book swells beyond the expected proportion, partly that I may have the more scope to answer every particular objected against me in the Reign of K. Charles, in such things which lie level to our own eyes, and are within our own remembrance.    


THE ELEVENTH BOOK, Containing the Reign of K. Charles.  Dr. Heylyn. 
THis Book concludes our Author's History, and my Animadversions. And if the End be suitable unto the Beginning, it is like to find me work enough; our Author stumbling at the Threshold, which amongst Superstitious People hath been counted for an ill Presage.  Fuller. 
Who I pray stumbled in the beginning of his Animadversions? when he said, That the Britain's worshipped but one God, and that Diana was none of their original Deity. What if I stumbled, yea, and should fall too? Hath not the Animadvertor read, 
Mica. 7.8.  Rejoice not against me, O mine enemy: when I fall, I shall rise again.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Having placed King Charles on the Throne, our Author saith, fol. 117. On the fourteenth day of May following, King James his Funerals were performed very solemnly, in the Collegiate Church at Westminster.] Not on the fourteenth, but the fourth, saith the Author of the History of the Reign of King Charles; and both true alike. It neither was on the fourth, nor on the fourteenth, but the seventh of May, on which those solemn Obsequies were performed at Westminster. Of which, if he will not take my word, let him consult the Pamphlet, called, The Observator observed, (fol. 6.) and he shall be satisfied. Our Author's Clock must keep time better, or else we shall never know how the day goes with him.  Fuller. 
I will take his word without going any further, and this erroneous Date, in my next Edition shall, God-willing, be mended accordingly. That Clock which always strikes true, may well be forfeited to the Lord of the Manor; though mine, I hope, will be found to go false, as seldom as another's.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author saith, As for Dr. Preston, etc. His party would persuade us, that he might have chose his own Mitre.] And some of his party would persuade us, That he had not only large parts, of sufficient receipt to manage the Broad Seal itself, but that the Seal was proffered to him, fol. 131.] But we are not bound to believe all which is said by that Party, who looked upon the Man with such reverence, as came near Idolatry.  Fuller. 
I do not say, they do persuade, but they would persuade us. And here the common expression takes place with me, Non persuadebunt, etiamsi persuaserint. Grant, I do not believe all which is said by his Party, yet I believe it was my duty, as an Historian, to take notice of so remarkable a passage, and to report it to Posterity, charging my Margin (as I have done) with the name and place of the 
* Mr. B●ll in Dr. Prestons' life.  Author, wherein I found it related.  Dr. Heylyn. 
His Principles and Engagements were too well known by those, which governed affairs, to venture him unto any such great trust in Church or State; and his activity so suspected, that he would not have been long suffered to continue Preacher at Lincolns-Inne. As for his intimacy with the Duke, (too violent to be long-lasting) it proceeded not from any good opinion which the Duke had of him, but that he found how instrumental he might be, to manage that prevailing Party to the King's advantage. But when it was found, that he had more of the Serpent in him, than of the Dove; and that he was not tractable in steering the Helm of his own Party by the Court-Compass, he was discountenanced and laid by, as not worth the keeping. He seemed the Court-Meteor for a while, raised to a sudden height of expectation; and having flashed and blazed a little, went out again, and was as suddenly forgotten.  Fuller. 
This is only Additionall, and no whit Opposite to what I have written, and therefore I am not obliged to return any answer thereunto.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds, fol. 119. Next day the King coming from Canterbury, met her at Dover, whence with all solemnity she was conducted to Somerset-House in London, where a Chapel was now prepared for her Devotion, with a Covent adjoining of Capuchin-Fryers, according to the Articles of her marriage.] In all this nothing true, but that the new Queen was conducted with all solemnity from Dover to London. For first, although there was a Chapel prepared, yet was it not prepared, for her; nor, at Somerset-house. The Chapel which was then prepared, was not prepared for her, but the Lady Infanta, built in the King's house of St. james, at such time as the Treaty with Spain stood upon good terms, and then intended for the Devotions of the Princess of Wales, not the Queen of England. Secondly, the Articles of the Marriage make no mention of the Capuchin-Friers, nor any Covent to be built for them. The Priests who came over with the Queen were by agreement to be all of the Oratorian Order, as less suspected by the English, whom they had never provoked, as had the jesuits, (and most other of the Monastic Orders) by their mischievous practices. But these Oratorians being sent back with the rest of the French, Anno, 1626. and not willing to expose themselves to the hazard of a second expulsion, the Capuchins, under Father joseph, made good the place. The breach with France, the action at the Isle of Rhee, and the loss of Rochel, did all occur, before the Capuchins were thought of, or admitted hither. And thirdly, some years after the making of the Peace between the Crowns, (which was in the latter end of 1628. and not before) the Queen obtained, that these Friars might have leave to come over to her, some lodgings being fitted for them in Somerset-house, and a new Chapel then and there built for her Devotion.  Fuller. 
Here, and in the next Note, the Animadvertor habet confitentem reum. And, not to take covert of a Latin expression, in plain English, I confess my mistake, which is no original, but a derivative error in me, who can (if so pleased) allege the printed Author who hath misguided me. Yet, I will patiently bear my proportion of guilt, and will provide, God-willing, for the amendment in the next Edition. Thus, being so supple to confess my fault, when convinced thereof, I therefore may and will be the more stiff, in standing on the terms of mine own integrity, when causelessly accused.  
But if the Animadvertor be too Insulting over me, let him remember his own short view of the life of King Charles, where he tells us of the three Welsh Generals, that they submitted to mercy, which they never tasted, naming 
* Compare his page 140 with his page 144.  Laughern, Powel, and Poyer: whereas two of them did find mercy, a little male-child being taken up, who did cast Lots at Whitehall; and, by Providence ordering Casualty, Laughern and Powel were pardoned, and lately, if not still, alive. But I forgive the Doctor for this error, being better than a truth, two Gentlemen gaining their lives thereby.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds, f. 121. The Bishop of Lincoln, Lord Keeper, was now daily descendant in the King's favour; who so highly distasted him, that he would not have him, as Dean of Westm. to perform any part of his Coronation.] As little truth in this as in that before. For first, the Bishop of Lincoln was not Lord Keeper at the time of the Coronation. Secondly, if he had been so, and that the King was so distasted with him, as not to suffer him to assist at his Coronation; how came he to be suffered to be present at it in the capacity of Lord Keeper? For that he did so, is affirmed by our Author, saying, That the King took a scroll of parchment out of his bosom, and gave it to the Lord Keeper Williams, who read it to the Commons four several times, East, West, North, and South, fol. 123. Thirdly, the Lord Keeper, who read that Scroll, was not the Lord Keeper William's, but the Lord Keeper Coventry; the Seal being taken from the Bishop of Lincoln, and committed to the custody of Sir Thomas Coventry, in October before. And therefore fourthly, our Author is much out, in placing both the Coronation, and the following Parliament, before the change of the Lord Keeper; and sending Sir john Suckling to fetch that Seal, at the end of a Parliament in the Spring, which he had brought away with him before Michaelmas Term. But as our Author was willing to keep the Bishop of Lincoln in the Deanery of Westminster, for no less than five or six years after it was conferred on another; so is he as desirous to continue him Lord Keeper for as many months, after the Seal had been entrusted to another hand.  Fuller. 
This also is an error, I neither can nor will defend the Lord Keeper Williams, put for the Lord Keeper Coventry, which hath betrayed me to some consequential incongruities. I will not plead for myself in such a Suit, where I foresee the Verdict will go against me. Only I move as to mitigation of Costs and Damages, that greater slips have fallen from the Pens of good Historians.  
Mr. Speed in his Chronicle, first Edition, page 786. speaking of Henry, eldest son to King Henry the eighth, maketh Archbishop Cranmer (mistaken for Warham) his Godfather, twenty four years before Cranmer ever sat in that See. I write not this to accuse him, but in part to excuse myself, by paralleling mine with as evident a mistake. I hope my free confession of my fault, with promise of emendation of It (and the Appendants thereof) in my next Edition, will meet with the Reader's absolution. And let the Animadvertor for the present (if so pleased) make merry, and feast himself on my mistake, assuring him, that he is likely to fast a long time hereafter.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds, f. 122. The Earl of Arundel, as Earl Marshal of England; & the Duke of Buckingham, as Lord high Constable of England, for that day went before his Majesty in that great Solemnity.] In this passage, and the next that follows, our Author shows himself as bad an Herald in marshalling a Royal Show, as in stating the true time of the creation of a noble Peer. Here in this place he placeth the Earl Martial before the Constable; whereas by the Statute 31 H. 8. c. 10. the Constable is to have precedency before the Marshal. Nor want there precedents to show, that the Lord High Constable did many times direct his Mandates to the Earl Martial, as one of the Ministers of his Court, willing and requiring him to perform such and such services, as in the said Precepts were expressed.  Fuller. 
My Heraldry is right both in Place and Time. The Earl of Arundel, as Earl Martial, went after the Duke of Buckingham, as Lord High Constable, though going before him. For Barons went (in this Royal Procession, at the King's Coronation) before Bishops, Bishops before Viscounts, Viscounts before Earls, the meaner before the greater Officers of State. Thus the Lord Constable (though the last) was the first, because, of all Subjects, nearest to the person of the Sovereign. It seemeth the days were very long when the Animadvertor wrote these causeless cavils, which being now grown very short, I cannot afford so much time in confuting them.  
This his cavilling mindeth me, of what he hath mistaken in his Geography. For, the younger son of an English Earl coming to Geneva, desired a Carp for his dinner, having read in the Doctor's Geography, that the Leman Lake had plenty of the Fish, and the best and biggest of that kind. The people wondered at his desire of such a dainty, which that place did not afford; but told him, That they had Trout as good and great, as any in Europe. Indeed, learned 
* De Piscibus in ●●ce Trutta.  Gesner doth observe, that the Trout caught in this Lake, sent to, and sold at Lions, are mistaken for Salmon by strangers, unacquainted with their proportions. It seems the Animadvertor's Pen is so much given to cavilling, that he turned Trout into Carp though none of them so great, as this his CARP at me, for making the Lord Martial to go before the Lord Constable, at the King's Coronation.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds, Ibid. That the King's Train being six yards long of Purple Velvet, was held up by the Lord Compton, and the Lord Viscount Dorcester.] That the Lord Compton was one of them which held up the King's Train, I shall easily grant; he being then Master of the Robes, and thereby challenging a right to perform this service. But that the Lord Viscount Dorcester was the other of them, I shall never grant, there being no such Viscount at the time of the Coronation. I cannot say, but that Sir Dudley Carlton might be one of those which held up the Train, though I am not sure of it. But sure I am, that Sir Dudley Carlton was not made Baron of Imber-court, till towards the latter end of the following Parliament of Anno 1606. nor created Viscount Dorcester until some years after.  Fuller. 
It is a mere mistake of the Printer; for Viscount Doncaster, son of (and now himself) the Earl of Carlisle, whose Father having a great Office in the Wardrobe, this place was proper for him to perform. All will presume me knowing enough in the Orthography of his Title, who was my Patron when I wrote the Book, and whom I shall ever, whilst I live, deservedly honour, for his great bounty unto me.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds, fol. 122. The Lord Archbishop did present his Majesty to the Lords and Commons, East, West, North, South; ask their minds four several times, if they did consent to the Coronation of King Charles their lawful Sovereign.] This is a piece of new State-doctrine, never known before, that the Coronation of the King (and consequently his Succession to the Crown of England) should depend on the consent of the Lords and Commons, who were then assembled; the Coronation not proceeding (as he after telleth us) till their consent was given four times by Acclamations.  Fuller. 
I exactly follow the Language of my worthy Intelligencer, a Doctor of Divinity, still alive, rich in Learning and Piety, present on the place, and an exact observer of all passages; and see no reason to depart to depart from it. I am so far from making the Coronation of the Sovereign depend on the consent of his Subjects, that I make not the Kingly power depend on his Coronation, who, before it, and without it, is lawful and effectual King to all purposes and intents. This was not a consent like that of the Bride to the Bridegroom, the want whereof doth null the Marriage; but a mere ceremonial one, in majorem Pompam; which did not make, but manifest; not constitute, but declare his power over his people. So that the King got not one single mite of Title more, than he had before this fourfold Acclamation.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And this I call piece of new State-Doctrine, never known before, because I find the contrary in the Coronation of our former Kings. For in the form and manner of the Coronation of King Edward 6. described in the Catalogue of Honour, set forth by Thomas Mills of Canterbury, Anno 1610. we find in thus. The King being carried by certain noble Courtiers in another Chair, unto the four sides of the Stage, was by the Archbishop of Canterbury declared unto the people (standing round about) both by Gods and Man's Laws, to be the right and lawful King of England, France, and Ireland, and proclaimed that day to be Crowned, Consecrated, and Anointed: unto whom he demanded, Whether they would obey and serve, or not? By whom it was again with a loud cry answered, God save the King, and, Ever live his Majesty. The same we have in substance, but in fewer words, in the Coronation of King james, where it is said, that The King was showed to the People, and that they were required to make acknowledgement of their allegiance to his Majesty by the Archbishop; which they did by acclamations. Assuredly, the difference is exceeding vast betwixt obeying and consenting; betwixt the People's acknowledging their alliegance and promising to obey and serve their lawful Sovereign, and giving their consent to his Coronation, as if it could not be performed without such consent.  Fuller. 
The hinge of the controversy turneth on the critical difference betwixt these two phrases. 
Acknowledging their allegiance to their Sovereign.  
Giving consent to his Coronation.   
The Animadvertor endeavours to widen the distance betwixt them, and make the difference vast, yea, exceeding vast, against the will of the words, which are well inclined to an agreement, there being a Vicinity, yea, Affinity, betwixt them, since such who will not acknowledge their Allegiance, will not give-consent to his Coronation; and such who will consent thereunto, will acknowledge their allegiance.  
I refer myself wholly in this difference to the Arbitration of Mr. Mills, the same Author and Edition cited by the Animadvertor, who speaking of the ancient form of the Coronation of the Kings of England, in reference to this passage, thus expresseth himself.  

* Mills ' Catal. of Honour, pag. 51.  After the King hath a little reposed himself in the Chair or Throne, erected upon the Scaffold, than the Archbishop of Canterbury shall go unto the four squares of the Scaffold, and with a loud voice, Ask the good liking of the people, concerning the Coronation of the King.  
Small, I am sure, is the difference betwixt consenting and goodliking. However, the King's Coronation, though following after, did not depend on such consent, goodliking, or acknowledging of Allegiance; seeing amongst our English Kings, an usurper's Title was not the better with, nor a lawful Prince's the worse without, such ceremonies of State.  Dr. Heylyn. pag. 202. 
Nor had the late Archbishop been reproached so generally by the common people, (and that reproach published in several Pamphlets) for altering the King's Oath at his Coronation, to the infringing of the Liberties, and diminution of the Rights of the English Subjects; had he done them such a notable piece of service, as freeing them from all promises to obey and serve, and making the King's Coronation to depend on their consent. For Bishop Laud being one of that Committee, which was appointed by the King to review the form and order of the Coronation, to the end it might be fitted to some Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England, which had not been observed before; must bear the greatest blame in this alteration, (if any such alteration had been made as our Author speaks of) because he was the principal man whom the King relied on in that business.  Fuller. 
This proceedeth on the former foundation, which being false, and confuted, the superstructure sinketh therewith.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But our Author tells us in his Preface, that this last Book, with divers of the rest; were written by him, when the Monarchy was turned into a State.] And I dare believe him. He had not else so punctually conformed his language to the State-doctrin, by which the making (and, consequently, the unmaking) of Kings is wholly vested in the People, according to that Maxim of Buchanan, Populo jus est, imperium cui velit deferat; than which, there is not a more pestilent and seditious passage in his whole Book, De jure Regni apud Scotos, though there be nothing else but treason and sedition in it.  Fuller. 
What I wrote in this point, I wrote in my PREFACE, that it might be obvious to every Eye; viz. That the first three Books of my Church History were for the main written in the Reign of the late King; the other nine, since Monarchy was turned into a State.  
My language in the latter Books forbeareth such personal passages, on the King and his Posterity, which in his life-time were, as consistent with my loyalty, as since inconsistent with my safety. I will instance in one of them. Church-History, Book 3. Page 52. 
Some of whose Offspring [King john 's] shall flourish, in free and full power on the English Throne, when the Chair of Pestilence shall be burnt to ashes; and neither Triple Crown left at Rome to be worn, nor any Head there which shall dare to wear it.   
But if the Animadvertor, or any by him employed, can in any my nine last Books discover a syllable, sounding to the disparagement of the King's person or power, to any impartial Ear, let me, who so long fed on the King's large diet, be justly famished for my unthankfulness.  
As for Buchanan, as I admire his Poetry, so I dislike his Divinity, especially in this point; desiring that his Principles may never come South the River Tweed, and, if offering it, may be drowned in their passage.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds, f. 123. Then as many Earls and Barons as could conveniently stand about the Throne, did lay their hands on the Crown on his Majesty's head, protesting to spend their bloods to maintain it to him and his lawful Heirs.] A promise faithfully performed by many of them, some losing their lives for him in the open field, others exhausting their Estates in the defence of his, many more venturing their whole fortunes by adhering to him to a confiscation: A Catalogue of which last we may find subscribed to a Letter, sent from the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled in Oxford, to those at Westminster, Anno 1643. And by that Catalogue we may also see, what and who they were, who so ignobly broke faith with him: all those whose names we find not in that subscription, or presently superadded to it, being to be reckoned amongst those, who instead of spending their blood to maintain the Crown to Him, and to his lawful Successors, concurred with them either in opere, or in voto, who despoiled him of it. And to say truth, they were rewarded as they had deserved, the first thing which was done by the House of Commons (after the King, by their means, had been brought to the fatal Block) being to turn them out of power, to dissolve their House, and annul their privileges, reducing them to the same condition with the rest of the Subjects.  Fuller. 
I behold all this Paragraph as a Letter sent to me which requires no Answer, (only I bear the Animadvertor witness, that it is delivered) seeing I was none of the Lords on either Side. But I am not altogether satisfied in the Adequation of the Animadvertor's Dichotomy to all the English Nobility, That all not subscribing the Catalogue at Oxford, must instantly be concluded on the opsite Party; believing, that upon serious search, some Lords would be found in their Minority, and not necessarily reducible to either of these heads.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Footsteps of his moderation, content with the enjoying without the enjoining their private practices and opinions on others.] This comes in as an inference only on a former passage, in which it is said of Bishop Andrews, that in what place soever he came, he never pressed any other Ceremonies upon them, than such as he found to be used there before his coming. Though otherwise condemned by some for many superstitious Ceremonies and superfluous Ornaments used in his private Chapel. How true this is, I am not able to affirm.  Fuller. 
The Animadvertor (if so disposed) might soon have satisfied himself in this point, being Beneficed in Hampshire, the last Diocese of Bishop Andrews. And though his institution into his Living was since the death of that worthy Prelate, yet his information in this particular had been easy, from the aged Clergy of his Vicinage. Sure I am, he ever was inquisitive enough in matters, whi●h might make for his advantage; so that his not denying, tantamounteth to the affirming of the matter in question.  Dr. Heylyn. 
I am less able (if it should be true) to commend it in him. It is not certainly the office of a careful Bishop, only to leave things as he found them, but to reduce them, if amiss, to those Rules and Canons, from which, by the forwardness of some to innovate, and the connivance of others at the innovations, they had been suffered to decline.  Fuller. 
I comply cordially with the Animadvertor in all this last Sentence. Only I add, That it is also the office of a good Bishop, not to endeavour the Alteration of things well settled before. This was the constant practice of Doctor Andrews, successively Bishop of Chichester, Ely, and Winchester, who never urged any other Ceremonies, that what which he found there. Now whereas the Animadvertor saith, that i● this should be true, he is not able to commend it in him; the matter is not much, seeing the actions of Bishop Andrew's are able to commend themselves.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And for the Inference itself, it is intended chiefly for the late Archbishop of Canterbury; against whom he had a fling before in the fourth Book of this History, not noted there, because reserved to another place, of which more hereafter. Condemmed here for his want of moderation, in enjoining his private practices and opinions on other men. But first, our Author had done well to have spared the man, who hath already reckoned for all his errors, both with God and the world.  Fuller. 
He hath so, and I hope, what he could not satisfy in himself, was done by his Saviour. But first, the Animadvertor had done well to have spared his censure on my intentions, except he had better assurance of them. Here I must, Reader, appeal to an higher than thyself, Him who can read the secrets of my heart, before whom I protest, That in this passage I did not reflect in any degree on the Archbishop of Canterbury. To make this the more probable, know, the Articles of his Visitation were observed to be as moderate, as any Bishops in England.  
Here let me enter this Memorable, and let the Animadvertor confute it, if he can. There was a design of the thirty six Dissenters (of whom hereafter) in the Convocation, to obtain, that these Articles of his Visitation might be preceden●tall to all the Bishops in England, as being in themselves in offensive, and containing no Innovations. This was by some communicated to Archbishop Laud, who at first seemed to approve thereof; and how it came afterwards to miscarry, I am not bound to discover.  
I confess, this my expression did eye another person, related to Bishop Andrew's, whom I forbear to name, except by the Animadvertor's reply unto me I be forced thereunto.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And secondly, it had been better if he had told us, what those private practices and opinions were, which the Archbishop, with such want of moderation, did enjoys on others.  Fuller. 
They are reckoned up in my Church-History, Book 11. pag. 174. parag: 47 & 48. This is direction enough, and there one may find more than a good many of such opinions and practices. On the selfsame token, that it was discreetly done of the Animadvertor to pass them over in silence, without a word in their defence or excuse. I will not again here repeat them, partly because I will not revive what in some sort is dead and buried; and partly, because I charitably believe, that some engaged therein, and still alive, are since sorry for their over-activity therein.  Dr. Heylyn. 
For it is possible enough, that the opinions which he speaks of, might be the public Doctrines of the Church of England, maintained by him, in opposition to those private opinions, which the Calvinian party had intended to obtrude upon her. A thing complained o● by Spalleto, who well observed, that many of the opinions both of Luther and Calvin, were received amongst us, as part of the Doctrine and Confession of the Church of England; which otherwise he acknowledged to be capable of an Orthodox sense. Praeter Anglicanam Confessionem (quam mi ● ut mo●estam praedicalant) multa video Lutheri & Calvini dogmata obtinuisse, as he there objects.  Fuller. 
I am not bound to stand to the judgement of Spalleto, who would not stand to his own judgement; but first in ●ear●, then in body, went back into Egypt. Lay not such unsavoury salt in my dish, but cast it to the Dunghill.  Dr. Heylyn. 
He that reads the Gag, and the Appello Caesarem of Bishop Mon●●gue, cannot but see, that those opinions which our Author condemned for private, were the true Doctrine of this Church, professed and held forth in the Book of Articles, the Homilies, and the Common-Prayer-Book.  Fuller. 
He that reads the Answers returned by several Divines to the Books of Bishop Montague, cannot but see, that they were rather private opinions, than the true and professed Doctrine of the Church of England.  
Here, Reader, I cannot but remember a passage betwixt two Messengers, sent to carry Defiances from several Armies, who, meeting in the midway, (though naked, and without Swords, yet) to manifest their zeal to their Cause, fought it out with their Trumpets, till, both being well wearied, they went about their business, leaving the main success to be tried by their Armies.  
Historians are beheld in the notion of Heralds. And, seeing the Animadvertor and I have now clashed it with our Trumpets, let us leave the rest to be disputed and decided by those learned and pious persons, who publicly in Print have engaged therein, and who have (or may in due tim●) meet together in bliss and happiness. In my Father's house are (though no wall of partition) many 
* Joh. 14. 2●  mansions; several receptacles (as some suppose) for Martyrs, Confessors, etc. and why not for such, as, dissenting in the superstructures, concur in holy life, and the fundamentals of Religion?  Dr. Heylyn. 
And it is possible enough, that the practices which he speaks of, were not private neither, but a reviver of those ancient and public usages, which the Canons of the Church enjoined, and by the remissness of the late Government had been discontinued. But for a justification of the practices (the private practices he speaks of) I shall refer him to an Author of more credit with him. Which Author, first, tells us of the Bishops generally, That being of late years either careless or indulgent, they had not required, within their Dioceses, that strict obedience to Ecclesiastical Constitutions, which the Law expected; upon which, the Liturgy began totally to be laid aside, and inconformity the uniform practice of the Church. He tells us, secondly, of Archbishop Abbot in particular, That his extraordinary remissness, in not exacting a strict conformity to the prescribed orders of the Church, in point of Ceremony, seemed to dissolve those legal determinations, to their first principle of indifferency, and led in such an habit of inconformity, as the future reduction of those tender conscienced men's too-long-discontinued obedience, was interpreted an innovation. And finally, he tells of Archbishop Laud, who succeeded Abbot in that See, that, being of another mind and mettle, he did not like, that the external Worship of God should follow the fashion of every private fancy; and what he did not like in that subject, as he was in State, so he thought it was his duty to reform. To which end, in his Metropolitical Visitation, he calls upon all, both Clergy and Laity, to observe the Rules of the Church. And this is that which our Author calls, the enjoining of his private practices; private perhaps in the private opinion of some men, who had declared themselves to be professed enemies to all public Order.  Fuller. 
I have cause to give credit unto 
* H. Le Strange Esa;  him, who, to the lustre of his ancient and noble extraction, hath added the light of Learning, not as his profession, but accomplishment, whereby he hath presented the Public with an handsome History, likely to prove as acceptable to Posterity, as it hath done to the present Age. The Gentleman, in that his passage, reflecteth only on such Ceremonies, is stood in force by Canon, but had been disused; with whom I concur. But the controversy in hand is about additional Ceremonies, enjoined by no Cannons, (save some men's over-imperious commanding, and others over-officious complying) justly deserving the censure of private practices.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds, fol. 127. A Commission was granted unto five Bishops, (whereof Bishop Laud of the Quorum) to suspend Archbishop Abbot from exercising his authority any longer, because un-canonicall for casual Homicide.] Had our Author said, that Bishop Laud had been one of the number, he had hit it right, the Commission being granted to five Bishops, viz. Dr. Montain, Bishop of London, Dr. Neil Bishop of Durham, Dr. Buckeridge Bishop of Rochester, Dr. Howson Bishop of Oxford, and Dr. Laud Bishop of bath and Wells; or to any four, three, or two of them, and no more than so. Had Bishop Laud been of the Quorum, his presence and consent had been so necessary to all their Consultations, Conclusions, and dispatch of businesses, that nothing could be done without him; whereas by the words of the Commission, any two of them were impowered, and consequently all of them must be of the Quorum, as well as he; which every Justice's Clerk cannot choose but laugh at.  Fuller. 
They will soon cease their laughter at the sad story I am about to relate. But be it premised, that here I use the word Quorum not in the legal strictness thereof, but in that passeable sense in common discourse; viz. for one so active in a business, that nothing is (though it may be) done without him therein.  
When the Writing for Archbishop Abbot's suspension was to be subscribed by the Bishop's aforesaid, the four Seniors, viz. London, Durham, Rochester, and Oxford, all declined to set their hands thereunto, and (seemingly at the least) showed much reluctance and regrete thereat. Then give me the Pen (said Bishop Laud) and though last in place, first subscribed his name. Encouraged by whose words and example, the rest, after some demur, did the like.  
This was attested to me by him who had best cause to know it, the aged and credible Register, still alive, who attended in the place upon them. This I formerly knew, but concealed it; and had not published it now, if not necessitated thereunto in my just defence.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Nor is there any such thing as a casual Homicide mentioned, or so much as glanced at in that Commission, the Commission only saying, That the said Archbishop could not at that present in his own person attend those services, which were otherwise proper for his Cognizance and Jurisdiction; and which, as Archbishop of Canterbury, he might and ought in his own person to have performed and executed. I am loath to rub longer on this sore, the point having been so vexed already betwixt the Historian and the Oservator, that I shall not trouble it any further.  Fuller. 
I confess, casual Homicide not expressly mentioned, but employed in the Commission. Otherwise what did those words import COULD NOT in his person attend? It was not any indisposition of body, being then, and some years after, in health; not impotency in his Intellect, (caused from the influence of age) who afterwards, when older, discharged this place, (as the Animadvertor confeseth). Though therefore the hilt of Homicide was only shown, the blade was shaked in the sheath. Sure I am, that some, the nearest about the Archbishop, have informed me, that he interpreted, that UN-COULDING him, solely to relate to his canonical Irregularity on the Accident aforesaid, and was dejected accordingly.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Only I must crave leave to rectify our Author in another passage, relating to that sad accident.  Fuller. 
To rectify is to make that straight which was crooked before; and it is an act of no less charity, than skill and cunning well to perform it. Only fools, can be fond of their own deformity. I do not only desire, but delight, to have the crookedness of my knowledge straightened, provided always, it be done in the spirit of meekness. But I understand, such as straighten crooked persons beyond the Seas, put them to much torture. I likewise fear, that the Animadvertor will lay so much weight of ill words upon me, that the profit I shall reap, will not countervail the pain I must endure in my rectification.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author saith, Ibid. It would be of dangerous consequence to condemn him by the Canons of foreign Councils, which were never allowed any Legislative power in this Land.] Which words are very ignorantly spoken, or else very improperly.  Fuller. 
Did I not foretell aright, that my rectification would cost me dear? even the burden of bad words. Here I have a doleful Dilemma presented unto me, to confess myself speaking, either very ignorantly, or very improperly. But might not one of these two Veries have very well been spared? Well, è malis minimum, if it must be so, that my choice must be of one of these, let it be rather but Impropriety, than Ignorance.  
But, Reader, I see no necessity of acknowledging either, but that my words are both knowingly and properly spoken; and now to the trial.  Dr. Heylyn. 
For if by Legislative power, he means a power of making Laws, as the word doth intimate, than it is true, That the Canons of foreign Counsels had never any such power within this Land: But if by Legislative power he means, a Power or Capability of passing for Laws within this Kingdom; then (though he use the word improperly) it is very falls) that no such Canons were in force in the Realm of England. The Canons of many foreign Counsels, General, national, and Provincial, had been received in this Church, and incorporated into the body of the Canon-Law, by which the Church proceeded in the exercise of her Jurisdiction, till the submission of the Clergy to King Henry the Eighth. And, in the Act confirmative of that submission, it is said expressly, That all Canons, Constitutions, Ordinances, and Synodals Provincial, as were made before the said Submission, which be not contrary or repugnant to the Laws, Statutes, and Customs of this Realm, nor to the damage or hurt of the King's Prerogative Royal, were to be used and executed as in former times, 25 H. 8. c. 19 So that unless it can be proved, that the proceedings in this case, by the Canons of foreign Counsels was either contrary or repugnant to the Laws and Customs of the Realm, or to the damage of the King's prerogative Royal, There is no dangerous consequence at all to be found therein.  Fuller. 
By Legislative power of the Canons of foreign Counsels, I understand their power to subject the People of our Nation to Guiltiness, and consequently to Penalties, if found infringing them. Now I say again, such foreign Canons, though not against, but only besides our Common Law; and containing no repugnancy, but disparateness to the Laws of our Land; either never had such power in England since the Reformation, or else disuse long since hath antiquated it, as to the rigid exercise thereof.  
For instance, a Bishop I am sure, and I think a Priest too, is, in the old Canons, rendered irregular, for playing a game at Tables, Dice being forbidden by the Canons. Yet I conceive, it would be hard measure, and a thing, de facto, never done, that such irregularity should be charged on him, on that account.  
We know it was the project of the Pope and Papal party, to multiply Canons in Counsels, merely to make the more men, and men the more obnoxious unto him, that they might re-purchase their innocence at the price of the Court of Rome. I believe, the Animadvertor himself would be loath to have his canonicalness tried by the Test of all old Canons, made in rigorem disciplinae, yet not contrariant to our Laws and Customs, seeing they are so nice and numerous, that cautiousness itself may be found an offendor therein. I resume my words, That it would be of dangerous consequence to condemn the Archbishop by Canons of foreign Counsels, which never obtained power here, either quoad reatum, or poenam, of such as did not observe them.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But whereas our Author adds in some following words, That eversince (he means ever since the unhappy accident) he had executed his jurisdiction without any interruption:] I must needs add, That he is very much mistaken in this particular. Dr. Williams, Lord Elect of Lincoln; Dr. Carew, Lord Elect of Exeter; and Dr. Laud, Lord Elect of St. David's, and, I think, some others, refusing to receive Episcopal Consecration from him on that account.  Fuller. 
Must the Animadvertor needs add this? I humbly conceive no such necessity, being but just the same which I myself had written before. Church-History, Book 10. Pag. 88 
Though some squeamish and nice-conscienced Elects scrupled to be consecrated by him.   
But I beheld this as no effectual interrupting of his Jurisdiction, because other Bishops, more in number, (no whit their inferior) received Consecration, Dr. Davenant, Dr. Hall, and King Charles himself his Coronation from him.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Far more mistaken is our Author in the next, when he tells us, fol. 128. Though this Archbishop survived some years after, yet henceforward he was buried to the world.] No such matter neither: For, though for a while he stood confined to his house at Ford, yet neither this Confinement, nor that Commission, were of long continuance; for about Christmas, in the year 1628. he was restored both to his Liberty and Jurisdiction, sent for to come unto the Court, received as he came out of his Barge by the Archbishop of York, and the Earl of Dorset, and by them conducted to the King; who giving him his hand to kiss, enjoined him not to fail the Councill-Table twice a week. After which time we find him sitting as Archbishop in Parliament, and in the full exercise of his jurisdiction till the day of his death, which happened on Sunday, August the 4th. 1633. And so much of him.  Fuller. 
An Historian may make this exception, but not a Divine; my words being spoken in the language of the 
* Gal. 6.14.  Apostle, The world is crucified unto me, and I unto the world. I had said formerly, that the Keeper's death was this Archbishop's mortification. But from this his Suspension (from the exercise of his jurisdiction) he was in his own thoughts buried, it reviving his obnoxiousness for his former casual Homicide; so that never he was seen heartily (if at all) to laugh hereafter, though I deny not, Much Court-savour was afterwards (on design) conferred on him.  
Here I hope it will be no offence to insert this innocent story, partly to show how quickly tender guiltiness is dejected, partly to make folk cautious, how they cast out galling speeches in this kind. This Archbishop returning to Croidon, (after his late absence thence a long time) many people, most women, (whereof some of good quality for good will) for novelty and curiosity crowded about his Coach. The Archbishop being unwilling to be gazed at, and never fond of Females, said, somewhat churlishly, What make these women here? You had best, (said one of them) to shoot an arrow at us. I need not tell the Reader how near this second arrow went to his heart.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author goeth on. Fol. 137. My pen passing by them at present, may safely Salute them with a God-Speed as neither seeing nor suspecting any danger in the Design] Our Author speaks this of the Feoffees, appointed by themselves, for buying●in such Impropriations, as were then in the hands of Lay-people. I say, appointed by themselves; because not otherwise authorised, either by Charter from the King, Decree in Chancery, or by Act of Parliament; but only by a secret combination of the Brotherhood.  
But secondly, this will further appear by their proceedings in the business, not laying the Impropriations, by them purchased, to the Church or Chappelry to which they had anciently belonged, nor settling them on the Incumbent of the place, as many hoped they would. That had been utterly destructive to their main design, which was not to advantage the Regular and established Clergy, but to set up a new body of Lecturers in convenient places, for the promoting of the Cause. And therefore having bought an Impropriation, they parceled it out into annual Pensions of 40 or 50 l. per annum, and therewith salared some Lecturers in such Market-Towns, where the people had commonly less to do, and consequently were more apt to Faction and Innovation, than in other places. Our Author notes it of their Predecessors, in Cartwrights days, that they preached most diligently in populous places; it being observed in England, that those who hold the Helm of the Pulpit, always steer people's hearts as they please, Lib. 9 fol. 195. And he notes it also of these Feoffees, that in conformity hereunto, they set up a Preaching Ministry in places of greatest need; not in such Parish-Churches, to which the Tithes properly belonged, but where they thought the Word was most wanting, that is to say, most wanting to advance their project.  
Thirdly, if we behold the men whom they made choice of, and employed in preaching in such Market-Towns as they had an eye on, either because most populous, or because capable of electing Burgesses to serve in Parliament, they were for the most part Non-conformists, and sometime such as had been silenced by their Ordinary, or the High-commission, for their Factious carriage. And such an one was placed by Jeering, one of the Citizen-Feoffees, in a Town of Glocestershire; a fellow which had been outed of a Lecture near Sandwich by the Archbishop of Canterbury, out of another in Middlesex by the Bishop of London, out of a third in Yorkshire by the Archbishop of York, out of a fourth in Hartfordshire by the Bishop of Lincoln, and finally suspended from his Ministry by the High-Commission; yet thought the fittest man by Jeering (as indeed he was) to begin this Lecture.  
Fourthly and finally, these Pensions neither were so settled, nor these Lecturers so well established in their several places, but that the one might be withdrawn, and the other removed, at the will and pleasure of their Patrons, if they grew slack and negligent in the holy cause, or abated any thing at all of that fire and fury they first brought with them. Examples of which I know some, and have heard of more. And now I would fain know of our Author, whether there be no danger to be seen or suspected in this design; whether these Feoffees in short time would not have had more Chaplains to depend upon them, than all the Bishops in the Kingdom; and finally, whether such needy fellows depending on the will and pleasure of their gracious Masters, must not be forced to Preach such Doctrines only as best please their Humours. And though I shall say nothing here of their giving underhand private Pensions, not only unto such as had been silenced or suspended in the Ecclesiastical Courts, but many times also to their wives and Children after their decease, all issuing from this common-stock: yet others have beheld it as the greatest piece of Wit and Artifice both to encourage and increase their Emissaries, which could be possibly devised. If, as our Author tells us, fol. 143. The Design was generally approved, and that both discreet and devout men were doleful at the ruin of so pious a Project; it was because they neither did suspect the danger, nor foresee the mischiefs, which unavoidably must have followed, if not crushed in time.  Fuller. 
The Feoffees being now all Dead, save 
* I am informed C. Offspring is still alive.  one, I may say that in this Suit all the Council is for the plaintiff, and none allowed the De●enda●t. Were any number of them still alive, probably they might plead something in defence of their Proceedings.  
However I believe, this Narrative of the Animadvertor, hath very much of Truth therein, and seeing it is not Opposite but Additional to what I have written, my Answer is not required thereunto. Only the close thereof treadeth on the Toes of my History and that but lightly too; the Animadvertor not denying that, discreet and Devout men were doleful at the ruin of so pious a Project. And seeing he went so far with my words, would he had gone a little farther, and added, that such Good men were desirous of a Regulation of this Design; it being pity that so fair a Tree, should be rend up Root and Branch, for bearing bad, which might and would have born better fruit, with a little good digging about it, and well husbanding thereof.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds, fol. 148. However, there was no Express in this Declaration, that the Ministers of the Parish should be pressed to the publishing.] Our Author doth here change his style. He had before told us, That on the first publishing of the Declaration about lawful Sports on the Lord's Day, no Minister was, de facto, enjoined to read it in his Parish, lib. 10. fol. 76. and here he tells us, that there was no express order in the Declaration, (when revived by King Charles) that the Minister of the Parish should be pressed to the publishing of it; adding withal, that many thought it a more proper work for the Constable or Tithing-man, than it was for the Minister. But if our Author mark it well, he may easily find, that the Declaration of King james was commanded to be published by order from the Bishop of the Diocese, through all the Parish-Churches of his Jurisdiction. And the Declaration of King Charles to be published with like order from the several Bishops, through all the Parish-Churches of their several Dioceses respectively. The Bishop of the Diocese in the singular number, in the Declaration of King james, because it principally related to the County of Lancaster The Bishops in the plural number, in that of King Charles, because the benefit of it was to be extended over all the Realm. In both, the Bishops are commanded to take order for the publishing of them in their several Parishes; and whom could they require to publish them in the Parish Churches, but the Ministers only? The Constable is a Lay-Officer, merely bound by his place to execute the Warrants and Commands of the justices, but not of the Bishop. And though the Tithing-man have some relation to Church-matters, and consequently to the Bishop, in the way of presentments; yet was he no● bound to execute any such Commands, because not tied by an Oath of Canonical Obedience, as the Ministers were. So that the Bishops did no more than they were commanded, in laying the Publication of these Declarations on the backs of the Ministers▪ and the Ministers by doing less than they were required, infringed the Oath which they had taken, rendering themselves thereby obnoxious to all such Ecclesiastical Censures, as the Bishops should inflict upon them.  Fuller. 
I said, That there was no Express order in the Declaration, that the Minister of the Parish should be pressed to the publishing of it.  
Now the Animadvertor hath done me the favour, to prove my words to be true, acknowledging the Declaration only enjoined, That the Bishop of the Diocese should order the publishing thereof, through all the Parishes in his jurisdiction: And so consequently (as the Animadvertor inferreth) the Ministers must do it. Hereby the truth of my words do appear, that there was no express command, seeing an EXPRESS, and an INFERENCE are two things of a different nature.  
Whereas I said, That many thought it a more proper work for the Constable or Tithing-man, then for the Minister. There are thousands now alive which will justify the truth thereof. Yea, their thoughts (which otherwise I confess came not under my cognizance) expressed themselves in their words, wherewith they affirmed and professed the same.  Dr. Heylyn. 
It seems that in our Author's judgement, it was well done by the Judges for the County of Somerset, to impose upon the Ministers of that County (over whom they could challenge no authority) to publish their own Declarations against Wakes and Feasts; and that it was well done of the Ministers to obey the same, for which see fol. 147.] These Bishops are beholden to him, for giving greater power to the judges and justices over his brethren of the Clergy, than he yields to them; and as much beholden are the Clergy, for putting so many Masters over them instead of a Father. The difference of the case will not serve the turn, the King having a greater power to indulge such freedom to his Subjects, than the others could pretend unto, to restrain them from it. If he object, that the Ministers are most unfit to hold the Candle, to lighten and let in licentiousness, as he seems to do; he must first prove, that all, or any of the sports allowed of, in those Declarations, may be brought within the compass of licentiousness, which neither the Word of God, nor the Canons of the Christian Church, nor any Statutes of the Realm had before forbidden. Lastly, whereas he tells us, That because the judges had enjoined the Ministers to read their Order in the Church, the King's Declaration was enforced by the Bishops to be published by them in the same place.] There is no such matter. The Declaration of King james appointed to be read, and read by order of the Bishop in the Parish Churches, doth evince the contrary.  Fuller. 
I did not say, The Judges did well, or did ill therein; but I said, The Judges did order, that the Ministers should publish their Declaration against Wakes and Feasts. I have not (nor can quickly procure) a copy of their order, whether it were mandatory or, by way of advice, did desire Ministers to do that, which might be advantageous to Religion. But I will not judge the judges, but leave them (as best skilled in their own faculty) to make good their own acts.  
If such Grandees in the Law exceeded their bounds in this their injunction to Ministers, (over whom they had no command) how many mistakes should I run into, if once offering to meddle with this matter, being out of my profession? And therefore no more thereof.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Now for our Authors better satisfaction in the present point, I shall lay down the judgement of one so high in his esteem, (and once in the esteem of that party too) that I conceive he will not offer to gainsay him. It is the Author of the Book, called the Holy Table, Name, and Thing, who resolves it thus: All the commands of the King (saith he) that are not upon the first inference and illation (without any Prosyllogisms) contrary to a clear passage in the Word of God, or to an evident Sunbeam of the Law of Nature, are precisely to be obeyed. Nor is it enough to find a remote and possible inconvenience that may ensue therefrom; (which is the ordinary objection against the Book of Recreations) for every good subject is bound in conscience to believe and rest assured, that his Prince (environed with such a Council) will be more able to discover, and as ready to prevent any ill sequel, that may come of it, as himself possibly can be. And therefore I must not by disobeying my Prince commit a certain sin, in preventing a probable but contingent inconveniency. This if it were good Doctrine then, when both the Author and the Book were cried up even to admiration, is not to be rejected as false Doctrine now; truth being constant to itself, not varying nor altering with the change of times.  Fuller. 
I want no satisfaction, I thank God, in the point; and therefore the Animadvertor might have spared his pains. As an Historian, I have truly related, de facto, what was done; and though the Animadvertor may conjecture at my judgement in this controversy, he cannot be confident thereof by any thing I have written.  
All I will add is this, Because I may write the more, I will write the less of this subject. I have good power to back me for the present in this controversy, and might securely express myself therein.  
When my Text shall lead me in my Vocation to treat of the Observation of the Lords Day, I shall not be sparing to express my opinion therein, and will endeavour (God-willing) to justify it. Mean time, I will not go out of mine own house, which is my castle; I mean, I will not be drawn out into the open field of a controversy, but keep myself under this COVER, That matters of fact in this difference have been truly related by me: and let the Animadvertor disprove it if he can.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But our Author will not stop here, he goes on and saith,  
Ibid. Many moderate men are of opinion, that this abuse of the Lordsday was a principal procurer of God's anger, since poured out on this Land, in a long and bloody Civil war.] And moderate perhaps they may be in apparel, diet, and the like civil acts of life and conversation; but sure, immoderate enough in this Observation: For who hath known the mind of the Lord, or who hath ●een his Counsellor, saith the great Apostle? But it is as common with some men of the newest Religions, to ascribe Gods secret judgements to some special Reasons, as if they had the Key which opens into his Cabinet at their several Girdles; as if they were admitted to all Consultations in the Court of Heaven, before that dreadful Judge could inflict any temporal Punishment upon Men on Earth. Otherwise they might find the Nation guilty of too many sins, which drew down this vengeance, to ascribe it unto any one sin, (if a sin it were;) and rather wonder at God's mercy, patience, and long-suffering, in deferring his punishments long, then that he inflicted them at last.  Fuller. 
I behold them as Moderate men in all Respects. The Animadvertor hath used my words, 
2 Sam. 10.4.  as the King of Ammon dealt with the clothes of David's Ambassadors, even cutting them off at the middle. Otherwise, might they have but hung down to the ground, no nakedness had appeared in what I have written, proceeding as followeth; Church History, Book 11. page 148. 
Such Moderate Men observe that our sights of chief Concernment, [Edge Hill etc.] were often sought on the Lordsday, as pointing at the punishing of the Profanation thereof.   
See here the Reason assigned of their Opinion, as I received it from their mouths. Since, they say, It is one thing with the Beth-shemites to pry into the Ark, and another thing, to look on. God Secrets, in some sort un-secreted, when by the Proportion of his Judgements, he sayeth Come and see. These also allege for themselves, that the Patriarches, sensible of their hard usage from the Governor of Egypt, did not pry into God's Mystical Pleasure, when concluding it inflicted on them, for their Cruelty to their Brother joseph; Therefore is this distress come upon us. However I wholly concur with the Animadvertor in his last Sentence, as truly and savourly written. Only I descent from Him, in that Passage, 
(if a Sin it were;)   
Surely, He meaneth not, if the Profanation of the Lordsday were a Sin, which is above all Iff●s. Rather his sense is, If the using of such Sports were a Profanation of the Lords Day.  
But men's Corruption is more prone to acquit themselves when guilty, than to suspect themselves when guiltless. 
Parce precor Stimulis, & fortiùs utere Loris.  
Spurs I pray refrain;  
Rather use the Rhine.   
I need not mind the Animadvertor, how penal it is by the late Act, for any to write any thing against the strict Observation of the Lords Day; and believe, he Intended nothing Prejudicial to the same: yet Profaneness probably too soon (besides his intention) may improve itself on his words, alter his Si into Non; and by the next Return, turn his note of Dubitation into an absolute Negation, on which account the Parenthesis had been better forborn, in my Opinion.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And though our Author doth object against this Opinion of those Moderate men, that to pick a solemn Providence out of a common Casualty, savours more of curiosity than conscience, yet he dares not stand to it; confessing within few lines after, that there may be more in the Observation than what many are willing to acknowledge.] If so, there may be as much conscience as curiosity in the Moderate Men.  Fuller. 
As I stand not wholly to it, so I run not any whit away from it, but dubiously propound it, hoping the Reader will account me not the less constant in my Judgement, but the more cautious in my language, in not being positive in an Observation of this nature.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds Folio 151. If moderate men had had the managing of these matters about the Posture of the Lords Board (call it Table or Altar) the Accommodation had been easy with a little Condescension on both sides.] Why then did not these moderate men interpose themselves for taking off those needless Animosities, and putting an end unto the Quarrel? The Press was open on both sides; john, Lincoln, Deane of Westminister, who appeared so strongly in the Cause, thinking himself as well able and well qualified to licence a Book unto the Press, as either the Archbishop of Canterbury, or the Bishop of London.  Fuller. 
I said it, and say it again, and any who have Honesty and Learning (the Animadvertor only excepted) will say so too; that those differences were easily capable of Accommodations with a little Condescension on both sides. It will not belong before the Animadvertor will tell us, that the Controversies betwixt us and the Church of Rome, (consisting most, as he saith, in Superstructures) may be comprimised: and if (to use his own Words) the Petulancy of the Puritans on the one side, and the Pragmaticalness of the Jesuits on the other side were charmed a while, moderate men might possibly have agreed on equal terms.  
Now this seemeth a strange thing to me, that moderation may make Protestants agree with Papists in matters Doctrinal; and cannot make Protestants agree with Protestants in matters Ceremonial. Being the same plaster, why hath it not equal virtue; especially, the latter being the lesser wound? Can the difference of Transubstantiation be taken up betwixt us and the Papists, and not the setting of the Communion-Table betwixt ourselves? Can a crack be closed in a jewel, and a rend not mended in the Case? These things I confess transcend my apprehension.  
Now that no moderate man stood up in the gap to make up this breach, I can assign no other cause, save, That God, justly offended with our Nation, had not so great a favour for it, but suffered a Pustle to fester into an Ulcer; not from any insanability in the soar, but want of seasonable Surgery; and let the guilt thereof (that the burden may be the better born) be equally divided, betwixt both parties engaged therein.  Dr. Heylyn. 
If all else failed, why did not our Author undertake, and make himself the Moderator in that trifling controversy, which seems to have been so easy to be brought to an accommodation?  Fuller. 
The jeer shall go for nothing. The reason why the Author undertook not to be Moderator in the Difference, was, because he was 
* Eph. 3.8.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (and if there be a more subter-superlative) the least of the least of his brethren. However, herein the Author comforteth himself, That as it was above his power to cure, so it was against his will to widen the wound; and being quiet in his calling, concurred not to the inflaming of the mutual Animosities.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Make himself Moderator in that [trifling controversy.]  Fuller. 
The Animadvertor his unfair dealing with me, minds me of a passage in Cambridge. One made a [pretended] extemporary Confutation, of his Position against whom he disputed, which indeed was only premeditately made against the Question, confuting many things which the Answerer never spoke. And when the Answerer, causelessly charged, pleaded for himself, Nihil tale occurrebat in Positione meâ; the other replied, Debuit occurrere tamen. I never said, that the controversy about placing of the Communion-Table, was a trifling controversy; but it seems I should have said so, that the Animadvertor might have had an advantage against me. This I said, That the controversy might easily have been reconciled with mutual moderation; but trifling, I never termed it. And therefore the Animadvertor, fight with his own shadow, it is all one to me whether he beat or be beaten.  
Yet I doubt not, but there are many in this Nation, my betters in all respects, who will be bold to call it a Trifling controversy, if not ●●solutely, yet comparatively, to many Doctrinal differences of higher concernment; and, in respect of the great troubles caused thereby, far above the considerableness of the thing which was in contest.  Dr. Heylyn. 
The question was about the placing of the Communion-Table, whether it ought to stand in the middle of the Church, or Chancel, with one end towards the East great Window, like a common Table; or close up to the Eastern-wall, with ends North and South, according as the Altars had been placed in the former times. They that maintained the last opinion, had Authority for it, that is to say, the Injunctions of the Queen, Anno 1599 the Orders and Advertisements of the year 1562. and 1565. the constant practice of the Chapels in his majesty's Houses, most of the Cathedral, and some of the Parochial Churches; and finally, a Declaration of the King, Anno 1633. commending a conformity in the Parish-Churches to their own cathedrals. They on the other side stood chiefly upon discontinuance, but urged withal, that some Rubrics in the Common-Prayer-Book seemed to make for them. So that the question being reduced to a matter of fact, that is to say, The Table must stand this way, or it must stand that way; I would fain know, how any Condescension might be made on either side, tending to an accommodation, or what our Moderator would have done to atone the differences.  Fuller. 
The Dr. hath clearly, briefty, and truly stated the Controversy, whose pen was formerly conversant therein, and by his own acknowledgement both sides had much to say for themselves.  
Only I wonder that though the Question was reduced to matter of Fact, it should be made by him of so high Importance; That either no condescension could be made on either side, or such Condescension (if made) must prove ineffectual as to an accommodation.  
Is there no balm in Gilead? Hath not the spirit of God endowed his servants with such discretion, but they may compromise a difference of greater Moment?  Dr. Heylyn. 
Suppose him sitting in the Chair, the Arguments on both sides urged, and all the Audience full of expectation which side would carry it. The Moderator Fuller of old merry Tales then ordinary, thus resolves the business, That he had heard it commended for a great piece of wisdom in Bishop Andrews, That wheresoever he was a Parson, a Dean, or a Bishop, he never troubled Parish, College, or Diocese, with pressing of other Ceremonies upon them, than such which he found used there before his coming thither. That King james finding the Archbishop of Spalleto in a resolution of questioning all such Leases, as had been made by his Predecessors in the Savoy, gave him this wise counsel, Relinque res sicut eas invenisti; That he should leave things as he found them. That the said King being told by a great Person, of the inverted situation of a Chapel in Cambridge, made answer, That it did not matter how the Chapel stood, so their hearts who go thither were set aright in God's service. But for his part, he liked better of the resolution of Dr. Prideaux, (his brother in the Chair at Oxford) who being troubled with his neighbours of Kidlington, about the setting up of a Maypole, some being for it, and some against it, thus resolved the case; You, saith he, that will have a Maypole, shall have a Maypole; And you that will have none, shall have none. And that according to that pattern, he thought best to accommodate the present Controversy to the same effect, viz. You that will have an Altar, shall set up your Altar; and you that will have a Table, shall have but a Table. Which sentence, whether it would have pleased all parties, I do somewhat doubt; but sure I am, it had not tended to the advancement of that uniformity, which was then designed.  Fuller. 
The Animadvertor here makes a Professor's Chair; and, having solemnly set me down therein, puts words into my mouth, and makes an Oration for me, as Moderator in the present Controversy, with a jeer to boot on the memory of the Reverend Doctor Prideaux.  

Psal. 1.1.  But know, there is another Chair, which David calls the Chair of the scornful; and it is to be feared, that the Animadvertor in this point is too near sitting down therein.  
If I should retaliate, and accordingly place the Animadvertor in a Chair, and fit him with a Speech personating him proportionable to his principles, possibly I might render him as Ridiculous, but most of all should abuse myself and my own profession therein.  
I thank God I can, though plainly, yet pertinently enough to my purpose, speak to express the notions of my mind. And when God shall take speech from me, (if my reason still remain) I shall rather with Zacharias make signs for writing-tables to write in, than to have words put into my mouth, forced and feigned on me by the Animadvertor. Let him thank God that he can speak so well for himself. And I will be content as well as I can, to utter my own conceptions.  
It would never have come into my Mind to have compared the Table of the Lord to a Maypole; the Wood of the one grew in Paradise, not so the other, being a light, and Ludicrous, and too often profane, stock of wood. I hope that the principles of my Education will restrain me from profaneness in such unfitting parallels.  
Whereas the Animadvertor says that an Expedient would not have tended to that Uniformity, that was designed herein, before God and Man, I will speak out my thoughts. That multiformity with mutual Charity advanceth God's Glory as much as Uniformity itself in matters merely indifferent; which as the Pipes of an Organ may be of several length and bigness, yet all tuned into good harmony together.  
I will instance in the Observation of Easter, the great Controversy betwixt the Eastern and Western Church in the Observation thereof; betwixt that which I may call Style Oriental, and Style Occidental for the Date thereof. And I verily believe that God was equally honoured by both, by such as Religiously observed it.  Dr Heylyn. 
But from these moderate men, which were so in contemplation only, let us proceed to one who was such in practice, (the Lord Bishop of London) of whom he saith; fol. 150. He had a perfect command of his passion, an happiness not granted all Clergymen in that Age, though Privy-Counsellors.] So perfect a man of his own passion and affections, that he will not think himself honoured with a commendation, which comes accompanied with the disparagement of his chiefest friend; (for that this lash was made for the Archbishop of Canterbury, no wise man can doubt.) Our Author might have spared the dead, without any wrong to the living; but that he thinks no Topick so useful in his Logic, as the rule of Contraries. Contraria juxta se posi a magis elucescunt. Upon which ground, the better to set off Bishop Andrews, this poor Archbishop must be charged with want of moderation, in enjoining his own private practices and opinions upon other men. And here, that Bishop juxon might appear with the greater lustre, the said Archbishop with all his passions and infirmities, must stand by for a foil. He had indeed no such command upon his passions, as to be at all times of equal temper, especially when wearied with the business of the Councill-Table, and the High-Commission. But as he was soon hot, so he was soon cooled; and so much is observed by Sir Edward Dering, though his greatest adversary, and the first that threw dirt in his face in the late long Parliament; who telleth us of him, that the roughness of his uncourtly nature sent most men discontented from him; but so, that he would often (of himself) find ways and means to sweeten ma●y of them again, when they least looked for it. In this, more modest than our Author; who gives us nothing of this Prelate but his wants and weaknesses. But of this reverend Prela●●, he will give cause to speak more hereafter.  Fuller. 
There were other Clergy men Privy-Counsellors beside Archbishop Laud: Dr. Abbots, Neil, Harsnet, Williams, etc. And therefore the Animadvertors Collection of my words cannot be conclusive in Reference to Archbishop Laud:  
I confess else where I do reckon Anger amongst his personal imperfections, which a Historian may do without any wrong at all, (The spirit of God saying, 
* Jam. 5.17.  Elias was subject to like passions as we are); I am confident as angry as Archbishop Laud was, He would not have been angry with me for writing of it, as sensible of and sorrowful for his own imperfection therein.  
I am much of the mind of Sr. Edward Dering, that the roughness of his un-court-like nature, sweetened many men when they least looked for it, surprising some of them, (and myself for one) with unexpected Courtesies. But whereas I am accused for giving in nothing of this Prelate, but his wants and weaknesses, it will not be long before my innocence herein will appear.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Let us now on unto another of a different judgement, his professed enemy, Mr. Prin; of whom, thus our Author, [fol. 157.] Mr. William Prin was born about Bath in Glostershire, etc. and began with the writing of some Orthodox Books.] In this story of Mr. Prin and his sufferings, our Author runs into many errors, which either his love to the man, or zeal to the good cause, or carelessness of what he writes, have brought upon him.  Fuller. 
If I have run into so many errors, it will be charity in the Animadvertor fairly to lead me back again a footpace into the truth, and then he shall have thanks for his pains: always provided, he doth not pinch me by the arm as he conducteth me, which will turn my thanks into anger. But seeing the Animadvertor careth for both alike from my hands, let him do as he pleaseth.  
Next we have his tripartite History of my errors, which he will have to proceed from one of these three causes. 

1. Love to the person of Mr. Prin. To whom I profess I have no fondness, but liking the Motto of Luther, In quo aliquid Christi video, illum diligo, I must on that account have a kindness for him.  
2. Zeal to their good cause; which I behold as a jeer, and treading on the toes of Scripture, Galatians 4.18. It is good to be zealously affected always in a good thing.  
3. Carelessness of what I write.    
But seeing now the Animadvertor's hand is in his Arithmetic, in counting of causes of my mistakes, his charity might have found a forth, (worth all the other three) and imputed my errors to that infirmity, which always attendeth human nature. However, let us proceed.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Whereas our Author telleth us, that Mr. William Prin was born about Bath in Gloucestershire, Bath is not in Gloucestershire, but a chief City in the County of Summersault.  Fuller. 
These are ANI-MAD-VERSIONS indeed, when a Writer's words are madly verted, inverted, perverted, against his true intent, and their Grammatical sense.  
My words run thus, Mr. William Prin was born (about Bath) in Gloucestershire; where Bath is walled about with a Parenthesis, not essential to the Sentence, thus perfect without it, Mr. William Prin was born in Gloucestershire. These walls the Animadvertor hath most disingenuously dismantled, to lay Bath open; and, if possible, to bring it into Gloucestershire, that so he may have something to cavil at me.  
Indeed Bath is not in, but within three miles of Gloucestershire; and the next eminent place to— the Village of Mr. Prin's nativity. When Towns stand in the confines of two Counties, is it not proper enough to say, Such a one was born (about London) in Surrey, though London be in Middlesex; or (about Windsor) in Buckingham-shire, though Windsor be in Bark-shire?  
Mr. Fox writing in his own defence, against such as traduced him; Some, saith he, do not cavil, because they have found fault; but do find faults, because they may cavil: And be it reported to the Reader, whether the Animadvertor may be accounted one of them. And now the Animadvertor having a little refreshed himself in my Crosse-Bath, and somewhat pleased his spirit of opposition, he thus proceedeth.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Secondly, whereas he saith, that he began with the writing of some Orthodox Books] Though I look on Mr. Prin, (so far forth as I am able to judge, by some Books of his not long since published) as a man of a far more moderate spirit, than I have done formerly; yet can I not think his first Books to have been so Orthodox as our Author makes them. For not to say any thing of his Perpetuity, etc.  Fuller. 
But I must and will say something of his Perpetuity of the Regenerate Man his Estate, as being that which is particularly named in my Margin, and chiefly intended by me. A Book, wherein an useful, necessary, and comfortable Truth is learnedly defended. A Book, which will perpetuate the memory of the Writer; who, had he proceeded, and continued, as he began, none could have took just exception at, or got just advantage against him.  Dr. Heylyn. 
As for the Books of Mr. Prin, entitled, Lame Giles his Halting, Cozen's cozening Devotions, and his Appendix to another, they have many things repugnant to the Rules and Canons of the Church of England. No greater enemy against howing at the Name of jesus, nor greater enemy to some Ceremonies, here by Law established. In which particulars if our Author think him to be Orthodox, he declares himself to be no true son of the Church of England.  Fuller. 
I confess, in this his numerous offspring, his younger children were nor so vigorous as his first born, termed in the 
* Gen. 49.3.  Scripture the might and beginning of their father's strength; they were of a weaker and sicker constitution, and some passages in them I do not approve. I hope to acquit myself so dutiful a son to the Church of England, that, when in a reverend posture I shall crave her blessing, she will give it me in as full and free a manner and measure, as to the Animadvertor himself.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Thirdly, the Book called Histriomastix, was not writ by Mr. Prin about three years before his last sufferings, as our Author telleth us, for than it must be writ or published Anno 1634. whereas indeed that Book was published in Print about the latter end of 1632. and the Author Censured in Star-Chamber for some passages in it about the latter end of the year 1633. Otherwise, had it been as our Author tells us, the punishment must have preceded the offence; and he must suffer for a Book, which was not published at that time, and perhaps not written. But our Author hath a special faculty in this kind, which few Writers have.  Fuller. 
The Animadvertor hath a special faculty in cavilling without cause. My Clock of time strikes true enough, but that he is minded not to tell it aright. My words are, Some three years since; which word SOME, soundeth an interpretative plùs minus to all ingenuous Ears. Besides, this is our opposite marginal Note, (containing the contents of that Paragraph) Mr. Prin accused for Libelling against Bishops; which accusation was about two years before this his last Censure, (during which time he was imprisoned). And my SOME three years are to bear date (in the construction of any impartial Reader) from that his accusation; and then nothing is mistimed, but falleth out in due season.  
And now, Reader, judge, where the many errors be into which I have run, in the story of Mr. Prin and his sufferings, seeing no one mistake can be produced and proved against me. And seeing the first Book of Mr. Prin was ●ound in itself, in my opinion; and his last Books more moderate, even in the judgement of the Animadvertor; and his middling Books (how faulty soever) such for which he hath severally suffered; let us even take a fair farewell of Mr. Prin and his Books, and so proceed.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Now as our Author post-dateth his Histriomastix, by making it come into the world two years after it did; so he ante-dates a Book of Dr. White, than Lord Bishop of Ely, which he makes to be published two years' sooner than indeed it was. That Book of his, entitled, A Treatise of the Sabbath, came not out till Michaelmas, Anno 1635. though placed by our Author as then written, Anno 1633. for which, see fol. 144.  Fuller. 
In answer hereunto, May the Reader be pleased to take notice of these particulars. 

1. The revived controversy, Lordsday, lasted ten years, bandied with books from 1628. till 1638.  
2. I was loath to scatter my Book with it, but resolved on one entire Narrative thereof.  
3. I fixed on the year 1633. therein to insert the same, because the middle Number, from the rising to the sinking of the difference, than came to the very heat and height thereof.  
4. Hence my Narrative retreated some years back to 1628. when Bradborn began the difference.  
5. Hence also it sallied forth to the year 1635. (when Bishop White's book was set forth) and beyond it.  
6. The date of the year 1633. stands still unmoveable on my Margin; the whole Relation, being for the reasons aforesaid entered under it. So that nothing is offered to the Reader unjointed in Time, if I be but rightly understood.    Dr. Heylyn. 
Next unto Mr. Prinne, in the course of his Censure, comes the Bishop of Li●coln, the cause whereof we have in our Author, who having left a blank, fol. 156. for somewhat which he thinks not fit to make known to all, gives some occasion to suspect that the matter was far worse on the Bishop's side than perhaps it was. And therefore to prevent all further misconstructions in this business, I will lay down the story as I find it thus, viz. The Bishop's purgation depending chiefly upon the testimony of one Prideon, it happened, that the February after, one Elizabeth Hodson was delivered of a base child, and laid to this Prideon. The Bishop finding his great Witness charged with such a load of filth and infamy, conceived it would invalidate all his testimony, and, that once rendered invalid, the Bishop could easily prognosticate his own ruin; therefore he bestirs himself amain. And though by order of the Justices at the public Sessions at Lincoln, Prideon was charged as the reputed father, the Bishop by his two Agents, Powel and Owen, procured that Order to be suppressed; and by subornation and menacing of, and tampering with, Witnesses; at length in May, 10 Car. procured the child to be fathered upon one Boon, and Prideon acquit. Which lewd practices, for the supportation of his favourite's credit, cost the Bishop, as he confessed to Sir john Munson and others, twelve hundred pounds; so much directly, and by consequence much more.  Fuller. 
I have concealed nothing herein of Moment, (the Blank being insignificant, and the mere mistake of the 
* Before his Time, he was about to begin a new Section and Dedication as appears by the TO in Text.  Printer) and expect no considerable addition from the Animadvertor, having in my Book truly and clearly stated the Bishop's Cause, from the best Records.  
I appeal to the unpartial Perusers of what I wrote, whether by this Note, any thing of moment is added to the matter in hand, except the naming of a light housewife, (which I conceived beneath my History) the rest being truly by me related before.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But to proceed: the cause being brought unto a censure, fol. 157. Secretary Windebank motioned to degrade him; which (saith he) was lustily pronounced by a Knight and a Layman, having no precedent for the same in former Ages.] But first, it is not very certain that any such thing was moved by Sir Francis Windebank. A manuscript of that day's proceedings I have often seen, containing the Decree and Sentence, with the substance of every Speech then made; and amongst others, that of Sir Francis Windebank, in which I find no motion tending to a Degradation, nor any other punishment inflicted on him, than Fine, Suspension, and Imprisonment; in which the residue of the Lords concurred, as we find in our Author.  Fuller. 
It is very certain, he moved it, and I avow it from honourable Eyes and Ears. The Animadvertor misguides the reference of those my words, [having no precedent for the same in former Ages,] making them relate to the Bishop's Degradation, (whereof one precedent since the Reformation, Unus homo nobis) which indeed refer to the Knights and Lay-man's first mentioning thereof, which is unprecedented I am sure, that such a person should FIRST make such a motion against a Bishop.  
I confess, at Bp. Midleton's Degradation, some of the Lay-Privy-Counsellors were present, but acted little therein, (so, far from FIRST mentioning of it) only concurring with the Court, the matter being chiefly managed by Archbishop Whitgift, and some other Bishops and Deans the Commissioners, as most proper persons to pass such a censure on one of their own profession.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Secondly, it had been more strange if the Knight had not been a Layman, the Church of England not acknowledging any Order of Spiritual Knighthood. Knights in Divinity are greater strangers in this Land, then Lay-Divines; these last being multiplied of late, even ad infinitum; the first, never heard of.  Fuller. 
The Pleonasm of the addition of Layman to Knight, is not so culpable in itself, but that it might have passed without censure; and let not the Animadvertor be over-confident herein.  
I have been credibly informed, that Sir Miles Sandys, (third son to Edwin Archbishop of York) Fellow of Peter-house in Cambridge, and Proctor of the University, Anno 1588. was made a Deacon, (and so no mere Layman) and in his younger years a Prebendary of York. Within this twenty years there was one Mr. Seaton beneficed in Hartfordshire, a Scotish-man, and at this day a Knight. But the matter being of no more moment, let us proceed.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And thirdly, had it been so moved, and so lustily moved, as our Author makes it, the Knight and Layman might have found a precedent for it in former ages.  
Which last clause is to be understood (as I suppose) with reference to the times since the Reformation: For in the former times, many precedents of like nature might be easily found. And being understood of the times since the Reformation, it is not so infallibly true, but that one precedent of it, at the least, may be found amongst us. Marmaduke Middleton advanced to the Bishopric of Sr. David's, Anno 1567. after he had sat in that See three and twenty years, was finally condemned (for many notable misdemeanours) not only to be deprived of his Bishopric, but degraded from all holy Orders. Which sentence was accordingly executed by and before the High-Commissioners at Lambeth-house, not only by reading of it in Scriptis, but by a formal divesting of him of his Episcopal Robes, and Priestly Vestments, as I have heard by a person of good credit, who was present at it. And somewhat there is further in the story of this Marmaduke Middleton, which concerns the Bishop now before us; of whom our Author telleth us further, That being pressed by two Bishops, and three Doctors, to answer upon Oath to certain Articles, which were tendered to him in the Tower, he utterly refused to do it, claiming the privilege of a Peer, fol. 159. Which plea was also made by the said Bishop of St. David's, offering to give in his Answer to such Articles, as were framed against him, on his Honour only, but refusing to do it on his Oath. Which case being brought before the Lords, then sitting in Parliament, was ruled against him; it being ordered, that he should answer upon Oath, as in fine he did. To this Bishop let us join his Chaplain, Mr. Osbolstone, who being engaged in the same Bark with his Patron, suffered shipwreck also, though not at the same time, nor on the same occasion; Censured in Star-Chamber not only to lose his Ecclesiastical Promotions, but to corporal punishments.  Fuller. 
In my weak judgement, the Animadvertor had better have omitted this passage (of this Bishop's Degradation) in this juncture of time, where in the repute of that Function runs very low, and their adversaries too ready to take all advantage to disgrace it. The rather, because Bishop Godwin taketh no notice at all thereof, but beginneth, continueth, and concludeth the life and death of this Bishop in less than two lines. Marmaduke Middleton translated from Ireland, died Novemb. 30th. 1592.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceedeth, fol. 166. But this last personal penalty he escaped, by going beyond Canterbury, conceived seasonably gone beyond the Seas, whilst he secretly concealed himself in London.] And he had 'scaped the last penalty, had he stayed at home. For though Mr. Osbolston at that time conceived the Archbishop to be his greatest enemy, yet the Archbishop was resolved to show himself his greatest friend, assuring the Author of these Papers (before any thing was known of Mr. Osbolstons supposed flight) that he would cast himself at the King's feet for obtaining a discharge of that corporal punishment unto which he was sentenced. Which may obtain the greater credit; First, in regard that no course was taken to stop his flight, no search made after him, nor any thing done in Order to his apprehension. And secondly, by Mr. Osbolstons readiness to do the Archbishop all good Offices in the time of his troubles, upon the knowledge which was given him (at his coming back) of such good Intentions. But of these private men enough; pass we now to the public.  Fuller. 
Whether or no he was sought after, I know not; this I know, he was not taken: and more do commend his wariness in his flight, than would have praised his valour for staying, in hope his Punishment should be remitted. It had been most Mercy to stop the denouncing, but was a good aftergame of pity to stay the inflicting of so cruel a censure on a Clergyman. As the Animadvertor, then, had the Credit to know; so the Author, now, hath the Charity to believe, the Arch-Bishops good resolution.  
However I cannot forget, that when the Sentence in the Star-Chamber, passed on Bishop Williams, (where he concurred with the highest in his Fine) He publicly professed, that He had fallen five times down on his knees before the King in the Bishop's behalf, but to no purpose. It might be therefore suspected that his intention to do it once for Mr. Osbolston might not have taken effect. And therefore, had the Archbishop's good resolution been known unto him, Mr. Osbolston might most advisedly conceal himself.  

Lib. XI. Part. II. Containing the last 12. Years of the Reign of King Charles.  Dr. Heylyn. 
ANd now we come to the last and most unfortunate Part of this King's Reign, which ended in the Loss of his own Life, the Ruin of the Church, and the Alteration of the Civil Government. Occasioned PRIMARILY, as my Author saith, by sending a new Liturgy to the Kirk of Scotland.  Fuller. 
I deny such a Word that I said the Liturgy did PRIMARILY occasion the War with Scotland: Rather the clean contrary may (by Charitable Logic) be collected from my Words, when having reckoned up a Complication of Heart-burnings amongst the Scots, I thus Conclude, Church-History. Book 11. Page. 163. 
Thus was the Scottish Nation full of discontents, when this Book being brought unto them bore the Blame of their breaking forth into more dangerous designs: as when the Cup is brimful before, the LAST (though LEST) superadded drop is charged alone to be the Cause of all the running over.   
Till than that the Word PRIMARILY can be produced out of my Book, let the Animadvertor be beheld PRIMARILY, as One departed from the Truth; and SECONDARILY as a Causeless accuser of his Brother.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds, Folio. 160. Miseries caused from the sending of the Book of Service, or new Liturgy thither which may sadly be termed a Rubric indeed died with the blood of so many, of both Nations slain on that Occasion.] Our Author speaks this in Relation to the Scottish Tumults, Anno 1637. In telling of which Story he runs (as commonly elsewhere) into many Errors. For first those Miseries, and that bloodshed was not caused by sending the Liturgy thither etc.  Fuller. 
Seeing the Animadvertor denies the Liturgy to have had any Causal influence on the Scots War, I must manifest my dissent from his judgement; and here I crave the Reader's leave to be his humble Remembrancer of the Kind's of Causes, so far as they conduce to the clearing of the present Controversy.  
Causes are twofold, Solitary or Totall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; or joint and fellow Causes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The latter again is twofold, Proegumena [long leading before] and inwardly disposing and inclining to Action; or Procatarctica (called also Causa irritatrix or Primitiva provocans) which is outwardly impulsive to Action.  
The former is termed by Physicians, Causa Antecedens; the latter Causa Evidens of a disease. Thus in a Fever, corrupt humours bred within and without the Veins, are the Antecedent cause thereof: whilst, being in the hot Sun, walking in the Southwind etc. stopping the Pores, and stirring the ill Humours to heat, may be the evident cause of a Fever.  
I thus apply it: The inward discontents of the Scots on several accounts (which follow on the next Paragraph) were the Antecedent causes of their War; whilst the evident Cause thereof, was the Obtruding the Liturgy upon them. And so much for my clear sense in this Controversy.  Dr. Heylyn. 
The Plot had been laid long before upon other grounds, that is to say, Questioning of some Church Lands, then in the hands of some great Persons, of which they feared a Rovocation to the Crown. And secondly, the manumitting of some poor subjects from the tyranny and vassalage which they lived under, in respect of their Tithes, exacted with all cruelty and injustice by those, whom they call the Lords of new erection. Which Plot so laid, there wanted nothing but some popular occasion for raising a Tumult first, a Rebellion afterwards; and this occasion they conceived they had happily gained, by sending the new Liturgy thither, though ordered by their own Clergy first, as our Author tells us, at the Assembly of Aberdeen, Anno 1616. and after a● Perth, Anno 1618. and fashioned for the most part by their own Bishops also. But of this there hath so much been said between the Observator and his Antagonist, that there is nothing necessary to be added to it. Secondly, there was no such matter as the passing of an Act of Revocation, for the restoring of such Lands as had been alienated from the Crown, in the minority of the King's Predecessors, of which he tells us, fol. 192. The King indeed did▪ once intend the passing of such an Act, but finding what an Insurrection was likely to ensue upon it, he followed the safer counsel of Sir Archibald Acheson, by whom he was advised to sue them in his Courts of Justice. Which course succeeding to his wish, so terrified many of those great persons, who had little else but such Lands to maintain their Dignities, that they never thought themselves secure, as long as the King was in a condition to demand his own. Thirdly, though it be true enough, that some persons of honour had been denied such higher Titles as they had desired, fol. 163. yet was it not the denying of such Titles unto Men of Honour, which wrought these terrible effects; but the denying of an honorary Title to a man of no honour. If Colonel Alexander Lesly, an obscure fellow, but made rich by the spoils and plunder of Germany, had been made a Baron when he first desired it, the rest of the malcontents in Scotland might have had an heart, though they had no head. But the King not willing to dishonour so high a Title, by conferring it on so low a person, denied the favour: Which put the man into such a heat, that presently he joined himself to the faction there, drove on the plot, and finally undertook the command of their Armies. Rewarded for which notable service with the Title of Earl of Levin by the King himself, he could not so digest the injury of the first refusal, but that he afterwards headed their Rebellions upon all occasions.  Fuller. 
Little opposition against, some variation from, and more addition unto what I have written, is herein contained: Which if tending to the Reader his clearer information, I am right glad thereof, and wish him all happiness therein.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds, fol. 163. Generally they excused the King in their writings, as innocent therein, but charged Archbishop Laud as the principal, and Dr. Cousins as the instrumental compiler thereof.] This is no more than we had reason to expect from a former passage, li●. 4. fol. 193. where our Author telleth us, that the Scotish Bishops withdrew themselves from their obedience to the See of York, in the time when George Nevil was Archbishop. And then he adds, Hence-forwards no Archbishop of York meddled more with Church-matters in Scotland; and happy had it been, if no Archbishop of Canterbury had since interressed himself therein. His stomach is so full of choler against this poor Prelate, that he must needs bring up some of it above an hundred years before he was born.  Fuller. 
What could more calmly be written? Perchance some cold phlegm, but nothing of choler is in the expression. I say again, It had been happy for King, Queen, Royal Issue, Church, State, the Archbishop himself, Animadvertor, Author, Reader, All England.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Hence is it, that he takes together all reports which makes against him, and sets them down in rank and file in the course of this History. If Archbishop Abbot be suspended from his Jurisdiction, the blame thereof was laid on Archbishop Laud, as if, not content to succeed, he endeavoured to supplant him, fol. 128. The King sets out a Declaration about lawful Sports, the reviving and enlarging of which must be put upon his account also, some strong presumptions being urged for the proof thereof, fol. 147. The reduction of the Church to her ancient Rules, and public Doctrines, must be nothing else but the enjoining of his own private practices and opinions upon other men, fol. 127. And if a Liturgy be composed for the use of the Church of Scotland, Who but he must be charged to be the Compiler of it?  Fuller. 
If all the places here cited are passed already, they have received their several Answers; if any of them be to come, they shall receive them, God-willing, in due time: that so for the present we may be silent, to prevent repetition.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But what proofs have we for all this? Only the malice of his enemies, or our Authors own disaffection to him, or some common fame. And if it once be made a fame, it shall pass for truth, and as a truth find place in our Author's History, though the greatest falsehood. Tam facilis in mendaciis fides, ut, quicquid famae liceat fingere, illi esset libenter audire, in my Author's language. But for the last he brings some proof, (he would have us think so at the least) that is to say, the words of one Bayly, a Scot; whom it concerned to make him as odious as he could, the better to comply with a Pamphlet, called, The intentions of the Army; in which it was declared, That the Scots entered England with a purpose, to remove the Archbishop from the King, and execute their vengeance on him. What hand Dr. Cousins had in assisting of the work, I am not able to say. But sure I am, that there was nothing was done in it by the Bishops of England, but with the counsel and co-operation of their brethren in the Church of Scotland, viz. the Archbishop of St. Andrews, the Archbishop of Glasco, the Bishops of Murray, Ross, Brechin, and Dunblane, as appears by the Book, entitled, Hidden works of darkness, etc. fol. 150, 153, 154, etc. And this our Author must needs know, (but that he hath a mind to quarrel the Archbishop upon every turn) as appears plainly, 1. By his Narrative of the Design in King james his time, from the first undertaking of it by the Archbishop of St. Andrew's, and the Bishop of Galloway then being; whose Book corrected by that King, with some additions, expunctions, and accommodations, was sent back to Scotland. 2. By that unsatisfiedness which he seems to have, when the project was resumed by King Charles, Whether the Book by him sent into Scotland, were the same which had passed the hands of King james, or not; which he expresseth in these words, viz. In the Reign of King Charles, the project was resumed, but whether the same Book, or no, God knoweth, fol. 160. If so, if God only know whether it were the same or no, how dares he tell us that it was not? And if it was the same, (as it may be for aught he knoweth) with what conscience can he charge the making of it upon Bishop Laud? Besides, (as afterward he telleth us, fol. 163) The Church of Scotland claimed not only to be Independent, and free as any Church in Christendom; a Sister, not a Daughter of England. And consequently the Prelates of that Church had more reason to decline the receiving of a Liturgy imposed on them, or commended to them by the Primate of England, for fear of acknowledging any subordination to him; than to receive the same Liturgy here by Law established, which they might very safely borrow from their Sister-Church, without any such danger. But, howsoever it was, the blame must fall on him who did least deserve it.  Fuller. 
I will return to my words, which gave the Animadvertor the first occasion of this long discourse.  
Generally they excused the King in their writings, but charged Archbishop Laud.  
I do not charge the Archbishop for compiling the Book, but say, The Scots did. Nor do I say, That what they charged on him is true; but it is true, that they did charge it on him. Had I denied it, I had been a liar; and seeing I affirmed no more, the Animadvertor is a caviller.  
It is observable, that when our Chroniclers relate, how Queen Anne Bollen was charged for Incontinency; Margaret Countess of Salisbury, for treasonable compliance with the Pope; Henry Earl of Surrey, for assuming the Arms of England; Edward Duke of Somerset, for designing the death of some Privy Counsellors; Thomas Duke of Norfolk, for aspiring, by the match of the Queen of Scots, to the English Crown; Robert Earl of Essex, for dangerous machinations against the person of Queen Elizabeth; Thomas Earl of Strafford, for endeavouring to subject England and Ireland to the King's arbitrary Power: That the Historians, who barely report these Persons thus charged, are not bound to make the charge good; it is enough if they name their respective accusers, as here I have named the Scots.  
It is also observable, that some of the Persons aforesaid, though condemned and executed, have since found such favour (or justice rather) with unpartial Posterity, that though they could not revive their persons, they have restored their memories to their innocence. And if the like shall be the hap of this Archbishop, I shall rejoice therein; I mean, if the Animadvertor's defence of him seems so clear, as to outshine the evidence; so weighty, as to out-poize all allegations, which in printed Books are published against him.  
In testimony whereof, I return nothing in contradiction to what the Animadvertor hath written; and it is questionable, whether my desire that he may, or distrust that he will not, be believed be the greater. Whatever the success be, I forbear farther rejoinder.  
To fight with a shadow, (whether one's own or another's) passeth for the proverbial expression of a vain and useless act. But seeing the dead are sometimes termed shadows, umbrae, to fall foul on them, without absolute necessity, is an act, not only vain, but wicked; not only useless, but uncharitable: And therefore no more hereof.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceedeth, 167. Thus none, seeing now foul weather in Scotland, could expect it fair Sunshine in England.] In this I am as little of our Author's Opinion, as in most things else. The Sun in England might have shined with a brighter Beam, if the Clouds which had been gathered together, and threatened such foul Wether in Scotland, had been dispersed and scattered by the Thunder of our English Ordnance. The opportunity was well given, and well taken also, had it not been unhappily lost in the Prosecution.  Fuller. 
Grant the Thunder of our English Ordnance, had scattered the Scottish Clouds; yet, (by the confession of the Animadvertor) there must first be foul weather in England, before there could be such fair weather to follow it. The Skies are always dark and lowering, even whilst the Thunder is Engendering therein. Military preparations, (in order to a Conquest of the Scots) must needs give our Nation great troubles, and (for the time) un-Sunshine England, which is enough to secure my Expression from just exception.  Dr. Heylyn. 
The Scots, were then weak, unprovided of all Necessaries, not above three thousand complete Arms to be found amongst them: The English on the other side making a formidable appearance, gallantly Horsed, compleaty Armed, and intermingled with the Choicest of the Nobility, and Gentry, in all the Nation.  Fuller. 
I am much of the mind of the Animadvertor, that there was a visible Disparity betwixt the two Armies, and the Odds in the eye of flesh, on the side of the English. They were Gallantly Horsed indeed, whether in Reference to their Horses or Riders, and the King pleasantly said, It would make the Scots fight against them, were it but to get their brave clothes. Indeed the strength of the Scots consisted in their Reputation to be strong, (reported here by such as Friended them) and the Scotch Lion was not half so fierce, as he was painted unto us. On the other side, The greatest disadvantage to the English was their own injurious Modesty, observed always to overprize strangers above themselves, being ignorant of their own Strength and Valour in War, because they had been so long accustomed to Peace. In all this Paragraph the Animadvertor and the Author may go abrest in their Judgements; and to prevent Quarrels, the Animadvertor shall have the right Hand, that they do not justle one the other.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And had the Scots been once broken, and their Country wasted, (which had been the easiest thing in the World, for the English Army,) etc.  Fuller. 
This is consonant to what He hath written, of the same Subject in the 
* pag. 74.  Short view of the Life and Reign of King Charles, that the King set forth against the Scots, accompanied with such an Army of Lords and Gentlemen as might ASSURE him of a cheap and easy VICTORY. His Majesty, I am sure, had, (as it became a good Christian,) a more modest and moderate apprehension of his own Army, such as might give him pregnant Hopes but no ASSURANCE of Victory. I never heard of an ASSURANCE-Office, for the success of Battles.  
But all this is written by the Animadvertor like an Historian, but not like a Doctor in Divinity. This mindeth me of a 
* Cambden's Remains pag. 250.  Passage of King Henry the Second, who standing on the Cliffs about St. David's in Wales, and there viewing Ireland, I with my Ships am able (saith he), to make a Bridge over it, if it be no further: Which speech of his being related to Murchard King of Lemster in Ireland; he demanded, if he added not to his speech [with the Grace of God]: When it was answered that he made no mention of God; Then, said he more cheerfully, I fear him the less, which trusteth more to Himself, then to the Help of GOD.  
When the Animadvertor tells us, that it had been the easiest thing in the world for the English to have broken the Scots Army, I must tell him; here was one thing in the world easier, namely the inserting of these words, by God's Ordinary blessing, or something to that purpose. Otherwise we know, who it was that said, that the race 
* Eccle●.  is not to the Swift, nor the battle to the Strong, neither yet bread to the Wise, nor yet riches to men of Understanding, nor yet favours to men of Skill: time and chance happeneth to them all.  
Time was, when the Animadvertor did needlessely Lavish a 
* In these his Animadversions (as by him set forth pag. 8.  GOD-BLESSE; God bless not only our Historian, but Baronius himself, from being held an Author of no no Credit. He that then spent it, when he should have spared it, spares it now, when he should have spent it.  Dr Heylyn. 
The Scots had been utterly disabled from creating Trouble to their King, disturbances in their own Church, and destruction to England. So true is that of the wise Historian, Conatus subditorum irritos imperia semper promouêre; the Insurrections of the People when they are suppressed, do always make the King stronger, and the Subjects weaker.  Fuller. 
All this proceeds (as the former) on the Supposition that the English had beaten the Scots, which though (in the eye of flesh) probable, was uncertain. The Latins and English have the same word MOMENTUM, MOMENT, which signifieth, as Time of the least Continuance, so matters of most Concernment, to show that the Scales of Success, which God alone holds in his Hand, are so ticklish, that the MOTE of a MOMENT may turn them on either side, which is the reason, why no man can positively conclude of future Contingencies.  Dr. Heylyn. 
The Sermon ended, we chose Dr. Stewart Dean of Chicester Prolocutor, and the next day of Sitting, We met at Westminister in the Chapel of King Henry the Seventh.] Had it not been for these and some other passages of this Nature, our Author might have lost the Honour of being took notice of, for one of the Clerks of the Convocation; and one not of the lowest form, but passing for some of those wise men, who began to be fearful of themselves, and to be jealous of that power by which they were enabled to make new Canons. How so? Because it was feared by the judicious (himself still for one) lest the Convocation, whose power of meddling with Church-matters, had been bridled up for many years before, should now, enabled with such Power, overact their Parts, especially in such dangerous and discontented times, as it after followeth. Wisely fore-seen. But then why did not WE, that is to say, our Author, and the rest of those Wise and judicious Persons, fore-warne their weak and unadvised Brethren of the present danger; or rather, Why did they go along with the rest for company, and follow th●se who had before outrun the Canons by their additional Conformity?  Fuller. 
Dear Honour indeed, Honos Onus: for which I was fined with the Rest of my Brethren two hundred Pounds by the House of Commons, though not put to pay it, partly because it never passed the House of Lords; partly, because they thought it needless to shave their Hair, whose Heads they meant to cut-off; I mean, they were so Charitable as not to make them pay a Fine, whose Place in cathedrals they intended, not long after, to take away.  
I insert the word WE, not to credit myself, but to confirm the Reader; relations from an eye and earwitness, meeting with the best belief. Such insinuations of the Writer, being present at the actions he writeth of, want not precedents in holy and profane Authors. Hence it is collected, that St. Luke accompanied St. Paul in his dangerous voyage to Rome, Act. 27.37. WE were all in the ship two hundred threescore and sixteen souls.  
Let the Animadvertor lay what load he pleaseth on me, whose back is broad and big enough to bear it; but O let him spare my worthy friends, some now glorious Saints in Heaven, Bishop Westfield, Dr. Holmsworth; and some of the highest repute still alive, whom I forbear to name. It comforteth me not a little, that God hath chosen— the foolish things of this world to con●ound the wise.  Dr. Heylyn. 
How wise the rest were, I am not able to say. But certainly our Author showed himself no wiser than Waltham's Calf, who ran nine mile to suck a Bull, and came home athirst, as the Proverb saith. His running unto Oxford, which cost him as much in seventeen weeks, as he had spent in Cambridge in seventeen years, was but a second sally to the first Knight-Errantry.  Fuller. 
I can patiently comport with the Animadvertor's jeers, which I behold as so many Frogs, that it is pretty and pleasing to see them hop and skip about, having not much harm in them: but I cannot abide his Rail, which are like to Toads, swelling with venom within them. Any one may rail who is bred but in BILLINGS-GATE-COLLEDGE: and I am sorry to hear such language from the Animadvertor, a Doctor in Divinity; seeing railing is as much beneath a Doctor, as against Divinity.  
When Dr. Turner, a Physician sufficiently known, gave the lie (at the Earl of Pembroke's Table) to the Earl of Carnarvan; I will take the Lie from you, (replied the Earl) but I will never take Physic from you. If such railing be consistent with the Doctor's Divinity, this once I will take the Calf, but never learn Divinity from him.  
Two things comfort me under his reviling: First, that no worse man than David himself complained, that he became a 
* Psal. 69.11.  PROVERB to his enemies. Secondly, though a Calf be a contemptible creature, passing for the emblem (not with the Dove of simplicity, but) of plain silliness; yet is it a clean one, and accepted of 
* Heb. 9.19.  God for sacrifice. Whereas the snarling Dog (though a creature of far more cunning and sagacity) was so odious and unclean, that by a peculiar 
* Deut. 23.18.  Law it was provided, that the price of a dog should not be brought into the house of God.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author thus proceedeth, fol. 168. Next day the Convocation came together, etc. when, contrary to the general expectation, it was mentioned to improve the present opportunity, in perfecting the new Canons which they had begun.] I have not heard of any such motion, as our Author speaks of, from any who were present at that time, though I have diligently laboured to inform myself in it: Nor is it probable, that any such motion should be made, as the case then stood. The Parliament had been dissolved on Tuesday the 5th. of May; the Clergy met in Convocation on the morrow after, expecting then to be dissolved, and licenced to go home again. But, contrary to that general expectation, in stead of hearing some news of his Majesties Writ for their dissolution, there came an Order from the Archbishop to the Prolocutor, to adjourn till Saturday. And this was all the business which was done that day; the Clergy generally being in no small amazement, when they were required not to dissolve, till further Order. Saturday being come, what then? A new Commission, saith he, was brought from his Majesty, by virtue whereof WE were warranted still to sit, not in the capacity of a Convocation, but of a Synod. I had thought our Author, with his wise and judicious Friends, had better hearkened to the tenor of that Commission, than to come out with such a gross and wild absurdity, as this is, so fit for none as Sir Edward Deering, and for him only, to make sport withal in the House of Commons. At the beginning of the Convocation, when the Prolocutor was admitted, the Archbishop produced his Majesty's Commission under the Great Seal; whereby the Clergy was enabled to consult, treat of, and conclude such Canons, as they conceived most expedient to the peace of the Church, and his majesty's service. But this Commission being to expire with the end of the Parliament, it became void, of no effect as soon as the Parliament was dissolved. Which being made known unto the King, who was resolved the Convocation should continue, and that the Clergy should go on in completing those Canons, which they had so happily begun; He caused a new Commission to be sent unto them, in the same words, and to the very same effect, as the other was; but that it was to continue duran●e beneplacito only, as the other was not.  Fuller. 
The Reader may take notice, that there is some difference in judgement betwixt the Animadvertor and me; and no wonder then if some (no great, I hope) variations betwixt us, in relating the passages of this Convocation, each of us observing what made most for his own interest. The Reader also may be pleased to use his own discretion, and to credit him, whom he believeth most probable of the two, exactly to observe, firmly to remember, and faithfully to relate, what we saw done, (both of us being there) and since borrowing help of our friends, then present, where we fall short in our intelligence.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author goes on as followeth, Ibid. Dr. Brownrig, Dr. Hacket, Dr. Holdsworth, etc. with others, to the number of thirty six, earnestly protested against the continuance of the Convocation.] It's possible enough that Dr. Brownrig, now Lord Bishop of Excester, Dr. Hacket, and the rest of the thirty six, our Author being of the Quorum, (in his own understanding of the word) might be unsatisfied in the continuance of the Convocation, because of some offence, which, as they conceived, would be taken at it. But if they had protested, and protested earnestly, as our Author tells us, the noise of so many Votes concurring, must needs be heard by all the rest which were then assembled; from none of which I can learn any thing of this protestation.  Fuller. 
I am nothing moved with his jeer, when he calleth me of the Quorum in this Convocation. Mithridates' King of Pontus is commonly reported, so habited to the eating of poison, that that which was nauseous and noxious at the first, by custom became harmless unto him. I am so used to the bitter jeers of the Animadvertor, so frequently laid in my dish, that now they are become food, not physic, unto me; and the greatest quantity of them will not so much as stir my constitution, to anger.  
It seemeth strange to me indeed, that the Protest of the Dissentors was not ●eard, by the rest in the Convocation; I cannot be so uncharitable, to think them in this point like those of whom the 
* 2 P●●. 3.5.  Apostle speaketh, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, this they are willingly ignorant of: I impute it rather to their forgetfulness, most of them surviving being aged persons, and this done more than sixteen years since. For though it be true, Omnia quae curant senes meminerunt; yet were they more prone to oblivion in this particular, because they cared not for that Protestation, they disliked; and therefore never charged it on their Memories.  
The best is, I may speak (I hope, as yet) of the thirty six Dissentors, in the same language of the 
* 1 Cor. 15.6.  Apostle, Of whom the greater part remain until this present, but some are fallen asleep. Bishop Brownrig, Dr. Hacket, Dr. Warmester, etc. are still (and may they long be) alive, who will be believed in this point, that they protested against the sitting of the Convocation, after the dissolution of the Parliament.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Or if they did protest so earnestly, as he said they did, why was not the Protestation reduced into writing, subscribed with their hands in due form of Law, and so delivered to the Register to remain upon Record (amongst the other Act of that House) for their Indemnity: Which not being done, rendrock this Protest of theirs (if any such Protest there were) to signify nothing, but their dislike of the continuance.  Fuller. 
Herein the Animadvertor doth speak a sad truth; the Dissentors were ill advised herein, whereby their Protest (significant only in their own consciences) was legally rendered of none effect.  
But herein they may partly be excused, because they (though not entering a written Protest) supposed a verbal one would manifest their dislike, and hoped it would sufficiently secure them from a danger, which (though suspected) was not certain to ensue.  
This afterwards was very eagerly urged against them, by a Committee in Parliament; and sorry I am, that they could not make their answer as clear as the objection.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But whereas our Author tells us, that the whole House consisted but of six score persons, it may be thought that he diminisheth the number of set purpose, to make his own party seem the greater. For in the lower House of Convocation for the Province of Canterbury, if all parties summoned do appear, these are no fewer than two and twenty Deans, four and twenty Preb●ndaries, fifty four Archdeacon's, and forty four Clerks, representing the Diocesan Clergy, amounting in the total to an hundred forty four persons; whereof the thirty six Protesters (if so many there were) make the fourth part only. Howsoever, all parties being not well satisfied with the lawfulness of their continuance, his Majesty was advertised of it. Who, upon conference with his Judges and Counsel learned in the Laws, caused a short Writing to be drawn, and subscribed by their several hands, in these following words, viz. at Whitehall, May the 10th. 1640. the Convocation being called by the King's Writ, is to continue till it be dissolved by the King's Writ, notwithstanding the dissolving of the Parliament. Subscribed by Finch Lord Keeper, Manchester Lord Privy Seal, Littleton chief Justice of the Common Pleas, Banks Attorney General, whitfield and Heath, his Majesty's Sergeants.  Fuller. 
I protest, and now will enter my protestation, in scriptis, (that it may be valid) I had no design either to subtract from the number in the Convocation, or add to those of the Dissentors.  
I believe the Animadvertor is very right in his Arithmetic of Persons, in the Provincial Convocation of Canterbury.  
But concerning the Arch-deacons, give me leave once to enlarge myself, in stating their true number, because it is hard to find either a printed or written Catalogue of them, which is exact herein: They are generally reckoned up but FIFTY TWO, as followeth.  
The two first containing eighteen a piece, the last, sixteen; which are but fifty two in my Arithmetic. 
St. Asaph. 
St. Asaph.  Bangor. 


Bangor.  
Anglesey.  
Merioneth.    Bristol. 
Dorset.  Bath and Wels. 


Wels.  
Bath,  
Taunton.    Canterb. 
Canterbury.  Chichest. 


Chichester.  
Lewes.    Covent. & Lich. 


Stafford.  
Derby.  
Covent.  
Salop.    Ely. 
Ely.  Exeter. 


Exeter.  
Cornwall.    Exeter. 


To●nes.  
Barnstaple.    
Gloucester.  Hereford. 


Hereford.  
Salop.    London. 


London.  
Middlesex.  
Essex.  
Colchester.  
St. Alban.    Lincoln. 


Lincoln.  
Stow.  
Bedford.  
Buckingham.  
Huntingdon.  
Leicester.    Landaff. 
Landaff.  St. david's. 
St. david's.  St. david's. 


Carmarthen.  
Cardigan.  
Brecknock.    Norwich. 


Norwich.  
Norfolk.  
Suffolk.  
Sudbury.    Oxford. 
Oxford.  Peterburg. 
Northampton.  Rochester. 
Rochester.  Salisbury. 


Wilts.  
Berks.  
Sarum.    Winchest. 


Winchester.  
Surrey.    Worcest. 
Worcester.    
This is the best printed List I have ever seen, presented in Weaver's 
* pag. 386. etc.  Funeral Monuments, having the valuation of each Archdeaconry annexed; taken, as he saith, (and I believe him therein) out of Sir Robert Cotton's Library: and yet I am sure it is not complete.  
Wherefore I supply Warwick (in the Diocese of Worcester) as I find it in a more perfect written Catalogue. And yet still one is wanting, even Westminster, who●e Church was advanced to the See of a Bishop by King Henry the Eighth; and though since it hath been set back from a Cathedral to a Collegiat-Church; yet it still retaineth the honour to send one of their Prebendaries (by the Title of their archdeacon) to the Convocation. And thus we have our full number of fifty four.  
But whereas the Animadvertor taxeth me for saying, The Convocation consisted of sixscore: I confess, when I first read his words, I had not a Church-History by me to confute it. Yet I conceived such positiveness in a number improbable to fall from my Pen, who had learned this Lesson from the best of Teachers, the Spirit of God, not to be peremptory, but to leave a latitude in numbers of this nature.  
In Times. In Places. In Persons. Dan. 5.33. Darius' being about threescore and two years' 〈◊〉. Luk. 24.13. From jerusalem about sixty furlongs. Exod. 12.37. About six hundred thousand men on foot. Luk. 3.23. jesus began to 〈◊〉 about thirty years of age. Joh. 6.19. Had rowed about five and twenty furlongs. Act. 2.41. Added to the Church about three thousand souls.  
But upon inspection of my Book, my words were, The whole House consisting of ABOUT six score; where [about] is receptive of more or less. Besides, the Convocation, as to the effectual managing of matters, properly consisted not of the Members belonging thereto, but present therein; and some five score and ten was the general and constant appearance, the rest being absent for age, sickness, and other detentions.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Which Writing (an Instrument our Author calls it) being communicated to the Clergy by the Lord Archbishop on the morrow after, did so compose the minds of all men, that they went forwards very cheerfully with the work in hand. The principal of those whom our Author calls Dissenters, bringing in the Canon of Preaching for conformity, (being the eighth Canon in the Book, as now they are placed) which was received and allowed of, as it came from his hand without alteration.  Fuller. 
And calleth it an Instrument properly enough, both to the original notation, and modern acception of the word. Instrument is so termed ab instruendo, from Instructing. This Writing did first instruct Us at the present, that, by the judgement of those great Statesmen and Lawyers, We might legally continue, notwithstanding the dissolution of the Parliament. And since, this Writing hath (by the event thereof) instructed us, that seeing the judgements of the Grandees in the Law were censured erroneous in Parliament, it is unsafe in matters of this nature, to rely on the opinions of any [comparatively] private person's.  
As for the modern acception of the word, I appeal to the Critics in Language, whether this Writing (as the Animadvertor is fain to term it) of the Judges, may not be called by the general name of Instrument, harmoniously enough to the propriety thereof.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Howsoever, our Author keeps himself to his former folly, shutting up his extravagancy with this conclusion, fol. 169. Thus was an old Convocation converted into a new Synod.] An expression borrowed from the speech of a witty Gentleman, as he is called by the Author of the History of the Reign of King Charles, and since by him declared to be the Lord George Digby, now Earl of Bristol. But he that spent most of his wit upon it, and thereby gave occasion unto others for the like mistake, was Sir Edward Deering, in a speech made against these Canons, Anno 1640. where we find these flourishes: Would you confute the Convocation? They were a holy Synod. Would you argue against the Synod? Why, they were Commissioners. Would you dispute the Commission? They will mingle all powers together, and answer, that they were some fourth thing, that neither we know nor imagine; that is to say, (as it follows afterwards, pag. 27.) a Convocationall-Synodicall-Assembly of Commissioners. More of this fine stuff we may see hereafter. In the mean time we may judge, by this remnant, of the whole Piece; and find it upon proof to be very sleight, and not worth the wearing. For first, the Gentleman could not, and our Author cannot choose but know, that a Convocation and a Synod (as used in England of late times) are but the same one thing under divers names, the one borrowed from a Grecian, the other from a Latin Original. The Convocation of the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury, being nothing but a Provincial Synod; as a national Synod is nothing else, but the Convocation of the Clergy of both Provinces. Secondly, our Author knows by this time, that the Commission which seems to makes this doughty difference, changed not the Convocation into a Synod, (as some vainly think) but only made that Convocation active in order to the making of Canons, which otherwise had been able to proceed no further than the grant of Subsidies. Thirdly, that nothing is more ordinary, then for the Convocations of all times since the Reformation, to take unto themselves the name of Synods. For, the Articles of Religion made in the Convocation Anno 1552. are called in the Title of the Book, Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinensi convenit, etc. The same name given to those agreed on in the Convocation, Anno 1562. as appears by the Title of that Book also, in the Latin Edition. The Canons of the year 1571. are said to be concluded and agreed upon in Synodo inchoatâ Lond. in aede Divi Pauli, etc. In the year 1575. came out a Book of Articles, with this Title following, viz. Articles whereupon it was agreed by the most reverend father in God, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and other the Bishops, and the whole Clergy in the Province of Canterbury, in the Convocation or synod holden at Westminster. The like we find in the year 1597. (being the last active Convocation in Queen Elizabeth's time) in which we meet with a Book entitled, Constitutiones Ecclesiasticae, etc. in Synodo inchoatâ Londini vicesimo quinto die mensis Octobris.  Fuller. 
I request the Reader would be pleased, to call to his remembrance a passage of the Animadvertors, on my fifth Book, relating to the Reign of King Henry the Eighth. I must confess myself to be at a loss in this intricate Labyrinth, unless perhaps there were some critical difference between a SYNOD and a CONVOCATION; the first being called by the Archbishops, in their several and respective Provinces, as the necessities of the Church; the other only by the King, as his occasions and affairs, did require the same.  
I find myself now in the like labyrinth, and can meet with no Ariadne's thread, to extricate myself. I confess; commonly, CONVOCATION and SYNOD pass for Synonyma's, signifying one and the same thing; yet some make this nice difference. 

1. Convocation, which is, in the beginning and ending, parallel with the Parliament.  
2. Synod, which is called by the King out of Parliament.    
I acknowledge myself a Seeker in this point, and will not wilfully bolt mine eyes against the beams of Truth, by whomsoever delivered: Mean time, I crave leave to enter this my dissatisfaction herein, seeing the Animadvertor so lately did confess his, in a thing of the like nature.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author finally is to know, that though the members of the two Convocations of York and Canterbury did not meet in person, yet they communicated their counsels, the results of the one being dispatched unto the other, and there agreed on, or rejected, as they saw cause for it.  Fuller. 
I am not to know it, for I knew it before, and nothing in my Book appears to the contrary; that the two Provincial Synods privately did communicate their transactions, as they were in fieri, in the making; and at last, publicly, viz. when We at Westminster had completed the Canons, by Our subscription thereunto.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Which laid together, shows the vanity of another passage in the Speech of Sir Edward Deering, where he vapoureth thus, viz. A strange Commission, wherein no one Commissioner's name is to be found; a strange Convocation, that lived when the Parliament was dead; a strange holy Synod, where one part never saw, never conferred with the other. Lastly, Sir Edward Deering seems to marvel at the Title of the Book of Canons then in question, expressing, that they were treated upon in Convocation, agreed upon in Synod. And this, saith he, is a new Mould to cast Canons in, never used before. But had he looked upon the Title of the Book of Canons, Anno 1603. he had found it otherwise. The Title this, viz. Constitutions and Canons Ecclesiastical, treated by the Bishop of London, Precedent of the Convocation for the Province of Canterbury, etc. and agreed upon with the King's Majesty's licence in their Synod begun at London, Anno 1603. And so much for the satisfaction of all such persons, whom either that Gentleman, or this our Author, have misinformed, and consequently abused in this particular.  Fuller. 
He hath now vapoured out that, which by the 
* Jam 4. ●.  Apostle is termed, even a vapour which appeareth for a little time and then vanisheth away. Being dead, the Animadvertor might have spared this expression upon him.  
I believe neither he nor the Author did wittingly or willingly misinform any, and therefore cannot by any charitable pen be justly condemned for abusing them.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds, Ibid. Now because great Bodies move slowly, etc. it was thought fit to contract the Synod into a select Committee of some twenty six, beside the Prolocutor.] No such contracting of the Synod as our Author speaks of. There was indeed a Committee of twenty six, or thereabouts, appointed to consider of a Canon for uniformity in some Rites and Ceremonies, of which number were the principal of those whom he calls Dissenters, and our Author too amongst the rest; who having agreed upon the Canon, it was by them presented to the rest of the Clergy in Convocation, and by them approved. And possible it is, that the drawing up o● some other Canons might be referred also to that Committee, (as is accustomed in such cases) without contracting the whole House into that small body, or excluding any man from being present at their Consultation.  Fuller. 
I know not what offence the word contracting may give, but my meaning, obvious to any Reader, is this, that a select Committee was appointed, to prepare matters of greatest importance. No member being excluded from being present at, but from giving a Vote in, that Consultation.  Dr Heylyn. 
But whereas our Author afterwards tells us, that nothing should be accounted the Act of the House till thrice (as he takes it) publicly voted therein.] It is but as he takes it, or mistakes it rather, and so let it go.  Fuller. 
He might have allowed me the liberty of that modest Parenthesis, without carping at it. Some things I confess (having since better informed myself) passed at the first time; but others which were merely new were Thrice read, on the same token that it occasioned the contest betwixt the Prolocutor and Doctor Holdsworth.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But I needed not to have signified, that our Author was one of the Committee, he will tell it himself; and he will tell us more than that, publishing himself for one of the thirty six Dissenters, the better to ingratiate himself with the rising side. The next day (so he lets us know) We all subscribed the Canons, suffering ourselves (according to the order of such Meetings) to be all concluded by the majority of Votes, though some of US in the Committee privately dissented in the passing of many particulars.] So then, our Author was content to play the goodfellow at the last, and go along hand in hand with the rest of his company; dissenting privately, but consenting publicly, which is as much as can be looked for.  Fuller. 
It is not worth the while for him who is falling into the grave to endeavour to ingratiate himself with any rising-side. I appeal to the Animadvertor's own Conscience, if I have not written the plain truth herein.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds, Ibid. No sooner came these Canons abroad into a public view, but various were men's censures upon them.] Not possible that in such a confusion, both of affections and opinions, it should otherwise be. Non omnibus una voluntas, was a note of old, and will hold true as long as there are many men to have many minds. And yet, if my information deceive me not, these Canons found great approbation from the mouths of some, from whom it had been least expected; particularly from Justice Crook, whose Argument in the case of Shipmoney, was printed afterwards by the Order of the House of Commons. Of whom I have been told, by a person of great worth and credit, that having read over the Book of Canons, when it first came out, he lifted up his hands, and gave hearty thanks to Almighty God, that he had lived to see such good effects of a Convocation. It was very well that they pleased him; but that they should please all men was not to be hoped for.  Fuller. 
This is all additory, nothing at all opposite to what I have written; so we may proceed.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds, fol. 171. Many took exception at the hollowness of the Oath in the middle thereof, having its bowels puffed up with a windy etc. a cheveral word, which might be stretched as men would measure it.] Of this etc. which has made so much noise in the world, I shall now say nothing. Somewhat is here subjoined by our Author in excuse thereof, the rest made up by the Observator. Only I shall make bold to ask him, why he observed not this etc. when the Oath was first under consideration? or why he signified not his dissent when it came to the Vote, and showed some reasons which might move him to object against it? It had been fitter for a wise and judicious man to signify his dislike of any thing when it might be mended, then to join with others in condemning it, when it was past remedy.  Fuller. 
I was not sensible of any just cause of exception therein. The Animadvertor confesseth that I have subjoined some what in the excuse thereof. And set me add that that somewhat is as much to purpose in the defence of that Oath (being borrowed from as learned and pious a pen, as England then enjoyed) as any thing, that the Animadvertor or his party can allege. Wherefore except, joining with those who do defend it, be the same with, joining with those who do condemn it, the Animadvertor hath unjustly ranked me amongst the latter.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But, Mala mens, malus animus, as the saying is. The Convocation had no ill intent in it when they passed it so, though some few, out of their perverseness and corrupt effections, were willing to put their own sense on it, and spoil an honest meaning Text with a factious Gloss. But let us follow our Author as he leads the way, and we shall find, that  
Ibid. Some Bishops were very forward in pressing this Oath, even before the time thereof. For, whereas a liberty was allowed to all to deliberate thereon, until the Feast of Michael the Archangel, some presently pressed the Ministers of their Dioceses for the taking thereof.] It seems by this, that our Author was so far from taking notice of any thing done in the Convocation, when the Canon for the Oath was framed, that he never so much as looked into the Canon itself, since the Book came out. He had not else dreamt of a liberty of Deliberation, till the Feast of St. Michael the Archangel, which I am sure the Canon gives not. The Synod did indeed decree, that all Archbishops and Bishops, and all other Priests and Deacons, in places exempt or not exempt, should, before the second day of November next ensuing, take the following Oath, against all innovation of Doctrine or Discipline. By which we see, that the Oath was to be given and taken before the second of November, but no such thing as Liberty of Deliberation till the Feast of St. Michael. And therefore if some Bishops did press the Clergy of their several and respective Dioceses, as soon as they returned home from the Convocation; they might well do it by the Canon, without making any such essay of their activity, if providence (as our Author most wisely words it) had not prevented them▪  Fuller. 
Though there was no Solemn Order entered, or printed; yet am I sure, (having cause to be assured thereof) such a condescension was agreed on, and I know who did plead the Benefit of such Deliberation, on the same token it was denied it him.  Dr. Heylyn. 
If any of the Bishops did require their Clergy to take the Oath upon their knees, (as he says they did) though it be more than was directed by the Canon; yet I conceive, that no wise man would scruple at it, considering the gravity and greatness of the business which he was about.  Fuller. 
The Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy, being of as high and holy a nature and concernment, are never urged in that posture. All things are disposed of by divine Providence; and let the Doctor write against me, what he pleaseth; but take heed how he writes corrective Animadversions on the proceedings of the Greatest and Best of Beings.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But then, Ibid. The Exception of Exceptions was, because they were generally condemned as illegally passed, to the prejudice of the fundamental liberty of the Subject, whereof we shall hear enough in the next Parliament.] Not generally condemned, either as illegally passed, or as tending to prejudice of the Subject's Rights, I am sure of that. Scarce so much as condemned by any for those respects, but by such whom it concerned, (for carrying on of their Designs) to weaken the authority of the Church, and advance their own. But because our Author tells us, that we shall find enough of this in the following Parliament, we are to follow him to that Parliament for our satisfaction: And there we find, that Mr. Maynard made a Speech in the Committee of Lords against the Canons, made by the Bishops in the last Convocation, in which he endeavoured to prove, etc.  Fuller. 
Diogenes being demanded what one should give him to strike on the head as hard as he could, Give me, (said he) but an Helmet. Well fare my Helmet, the seasonable interposition of the word ENDEAVOURED! which hath secured me from the blows of the Animadvertor, and perchance his hand thereby retunded. Besides I have a double Helmet, Master [now Serjeant] Mainard, no less eminently known for his skill in Law, than for his love to the Clergy, by pleading so effectually (in his success as well as desire) for their Tithes. Wherefore being weary with this long contest, I resolve for a while even to take my natural rest, and will quietly sleep, until jogged by that, which particularly concerneth me.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Endeavoured to prove, that the Clergy had no power to make Canons, without common consent in Parliament, because in the Saxon's times, Laws and Constitutions Ecclesiastical had the confirmation of Peers, and sometimes of the People; to which great Councils our Parliaments do succeed.] Which Argument, if it be of force to prove, that the Clergy can make no Canons, without consent of the Peers and People in Parliament; it must prove also, that the Peers and People can make no Statutes without consent of the Clergy in their Convocation. My reason is, Because such Counsels in the times of the Saxons were mixed Assemblies, consisting as well of Laics as of ecclesiastics; and the matters there concluded on of a mixed nature also, Laws being passed as commonly in them in order to the good governance of the Commonwealth, as Canons for the regulating such things as concerned Religion. But these great Counsels of the Saxons being divided into two parts in the times ensuing, the Clergy did their work by themselves, without any confirmation from the King or Parliament, till the submission of the Clergy to King Henry the Eighth. And if the Parliaments did succeed in the place of those great Counsels, (as he says they did) it was, because that anciently the Procurators of the Clergy, not the Bishops only, had their place in Parliament, though neither Peers nor People voted in the Convocations. Which being so, it is not much to be admired, that there was some checking (as is said in the second Argument) about the disuse of the general making of such Church-Laws. But checking or repining at the proceeding of any Superior Court, makes not the Acts thereof illegal; for, if it did, the Acts of Parliaments themselves would be reputed of no force, or illegally made, because the Clergy for a long time have checked (and think they have good cause to check) for their being excluded. Which checking of the Commons appears not only in those ancient Authors which the Gentleman cited, but in the Remonstrance tendered by them to King Henry the Eighth, exemplified at large in these Animadversions, lib. 3. n. 61. But because this, being a Record of the Convocation, may not come within the walk of a Common Lawyer, I shall put him in mind of that memorable passage in the Parliament, 51 Edw. 3d. which in brief was this: The Commons finding themselves aggrieved, as well with certain Constitutions made by the Clergy in their Synods, as with some Laws or Ordinances which were lately passed, more to the advantage of the Clergy than the Common People, put in a Bill to this effect, viz. That no Act nor Ordinance should from thenceforth be made or granted on the Petition of the said Clergy, without the consent of the Commons; and that the said Commons should not be bound in times to come by any Constitutions made by the Clergy of this Realm, for their own advantage, to which the Commons of this Realm had not given consent. The reason of which is this, (and 'tis worth the marking) Car eux ne veulent estre obligez a nul de vos Estatuz ne Ordinances faitz sanz leur Assent. Because the said Clergy did not think themselves bound (as indeed they were not in those times) by any Statute, Act, or Ordinance, made without their assent in the Court of Parliament. But that which could not be obtained by this checking of the Commons, in the declining and last times of King Edward 3. was in some part effected by the more vigorous prosecution of King Henry 8. who, to satisfy the desires of the Commons in this particular, and repress their checkings, obtained from the Clergy, that they should neither make nor execute any Canons, without his consent, as before is said; so that the King's power of confirming Canons was grounded on the free and voluntary submission of the Clergy, and was not built, as the third Argument objecteth, on so weak a foundation as the Pope's making Canons by his sole power: the Pope not making Canons here, nor putting his Prescripts and Letters decretory in the place of Canons, but only as a remedy for some present exigency. So that the King's power in this particular not being built upon the Popes, as he said it was, it may well stand, That Kings may make Canons without consent of Parliament, though he saith they cannot. But whereas it is argued, in the fourth place, that the clause in the Statute of Submission, in which it is said, that the Clergy shall not make Canons without the King's leave, doth not imply, that by His leave alone they may make them; I cannot think that he delivered this for Law, and much less for Logic. For, had this been looked on formerly as a piece of Law, the Parliaments would have checked at it at some time or other, and been as sensible of the King's enchroachments, in executing this power without them, as anciently some of them had been about the disuse of the like general consent in the making of them.  Fuller. 
DORMIT SECURUS.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Fol. 180. In the next place our Author tells us, that Mr. Maynard endeavoured also to prove, that these Canons were against the King's Prerogative, the Rights, Liberties, and Properties of the Subject.] And he saith well, that it was endeavoured to be proved, and endeavoured only, nothing, amounting to a proof, being to be found in that which follows. It had before been Voted by the House of Commons, that the Canons are against fundamental Laws of this Realm, against the King's Prerogative, Property of the Subject, the Right of Parliament, and do tend to faction and sedition. And it was fit that some endeavours should be used to make good the Vote. But, this being but a general charge, requires a general answer only, and it shall be this: Before the Canons were subscribed, they were imparted to the King by the Archbishop of Canterbury, and by the King communicated to the Lords of the Council; who calling to them the assistance of the Judges, and some of the King's Council learned in the Laws of this Realm, caused the said Canons to be read and considered of, the King being then present. By all which, upon due and mature deliberation, the Canons were approved; and being so approved, were sent back to the Clergy in the Convocation, and by them subscribed. And certainly it had been strange, that they should pass the approbation of the Judges and learned Lawyers, had they contained any thing against the fundamental Laws of the Land, the Property of the Subject, and the Rights of Parliament, or been approved of by the Lords of his Majesty's Council, had any thing been contained in them derogatory to the King's Prerogative, or tending to faction and sedition. So that the foundation being ill laid, the superstructures and objections which are built upon it, may be easily shaken and thrown down. To the first therefore it is answered, that nothing hath been more ordinary in all former times, than for the Canons of the Church to inflict penalties on such, as shall disobey them; exemplified in the late Canons of 1603. many of which extend not only unto Excommunication, but even to Degradation and Irregularity, for which, see Can. 38.113. etc. To the second▪ that there is nothing in those Canons which determine●h or limiteth the King's Authority, but much that makes for, and defendeth the Right of the Subject, for which the Convocation might rather have expected thanks then censure, from ensuing Parliaments. To the third, That when the Canon did declare the Government of Kings to be founded on the Law of Nature, it was not to condemn all other Governments, as being unlawful, but to commend that of the Kings as being the best. Nor can it Logically be inferred, that because the Kingly Government is not received in all places, that therefore it ought not so to be: or that the Government (by this Canon) should be the same in all places, and in all alike; because some Kings do, and may lawfully part with many of their Rights for the good of their Subjects, which others do, and may as lawfully retain unto themselves. To the fourth, That the Doctrine of Nonresistance is built expressly on the words of St. Paul, Rom. 13. v. 2. and therefore to condemn the Canon in that behalf, is to condemn the Word of God upon which it is founded. Finally, to the fifth and last, That the Statute of 5, 6 Edw. 6. declaring, that the days there mentioned shall be kept for Holidays, and no other, relates only to the abolishing of some other Festivals, which had been formerly observed in the Realm of England, and not to the disabling of the Church from ordaining any other Holidays, (on emergent causes) in the times to come.  Fuller. 
DORMIT SECURUS.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Assuredly that able Lawyer would have spoke more home unto the point, could the cause have born it. Eloquentem facit causae bonitas, in the Orator's language. And therefore looking on the heads of the Arguments (as our Author represents them to us) I must needs think, that they were rather fitted to the sense of the House, than they were to his own.  Fuller. 
I now begin to awake, and rub my Eyes, hearing somewhat wherein I am concerned, as if I had unfaithfully related these Arguments.  
I confess it is but a Breviat of them, accommodated to the proportion of my Book; and had they been at large, much lustre must be lost whilst related, seeing none but Mr. Mainard can repeat the Arguments of Mr. Mainard to equal advantage. However, I had them from as observant, and judicious a Person as any in house of Lords; and if I should name Him, the Animadvertor would believe me herein.  Dr. Heylyn. 
What influence these Arguments might have on the House of Peers, when reported by the Bishop of Lincoln, I am not able to affirm: But so far I concur with our Author, that they lost neither life nor lustre, as they came from his mouth, who (as our Author says) was a back friend to the Canons, because made during his absence and durance in the Tower.] A piece of ingenuity which I did not look for.  Fuller. 
There are some Pens that if a Man do look for Ingenuity from them, he may look for it.  Dr. Heylyn. 
The power of Convocation being thus shaken and endangered, that of the High Commission and the Bishop's Courts was not like to hold; the one being taken away by Act of Parliament, and the other much weakened in the coercive power thereof, by a clause in that Act, of which our Author tell us, that  
Fol. 182. Mr. Pim triumphed at this success, crying out digitus Dei, it is the finger of God, that the Bishops should so supinely suffer themselves to be surprised in their power.] And well might Mr. Pim triumph, as having gained the point he aimed at, in subverting the coercive power, and consequently the whole exercise of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction. But he had no reason to impute it to the finger of God, or to the carelessness of the Bishops in suffering themselves to be so supinely surprised. For first the Bishops saw too plainly, that those general words by which they were disabled from inflicting any pain or penalty, would be extended to Suspension, Excommunication, and other Ecclesiastical censures. But secondly, they saw withal that the stream was too strong for them to strive against, most of the Lords being wrought on by the popular party in the House of Commons, to pass the Bill. Thirdly, they were not without hope, that when the Scots Army was disbanded, and that Nation satisfied, by the King's condescensions to them, there might be such an explication made of those general words, as to restrain them unto temporal pains and civil penalties, by which the censures of the Church might remain as formerly. And fourthly, in order thereunto they had procured a Proviso to be entered in the House of Peers, That the general words in this Bill should extend only to the High Commission Court, and not reach other Ecclesiastical jurisdiction, for which consult our Author, fol. 181. Having thus passed over such matters as concern the Church, we will now look upon some few things which relate to the Parliament. And the first is that—.  Fuller. 
I said not Mr. Pim had just cause to triumph; yea somewhat followeth in my History to the contrary, showing He had no reason to rejoice, and condemn the Bishops herein, seeing not Supinesse but prudential condescension, for the time, made them rather sufferers then surprised herein. Only I say, there are many alive, who heard him sing aloud this his Victoria, and the Echo thereof it still soundeth in their Ears.  
The Animadvertor himself, sometimes triumpheth over my mistakes, and carrieth me away in his own conceit; whilst still I am sensible of my own Liberty, that I am in a free condition.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Fol. 174. Dr. Pocklinton, and Dr. Bray, were the two first that felt the displeasures of it, the former for preaching and printing, the latter for licensing two Books, one called Sunday no Sabbath, the other the Christian Altar.] No other way to pacify the high displeasures of the Bishop of Lincoln, but by such a Sacrifice, who therefore is entrusted to gather such Propositions out of those two Books as were to be recanted by the one, and for which the other was to be deprived of all his preferments. And in this the Bishop served his own turn, and the people's too: his own turn first, in the great controversy of the Altar, in which he was so great a stickler, and in which Pocklington was thought to have provoked him to take that revenge. The People's turn he served next, in the condemning and recanting of some points about the Sabbath, though therein he ran cross to his former practice. Who had been not long since so far from those Sabbatarian rigours, (which now he would fain be thought to countenance) that he caused a Comedy to be acted before him at his house at Budgen, not only on a Sunday in the afternoon, but upon such a Sunday also on which he had publicly given sacred Orders both to Priests and Deacons. And to this Comedy, he invited the Earl of Manchester, and divers of the neighbouring Gentry.  Fuller. 
I was neither an Actor in, nor a Spectator of that Comedy. The better day, the worse deed. I recount it amongst none of those his Good works, wherewith he abounded.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Though on this turning of the tide, he did not only cause these Doctors to be condemned for some Opinions which formerly himself allowed of, but moved at the Assembly in jerusalem-chamber, that all Books should be publicly burnt, which had disputed the Morality of the Lords-day-Sabbath. Quo teneam nodo, etc. as the Poet hath it.  Fuller. 
I have been credibly informed, that when in jerusalem-chamber, Mr. Stephen Martial urged most vehemently for severe punishment, on the Authors of those Books; Bishop Williams, fell foul on the Books, moving they might be burned, that their Authors might the better escape. Let every one betine his share herein.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But whereas our Author tells us in the following words, that soon after both the Doctors deceased for grief, I dare with some confidence tell him, there was no such matter; Dr. Pocklinton living about two years, and Dr. Bray above four years after, with as great cheerfulness and courage as ever formerly. How he hath dealt with Dr. Cousin, we shall see more at large hereafter in a place by itself, the discourse thereof being too long and too full of particulars, to come within the compass of an Animadversion. In the mean time proceed we unto Bishop Wren, of whom thus as followeth.  Fuller. 
I went to Peterborough on purpose in Quest after Information, and saw Dr. Pocklinton's Grave; on the same token, it was in the Churchyard, just in the place, where so many Saxons were murdered, and Martyred by the Danes: and there I heard that he enjoyed not himself after his censure. Of Dr. Bray (though I could) I say nothing; and shall return an Answer to Dr. Cousins at the end of this Book.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds, Fol. 182. A Bill (saith our Author) was sent up by the Commons against Matthew Wren Bishop of Ely, containing 25 Articles, etc.] That such a Bill was sent up from the House of Commons, is undoubtedly true. And no less true it is, that many Impeachments of like nature were hammered, at, and about, the same time against many other Clergy men of good note, though inferior Order; the Articles whereof were Printed and exposed to open sail to their great disparagement. And therefore I would fain know the Reason, why this Man should be singled out amongst all the rest to stand impeached upon record in our Author's History; especially considering that there was nothing done by the Lords in pursuance of it, the Impeachment dying in a manner as soon as born. Was it because he was more Criminal than the other were, or that the charge was better proved, or for what Cause else?  Fuller. 
I will give the Reader a true and fair● account thereof. Many Clergy men, (as the Animadvertor observeth) being then articled against; I thought, to insert all would clog my Book with needless Numbers, as to omit all, would be interpreted Partiality, and unfaithfulness in an Historian: I chose therefore the middle, (as the safest) way, to instance in four; two Doctors, Bray and Pocklinton; one Dean, I. Cousins; and one Bishop, Matthew Wren, conceiving these a sufficient Representation of all the rest. Wherefore I cannot see how the Animadvertor can properly say, that Bishop Wren was by me singled out, except a QUATERNION be a single Man. It was not because his Charge was better (which for aught I know was not at all) proved, but for these Reasons: 

1. He was one of the first in Time. Clamoured against.  
2. He was one of the highest in Dignity. Clamoured against.  
3. He was one that hath longest been a Sufferer for his un-prosecuted Accusation.    
And here had the Animadvertor been pleased, as well to take notice of Flowers and Herbs in my Church-History, as what he counteth Weeds therein, he might have inserted, (yea with Justice could not have omitted) this following 
* Book 11. p. 196.  passage. Bishop Wren his long imprisonment, (being never brought into a public Answer) hath converted many of his Adversaries, into a more Charitable opinion of him.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Well, since our Author will not, I will tell you, why (he singled out M. Wren amongst all the rest) And I will tell it in the words of King james, in the Conference at Hampton-court, upon occasion of a needless exception taken by Dr. Reynolds at a passage in Ecclesiasticus, What trow ye, (said the King,) makes these men so angry with Ecclesiasticus? By my Sal, I think he was a Bishop, or else they would never use him so. And so much for that.  Fuller. 
Whether Ecclesiasticus was a Bishop or no, I know not; this I know that Ecclesiastes was a Preacher. The words of Kings are most proper for the Mouths of Kings, and Sovereigns may speak their Pleasure to their Subjects, which fit nor fellow-Subjects one to another. And so much for that.  
My extraction who was Prebendarius Prebendarides, and Relation (as the Animadvertor knows) to Two no mean Bishops, my Uncles, may clear me from any Episcopal Antipathy. I honour any who is a Bishop, both Honour and Love him who is a Religious and Learned Bishop.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds, Fol. 174. About this time was the first motion of a new Protestation to be taken all over England, which some months after was generally performed.] What time this was our Author tells us in the margin, pointing to Feb. 4. about which time there was no mention of the Protestation, nor occasion for it. The first mention which was made of the Protestation was upon Monday, May the third, on which day it was mentioned, framed, and taken by all the Members of the House of Commons, excepting the Lord George Digby (now Earl of Bristol) and an Uncle of his.  Fuller. 
I appeal to the surviving Members of the House of Commons, (the most competent Judges in this point) whether such a Protestation was not hammered (though not perfected) about the date by me assigned.  
Acts of State never ride Post; and it seems to me improbable, that the Protestation by such unused approperation, to be mentioned, framed, and taken all in one day. But herein I submit to those who best know it.  Dr. Heylyn. 
The occasion of it was a Speech made by the King in the House of Peers in favour of the Earl of Strafford, upon the Saturday before; which moved them to unite themselves by this Protestation for bringing to condign punishment, all such as shall either by force, practice, plots, counsels, conspiracies, or otherwise do any thing to the contrary of any thing in the same Protestation contained. Which Protestation being carried into the House of Peers, was after some few days generally taken by that House also. But the prevalent party in the House of Commons, having further aims than such as our Author pleaseth to take notice of, first caused it to be printed by an Order of the fifth of May, that they might be sent down to the Sheriffs and justices of Peace in the several Shires; to whom they intimated, that as they justified th● taking of it in themselves, so they could not but approve it in all such as should take it. But finding that this did not much edify with the Country people, they desired the Lords to concur with them in imposing the same. Failing whereof, by an Order of their own House only, july 30. it was declared, that the Protestation made by them was fit to be taken by every Person that was well affected in Religion, and to the good of the Commonwealth; and therefore what Person soever did not take the same, was unfit to bear Office in the Church or Commonwealth. Which notwithstanding, many refused to take it, as our Author telleth us, not knowing but that some sinister use might be made thereof: as afterward appeared by those Pikes and Protestations, which conducted some of the five Members to the House of Commons.  Fuller. 
The Animadvertor and the Author have in this Paragraph lovingly shaken hands together I fear, for meeting and parting at once; and that it will not be long before we disjoin them again.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds, Fol. 183. About this time came forth the Lord Brook his Book against Bishops, accusing them in respect of their Parentage to be de faece populi, of the dregs of the people; and in respect of their Studies? no way fit for Government, or to be Barons in Parliament.] A passage mis-becoming no man's pen so much as his that writ it; whose Father neither was of a better extraction than ●ome, nor better left, as in the way of his subsistence, than any of the Bishops (whom he thus upbraideth) had been left by their fathers.  Fuller. 
The Animadvertor will, I hope, acknowledge me a fair and ingenuous Adversary, on a token best known to us alone. However, Christianity obligeth me to take no unworthy advantage of my Brother in the same Profession.  Dr. Heylyn. 
From the first part of which calumny, the Bishops freed themselves well enough, as appears by our Author. And from the second, since they were too modest to speak in their own commendations, our Author might have freed them with one of the old tales which are in his budget. And the tale is of a Nobleman in King Harry the eights time, who told Mr. Pace, one of the King's Secretaries, in contempt of Learning, that it was enough for Nobleman's sons to wind their Horn, and carry their Hawk fair; and to leave study and learning to the children of mean men: to whom the aforesaid Mr. Pace replied, Then you and other Noblemen must be content, that your children may wind their Horns, and keep their Hauks, while the children of mean men do manage matters of Estate. And certainly there can be no reason why men that have been versed in Books, studied in Histories, and thereby made acquainted with the chief occurrences of most States and Kingdoms, should not be thought as fit to manage the affairs of State, as those who spend their time in Hawking and Hunting, if not upon some worse employments. For that a Superinduction of holy Orders should prove a Supersedeas to all civil prudence, is such a wild extravagant fancy, as no man of judgement can allow of▪  Fuller. 
I never said it, nor thought it; I will never write a syllable against mine own Vocation. The Clergy, I am sure, cannot be impaired, and Lay-Noblemen, I hope, may be improved, (to make them more industrious to enable themselves) by the Animadvertor's story, well reported, and better urged and applied.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds, Fol. 188. The next day the 12 Subscribers were voted to be committed to the Tower, save that Bishop Morton of Durham, and Hall of Norwich found some favour.] Our Author speaks this of those twelve Bishops, who had subscribed a Protestation for preserving their Rights and Votes in the House of Peers, during the time of their involuntary absence, to which they were compelled by threats, menaces, and some open acts of violence committed on them. But in the name of one of the Bishops, who found the favour of not being sent unto the Tower, he is much mistaken; it not being Dr. Hall Bishop of Norwich, but Dr. Wright Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, who found that favour at their Hands.  Fuller. 
Not much, who (if at all) could not be less mistaken. I shall provide, God willing, the next Edition shall be reform herein; and mean time desire the Owner of my former, to rectify it with their Pen, who immediately can remove Coventry and Lichfield, (though 80 Miles distance) to Norwich, and thereby he will much wright me, and nothing at all wrong himself.  Dr. Heylyn. 
The like Misnomer I find after, fol. 193. where he speaks of William, Earl of Bath;] The Earl of Bath of whom he speaks being named Henry, and not William, unless he changed his name when he succeeded in that Earldom, as I think he did not, and I am sure our Author will not say he did.  Fuller. 
That noble Earl, (questionable whether of more Honour or Learning) so cordial to the cause of the Church, (far from all new dipped Sectaries,) never changed his Name, till he changed his Life, and then of a Militant became a Triumphant Saint. The Reader will believe me knowing enough in his Christian name, whose Relict (since Countess of Middlesex) was my late Parishoner at Waltham, where I have seen his name above a thousand times, prefixed with his own hand writing, before the several Books in the Numerous and choice Library at Copt-hall. It was indeed a mere mistake of the Printer.  Dr. Heylyn. 
As much he is mistaken also in point of time, leaving the Bishops in prison for eighteen weeks, whereas they were scarce detained there for half that time. For, being committed to the Tower in the end of December, they were released by an Order of the House of Peers on the fifteenth of February, being the next day after the Bill for taking away their Votes had passed in Parliament. But then the Commons looking on them, as devested of their Right of Peerage, and consequently (as they thought) in the same rank with themselves, returned them to the Tower again: and having kept them there some few weeks (long enough to declare their power,) discharged them upon Bail, and so sent them home.  Fuller. 
A great cry and a little Wool. 1. From the end of December to the fifteen of February was seven weeks. 2. They continued afterwards there some few weeks, as the Animadvertor confesseth. Weeks imply two at the least; some few, denote 4 or 5 in proper sense. Lastly some of the Bishops stayed there longer than others, even for lack of Money to pay their fees: If the Reader be pleased to take all these up, he will find them fall little short of 18 Weeks. And let not the Animadvertor wilfully persist in an error, who may know from Bishop Wren, that none of them were released before the sixth of May.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceedeth, Fol. 195. About this time the word Malignant was first born (as to common use) in England, and fixed as a note of disgrace on the King's Party, and (because one had as good he dumb as not speak with the volge) possibly in that sense it may occur in our ensuing History.] Nothing more possible than that our Author should make use of any word of disgrace with which the King's party was reproached.  Fuller. 
The Animadvertor in this Point, proves himself a Malignant indeed, taxing me with so odious and untrue an Aspersion: nothing more improbable, then that my hand should hurt that Cause, which my Heart did Honour in the Writing of my Book. Though this Passage be by me premised by way of prevention, if the Word Malignant casually fell from my Pen; yet such was my cautiousness, that very rarely, if at all, it is used as mine own word. Besides, the Ingenuous Reader knoweth that the Writers of Civil Dissensions are sometimes necessitated for differencing of Parties, to use those Terms they do not approve.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And if he calls them formerly by the name of Royalists and High-Royalists, as he sometimes doth; it was not because he thought them worthy of no worse a Title, but because the name of Malignant had not then been born.  Fuller. 
Not so. For then since the Name MALIGNANT was born, I would have used it on them, which I do not: Those words of the Animadvertor, [worthy of no WORSE a TITLE] intimate, as if ROYALIST and HIGH-ROYALIST were BAD TITLES, which if not Honourable must be Inoffensive. If ROYAL the Primitive be GOOD, [a 
* Jam. 2.8.  ROYAL Law, 
* 1 Pet. 2 9  a ROYAL Priesthood] ROYALIST the Derivative cannot be BAD, much less HIGH-ROYALIST, except Height makes that BAD being added thereunto, which was GOOD before.  Dr. Heylyn. 
He cannot choose but know, that the name of Round-head was born at the same time also, and that it was as common in the King's Party to call the Parliamentarians by the name of Roundheads, as it was with those of the Parliament Party, to call the King's adherents by the name of Malignants. And yet I do confidently say, that the word Round-head, as it was fixed as a note of disgrace on the Parliament party, doth not occur, on any occasion whatsoever, in our Author's History. But kissing goes by favour, as the saying is; and therefore let him favour whom he pleases, and kiss where he favoureth.  Fuller. 
I confess the name ROUND-HEAD at the same time Trundled about in the Mouths of many men; but I conceived it beneath an Historian to make use thereof, because his Majesty in all his Proclamations, Declarations, and other Acts of State, never made mention thereof, whilst MALIGNANT was often used in Acts of Parliament.  
But if my bare Mention (not using) of MALIGNANT, be so distasteful; I will Cut down all the Ill Wood therein, to the last Sprig, quench all the ill fire therein to the last Spark; I mean, God willing, totally delete that Paragraph in the next Edition.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds, Fol. 196. By this time ten of the eleven Bishops formerly subscribing their Protestation to the Parliament, were after some month's durance (upon good Bail given) released, etc.] Of the releasing of these Bishops we have spoke already. We are now only to observe such mistakes and errors as relate unto it. And first they were not released at or about the time which our Author speaks of, that is to say, after such time as the word plunder had begun to be used amongst us. Plunder both name and thing, was unknown in England, till the beginning of the War; and the War began not, till September, An. 1642. which was some months after the releasing of the Bishops.  Fuller. 
I hope now the Animadvertor is drawing to a Conclusion, because an Ague commonly is leaving one, when beginning to double its Fits. Formerly he found fault but once, in four Pages; now four times, in one Paragraph.  
Here is nothing Mistimed in this point; the name PLUNDER beginning in England some Months, the Practice thereof some Weeks, before our War. Indeed COMMISSION'D PLUNDER begun with the war, but UNCOMMISSIONED PLUNDER was before it, committed by those, whose activity only did Authorize (or rather Empower) them to take away the goods of others. Such were they that PLUNDERED, (for I am sure they will not say they ROBBED) the House of the Countess, Rivers at Long-Mellford in Suffolk, before the University of Cambridge sent their Pla●e to the King to York, and consequently before the Warr.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Secondly, he telleth us, that ten of the eleven which had subscribed, were released, whereas there were twelve which had subscribed as appears fol. 187. whereof ten were sent unto the Tower, and the other two committed to the custody of the Black-Rod, fol. 188. And if ten only were released, the other two must be kept in custody for a longer time: whereas we find the Bishop of Norwich at home in his Diocese, and the Bishop of Durham at liberty in London; they being the two whom he makes so far favoured by the Parliament, as they scap't the Tower.  Fuller. 
The small numeral fault shall be amended, to prevent exceptions, in my next Edition.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Thirdly, he telleth us, that, when all others were released, Bishop Wren was still detained in the Tower, which is nothing so. That Bishop was released upon Bail, when the other were returned unto his Diocese, as the others did, and there continued for a time; when of a sudden he was snatched from his House at Downham, in the Isle of Ely, carried to the Tower, and there imprisoned; never being brought unto a Hearing, nor any cause showed for his imprisonment to this very day.  Fuller. 
Would it were nothing so indeed, Si mea cum vestris valuissent Vota.  
If the Animadvertors and Author's Joynt-desires might have taken Effect, there had been no difference about this passage in my Book.  
Tuque domo proprià, nos (Te Praesul) Poteremur 

Thou hadst enjoyed thy house, and we,  
Prelate, had enjoyed Thee.    
But alas it is so, He is still and still (when all other Bishops are released) detained in the Tower, where I believe he maketh God's Service, his perfect freedom. My words, as relating to the time when I wrote them, contain too much sorrowful truth therein.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Fourthly, Archbishop Williams after his restoring unto liberty ●ent not into the King's Quarters, as our Author saith, but unto one of his own houses in Yorkshire, where he continued till the year 1643. and then came to Oxford: not that he found the North too cold for him, or the War too hot; but to solicit for renewing of his Commendam in the Deanery of Westminster; the time for which he was to hold it drawing towards an end.  Fuller. 
Nothing false or faulty. The Archbishop of York, stayed some weeks after his enlargement at Westminster, thence he went privately to the house of Sir Thomas Hedley in Huntingon shire, and thence to his Palace at Ca●ood nigh York, where he gave the King a magnificent Entertainment.  
King James settled the Deanery of Westminster under the great Seal on Dr. Williams, so long as he should continue Bishop of Lincoln. Hinc illa Lacrimae, hence the great heaving and hussing at Him, because He would not resign it, which was so signal a Monument of his Master's favour unto him.  
Being Archbishop of York, King Charles confirmed his Deanery unto him for three years, in lieu of the profits of his Archbishopric, which the King had taken Sede vacant. So that it is probable enough, the renewing that Term might be a Joynt-Motive of his going to Oxford.  
But I see nothing which I have written can be cavilled at, except because I call Yorkshire the King's Quarters, which as yet was the King's WHOLE, when the Archbishop first came thither, (as being a little before the War began) though few Weeks after, it became the King's Quarters. Such a Prolepsis is familiar with the best Historians; and, in effect, is little more, than when the 
* Animadversions, pag. 205.  Animadvertor calleth the Gag and Appello Caesarem, the Books of Bishop Montague; who, when they were written by him, was no (though soon after a) Bishop.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds, fol. 196. Some of the aged Bishops had their tongues so used to the language of a third Estate, that more than once they ran on that (reputed) Rock in their speeches, for which they were publicly shent, and enjoined an acknowledgement of their mistake.] By whom they were so publicly shent, and who they were that so ingenuously acknowledged their mistake, as my Author telleth us not, so neither can I say whether it be true or false.  Fuller. 
I tell you again, It is true. The Earl of Essex and the Lord Say were two of the Lords (though this be more than I need discover) who checked them. And of two of those Bishops, Dr. Hall, late Bishop of Norwich, is gone to God, and the other is still alive.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But I must needs say, that there was small ingenuity in acknowledging a mistake in that, wherein they had not been mistaken; or by endeavouring to avoid a reputed Rock, to run themselves on a certain Rock, even the Rock of Scandal.  Fuller. 
Their brief and general acknowledgement, that they were sorry that they had spoken in this point, what had incurred the displeasure of the Temporal Lords, was no trespass on their own ingenuity, nor had shadow of scandal to others therein.  
I confess, men must not bear fals-witness, either against themselves or others; nor may they betray their right, especially when they have not only a personal concernment therein, but also are in some sort Feoffees in trust for Posterity. However, when a predominant Power plainly appears, which will certainly overrule their cause against them; without scandal, they may (not to say in Christian prudence they ought) to wave the vindication of their privileges for the present, waiting, wishing, and praying, for more moderate and equal times, wherein they may assert their right, with more advantage to their cause, and less danger to their persons.  Dr. Heylyn. 
For that the English Bishops had their vote in Parliament as a third Estate, and not in the capacity of temporal Barons, will evidently appear by these reasons following. For first, the Clergy in all other Christian Kingdoms of these Northwest parts make the third Estate; that is to say, in the Germane Empire, as appears by Thuanus the Historian, lib. 2. In France, as is affirmed by Paulus Aemilius, lib. 9 In Spain, as testifieth Bodinus in his De Repub. lib. 3. For which consult also to the General History of Spain, as in point of practice, lib. 9, 10, 11, 14. In Hungary, as witnesseth Bonfinius, Dec. 2. l. 1. In Poland, as is verified by Thunus also, lib. 56. In Denmark, as Pontanus telleth us in Historia rerum Danicarum, l. 7. The Swedes observing anciently the same form and order of Government as was used by the Danes. The like we find in Camden for the Realm of Scotland, in which anciently the Lords Spiritual, viz. Bishops, Abbots, Priors, made the third Estate. And certainly it were very strange, if the Bishops and other Prelates in the Realm of England, being a great and powerful body, should move in a lower Sphere in England, than they do elsewhere. But secondly, not to stand only upon probable inferences, we find first in the History of Titus Livius, touching the Reign and Acts of King Henry the fifth, that when his Funerals were ended, the three Estates of the Realm of England did assemble together, and declared his Son King Henry the sixth, being an Infant of eight months old, to be their Sovereign Lord as his Heir and Successor. And if the Lords Spiritual did not then make the third Estate, I would know who did. Secondly, the Petition tendered to Richard Duke of Gloucester, to accept the Crown, occurring in the Parliament Rolls, runs in the name of the three Estates of the Realm, that is to say, The Lords Spiritual, and Temporal, and the Commons thereof. Thirdly, in the first Parliament of the said Richard lately Crowned King, it is said expressly, that at the request and by the consent of the three Estates of this Realm, that is to say, the Lords Spiritual, and Temporal, and Commons of this Land assembled in this present Parliament, and by Authority of the same it be pronounced, decreed, and declared, That our said Sovereign Lord the King, was, and is the very and undoubted King of this Realm of England, etc. Fourthly, it is acknowledged so in the Statute of 1 Eliz. cap. 3. where the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons in that Parliament assembled, being said expressly, and in terminis, to represent the three Estates of this Realm of England, did recognize the Queen's Majesty to be their true, lawful, and undoubted Sovereign Liege Lady, and Queen. Add unto these the Testimony of Sir Edward Cook, though a private person, who in his Book of the Jurisdiction of Courts (published by order of the long Parliament) chap. 1. doth expressly say; That the Parliament consists of the Head and Body; that the Head is the King, that the Body are the three Estates, viz. the Lords Spiritual, and Temporal, and Commons. In which words we have not only the opinion and testimony of that learned Lawyer, but the Authority of the long Parliament also, though against itself. Those aged Bishops had been but little studied in their own concernments, and betrayed their Rights, if any of them did acknowledge any such mistake in challenging to themselves the name and privileges of the third Estate.  Fuller. 
In this long discourse, the Animadvertor hath given in the several Particulars, whereof I, in my Church-History, gave the Totall sum; when saying, that there were passages in the old Statutes, which did countenance the Bishops sitting in Parliament in the Capacity of a THIRD ESTATE.  
I have nothing to return in Opposition, and heartily wish that his Arguments (to use the Sea-man's phrase) may prove stanche and tied, to hold water, when some Common-Lawyer shall examine them.  
But seeing the Animadvertor hath with his commendable pains go● so far in this point, I could wish he had gone a little further, even to answer the two Common Objections against the THIRD-ESTATE SHIP of Bishops.  
The First is this: The Bishop not to speak of Bishops Suffragan, of the Isle of Man, is a Bishop for all purposes, and intents, of Jurisdiction and ordination, yet hath he no place in Parliament, because not holding per In egram Baroniam, by an Entire Barony. Now if Bishops sat in Parliament as a THIRD-ESTATE, and not as so many Barons, why hath not the Bishop of Man, being in the Province of York, a place in Parliament as well as the rest?  
Secondly, If the Bishops sit as a THIRD-ESTATE, than Statutes made without them are man● and defective, which in law will not be allowed, seeing there were some Sessions of Parliament wherein Statutes did pass, Excluso Clero (at least wise, absent Clero) which notwithstanding are acknowledged Obligatory to our Nation.  
I also, request him (when his Hand is in) to satisfy the Objection, taken from a 
* Alleged by th● Animadvertor, formerly in his fourth Book.  passage in the Parliament at Northampton under Henry the Second, when the Bishops challenged their Peerage, viz. Non sedemus hîc Episcopi, said Barones: Nos Barones, vos Barones, Pares hîc sumus. We sit not here as Bishops, but as Barons, We are Barons, You are Barons, here we are peers, which is much enforced by Anti-Episcopists. And whereas the Animadvertor translated it not as Bishops only, it is more than questionable, that this interpolation ONLY will not be admitted by such who have a mind curiously to examine the matter.  
I protest my integrity herein, that I have not started these Objections of myself, having had them urged against me; and though I can give a bungling Answer unto them, I desire that the Animadvertor (being better skilled in Law) would be pleased (if it ever comes again in his way) to return an Answer as short and clear as the Objections are; and I, and many more, will be bound to return him thanks.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds, Fol. 196. The Convocation now not sitting, and matters of Religion being brought under the cognizance of the Parliament, their Wisdoms adjudged it not only convenient, but necessary, that some prime Clergy men might be consulted with.] It seems then, that the setting up of the new Assembly, consisting of certain Lords and Gentlemen, and two or more Divines out of every County, must be ascribed to the not sitting of the Convocation. Whereas if that had been the reason, the Convocation should have been first warned to re-assemble, with liberty and safe conducts given them, etc.  Fuller. 
The Animadvertor now enters the list with the WISDOMS in Parliament, who are most able to justify their own Act. Mean time my folly may stand by in silence, unconcerned to return any Answer.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Fol. 198. It savours something o● a Prelatical Spirit to be offended about Precedency.] I see our Author is no Changeling, Primus ad extremum similis sibi, the very same at last as he was at the first. Certainly, if it savour of a Prelatical Spirit to contend about Precedencies, that Spirit by some pythagorean Metempsychosis hath passed into the bodies of the Presbyterians, whose pride had swelled them in conceit above Kings and Princes, and thus cometh home to our Author, etc.  Fuller. 
If it cometh home unto me, I will endeavour God-willing to thrust it far from me, by avoiding the odious sin of Pride. And I hope the Presbyterians will herein make a real and practical refutation of this note, in Evidencing more Humility hereafter; seasonably remembering, they are grafted on the Stock of the Bishops, and are concerned not to be highminded but fear; lest if God spared not Episcopacy, (for what sins I am not to inquire), peaceably possessed, above a Thousand years, of Power in the Church of England, take heed that he spare not Presbytery also, which is but a Probationer on its good behaviour, especially if by their insolence they offend God and disoblige our Nation, the generality whereof is not overfond of their Government.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds, Fol. 203. We listen not to their fancy who have reckoned the words in the Covenant, six hundred sixty six, etc.] I must confess myself not to be so much a Pythagorean, as to find Divinity in Numbers, nor am taken with such Mysteries as some fancy in them. And yet I cannot choose but say, that the Number of Six hundred sixty six words, neither more nor less, which are found in the Covenant, though they conclude nothing, yet they signify something. Our Author cannot choose but know what pains were taken even in the times of Irenaeus to find out Antichrist by this number: Some thinking then, that they had found it in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with reference to the persecuting Roman Emperors. Some Protestants think that they had found it in a Dedication to Pope Paul the fifth, which was Paulo V to Vice-Deo; the numeral letters whereof, that is to say, D.C.L.U.U.U.I. amount exactly unto six hundred sixty six!, which is the Number of the Beast in Revelation. The Papists on the other side find it in the name of Luther; but in what language or how spelled, I remember not. And therefore whosoever he was, which made this Observation upon the Covenant, he deserves more to be commended for his wit, then condemned for his idleness.  Fuller. 
The Animadvertor might herein have allowed me the Liberty of Preterition, a familiar figure in all Authors, managed by them with, Taceo, praetermitto, transeo, we pass by, listen not, etc. when relating things,  
Either 

Parva, of small moment,  
Nota, generally known,  
Ingrata, unwelcome to many Readers.    
Under which of these three notions, the point in hand doth fall, I am not bound to discover.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds, Fol. 207. Now began the great and general purgation of the Clergy in the Parliaments Quar●ers, etc. Some of whose offences were so foul, it is a shame to report them, crying to justice for punishment.] And it was time that such a purgation should be made, if their offences were so ●oul as our Author makes them. But first, our Author might have done well to have satisfied himself in all particulars, before he raised so foul a scandal on his Christian Brethren, and not to have taken them up upon hear-say, or on no better grounds than the credit of the first Century, which he after mentions. Which modesty he might have learned, 1. From the Author of that scandalous and infamous Pamphlet, (whatsoever he was) desisting from the writing of a second Century, as being sensible, that the Subject was generally odious. And certainly, if it were odious in that party to write the same, it must be much more odious in our Author to defend the writing. He might have learned it, 2. from the most excellent Master in the Schools of Piety and Morality which this Age hath given us, even the King himself; who as our Author telleth us, fol. 208. would not give way that any such Book should be written of the vicious lives of some Parliament Ministers, when such an undertaking was presented to him. But if their Offences were so foul, the Writer of the Century had some reason for what he did, and our Author had some reason for what he saith, especially if the putting in of one Herb had not spoiled all the Pot of Pottage. But first, Qui alterum incusat probri seipsum intueri oporiet, is a good rule in the Schools of Prudence, and therefore it concerns our Author to be sure of this, that all things be well at home, both in his own Person and in his Family, before he throw so much foul dirt in the face of his Brethren. In which respect Manutius was conceived to be the unfittest man in Rome (as indeed he was) to perform the Office of a Ce●sor, though most ambitiously he affected and attained that Dignity; of whom it is affirmed by Velleius Paterculus, Nec quicquam objicere potuit Adolescentibus quod non agnosceret Senex, that is to say, that he was able to object no crime to the younger sort, of which himself being then well in years, was not also guilty. And secondly, Non temerè de fratre malt aliquid credendum esse, was anciently a Rule in the Schools of Charity; which our Author either hath forgotten; or else never learned. He would otherwise have examined the Proofs, before he had pronounced the Sentence; and not have positively condemned these poor men for such foul offences as cried to justice for punishment; and of such scandalous enormities, as were not fit to be covered with the Mantle of Charity. But he takes himself up at last with a doubt, that there might want sufficient proof to convict them of it. Nothing (saith he) can be said in their excuse, if (what was the main matter) their crimes were sufficiently proved. And if they were not sufficiently proved, as indeed they were not, (no witness coming in upon Oath to make good the Charge) our Author hath sufficiently proved himself an unrighteous judge, an Accusator stratrum, as we know who is, in accusing and condemning them for scandalous enormities and foul offences, branding them by the name of Baal, and calling them unsavoury Salt, not fit to be thrown upon the Dunghill, yet all this while to be unsatisfied in the sufficiency of the proof. Decedis ab Officio Religiosi judicis, is the least that can be said here; and I say no more. Only I note, what sport was made by that Century then, and may be made hereafter of this part of the History, in the Court of Rome; to which the libellous Pamphlets of Martin-Mar-Prelate, published in Queen Elizabeth's time, served for Authentic Witnesses, and sufficient evidence to disgrace this Church. Nor have they spared to look upon this whole business as an act of divine Retaliation, in turning so many of the Regular and Orthodox Clergy out of their Benefices and Preferments by our new Re●ormers, under colour of some Scandalous Enormities by them committed; under pretence whereof so many poor Monks and Friars were (as they say) turned out of their Cells with like humanity by those which had the first hammering of the Reformation here by law estalisht.  Fuller. 
First, as to myself, who am most knowing of my own infirmities: I will confess them to God, and not plead for them before man. If God's restraining grace hath bridled ●e from Scandalous obnoxiousness, may he alone have the honour thereof. As for other pains and spots in my Soul, I hope that He, (be it spoken without the least verbal reflection) who is the 
* Mal. 3.2.  Fuller's soap will scour them forth with his Merit, that I may appear clean by God's Mercy.  

Rev. 12.13.  I know full well who it is, that is termed the Accuser of his Brethren, even Satan himself; Hence it is that one observeth, he hath his name, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Diabolus, Devil, and so also in Italian, French, Spanish, with some small variation. It being good reason, that he should keep his name in all Countries, who keeps his nature in all places being a constant delator and traducer of God's servants; often, without cause; always, without measure.  
But I hope, I may say in this point, Get thee behind me Satan, I mean, I may justly thrust both Name and Thing far from me, even to light where it deserveth.  
Some of my Brethren or Fathers rather, I reverence and admire for their eminences: others I commend and will endeavour to imitate: others guilty of humane infirmities, I desire to conceal their faults, and (that not taking effect) to excuse their persons. Such as are past my pleading for, fall under my pity and have my Prayers that God would amend them: But willingly, much less causlessely, I will not accuse any; and my Pen and Tongue hath been, and shall be tender of their Reputations.  
Proceed I now to what I have written concerning the Sequestered Clergy of England; wherein I will freely, God-willing, unbosom my mind, and if I perish I perish: I appeal to the Searcher of hearts, if I did not desire to do them all just favour, as I hope to find favour from him when I most need it. But as Mariners when they have both Wind and Tide against them, cannot make their desired Port in a strait Line, and therefore are fain to fetch a compass; Semnably, I desiring to gratify my Brethren, and not destroy myself; was ●aine to go about, that in any measure I might with safety do it. And there was no compassing of it without compaceing it; No reaching the End without going out of the Way.  
First, therefore, I did acknowledge what indeed could not be concealed, and what in truth must be confessed, viz. That some of the ejected Clergy were guilty of foul offences, to whom, and whom alone▪ the name of Baal and unsavoury Salt did relate: Nor was it a wonder, if amongst Ten Thousand and more, some were guilty of Scandalous enormities.  
This being laid down, and yielded to the violence of the times; I wrought myself by degrees, (as much as I durst) to insert what followeth in vindication of many others, rigorously cast out for following in their affections, their preceding judgements and Consciences, and no scandal could justly be charged upon them, pleading for them as ensueth. Church-History, Book 11. pag. 207. 
1. The witnesses against them were seldom deposed on Oath, but their bare complaints believed.  
2. Many of the Complainers were factious People, (those most accusing their Sermons who least heard them), and who since have deserted the Church, as hating the profession of the Ministry.  
3. Many were charged with delivering false Doctrines, whose Posi●io●s were found at the least disputable. Such, those accused for Preaching that Baptism washeth away Original Sin, which the most learned and honest in the Assembly, in some sense, will not deny, namely that in the Children of God it cleanseth the condemning and final peaceable commanding power of Original Sin, though the stain and blemish thereof doth still remain.  
4. Some were merely outed for their affections to the King's Cause; and what was Malignity at London, was Loyalty at Oxford.  
5. Yea many Moderate men of the opposite party, much be moaned such severity; that some Clergy men, blameless for life, and Orthodox for Doctrine, were ejected only on the account of their faithfulness to the King's cause. And, as much corruption was let out by this Ejection (ma●y scandalous Ministers deservedly punished); so at the same time the Veins of the English Church were emptied of Much good blood, (some inoffensive Pastors) which hath made her Body Hydropical ever since; ill humours succeeding in the room, by reason of too large and sudden evacuation.   
This being written by me, some ten (in the Paroxysm of the Business) and printed some four years since, was as much as then I durst say for my Brethren, without running myself into apparent danger.  
If the Papists take advantage at what I have written, I can wash my Hands, I have given them no just occasion; and I hope this my hust defence will prove satisfactory to the ingenuous, That I did not designedly ●etract ●●om any 〈◊〉) Brethren. But, if this my Plea finds no acceptance, and if I must groan under so unjust an accusation, I will endeavour to follow the Counsel of the 
Mich. 7.9.  Prophet: I will bear the Indignation of the Lord, because I have sinned against Him, until He plead my Cause and execute judgement for me: He will bring me forth to the Light, and I shall behold his righteousness.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But to say truth, It is no wonder, if he concur with others in the Condemnation of particular persons, since he concurs with others in the condemnation of the Church itself. For, speaking of the separation made by Mr. Goodwin, Mr. Nye, etc. fol. 209. he professeth that, he rather doth believe that the sinful corruptions of the worship and Government of this Church, taking hold on their Consciences, and their inability to comport any longer therewith, was rather the true cause of their deserting of their Country, then that it was for Debt or Danger, as Mr. Edward's in his Book, had suggested of them. What grounds Mr. Edward's had for his suggestion, I inquire not now; though coming from the Pen of one who was no friend unto the Government and Liturgy of the Church of England, it might have met with greater credit in our Author. For if these men be not allowed for witnesses against one another, the Church would be in worse condition than the ancient Borderers: Amongst whom though the testimony of an English Man against a Sco●, or of a Sco● against the English (in matters of spoil and depredation) could not find admittance; yet a Scot's evidence against a Sc●t, was beyond exception. Lege inter Limitaneos cautum, ut nullus nisi Anglus in Anglum, nullus nisi Scotus in Sco●um testis admit●atur, as we read in Camden. We see by this, as by other passages, which way our Author's Bowl is biased, how constantly he declares himself in favour of those, who have either separated from the Church, or appeared against it. Rather than such good people shall be thought to forsake the Land for Debt or Danger, the Church shall be accused for laying the heavy burden of Conformity upon their Consciences, which neither they, nor their forefathers, (the old English Puritan) were resolved to bear. For what else were those sinful Corruptions of this Church in Government and Worship, which laid hold of their Consciences, (as our Author words it) but the Government of the Church by Bishops, the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church here by law established; which yet must be allowed of by our Author as the more true and real cause of their Separation, then that which we find in Mr. Edward's?  Fuller. 
I knew Mr. Edward's very well, my contemporary in Queen's College who often was transported beyond due bounds with the keenness and eagerness of his spirit; and therefore I have just cause in some things to suspect him; especially being informed and assured the contrary from credible persons.  
As for the five dissenting Members, Mr. Goodwin, Mr. Nye, Mr. Sympson, Mr. Bridge, Mr. Burroughs, (to whom Mr. Archer may be reduced) they owed not eighteen pence a piece to any in England; and carried over with them no contemptible sums in their purses.  
As for Lay-Gentlemen, and Merchants, that went over with them, such as peruse their names, will be satisfied in their responsible, yea, plentiful Estates. 

Sr. MATTHEW BOINTON.  
Sr. WILLIAM CONSTABLE.  
Sr. RICHARD SALTINGSTON.  
Mr. LAURENCE, since Lord Precedent of the Council.  
Mr. ANDREW'S, since Lord Major of London.  
Mr. BOWRCHER.  
Mr. ASK, since a Judge.  
Mr. JAMES.  
Mr. WHITE.    
And although the last of these failed beyond the Seas, (a cacching Casually with great undertake) yet was he known to have a very great Estate at his going over.  
Yea, I am most credibly informed, by such who (I am confident) will not abuse me, and posterity therein, that Mr. Herbert Palmer, (an Anti-Independent to the height) being convinced, that Mr. Edward's, had printed some falsehoods in one sheet of his Gangrena, proffered to have that sheet reprinted at his own cost, but some intervening accident obstructed it.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Nor can our Author save himself by his parenthesis, in which he tells us, that he uses their language only: For using it without check or censure, he makes it his own as well as theirs, and justifies them in the action, which he should have condemned.  Fuller. 
This is an Hypercriticism which I never heard of before, and now do not believe. In opposition whereunto I return, that if a Writer doth slily wove another Author's words into his own Cloth, using them without any quotation, than indeed he adopts them his own.  
Secondly, If he cite the words, with Commendation, or explicit approbation of them, than also he asselfeth them, undertakes for them, and is bound to justify them.  
Thirdly, But if he but barely cite the words, without any Emphasis of praise or dispraise, (the case now in hand) it amounts to no more, then unto a valeat quantum valere potest, or a Sat fides penes Authorem, it being left to the Reader's Liberty, to believe more or less, or nothing thereof; as the Author he citeth, seemeth to be more, or less, or not at all credible, to his Discretion.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds, Fol. 216. As appears by his own Diary, which if evidence against him for his faults, may be used as a witness of his good works.] The Diary which our Author speaks of, was the Archbishops practical Commentary on those words of David, viz. Teach me O Lord so to number my days, that I may apply my heart unto wisdom.  Fuller. 
I appeal to the Reader of my History, whether I have not given his Diary, the due commendation thus writing thereof. Book 11. page. 218. 
He was conscientious, according to the Principles of his Devotion; witness his care in keeping a constant Diary of the passages in his Life. Now he can hardly be an ill Husband, who sums up his receipts and expenses every night; and such a Soul is, or wo●ld be good, which enters daily into a Scrutiny of his own Actions. Now an exact Diary is a Window into his Heart who maketh it; and therefore pity it is that any should look therein, but either the friends of the party, or such Ingenuous foes as will not (especially in things doubtful) make conjectural Comments to his disgrace.   Dr. Heylyn. 
No memorable passage happened in the whole course of his life, till the end of May, 1633. (when his Papers were seized on by Mr. Prin) which he had not booked in a Memorial by the way of a Diary or Journal. Out of which, though Mr. Prin excerpted nothing but that which he conceived might tend most visibly to his disgrace and disadvantage, and published it to that end in print; yet when it came to the perusal of equal and indifferent men, it was so far from serving as an evidence of his 〈◊〉 (as our Author words it) that it showed him to be a Man of Exemplary Piety in himself, unmoved fidelity to his friend, of most perfect loyalty to his Master▪ and honest affections to the Public, etc.  Fuller. 
If I were delighted in carping at slips of Pen or Press, I here have advantage enough, the Animad●ertor affirming, that the Archbishop's papers were seized by Mr. Prin,  
1633.  
At which time Mr. Prin was in no capacity to make such a seizure, being himself in trouble 〈◊〉 ●is Histriomast●●●●▪ and the dare (though not confessed in t●● Errata) is no doubt m●●-printed for 1643. Thus I behold him who carps at such rifles, like o●●●●ing his Neighbour for Pedi●us ambulando, when, though the jury must find for the Pla●niffe, yet he is looked on but as a vexatious Person for his pains. I could wish that all caviling at Pr●lal mistakes might be forborn, and that every one would read his Adversaries Book, as in his Conscience he conceiveth it intended by the Writer, that so waving all typographical escapes, they may come the sooner to the Cause controverted betwixt them.  Dr. Heylyn. 
He that shall look upon the list of the things projected to be done, and in part done, by him, fol. 28, 29. will find, that both his heart was set on, and his hand engaged in, many excellent pieces of work, tending to the great honour and benefit both of Church and State; not incident to a man of such narrow comprehensions, a● some of his professed Enemies were pleased to make him. Certain I am, that as Mr. Prin lost his end, so he could not get much thanks for that piece of service.  Fuller. 
If Mr. Prin lost his end▪ he shall have no direction from me for the finding thereof.  
I never beheld the Archbishop, as a man of narrow Comprehensions, but as one who had in his Head and Heart Stowage enough for great undertake. Only I could wish that his Apprehensions, had been adequate to his Comprehensions; I mean, that he had lived to perfect what he projected, and do what he commendably designed for pious uses, and the public good.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author goes on, Fol. 217. He is generally charged with Popish inclinations, and the story is commonly told and believed of a Lady, etc.] Here is a charge of the Archbishop's inclination unto Popery, and the proof nothing but a tale, and the tale of a Lady, 
Quid vento? Mulier; Quid Muliere? Nihil.   
The substance of the tale is this, that a certain Lady (if any Lady may be certain) who turning Papist, etc.  Fuller. 
I will take the Boldness to English his Latin Verse, that the weaker Sex may see the strength of his Charity unto them. 
What's more fickle than the Wind?  
Even a Woman in her Mind.  
Fickler what's than Woman Kind?  
Nothing in the World we find.   Dr. Heylyn. 
This Lady who turned Papist was asked by the Archbishop the cause of her changing; to which she answered, that it was because she always hated to go in a crowd. And being asked the meaning of that expression, she replied again, that she perceived his Lordship, and many others, making haste to Rome; and therefore to prevent going in a press, she had gone before them. Whether this tale be true or false, though he doth not know, yet he resolves to set it down, and to set it down also with this Item, that it was generally believed. Be it so for once.  Fuller. 
This Sarcasm was put upon him, by a Lady, now living in London, and a Countess, whose Husbands father the Archbishop married, and thereby brought much trouble and molestation to himself. No Oedipus needeth to unridle the Person, easily speled by putting the Premises together.  Dr. Heylyn. 
For not being able to disprove it, I shall quit our Author with one story, and satisfy the equal Reader with another. First for my Author, I have heard a tale of a Lady too, to whose Table one Mr. Fuller was a welcome though a frequent guest; and being asked once by her, Whether he would please to eat the wing of a Woodcock, he would needs put her to the question, how her Ladyship knew it was a Woodcock, and not a Wood-hen. And this he pressed with such a troublesome importunity, that at last the Lady answered with some show of displeasure, that the Woodcock was Fuller headed, Fuller breasted, Fuller thighed, and in a word, every way Fuller. Whether this tale be true or false, I am not able to say; but being generally believed, I have set it down also.  Fuller. 
His Tale doth not Quit mine, which was True, and New, never printed before. Whereas his is Old, (made it seems on one of my Name, printed before I was born,) and false, never by Man or woman retorted on me.  
However if it doth Quit mine, He is now but Even with me; and hereafter I shall be ABOVE him, by forbearing any bitter Return.  
I had rather my Name should make many causelessely merry, than any justly sad, and seeing it lieth equally open and obvious to praise and dispraise, I shall as little be elated when flattered, Fuller of wit and learning, as dejected when flouted, Fuller of folly and ignorance.  
All this, which the Animadvertor hath said on my Name, I behold as nothing: and as the Anagram of his Name, HEYLYN, NE HILI, NOTHING-worth.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But my other story is more serious, intended for the satisfaction of our Author, and the Reader both. It was in November, Anno 1639. that I received a message from the Lord Archbishop, to attend him the next day at two of the clock in the afternoon. The Key being turned which opened the way into his Study, I found him sitting in a chair, holding a paper in both hands, and his eyes so fixed upon that paper, that he observed me not at my coming in. Finding him in that posture, I thought it fit and manners to retire again. But the noise I made by my retreat, bringing him back unto himself, he recalled me again, and told me after some short pause, that he well remembered that he had sent for me, but could not tell for his life what it was about. After which he was pleased to say (not without tears standing in his eyes,) that he had then newly received a letter acquainting him with a Revolt of a Person of some Quality in North-Wales, to the Church of Rome; that he knew that the increase of Popery by such frequent Revolts, would be imputed unto him, and his Brethren the Bishops, who were all least guilty of the same; that for his part he had done his utmost, so far forth as it might consist with the Rules of Prudence, and the Preservation of the Church, to suppress that party, and to bring the chief sticklers in it to condign punishment, to the truth whereof (lifting up his wet eyes to Heaven) he took God to witness; conjuring me (as I would answer it to God at the day of Judgement) that if ever I came to any of those places, which he, and his Brethren, by reason of their great age, were not like to hold long, I would employ all such abilities as God had given me in suppressing that party, who by their open undertake, and secret practices, were like to be the ruin of this flourishing Church. After some words of mine upon that occasion, I found some argument to divert him from those sad remembrances, and having brought him to some reasonable composedness, I took leave for the present; and some two or three days after waiting on him again, he then told me the reason of his sending for me the time before. And this I deliver for a truth on the faith of a Christian; which I hope will overbalance any Evidence which hath been brought to prove such Popish inclinations, as he stands generally charged with in our Author's History.  Fuller. 
I verily believe all, and every one of these Passages to be true, and therefore may proceed.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds, Fol. 217. However most apparent it is by many passages in his life, that he endeavoured to take up many controversies betwixt us and the Church of Rome.] And this indeed is Novum Crimen that is to say, a crime of a new stamp, never coined before.  Fuller. 
I call it not Novum Crimen, which I believe was, in him, (according to his Principles, Pium Propositum; but, let me also add, was Frustraneus Conatus: and that not only, ex Eventu, (because it did not,) but ex Natura Rei, because it could not take Effect; such the real Unreconcileablenesse, betwixt us and Rome.  Dr. Heylyn. 
I thought, that when our Saviour said Beati Pacifici, it had been sufficient warrant unto any man to endeavour Peace, to build up the breaches in the Church, and to make jerusalem like a City which is at Unity in itself; especially where it may be done not only salva charitate, without breach of charity, but sal●● fide too, without wrong to the faith. The greatest part of the Controversies betwixt us and the Church of Rome, not being in the Fundamentals, or in any Essential Points in the Christian Religion; I cannot otherwise look upon it, but as a most Christian pious work, to endeavour an atonement in the Superstructures. But hereof our Author seems to doubt, first whether such endeavours to agree and compose the differences, be lawful or not; and secondly, whether they be possible.  Fuller. 
I confess Scripture pronounceth the Peacemakers blessed. 
Math. 5.  In answer whereunto I will take no notice of jehu his Tart return to K. 
* 2 King. 9.22.  joram, What peace so long as the whoredoms of thy Mother jezabel, and her witchcrafts are so many? Rather will I make use of the Calm Counsel of the 
* Rom. 12.18.  Apostle, If it be POSSIBLE, as much as in you lieth, live Peaceably with all Men. Which words, [if it be possible] intimate an impossibility of Peace, with some Natures, in some differences, though good men have done what lieth (understand it, Lawfully) in their power to perform: such sometimes the frowardness of one (though the forwardness of the other) side to Agreement, which is the true state of the Controversy betwixt us and Rome.  Dr. Heylyn. 
As for the lawfulness thereof, I could never see any reason produced against it, nor so much as any question made of it till I found it here.  Fuller. 
All such zealous Authors who charge the Papists with Idolatry, (and the Animadvertor knows well, Who they are) do question the Lawfulness of such an Agreement.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Against the possibility thereof, it hath been objected, that such, and so great is the pride of the Church of Rome, that they will condescend to nothing. And therefore if any such composition or agreement be made, it must not be by their meeting us, but our going to them.  Fuller. 
I remember, some (then present,) have told me of a passage at a disputation in Oxford. When Dr. Prideaux pressed home an Argument, to which the 
* Mr I. Sb.  Answerer returned Reverend Professor, memini me legisse hoc ipsissimum Argumentum apud Bellarminum. At, mi fili (returns that Dr.), ubi legisti Responsum? This Objection the Animadvertor acknowledgeth he hath formerly met with: but where did he meet with a satisfactory Answer thereunto?  
Let me add; It is not only the Pride of the Church of Rome, which will not let-goe her Power; but also her Covetousness, which will not part with her Profit, which obstructeth all accommodation betwixt us. And if the Church of Rome would, the Court of Rome, will not, quit the Premises; and the latter hath an irresistible influence on the former. In this point, the Court of Rome, is like the Countryman, who willingly put his Cause to Arbitration; but on this condition, to have all the Land he sued for, with the full profits thereof, to a minute past, and his own costs and charges to a farthing. Such and no other agreement, will the court of Rome condescend unto.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But as our Author sayeth, that many of the Archbishops Equals adjudged that design of his to be impossible; so I may say (without making any such odious Comparisons) that many of our Author's betters have thought otherwise of it.  Fuller. 
Amongst which many of his Betters, the Animadvertor undoubtedly is one of the Principal. Be it so, I will endeavour to be as good as I can, and will not envy but honour my Betters whose number God increase. Sure I am, amongst these many of my Betters, the difference betwixt us and the Papists is made never a whit the better, there remaining still 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and though many may manifest much good will, to advance, nothing hath taken Effect to complete such a composition.  Dr. Heylyn. 
It was the Petulancy of the Puritans on the one side, and the pragmaticalness of 〈◊〉 Jesuits on the other side, which made the breach wider than it was at 〈◊〉 first: and had these hot Spirits on both sides been charmed a while, moderate Men might possibly have agreed on such equal terms, as would have laid a sure foundation for the peace of Christendom.  Fuller. 
Let us behold the Original breach betwixt the Church of Rome and Us. I name the Church of Rome first, because confident they caused it; so that we may say unto them, Pharez, The breach be upon them. This breach was made before either Puritans or jesuits ever appeared in England. As the Animadvertor skilled in their dates knoweth full well. It is therefore suspicious that the Wound which was made before these parties were in being will continue, if both of them were extinct.  
I behold the College of Sorbonists in Paris as far from Jesuitical pragmaticalness and Dr. I. Cousins, as one free from puritanical petulancy. Yet though the said Doctor hath complied with them so far as he could do with Christian prudence, sal●â conscientiâ; And though the Sorbonists are beheld as the most learned and moderate Papists; yet I cannot hear of any Accommodation betwixt them, but rather the contrary, even in the point of the Apocrypha (a controversy so learnedly canvased by the Doctor) they being as unwilling to allow so few, as he so many Books in the Bible to be Canonical.  
And here, let me be the Animadvertor's Remembrancer, (of what perchance he would willingly forget) how it was not long since he twitted me for saying, that the difference about the posture of the Communion Table, might be accommodated with mutual moderation; and now he holdeth, By the same means, an expedient betwixt us and the Papists may be advanced.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Moderate Men might possibly have agreed on such equal terms; as would have laid a sure foundation for the Peace of Christendom.  Fuller. 
My name is Thomas. It maketh me the more distrust thereof, because I see at this day most cruel Wars, betwixt the Crowns of Spain and France, both which agree to the height in the same Romish Religion. I am sorry their differences are paralleled with a sadder instance, of the deadly Wars betwixt the Swede and Dane, both Lutherans alike. And our Sea Wars betwixt us and the Hollander, (both well paid for) are not yet forgotten. All I collect is this; that if the agreement betwixt us and Papists were expedited to morrow; yet so long as there be several Greatnesses in Christendom, there will be ●●stlings betwixt them. And although they are pleased to score their differences (for the greater credit) on the account of Conscience, and Religion; yet what saith St. james, From whence 
* james. 4.  comes Wars and fightings amongst you? Come they not hence, even of your Lusts, that war in your members? And it is a sad truth, Such the corruption of the humane Nature, that men's Lives and Lusts will last and end together.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Now that all these in the Church of Rome, are not so stiffly wedded to their own Opinions as our Author makes them, appears first by the Testimony of the Archbishop of Spa●ato declaring in the high Commission, a little before his going hence, that He acknowledged the Articles of the Church of England to be true, or profitable at the least, and none of them Heretical.  Fuller. 
The Animadvertor hath instanced in an ill Person, and in an ill time of the same Person. It was just when he was a taking his return to his vomit, and to leave the Land, When knowing himself obnoxious, and justly under the lash (for his covetous compliance with foreign Invitations) of King james; to get leave to be gone, he would say any thing here; and unsay it again, elsewhere. As little heed is to be given to such a Proteus, as hold is to be taken of Him.  Dr. Heylyn. 
It appears secondly by a Tractate of Franciscus de Sancta Clara, (as he calleth himself) in which he putteth such a Gloss upon the nine and thirty Articles of the Church of England, as rendereth them not inconsistent with the Doctrines of the Church of Rome.  Fuller. 
By that Parenthesis [as he calleth himself] it is left suspicious, that his true Name was otherwise. And he who would not use his own but a false Name, might (for aught I know) put a false Gloss upon our Articles; and though he PUTTETH such a sense upon them, it is questionable whether our Articles will accept thereof. To PUT something upon, sometimes answers to the Latin Word IMPONERE, which is to deceive and delude, and sometimes is Equivalent to our English Word IMPOSE, which soundeth the forceable or fraudulent Obtruding of a thing, against the Will and Mind of Him, or That, whereon it is imposed. Lastly, the Animadvertor cannot warrant us, that the rest of the Church of Rome will consent to the judgement of Franciscus de Sancta Clara; and if not, then is the breach betwixt us, left as wide as it was before.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And if without Prejudice to the Truth, the Controversies might have been composed, it is most probable that other Protestant Churches would have sued by their Agents to be included in the Peace.  Fuller. 
The Animadvertor's Prudent and Politic Probability that other Protestant Churches would, by their Agents, solicit an Inclusion into such a peace, mindeth me of the Distich wrote on the sumptuous Cradle, gorgeously trimmed for the Child of Queen Mary by Philip King of Spain. 
Quam Mariae Sobolem, Deus Optime Sum, dedisti;  
Anglis incolumem red, tuere, rege.  
O may the Child, to Mary God hath given;  
For ENGLAND'S good be guarded safe by Heaven.   
Whereas indeed this Child, pretended at Whitehall, may be said born at Nonsuch, proving nothing but a Mock-mother-Tympany.  
I cannot but commend the kindness and care of the Animadvertor, for keeping this Babe when born; I mean the agreement betwixt Us and the Papists. But let us behold it born, see it first affected, and then we shall know, whether foreign Protestant Churches will dandle this Infant, or destroy it; I mean whether they will declare for, or Protest and remonstrate against it. It will be time enough, then, for both our Survivor to return an answer.  Dr. Heylyn. 
If not; the Church of England had lost nothing by it, as being HATED by the Calvinists, and not loved by the Lutherans.  Fuller. 
Short and sharp, much matter in few Words, and little Truth in much Matter. Our Church of England in Relation to foreign Protestant Churches is here by the Animadvertor represented in a strange posture; like another 
* Gen. 16.22  Ishmael, whose hand was against every one, and every one's against Him.  
That our Church is not HATED by the Calvinists appears by many and plain passages in the Books of those who are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seeming Pillars amongst them Calvin, Beza, Zanchy, Deodat, Mollinaeus, etc. who (notwithstanding some small differences betwixt us) lovingly give us the Right hand of Fellowship.  
The Animadvertor discovers himself as little Statesman as Divine in advising the Church of England, by making Foes of her Friends, to make Friends of her Foes; by incurring the Enmity of foreign Protestants, thereby to procure the Amity of Papists.  
The best is, there is no danger to see that day. The poor Woman in the Gospel, was troubled with a double Issue, the one of Blood, the Life in her Body, and the other of Money, the Life-blood of her Estate; but the 
* Luke. 8.43.  latter was quickly staunched having spent all her Living on Physicians to no purpose. Thus successelesse have their pains proved hitherto, who have endeavoured an accommodation betwixt us and Rome, so that the Wound betwixt us may justly be beheld as incurable.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But our Author will not here delist (so soon hath he forgotten his own Rule made in the case of Mr. Love) and therefore mustereth up his faults, viz. 1. Passion, though an humane frailty, 2. His Severity to his Predecessor, easing him before his time, and against his Will, of his jurisdiction: 3. His over-medling in State-matters: 4. His imposing of the Scottish Liturgy. Of all which we have spoke so much upon other Occasions, that is to say, Numb. 246.251.289.259. and therefore do not count it necessary to add any thing here.  Fuller. 
I shall, God willing, remember and practise my Rule in the Case of Mr. Love, when the Animadvertor I sear will be sound to have forgotten it: here are four faul●s of the Archbishop mustered up by me; and is it not a thin Muster indeed? When a Gentleman was told, that he would be much ashamed, if all his faults were written in his forehead; he (in my Mind) modestly, and wittily replied, that he should be right glad that his Face could hold them all: Happy is that man whose faults may be reduced to the number of Four.  
I have in my Reply to the forecited pages of the Animadvertor, returned my answer unto them; and therefore, to use his language, account it unnecessary to add any thing here.  
I have done no wrong to the Archbishop's Memory, if I have charged him with four ●aults, and to overpoize them, have given him many Commendations, in several places of my Book, which here I will sum up to confute that Loud and late Untruth of the Animadvertor, when saying, Page. 218. 
Our Author gives us nothing of this PRELATE but his WANTS and WEAKNESSES.  
The Praise I gave him is reducible to four heads, NATURALS or Corporals about his Body or Person; MORALS or civils touching his demeanour to others; INTELLECTUALS, whether Innate or Acquisite by his own Industry; spirituals or Supernaturals to which his Benefactions (as the fruit of a Lively Faith) are reduced.  

NATURALS.  

* All these Quotations are taken out of the eleventh Book of my Church History.  1. Nephew to a Lord Major of LONDON therefore not basely Born, page two hundred and sixteen, Paragraph. 71.  

2. Cheerful in countenance.  
Page. 119. paragraph. 84.   
3. A sharp and piercing eye, Ibidem.  
4. Gravity and quickness were well compounded in his Face, Ibidem.  
5. So cheerful his Countenance (when ascending the Scaffold) as rather to gain a Crown than lose his Head, page. 215. paragr. 68   

MORALS.  
6. He was temperate in his diet, pag. 218. parag. 78.  
7. Chaste in his Conversation, ibid.  
8. Plain in his Apparel, ibid. paragr. 79.  
9 Not preferring his own Kindred without merit, ib. pa. 80.  
10. Promoting Men of Learning and Abilyties, ibid.  
11. Covetousness he perfectly hated, ibid. parag. 81.  
12. Had no project to raise a Name or Family, ibid.  
13. Abridged Courtiers Bribes, pag. 218. paragr. 76.  
14. But not their Fees for Church Preferments, ibid.  
15. Not ambitious as appears by his refusing a CARDINAL'S CA● once and again offered him, page. 149. paragr. 47.   

INTELLECTUALS.  
16. He had a clear judgement, pag. 119. paragr. 84.  
17. Of a firm Memory, ibid.  
18. One of the greatest Scholars of our Nation, page. 216. par. 71.  
19 Having an Experimental knowledge of all conditions of Clergymen, page. 217. par. 72.   

spirituals.  
20. A strict Observer of the Lordsday in his own Person, pag. 147. para. 38.  
21. Moderate in pressing the Book of sports in his own Diocese, ibid. par. 41.  
22. A worthy Instrument in moving King Charles to so pious a Work as the restoring of the Irish Impropriations, pag. 149. paragr. 45.    
Thus I did write in his due praise as much as I durst, and though less than his Friends expected, more than I am thanked for. All I will add is this, seeing his Head was cut off by the ●xe, it had been madness in me to run my Neck into the Halter, in taxing those of cruelty and unjustice, which caused his Execution.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And so I leave him to his Rest, in the BOSOM OF ABRAHAM in the LAND OF THE LIVING.  Fuller. 
Bosom of Abraham, is a Scripture-Expression, to signify the repose of the souls of such Saints, who departed this life before the asscention of our Saviour into Heaven. Where ever the bosom of Abraham be, it is good to be there; and hence it is frequently used by the Fathers, to denote the happy condition even of such which departed in the Faith since Christ's ascension. 
Conf●ssio. lib. 9 cap. 3.  Quicquid illud est, (saith St. Augustine) quod illo significatur sinu, ibi Nebridius meus vivit, dulcis amicus meus. For the main, it is a Synonymon with Heaven, and probably all the persons therein, are receptive of a higher degree of Glory after the Day of judgement.  
LAND OF THE LIVING, is an Old Testament-Phrase; which some narrow-breasted Commentators have confined to Temporal Happiness, but importeth much more in my Opinion even final Felicity, as may appear by 
* Psal. 27.13.  David his Expression. I had fainted unless I had believed to see the goodness of the Lord in the LAND OF THE LIVING.  
I have stayed the longer in the Stating of these two Expressions, that I may the more safely and sincerely concur, as I do, with the Animadvertor's charity in the final Estate of this Prelate: with whose Memory my Pen here makes no Truce, but a perfect peace, never hereafter to let the least disgraceful drop of Ink to fall upon it.  Dr. Heylyn. 
From the Archbishop of Canterbury, I should proceed to Dr. Williams, Archbishop of York; but that I must first remove a Block which lies in my Way. Our Author having told us of the making and Printing the Directory, is not content to let us see the cold entertainment which it found when it came abroad, but lets us see it in such terms as we did not look for.  Fuller. 
This Block is no bigger than a Straw, so that a flea may leap over it: but the Animadvertor is pleased to see all things through a Magnifying-Glasse, as will appear hereafter.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Fol. 222. Such (saith our Author) was, call it constancy, or obstinacy, love or doting of the generality of the Nation, on the Common prayer, that the Parliament found it fit, yea necessary, to back their former Ordinance with a second.] Assuredly, the generality of the people of England is much beholding to our Author, for making Question, whether their adhering to the Liturgy, then by Law established, were not to be imputed rather to Obstinacy and Doting, than to Love and Constancy?  Fuller. 
It is no Question in my judgement or Conscience, when it is out of all Question, as either never started or soon decided therein: but a Question it is in the practice of our distracted age, which I behold like the City of Ephesus, 
* Acts. 19.32.  Some cried one thing, some another, for the Assembly was confused. Till this Tumult be appeased, I desire to stand by in silence, and give every Man his own Words, Some call Constancy and Love, which side I do seem secretly to favour, for giving it the upper hand, and naming it in the first place. Others call it Obstinacy and Doting, as they are severally persuaded. What is my Offence, or where is the Block the Animadvertor complaineth of, as if he needed to call for Levers to remove it?  Dr. Heylyn. 
The Liturgy had been looked on as a great Blessing of God upon this Nation, by the Generality of People, for the space of fourscore years and upwards; they found it established by the Law, sealed by the Blood of those that made it, confirmed by many Godly and Religious Princes; and had almost no other form of making their addresses to Almighty God, but what was taught them in the Book of Common Prayer. And could any discreet man think, or wise man hope, that a Form of Prayer, so universally received, and so much esteemed, could be laid by without Reluctancy in those who had been so long accustomed to it? or called Obstinacy or Doting in them, if they did not presently submit to every New Nothing, which in the Name of the then disputable Authority should be laid before them. And though our Author doth profess, that in the Agitating of this Controversy pro and Con, he will reserve his private opinion to himself; yet he discovers it too plainly in the present passage. Quid verba audiam, cum facta videam? is a good rule here. He must needs show his private Opinion in this point, say he what he can; who makes a Question, whether the Adhesion of the People generally to the public Liturgy, were built on Obstinacy and Doting, or on Love and Constancy.  Fuller. 
I concur with the Animadvertor in his Encomiastic Expressions on the Common Prayer. Otherwise, nothing new, occurs in this, which was not in the former Paragraph. And therefore, the Blow being the same (only laid on with a little more eagerness) I conceive the same Guard will serve to defend it, without any further repetition.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But, if it must be Obstinacy or Doting in the generality of the People, to adhere so cordially to the Book of Common Prayer, I marvel what it must be called in Stephen Marshal of Essex (that great Bell-wether, for a time, of the Presbyterians) who having had a Chief hand in compiling the Directory, did notwithstanding Marry his own Daughter by the form prescribed in the Common-Prayer-Book; and ●aving so done, paid down ●ive pounds immediately to the Churchwardens of the Parish, as the Fine or Forfeiture for using any other form of Marriage, then that of the Directory. The like to which (I have credibly been informed) was done by Mr. Knightly of Fawsley, on the like occasion, and probably by many others of the same Strain also.  Fuller. 
All this is Nothing to me, who am not bound to answer for the Actions of other Men. I know there was in England a Juncture of Time, which in this point may be compared to the Evening TWILIGHT; so called from TWALIGHT or double Light, the one of the Day not wholly gone down, the other of the Candle, but newly set up. Such the Crepusculum vespertinum in our Land, when the Day of the Liturgy yet dimly shined, and the Candle of the Directory was also lighted; a short Candle, which presently burnt down to the Socket. It is possible that in this Coincidence, some in Majorem Cautelam, twisted the Liturgy and Directory together, as since some have joined to both, Marriage by a justice of Peace; that so a Threefold Cable might not be broken. Let them, which best can, given an account of their own Carriage herein.  Dr. Heylyn. 
With the like Favour he beholds the two Universities, as he doth the Liturgy, and hard it is to say, which he injureth most.  Fuller. 
I injure neither of them. But in this passage, the Animadvertor only whets his Sword, and I scour my Shield, preparing against his deadly blow, in the next Paragraph.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And first beginning with Oxford, he let us know that, Fol. 231. Lately certain Delegates from the Univesity of Oxford, pleaded their privileges before the Committee of Parliament, that they were only visitable by the King, and such who should be deputed by him. But their Allegations were not of proof against the Paramount power of Parliament; the rather because a passage in an Article at the rendition of Oxford, was urged against them, wherein they were subjected to such a Visitation.] Our Author here subjects the University of Oxford to the power of the Parliament, and that not only in regard of that Paramount power, which he ascribes unto the Parliament, that is to say, the two Houses of Parliament (for so we are to understand him) above all Estates; but also in regard of an Article concerning the surrendry of Oxford, by which that University was subjected to such Visitations.  Fuller. 
When I see a Corslet shot thorough with a Musket bullet, and the Person wounded that wore it, I may safely say, that Corslet is not of proof against the Musket. So when I behold the Plead of the Delegates neglected and nulled, I may say that de Facto they were not of proof against Parliamentary power. A passage possibly written by me, (such my affection to my Aunt Ox●ord,) with more grief than it is read by the Animadvertor with anger; but Truth is truth whether it be writ by one Sighing or singing; readd by one Smiling or Frowning.  
The Reader needs no Interpreter to expound the word Parliament, as taken generally at this time, (Success having beaten the s●●se thereof into men's Heads) for the two Houses. Loqui cum ●ulgo in this case, I hope is no fault; These two Houses at this time maintained their ENTHYMEM to be a complete SYLLOGISM concluding all Persons under them; presuming that the King, though not Personally, was Virtually with them, A position which I have no calling to examine. As for the Clause in the Article which hooked the University under Parliamentary Visitation, hear how the Animadvertor reports it.  Dr. Heylyn. 
I find indeed, that it was agreed on by the Commissioners on both sides touching the Surrendry of that City; That the Chancellor, Masters, and Scholars of the University of Oxon, and the Governors and Students of Christ-Church of King H. 8. his Foundation, and all other Heads and Governors, Masters, Fellows, and Scholars of the Colleges, Halls, and Bodies Corporate, and Societies of the same University, and the public Professors and Readers, and the Orator thereof, and all other persons belonging to the said University, or to any Colleges or Halls therein, shall and may, according to their Statutes, Charters and Customs, enjoy their ancient form of government, subordinate to the immediate Authority and power of Parliament. But I find not, that any of the Heads or Delegates of that University were present at the making of this Article, or consented to it, or thought themselves obliged by any thing contained in it.  Fuller. 
This last Clause was eagerly urged by the Committee against the Delegates of the University, and I could wish they could as easily have untied the Knot, as Answered the hardest Objection of Bellarmine in the Divinity-Schools; The King when privately departing Oxford left (if not a Commission) at least Leave with the Lords to make as good terms for themselves, and all with them in the City besieged, as the Enemy would give and they could get in that straightened condition. The University therefore was urged by the Committee to have given an Implicit consent to these Articles, and enjoying the Benefit, they must share in the Burden thereof. To this, the Delegates made many fair and Civil Answers, strengthened with Law and Reason: but alas, great are the Odds, though Learning be the Answerer, where Power is the Opponent.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Nor indeed could it stand with reason, that they should wave the patronage of a gracious Sovereign, who had been a Nursing Father to them, and put themselves under the arbitrary power of those who they knew minded nothing but destruction toward them. And that the University did not think itself obliged by any thing contained in that Article, appears even by our Author himself, who tells us in this very passage, that the Delegates from the University pleaded their privileges before the Committee of Parliament, that they were only visitable by the King, and such as should be deputed by him; which certainly they had never done (unless our Author will conclude them to be fools or madmen) had they before submitted to that Paramount power, which he adscribes unto the Houses. Nor did the Houses of Parliament find themselves impowered by this clause of the Article, to obtrude any such Visitation on them. And therefore when the Delegates had pleaded, and proved their privileges, a Commission for a Visitation was issued by the two Houses of Parliament in the name of the King, but under the new broad Seal which themselves had made; which notwithstanding▪ the University stood still on their own defence, in regard that though the King's name was used in that Commission, yet they knew well, that he had never given his consent unto it. Whereupon followed that great alteration both in the Heads and Members of most Colleges which our Author speaks of.  Fuller. 
The Animadvertor endeavours to run me on one of these dangerous Rocks, either to condemn the University for Fools and Mad men, whom I Love and Honour for Wise and Sober Persons, or else to make me incur the Displeasure of the Parliament. And the Philosopher's Answer to the Emperor is well known, That it is ill Disputing with them that can command LEGIONS: The best is, I am not bound to answer to this dangerous Dilemma, keeping myself close to my Calling, viz. Reporting what was done, but whether justly or unjustly, let others decide.  
The Animadvertor's Boldness herein is for me to admire, not Imitate. When an Old Man was demanded the Cause of his Confidence, how he durst so freely tell a King of his faults, he rendered a double Reason of his Boldness, Orbit●s et Senectus. One, that he had no Children, and therefore Careless to preserve Posterity: the other, that he was extremely Old, therefore less curious to keep that Life that was leaving him.  
How it fareth with the Animadvertor in these two Particulars, I know not; sure I am for myself, that I am not so old to be Weary of the World, (as I hope it is not of me); and God having given me Children, I will not destroy them, and hazard myself by running into needless Dangers. And let this suffice for an Answer.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Nor deals he much more candidly in relating the proceedings of the Visitation, which was made in Cambridge; the Visitors whereof (as acting by the Paramount power of Parliament) he more sensibly favoureth, than the poor sufferers, or malignant Members, as he calls them, of that University.  Fuller. 
The Animadvertor sees more in me then I can see in myself; and because we are both Parties engaged, (the less to be credited in our own Cause,) be it reported to the Reader, if pleased, to peruse the Conclusion of my History of Cambridge, whether I cast not my Grains of Favour into the Scales of the poor Sufferers. These I call not MALIGNANT MEMBERS, but with this Qualification (so 
* Hist. of Camb. pag. 168. parag. 35.  termed). And let not me be condemned for the Ill Language of others.  
I say again, As, as an Historian, I have favoured no side but told the Truth; so I could not so far unman myself, but that for Humanity sake (to say no more,) I did pity the Sufferers; on which Account, I incurred the displeasure of the Opposite Party: the best is, causeless Anger being an Edglesse Sword, I fear it the less.  Dr. Heylyn. 
For whereas the Author of the Book called Querela Cantabrigiensis hath told us of an Oath of Discovery, obtruded by the Visitors upon several persons, whereby they were sworn to detect one another, even their dearest friends. Our Author who was out of the storm, seeming not satisfied in the truth of this relation, must write to Mr. Ash, who was one of those Visitors, to be informed in that which he knew before.  Fuller. 
No Person more proper or probable to inform me herein, than Mr. Ash one of the Visitors, who I believed did both know the Truth and would not tell a falsehood herein: I was so far from desiring Information in what (as the Animadvertor saith) I KNEW BEFORE, that I protest I know IT NOT YET, being left in such a Mist about this Oath of Discovery.  
On the one side, my Worthy Friend Mr. Peter Gunning, Fellow of Clare Hall, (eminent for his Learning and Honesty,) hath since assured me that such an Oath was offered and urged upon him by the Committee. On the other side, I am, on just grounds, daily confirmed in my Confidence, that neither the Earl of Manchester, nor any under him by his Command or Consent enforced such an Oath, so that where to lay the Blame, I know not; and have neither List nor Leisure, further to inquire, who having Blistered my Fingers already, will burn my Hands no more in so dangerous a subject.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds. And on the reading of Mr. Ash his Answer, declares expressly, that no such Oath was tendered by him to that University.] But first, Mr. Ash doth not absolutely deny, that there was any such Oath, but that he was a stranger to it: and possibly he might be so far a stranger to it, as not to be an Actor in that part of the Tragedy. Secondly, Mr. Ash only saith, that he cannot call to mind, that any such thing was moved by the Earl of Manchester; and yet I trow, such a thing might be moved by the Earl of Manchester, though Mr. Ash after so many years was willing not to call it to mind. Or else if no such Oath was tendered by him, as our Author is assured there was not, that part of the Tragedy might be acted by Mr. Good the other Chaplain, without communicating his Instructions to his fellow Visitor.  Fuller. 
Mr. Ash, on serious and Solemn recollection, hath since given me Assurance, both by his word of Mouth, and Writing, that no such Oath was urged to his knowledge; and being a Minister of the Gospel, I am in Charity and Conscience bound to believe Him.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And therefore thirdly, I would know why Mr. Good was not writ to also, that having from him the like Certificate, our Author might have had the better grounds for his unbelief, before he had pronounced so positively against the Author of that Querela.  Fuller. 
The reason was because Mr. Good was dead, and (had I known whither) I did not know by what Carrier to convey my Letter unto him. I pronounced not positively against Querela in point of the Oath, which I left under very vehement Suspicions.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Fourthly, and finally, it is not easy to be thought, that the Author of that Book should have vented such a manifest falsehood, especially in a matter so derogatory to all Christian charity, and that neither the Earl of Manchester, nor either of these two Chaplains, or any friends of theirs, should in the space of ten years and more, endeavour to wipe off such an odious imputation, till our Author out of pure zeal to the Paramount-power, played the Advocate in it.  Fuller. 
I will freely give all my Fees for my Advocation to the Animadvertor, and will Thank him too, if he will be pleased to take them from me to himself. It seems I did not my Work well, who had nothing but displeasure for my Wages.  
Possibly the Earl of Manchester might not know, that the urging of such an Oath was objected against him and his; and probably, if he did know, he satisfied himself in his own Integrity and Innocence, leaving the Blame and Shame to fall on such as were guilty thereof.  Dr. Heylyn. 
But to return again to Oxford, one of the first effects which followed on the alteration before remembered (though mentioned by our Author in another place) was the rifling of the Treasury in Magdalen College, of which he tells us, lib. 9 fol. 234. That a considerable sum of Gold, being by Dr. Humphrey (who had been Master of that College) left in a Chest, not to be opened, except some great necessity urged thereunto, was lately shared between Dr. Wilkinson (who then held the place of Precedent by the power of the Visitors) and the fellows there. But first, Our Author is mistaken in Dr. Humphrey, though he be willing to entitle him (whom he calls a moderate Nonconformist) to some benefaction. The sum there found amounted to above twelve hundred double Pistolets, the old Doctor having no fewer than one hundred for his part of the spoil, and every fellow thirty a piece for theirs; each Pistolet exchanged at sixteen shillings six pence, and yet the Exchanger got well by the bargain too. Too great a sum for Dr. Humphrey, who had many Children, and no provident Woman to his Wife, to leave behind him to the College, had he been so minded. The Money (as the Tradition went in that College) was left there by the Founder, to remedy and repair such ruins, as either the casualty of fire, or the ravages of a Civil war might bring upon it; to which the nature of the Coin being all French pieces (remember that the English at that time were Masters of a great part of France) gives a further testimony.  Fuller 
As I have been mistaken in the Person, Dr. Humphrey for Bishop Wainfleet Donour of this Gold (following common Report therein); so I could heartily have wished I had also erred in the Thing itself, I mean, that an A motion of such Devoted Treasure had never been done.  
The Animadvertor might well have forborn his Sparring at the precious Memory of that learned and pious Dr. Humphrey. And the new mention of his name, mindeth me of an old fault, which the Animadvertor not long since laid to my charge, viz. my calling of Thomas Bentham [the DEANE, saith he, of magdalen's Oxford,] the CENSOR thereof. Whereas I exactly followed the words of Dr. Humphrey, in his Latin Life of jewel, page. 73. Tho. Benthamus, quamvis CENSOR, eo Anno, etc. And I humbly conceive that I having so good a Precedent as Dr. Humphrey, Precedent of that College, I might as well call their Dean, Censor in English, as He doth in Latin.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Secondly, I would have our Author observe, that those whom he accuseth of this act of Rapine, were neither high Royalists, nor covetous Conformists, as we know who words it; but men agreeable to the times, and of the same temper and affections which himself is of: the Conformists never being so covetous as to cast an eye towards it, nor the high Royalists so ignoble in their greatest extremities, as to lay hands on it.  Fuller. 
If I be one of their Persuasion, who shared this Gold, (and I must be so because the Animadvertor doth say it) I have acquitted myself a faithful Historian, in not consulting my own party's Credit: but unpartially reporting the truth. However I hope God will keep my hands, that my fingers shall not have the GILD of the Gold of Tholouse.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And thirdly, I must needs charge our Author with some partiality in aggravating this fact (which indeed cannot be excused) with so many circumstances, and passing over the like at Cambridge, as a thing incredible; I cannot believe, saith he, Hist. Camb. fol. 38. what I have read in the Querela Cantabrigiensis, That three or four hundred pounds worth of Timber brought to Clare-hall for the repair of that House, was lately taken away; that is to say, inverted to the use of some private persons, whom our Author hath befriended with this incredulity.  Fuller. 
I did not aggravate the fact nor heavily lean on my Pen in relating this Passage, nor laid more weight thereon than merely to make it cast Ink. The Animadvertor hath more bitterness wrapped up in this one word RAPINE than I have stretched out, in all my relation of this accident.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Nay so extremely favourable he is to his friends in Cambridge, as to profess, that, had he seen it, he would not have believed his own eyes; which is the highest point of partiality, and most invincible unbelief that I ever met with.  Fuller. 
Herein the Animadvertor is highly-just, (to say no more) unto me. Is it not cruelty to such as write in distracted times, and are, as desirous to impart dangerous Truths to posterity, so also to secure themselves, (as who can blame them?) as well as they may, to hunt them out of the Covert of any figurative or wary expression: but none so deaf, as He who will not hear, I mean as to understand, The Animadvertor known my Expression pointed at, some too high for me safely to reach.  
Know Reader, that, what Need (as pleaded) in time of War took from Clare-hall, that Conscience in the same person hath since restored to the full, as Dr. Dillingham my worthy friend and Master of the College hath informed me. Now though Oxford challengeth antiquity to go before Cambridge, yet herein let her not disdain to come after her, and to follow so good an Example of Restitution: for though I have heard, and partly believe, that Dr. Wilkinson did with might and main oppose the Seizure on that Gold; and though they say it appeared, when seriously examined by the visitors, that it was not so foul a fact, as generally it is represented; yet it cannot in all particulars be excused, and therein concur with the Animadvertor. So that 
* Gen. 43.12.  Iacob's counsel to his Sons may here be seasonably prescribed, Carry the Money back again, peradventure it was an oversight.  Dr Heylyn. 
There remains nothing now to conclude these Animadversions, but some passages relating to Archbishop Williams: in which I must confess myself not willing to meddle, but that I think it is as much against the Rule of distributive Justice to give one man too much, as to give another man too little. Let us see therefore what he saith of this Prelate, and how far he saith truth▪ the whole truth, and nothing but the truth And first, saith he, etc.  Fuller. 
The Truth hereof will soon appear by the Sequel. For, if the Animadvertor shall inflame his smoking faults, hollow in the Ears of every Dormant Suspicion, to awaken it against the memory of this Prelate, yea and hang the weight of his greatest Guiltiness on the wires of the slenderest proof, then notwithstanding this his plausibility to the contrary premised, He will plainly appear to have a Pike (the sharpness whereof his Death hath not blunted) against Him.  
When one was to Preach the Funeral Sermon of a most vicious, and generally hated Person, all wondered what He would say in his praise, the Preachers friends searing, his foes hoping, that, for his fee, ●e would force his Conscience to flattery. For one thing (said the Minister) this man is to be spoken well o●, by all, and for another thing He is to be spoken ill of, by none. The first is, because God made Him; the second, because He is dead.  
Now seeing besides the premises, common to all Christians, yea to all men many worthy works have been done by the Bishop; and especially, seeing known Animisities were betwixt him and the Animadvertor (which with Ingenuity is an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉- super-over-commanding motive to silence) the Animadvertor had better forborn all which followeth in my judgement, and in the Judgement of as many learned and Religious men, of all orders and degrees in both Universityes, as ever solicited him to write against my Church-history.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Fol. 227. He sueth to the Parliament for favour, and obtained it, whose General in a manner he becomes in laying siege to the Town and Castle of Abercon-way, etc.] This is the truth, but whether it be the whole truth, or not, I do more than doubt. His suing for and obtaining pardon from the Parliament, precedeth in the order of time, his being their General; and therefore it is not to be thought, but that he had done some special service to the Parliament to prepare the way for such a favour. Before his commitment to the Tower about the Bishop's Protestation, he was grown as odious to the Commons, as before he had been honoured by them. He had lived some time with the King at Oxford, and is said to have done him good services in Wales; and (which is most) he had a fair temporal Estate, able to yield some thousands of pounds for Composition in Goldsmith's hall. So that there must be somewhat in it more than ordinary, which occasioned that he neither came under Fine nor Ransom, as the rest of the King's party did. But what that was, whether he served them with intelligence when he was at Oxford, or by inhibiting his Tenants and Neighbours to pay their accustomed Taxes to the King's Forces when he lived in Wales, I determine not. Certain it is, that before his redintegration with them, he had been in a manner besieged in his House of Penrin by the Lord Byron, for the prohibiting of sending in such provisions as had been required; and that observing with what carelessness the King's Soldiers did attend that service, he caused a sally to be made out of the House, and slew many of them. Upon the merit of which service, and the promise of greater, it is no wonder if such Ministers and Solicitors of his as were employed in that business, compounded for him without fine, though not without money. That which our Author tells us of his being their General, seems to have been fore-signified some five or six years before the siege of Conway Castle. For I remember that about such time as he was prisoner in the Tower with the rest of the Bishops, his picture was sold commonly in black and white, in his Episcopal Robes, with a squa●e Cap on his head, a Rest in his hand, a Musket on his shoulder, and a Bandeleir about his neck. For which fancy at that time I could learn no reason, though he came up to it at the last.  Fuller. 
This is not Contradictory but Additory to what I have written, an Additory only of Suggestions, and Suspicions, no Probations; The Animadvertor's arrow coming off without a Pile, when he saith, I DETERMINE NOT. I had thought when this DOCTOR CATHEDRAE (for Historical Matters) had so solemnly settled himself in the CHAIR, that we should have heard from him some solid Determination, which belike he dares not do: and in my Opinion, it had been more consonant to Christian charity, not to have discussed what he could not decide; seeing matters of this Nature are to be hunted down, or else it is best they be never started. Is this He who so lately professed his averseness to meddle with this Archbishop, and is now so ready to run out against Him on all occasions when he hardly hath half an Errand? and rather would than can produce any certainty in his Suggestions?  Dr. Heylyn. 
But our Author goes on, Ibid. He was very chaste in his Conversation.] And I hope so too, notwithstanding the scandalous reports of Weldon the nameless Author aimed at (in the following words) in his Pamphlet called the Court of King james, and some vulgar fames or hear says too much credited by a late Historian. But I must needs say, that I am not satisfied in the arguments which are brought to prove it. Wilson in his unworthy History of the reign of King james, makes him to be Eunuchus ab utero, an Eunuch from his Mother's womb. The author of the pamphlet called the Observator observed, conceives that Wilson went too far in this expression, and rather thinks, that he contracted some impotency by falling on a stake when he was a Boy, fol, 10. Our Author here seems to incline unto this last, assuring us from such who knew the Privacies and casualties of his infancy, that this Archbishop was but one degree removed from a Misogynist, though to palliate his infirmity to noble Females he was most complete in his courtly addresses. But first, the falsity and frivolousness of these defences leave the poor man under a worse suspicion than they found him in. His manly countenance, together with his masculine voice, showed plainly that he was no Eunuch; and the agreeableness of his conversation with the female Sex, did as plainly show, that he was no Misogynist, or Woman-hater. And secondly, admitting these surmises to be true and real, they rather serve to evidence his impotency than to prove his chastity; it being no chastity in that man to abstain from Women, who either by casualty, or by nature is disabled from such copulations. The virtue of chastity consisteth rather in the integrity of the soul, than the mutilation of the body; and therefore more to be ascribed to those pious men, Qui salvis oculis foeminam vident, in Tertullian's language, than to the old Philosopher, who put out his eyes to avoid temptations of that nature. So that if this be all which they have to say for the Bishop's chastity, these advocates had showed more wisdom in saying nothing, than speaking so little to the purpose.  Fuller. 
I am sorry to see the Memory of this Bishop, since his decease, to fall on a sharper Stake than his Body did in his Infancy, even the Pen of the Animadvertors. I confess, Chastity cannot necessarily be concluded from natural debility, or casual impotency; there being a possibility of a frying heart in a freezing body, And we know who hath written, 
Ecclus. 3●. 20.  ut Eunuchus qui amplectitur virginem & gemit.  
The casualty of his Infancy was by me mentioned, and cast in as super-pondium or over-weight, to confirm such as were persuaded before, in his Chastity which was never called into Question by any person of credit. As for Aulicus è Coquina, the Courtier cut of the Kitchen, pretending himself such a Master of Defence in all Court-controversies. Such as have perused his Book, will find cause to say of Him, Expectavi Lanistam; inveni Scurram, Rabulam, Lnxam.  
The conversableness of this Bishop with Women, consisted chiefly, (if not only) in his Treatments of great Ladies and Persons of Honour, wherein he did personate the Compleatness of Courtesy to that Sex: otherwise a woman was seldom to be seen in his House. Hence it was that the Palace of this Prelate, had more Magnificence than Neatness therein, sometimes Defective in the Puntilloes and Nicityes of Daintiness, lying lower than Masculine cognizance; and as levelly to a woman's Eye, to espy, as easy for her Hand to amend.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our author proceeds Ibid. Envy itself cannot deny, but that whither soever he went, he might be traced by the footsteps of his benefaction.] Amongst which benefactions it was none of the least, that in both the Universities he had so many Pensioners; more (as it was commonly given out) than all the Noblemen and Bishops in the Land together: some of which received twenty Nobles, some ten pounds, and other twenty Marks per annum. And yet it may be said without envy, that none of all these Pensions came out of his own purse, but were laid as Rent-charges upon such Benefices as were in his disposing, either as Lord Keeper or Bishop of Lincoln, and assigned over to such Scholars in each University as applied themselves to him. And because I would not be thought to say this without book, I have both seen and had in my keeping, till of late, (if I have it not still) an Acquittance made unto a Minister in discharge of the payment of a Pension of twenty Nobles per annum, to one who was then a Student in Christ-Church. The name of the parties I forbear; he that received it, and he for whom it was received, (and perhaps he that paid it too) being still alive. And possible enough it is, that this Pensioning of so many Scholars had not been passed over in silence by our Author, if he had not known the whole truth as well as the truth.  Fuller. 
His Pensioning so many Scholars, foundeth more to his credit, than th● paucity of their Pensioners to the honour of other Lords and Bishops. It was impossible that so numerous Pensions, could all issue out of his own Purse, without great Impairing of his Estate. And therefore no wonder if he was not the Giver, but the bare disposer of some of them to Promising Pregnancyes, where Worth and Want did meet together in the same person. And though such payments were not costly to the Bishop, they were no less comfortable to such as received them; it being all one with the parched ground whether the Waterpot which be-sprinkleth it, be filled from the Spring, or from the River. This was done by him without any appearance of evil, with the free and full consent of such Incumbents as He presented, far from the shadow of Simonia call compliance, seeing besides the Statute to this purpose, in the reign of King Henry the eighth, the Injunctions of Queen Elizabeth do countenance a Bishops assigning five pounds annually out of every hundred pounds of a Benefice to such uses. As for many of the Pensions he paid, I am since as well assured, they were expended out of his own Purse as I am confident the causeless cavils in our Animadvertor's Book, were bred in his own brains, without any other's Suggesting them unto him.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Ibid. Much he expended on the Repair of Westminster Abbey-Church, etc. The Library at Westminster was the effect of his bounty.] This though it be true in part, yet we cannot say of it, that it is either the whole truth, or nothing but the truth. For the plain truth is, that neither the charge of repairing that Church, nor furnishing that Library, came out of his own private Coffers, but the Church's rents: For at such time as he was made Lord Keeper of the great Seal; he caused it to be signified unto the Prebendaries of that Church, how inconvenient it would be both to him and them to keep up the Commons of the College; and gained so far upon them that they passed over to him all the rents of that Church, upon condition that he should pay the annual pensions of the Prebendaries, Schoolmasters, Quire-men, and inferior Officers, and maintain the Commons of the Scholars. The rest, amounting to a great yearly value, was left wholly to him upon his honourable word and promise to expend the ●ame for the good and honour of that Church. The surplusage of which expenses received by him for four years and upwards, amounted unto more than had been laid out by him on the Church and Library; as was offered to be proved before the Lords Commissioners at the visitation, Anno. 1635. And as for the Library at St. john's, it might possibly cost him more wit than money; many books being daily sent in to him (upon the intimation of his purpose of founding the two Libraries) by such as had either suits in Court, or business in Chancery, or any ways depended on him, or expected any favours from him, either as Bishop of Lincoln, or Dean of Westminster.  Fuller. 
As the worm on a sudden smote the gourd of jonah, and it withered; so it is possible, that the most verdant and flourishing Charity may be fretted and blasted, by ill reports.  
There is a Chapiter-Act subscribed with the hands of the Prebendaries of Westminster (the Date whereof I do not at present remember) and the Copy of it is in the hands of my Worthy friend, wherein they thankfully acknowledge the great bounty of this Bishop, in expending so much on the repair of their Church.  
If the Library of St. john's cost him more Wit than Money, (as the Animadvertor phraseth it,) sure I am that in the same sense, The founding of Fellowships and Scholarships in that College, cost him more Money then Wit.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds, Fol. 228. He hated Popery with a perfect hatred.] But Wilson in his History of great Britain sings another song, whether in Tune, or out of Tune, they can best tell who lived most near those times, and had opportunities to observe him.  Fuller. 
I wonder, That the Animadvertor, who in the Preface to this his Book had branded wilson's History with the name of a most Infamous Pasquil, maketh mention of any passage therein to a Bishop's disgrace.  Dr. Heylyn. 
There is a muttering of some strange offer which he made to King james, at such time as the Prince was in Spain, and the Court seemed in common apprehension to warp towards Popery, which declared no such perfect hatred (as our Author speaks of) unto that Religion.  Fuller. 
The 
* Esay. 56.3.  Prophet telleth us of Tongues which have MUTTERED perverseness, and such to me seem they that are Authors of this report.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Not was he coy of telling such whom he admitted unto privacies with him, that in the time of his greatness at Court, he was accounted for the Head of the Catholic Party, not sparing to declare what free and frequent accesses he gave the principal Sticklers in that cause both Priests and Jesuits, and the special services which he did them: And it must be somewhat more than strange if all this be true, that he should hate Popery with a perfect hatred; yet not more strange than that he should so stickle in the preferment of Dr. Theodore Price to the Archbishopric of Armagh in Ireland, who died a professed Catholic, reconciled to the Church of Rome, as our Author hath it, Fol. 226. But if there be no more truth in the Bishop of Lincoln's hating Popery, then in Dr. 〈◊〉 dying a professed Papist, there is no credit to be given at all to that part of the Character. Dr. Price, though once a great Favourite of this Bishop, and by him continued Subdean of Westminster many years together, was at the last supposed to be better affected to Bishop Laud, than to Bishop Williams, Bishop Laud having lately appeared a Suitor for him for the Bishopric of St. Asaph. And therefore that two Birds might be killed with the same bol●; no sooner was Dr. Price deceased, but the Bishop of Lincoln being then at Westminster, calls the prebend's together, tells them that he had been with Mr. Sub-Deane before his death, that he left him in very doubtful terms about Religion, and consequently could not tell in what form to bury him; that if the Dr. had died a professed Papist he would have buried him himself, but being as it was, he could not see how any of the Prebendaries could either with safety or with credit perform that office. But the Artifice and design being soon discovered, took so little effect that Dr. Newel one of the Signior Prebendaries performed the Obsequies, the rest of the whole Chapter attending the body to the grave, with all due solemnity.  Fuller. 
I deny not but as a Statesman, he might do some civil offices to the Romish party in that Juncture of time, in compliance to King james his commands, But this amounteth not to prove him a Lover of Popery.  
As for Dr. Price, I will not rake into his ashes. If he died a protestant, 'twas the better for him; but the contrary is generally reported, printed, believed.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Our Author proceeds, Fol. 228. He was so great an honourer of the English Liturgy, that of his own cost he caused the same to be translated into Spanish, and fairly printed, to confute their false conceit of our Church, etc.] If this be true, it makes not only to his honour, but also to the honour of the English Liturgy, translated into more Languages than any Liturgy in the world, whatsoever it be; translated into Latin by Alexander Alesius, a learned Scot in King Edward's time; as afterward by Dr. Walter Haddon in the reign of Queen Elizabeth and his translation mended by Dr. Mocket in the time of King james: translated into French by the command of that King, for the Isles of Guernsey and jersey: into Spanish at the charge of this Bishop (as our Author telleth us): and finally into Greek by one Mr. Petly, by whom it was dedicated and presented to the late Archbishop of Canterbury, the greatest Patron and Advancer of the English Liturgy. But secondly, I have some reason to doubt, that the Liturgy was not translated at the charges of Bishop Williams. That it was done by his pocurement I shall easily grant: but whosoever made the Bill of Charges, the Church paid the reckoning; the Dominican Friar who translated it, being rewarded with a Benefice and a good Prebend, as the Bishop himself did signify by letter to the Duke of Buckingham.  Fuller. 
I have been credibly informed by those who have best cause to know it, That it was done not only by his procurement but at his Cost, Though I deny not but that a benefice might be conferred on the Friar in reward of his pains. Thus far I am assured by such as saw it, That the Bishop (who had more skill in the Spanish then his policy would publicly own), did with his own hand correct every sheet therein.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And as for the printing of the book, I cannot think that it was at his charges neither, but at the charges of the Printer; it not being usual to give the Printer, money and the copy too.  Fuller. 
The Animadvertor so well practised in printing knows full well, That though i● be usual to give Money and Copies too for a saleable book, which being Printed in our own tongue is every man's Money; yet a Spanish Book printed in England is chargeable, meeting with few buyers, because few understanders thereof.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And Thirdly, Taking it for granted, that the Liturgy was translated and printed at this Bishop's charges; yet does not this prove him to be so great an honourer of it as our Author makes him. For had he been indeed a true honourer of the English Liturgy, he would have been a more diligent attendant on it than he showed himself: never repairing to the Church at Westminster (whereof he was Dean) from the 18. of February 1635. when the business of the great Pew was judged against him, till his Commitment to the Tower in july 1637.  Fuller. 
One reason why he seldom came to Prayers to Westminster Church, was, because he was permitted but little to live there, after he fell into the King's displeasure, being often sent away the day after he came thither. On the same token, that once Sr. john Cook being sent unto him to command him to avoid the Deanery; Mr. Secretary, said the Bishop, what Authority have you to command a Man out of his own House? Which wrought so much on the old Knight, that he was not quiet till he had gotten his own pardon.  Dr. Heylyn. 
Nor ever going to the Chapel of the Tower (where he was a Prisoner) to attend the Divine Service of the Church, or receive the Sacrament, from july 1637. when he was committed, to November 1640. when he was enlarged. A very strong Argument that he was no such Honourer of the English Liturgy, as is here pretended: A Liturgy most highly esteemed in all places wheresoever it came, and never so much vilified, despised, condemned as amongst ourselves; and those amongst ourselves who did so vilify and despise it, by none more countenanced then by him, who is here said to be so great an Honourer o● it.  Fuller. 
Though (for reasons best known to himself) he went not to Prayers in the Tower Chapel, yet was he his own Chaplain to read them in his own Chamber. And let me add this memorable passage thereunto.  
During his durance in the Tower, there was a Kinsman of Sr. William Balforés then Lieutenant, a Scotish man (and his name, Mr. Melvin too) who being mortally sick, sent for Bishop Williams to pray with him. The Bishop read to him the Visitation of the sick, having fore-acquainted this dying man, That there was a form of Absolution in this Prayer, if he thought fit to receive it: Wherewith Mr. Melvin was not only well satisfied, but got himself up as well as he could on his knees in the bed, and in that posture received Absolution.  Dr Heylyn. 
But for this Blow our Author hath his Buckler ready, telling us, Ibid. Not out of Sympathy to Non-conformists, but Antipathy to Archbishop Laud, he was favourable to some select Persons of that Opinion. An Action somewhat like to that of the Earl of Kildare, who being accused before Henry the Eighth, for burning the Cathedral Church of Cassiles in Ireland, professed ingeniously, That he would never have burnt the Church, if some body had not told him that the Bishop was in it. Hate to that Bishop, an Archbishop of Ireland, incited that mad Earl to burn his Cathedral Church. And hate to Bishop Laud, the Primate and Metropolitan of all England, stirred up this Bishop to raise a more unquenchable Combustion in the Church of England. So that we may affirm of him as Tertullian (in another case) of the Primitive Christians, viz. Tanti non est bonum, quanti est odium Christianorum. But are we sure that he was favourable to the Non-Conformists out of an antipathy to Bishop Laud only? I believe not so. His antipathy to the King did as strongly bias him that way, as any thing else. For which I have the Testimony of the Author of the History of King Charles, published 1656. who telleth us of him, That being malevolently inclined (about the loss of the great Seal), etc.  Fuller. 
I will not advocate for all the actions of Bishop Williams, and though the Animadvertor beholds my pen as over-partiall unto him, yet I know who it was that wrote unto me, Semper es iniquior in Archiepiscopum Eboracensem.  
I am a true honourer of his many excellent virtues, and no excuser of his Faults, who could heartily wish, That the latter part of his Life had been like the beginning thereof.  Dr. Heylyn. 
And so I take my leave of this great Prelate, whom I both reverence for his Place, and honour for his Parts, as much as any. And yet I cannot choose but say, that I find more reason to condemn, than there is to commend him; so that we may affirm of him as the Historian doth of Cajus Caesar, Son of Agrippa, and Nephew to the great Augustus, viz. Tam variè se gessit, ut nec laudaturum magna, nec vituperaturum mediocris materia deficiat, as my Author hath it. And with the same Character, accommodated to our Author, and this present History, I conclude these Notes; subjoyning only this old Saying as well for my comfort as defence, viz. 
Truth, though it may be blamed, can never be shamed.   Fuller. 
Here the Animadvertor doth Tickle and Pinch me both together, yet neither will I laugh nor cry, but keep my former composure.  
I will take no notice of a piece of MEZENTISM in his joining of the Dead and Living together, and conceive myself far unworthy, to be paralleled in the least degree with his Eminences.  
However I will endeavour with the Gladiators 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, honestè decumbere, that when I can fight no longer, I may fall handsomely, in the Scene of this Life.  
May God, who gave it, have the glory of what is good in me, myself the shame of what is bad, which I ought to labour to amend.     

To the Reverend, and his Worthy Friend, Dr. john Cousin, Dean of Peterburgh.  
SIR,  
You may be pleased to remember that some two years since being informed by our friend Mr. Davenport, that you took some exceptions at what I had written concerning you, in my Church-History, I returned you an Answer to this Effect.  That I would make you just reparation, either in the next Edition of my History, or in another Book which I was about to set forth Of the Worthies of England: choosing therein the most proper and conspicuous place, which might render it most visible to the Reader. 
This last Book had since been printed, had not the unhappy difference between Dr. Heylyn, and me, retarded it.  
What I wrote concerning your Accusation in the House of Commons, I transcribed out of the Manuscript journals of that House. As for your purgation in the House of Lords, I knew not thereof: which maketh such my omssion the more excusable.  
I am now right glad, that you did so clearly vindicate your innocence. In my next Edition, I will do you all possile right (with improvement) that my Pen can perform: as also, God Willing, when I come to treat, in my intended Book, of the Cathedral of Durham.  
In the mean time, joining with Hundreds more of my Profession, in thanks to you for your worthy Work on the Apocrypha, and desiring the Continuation and increase of God's blessing on your studies, who do abide the Champion for our Religion in foreign parts, know that amongst your many honourers, you have none more affectionate than  
Your humble Servant, Thomas Fuller.   

To the Religious, Learned and Ingenuous Reader.  
EPistles to the Reader by way of Preparation are properly placed in the front of a Book; but those by way of Recollection follow best in the Rear thereof. If you have had the Leisure and Patience to peruse this Book, you deserve the Name of a Reader indeed; and I do as heartily wish, as charitably hope Thee Qualified with those three Epithets wherewith I have entitled thee. I must now accost thee, in the Language of the Levite to the Tribes of Israel.  CONSULT, CONSIDER, and GIVE SENTENCE. 
Deal truly and unpartially betwixt me and the Animadvertor, please thine own Conscience, though thou displeasest us, and adjudge in thyself, where neither of Us, where both of Us, where one of Us, which one of Us, is in the right. Only this I will add, for my Comfort, and thy better Confidence in reading my Book, that, according to the received Rule in Law, Exceptio firmat Regulam in non-Exceptis, it followeth proportionably, that, Animadversio firmat Regulam in non-Animadversis. And if so, by the Tacite Consent of my Adversary himself, all other passages in my Book, are allowed Sound and True, save these few, which fall under his reproof; and how justly, I submit my Cause to thy Censure, and thy Person to Gods keeping, remaining  
Thine in Jesus Christ. Thomas Fuller. Cranford Moate-House.   

To my Loving Friend, Doctor Peter Heylyn.  
I Hope, Sir, that we are not mutually Un-friended by this Difference which hath happened betwixt us. And now, as Duellers, when they are Both out of breath, may stand still and Parley, before they have a Second pass, let us in cold Blood exchange a Word, and, mean time, let us depose, at least suspend, our Animosities.  
Death hath crept into both our Clay-Cottages through the Windows; your Eyes being Bad, mine not Good, God mend them both. And Sanctify unto us these Monitors of Mortality, and however it fareth with our Corporeal sight, send our Souls that Collyrium, and Heavenly Eyesalve, mentioned in Scripture. But indeed Sir, I conceive our Time, Pains, and Parts, may be better expended to God's Glory, and the Churches Good, than in these needless Contentions. Why should Peter fall out with Thomas, both being Disciples to the same Lord and Master. I assure you, Sir, (whatever you conceive to the contrary) I am Cordial to the cause of the English Church, and my Hoary Ha●res will go down to the Grave in sorrow for her Sufferings.  
You well remember the passage in 
54.  Homer, how wise Nestor bemoaned the unhappy difference betwixt Agamemnon and Achilles.  

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   

O gods! how great the grief of Greece the while,  
And Priam's self, and Sons do sweetly smile,  
Yea all the Trojan party swell with Laughter,  
That Greeks with Greeks fall out, and fight to Slaughter.   
Let me therefore tender unto you an Expedient in Tendency to our mutual Agreement. You know full well Sir, how in Heraldry, two Lioncells Rampant endorsed, are said to be the Emblem of two Valiant Men, keeping appointment and meeting in the Field, but, either forbidden fight by their Prince, or departing on Terms of Equality agreed betwixt themselves. Whereupon turning Back to Back, neither Conquerors nor Conquered, they depart the Field several ways, (their Stout Stomaches not suffering them both to go the same way) left it be accounted an Injury, one to precede the other.  
In like manner, I know you disdain to allow me your Equal in this Controversy betwixt us, and I will not allow you my Superior. To prevent future Tro●ble, let it be a Drawn Battle, and let both of us abound in our own sense, severally persuaded in the Truth of what we have written. Thus, parting and going out Back to Back here, (to cut off all Contest about Precedency), I hope we shall meet in Heaven, Face to Face, hereafter. In Order whereunto, God Willing, I will give you a meeting, when, and where, you shall be pleased to appoint, that we, who have Tilted Pens, may shake Hands together.  
St. Paul writing to Philemon concerning Onesimus, saith, For perhaps he therefore departed for a season, that thou mightest receive him for ever. To avoid exceptions, you shall be the good Philemon, I the fugitive Onesimus. Who knoweth but that God in his providence permitted, yea ordered this difference to happen betwixt us, not only to occasion a reconciliation, but to consolidate a mutual friendship betwixt us, during our Lives; and that the survivor (in God's pleasure only to appoint) may make favourable and respectful mention of him, who goeth first to his grave. The desire of him who remains.  
SIR, A Lover of your Parts, and an Honourer of your Person. THO. FULLER.  
FINIS.   

To Dr. Cornelius Burges.  
SIR,  
I could have wished, that in your book entitled, a Case concerning the buying of Bishop's Lands, with the lawfulness thereof, etc. you had forborn this following expression against me.  Part. 1. pag. 7. 
As that flashy jeering Author of the late published History of the Church (upon hear-say only, and out of Resolution calumniari fortiter) hath falsely reported him.  
Let us go back to the occasion of these words. When Dr. Hacket, May the 11th. 1641. made a Speech, in behalf of the Deans, and Chapters of England, for the preventing of the alienation of their Lands and revenues, you returned an Answer thereunto; and about the conclusive Result thereof, is our present contest.  Dr. Burges. 
You say, you only concluded those things unalienable from the Church, which were settled upon it by Divine Right.  Fuller. 
I Report, you concluded Deans and Chapters lands alienable without sin of Sacrilege, from that particular Use; yet so as that they ought still to be preserved to the Church in general.  
I confess, I neither was, (nor might be) present in the Parliament: and therefore must take it on Hear-say. However I distinguish on hear-say which is double, 

Hear-say  
Common.  
Credible.    
I conceive mine to be of the latter and better sort. And I have no other way to defend myself, than by appealing to many members of the House then present, still alive, and firmly remembering that transaction.  
Surely, Sir, the Parliament never brought into question, Whether things might be alienated from the Church, which by Divine Right were settled thereon. It was inconsistent with their prudence, amounting in effect to this question, Whether Gods, or their power were the highest. And, Sir, if you concluded no more than what you say, you concluded what was never controverted by any Christian.  
Whereas you call me a FLASHY WRITER, God forbid that in all my Books such a flash of folly and falsehood should be found, as falls from your Pen in your own praise.  Part. 1. pag. 32. lin. 30, 31. 
Albeit Dr. Burges performeth more service in that Church, than any Bishop that ever sat there.  
I read, Act. 10.2. of a Cornelius praised by God for his Prayers and Alms: but you are the first of the name, which, publicly in print, commendeth himself.  
And as for the Bishops of that See; 
Goodwin, in Epi●●. Bath. & Well.  Have you forgotten William Barlow, who in the Marian days, exul in Germania inopem vitam, ut potuit, toleravit, Preaching a practical Sermon of patience and contentedness to all posterity, whilst another usurped his habitation? What shall I speak of S●il●, Montague, etc. What proportion, I pray, doth a pet●y brook bear to a large LAKE?  
If I be a flashy Writer, you should have been so careful as not to have brought fuel in your Book, which I so soon may burn to ashes.  Part. 1. pag. 20. 
And that this was the highway, wherein the Popish Clergy of England long before, (as well as since) the Conquest, constantly traveled; take one Testimony more of that famous Gildas the Elder, surnamed Sapiens: who being a Britain Presbyter, within the sixth Century, or hundred of years, after Christ, thus chargeth the Popish Clergy of his time, who had sacked their Principles from Augustine the Monk, sent from Rome on purpose to advance the State and Pomp of the Clergy, under Colour of planting the Christian faith in England. For thus he saith, Britannia habet sacerdotes, etc. Britain (saith he) hath Priests, but some of them very dol●s: very many Ministers, but many of them impudent ones: Clergy men, but very 
* The Latin word being Raptores, might (by the Doctor's favour) be better Englished Plunderers.  Thiefs or Cheaters: Pastors, as they are termed; but, in truth Woolves, standing to slay and flay the souls of the sheep: for that they seek not the good of the people, but the Grambing of their own bellies. They have Church houses, but they never repair to them, unless for their own filthy lucre.  
But know, Sir, that herein you are much mistaken in your Chronology, for 
Gildas died, saith Archbishop, Usher in his Index-Chronolog. pag. 1144. in the year of our Lord, 570.  
Augustine the Monk came not over ●nto England until the year 596. as ●s notoriously known to all that open a Book.   
I am therefore confident that Gildas his complaint related only to his Countrymen, the British Clergy without the least reflection on the Saxon, which as yet were unconverted pagans. And therefore to say, they had sucked in principles from Augustine the Monk, is an Anti-Chronism, which cannot be justified.  
Respect, Sir, to your age, degree, and profession, charms my Pen into some reverence unto you; and because, I hear, abler Men are undertaking your Confutation, I add no more, but remain,  
Your Loving Friend Thomas Fuller.  
FINIS.   

AN INDEX OF THE MOST REMARKABLE PERSONS and Passages in this BOOK.  

TO THE READER.  
ALthough a Methodical Book be an Index to itself: yet an Index is not to be contemned by the most Industrious Reader: Whom we request to take notice of the following Particulars.  

I. C. stands for Century. B. for Book. P. for Page. ¶ for Paragraph.  
II. In the two first Books, memorables are ranked only according to Centuries and Paragraphs, but afterwards by Books.  
III. Paragraph without page doth for brevity sake refer to that page which was last named.  
IV. Page without Book, on the same reason, relates to the last Book that was named.  
V. Where no Paragraph is named, it showeth that the page by itself is sufficient notification.  
Lastly, know that the discounting of Sheets (to expedite the work at several Presses) hath occasioned in the Fifth book after page 200. completed, to go back again to page (153). surrounded in this fashion, to prevent confusion.   


AARON, a Citizen of Caerlion, martyred. Cent. 4. ¶. 10.  
ABBEYS, The prodigious expense in building and endowing them, Cent. 10. ¶. 40. multitudes of them causeth the Danish invasion, ¶. 51. mischiefs done by them, b. 2. p. 282, 283, 284. prime Officers and Officines, p. 285, 286, 287. the civil benefits by them, p. 296, 297, 298. presage of their ruin, p. 300. and offers to overthrow them, p. 301, 302. the lesser (which could not expend 200. pounds a year) bestowed on the King, p. 310, 311. and the rest (visited with three sorts of Officers, p. 314, 315.) some appear virtuous, p. 316. others notoriously vicious, p. 317. all resigned by their Abbots (unwillingly willing) to the King, p. 319, etc.  
Rob. ABBOT, Bishop of Salisbury, his death and commendation, B. 10. P. 70. ¶. 53.  
George ABBOT, Archbishop of Cant. B. 10. p. 57 ¶. 47. casually killeth a keeper, p. 87. ¶. 12, etc. befriended by Sir Edward Coke, ¶. 15. and Bishop Andrews, ¶. 16. mortified by this chance, ¶. 17. seven years after severely suspended from his jurisdiction, b. 11. ¶. 51. his character, ¶. 53. and vindication, ¶. 54. 55.  
Tho. adam's, Alderman of London, foundeth an Arabic Professors place in Cambridge. Hist. of Cam. p. 166. ¶. 22.  
ADELME, the first Bishop of Sherborn, Cent. 8. ¶. 4. and the first Englishman who wrote in Latin, or made a verse. ibid.  
AETHELARD, Archbishop of Cant. calleth a Synod, Cent. 9 ¶. 2. with the solemn subscriptions thereunto. ibidem.  
AGRICOLA, a principal spreader of Pelagianism in Britain, Cent. 5. ¶. 3.  
AIDAN, Bishop of Lindissern his due Commendation, Cent. 7. ¶. 70. dissenteth from the Romish Church in the Celebration of Easter, ¶. 71. inciteth Laymen to the Reading of Scripture. ¶. 72.  
St. ALBAN, though a Britain, how a Citizen of Rome, Cent. 4. ●. 2. converted to Christianity by Amphibalus, ¶. 3. his Martyrdom and reported Miracles, ¶. 4.5. his entire body pretended in three places. Cent. 5. ¶. 11. Enshrined some hundred years after by King Offa, Cent. 8. ¶. 35.  
St. ALBAN Abbey founded by King Offa, Cent. 8. ¶. 38. the Abbot thereof confirmed first in place of all England, by Pope Adrian the fourth, b. 3. p. 29. ¶. 49.  
ALL-SOULS College in Oxford founded by Hen. Chichely Archbishop of Cant. b. 4. p. 182.  
ARROW, a small city in Switzerland, where a Congregation of English Exiles in the Reign of Q. Marry, b. 8. p. 26. ¶. 41.  
ALCUINUS, or Albinus, an eminent Scholar and opposer of Image-worship, Cent. 8. ¶. 40.  
ALFRED the Saxon Monarch his admirable act, Cent. 9 ¶. 25. etc. foundeth an University at Oxford, ¶. 29. etc. a solemn Council kept by him, ¶. 42. with the Canons made therein. ibidem. his death, ¶. 44.  
ALIEN Priors, b. 6. p. 33. ¶. 1.2. of two natures, ¶. 3. shaken by other Kings, ¶. 4. but dissolved by King Henry 5. ¶. 5.  
William ALLEN Cardinal his death and character, b. 9 p. 229. ¶. 12.  
William AMESE his bitter Sermon against Cards and Dice, Hist. of Cam. p. 159. ¶. 41.42. leaveth Christ's College for his nonconformity, ¶. 43.  
AMPHIBALUS, so named first by I. Munmoth, Cent. 4. ¶. 6. Martyred at Redbourn in Hartfortshire, ¶. 7. The fancies about his stake confuted, ibidem.  
ANABAPTISTS their beginning in England, b. 5. p. 249. ¶. 11. discovered in London, b. 9 p. 104. ¶. 12. eleven condemned, and two burnt ¶. 13.  
Lancelot ANDREWS his death and character b. 11. ¶. 46, 47, 48, 49.  
ANNA King of the East-Saxons, happy in his children, Cent. 7. ¶. 82.  
Q. ANNE (Wife to King james) her signal letter to the Town of Rippon, b. 10. ¶. 15.  
Anselm Archbishop of Cant. b. 3. p. 11. ¶. 30. refuseth to lend King Rufus a 1000 pounds, ¶. 32. Variance betwixt him and King Rufus, p. 12. ¶. 36. etc. holdeth a Synod at Westminster, p. 16. ¶. 3. the constitutions thereof, p. 16, 17, 18, 19 sent to Rome, p. 20. ¶. 5. forbids Priests marriage, ¶. 7. but dyeth re infecta, p. 23. ¶. 18.  
Io. ARGENTINE challengeth all Cambridge to dispute with him, Hist. of Cam. p. 64. ¶. 28. etc.  
ARIMINUM: British Bishops present at the Council kept therein, Cent. 4. ¶. 20. And why they refused to receive a Salary from the Emperor, ibidem.  
ARLES: British Bishops present at the Council kept therein, Cent. 4. ¶. 20.  
ARISTOBULUS fabulously made by Grecian writers a Bishop of Britain, Cent. 1. ¶. 8.  
ARMS, lafoy noble Families still extant, relating to the Achievements of their Ancestors in the holy Land, b. 3. p. 40, 41, 42, 43.  
arianism infected England, as appears by Gildas his complaint, Cent. 4. ¶. 21.  
King ARTHUR a real worthy of Britain, though his actions be much discredited with Monkish fictions, Cent. 6. ¶. 2.  
The SIX ARTICLES, contrived by Bishop Gardiner, b. 5. p. 203 ¶. 17. to the great trouble of poor Protestants. protestants. 18.  
The 39 ARTICLES composed, b. 9 p. 72. ¶. 51. why drawn up in general terms, ¶. 52. by those who had been Confessors, 53. confirmed by Statute, 55. imposed only on the Clergy, ¶. 56.  
The 20th ARTICLE (concerning the Authority of the Church) questioned, b. 9 p. 73. inserted in some, omitted in other Editions, p. 74. ¶. 85. defended by Bishop Laud against Mr. Burton, ¶. 59  
ARTICLES of Lambeth: see Lambeth.  
Thomas ARUNDEL, when Archbishop of York a cruel persecutor, b. 4. p. 151. ¶. 42. when Archbishop of Cant. active in deposing King Rich. the second, p. 153. ¶. 54. visiteth the University of Cambridge and all the Colleges therein, Hist. of Cam. p. 59, 60, etc. Affronted at Oxford, b. 4. p. 164. ¶. 125. but by the Kings help too hard for the Students, p. 165. ¶. his woeful death p. 166. ¶. 30.  
St. ASAPH his pious Expression, Cent. 6. ¶. 13.  
john ASCHWELL challengeth all Camb. Hist. of Camb. p. 104. ¶. 44. his bad success, ¶. 45. etc.  
Anne ASCOUGH, b. 5. p. 242. ¶. 44. Plea for leaving her Husband, ¶. 45. first wracked, then burnt, 46. her prose, and poetry, 47.  
Mr. ASHLEY his difference at Frankford with Mr. Home, book 8. p. 32, 33. ¶. 11. The sad consequences occasioned thereby, ¶. 12.13.  
ASSEMBLEY of Divines their first meeting, b. 11. ¶. 1. consisteth of four English quarters, p. 198. ¶. 2. besides the Scotish Commissioners, p. 199. ¶. 3. the reasons of the Royalists why they would not join with them, b. 11. p. 199. ¶. 5. first petition for a fast, p. 200. ¶. 8. troubled with Mr. Selden, b. 11. p. 213. ¶. 54. and with the Eras●ians, ¶. 55. etc. shrewdly checked for exceeding their bounds, p. 214. ¶. 58. their Monuments, p. 215. ¶. 66. rather sinketh than endeth, ¶. 67.  
King ATHELSTAN his principle Laws enacted at Greatlea, Cent. ¶. 9.10.  
ATHELWOLPHUS Monarch of the Saxons maketh [equivalently] a Parliament act for the paying of Tithes, Cent. 9 ¶. 8. Objections against the validity thereof answered. ¶. 9, 10. et sequentibus. Granteth Peter-pences to the Pope, ¶. 15.  
St. AUDRE her chastity, Cent. 7. ¶. 108. twice a Wife, still a Maid, ¶. 109. etc. her miraculous monument confuted, ¶. 111. etc.  
St. AUGUSTINE, the worthy Father Bishop of Hippo said to be born on the same day with Pelagius the Heretic, Cent. 5. ¶. 2.  
AURELIUS AMBROSE erecteth a monument in Memory of his Conquest over the Britan's, Cent. 5. ¶. 25. Causelessly slandered by an Italian writer, ¶. 28.  
AUGUSTINE the MONK sent by P. Gregory to Convert England, b. 2. Cent. 6. ¶. 2. by him (shrinking for fear) is encouraged, ¶. 3. mocked by women in his passage, ¶. 4. landeth in England, ¶. 5. why choosing rather to be Archbishop of Cant. then London, C. 7. ¶. 1. summons a Synod under his AKE, ¶. 2. his proud carriage therein towards the British Clergy, ¶. 3. etc. his prophecy ¶. 8. arraigned as guilty of murdering the Monks of Bangor, ¶. 10. etc. acquitted by the moderation of Mr. Fox, ¶. 14. baptiseth ten thousand in one day, ¶. 19 his ridiculous miracle, ¶. 22. death and Epitaph, ¶. 24. without the date of the year, ¶. 25. a farewell to him with his character, ¶. 26.  
AUGUSTINEAN Monks, b. 6. p. 268. ¶. 67. Colche●er their chief seat, ibidem.  
AUGMENTATION court: the erection, use, cause, name, & abolishing thereof, b. 6. p. 348, 349.  
AUGUSTINEAN Friars, b. 6. p. 273. ¶. 1. The same in Oxford turned into Wadham Coll. b. 10. p. 68 ¶. 30. learned writers of their Order bred in Cambridge, Hist. of Camb. p. 30.    


B.  
Gervase BABINGTON, Bishop of Worcester, his death and praise, b. 10. p. 56. ¶. 32, 33.  
Roger BACON, a great School-man and Mathematician, falsely accused for a Conjurer, C. 14. p. 96. ¶. 17. many of that name confounded into one, ¶. 18.  
John BACONTHORP, a little man and great Scholar, p. 97. ¶. 20.  
BAILIOL COLL. founded by. J. Bailiol, b. 3. p. 67. and 68  
Philip BAKER, Provost of Kings, an honest Papist, Hist. of Cam. p. 142. ¶. 4.  
John BALE, Bishop of Ossory, his death, character, and excusable passim, b. 9 p. 67. ¶. 37, 38, 39  
Bishop BANCROFT, causelessly condemned for keeping Popish Priests in his house, b. 10. ¶ p. 1. his behaviour in Hampton-Court Conference, p. 9 et sequentibus. violently prosecuteth Mr. Fuller unto his death in Prison, p. 55, 56. ¶. 29, 30. his death, 34. vindicated from cruelty, covetousness and Popish inclinations, 44, 45, 46. his crossing a Court project, 47.  
BANGOR: the Monks therein massacred, b. 2. ¶. 9  
Peter BARO why leaving his Professors place, Hist. of Cam. p. 125. ¶. 21. different judgements about his departure, ¶. 22.  
William BARRET Fellow of Cajus Coll. his solemn recantation, Hist. of Cam. p. 150.  
BARDS, their powerful practices on the Pagan Britan's, Cent. 1. ¶. 4.  
BARNWELL nigh Cambridge, the Original of Midsummer fair therein, Hist. of Cam. p. 3. ¶. 9 a Priory therein founded by Pain Peverell, p. 7. ¶. 16.  
BASIL Council: English Ambassadors sent thither b. 4. p. 178. observations on their Commission, p. 179, 180.  
John BASTWICK his accusation, b. 11. p. 151. ¶. 58. his plea, 152. ¶. 64. his speech on the Pillory, p. 155. ¶. 71.  
BATTLE ABBEY founded by King Will. the Conqueror, b. 3. ¶. 1. the large Privileges thereof, ibidem, and ¶. 15.  
Thomas BECKET, b. 3. p. 32. ¶. 57 Archbishop of Canterb. 58. stubborn in defending the Clergy, 59, etc. slain by 4 Knights in his own Church, ¶. 66 67. the great superstition at his shrine, p. 36. ¶. 70.  
Rob. BEALE Clark of the Council, zealous against Bishops, b. 9 p. 47. Archbishop Whitgift complains of his insolent carriage, ibidem.  
BEDE, though sent for, went not to Rome, C. 8. ¶. 15. yet probably went out of his Cell, ¶. 16. why sur-named VENERABLE, ¶. 17. the last blaze & going out of the Candle of his life, ¶. 18.  
BENNET COLL. in Cambridge the foundation thereof, Hist. of Cam. p 43, 44, etc. Archb. Parker a paramount benefactor thereunto, p. 46. ¶. 11.  
BENEDICTINE Monks, b. 6. p. 266. ¶. 2. most ancient of all orders in England, p. 267, 268.  
BERKLEY Nuns all with child at once, C. 11. ¶. 19 and b. 6. p. 301. ¶. 2.  
BERKLEYS' their Arms relating to their service in the Holy Land, b. 11. p. 43. ¶. 23. their great Benefaction to Abbeys, Hist. of Abb. p. 326. sers by their dissolution, 327.  
The L. BERKLEY Patron to John de Trevisa, b. 4. p. 151. ¶. 43. at whose command be translated the Bible into English, ¶. 44.  
BERTHA the Christian Wife of King Ethelbert [as yet] a Pagan, a great Promotresse of Religion, b. 2. C. 6. ¶. 9  
St. John of BEVERLEY his Miracles, C. 8. ¶. 11. Theodorus BEZA his letter to Mr. Travers to crave contribution for the City of Geneva, b. 9 p. 136, 137. why coldly resented, ibid.  
BIBLE, three several Translations thereof, b. 7. p. 387. a fourth and best by the appointment of King James, b. 10. p. 45, etc. Vide Translatours.  
BIRINUS converts the Westsaxons, C. 7. ¶. 65. breaketh his promise yet keepeth it, ¶. 66. made Bishop of Dorchester, ¶. 67.  
BISHOPS their judisdictions first severed from the Sheriffs, b. 3. p. 5. ¶. 10.  
BISHOPS in the late long Parliament being charged with a Praemunire for making the late Canons, b. 11. p. 183. ¶. 6. legally defend themselves, ¶. 7. acquit themselves from Feculencie of Extraction wherewith a Lord aspersed them, ¶. 8, 9 symptoms of their dying power in Parliament, p. 184. ¶. 10. being petitioned against, p. 185. ¶. 12. and assaulted, ¶. 13. twelve of them subscribe and present a protest. p. 186. ¶. 16. for which they are imr●soned, p. 188 ¶. 18. enlarged on bail, p. 196. ¶. 34.  
BISHOPRICS when and why removed from small Towns to great Cities, b. 3. ¶. 21. Five (on the destruction of Abbeys) erected by King Henry the eighth, b. 6. p. 338. ¶. 3.  
BLACKFRIARS, the doleful downfall or fatal Vespers thereof, b. 10. p. 102. ¶. 29, 30, etc.  
Q. Anna BOLLEN hath amatorious Letters written unto her from King Henry the eighth, b. 5. p. (175) ¶. 49. preserved (as some say) in the Vatican, ibidem. her character, p. 206. ¶. 20. solemnly divorced from King Henry the eighth, p. 207. ¶. 2.  
Robert BOLTON an eminent Divine his death, b. 11. p. 143. ¶. 25.  
EDMUND BONNER, Bishop of London, begins to bonner it, b. 5. p. 231. ¶. 19 deprived under Ed. 6. b. 7. p. 414. his cruel articles, H●st. of Walth. p. 18. whom all generations shall call Bloody, b. 8. S. 2. ¶. 11. why imprisoned in the marshalsea, b. 9 ¶. 17. traverseth a suit with Horn Bishop of Winchester, S. 4. ¶. 1. his Counsels plea in his behalf, ¶. 2, 3. 4. A drawn battle betwixt them occasioned by a proviso in a new Statute, ¶. 7.  
BONNES HOMMES why so called, b. 6. p. 273 ¶. 24. Rich Eremites in pretended poverty, ¶. 25.  
BOOKS embezeled at the dissolution of Abbeys b. 6. p. 334. to the great loss of learning, ibidem.  
BOOKS preparatory to reformation set forth by King Henry the eighth, b. 7. p. 375.  
Gilb. BOURN, B●shop of Bath and Wells, why mild in the days of Q. Marry, b. 8. S. 2. ¶. 3. his death, b. 9 p. 96. ¶. 26.  
Theoph. BRAD BURN his Sabbatarian fancies, b. 11. p. 144. ¶. 32.  
Thomas BRAD WARDINE a great Schoolman, C. 14. p. 98. ¶ 23. his just praise, ibidem. afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury.  
BRANDON'S, Brothers, successively Dukes of Suffolk, die of the sweeting sickness, Hist. of Cam. p. 128. ¶. 70. Bishop Parkhurst his Epitaph on them, ibidem.  
Thomas BRIGHTMAN his birth, breeding, b. 10. p. 49. ¶. 12. preferment, ¶. 13. writings, writings. 14. good life, ¶. 15. and sudden death, ¶. 16, 17.  
BRITAN'S their doleful case whilst Pagans, C. 1. ¶. 1. their principal Idols, ¶. 2. in vain they crave help of the Roman Emperor against the invasion of the Picts, C. 4. ¶. 22. and C. 5. ¶. 14.15.  
BRITAIN: the causes hastening the Conversion thereof before other Country's nearer Palestine, C. 1. ¶. 6. why the first Planters of Christianity therein are unknown, ¶. 8. not beholden to Rome for her first Preachers, ¶. 18. not divided into five Roman Provinces (as Giraldes Cambrensis mistakes) until the time of Flavius Theodosi●s, C. 2. ¶. 10. Christianity continued therein after the death of King Lucius, C. 3. ¶. 2. by the Testimony of Gildas, Tertullian, and Origen, ¶. 3. in defiance of Dempster a detracting writer, ibid. Why so little left of the primitive Church-History thereof, ¶. 6. and C. 4. ¶. 11.  
BRITISH CLERGY refuse submission to the Pope of Rome, C. 7. ¶. 3. the Dialogue betwixt them and an Anchoret, ¶. 6.  
BRITISH LANGUAGE the commendation thereof, C. 7. ¶ 17. vindicated from causeless cavils, ¶. 18.  
Robert BROWN his gentile Extraction, b. 9 p. 166. ¶. 2. deserted by his own Father, p. 167. his opinions, p. 168. spared when his Followers were executed, ¶. 45. the odd occasion of his imprisonment and death, ¶. 46.  
BRUSSELS Benedictine rich Nunnery for English Gentlewomen with good portions, b. 6. p. 363.  
Martin BUCER called to Cambridge, History of Camb. p. 128. ¶. 32, 33, 34. the various dates of his death, p. 130. ¶. 37. belied by Parsons to die a Jew, ¶. 38. his bones burnt by Card. Poole, p. 135. ¶. 54.  
BUCKINGHAMSHIRE paramount for Martyrs, b. 5. p. 163. ¶. 2.  
Dr. Cernelius BURGES his speech against Deans and Chapters, b. 11. p. 179. ¶. 73, 74.  
Henry BURTON his character, b. 14. p. 152. ¶ 59 cause of disconsent, ¶. 60. degradea, p. 143. ¶. 68 his words on the Pillory, ¶. 69, 70. brought back from Exile in Triumph, p. 172. ¶. 32.    


C.  
Jack CADE his rebellion, b. 4. p. 186. ¶. 22.  
CADOCUS his discreet devotion, C. 6. ¶. 7.  
CADWALLADER last K. of Waks, foundeth at Rome a Hospital for the Welsh, C. 7. ¶. 104. since injuriously taken from them, ¶. 105.  
CAIUS College in Cambridge founded by Dr. Caius, Hist. of Camb. p. 133. ¶. 45. who bestowed good Lands, building, statutes, Name, and Arms thereon, ¶. 46▪ 47, & c. fruitful with famous Physicians, ¶. 52.  
CAMBRAY: a Nunnery therein founded for English women by the Spanish Ambassador, b. 6. p. 363.  
CAMBRIDGE reported to have received divers privileges from King Lucius, C. 2. ¶. 12. her Christian Students reported slain by the Pagan Britan's, C. 4. ¶ 9 & persecuted (to the dissolution of the University) by Pelagius, C. 5. ¶. 2. reputed first founded by King S●gebert, C. 7. ¶. 46. Arguments to the contrary answered, ¶ .47, etc. called Schola, which was in that Age the same with an Academy, ¶. 54. restored by King Edward the Elder, C. 10. ¶. 6, 7. mistaken by John Rou●e for the founder thereof, ¶. 8. renounceth the Pope's supremacy in a public instrument, Hist. of Camb. p. 106. ¶. 50. the first general visitation thereof, jure Regio, Hist. of Camb. p. 109. ¶. 55. King Henry his Injunctions thereunto, p. 112. ¶. 56.  
Edmund CAMPIAN sent over by the Pope to pervert England, B. 9 p. 114. ¶. 41. his journal letter, p. 115, 116, 117. catched by secretary Walsingham, ibid. falsely pretends to be cruelly racked, p. 117. ¶. 117. ¶. 2. is at last executed.  
CANONS made in the last Convocation, with the &c. Oath therein, b. 11. p. 168, 169. several opinions about them, p. 171. Mr. Maynard his speech against them, p. 180. ¶. 77. the Clergy are judged in a Praemunire for making them, ¶. 78.  
King CANUTUS his cruelty, C. 11. ¶. 5. conversion and charity, ibidem etc.  
Jo. CAPON Bishop of Salisbury, a cruel persecuter under Q. Mary, b. 8. S. 2. ¶. 5. the bane of his Bishopric, b. 9 ¶. 21.  
Nic. CARR his Epitaph, Hist. of Camb. p. 141.  
George CARLTON Bishop of Landaf, sent by K. James to the Synod of Dort, B. 10. p. 77. ¶. 63. dieth Bishop of Chichester, b. 11. ¶. 67.  
CARMELITES their first coming into England, p. 271. ¶. 18. great privileges, ¶. 19 most careful keepers of the Records of their order, ¶. 20. a Catalogue of their Provincials, p. 272. their first coming to Cambridge, Hist. of Camb. p. 20. ¶. 5. where they would not commence Doctors, and why, ibid. till Humphrey Necton first broke the ice, ¶. 6. learned writers of their order which were Cambridge-men, Hist. Camb. p. 30. ¶. 27.  
CARTHUSIAN Monks, b. 6. p. 269. ¶. 9  
Tho. CARTWRIGHT presents his admonition to the Parliament, b. 9 p. 102. ¶. 5. bandying betwixt him, and Dr. Whitgift, ¶. 6, 7. examined in the high Commission on 29. Articles, b. 9 p. 198, etc. sent to the Fleet for refusing to answer, p. 203. discharged the Star-Chamber by favour of Archbishop Whitgift p. 204. ¶. 31. groweth rich at Warwick, b. 10. ¶. 7. and very moderate, ¶. 8. The reasons thereof, ibid. His character, ¶. 9 dedicates a Book to King James, ¶. 18. His strange infirmity and death, ¶. 19 his first cause of discontentment, Hist. of Camb. p. 139. ¶. 2. clasheth with Dr. Whitgift, p. 140. ¶. 3. by whom he is summoned, p 141. and banished the University, p. 142.  
John CASE Dr. of Physic, b. 8. S. 3. ¶. 45. the great favour done by the University to his Scholars at Oxford, ibidem.  
CAURSINES what they were, b. 3. p. 59 ¶. 6. the form of their cruel Obligations, p. 60. with some notes thereon, ibidem. why they were called Caursines, p. 61. ¶. 8.  
St. CEDDE his difference from St. Chad, C. 7. ¶. 84.  
St. CHAD his difference from St. Cedde, C. 7. ¶. 84. teacheth Wulfade the Christian faith, ¶. 86.  
CHANTEREYES' given to the King, b. 6. p. 250. ¶. 3. what they were, ¶. 5. Forty seven founded in St. Paul's Church in London, p. 351, 352, etc. vast, though uncertain, their number in England, p. 354. ¶. 18.  
Free CHAPELS given to the King, b. 6. p. 354. ¶. 15.  
King CHARLES' his solemn coronation, b. 11. ¶. 19, etc. restoreth Impropriations of Ireland to the Church, p. 149. ¶. 45. unwillingly consenteth to the taking away of Bishop's votes in Parliament, p. 195. ¶. 29, and 30. his several papers in the Isle of Wight in defence of Episcopacy, p. 230, 231, etc. his death, which endeth the eleventh Book.  
CHARLES' eldest Son to K●ng Charles, h●s short life, b. 11. p 135. ¶. 1. an excellent Tetrast●ck on his death▪ ¶. 2.  
Charterhouse founded by Mr. Sutton, b. 10. p. 65. in some respect exceeding the Annuntiata at Naples, p. 66. ¶. 21.  
Thomas CHASE cruelly martyred, b. 5. p. 164. ¶. 3.  
Geoffrey CHAWCER the famous Poet, b. 4. p. 151. ¶. 46. his Parentage, Arms, and praise, p. 152. ¶. 47, 48. his enmity to Friars, ¶. 49. Student sometimes in Cambridge, Hist. Camb. p. 52. ¶. 38. as also in Oxford, ibidem.  
CHEALSEY College: a large discourse of the foundation thereof, b. 10. p. 51, 52, 53, etc.  
Sr. J. CHEEK Tutor to King Edward the sixth, b. 7. p. 422. ¶. 12. restored to health by King Edward's prayers, p. 424. ¶. 13. A prime Exile in the Reign of Q. Marry, b. 8. S. 2. ¶. 24. his sad return into England, ¶. 30. orally recanteth, ¶. 31. and dyeth for the grief thereof, ibidem. vindicated from slandering (and mistaking) Pens in his Parentage, Parts, and Posterity, ¶. 32.  
Henry CHICHELEY Archbishop of Canterbury foundeth All-Souls College, b. 4. p. 181. ¶. 10. soberly returneth a tart jeer, p. 182. ¶. 11. saveth Abbeys by sending King Henry the fifth into France, b. 6. p. 205. ¶. 5.  
Christchurch in Oxford, b. 5. p. (169.) ¶. 28, etc. confirmed by King Henry the eighth, ¶. 30. the Deans, Bishops, Benefactors, etc. thereof, ¶. 32.  
John CHRISTOPHERSON Bishop of Chichester, a learned man, but great persecuter, under Q. Mary, b. 8. S. 2. ¶. 8.  
CHRIST'S COLLEGE founded by Margaret Countess of Derby, Hist. of Camb. p. 90. ¶. 55. endowed it with richlands, ¶. 56. augmented by King Edward the sixth, p. 91. ¶. 7. Their numerous worthies of this foundation, ¶. 9  
CIRCUMSPECT AGATIS the form thereof, b. 3. p. 79. ¶. 15. both a statute & a writ grounded thereon, p. 80. a large discourse of the several branches thereof, p. 81, 82, 83.  
CISTERTIANS being refined Benedictines, b. 6. p. 266. ¶. 2. exempted by Pope Adrian the fourth from paying of Tithes, and why, p. 283. ¶. 4. their freedom somewhat confined by the Lateran Council, ¶. 5.  
CLARE HALL. founded by Elizabeth Countess of Clare, Hist. of Camb. p. 37. ¶. 41. The Masters, Benefactors, Bishops, etc. thereof, ibidem. anciently called Soler Hall, p. 38. ¶. 44. ruinous, and lately re-edified, ¶. 45. Four hundred pounds worth of timber reported taken from it in these troublesome times, which the Author of this Book will not believe, ibid.  
CLAUDIA mentioned by St. Paul 2. Tim. 4.21. probably a British Convert, C. 1. ¶. 9 notwithstanding Parsons his Cavils to the contrary, ¶. 10.  
CLUNIACK Monks being reform Benedictines, b. 6. p. 266. ¶. 2.  
Elinor COBHAM Duchess of Gloucester, accused for a Sorceress by some, made a Confessor by M. Fox, b. 4. p. 171, etc.  
COIFY a Pagan Priest, his remarkable speech, C. 7. ¶. 41.  
COLCHESTER claimeth Constantine to be born therein, C. 4. ¶. 18. Augustinean Monks had there their prime residence, b. 6. p. 268. ¶. 6.  
COLLEGES (not in the Universities, but) for superstitious uses given to the King, b. 6. p. 350. ¶. 3, 4, 5.  
John COLLET Dean of St. Paul's, b. 5. p. (167.) ¶. 13. soundeth Paul's School, ¶. 14. making the Mercer's overseers thereof, ¶. 15. out of provident prescience, ¶. 16.  
Tho. COMBER Master of Trinity College in Camb. highly commended by Morinus, History of Camb. p. 123. ¶. 20.  
High COMMISSION: arguments for, and against it, b. 9 p. 183.  
CONSTANTINE the first Christian Emperor proved a Britain by b●rth, C. 4. ¶. 15. t●e objections to the contrary answered, ¶. 16. richly endoweth the Church, ¶. 19  
CONSTANTIUS CHLORUS the Roman Emperor, and, though no Christian, a favourer of them, C. 4. ¶. 12. buried at York, and not in Wales, as Florilegus will have it, ¶. 13.  
CONVENTICLE the true meaning thereof, b. 9 p. 102. ¶. 4.  
CONVENTS: some general conformities used in them all, b. 6. p. 287, etc.  
CONVOCATIONS: three several sorts of them, b. 5. p. (190) (191.) they complain of erroneous opinions, p. 209, 210, etc.  
CORPUS CHRISTI COL. in Camb. See Bennet College.  
CORPUS CHRISTI COLL. in Oxford founded by Bishop Fox, b. 5. p. (166.) ¶. 11. called the College of three Languages, ibid. the worthies thereof, ibid. Mass quickly set up therein in the first of Q. Marry, b. 8. p. 8. ¶. 10, 11.  
Dr. John COUSIN charged with superstition: his due praise, b. 11. p. 173. ¶. 34, etc.  
The Scotish COVENANT: the form thereof, b. 11. p. 201. ¶. 13, etc. exceptions to the Preface and six Articles therein, 203, 204, 205, 206. never taken by the Author of this Book, p. 206. ¶. 30.  
Will. COURTNEY Bishop of London, his contests about Wickliff with the Duke of Lancaster, b. 4. ¶. 135. ¶. 19 Archbishop of Canterbury, p. 142. ¶. 24.  
COURTS SPIRITUAL began in the Reign of King William the first: when severed from the Sheriffs Courts, b. 3. ¶. 10. Their contesting with the Common Law how to be reconciled, ¶. 11.  
Richard COX Dean of Christ's Church accused ('tis hoped, unjustly) for cancelling Manuscripts in Oxford Library, b. 7. p. 392. ¶. 19, 20. flies to Frankford in the Reign of Queen Mary, b. 8. p. 30. ¶. 3. where he headeth a strong party in defence of the English Liturgy, p. 31, 32. made Bishop of Ely, b. 9 p. 63. his death, and Epitaph, p. 111. ¶. 34.  
Thomas CRANMER employed by King Henry to the Pope, b. 5. p. (179.) ¶. 9 to prove the unlawfulness of the King's marriage, ¶. 18. thence sent into Germany, ¶. 22. made Archbishop of Canterbury against his will, ¶. 27. defended against the cavils of Papists and Mr. Prin, ¶. 28, etc. his death, b. 8. p. 203. ¶. 32.  
CREKELADE or GREEKLADE, an ancient place where Greek was professed, C. 9 ¶. 29.  
CROWLAND Monks massacred by the Danes, C. 9 ¶. 19  
Thomas CROMWELL first known to the World, for defending his Mr. Card. Wolsey, b. 5. p. (177). ¶. 1. as the King's Vicar in Spiritualibus presidenteth it in the Convocation, p. 206. ¶. 21. falls into the K●ngs displeasure, p. 231. ¶. 20. deservedly envied, ¶. 11. his admirable parts, ¶. 22. with the History of his death, etc. ¶. 23, etc. Chancellor of Cambridge, Hist. of Cambridge, p. 108. ¶. 53.  
Richard CROMWELL, alias Williams, Knighted for his valour at a solemn tilting, b. 6. p. 370. ¶. 11. giveth a Diamond R●ng in his Crest on an honourable occasion, ¶. 12.  
CUTHBERT Archbishop of Canterbury (by the King's leave) first brings Bodies to be buried in the Church, b. 2. p. 103. ¶. 27.    


D.  
DANES their first arrival in England, B. 2. p. 103. ¶. 29. why their countr● (formerly so fruitful) is lately▪ so barren of people, ¶. 30, 31, 32. the sad Prognostics of their coming hither, ¶. 33. make an invasion into Lincolnshire, C. 9 ¶. 18. massacre the Monks of Crowland, C. 9 ¶. 19 and burn the Monastery of Medeshamsted, ¶. 20, 21. why their fury fell more on Convents then Castles, C. 10. ¶. 48. after sixty years' absence re-invade England, ibidem A dear peace bought with them, ¶. 50. to no purpose, ¶. 52. their Royal line in England suddenly and strangely extinct, C. 11. ¶. 10. no hostile appearance of them in England. ¶. 13.  
Thomas L. DARCY beheaded, B. 6. p. 313. ¶. 5. his Extraction vindicated from the causeless Aspersion of King Henry the eighth, page 324, 325.  
John DAVENANT sent by King James to the Synod of Dort, B. 10. p. 77. ¶. 63. made Bishop of Salisbury, B. 10. p. 91. ¶. 35. questioned for his Sermon at Court, B. 11. p. 138. ¶. 14, 15. relates all the passages thereof in a Letter to Dr. Ward, ¶. 16. his opinion about the suspension of Bishop Goodman, p. 170. ¶. 23. his death, p. 176. ¶. 53.  
St. DAVID a great advancer of Monastic life, C. 6. ¶. 4. one of his paramount Miracles, ¶. 5.  
St. david's, or Menevia, in Wales, once an Archbishopric, B. 3. p. 24. ¶. 25. contesteth with Canter●ury, ibidem. but is overpowered, ¶. 26.  
DEANS and CHAPTERS defended in the House of Commons by an excellent speech of Doctor Hackets, B. 11. p. 177, 178, 179.  
Edward DEERING his death and praise, B. 9 p. 109. ¶. 22.  
Sr. Anth. DENNIE his extraction, issue, death, and Epitaph, Hist. of Walt. p. 12, 13.  
DERWIANUS sent by Eleutherius Bishop of Rome to King Lucius to instruct him in Christianity, C. 2. ¶. 8.  
DEVONSHIRE commotion begun out of superstition, heightened with cruelty, suppressed by God's blessing on the valour of the Lord Russell, B. 7. p. 393, 394, etc.  
The DIRECTORY compiled by the Assembly of Divines, B. 11. p. 221. ¶. 1. commanded by the Parliament, ¶. 6. forbidden by the King to be generally used, ¶. 7. it and the Liturgy compared together, p. 223, 224.  
DISSENTING BRETHREN, B. 11. ¶. 35 why departing the Land, ¶. 36. kindly entertained in Holland, ¶. 37. their chief groundworks, ¶. 39, 40. manner of Church-service, ¶. 41. Schism betwixt them, ¶. 42, etc.  
Sr. Th. DOCKWRAY Lord Prior of St. Joanes, B. 6. p. 359. ¶. 4. and p. 361. in the dedication.  
John DOD his birth, and breeding, b. 11. p. 219. ●. 85. his peaceable disposition, ¶. 86. improving of piety, p. 220. ¶. 87, etc. an innocent deceiver, ¶. 90. excellent Hebrician, ¶. 91. last of the old Puritans, ¶. 92.  
DOGS meat given to men, b. 3. p. 29. ¶. 46  
DOMINICAN Friars their first coming over into England, b. 6. p. 270. ¶. 15. after their expulsion set up again by Q. Mary, p. 357. the learned men of this order who were bred in Cambrid. Hist. of Cam. p. 30.  
De DOMINIS Marcus Antonius, see SPALLETO.  
John DONNE Dean of St. Paul's prolocutor in the Convocation, b. 10. p. 112. ¶. 15. his life excellently written by Mr. Isaac Walton, ¶. 16.  
DOOMSDAY Book composed by the command of Will. the Conqueror, b. 3. ¶. 3.  
DORT Synod, b. 10. p. 77. ¶. 63. four English Divines sent thither, ibidem. King James his Instructions unto them, p. 77, 78. Oath at their admission into it, p. 78. ¶. 66. liberal allowance from the State, p. 77. ¶. 77. various censures on the decisions thereof, p. 84. ¶. 5, etc.  
The DOVE on King Charles his Sceptre ominously broken off, b. 11. ¶. 16.  
Thomas DOVE Bishop of Peterborough his death, b. 11. p. 41. ¶. 17.  
DOUAI COLL. in Flanders for English fugitives, b. 9 p. 85. A Convent there for Benedictine Monks, b. 6. p. 365. And another for Franciscan Friars, 366.  
DRUIDS their office, and employment amongst the Pagan Britan's, C. 1. ¶. 3.  
The DUTCH Congregation first set up in London, b. 7. p. 407. ¶. 33. privileges allowed them by King Edward the sixth, ibidem. under Queen Mary depart with much difficulty and danger into Denmark, b. 8. p. 8. ¶. 13.  
DUBLIN University founded by Queen Elizabeth, b. 9 p. 211. ¶. 44. the several benefactors (whereof Mr. Luke Chaloner a chief.) p. 212. no rain by day during the building of the College, ibidem. The Provosts thereof, p. 213. ¶. 47.  
DUBRITIUS Archbishop of Caerlion, a great Champion of the truth against Pelagius, C. 6. ¶. 3.  
A DUCAT worth about four shillings, but imprinted eight, b. 5. p. (196) ¶. 37.  
Andrew DUCAT in effect the founder of Queen's College in Cambridge, Hist. of Cambridge, p. 80. ¶. 33.  
St. DUNSTAN his story at large, Cent. 10. ¶. 11. etc. his death and burial in Canterbury, ¶. 44. as appeared (notwithstanding the claim of Glassenbury) by discovery, ¶. 45, 46.  
DUNWOLPHUS of a swineherd made Bishop of Winchester, C. 9 ¶. 41.  
DURHAM: the Bishopric dissolved by King Edward the sixth, b. 7. p. 419. ¶. 2. restored by Queen Mary, ¶. 3.  
Wil DYNET the solemn abjuration enjoined him, wherein he promiseth to worship Images, b. 4. p. 150.    


E.  
EASTER-DAY, difference betwixt the British & Romish Church in the observation thereof, Cent. 7. ¶. 5. the Controversy stated betwixt them, ¶. 28. reconciled by Laurentius, ¶. 30. the antiquity of this difference, ¶. 31. spreads into private families, ¶. 89. A counsel called to compose it, ¶. 90. settled by Theodorus according to the Romish Rite, ¶. 96.  
ETON COLLEGE founded by K. Henry the sixth, b. 4.  
EDGAR, King of England. Cent. 10. ¶. 24. disciplined by Dunstan for viciating a Nun. ¶. 26. The many Canons made by him why in this book omitted, ¶. 29. A most Triumphant King, ¶. 30. his death, ¶. 34.  
EDMUND King of the East Angles cruelly Martyred by the Danes, Cent. 9 ¶. 22.  
EDWARD the Elder calls a Council to confirm his Father's acts, Cent. 10. ¶. 5. gives great Privileges to Cambridge, ¶. 6.  
EDWARD the Martyr, Cent. 8. ¶. 34. Barbarously murdered, ¶. 42.  
EDWARD the Confessor his life at large, Cent. 11. ¶. 11, etc.  
King EDWARD the first, his advantages to the Crown though absent at his Father's death, b. 3. p. 74. ¶. 3. his achievements against the Turks, ¶. 4. Casteth the jews out of England, p. 87. ¶. 47. chosen arbitrator betwixt Balliol & Bruce, claiming the Kingdom of Scotland, p. 88 ¶. 49. which Kingdom he conquereth for himself, ¶. 50. stoutly maintaineth his right against the Pope, p. 90. ¶. 2. humbled Rob. Winchelsey, Archbishop of Cant. ¶. 4, 5. the Dialogue betwixt them, 6. his death and character. p. 92. ¶. 11. his Arm the standard of the English yard, ibid.  
King EDWARD the second his character, b. 3. p. 93. ¶. 13. fatally defeated by the Scots, ¶. 14. his viciousness, p. 100 ¶. 28. accused for betraying his Privileges to the Pope, ¶. 29. his deposing and death, p. 103.  
King EDWARD the third, a most valiant and fortunate King both by Sea and Land foundeth King's Hall in Cambridge. Hist. of Camb. p. 39 ¶. 36. his death and Character. b. 4. p. 136. ¶. 12.  
King EDWARD the fourth gaineth the Crown by Conquest, b. 4. p. 190. ¶. 46. Beaten afterwards in Battle, by the Earl of Warwick. p. 191. ¶. 31. escapeth out of prison, flieth beyond the Seas, returneth and recovereth the Crown, ¶. 32, 33. A Benefactor to Merton Coll. in Oxford. b. 3. p. 75. ¶. 7. but Malefactor to Kings Coll. in Cambridge, Hist. of Camb. p. 76. ¶. 19 his death, b. 4. p. 199. ¶. 42.  
King EDWARD the fifth barbarously murdered by his Uncle Richard Duke of York, b. 4. p. 196. ¶. 5.  
King EDWARD the sixth his Injunctions, b. 7. ¶. 3. observations thereon, p. 374. his several proclamations, whereof one inhibiteth all Preachers in England for a time, p. 388, 389. his TEXT ROYAL, and our observations thereon, p. 397, 398. etc. Giveth an account by letter, to B. Fitz-Patrick, of his progress; p. 412, 413. several letters written by him, p. 423, 424. his diary, p. 425. ¶. 14. qu●ck wit, and pious prayer, ¶. 17. at his death, ibid.  
EDWIN King of Northumberland, and in effect Monarch of England, after long preparatory promises, Cent. 7. ¶. 39, etc. at last converted and baptised, ¶. 43. slain by the Pagans in Battle, ¶. 60.  
EGBERT, Archbishop of York, famous in several respects, b. 2. p. 101. ¶. 23. his beastly Canons, ¶. 24.  
EGBERT, first fixed Monarch of England, Cent. 8. ¶. 41. First giveth the name of England, Cent. 9 ¶. 5, 6. Is disturbed by the Danes, ¶. 7.  
ELEUTHERIUS Bishop of Rome his Letter to King Lucius, Cent. 2. ¶. 6. pretendeth to an an●c●enter date than what is due thereunto, ¶. 7. sends two Divines into Britain, ¶. 8.  
ELIE Abbey made the See of a Bishop, b. 3. p. 23. ¶. 23. the feasts therein exceed all in England, b. 6. p. 299. ¶. 11.  
Q. ELIZABETH proclaimed, b. 8. p. 43. ¶. 56. assumeth the title of supreme head of the Church, b. 9 p. 152. ¶. 4. defended therein against Papists, p. 53. ¶. 5, 6. etc. Excommunicated by Pope Pius quintus. b. 9 p. 93, 94. Her farewell to Oxford with a Latin Oration, b. 9 p. 223. ¶. 7, 8. Her welcome to Cambridge with a Latin Oration, Hist. of Cambridge, p. 138. her death, b. 10. p. 4. ¶. 12.  
john ELMAR Bishop of London his death and Character, b. 9 p. 223. ¶. 10.  
ELVANUS sent by King Lucius to Eleutherius Bishop of Rome, Cent. 2. ¶. 5.  
EMDEN: a Congregation of English Exiles therein in the Reign of Q. Mary under I. Scory their Superintendent, b. 8. Sect. 2. ¶. 41.  
Q. EMMA the miraculous purgation of her chastity, Cent. 11. ¶. 14, 15.  
EAST-ANGLES their Kingdom, when begun, how bounded, Cent. 5. ¶. 27. converted to Christianity, Cent. 7. ¶. 44.  
EAST-SAXONS, the beginning and bounds of their Kingdom, Cent. 5. ¶. 17. converted to Christianity by Mellitus, Cent. 7. ¶. 23. after their apostasy, reconverted under King Sigebert, ¶. 81.  
ENGLAND when and why first so called, Cen. 9 ¶. 5, 6. the Kingdom thereof belongeth to God himself, Cent. 11. ¶. 24.  
ENGLISHMEN drunk when conquered by the Normans, b. 3. ¶. 1.  
EOVES a Swineherd, hence Eovesham Abbey is so called, Cent. 8. ¶. 8.  
ERASMUS (Greek Professor in Camb.) complaineth of the ill Ale therein. Hist. of Camb. p. 87. his Censure of Cambridge and Oxford, p. 88 too tart to Townsmen, ibid.  
ERASTIANS' why so called and what they held, b. 11. p. 21. ¶. 55. and 56. favourably heard in the assembly of Divines, ¶. 57  
ERMENSEWL a Saxon Idol, his shape, and office, b. 2. Cent. 6. ¶. 6.  
ETHELBERT King his Character, b. 2. Cent. 6. ¶. 6. etc. converted to Christianity, ¶. 11. his death, and the decay of Christianity thereon, Cent. 7. ¶. 32.  
ETHELBERT the West-saxon Monarch his pious valour, Cent. 9 ¶. 23.  
King ETHELRED his Fault in the Font, Cent. 10. ¶. 43. why Surnamed the unready, ¶ 49.  
EXCOMMUNICATING of Q. Elizab. by Pius quintus, displeasing on many accounts, to moderate Papists, b. 9 p. 59 ¶. 25.  
EXETER, the description thereof, b. 7. p. 393. ¶. 4. Loyal and Valiant against the Rebels though oppressed with faction, p. 394. ¶. 7. and famine, p. 396. ¶. 12. seasonably relieved p. 397. ¶. 14.    


F.  
FAGANUS sent by Eleutherius Bishop of Rome to King Lucius to instruct him in Christianity, Cent. 2. ¶. 8.  
FAMILY of LOVE, their obscure original, b. 9 p. 112. ¶. 36. worse in practice then opinion, p. 113. ¶. 39 their Abjuration before the privy Council. Their tedious petition to King James, b. 10. ¶. 18. desire to separate themselves from the Puritans, (to whom their looseness had no relation) ¶. 19 turned into Ranters in our days, ¶. 22.  
John FECKNAM Abbot of Westminster, the Chronicle of his worthy life, his courtesy and bounty, b. 9 p. 178, 179.  
FELIX Bishop of Dunwich instrumental to the Conversion of the East-Angles, Cent. 7. ¶. 45. and to the founding of an University in Cambrid. ¶. 48.  
N●cholas FELTON Bishop of Ely, his death and commendation, b. 11. ¶. 77.  
FENS nigh Cambridge: Arguments pro and con, about the feacibility of their draining, Hist. of Camb. p. 70. & 71. The design lately performed to admiration, ibid. p. 72.  
feoffs to buy in impropr●ations, b. 11. p. 136. ¶. 5. hopefully proceed, p. 137. ¶. 6. questioned in the Exchequer, and overthrown by Archbishop Laud, p. 143. ¶. 26, etc.  
The FIFTH PART ordered by Parliament for the Widows and children of sequestered Ministers, b. 11. p. 229. ¶. 34. several shifts to evade the payment thereof, p. 230.  
John FISHER Bishop of Rochester tampereth with the holy Maid of Kent, b. 5. p. (187) ¶. 47. imprisoned for refusing the Oath of supremacy, ¶. 47. his pitiful letter out of the Tower for new clothes, p. (190) ¶. 12. the form of his indictment, p. (191) ¶. 19 made Cardinal, p. 201. ¶. 1. the whole Hist. of his birth, breeding, death and burial, p. 202, 203, 204, 205.  
Barnaby FITZ-PATRICK proxy for correction to King Edward the sixth, b. 7. p. 411. ¶. 47. the said King's instruction unto him for his behaviour ●n France, ibidem.  
FLAMENS in B●itain, mere flammes of J. Monmouths making, Cent. 2. ¶. 9  
FOCARIAE of Priests who they were, b. 3. p. 27. ¶. 40.  
FORMOSUS the Pope interdicteth England for want of Bishops, Cent. 10. ¶. 1. On good conditions absolveth it again ¶. 3.  
Richard FOX Bishop of Winchester foundeth Corpus Christi College, b. 5. p. (166.) ¶. 11.  
John FOX fl●es to Frankford in the Reign of Q. Mary b. 8. Sect. 2 ¶. 41. Thence (on a sad difference) removes to Basi●, Sect. 3. ¶. 10. returning into England refuseth to subscribe the Canons, b. 9 ¶. 68 Is a most moderate Nonconformist, ibidem. his Latin Letter to Queen Elizabeth that Anabaptists might not be burnt, p. 104. ¶. 13. another to a Bishop in the behalf of his own Son, p. 106. ¶ 15. his death, p. 187. ¶. 63.  
FRANCISCAN Friars, b. 6. p. 270. ¶. 16. their frequent Subreformation, ¶ 17. admit boys into their order, Hist. of Camb. p. 54. ¶. 46, 47, 48. whereat the University is much offended, ibid.  
FRANKFORD, the Congregation of English Exiles there in the Reign of Q▪ Mary, b. 8. Sect. 2. ¶. 41. They set up a new discipline in their Church, ¶ 42, 43. invite (but in vain) all other English 〈◊〉 to join with them, ¶. 44▪ 45.  
FREEZLAND converted to Christianity by Wi●h●d a ●axon Bishop, Cent. 7. ¶. 97.  
FRIDONA the first English Archbishop, C. 7. ¶. 85.  
FRIARS and Monks how they differ, b. 6. p. 269.  
FRIGA a Saxon Idol, her name, shape and office, b. 2. Cent. 6. ¶. 6.  
John FRITH his Martyrdom, b. 5. p. (190) ¶. 11.  
Tho. FULLER unjustly hanged, and saved by miracle, b. 4. p. 154. ¶. 25.  
John FULLER Doctor of Law, pitiful when alone, but when with others, a persecutor, b. 8. p. 22. ¶. 28. see Jesus College, of which he was master.  
Nich. FULLER, a Common Lawyer, prosecuted to death by Bishop Bancroft, b. 10. p. 55, 56. ¶ 29, 30. leaves a good memory behind him, ibid.  
Nicholas FULLER, a Divine, his deserved commendation, b. 11. ¶. 15.  
Robert FULLER last Abbot of Waltham, a great preserver of the Antiquities thereof, History of Walt. p. 7. passeth Copt-Hall to King Henry 8. p. 11. his legacy to the Church, p. 14.  
Thomas FULLER, Pilot who steered the Ship of Cavendish about the world, b. 11. p. 231.    


G.  
GANT COLL. in Flanders, for English fugitives, b. 9 p. 91.  
STEPHAN GARDINER, Bishop of Winchester, getteth the six bloody Articles to be enacted, b. 5. p. 230. ¶. 17, 18. br●ngeth in a List of Latin words in the N. Test. which he would not have translated, p. 238. for his obstinacy first sequestered, then deposed from his Bishopric, b. 7. p. 400. and 401. a politic, plotting Persecuter, b. 8. Sect. 2. ¶. 6. yet courteous in sparing Mistress Clerk the Author's great Grandmother, ¶. 7. his threatening of the English Exiles, Sect. 3. ¶. 22. dieth a Protestant in the point of justification, ¶. 42.  
Henry GARNET jesuit, his education and viciousness, b. 10. p. 39 ¶. 45. canvased in the Tower by Protestant Divines, ¶. 46, etc. overwitted with an equivocating room, ¶. 48. his arraignment and condemnation, p. 40.49. dejected carriage at his death, 50. his Straw Miracle confuted, ¶. 51. etc.  
GENEVA: such English, who deserted the Church at Frankford, settled there, b. 8. p. 52. ¶. 10. their names, ibid. they send a letter to those at Frankford, about accommodation, which cometh too late, b. 9 p. 52. ¶. 3. the State thereof oppressed by the Savoiard, sues to England for relief, p. 136. their suit coldly resented, and why, p. 137. ¶. 20. yet some years after, the necessity thereof bountifully relieved by the English Clergy, b. 10. p. 4. ¶. 11.  
GENEVA Translation of the Bible, made by the English Exiles there, b. 8. p. 36. ¶. 27. the marginal notes thereof disliked by King James, b. 10. p. 14. our Translatours enjoined by him to peruse it, p. 47. ¶. 1. the Brethren complain for the lack of their notes, p. 58. ¶. 51. which Doctor H causelessely inveyed against, 52.  
GERMANUS invited hither by the British Bishops, Cent. 5. ¶. 4. (assisted with Lupus ibid.) His disputation with the Pelagians, ¶. 6. in a most remarkable Conference at S. Alban, ¶. 7, 8. miraculously conquereth the Pagan Picts and Saxons, ¶. 10. is said to exchange some Relics for S. Alban, ¶. 11. his return into Britain to suppress resprouting Pelagianism in a Synod, ¶. 12, 13.  
GILBERTINE Monks, b. 6. p 268. ¶. 8.  
Ant. GILBY a ●ierce Nonconformist, b. 9 p. 76. ¶. 70.  
GILDAS, a British writer, calleth his Countrymen the I●ke of the Age, C. 5. ¶. 14. why he omitteth the worthies of his Nation, C. 6. ¶. 2.  
GILDAS surnamed Albanius, struck dumb at the sight of a Nun with Child, the reported Mother of St. David, C. 5. ¶. 23.  
Bernard GILPIN refuseth the Bishopric of Carlisle, and why, b. 9 p. 63. ¶. 32. his Apostolical life and death, ibid.  
GLASS, the making thereof first brought into England, C. 7. ¶. 87.  
GLASSENBURY: the most ancient Church in Christendom [said to be] erected therein, C. 1. ¶. 13. The plain platform thereof, ibidem. The story of the Hawthorn thereby, budding on Christmas day examined, ¶. 15, 16, 17. cut down lately by the Soldiers, ibidem. The twelve British Monks with their hard names dwelling there, C. 5. ¶. 18. though St. Patrick never lived in that Monastery, ¶. 20. the high praise of the place, ibidem. with profane flattery, C. 10. p. 136. ¶. 46.  
Roger GOAD the worthy Provost of King's College, Hist. of Camb. p. 143. ¶. 5.  
Thomas GOAD his Son sent to the Synod of Dort, b. 10. p. 80. ¶. 71.  
GODFATHERS used to men of mature age, C. 7. ¶. 103.  
Christopher GOODMAN, a violent Nonconformist, b. 9 p. 77. ¶. 72.  
Godfrey GOODMAN Bishop of Gloucester, suspended for his refusing to subscribe to the New Canons, b. 11. p. 170. ¶. 22, 23.  
John GOODMAN a seminary Priest, bandied betwixt life and death, b. 11. p. 173. ¶. 39▪ etc.  
Earl GODWIN by cheating gets the Nunnery of Berkley, C. 11. ¶. 19 and the rich Manor of Boseham, ¶. 20.  
Francis GODWIN Son of a Bishop, and himself made Bishop of Landaff by Q. Elizabeth, in whose Reign he was born, b. 9 ¶. 4.  
Count GONDOMAR jeered by Spalleto returns it to purpose, b. 10. p. 95. ¶. 7, and 8. procureth the Enlargement of many Jesuits, p. 100 ¶. 22. a bitten compliment passed on him by the Earl of Oxford, p. 101. ¶. 21. King James (by him willingly deceived, p. 114. ¶. 30.) his smart return unto him, ¶. 31.  
GRAVELIN Nunnery founded by the Gauges for the English of the poor Order of St. Clare, b. 6. p. 363.  
The GREEK-tongue: difference about the pronunciation thereof, Hist. of Camb. p. 119. ¶. 7, etc.  
Rich. GREENHAM dieth of the Plague, b. 9 p. 219. ¶. 64. humbled in his life time with an obstinate Parish which he left at last, ¶. 66. but with his own disliking, p. 223. ¶. 68 a great observer of the Sabbath, ¶. 69.  
GREGORY the Great●his ●his discourse with the Merchants at Rome about the English Slaves, b. 2. C. 6. ¶. 1. would in person, but doth by proxy, endeavour England's Conversion, ¶. 2. his exhortatory letter to Augustine, ¶. 3.  
St. GRIMBALD a prime Professor in Oxford, C. 9 ¶. 30. his contest with the old Students therein, and departure in discontent, ¶. 39  
Edmund GRINDAL made Bishop of London, b. 9 p. 62. ¶. 31. his discourse with the Nonconformist than Archbishop of Cant. p. 108. ¶. 18. why he fell into the Queen's displeasure, p. 119. ¶. 1. the Latin Petition of the Convocation penned by Toby Matthews to the Queen in his behalf prevaileth not, p. 120, 121. his large letter to the Queen in defending prophecies, from p. 123. to p. 130. offendeth the Earl of Leicester by denying Lambeth House, p. 130, ¶. 4. our English Eli, p. 163. ¶. 10. dies poor in estate, but rich in good works, ¶. 11.  
Robert Grout-head Bishop of Lincoln, b. 3. p. 65. ¶. 28. offendeth the Pope, ¶. 29. Sainted (though not by the Pope) by the people, ¶. 31.  
GUNPOWDER TREASON the story at large, b. 10. p. 34, 35, 36, etc.  
St. GUTHLAKE the first Saxon Eremite, C. 8. ¶. 7.    


H.  
William HACKET a blasphemous Heretic his story, b. 9 p. 204. ¶. 32, etc.  
Dr. John HACKET his excellent speech in the behalf of Deans and Chapters, b. 11. p. 177, 178, 179.  
Alexander HALES the first of all Schoolmen, C. 14. p. 96. ¶. 16.  
Sr. Robert HALES Prior of St. Joanes slain in Jack Straw's rebellion, b. 4. p. 140. ¶. 20.  
Sr. James Hales a judge refuseth to underwrite the disinheriting of Queen Mary and Q. Elizabeth, b. 8. ¶. 4.  
Joseph HALL. (since Bishop of Norwich) sent by K. James to the Synod of Dort, b. 10. p. 77. ¶. 63. his speech at his departure thence for want of health, p. 79. ¶. 70. his letter to the Author, in just vindication of that Synod against Master Goodwin, p. 85. ¶. 7.  
King HAROLD usurpeth the Crown, C. 11. ¶. 39 killed, and buried (with much a do) in Waltham, Hist. of Walth. p. 7. ¶. 2.  
Samuel HARSNET Archbishop of York his charging of Bishop Davenant, b. 11. p. 138. ¶. 15. his death, ¶. 31.  
HEAFENFIELD near Hexham in Northumberland why so called, C. 7. ¶. 63.  
HEILE a Saxon Idol, their Aesculapius, b. 2. C. 6. ¶. 6. destroyed by Augustine the Monk, C. 7. ¶. 21.  
King HENRY the first, surnamed Beauclark, his Coronation, b. 3. p. 13. ¶. 41. married Maud a professed Votary, p. 15. ¶. 1, 2, etc. clasheth with Anselm, p. 19 ¶. 4, 5, etc. his death on a surfeit, p. 24. ¶. 27. bred in Camb. Hist. of Camb. p. 2. ¶. 3.  
King HENRY the second cometh to the Crown, b. 3. p. 30. ¶. 52. his character, 53. refineth the Common Law, & divideth England into Circuits, p. 31. ¶. 54. politicly demolisheth many Castles, ¶. 56. contesteth with Thomas Becket, p. 32, 33, etc. heavy penance for consenting to his death, p. 35. ¶. 68 afflicted with his undutiful Son Henry, p. 37. ¶. 1. the far extent of the English Monarchy, p. 39 ¶. 6. dies unfortunate in his Family, p. 40. ¶. 7.  
King HENRY the third under Tutors, and Governors, b. 3. p. 54. ¶. 24. by what he so quickly recovered his Kingdom, ¶. 25. forbiddeth an appeal to the Pope for the trial of Bastardy, b. 3. p. 58, 59 troubled a long time with the animosities of his Subjects, p. 66. ¶. 33, etc. reformeth his faults, ¶. 38. his quiet death, p. 73. ¶. 1, 2.  
King HENRY the fourth gaineth the Crown by deposing King Richard, b. 4. p. 152. ¶. 52, 53. bloody against poor Innocents', p. 155. ¶. 1. subjecteth Oxford (notwithstanding many Papal exemptions thereof) to the visitation of the Archbish. of Cant. p. 164, 165. his death, p. 166. ¶. 28.  
King HENRY the fifth, whilst Prince, engaged himself in a bitter Petition, (with the Bishops) against the poor Lollards, b. 4. p. 162, 163. when king, the prelate's (afraid of him, p. 166. ¶. 31.) divert his activity on the French, ¶. 32. his death.  
King HENRY the sixth his piety, b. 4. ¶. 1. foundeth Eton College, p. 183. looseth all in France, p. 184. ¶. 15, 16. foundeth Kings Coll. in Camb. Hist. of C. p. 73 conquered by K. Edward the 4. p. 190. ¶. 26. returneth out of Scotl. fighteth and is routed, ¶. 29. afterward enlarged out of prison and made King, p. 191. ¶. 31. re●mprisoned and murdered, p. 3. worketh many miracles after his death, p. (154.) ¶. 25. yet could be made a Saint by the Pope, and why. ¶. 27.  
King HENRY the seventh his sixfold title to the Crown, b. 4. p. 194. ¶. 15. his extraction, p. 200. ¶. 18. retrencheth the exorbitances of sanctuaries, ¶. 19 endeavoureth in vain to get King Henry the sixth Sainted, p. (153.) ¶. 23. and converteth a lollard and then burneth him, p. (155.) ¶. 31. foundeth the Savoy, b. 5. p. (165.) ¶. 4. his death, ibidem.  
King HENRY the eighth marrieth the relict of his Brother Arthur, b. 5. p. (165.) ¶. 6. writes against Luther, p. (168.) ¶. 21. therefore styled Defender of the Faith, ¶. 22. embraceth the Motion to be divorced, p. (171.) ¶. 38. troubles before it could be effected, p. (172. &c. owned supreme Head of the Church, p. 187. 48. justified in abolishing the Papal power in England, p. (194,) and (195.) his large Will, from p. 243. to 253. observations thereon, p. 252, 253. his disease and death, p. 254. ¶. 61. vices and virtues, 64. imperfect Monuments, 65.  
Prince HENRY his death, and excellent Epitaph, b. 10. p. 67. ¶. 22.  
HERBERT the simoniacal Bishop of Norwich, b. 3. p. 11. ¶. 33.  
Charles HERLE prolocutor in the Assembly, b. 11. p. 213. ¶. 53.  
HILDA the worthy Abbess, C. 7. ¶. 90, 93. a Miracle imputed unto her, ¶. 94.  
Arthur HILDERSHAM his remarkable life and death, b. 11. p. 142. ¶. 22, etc.  
John HILTON Priest solemnly abjureth his blasphemous heresies before Archbishop Whitgift in the Convocation, b. 9 p. 175. ¶. 27.  
Robert HOLCOT a great School-man his sudden death, C. 14. p. 98. ¶. 21.  
John HOLYMAN, Bishop of Bristol, no persecutor in the Reign of Q. Marry, b. 8. S. 2. ¶. 4.  
HOMILIES of two sorts, b. 9 p. 74. ¶. 60. their use, ¶. 62. authenticalness unjustly questioned, ¶. 63.  
Rich. HOOKER his character, b. 9 p. 214. ¶. 15. and p. 216. ¶. 53. clasheth with Mr. Travers about a point of Doct. and overpowreth him, ¶. 55, 56, etc. commended by his Adversaries for his holiness, p. 217. ¶. 59 his death, p. 235. ¶. 40.  
John HOOPER, Bishop of Gloucester, the first founder of nonconformity in England, b. 7. p. 42, 43, 44. etc. much opposed by Bp. Ridley, ibid. till fire and faggots made them friends, p. 405. ¶. 29.  
Robert HORN chosen Reader of Hebrew to the English Exiles at Frankford, b. 8. p. 31. ¶. 6. His contest with M. Ashley, ¶. 11, 12, 13. stickleth there for the Old discipline, ¶. 14, etc. chose a Disputant in the conference at Westminster, b. 9 ¶. 10. consecrated Bishop of Winchester, ¶. 31. his Suit against Bonner, p. 77. ¶. 1, 2, etc. superseded by a proviso in Parliament, ¶. 7. his death, p. 111. ¶. 32.  
Ancient HOSTLES in Cambridge before any Colleges therein were built or endowed, Hist. of Camb. p. 26, 27. though fewer, greater than those in Oxford, p. 27. ¶. 21, 22.  
Richard HUN martyr barbarously murdered, b. 5. p. (166.) ¶. 9  
Matthew HUTTON Archbishop of York, by his letter concurreth with Lambeth Articles, b. 9 pag. 230. his death, b. 10. p. 38. ¶ 42. and meniorie rectified from a foul mistake, ¶. 43.    


I.  
St. JAMES how mistaken to have preached in Britain, Cent. 1. ¶. 8.  
KING JAMES, b. 9 p. 5. ¶. 13. his speech at Hampton Court, p. 8. and discreet carriage therein, p. 9.10, etc. writeth against the Pope, p. 45. ¶. 58 & against Vorstius, p. 27. ¶. 5. his discourse with the legate, ¶. 7. happy in discovery of Impostors, p. 73. ¶. 56.57. his Sickness, p. 113. ¶. 21. increased with a plaster, ¶. 23. his faith and Charity at his death ¶. 25. his peaceableness, Eloquence, piercing wit, Judgement, bounty and Mercy, p. 114. ¶. 27.28. etc. His funeral Sermon preached by Bp. Williams, b. 11. pag. 117. ¶. 3.  
Doctor JAMES his good motion in the convocation at Oxford, b. 11. &. 12.  
Queen JANE SEYMOUR married to King Henry the eighth, b. 5. p. 208. ¶. 25. her letter on her delivery, to the Lords of the Council, b. 6. p. 421. ¶. 11. her death, p. 422. ibidem.  
JESUATES how differing from JESUITS, b. 6. p. 278. ¶. 45.  
JESUITS their beginning just when other orders in England were dissolved, b. 6. p. 278. ¶. 43. best Butteresses in the Romish Church, p. 279. ¶. 56. their policy, ¶. 57 how in Engl. like the Astrologers in Rome, ¶. 58. their bitter contentions with Secular Priests, b. 9 p. 225, 226.  
JESUITESSES, a Viraginous Order, & (I think) extinct, b. 6. p. 364.  
JESUS COLL. IN CAMBRIDGE founded by Bp. Alcock, Hist. Camb. p. 84. ¶. 42, etc. called the Bp. of Ely'es' house, p. 84. ¶. 46. The Masters, Benefactors, Bishops, etc. thereof, p. 86.  
JESUS COLL. IN OXFORD founded by Hugh Price, b. 9 p. 96. ¶. 28. the Principals, Bps. Benefactors, etc. thereof, ibidem.  
IMPROPRIATIONS endeavoured to be bought in by Feoffees, b. 11. p. 136. ¶. 5, 6. crushed by Archbishop Laud, p. 143. ¶. 26. etc. those in Ireland restored to the Clergy by the bounty of King Charles, b. 11. p. 149. ¶. 45.  
INNS of Bishops, or their several Lodging-houses in London, b. 3. p. 63.  
INNOVATIONS in doctrine and discipline complained of, b. 11. p. 174, 175.  
JOHN JEWEL draweth up the Gratulatory letter of Oxford to Queen Mary, b. 8. ¶. 6. driven out of Corpus Christi College, ¶. 11. his great fall, ¶. 15. seasonable and sincere recovery, ¶. 17. Vice-Master of P. Martyr's College at Strasbourg, Sect. 3. ¶. 24. one of the disputants against the Papists at Westminster, b. 9 ¶. 10. his reasons against the Council of Trent, ¶. 42. his death, and deserved praise, p. 101. ¶. 1.2.  
JEWS first came over into England under William the Conqueror, b. 3. p. 9 ¶. 44. highly favoured by W. Rufus, ibid. had a chief Justicer over them, p. 84. ¶. 33. & a High priest or Presbyter, ¶. 35. their griping usury, p. 85. ¶. 36, etc. unfortunate at Feast and Frays, p. 86, ¶. 40. cruelly used by K. Henry the 3d. ¶. 43. Misdemeanours charged on them. p. 87. ¶. 46, cast out of the land by K. Edward the first, 47. though others say they craved leave to depart, ibid. etc.  
ILTUTUS abused by Monkish forgeries, C. 6. ¶. 8.  
IMAGE-WORSHIP first settled by Synod in England, C. 8. ¶. 9, 10. enjoined point-blank to poor people to practise it, b. 4. p. 150. ¶. 40.  
IN A King of the Westsaxons, h●s Ecclesiastical Laws, C. 7. ¶. 106. he giveth Peter-pences to the Pope, C. 8. ¶. 13.  
INDEPENDENTS: vide dissenting Brethren.  
Sr. Fra. INGLEFIELD a Benefactor to the English Coll. at Valladol●t, b. 9 p. 87. yea to all English Papists, p. 108. ¶. 20.  
St. JOHN'S COLLEGE in Cambridge founded by the Lady Margaret, Hist. of Cam. p. 94. ¶. 11. the Masters, Bishops▪ etc. thereof, p. 94▪ 95.  
St. john's COLL. Oxford founded by Sr. Tho. White, b. 8. S. 3. ¶. 44. The Precedents, Bishops, Benefactors, etc. thereof▪ ¶. 45.  
King JOHN receives a present from the Pope, b. 3. p. 48. ¶. 4. returns him a stout answer, 5. for which the whole Kingdom is interdicted, p. 49. ¶. 6, 7, etc. his Innocency to the Pope's injustice, ¶. 9 by whom he is excommunicated by name, ¶. 10. yet is blessed under his curse, ¶. 11. his submission to the Pope, p. 51. ¶. 13. resigning his Crown, ibid.▪ his unworthy Embassy to the King of Morocco, p. 53. ¶. 21. lamentable death, ¶. 22. and character, ¶. 23.  
JOSEPH of ARIMATHEA said to be sent into Britain, C. 1. ¶. 11. his drossy History brought to the Touch, ¶. 12. several places assigned for his burial, ¶. 14. the Orators of Spain in the council of Basel, endeavour to disprove the whole story, b. 4. p. 180. ¶. 8. whose objections are easily answered, p. 181. ¶. 9  
IRELAND excludeth their own Articles, and receiveth the 39 Articles of England, b. 11. p. 149. ¶. 46.  
ITALIANS had in England seventy thousand Marks a year of Ecclesiastical revenues, b. 3. p. 65. ¶. 29. held the best livings and kept no Hospitality, b. 4. p. 138. ¶. 17.  
William JUXON Bishop of London, made Lord Treasurer, b. 11. p. 150. ¶. 48. his commendable carriage, ¶. 49.    


K.  
Q. KATHERINE de Valois disobeyeth her Husband, b. 4. p. 170. ¶. 46. therefore never buried, ¶. 47, 48.  
Q. KATHERINE Dowager for politic ends married to King Henry the eighth, b. 5. p. (165.) ¶. 6. on what score the match was first scrupled by the King, p. (171.) ¶. 36, 37, etc. her Speech, p. (173.) her character and death, b. 5. p. 206. ¶. 19  
KATHERINE HALL. founded by Robert Woodlark, Hist. of Camb. p. 83. ¶. 40. in strictness of Criticism, may be termed Aula bolla, ¶. 41.  
KEBY a British Saint fixed in Anglesey, C. 4. ¶. 25.  
KENT: the Saxons Kingdom therein when beginning, how bounded, C. 5. ¶. 17. first converted to Christianity by Augustine the Monk, b. 2. C. 6. ¶. 11. the Petition of the Ministers of Kent against subscription, b. 9 p. 144.  
KENULPHUS King of the Westsaxons his Charter granted to the Abbey of Abbington, proving the power of Kings in that Age in Church matters, b. 2. p. 101. ¶. 25. notwithstanding Persons his objections to the contrary, ¶. 26. putteth down the Archbishopric of Lichfield.  
KETTS Robert and William their Rebellion▪ b. 7. p. 339. ¶. 2. their execution, p. 397. ¶. 15.  
The KING'S EVIL: a large discourse of the cause and cure thereof, C. 11. p. 145, 146, 147.  
John KING Dean of Christ-Church, b. 5. p. (170.) present at Hampton-Court conference, b. 10. p. 7. when Bishop of London graveleth Legate the Arrian, p. 62. ¶. 8. condemneth him for a Heretic, p. 63. ¶. 10. his clear carriage in a cause of great consequence, p. 67. ¶. 24, 25. his death, p. 90. ¶. 31. and eminencies in defiance of Popish falsehood, ¶. 32.33.  
Henry KING made Bishop of Chichester, b. 11. p. 194.  
KINGS HALL. built by King Edward the third, Hist of Camb. p. 39 ¶. 46. three eminences thereof, ¶. 47.  
KING'S COLLEGE founded by K. Henry the sixth, Hist. of Camb. p. 73.  
John KNEWSTUBS minister of Cockfield in Suffolk, b. 9 p. 135. ¶. 16. a meeting of Presbyterians at his house, ibidem. against conformities at Hampton-Court conference, b. 10. p. 7. his exceptions propounded, p. 16, and 17. shrewdly checked by King James, p. 20. a Benefactor to Saint John's College, Hist. of Camb. p. 95. ¶. 15.  
KNIGHTS of the Garter their Institution, qualifications, habiliments, Oath, and orders by them observed, how their places become vacant, b. 3. p. 116.  
KNIGHTS anciently made by Abbots, b. 3. p. 17, 18. until it was forbidden by Canon, ibidem.  
Mr. KNOT the Jesuit, his causeless Cavils at Mr. Sutton confuted, b. 10. p. 65. ¶. 17, etc.  
John KNOX chosen their minister by the English Exiles at Frankford, b. 8. S. 3. ¶. 1. opposed in his discipline by Dr. Cox, ¶. 3, 4. accused for treacherous speeches against the Emperor, ¶. 5. forced to depart Frankford to the great grief of his party, ibidem.    


L.  
Arthur LAKE Bishop of Bath and Wells, his death and character, b. 11. ¶. 45.  
LAMBETH Articles by whom made, b. 9 p. 229. ¶. 23. nine in number, p. 230. various judgements of them, p. 231. ¶. 24, etc.  
LANCASTER and York houses the Battles betwixt them for the Crown; Place, Time, number slain, and Conqueror, b. 4. p. 1●6, and 187.  
LANCK-FRANCK made Archbishop of Canterbury, b. 3. ¶. 4. most kindly treated by the Pope, ¶. 17. to whom he acouseth Thomas elect of York, and Remigius elect of Lincoln, ¶. 18, 19 his return and employment, ¶. 20.  
Hugh LATIMER a violent Papist, History of Cambridge, p. 102. ¶. 33. converted by Bilney, ¶. 34. his Sermon of Cards, p. 103. ¶. 38. preacheth before the Convocation, b. 5. p. 207. ¶. 23. deprived of his Bishopric of Worcester, p. 231. ¶. 18. why he assumed it not again in the Reign of King Edward the sixth, b. 7. p. 405. ¶. 28. his judgement of the contemners of common prayer, p. 426. ¶. 17.  
William LAUD made Bishop of St. David's, b. 9 p. 90. ¶. 30. a great Benefactor to St. John's in Oxford, b. 8. p. 40. ¶. 45. accused by the Scotch for making their Liturgy, b. 11. p. 163. prepares for his death, b. 11. p. 215. ¶. 68 his Funeral speech and burial, p. 216. ¶. 69, 70. his birth, breeding and character, p. 216, 217, 218, 219.  
LAURENTIUS Archbishop of Cant. reconcileth the British to the Romish Church in the Celebration of Easter, C. 7. ¶. 27. intending to depart England is rebuked in a vision, ¶. 34, 35.  
LECHLADE or LATINELADE, a place where Latin was anciently taught, Cent. 9 ¶. 30.  
Thomas LEE or LEAH a prime Officer employed in the dissolution of Abbeys, Hist. of Ab. 314. visiteth the University of Camb. Hist. Cam. of p. 109. ¶. 55. his injunctions to the University, ibidem.  
Barthol. LEGATE burnt for an Arrian, b. 10. p. 62. ¶. 6, 7, 8. etc.  
Dr. LEIGHTON his railing book severely censured, b. 11. p. 1-36. ¶. 3. recovered after his escape and punished, ¶ 4.  
The first LENT kept in England, C. 7. ¶. 74.  
Jo. LEYLAND an excellent Antiquary follow of Christ's Coll. Hist. of Cam. p. 90. ¶. 7. wronged in his works by Polydore Virgil and another nameless Plagiary, b. 5. p. (198) ¶. 54. employed by King Henry 8. to collect and preserve Rarities at the dissolution of Abbeys, b. 6. p. 339. ¶. 8. died distracted, ¶. 9  
LICHFIELD bestrewed with the dead bodies of Martyrs, C. 4. ¶. 8. made the See of an Archbishop by King Offa, b. 2. p. 104. ¶. 34▪ the builders of the present (almost passed) Cathedral, b. 4. p. 174. the praise, and picture thereof, p. 175.  
LIEGE Coll. in Lukeland for English fugitives, b. 9 p. 91.  
William LILLY the first schoolmaster of Paul's, b. 5. p. (167) ¶. 17. the many Editions of his Grammar, p. (168.) ¶. 18.  
LISBON a rich Nunnery for Engl. Bridgitines', b. 6. p. 262. ¶. 5, 6, etc.  
LITURGY an: uniformity thereof when prescribed all over England, b. 7. p. 386. three several editions thereof with the persons employed therein, ibid. Bishop Latimer his judgement against the contemners thereof, p. 426.  
LONDON, why so called, C. 1. ¶. 2. layeth claim to the birth of Constantine the Emperor, C. 4. ¶. 18. the walls thereof built with Jewish stones, b. 3. p. 86. ¶. 42. the honourable occasion of an Augmentation in their Arms, b. 4. p. 141. ¶. 21.  
William LONGCAMPE Bp. of Ely, his pride, b. 3. p. 43. ¶. 24. his parallel with Cardinal Wolsey, ¶. 28, etc.  
LOUVAIN College in Brabant, for English fugitives, b. 9 p. 90. a nunnery (or rather but half a one) therein for Engl. women, b. 6. p. 364. ¶▪ 2.  
LINCOLN Coll. in Oxford founded by Richard Fleming, b. 4. p. 168. The Rectors, Bps. etc. thereof, p. 169.  
William LINWOOD writeth his Provincial constitutions, his due praise, b. 4. page 175. ¶. 71. etc.  
LUCIUS', the different dates of his conversion, C. 2. ¶. 1. do not disprove the substance of his story, ¶. 3. might be a British King under the Romans, ¶. 4. several Churches in Britain said to be erected by him, ¶. 13. confounded by unwary writers with Lucius a Germane preacher in Suevia, ¶. 14. said to be buried in Gloucester, with his Dunstical Epitaph, C. 3. ¶. 1.  
LUPUS assisteth Germanus in his voyage into Britain to suppress Pelagianism, C. 3. ¶. 4.    


M.  
MADRID Coll. in Spain for English fugitives, b. 9 p. 90.  
MAGDALEN Coll. in Ox. founded by William Wainsleet, b. 4. p. 188. ¶. 24. Scarce a Bp. in England to which it hath not afforded one prelate, ¶. 25. sad alterations therein by the Visitors in the first of Q. Marry, b. 8. ¶. 8. the character of this Coll. with the violence of rigid non-conformists therein presented in a latin letter of Mr. Fox, b. 9 p. 106. ¶. 14, 15.  
MAGDALEN College in Cambridge founded by Thomas Lord Audley, History of Cambridge, p. 120. ¶. 8, etc.  
MALIGNANT whence derived, and first fixed as a name of disgrace on the Royal party, b. 11. p. 195. ¶. 32.  
Roger MANWARING charged by Mr. Pym in Parliament, b. 11. ¶. 61. for two Sermons preached, ibidem. his censure, ¶. 62. and submission, ¶. 63.  
MARRIAGE of the Priests proved lawful, b. 3. p. 20, 21, 22, 23.  
MARRIAGE of a Brother's Wife is against God's Word, and above Papal dispensation, b. 5. p. (179,) (180,) (181.)  
Tho. MARKANT Proctor of Cambridge made and gave a rare Book of her privileges to the university which was lost, found, lost, found, lost, Hist. of Camb. p. 65. ¶. 33, 34.  
Q. MARY quickly recovereth the Crown in right of succession, b. 8. ¶. 1. in her first Parliament restoreth Popery to the height, ¶. 20, 21. makes a speech in Guild-Hall, ¶. 30. her character, S. 2. ¶. 34. valiant against the Pope in one particular, S. 3. ¶. 41. very Melancholy with the causes thereof, ¶. 46, 47. dyes of a Dropsey, ¶. 48. two Sermons preached at her funeral, ¶. 52. her deserved praise, ¶. 53. for refounding the Savoy, ¶. 54. her burial, ¶. 55.  
MARY Queen of Scots flies into England and is there imprisoned, b. 9 S. 2. ¶. 13. her humble letter to Pope Pius the fifth, ibidem. her second letter unto him, b. 9 p. 99 her death, Poetry, burial, removal to Westminster, and [wel-Latined] Epitaph, p. 181.  
Queen MARY, Wife to King, Charles, her first landing at Dover, b. 11. ¶. 9 delivered of a Son by a fright before her time, b. 11. p. 135. ¶. 1.  
Toby MATTHEW Archbishop of York dying yearly dies at last, b. 11. ¶. 74. is gratitude to God, ¶. 75.  
MAUD for four descents the name of the Queens of England, b. 7. p. 25. ¶. 28.  
MAXIMUS usurpeth the Empire and expelleth the Scots out of Britain, C. 4. ¶. 22. draineth the Flower of the British Nation into France, ¶. 23. slain in Italy, ¶. 24. his memory why inveighed against, ibidem.  
Mr. MAYNARD his learned speech against the late Canons, b. 11. p. 180. ¶. 77.  
MEDUINUS sent by King Lucius to Eleutherius Bishop of Rome, C. 2. ¶. 5.  
MEDESHAMSTED Monastery burnt by the Danes, C. 9 ¶. 20.  
MELLITUS Bishop of London converteth the Kingdom of Essex, C. 7. ¶. 23. departeth England, and why, ¶. 33. returneth, ¶. 35. and is rejected at London, 36. his character, 37.  
MERCIA a Saxon Kingdom when begun, how bounded, C. 5. ¶. 17. converted to Christianity under Prince Peada, C. 7. ¶. 83.  
Thomes MERKES Bishop of Carlisle his bold speech in the behalf of King Richard the second, b. 4. p. 153. ¶. 55. tried for Treason not by his Peers, but a Common jury, p. 154. ¶. 57, 58. his life spared and he mad: Bishop of Samos in Greece, ¶. 59  
MERLIN two of the name, C. 5. ¶. 20. his magical Pranks, ¶. 26. questionable whether ever such a man, ¶. 32. fitted with two other fowls of the same Feather, ibidem.  
MERTON Coll. in Oxford founded by Walter Merton, b. 9 p. 75. ¶. 7, etc. Wardons, Bishops, Benefactors, and thereof, ¶. 8. a by-foundation of Post-masters therein, p. 76. happy in breeding Schoolmen, p. 99 ¶. 27. a petty rebellion therein suppressed by Archbishop Parker, b. 9 p. 71. ¶. 47, 48. not founded before Peter-house in Cambridge, Hist. of Camb. p. 32. ¶. 33, etc.  
Sr. Walter MILDRED MAY foundeth Emanuel College, Hist. of Cam. p. 146. ¶. 11, 12. etc.  
The millenary petition, b. 10. p. 22. the issue thereof, p. 23. ¶. 25, 26. the millenary is equivocal, p. 24.  
MINSHULLS their honourable Arms achieved in the Holy War, b. 3. p. 42. ¶. 19  
MIRACLES their Description, b. 6. p. 329. ¶. 1. long since ceased, p. 330. ¶. 2. and why, ¶. 5. yet counterfeited by the Papists, ¶. 7. etc.  
The Lord MOHUN his memorable patent, made therein by the Pope a Count Apostolical, b. 3. p. 64.  
John MOLLE his birth, and breeding, b. 10. p. 48. ¶. 7. his sad dilemma, ¶. 8. constancy and death in the Inquisition, ¶. 9, 10.  
MONKS, their primitive piety and painfullness, b. 6. p. 263. ¶. 1, 2. etc. afterwards voluntary, not for necessity but convenience, p. 264. ¶. 1, 2.  
MONUMENTS in Churches, Q Elizab. proclamations (each Copy signed with her own hand) against the defacers of them, b. 9 p. 65. ¶. 36.  
Sr. Thonas MOOR his praise and dispraise, b. 5. p. 205. ¶. 16, 17. etc.  
Sr. Ed. MONTAGUE, threatened by the Duke of Northumberland, draws up the Testament of King Edward the sixth to disinherit his Sisters, b. 8. ¶. 2. his great sufferings for the same, ibidem.  
James MONTAGUE Bp. of Winchester his death, b. 10. p. 86. ¶. 8. a memorable accident thereat, ¶▪ 9 see Sidney College.  
Richard MONTAGUE his character, b. 11. ¶. 7, 8. rescued by the King from the house of commons, ¶. 10. written against by several Authors, ¶. 14. left to defend himself, ¶. 15. made Bishop of Chichester, ¶. 67. his confirmation opposed, ¶. 68, 69. his death, p, 194. ¶. 22.  
MORRIS Bishop of Rochester a great persecutor, b. 8. S. 2. ¶. 10.  
MORTMAIN statute, b. 3. p. 77. ¶. 9 the cause thereof, ¶. 10. not a new, but renewed Law, ¶. 11. St. Hierom and Ambrose angry thereat, ¶. 12. the form of the statute, ¶. 13.  
John MORTON Bishop of Ely the Make-peace betwixt Lancaster and York, b. 4. p. 198. ¶. 11. defended against Mr. Prin, ¶. 12. made Archbishop of Canter. p. 194. ¶. 17. his death, p. [165.]  
Thomas MORTON, since Bp. of Durham Fellow of Chelsey Coll. b. 10. p. 52. erecteth a Tomb to Casaubon, p. 70. ¶. 38. detecteth the Imposture of the Boy of Bilson, p. 73. ¶. 55.  
MORTUARY, when, by whom, and to whom to be paid, b. 3. p. 83. ¶. 27.    


N.  
The NAGGS-head consecration of Matthew Parker largely confuted, b. 9 p. 61. ¶. 27, etc. The small reason of so great report, p. 62. ¶. 30.  
Humphrey NECTON (not absolutely the first Doctor who commenced in Cambridge, but) first Carmelite who commenced Dr. therein, Hist. of Camb. p. 20. ¶. 5.6, etc.  
Hugh NEVIL slew a Lion in the holy Land, b. 3. p. 41. ¶. 10. Benefactor to Waltham Abbey, ¶. 11. buried therein, Hist. of Waltham.  
Ralph NEVIL most triumphant in his issue of any English subject, b. 6. p. 297. ¶. 3. made three of his daughter's Nuns, ibidem.  
George NEVIL Archbishop of York, b. 4. p. 191. ¶. 31. his prodigious Feast, p. 193. ¶. 38. afterwards starved to death, ¶. 39  
Rich. NEVIL the make-King, Earl of Warwick, b. 4. p. 190. ¶. 6. on distaste given him, ¶. 30. conquereth and imprisoneth King Edward the fourth, by whom at last he is overcome and slain, p. 191. ¶. 33.  
Charles NEVIL Earl of Westmoreland, routed in his rebellion against Queen Elizabeth, b. 9 ¶. 15, 16, etc.  
Tho. NEVIL the most magnificent master, and Benefactor of Trinity College, Hist. of Cambridge, p. 122. ¶. 19  
NICE: some British Bishops present at the general Council kept therein, C. 4. ¶. 20.  
Henry NICHOLAS the founder of the Familists, b. 9 p. 112. ¶. 37. his Mock-Apostolick-stile, ¶. 38.  
NON-CONFORMISTS' their beginning in the Reign of King Edward the sixth, b. 7. p. 402. ¶. 24. Mr. Hooper and Mr. Roger's their first Champions, ibidem. their arguments since not so much increased as more enforced, p. 404. their practice fomented by the English Exiles at Frankford, b. 8. S. 2. ¶. 33. especially after the coming of Mr. Knox thither, S. 3. ¶. 1. and Mr. calvin's letter, ¶. 2. William Whittingham head of that party, ¶. 7. which in discontent depart to Geneva, ¶. 10. their Persons and opinions return into England, b. 9 ¶. 3. divided into moderate and fierce Nonconformists, ¶. 68 when their first Set was expired a worse succeeded, p. 81. ¶. 9, etc.  
The NORTHERN rebellion, b. 6. p. 313. ¶. 1. the Northern Gentry routed therein, ¶. 6.  
NORTHUMBERLAND a Saxon Kingdom when begun, how bounded, C. 5. ¶. 17. afterward subdivided into two Kingdoms of Bernicia and Deira, C. 7. ¶. 61.  
NORWICH described, b. 7. p. 393. ¶. 4. yieldeth to the rebels, p. 294. ¶. 6. seasonably relieved, p. 396. ¶. 14. unjustly taxed with disloyalty, ibid.  
Alex. NOWELL saved from Bonner's cruelty by Mr. Francis Bowyer, b. 8. p. 16. dedicat. Epist. prolocutor in the convocation, 1563. when the Articles were made, b. 9 ¶. 51. consisting of Holy Riddles, b. 9 ¶. 10. his death, ibidem.    


O.  
OATH taken by English fugitives, when admitted in foreign Colleges, b. 9 p. 92. of obedience imposed on all Papi●●s, b. 10. p. 42. another taken by the Divines at the Synod of Dort at their admission, p. 78. ¶. 66. another made in the late Canons with an etc. in the midst thereof, b. 11. p. 169. ¶. 20.  
OATH ex officio, arguments against and for it, b. 9 p. 183, 184, etc. a fourfold behaviour of Nonconformists in refusing it, p. 186.  
OBITS what they were, and how performed: six kept in Waltham Church, this charge— 2. shillings 6. pence a piece, Hist. of Waltham, p. 14.  
William OCCAM Luther his School man, C. 17. p. 98. ¶. 21.  
OFFA King of Mercia maketh Lichfield the see of an Archbishop, C. 8. ¶. 34. inshrineth the body of St. Alban, ¶. 35. goeth to Rome, and giveth Peter-pences to the Pope, C. 8. ¶. 36, 37. buried at Bedford, ¶. 38.  
Sr. John OLDCASTLE h●s opinions, b 4. p. 167. his guiltiness examined, p. 168. left doubtful to D●vine decision, ibid.  
Barnabas OLY a worthy instrument in re-edifying Clare Hall ejected for refusing the Covenant, Hist. of Camb. p. 38. ¶. 45.  
St. OMERS Coll. in Artois, for English fugitives, b. 9 p. 89.  
OBSERVANT Friars being Franciscans, refined, b. 6. p. 271. ¶. 17. the first order totally and finally suppressed by King Henry 8. p. 308. ¶. 1, 2. set up for a short time by Q. Mary, p. 357.  
ORDALL, or the trial by fire of suspected persons, the manner thereof, C. 11. ¶. 14.  
ORIAL COLL. in Oxford, b. 3. p. 103, 104.  
Lambert OSBASTON his riddling letter to Bishop Williams, b. 11. p. 165. ¶. 1. censured in the Star-Chamber, p. 166. ¶. 9 restored by Parliament, p. 172. ¶. 33.  
OSWALD the Christian King of Northumberland, his miraculous Victory in Heafenfield, C. 7. ¶. 63. sendeth for preachers out of Scotland, ¶. 69. is interpreter to Bishop Aidan, ¶. 73. slain in fight by Penda the Pagan, ¶. 75. his hands said never to putrify, ¶. 76. in what sense it is true, ¶. 77. presently possessed of happiness, ¶. 78. yet his soul prayed for by the superstition of that Age, ibidem.  
OSWY the most Christian King of Northumberland, C. 7. ¶. 80.  
OTHO the Pope's Legate lodgeth in Oxford, b. 3. p. 61. ¶. 12. his brother killed, ¶. 13, and 14. himself pursued by the Scholars, p. 62. ¶. 15. whereupon he interdicteth the university, ¶. 17. but at the Bishop's intercession, ¶. 19 and the Scholars solemn pen●●nce, ¶. 20. he is reconciled, ibidem.  
John OVERALL carrieth the King's Professors place from Mr. Wotton, Hist. of Camb. p. 125. ¶. 20. Dean of St. Paul's, b. 10. p. 7. gives King James an account of Lambeth Articles, p. 13. his death, p. 86. ¶. 10.  
OXFORD University (if not founded) restored by King Alfred, C. 9 ¶. 30. the Arms of the University, ¶. 40. the Scholars there of harshly used by King William the Conqueror, b. 3. p. 6. ¶. 16. killed the brother of Otho the Pope's Legate, p. 61. ¶. 13. for which he interdicteth the University, p. 62. ¶. 17. till the Scholars make their solemn submission, ¶. 20. the great and sudden alterations therein in the Reign of Q. Marry, b. 8. p. 7, 8, 9 a strange Mortality Anno 1577. at the Assizes, b. 9 p. 109. ¶. 22. counted by aunders a great miracle, ¶. 24. though a natural cause be assigned thereof, ¶. 25. discontents therein about innovations, b. 11. p. 141. ¶. 18, etc.    


P.  
A PALL what it is, with the mysteries thereof, C. 7. ¶. 38.  
PANDULPHUS his proud carriage, b. 3. p. 53. ¶. 22.  
Katherine PAR married to King Henry the eighth, b. 3. p. 243. ¶. 48. her enemy's conspiracy against her, defeated by God's providence, ¶ 49, 50. the form of public prayer for her, b. 7. p. 374. a letter of Edward the sixth (while Prince) unto her, p. 423, 424.  
PARISHES in England first divided by Pope Honorius, c. 7. ¶. 68  
Matthew PARKER almost looseth his own life to convert the Rebels, b. 7. p. 394. ¶. 7. made Archb. of Cant. b. 9 p. 60. ¶. 23. most legally consecrated, ¶. 25, etc. in defiance of all Popish Calumnies, ibidem. his death, p. 108. ¶. 17. and defence against Mr. Prin, ¶. 18. see Bennet Coll.  
Margaret PARKER the Archbishop his exemplary Wife, b. 9 p. 108. ¶. 19  
St. PATTERN a pattern for all Bishops, C. 6. ¶. 10.  
St. PATRICK falsely reported living and dying at Glassenbury, C. 5. ¶. 18, 19, 20. a distinct person from Sen Patrick, ¶. 20.  
St. PAUL by a Poetical Hyperbole only, made to preach in Britain, C. 1. ¶. 8.  
PAULINUS his death, C. 7. ¶. 79.  
The PAX what it was and the original thereof, Hist. of Walt. p. 17. in the third Item.  
PEADA first Christian Prince of Mercia, C. 7. ¶. 83.  
PELAGIUS a Britain by birth, C. 5. ¶. 1. his principal Errors, ¶. 3. condemned by many Counsels under the name of his Scholar Caelestius, ibid.  
PEMBROKE HALL. in Cambridge founded by Mary de St. Paul, Hist. of Camb. p. 41.  
PEMBROKE College in Oxford founded, b. 11. ¶. 41, 42.  
John PENRY with others executed for libelling against the Bishops, b. 9 p. 223. ¶. 6.  
Rob. PERSONS Jesuit cometh over into England, b. 9 p. 114. ¶. 41. his three strange escapes, p. 118. ¶. 44, 45. returns to Rome, ¶. 46. Master of the English College there, p. 86. the Secular priests bitterly complain of him, p. 233. ¶. 30.  
St. PETER: he never preached in Britain (notwithstanding Persons his arguments to the contrary,) C. 1. ¶. 7.  
Peter-pences first granted to the Pope by King Ina, C. 8. ¶. 13. amounting at least to seven thousand five hundred pounds per ann. b. 5. p. (197.) ¶. 46, 47.  
PETER-HOUSE founded by Hugo Balsham Subprior of Ely, Hist. of Camb. p. 12. ¶. 44. endowed many years after, by the same Hugo when B●shop of Ely, p. 30, 31, 32, 33.  
St. PETROCK captain of the Cornish Saints, C. 6. ¶. 11.  
J. PHILPOT stoutly defendeth the truth in the convocation, b. 8. ¶. 22. against railing Weston, ¶. 23. sealeth it with his blood, ¶. 24.  
John PIERCE Archbishop of York his death, and commendation for exemplary temperance, b. 9 p. 223. ¶. 9  
Thomas PIERCY Earl of Northumberland, his Rebellion against Q. Elizabeth, b. 9 p. 83. ¶. 15. in maintenance of Popery, ¶. 16. routed by the Queen's forces, ¶. 17. beheaded at York, ¶. 19  
James PILKINTON: the false report of ten thousand pound given with his daughter, b. 5. p. 253. ¶. 55. the truth thereof, b. 9 p. 109. ¶. 21. his death, ibidem.  
Pope PIUS the fourth his letter and proposals to Q. Elizabeth, b. 9 p. 68 ¶. 40.  
Pope PIUS the fifth his sentence declaratory against Q. Elizabeth, b. 9 p. 93.  
PLAYER'S prohibited by proclamation of King Edward the sixth, b. 7. p. 391.  
Thomas playfere his ranting Epitaph, Hist. of Camb. p. 158. ¶. 40.  
PLEGMUND of an eminent Eremite made Archbishop of Canterbury, C. 9 ¶. 43. consecrateth seven Bishops in one day, C. 10. ¶. 4.  
PLUNDER whence derived, and when first used in England, b. 11. p. 196. ¶. 33.  
Reg. POOL Cardinal, why so much favoured by Q. Mary, b. 8. ¶. 39 Godfather to E. Tremelius, ¶. 40. consecrated Archb. of Cant. ¶. 41. his dry Sermon of the Pall, ibid. reconcileth England unto Rome, ¶. 42. his death, b. 8. S. 3. ¶. 49. well inclined to be a Protestant, ¶. 50. leaveth all his estate to Italians, 51. Chancellor both of Cambridge and Oxford, Hist. of Camb. p. 135. ¶. 53.  
Sr. Tho. POPE. vide Trinity College Oxford.  
The POPE in England in his Rising, improveth his power on five sorts of Princes, C. 10. ¶. 2.  
The POPE in England in his Reigning: a conjectural estimate of his yearly revenues in England, b. 5. p. (197.)  
The POPE in England in his Ruin: how his usurped power, at the abolition thereof, was restored to several persons to whom it did belong, b. 5. ¶. 199.  
All PREACHERS (for a time) inhibited by a Proclamation of King Edward the sixth, b. 7. p. 388, 389.  
PREMUNIRE-statute why made, b. 4. p. 145. the form thereof, p. 146, etc. why so named, p. 148. ¶. 35.  
Thomas PRESTON (Master of Trinity Hall) Queen Elizabeth her Scholar, History of Camb. p. 139. ¶. 2.  
John PRESTON his great favour at Court, b. 11▪ ¶. 6. employed in a double conference, ¶. 35, 36. temporizeth with the Duke of Buckingham, ¶. 43, 44. his death and burial, ¶. 66.  
William PRIN, b. 11. p. 152. ¶. 56. accused for libelling against Bishops, ¶. 57 his plea rejected, p. 152. ¶. 62. and answer refused, ¶. 63. his speech on the Pillory, ¶. 73. and behaviour therein, ¶. 74. good employment in his exile, 75. brought back with triumph, p. 172. ¶. 32.  
False PROPHECIES a great trade driven with them in Abbeys, Hist. of Abb. p. 333. ¶. 11.  
PROPHECYING in England how ordered, b. 9 p. 121. ¶. 2. their inconveniences, p. 122. ¶. 3. Archbishop Grindal his large letter to Q. Elizab. in their defence, p. 123, etc.  
PROVISIONS of the Pope their nature, b. 3. p. 8. and b. 4. p. 115. ¶. 25. redressed by a statute, ¶. 26. yet complained of many years after, p. 147. ¶. 43.  
PSALMS of David by whom translated into English meeter, b. 7. p. 406. ¶. 31. the mean doing thereof endeavoured to be defended, ¶. 32.  
PURGATORY not held in the Popish notion before the Conquest, b. 2. p. ●. how maintained in the Mongrel Religion under King Henry the eighth, b. 5. p. 223. a merry Vision thereof, b. 4. p. 107.  
PURITAN: when the word first began in that odious sense, b. 9 ¶. 67. vide Non-conformists. The Archbishop of Spalleto, the first who abused the word to signify the Defenders of matters Doctrinal. Conformable Puritans by whom complained of, b. 11. p. 144. ¶. 31.    


Q.  
QUEENS COLL. in Oxford founded by R. Eglesfield, b. 3. p. 114, 115.  
QUEENS COLL. in Cambridge founded by Q. Margaret, History of Cambridge, p. 80. ¶. 31. finished by Q. Elizabeth wife to King Edward the fourth, ¶. 33. The Masters, Benefactors, Bishops, ibidem.    


R.  
READING, a pleasant story between the Abbot thereof, and King Henry the eighth, b. 6. p. 299. ¶. 12, 13.  
RECUSANTS for Papists when the name in England first began, b. 9 p. 98. ¶. 29.  
Our REFORMATION under King Henry the eighth cleared from the aspersion of Schism, b. 5. p. (194,) and (195.)  
William REGINALD, or Reinolds, a zealous Papist, his death and character, b. 9 p. 224. ¶. 12.  
John REINOLDS against Conformity in Hampton-Court conference, b. 10. p. 7, 8, 9, etc. his death, p. 47. ¶. 3. admirable parts and piety, p 48. ¶. 5. desireth absolution at his death, ¶. 6.  
RELICS their abominable superstition, and Forgery, b. 6. p. 331. ¶. 10, 11, etc.  
RENT-CORN by statute reserved to Colleges, History of Cambridge, p. 144. ¶. 6. procured by Sr. Tho. Smith, ¶. 7. to the great profit of both Universities, ¶. 8.  
R. Lord RICH his servants sad mistake, b. 7. p. 408. ¶. 40. which cost his master the loss of his Chancellors place, ¶. 41.  
King RICHARD the first endeavoureth to expiate his undutifulness by superstition, b, 3. p. 40. ¶. 8. dearly ransomed, p. 44. ¶. 28, 29. made better by affliction, p. 45. ¶. 30. his death, burial, and Epitaph, ¶. 32, etc.  
King RICHARD the second, b. 4. p. 137. ¶. 12. his loose life, p. 152. ¶. 51. conspired against by Duke Henry, ¶. 52. forced to depose himself or be deposed, p. 153. ¶. 53. his death, ibid.  
King RICHARD the third his pompous double Coronation, b. 4. p. (196.) ¶. 4. barbarously murdered his brother's Sons, ¶. 5. endeavoureth in vain to be Popular, p. (197.) ¶. 6, and 7. unjustly commended by a Modern Writer, ¶. 8. beaten and killed in the Battle of Bosworth, p. 194. ¶. 14.  
RIPPON Collegiat Church endowed by King James, b. 10. p. 29. ¶. 16. their Land since twice sold, ¶. 17.  
John ROGERS prime Patron of Nonconformity, b. 7. p. 402. martyred, b. 8. p. 23. ¶. 32.  
Thomas ROGERS writeth on the Articles of the Church of England, b. 9 p. 172. ¶. 22. first opposeth the opinion of the Sabbatarians bitterly enough, p. 228. ¶. 22.  
ROME COLLEGE for English fugitives, b. 9 p. 86.  
The ROOD what is was, and why placed betwixt the Church and Chancel. History of Walt. p. 16. in the first item.    


S.  
The SABBATH: the strict keeping thereof revived by Doctor Bound, b. 9 p. 227. ¶. 20. learned men divided therein, p. 228. ¶. 21, etc. liberty given thereon by King James his Proclamation in Lancashire, b. 10. p. 74. ¶. 58, 59 reasons pro and con whether the same might lawfully be read, p. 74. ¶. 56. ministers more frighted then hurt therein, p. 76. ¶. 62. no reading of it enforced on them, ibidem. controversy revived in the Reign of King Charles, b. 11. p. 144. ¶. 13, etc.  
SAINTS Numerous and noble amongst the Saxons C. 8. ¶. 6. ridi●uously assigned by Papists to the Curing of sundry diseases, and patronage of sundry professions, b. 6. p. 33. ¶. 13.  
SAMPSON, an ancient British Bishop, made fine Ti●ulo, C. 6. ¶. 9  
Thomas SAMPSON Dean of Christ-Church in Oxford, the first that I find outed his place for Puritanisme, b. 9 p. 77. ¶. 72.  
Edwin SANDYS Bishop of Worcester, b. 9 p. 63. ¶. 31. Archbishop of York: his death, p. 197. ¶. 25. his Sermon before the Duke of Northumberland at Cambridge, Hist. of Cam●. p. 131. ¶. 40. his ill usage for the same, ¶. 43.  
SARDIS: some representation of the British at the General Council kept therein, C. 4. ¶. 20.  
SARUM, secundum usum thereof its original and occasion, b. 3. ¶. 23.  
William SAWTREE, b. 4, p. 156. Articles against him, ibidem. degraded, p. 157. ¶. 5. and the first man burnt for his Religion, p. 158.  
SAXONS, the first mention of them in Brit. C. 5. ¶. 9 unadvisedly invited over by King Vortiger, ¶. 16. erect seven Kingdoms in Britain, ¶. 17. The rabble of their Idols, C. 6. ¶. 6. wilfully accessory to their own ruin by the Danes, C. 9 ¶. 17.  
SCHISM unjustly charged on the English Church in their Reformation, and returned on Rome, b. 5. p. (194.) and (195▪)  
SCHOOLMEN: nine eminent, all of England, most of Merton College, C. 14. p. 94, 95. their needless difficulties, p. 98. ¶. 24. barbarous Latin, ¶. 25. divisions in judgement, ¶. 26. why their Learning less used in after ages, ¶. 28.  
SCOTLAND challenged by the Pope, as his peculiar, C. 14. ¶. 1. stoutly denied by the English, ¶. 2.  
SCOTCH Liturgy, the whole story thereof, b. 11. p. 160. ¶. 95, etc.  
John SCOTUS Erigena his birthplace, C. 9 ¶. 32, 33, 34. miserably murdered by his Scholars, ¶. 35. unmartyred by Baronius, ¶. 36. causelessly confounded with Duns Scotus, ¶. 37.  
John DUNS SCOTUS why so called, C. 14. p. 96. ¶. 19 his birth claimed by three Kingdoms, ibidem.  
SEATER a Saxon Idol, his shape and Office, b. 2. C. 6. ¶. 6.  
SECULAR Priests their contesting with Monks, C. 8. p. 133, 134.  
John SELDEN setteth forth his Book against Tithes, b. 10. p. 70. ¶. 39, 40. puzleth the Assembly of Divines with his queries, b. 11. p. 213. ¶. 54.  
Richard SENHOUSE preacheth King Charles his Coronation, and his own funeral, b. 11. ¶. 18.  
Edward SEIMOUR Duke of Somerset Lord Protector, b. 7. p. 372. ¶. 3. his tripartite accusation, p. 407. ¶. 36. imprisoned, yet restored, p. 408. ¶. 38. afterwards impeached of Treason, ¶. 42. and executed, p. 409. ¶. 43. unjustly, saith a good Author, ¶. 44. (though King Edward was possessed of his guiltiness as appeareth by his letter, ibidem.) his character and commendation, p. 410. ¶. 45.  
SIDNEY SUSSEX College founded▪ Hist. of Camb. p. 153. ¶. 23, etc.  
SIGEBERT King of the East-Angles, his Religion, and Learning, C. 7. ¶. 45. reputed founder of the University of Camb. ¶. 46. the Cavils to the contrary answered, ¶▪ 49, etc.  
SIGEBERT the pious King of the East-Saxons, C. 7. ¶. 81.  
SIMON ZELOTES made by Dorotheus to preach in Britain, C. 1. ¶. 8.  
SIVIL COLLEGE in Spain for English fugitives, b. 9 p. 88  
Mr. SMART●ernted ●ernted proto-Martyr of England, b. 11. p. 173▪ ¶. 35, etc.  
Sr. Tho. SMITH Benefactor general to all Scholars, Hist. of Camb. p. 81. ¶. 37, 38. and also, p. 144. ¶. 6, 7, 8.  
Henry SMITH commonly called the Silver-tongued, b. 9 p. 142. ¶. 3, 4.  
Rich. SMITH titularie Bishop of Chalcedon, b. 11. ¶. 72. some write for, others against him: Episcopizeth in England, b. 11. p. 137. ¶. 7. opposed by Nicholas Smith, and defended by Dr. Kelison, both zealous Papists, ¶. 8, 9, etc.  
SOBRIQUETS what they were, b. 3. p. 30. ¶. 52 fifteen principal of them, ibid.  
SODOMITRY the beginning▪ thereof in England, b. 3. p. 19 ¶. 29. with too gentle a Canon against it, ibid.  
SOUTH SAXONS their Kingdom, when begun, how bounded, C. 5. ¶. 17. converted to Christianity by Wilfride, C. 7. ¶. 98, etc. taught by him first to fish, ¶. 101.  
SPALLETO his coming over into England, with the whole story of his stay here, departure hence, and burning at Rome for a Heretic after his death, b. 10. p. 93. unto the 100  
King STEPHEN usurpeth the Crown, b. 3. p. 24. ¶. 28. by the perjury of the Clergy, p. 25. ¶. 29. variety of opinions and arguments pro and con about him, ¶. 30, 31, etc. the Clergy revolt from him, p. 27. ¶. 39 appeareth (as some say) in person, summoned to a Synod in Winchester, p. 28. ¶. 43. a founder of Religious houses, p. 29. ¶ 46. his death, p. 30. ¶. 51.  
STEWS suppressed by statute, b. 5. p. 239. ¶. 38. their Original, ¶. 39 and Constitution, p. 140. ¶. 40. arguments pro and con for their lawfulness, ¶. 41, 42.  
STIGANDUS Archbishop of Cant. his Simony, b. 3. ¶. 2. and covetousness, ¶. 4.  
Simon STOCK living in a trunk of a tree esteemed a Saint, b. 6. p. 272. ¶. 21.  
STONEHENGE, the description and conceived occasion thereof▪ C. 5. ¶. 26.  
Tho. STONE a conscientious Nonconformist discovereth the Anatomy of the disciplinarian meetings, p. 207, etc. his sixteen Reasons in his own defence against his accusers herein, p. 209, etc.  
J. STORY a most bloody persecutor, b. 8. S. 2. ¶. 12. with a fine design trained into England, b. 9 p. 84. ¶. 20. executed his revenge on the executioner, ibid.  
STRASBURGH: the congregation of English Exiles therein in the Reign of Q. Marry, b. 8. S. 2. ¶. 41.  
Jack STRAW his rebellion, b. 4. p. 138. ¶. 18. his rabble of Rebels in Rhythme, p. 139. ¶. 19 their barbarous outrages, p. 140. ¶. 20. and ruin, ¶. 21. See Wat Tyler.  
STURBRIDGE FAIR the Original thereof, Hist. of Camb. p. 66. ¶. 36.  
SUBSCRIPTION first pressed by the Bishops, b. 9 p. 76. ¶. 66. and more rigorously, p. 102. ¶. 3.  
Simon SUDBURY Archbishop of Canterbury why silent in the conference at St. Paul's, b. 4. p. 136. ¶. 10. slain by the rebels under Jack Straw, ¶. 20. being one hundred thousand, ¶. 21. founded (whilst living) Canterbury College in Oxford, b. 5. p. (169.) ¶. 28.  
Matthew SUTCLIFFE Dean of Exeter his bounty to Chealsey College, b. 10. p. 51. ¶. 22. the Lands of that College restored to his heirs general, p. 55. ¶. 27.  
Richard SUTTON his death, b. 10. p. 75. ¶. 15. the several manors bestowed by him on Charter-house, ¶. 16. the Cavils of Mr. Knot. ¶. 17. his constant prayer, p. 66. ¶. 20.  
SWEETING sickness in Cambridge, the cause and cure thereof, Hist. of Camb. p. 128.  
Edward SYMPSON an excellent Critic, Hist. of Camb. p. 123. ¶. 20. enjoined a recantation before King James, p. 160. ¶. 44.  
ZION nuns their notorious wantonness, b. 6. p. 318. ¶. 8.    


T.  
Adam TARLETON Bishop of Hereford his life and death letter, b. 3. p. 107. ¶. 28. thrice arraigned for his life, yet escapeth, p. 108.  
Mr. TAVERNOUR high Sheriff of Oxford, part of his Sermon preached at St. Mary's, b. 9 p. 65. ¶. 35.  
TAVISTOCK in Devon, the last mitred Abbot, made by King Henry the eighth, few years before the dissolution, b. 6. p. 293. ¶. 5.  
TAURINUS how by mistake made the first Bishop of York, C. 2. ¶. 1.  
TAXERS in Cambridge their original, Hist. of Camb. p. 10. ¶. 36, 37, etc.  
St. TELIAU his high commendation, C. 6. ¶. 12.  
TEMPLES of heathen Idols, converted into Christian Churches, C. 2. ¶. 11. our Churches succeed not to the holiness of Solomon's Temple, but of the Jewish Synagogues, b. 11. p. 150. ¶. 51.  
TENTHS their Original, why paid to the Pope, b. 5. p. 226. ¶. 1. commissioners (being unquestioned Gentlemen) employed by King Henry the eighth to rate them, ¶. 2. their Instructions, ¶. 3. Tenths remitted by Q. Mary, p. 228. ¶. 6. resumed by Q. Elizabeth, ¶. 7. in vain heaved at, at the present in our state, ¶. 8.  
A TERRIER made of all Glebe Lands, b. 3. p. 113.  
New TESTAMENT: several Bishops assigned to peruse the translation of the several Books thereof, b. 5. p. 233. Gardiner giveth in a List of Latin words which he would not have translated, p. 238. why, p. 239. ¶. 35.  
TEUXBURY Abbot in Glocestershire controverted whether or no a Baron in Parliament, b. 6. p. 294. ¶. 12.  
THEODORUS Archbishop of Cant. C. 7. ¶. 95. settleth Easter according to the Romish Rite, ¶. 96. the Canons of a Council kept by him at Hartford, ibidem.  
Tho. THIRLEBY B●shop of Ely sent to Rome to reconcile England to the Pope, b. 8. ¶. 42. no great persecuter in his Diocese in the days of Q. Marry, S. 2. ¶. 14. found favour under Q. Elizabeth, b. 9 ¶. 18. being a Prisoner to be envied, ibidem. though reputed a good man, wasted the lands of Westminster Church, whereof he the first and last Bishop, b. 9 ¶. 43.  
Thomas TISDALE founder of Pembroke College in Oxford, b. 11. ¶. 41.  
TITHES first given to the Clergy, C. 9 ¶. 8, etc. by King Athelwolphus. The objections against his grant answered, etc. ibidem, confirmed by the Charter of King William the Conqueror, b. 3. ¶. 12. three orders exempted from payment of them, b. 6. p. 283. ¶. 3.  
THOR, a Saxon Idol, his name, shape, and office, b. 2. C. 6. ¶. 6.  
John THRASK censured for his judaical opinions, b. 10. p. 76. ¶. 64.  
George THROGMORTON an Oxford man challengeth all Cambridge to d●spute on two questions, Hist. of Cambridge, p. 104. ¶. 44. the ill success thereof, ¶. 45, etc.  
TOLERATION of Papists set afoot in the Reign of King James, with the arguments pro and con, ●. 10. p. 106, and 107. resumed and rejected in the Reign of K. Charles, b. 11. ¶. 56, 57, 58.  
Rob. TOUNSON Bishop of Salisbury his death, b. 10. p. 91. ¶. 35.  
TRANSLATOURS of the Bible their names, and number, b. 10. p. 45, 46. instructions given by King James, p. 47. their work finished, p. 58. and defended against causeless Cavils, ibidem.  
TRINITY COLL. in Oxford founded by Sir Tho. Pope, b. 8. S. 3. ¶. 43. being the first that gained by Abbey lands, and made a public acknowledgement in charitable uses, ibidem. The Precedents, Bishops, Benefactors, etc. of that College.  
TRINITY COLL. in Cambridge founded by King Henry the eighth, Hist. of Cambridge, p. 121. ¶. 17. enriched by Queen Mary, p. 122. ¶. 18. and enlarged by Dr. Nevile, ¶. 19 the Masters, Bishops, Benefactors, etc. thereof, ibidem. Statesmen, Divines, Critics, p. 123. ¶. 20.  
James TURBER VILL Bishop of Exeter no active persecutor, b. 8. S. 2. ¶. 2. findeth fair usage after his deprivation, b. 9 ¶. 19  
TOURNAMENTS their ill effects, History of Camb. p. 11. ¶. 39 forbidden within five mile of Camb. ¶. 40, etc.  
Wat TYLER his rebellion, b. 4. p. 138. ¶. 18, etc. parallelled with Judas of Galilee, p. 140. ¶. 21. the Wicklivites defended from having any hand in causing his Rebellion, p. 141. ¶. 23. see Jack Straw.  
William TYNDAL his story at large, b. 5. p. 224, 225.  
TUYSC a Saxon Idol his shape and office, b. 2. C. 6. ¶. 6.  
William TWISSE prolocutor in the Assembly, b. 11. p. 199. ¶. 4. his death, p. 213. ¶. 53.    


V.  
VALLADOLIT COLL. in Spain for English fugitives, b. 9 p. 87.  
Richard VAUGHAN Bishop of London his death, b. 10. p. 49. ¶. 11.  
Master UDAL: King James his letter for him, b. 9 p. 203. ¶. 30. arraigned and condemned, p. 221. ¶. 1.  
Richard VINES his argument at Uxbridge treaty to prove the sufficiency of ordination by Presbyters, b. 11. p. 215. ¶. 65.  
Polydore VIRGIL Collector of Peter-pences in England, b. 5. p. (198.) ¶. 51. Benefactor to the Church of Wells, malefactor to the Church of England, ¶. 52, 53.  
Eight foreign UNIVERSITIES conclude it unlawful to marry a Brother's Wife, b. 5. p (183.) ¶. 19  
UNIVERSITY COLL. in Oxon, founded by King Alfred, C. 9 ¶. 30. the maintenance paid out of the King's Exchequer, ¶. 38. exhibitions allowed to the Scholars thereof why detained by William the Conqueror, b. 3. ¶. 16. refounded and endowed, p.  
UNIVERSITY Hall in Cambridge founded by Richard Badew, Hist. of Cam. p. 37. ¶. 40. burnt down, ibidem. see Clare Hall.  
Conradus VORSTIUS his dangerous opinions, b. 10. p. 60. opposed by King James, p. 61. in his letter to the States, ¶. 3, etc.  
K. VORTIGER his incestuous match condemned by Germanus, C. 5. ¶. 13. calleth in the Saxons, ¶. 16. burning in lust is burnt to Ashes, ¶. 27.  
URSULA her fabulous Martyrdom at Colen, (with 11000. Virgin's attending her) confuted. C. 5. ¶. 21.  
USURPERS how far they are to be obeyed, in the case of King Stephen, b. 3. p. 25, 26, 27.  
UXBRIDGE treaty, the fruitless fruits thereof, b. 11. p. 214. ¶. 61. Conference about Church-matters therein, ¶, 63. etc.    


W.  
WADHAM COLLEGE in Oxford founded by Nicholas Wadham, b. 10. p. 68 ¶. 29, 30.  
Peter of WAKEFIELD prophesied against K. John, b. 3. p. 50. ¶. 12. hanged, p. 52. ¶. 16. whether justly or unjustly, disputed, ibidem.  
WALTHAM ABBEY why so named, Hist. of Walt. p. 5. ¶. 2. the situation thereof, ¶. 3. excused for its bad air p. 6. ¶. 1. the Town first founded by one Tovy, ¶. 2. but Abbey, by Earl Harold, ¶. 4. refounded by King Henry the second, p. 7.  
Nicholas abbot of WALTHAM most eminent, Hist. of Wal. p. 20. toward the end.  
John de WALTHAM keeper of the privy seal to K. Richard the second, Hist. of Wal. p. 30. near the end.  
Roger de WALTHAM a great Scholar, Hist. of Wal. p. 20. at the bottom.  
William WARHAM Archbishop of Canterbury his death, and character, b. 5. p. (184) ¶. 26.  
John WARNER, Bishop of Rochester, chosen to solicit the Bps. cause when charged with a praemunire, b. 11. p. 183. ¶. 7. pleadeth stoutly for their votes in Parliament, p. 194. ¶. 25.  
William WATSON, a Secular Priest, his notorious railing against the Jesuits, b. 10. ¶. 5, 6. his Treason against K. James, ¶. 14. and silly plea at his Execution, ¶. 17.  
WEASEL, the English Exiles under Q. Mary why quickly removing thence, b. 8. S. 2. ¶. 41.  
WELCH, two grand mistakes therein, b. 11. p. 170. ¶. 21. committed to Welsh Bps. to amend it, ibidem.  
WESTMINSTER pretends to a Massacre of primitive Monks therein, Cent. 4. ¶. 9 a Church therein built by Edward the Confessor, said to be consecrated by St. Peter himself, C. 11. ¶. 22. five alterations in St. Peter's therein within 30. years, b. 9 p. 70. ¶. 43.  
Herbert WESTPHALING, Bishop of Hereford, s●●dome seen to laugh, b. 10. ¶. 10.  
WESTSAXONS, their Kingdom when begun, how bounded, C. 5. ¶ 17.  
William WHITACRE Master of St. John's in Camb. kindly resents are proof from one of the fellows, Hist of Camb. p. 97. ¶. 18. his sickness and death, p. 151. ¶. 18. his sad & solemn funeral, ¶. 19  
John WHITE swalloweth Simony to get the Bishopric of Winchester, b. 8. S. 3. ¶. 42. preacheth a satirical (yet flattering) Sermon at the Funerals of Q. Marry, ¶. 52. stirred against Q. Eliz. b. 9 ¶. 17.  
Sr. THO. WHITE, Lord Mayor of London, foundeth St. jonns College in Ox. b. 8. S. 3. ¶. 44.  
john WHITGIFT, Dr. of D. after much clashing with Mr. Cartwright, Hist. of Camb. p. 140. expelleth h●m, ibid. his Letters when Archb. of Cant. to the L. Burleigh and other Lords, in defence of Conformity, ●. 9 p. 145. etc. his death, b. 10. p 25. ¶. 2. just defence against the exceptions of Mr P●in, ¶. 2, 3, 4, etc.  
William WHITTINGHAM head of the English non-conformists at Frankford, b. 8. S. 2. ¶. 7. with whom he departeth to Geneva, ¶. 10. a fierce Nonconformist (though Dean of Durham) in the beginning of Q. Eliz. b. 9 ¶. 71.  
John WICKLIFF his parentage, learning, and opinions, b. 4. p. 130. ¶. 3. etc. marvellously spread and why, p. 142. ¶. 25. his quiet death, ¶. 26.  
Richard WIGHTWICK an eminem Benefactor to Pembroke College in Oxford, b. 11. ¶. 41.  
Edward WIGHTMAN burnt for a Heretic, b. 10. p. 64. ¶. 13.  
WILFRIDE a Champion for the Romish Easter, C. 7. ¶. 90. his prevailing argument, ¶. 91. envied by Theodorus Archbishop, ¶. 97. converteth the South-Saxons, ¶. 98, etc. persecuted by King Alfride, C. 8. ¶. 1. appealeth to Rome, ¶. 2. dyeth, ¶. 3.  
WILLIAM the first conquereth King Harold in sight, C. 11. ¶. 40. rebateth his conquering sword with composition, ¶. 41. calleth a Synod of his Bishops at Winchester, b. 3. ¶. 4. is civil to the Pope, ¶. 5. yet so as he is true to his own interest, ¶. 6. refuseth to do fealty to Pope Gregory the seventh, ¶. 7, 8. suffers none of his Barons to be excommunicated without his consent, ¶. 9 divides the jurisdiction of the Bishops from the Sheriffs, ¶. 10, 11. quits the Crown by Conquest, but kept it by composition, ¶. 13. his death and burial, ¶. 25.  
WILLIAM Rufus crowned, b. 11. p. 10. ¶. 27. his covetuousness, ¶. 28, 29. contests with Anselm, p. 11. ¶. 3.  
John WILLIAMS, Bishop of Lincoln, made Lord keeper, b. 10. p. 89. ¶. 24, 25, etc. preacheth King James his funeral Sermon, b. 11. ¶. 3. exceptions thereat, ¶. 4. excluded attendance at the Coronation, ¶. 17. looseth the Keeper's place, ¶. 37, etc. is sued in the Star-Chamber, from p. 153, to 158. severely censured there, ibidem. fined the second time in the same Court, p. 165, 166. vindicateth his extraction, p. 183. ¶ 9 the first and most active in the Bishop's protestation, p. 187. the brief account of his life and death, p. 225, 226.  
WINCHESTER pretends to a Massacre of Primitive Monks therein, C. 4. ¶. 9 King Stephen summoned, said to be present at a Synod there, b. 3. p. 28. ¶. 43, 44. a famous School therein founded by William Wickham, b. 4. p. 133. ¶. 30.  
R. WINCELSEY Archbishop of Cant. humbled by King Edward the first, C. 1. p. 90. ¶. 4, etc. why finding no favour from the Pope, p. 91. ¶. 7. restored to his Archbishopric, p. 91. ¶. 12.  
WINE, when first permitted to English Monks to drink, b. 2. p. 103. ¶. 28.  
Dr. Thomas WINNIFF preacheth in the convocation, b. 11. ¶. 65.  
WODEN a Saxon Idol his name, shape and office, b. 2. C. 6. ¶. 6.  
WOMEN present at a Church-councill, C. 7. ¶. 107.  
women's brawls, mens Thralls, b. 7. p. 407. ¶. 34. 35.  
English WOOLS improvement in manufactures, B. third, (but misprinted fourth,) p. 111. ¶. 6. when the Dutch workmen invited into England, ¶. 7, 8, etc.  
WOOLFRED Archbishop of Cant. kept a Council at Celichyth, C. 9 ¶. 4. the acts thereof, ibid.  
WOLPHERE King of Mercia his cruel murdering of his Sons, C. 7. ¶. 86.  
Thomas WOLSEY Cardinal foundeth Cardinal's College in Oxford, b. 5. p. (169.) ¶. 27, etc. would have his servants serve none but the King, p. (171) ¶. 35. falleth into the King's displeasure, & dyeth, b. 5. p. (178.) ¶. 2. etc.  
WOLSTAN Bishop of Worcester, the English Janus, keeps his Bishopric by resigning it, b. 3. ¶. 22. his death, 34.  
Nich. WOOTTON, Dean of Cant. and York, his death and character, b. 9 p. 81. ¶. 11.  
Dr. WRIGHT a moderate Visitor in Oxford, b. 8. ¶. 9 recanteth and dyeth a Protestant in his perfect senses, notwithstanding Sanders Slanders to the contrary, ibidem.  
St. Tho. WYATT his rising to hinder the Spanish match, b. 8. ¶. 25. how his fool abused the Queen's Herald, ¶. 26, 27, 28. his insolent demands, ¶. 30. entereth Southwark and quitteth it, ¶. 31, 32. retarded in his March, ¶. 34. stopped at Ludgate and taken in Fleetstreet, ¶. 37. penitent at his execution, ¶. 38.    


Y.  
A YEAR ill lost, and well found in the Saxon Chronologie, C. 7. ¶. 62.  
Ed. YEAR, if his name was not Anne, his dear Poetry against the Mass, wherein every verse cost him a lash, b. 8. ¶. 14.  
YORK: Constantius Chlorus buried there, C. 4. ¶. 13. layeth claim to the birth of Constantine the Emperor, ¶. 18. an Archbishops Palls bestowed thereon by Pope Gregory, C. 7. ¶. 1. claimeth precedency of Canterbury, b. 3. p. 38. ¶. 3. on what Title, ibid. the Archbishops thereof not satisfied with the Pope's nice distinction, p. 39 ¶. 45.  
YORK and Lancaster houses the Battles betwixt them for the Crown; Place, time, number slain, and Conqueror, b. 4. p. 186, and 187.  
YORK Clergy, though late, at last acknowledged the King's Supremacy, b. 5. p. (188.) ¶. 49, 50, etc.  
Thomas YOUNG Archbishop of York, lost by gaining, b. 9 p. 83. ¶. 14. his death, ibidem.  
John YOUNG Bishop of Rochester his death, b. 10. p. 39 ¶. 44.    


Z.  
Baltazer ZANCHES a Spanish protestant builds an Almshouse for the Eng. poor at Tottenham, b. 9 p. 234. ¶. 35. he the first (his family since the best) confectioners in England, ibidem.  
Eudo de ZOUCH, the first person of honour Chancellor of Cambridge, Hist. of Camb. p. 57 ¶. 62. therefore not exacted obedience of the Bishop of Ely.  
ZURICH: the Congregation of English [most learned] Exiles therein in the days of Q. Marry, b. 8. S. 2. ¶. 41. who refuse to join with those at Frankford and why, ¶. 46.      

ERRATA.  
Book. pag. lin.  2 105 12 For Sarisbury, read Sherborn. 3 25 2 after, since the Conquest, add, which left any issue. 4 141 11 12 in these two▪ lines transpose Harpsfield, for Alanus Copus.  185 22 read it thus, of his Predecessor Wickham, or Successor Wainfleet. 5 (156) 15 for Dr. Greenhil, read Dr. Daniel Greenwood.  (187) 31 for But He, read Be He therefore.  (196) 39 for 8. shillings, read, four shillings.  (279 30 for Impunity, read Impurity. 6 344 15 for Briston, read Bruiton.  369 21 for St. john's, read St. mary's. 7 388 15 for the second, read the sixth. 8 14 39 for Grandchild to Edward the fourth, read great Grandchild to Edward the fourth his Father.  40 40 for Faithful, read Thankful Owen. 9 70 43 for roasted, read wasted.  109 21 for Sr. james (in some copies not corrected) read Sr. Henry.  145 32 for Mr. Yeale, read Master Beale.  167 4 for Anthony, read Christopher.   8 for Anthony, read Christopher.  185 22 for Detestation, read Detection. 10 21 21 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  93 12 for can thereof, read thereof can. 11 119 39 for he left, read fel.   40 for Sisters, read Brothers Son.  182 16 for greater, read lesser.  216 53 prebendary of Stanford, deal prebendary.  217 1 for Colchester, read Gloucester.  235 28 for Truth is to be, read belief is to be. Hist. of Camb. 158 41 for Sciarum, read Scientiarum.  160 30 for Majestic, read majoralty.   

Courteous Reader,  
I Am sensible of a mistake in the Catalogue of Vice-Chancellours and Proctors of Cambridge, (besides a needless repetition of two, twice) betwixt the years 1617., and 1620. inclusively. It arose from some difference betwixt the written Copies I used, and such (I believe, the truer) as are since printed.  
I see what, not whither, to sly, who can discover, do confess, but [for the present] cannot rectify the Error, craving the charitable assistance of my Mother's Sons herein.  
The best is, all the mistake lieth within the compass of three years, (all officers being right before and after) and the Fortunes of Greece, the Truth I mean of our Church-History, is not concerned therein.  
FINIS.