THE KNIGHTS ●oined with the MONKS of E●Y by WILIIAN the CONQVEROUR SIMONI ARCHER. Equiti Aurato Antiquitatis cultori, et in DIGMATOGRAPHIA exercitatissimo, nec non lectissima D nae Annae. T. F. The Brother to William earl of Warren with Monk Leofricke William the Conqueror St Ethelburge St Ethelwarde Bishope Robert O●fford the xiiijth Bishope of Elye Opsal Captain of the C●osbowe-men with. Henke Godfryde Belase general of the soldiers against Eley with Non●●e utwalde. Picot Bridge Moister with Monk Huskettle Arg entine Surgeon general with Monk Elfritcke Gerard de longo Campo with Monk William. Talbote sent ostentynes Ambassador with Monk Duffe Adam chief Marshal of the Army with Monk Seda Guido de St Leodigara with the holy Monk Adelmere Hastings a soldier skilful in Navigasion with Monk Nigell Walter Lacie shield bearer to the Conqueror with Monk Occam Pamell Captain of 300 foolemen with Monk Ednode Ahmude son of Alan with Monk Burthrede Abraham Pechy with monk Etholbert the Elder Bardolphe master of the workmen with Monk Recke Sewarde on englishmen Vitualer of the Camp with Monk Reoffine Fides de furnivall a lombard with Monk OSulp. Blounte Captain general of the footemen with Monkewillnete. Brian Clare an old Soldier with Monk Cliton Hugh Mounteforti Captain of the Horsemen with Monk Odon. Pagan Standard bearer of the Horsemen with monk Athel●ale Bigotte Captain of 300 horsemen with Monk Condulphe Dunstan le Grosmaneus with Monk Egberte Richard deponteful: Conis with Monk lo fricke the younger. Eucas de Novo Burgo with Olane the holy Monk of the Monastery Tuchet Captain of the Bowmen with Monk Osburn ᵉ Nigellus Hamtaindote with Monk Donalde Eustalias the Black with Monk Edwin Eustalias the white Master of the Scoutmen with monk Swan Bigotte third son of Bigotte with Monk Edmund Robert Marshal with Monk Renulphe▪ Beamunde master of the Conqueror's horse with Monk Gurthe Kenulphus a Germane Soldier with monk ●skettle John of york an Englishman with monk Felix John Malmaine Standard bearer of the footmen with monk Otho Anthoni long sword with Monk Alfrede Lucy a Norman Admiral to the Conqueror with Monk Constantine Alexander demonte Vignite with Monk David Luca●nalsus Captain of the Billmen with Monk oswalde Nas● Captain of 200 footmen with Monk Orme LICHFIELDENSIS ECCLESIA, CATHEDRALIS▪ (IN AGRO STAFFORDIENSI IN ANGLIA) FANCIES OCCIDENTALIS. RESURGAM blazon or coat of arms LEX VNO OMNIA blazon or coat of arms Eliae Ashmole Arm Mercurio— phylo Angla 〈…〉 Accepta refundit. T. F. Sam: Purk pinxit▪ W. Holl 〈…〉 sculp▪ THE CHURCH-HISTORY OF BRITAIN; From the Birth of JESUS CHRIST, Until the YEAR M.DC.XLVIII. ENDEAVOURED By THOMAS FULLER printer's or publisher's device LONDON, Printed for JOHN WILLIAMS at the sign of the Crown in St. Paul's Churchyard, Anno 1655. TO THE ILLUSTRIOUS, ESME STUART, DUKE OF RICHMOND. I Have sometimes solitarily pleased myself, with the perusing and comparing of two places of Scripture. Acts 22. 22. The wicked jews said of St. Paul; Away with such a Fellow from the Earth, for it is not fit that he should live. Hebrews 11. 38. St. Paul said of the Godly jews; Of whom the world was not worthy. Here I perceive Heaven and Hell, Mercy and Malice, God's Spirit and man's Spite, resolved on the Question, that it is not fit that good men should live long on Earth. However, though the Building be the same, yet the Bottom is different; the same Conclusion being inferred from opposite, yea contrary Premises. Wicked men think this world too good, God knows it too bad, for his Servants to live in. Henceforward I shall not wonder, that Good men die so soon, but that they live so long; seeing wicked men desire their Room here on Earth, and God their Company in Heaven. No wonder then, if your Good Father was so soon translated to Happiness, and his GRACE advanced into GLORY. He was pleased to give me a Text some weeks before his Death, of the words of our Saviour to the Probationer Convert; Thou a Mark 12. 34. art not far from the Kingdom of Heaven, that is, as the words there import, from the state of Salvation. But before my Sermon could be, his life was, finished, and he in the real acception thereof, possessed of Heaven, and Happiness. Thus was I disappointed (O that this were the greatest Loss by the Death of so worthy Person!) of a Patron, to whom I intended the Dedication of this first part of my History. I after was entered on a Resolution to dedicate it to his Memory; presuming to defend the Innocency and harmlessness of such a Dedication, by Precedents of unquestioned Antiquity. But I intended also to surround the Pages of the Dedication with black, not improper, as to his relation, so expressive of the present sad Condition of our distracted Church. But scasonably remembering how the Altar ED a joshua 22. 11. (only erected for Commemoration,) was misinterpreted by the other Tribes for Superstition; I conceived it best to cut off all occasions of Cavil from captious persons, and dedicate it to You his Son and Heir. Let not your Grace be offended, that I make you a Patron at the second hand: for though I confess you are my Refuge, in relation to your deceased Father; you are my Choice, in reference to the surviving Nobility. God sanctify your tender years, with true Grace, that in time you may be a Comfort to your Mother, Credit to your Kindred, and Honour to your Nation. Your Grace's most bounden ORATOR, THOMAS FULLER. TO THE READER. AN Ingenious Gentleman some Months since in jest-earnest advised me to make haste with my History of the Church of England, for fear (said he) lest the Church of England be ended before the History thereof. This History is now, though late (all Church-work is slow) brought with much difficulty to an end. And blessed be God, the Church of England is still, (and long may it be) in being, though disturbed, distempered, distracted, God help and heal her most sad condition. The three first Books of this Volumn were for the main written in the Reign of the late King, as appeareth by the passages then proper for the Government. The other nine Books were made since Monarchy was turned into a State. May God alone have the Glory, and the ingenuous Reader the Benefit of my endeavours; which is the hearty desire of Thy Servant in jesus Christ, THOMAS FULLER. From my chamber in Zion College. THE CHURCH-HISTORY OF BRITAIN▪ Anno Dom. I. CENTURIE. THat we may the more freely and fully pay the tribute of our thanks to God's goodness, The doleful case of the Pagan Britan's. for the Gospel which we now enjoy, let us recount the sad Condition of the Britan's our Predecessors, before the Christian Faith was preached unto them. At that time they were without Christ, being Aliens from the Commonwealth of Israel, and strangers from the Covenants of promise, having no hope, and without God in the World. They were foul Idolaters, who, from misapplying that undeniable Truth of Gods being in every thing, made every thing to be their God, Trees, Rivers, Hills, and Mountains. They worshipped Devils, whose Pictures remained in the days of a Epist. de Excid. Brit. Gildas, within and without the decayed. Walls of their Cities, drawn with deformed Faces, (no doubt, done to the Life, according to their Terrible Apparitions,) so that such ugly Shapes did not woe, but fright people into Adoration of them. Wherefore if any find in Tully that the Britan's in his time had no Pictures, understand him, they were not Artists in that Mystery, (like the Greeks and Romans) they had not pieces of Proportion, being rather Dawbers then Drawers, Stainers than Painters, though called Picti, from their self-discoloration. 2. Three paramount Idols they worshipped above all the rest, Their Principal Idols. and ascribed divine honour unto them: 1. Apollo, by them styled Belinus the Great. 2. Andnaste, b Xiphil. Epi. in Nerone. or Andate, the Goddess of Victory. 3. Diana, Goddess of the Game. This last was most especially reverenced, Britain being then all a Forest, where Hunting was not the Recreation but the Calling, and Venison, not the Dainties but the Diet of Common people. There is a place near S. Paul's in London, called in old Records DIANA'S CHAMBER, where, in the days of K. c Camden. Britann. in Middlesex. Edward the first, thousands of the Heads of Oxen were digged up, whereat, the Ignorant wondered, whilst the Learned well understood them to be the proper Sacrifices to Diana, whose great. Temple was built thereabout. This rendereth their Conceit not altogether unlikely, who will have LONDON so called from LLAN-DIAN, which signifieth in British the Temple of DIANA. And surely Conjectures, if mannerly observing their Distance, and not impudently intruding themselves for Certainties, deserve, if not to be received, to be considered. Besides these specified, they had other Portenta Diabolica, a Gildas ut prius. pene numero Aegyptiaca vincentia: as indeed they who erroneously conceive one God too little, will find two too many, and yet Millions not enough. As for those learned b Druids unum esse Deum semper inculcarunt. Camden and Bp. Godwin. Pens, which report that the Druids did instruct the Ancient Britan's in the Knowledge and Worship of one only God, may their Mistake herein be as freely forgiven them, as I hope and desire that the Charitable Reader will with his Pardon meet those unvoluntary Errors, which in this Work by me shall be committed. 3. Two sorts of People were most honoured amongst the Britan's: 1. Druids, who were their Philosopher's Divines. Lawyers. 2. Bards, who were their Prophets. Poets. Historians The former were so called from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The office and employment of the Druids. signifying generally a Tree, and properly an Oak, under which they used to perform their Rites and Ceremonies. An Idolatry whereof the jews themselves had been guilty, for which the Prophet threatneth them; c Isai. 1. 29. They shall be ashamed of the Oaks which they have desired. But the signal Oak which the Druids made choice of, was such a one, on which d Pliny Nature. Hist. lib. 6. cap. 44. Misletoe did grow; by which privy token, they conceived, God marked it out, as of sovereign virtue, for his service. Under this Tree, on the sixth day of the Moon, (whereon they began their Year) they invocated their Idols, and offered two white Bulls, filleted in the horns, with many other Ceremonies. These Pagan Priests never wrote anything, so to procure the greater Veneration to their Mysteries; men being bound to believe that it was some great Treasure, which was locked up in such great Secrecy. 4. The Bards were next the Druids in Regard, The powerful practices of the Bards on the people. and played excellently to their Songs on their Harps; whereby they had great Operation on the Vulgar, surprising them into Civility unawares, they greedily swallowing whatsoever was sweetened with Music. These also, to preserve their Ancestors from Corruption, embalmed their Memories in Rhyming Verses, which looked both backward, in their Relations, and forward, in their Predictions: so that their Confidence meeting with the Credulity of others, advanced their wild Conjectures to the Reputation of Prophecies. The Immortality of the Soul they did not flatly deny, but salfely believe, disguised under the opinion of Transanimation, conceiving that dying men's Souls afterward passed into other Bodies, either preferred to better, or condemned to worse, according to their former good or ill behaviour. This made them contemn Death, and always maintain erected Resolutions, counting a valiant Death the best of Bargains, wherein they did not lose, but lay out their Lives to Advantage. Generally they were great Magicians; insomuch that e Natur. Hist. lib. 30. cap. 1. Pliny saith, that the very Persians, in some sort, might seem to have learned their Magic from the Britan's. 5. So pitiful for the present, 37 and more fearful for the future was the condition of the Heathen Britan's, The first preaching of the Gospel in Britain. Causes which hastened the conversion of Britain before other kingdoms which lay, nearer to Palestine. when it pleased God with a strong hand, and stretched-out Arm, to reach the Gospel unto them, who were afar off, both in local and theological Distance. This was performed in the later end of the Reign of Tiberius, some thirty seven years after Christ's Birth: as Polydore Virgil collecteth out of the testimony of f Tempore (ut scimus) summo Tiberii Caesaris. inp Epist. de Ex. Brit. Gildas. 6. If it seem incredible to any, that this Island, furthest from the Sun, should see Light with the first, whilst many Countries on the Continent interposed, (nearer in Situation to judaea, the Fountain of the Gospel) sat, as yet, and many years after, in Darkness, and in the Shadow of Death: Let such consider, First, That Britain being a by-Corner, out of the Road of the World, seemed the safest Sanctuary from Persecution, 37 which might invite Preachers to come the sooner into it. Secondly, it facilitated the Entrance of the Gospel hither, that lately the Roman Conquest had in part civilised the South of this Island, by transporting of Colonies thither, and erecting of Cities there; so that, by the Intercourse of Traffic and Commerce with other Countries, Christianity had the more speedy and convenient Wastage over. Whereas on the other side, this set the Conversion of Germany so backward, because the inland Parts thereof entertained no Trading with others; and (out of Defiance to the Romans) hugged their own Barbarism, made lovely with Liberty bolting out all Civility from themselves, as jealous that it would usher in Subjection. Lastly and chief, God in a more peculiar manner did always favour the Islands, as under his immediate Protection. For as he daily walls them with his Providence, against the scaling of the swelling Surges, and constant Battery of the Tide: so he made a particular promise of his Gospel unto them, by the mouth of his a Isai. 66. 19 Prophet, I will send those that escape of them, to the Isles afar off, that have not heard my Fame. To show that neither height, nor depth, (no not of the Ocean itself) is able to separate any from the Love of God. And for the same purpose, Christ employed Fishermen for the first Preachers of the Gospel, as who, being acquainted with the Water, and mysteries of Sailing, would with the more delight undertake long Sea-voyages into Foreign Countries. 7. But now, who it was that first brought over the Gospel into Britain, is very uncertain. S. Peter falsely reported to have preached in Britain. The Conversioner (understand Parsons the jesuite) mainly b Parsons 3 Conversions, 1. part. 1. chap. pag. 19 stickleth for the Apostle Peter to have first preached the Gospel here. Yea, when Protestants object against St. Peter's being at Rome, because St. Paul, in his Epistle to the Romans, omitteth to name or salute him; The jesuite handsomely answers, That Peter was then probably from home, employed in Preaching in Britain, and otheres places. His Arguments to prove it are not so strong, but that they easily accept of Answers, as followeth. 1. Arg. St. Peter preached in Britain, because Gildas c In Epist. de Excid. Brit. speaking against his dissolute Countrymen, taxeth them for usurping the Seat of Peter with their unclean feet. Answ. Understand him, that they had abused the Profession of the Ministry: for it follows, they have sitten in the pestilent Chair of judas the Traitor. Whence it appears, both are meant mystically and metaphorically, parallel to the expressions of the Apostle Judas v. 11. They have gone in the way of Cain, etc. 2. Arg. d Commentary de Petro & Pauload diem. 29 junii. Simeon Metaphrastes saith so, that he stayed some days in Britain, where having preached the Word, established Churches, ordained Bishops, Priests & Deacons, in the 12. year of Nero he returned to Rome Answ. Metaphrastes is an Author of no credit, as e In aliis multis ibi ab ipso positis errare eum certum est. Ecc. Annal. in An. 44. num. 54. Baronius himself doth confess. 3. Arg. f Epistola 1. ad Decentium. Innocent the first reporteth that the first Churches in Italy, France, Spain, afric, Sicily, and the Interjacent Islands, were founded by St. Peter. Answ. Make the Map an Umpire, and the Epithet Interjacent will not reach Britain, intending only the Islands in the Midland Sea. 4. Arg. Gulielmus Eysingrenius saith so. Answ. Though he hath a long Name, he is but a late Author, setting forth his Book g Mason de Minist. Ang. lib. 2. cap. 3. pag. 65. Anno 1566. Besides, he builds on the Authority of Metaphrastes, and so both fall together. 5. Arg. St. Peter himself in a Vision, in the days of King Edward the Confessor, reported that he had preached the Word in Britain. Answ. To this Vision pretended of Peter, we oppose the certain words of St. Paul, 1 Tim. 1. 4. Neither give heed to Fables. We have stayed the longer in confuting these Arguments, because from Peter's preaching here, 37 Parsons would infer an obligation of this Island to the See of Rome, which how strongly he hath proved let the Reader judge. He that will give a Cap, and make a Leg in thanks for a Favour he never received, deserveth rather to be blamed for want of Wit, then to be praised for store of Manners. None therefore can justly tax us of Ingratitude, if we be loath to confess an engagement to Rome more than is due. The rather because Rome is of so tyrannical a disposition, that making herself the Mother-Church, she expects of her Daughters not only dutifulness, but Servility; and (not content to have them ask her Blessing, but also do her Drudgery,) endeavoureth to make Slaves of all her Children. 8. Passing by Peter, proceed we to the rest of the Apostles, whom several Authors allege the first Planters of Religion in this Island. 1 St. a Isidorus de patribus utriusque Testastament. c. 72. Item Flavius Lucius Dexter in Chronico ad annum 41. james Son to Zebedee, St. james, St. Paul, St. Simon, & St. Aristobulus Preachers in Britain. and brother to john. 41 But if we consult with the Scripture, we shall find that the Sword of Herod put an end to all his Travels before the Apostles their general departure from Jerusalem. Indeed this james is notoriously reported, (how truly, let them seek who are concerned,) to have been in Spain; and it is probable, some, mistaking Hibernia for Hiberia, and then confounding Hibernia, a British Island, with our Britain, (as one Error is very procreative of another) gave the beginning to james his Preaching here. 2. St. Paul is by others shipped over into our Island; amongst whom, thus sings b Lib. 3. de vita S. Martini. Venantius Fortunatus: Transit & Oceanum, vel qua facit Insula Portum: Quasque Britannus habet terras, quasque ultima Thule. But less credit is to be given to Britannus, because it goeth in company with ultima Thule: Which being the noted expression of Poets, for the utmost bound of the then-known-world, seems to favour more of Poetical Hyperbole, then Historical Truth, as a Phrase at Random, only to express fare foreign Countries. 3 Simon the Canaanite, 47 surnamed Zelotes: and well did he brook his Name, the fervency of whose Zeal carried him into so fare and cold a country, to propagate the Gospel. Dorotheus makes him to be both martyred and buried in Britain. But this, saith c Anual. Eccles. in Anno 44. num. 39 Baronius, receiveth no Countenance from any ancient Writers. What then, I pray, was Dorotheus himself, being Bishop of Tyre under Diocletian, and Constantine the Great? If the Cardinal count him young, what grave Seniors will he call ancient? 4 d Rom. 16. 10. Aristobulus, 56 though no Apostle, yet an Apostles Mate, counted one of the seventy Disciples, is by e Menaea Graecorum, Die decimo-quinto Martii. Grecian Writers made Bishop of Britain. Strange! that foreign Authors should see more in our Island, than our homebred Historians, wholly silent thereof: and it much weakeneth their Testimony, because they give evidence of things done at such distance from them. But how easy is it for a Writer with one word of his Pen, to send an Apostle many Miles by Land and Leagues by Sea, into a Country, wherein otherwise he never set his Footing! The Result of all is this: Churches are generally ambitious to entitle themselves to Apostles, for their Founders; conceiving they should otherwise be esteemed but as of the Second Form, and Younger House, if they received the Faith from any inferior Preacher. Wherefore as the Heathen, in searching after the original of their Nations, never leave Soaring till they touch the Clouds, and fetch their Pedigree from some God: So Christians think it nothing worth, except they relate the first Planting of Religion in their Country to some Apostle. Whereas indeed it matters not, if the Doctrine be the same, whether the Apostles preached it by themselves, or by their Successors. We see little Certainty can be extracted, who first brought the Gospel hither; 'tis so long since, the British Church hath forgotten her own Infancy, who were her first Godfathers. We see the Light of the Word shined here, 56 but see not who kindled it. I will not say, as God, to prevent Idolatry, caused the Body of a Deut. 34. 6. Moses to be concealed; so, to cut off from Posterity all occasion of Superstition, he suffered the Memories of our Primitive Planters to be buried in Obscurity. 9 Now amongst the Converts of the Natives of this Island, 63 in this Age, to Christianity, Claudia (notwithstanding Parsons, exceptions) might be a British Christian. Claudia (surnamed Ruffina) is reputed a principal, wife to Pudens a Roman Senator. And because all this is too high a Step for our belief to climb at once; the Ascent will be more easy, thus divided into Stairs, and half-paces. First, That Claudia was a Britain born, Martial affirms it in his Epigrara: b Lib. 11. Epig. 54. Claudia caeruleis cum sit Ruffina Britannis Edita, cur Latiae pectora plebis habet? Secondly, That this Claudia was wife to Pudens, the same c Lib. 4. Epig. 13. Poet averreth: Claudia, Rufe, meo nubit peregrina Pudenti. Macte esto taedis, o Hymenaec, tuis. Thirdly, That there was a Pudens, and Claudia living at Rome, both Christians, we have it from a more infallible Pen of d 2 Tim. 4. 21 S. Paul himself,— Eubulus greeteth thee, and Pudens, and Linus, and Claudia, and all the brethren. Lastly, That this Claudia mentioned by St. Paul, then living at Rome, was the same Claudia, a Britain born, mentioned by Martial, is the Opinion, and probable Conjecture of many Modern Writers. But Father Parsons will not admit hereof, because willingly he would not allow any sprinkling of Christianity in this Island, but what was reigned from Rome, when Eleutherius sent to Christian King Lucius; that so our engagement to the Romish Church might be the more visible, and conspicuous. This of Claudia Ruffina is huddled up (saith e Parsons 3 Convers. part. 1. pa. 18. he) by our late Heretical Writers; (though f Pitseus de Script. Brit. pag. 72. is zealous for it. Parson's objection to the contrary answered. some as Catholic as himself in his own sense, do entertain it:) and hereby we see that Heretics are but slight Provers, and very deceitful in all matters, as well Historical, as Doctrinal. 10. But be it known to him and others, that our History is founded on the best humane Books we can get; but our Doctrine is grounded on what is best in itself, the Divine Scriptures. The matter in hand is so slight a Controversy, that it cannot bear a Demonstration on either side: it will suffice, if by answering his Reasons to the contrary, we clear it from all Impossibility, and improbability; that it is not huddled, but built up by Plummet and Line, with proportion to Time and Place. 1. Arg. There is a general silence of all Antiquity in this matter. Answ. Negative Arguments from humane Writers, in such Historical differences, are of small validity. 2. Arg. Martial, an Heathen, would hardly so much commend Claudia, if she had been a Christian. Answ. A wanton Poet, in his chaste intervals, might praise that Goodness in another, which he would not practise in himself. 3. Arg. Claudia, spoken of by St. Paul, 〈◊〉 in the time of Nero, and could not be known to Martial, who ●●ed sixty years after, in the reign of Trajan. Answ. Though Martial died a very old man in Trajan's days, yet he flourished under Nero, very familiar with his friend and fellow-Poet Silius g Martial. lib. 7. Ep. 62. Italicus, in whose Consulship Nero died. 4. Arg. That same Claudia (reported also the first Hostess which entertained Peter and Paul) must be presumed ancient in Martial his remembrance, and therefore unfit to be praised for her beauty. Answ. Even in the Autumn of her Age, 63 when she had enriched her Husband with three Children, her vigorous Beauty preserved by Temperance, might entitle her to the commendation of Matron-like Comeliness. 5. Arg. The Children assigned in the Roman Calendar to Claudia the Christian, will not well agree to this British Claudia. Answ. Little certainty can be extracted, and therefore nothing enforced to purpose, from the number and names of her Children, such is the difference of several a See Ʋsher De Brit. Eccl. prim. cap. 3. Writers concerning them. The issue of all is this. Claudia's story, as a British Christian, stands unremoved, for any force of these Objections, though one need not be much engaged herein: for whosoever is more than lukewarm, is too hot in a case of so small consequence. Yet we will not willingly leave an hoof of the British Honour behind, which may be brought on; the rather to save the longing of such, who delight on rath-ripe fruits: and Antiquaries much please themselves, to behold the probabilities of such early Converts of our Island. But now to return again to the prime Planters of Religion in Britain. As for all those formerly reckoned up, there is in Authors but a tinkling mention of them; and the sound of their Preaching, low and little, in comparison of those loud Peals, which are rung of joseph of Arimathea his coming hither. Let the Reader with patience take the sum thereof, extracted out of several Authors. 11. The Jews, The coming of joseph of Arimathea into Britain. bearing an especial spite to Philip (whether the Apostle, or Deacon, uncertain) joseph of Arimathea, Lazarus, Mary Magdalene, and Martha his sisters, with Marcelia their servant, banished them out of judea, and put them into a Vessel without Sails and Oars, with intent to drown them. Yet they, being tossed with tempests on the Midland Sea, at last safe-landed at Marseilles in France. A relation as ill accoutred with tackle, as their Ship; and, which is unrigged in respect of time, and other circumstances; neither hath it the authority of any authentic Writer, for a Pilot to steer it: which notwithstanding, hath had the happiness to arrive at the hearing of many, and belief of some few. Now, whilst * Some hold Philip came not in this Ship, but was in France before. Philip continued preaching the Gospel in France, he sent joseph of Arimathea over into Britain, with joseph his son, and ten other Associates, to convert the Natives of that Island to Christianity. These coming into Britain, found such entertainment from Arviragus the King, that though he would not be dissuaded from his Idolatry by their preaching, yet he allowed them twelve Hides of ground (an Hide is as much as, being well manured, will maintain a family; or, as others say, as much as one plough can handsomely manage) in a desolate Island, full of Fens and Brambles, called the Ynis-witrin, since by translation, Glassenbury. Here they built a small Church, and by direction from b Malmsbury M S. de Antiqu. Glaston. Ecclesiae. Gabriel the Archangel, dedicated it to the Virgin Mary, encompassing it about with a Churchyard; in which Church, afterwards joseph was buried: and here these twelve lived many years, devoutly serving God, and converting many to the Christian Religion. 12. Now, The history full of dross when brought to the touch. a little to examine this history, we shall find, first, that no Writer of credit can be produced, before the Conquest, who, mentioneth Ioseph's coming hither; but since that time (to make recompense for former silence) it is refounded from every side. As for Bale his citations out of Melkinus Avalonius, and Gildas Albanus, seeing the Originals are not extant, they be as uncertain, as what Baronius hath transcribed out of an English c Written in our age, as Archbishop Ʋsher observes, De Brit. Eccl. prim. pag. 15. Manuscript in the Vatican. Yet, because the Norman Charters of Glassenbury refer to a succession of many ancient Charters, bestowed on that Church by several Saxon Kings, as the Saxon Charters relate to British Grants in intuition to Ioseph's being there: We dare not wholly deny the substance of the Story, though the leaven of Monkery hath much swollen, and puffed up the Circumstance thereof. ●3 For, the mentioning of an enclosed Churchyard, overthrows the foundation of the Church; seeing Churches in that time got no such Suburbs about them, as any Churchyards to attend them. The burying his body in the Church, was contrary to the practice of that Age; yea, dead men's Corpses were brought no nearer than the Porch, some hundreds of years after. The Dedication of the place to the Virgin Mary, showeth the Story of later date, calculated for the elevation of Saint-worship. In a word, as this relation of joseph is presented unto us, it hath a young man's Brow, with an old man's Beard; I mean, novel Superstitions, disguised with pretended Antiquity. 13. In all this story of Ioseph's living at Glassenbury, 64 there is no one passage reported therein beareth better proportion to time and place, The platform of the most ancient Church in Christendom. than the Church which he is said to erect; whose dimensions, materials, and making, are thus presented unto us. It had in length sixty foot, a Ancient plate of brass in the custody of Sir Henry Spelman, De conciliis Brit. pag. 11. and twenty six in breadth; b Malmsbury ut prius. made of rods, wattled, or interwoven. Where at one view, we may behold the simplicity of Primitive Devotion, and the native fashion of British Buildings in that Age, and some hundred years after. For we find that c He was King of all Wales many years after, viz. 940. See Cambden in Carmarthenshire. Hoel Dha, King of Wales, made himself a Palace of Hurdle-work, called Tyguyn, or, the White House; because, for distinctions sake (to difference it from, and advance it above other Houses) the rods whereof it was made were unbarked, having the rind stripped off. Which was then counted gay and glorious; as white-limedhouses exceed those which are only rough-cast. In this small Oratory, joseph, with his Companions, watched, prayed, fasted, preached, having high Meditations under a low Roof, and large Hearts betwixt narrow Walls. If credit may be given to these Authors, this Church, without competition, was signior to all Christian Churches in the World. Let not then stately modern Churches disdain to stoop with their highest Steeples, reverently doing homage to this poor Structure, as their first platform and precedent. And let their chequered Pavements no more disdain this Oratories plain Floor, than her thatched Covering doth envy their leaden Roofs. And although now it is meet that Church-buildings, as well as private houses, partaking of the peace and prosperity of our Age, should be both in their Cost and Cunning increased, (far be that pride and profaneness from any, to account nothing either too fair for Man, or too foul for God:) yet it will not be amiss to desire, that our Judgements may be so much the clearer in matters of Truth, and our Lives so much the purer in Conversation, by how much our Churches are more light, & our Buildings more beautiful than they were. 14. Some difference there is about the place of burial of joseph of Arimathea. 76 Some assigning his Grave in the Church of Glassenbury, Difference about the place of Ioseph's burial. others in the South corner of the Churchyard, and others elsewhere. This we may be assured of, that he, who d Math. 27. 60. resigned his own Tomb to our Saviour, wanted not a Sepulchre for himself. And here we must not forget, how e Anno Dom. 1344. the 19 of Edward 3. more than a thousand years after, one john Bloone of London, pretending an injunction from Heaven, to seek for the Body of joseph of Arimathea, obtained a licence from King Edward the third, to dig at Glassenbury for the same, as by his f In the Tower 19 of Edw. 3. part. 1. parchment 3. Patent doth appear. It seems, his Commission of Enquiry never originally issued out of the Court of Heaven; for God never sends his servants on a sleeveless Errand, but faith, Ask, and ye shall have, seek, and ye shall find. Whereas this man sought, and did never find, for aught we can hear of his inquisition. And we may well believe, that had he found the Corpse of joseph, though Fame might have held her peace, yet Superstition would not have been silent; but long before this time, she had roared it even into the ears of deafmen. And truly he might have digged at Glassenbury to the Centre of the earth, & yet not met with what he sought for, if joseph were buried ten miles off (as a jesuite g Guilelmus Goodus, cited by Archbishop Ʋsher de Brit. Ecc. prim. pag. 28. will have it) at Montacute, or, in Hampden-Hill. Hereafter there is hope, that the Masons, digging in the Quarries thereof, may light by chance on his Corpse, which (if fond Papists might prise it) would prove more beneficial to them, 76 than the best bed of Freestone they ever opened. The best is, be Ioseph's Body where it will, his Soul is certainly happy in Heaven. 15. Some ascribe to the sanctity of this joseph, The budding Haw-thorn nigh Glassenbury attributed a miracle to Ioseph's 〈◊〉. the yearly budding of the Haw-thorn near Glassenbury, on Christmas day, no less than an annual Miracle. This, were it true, were an argument (as K. james did once pleasantly urge it.) to prove our Old stile before the New (which prevents our Computation by ten days, and is used in the Church of Rome) yea all Prognosticators might well calculate their Almanacs from this Haw-thorn. Others more warily affirm, that it doth not punctually and critically bud on Christmas day (such Miracles must be tenderly touched, lest crushed by harsh handling, they vanish into smoke, like the Apples of Sodom) but on the days near, or about it. However, it is very strange, that this Haw-thorn should be the Harbinger, and (as it were) ride post to bring the first news of the Spring, holding alone (as it may seem) correspondency with the Trees of the Antipodes, whilst other Haw-thorns near unto it have nothing but winter upon them. 16. It is true, Different opinions of men concerning it. by pouring every night warm water on the root thereof, a Tree may be maturated artificially, to bud out in the midst of Winter; but it is not within suspicion, that any such cost is here expended. Some likewise affirm, that if an Haw-thorn be grafted upon an Holly, it is so adopted into the stock, that it will bud in Winter: but this doth not satisfy the accurateness of the time. Wherefore most men, pursued to render a reason hereof, take refuge at Occulta Qualitas, the most mannerly confession of Ignorance. And God sometimes puts forth such questions, and Riddles in nature, on purpose to pose the Pride of men conceited of their skill in such matters. But some are more uncharitable in this point, who, because they cannot find the reason hereof on Earth, do fetch it from Hell: not sticking to affirm, that the Devil, to dandle the infant faith of fond people, works these pretty Feats, and petty Wonders, having farther intents to invite them to Superstition, and mould them to Saint-worship thereby. 17. However, The subject of the question taken away. there is no necessity, that this should be imputed to the Holiness of Arimathean joseph. For there is (as it is credibly said) an Oak in New-Forest, nigh Lindhurst, in Hantshire, which is endued with the same quality, putting forth leaves about the same time; where the firmness of the Rind thereof much increaseth the wonder: and yet to my knowledge (for aught I could ever learn) none ever referred it to the miraculous influence of any Saint. But I lose precious time, and remember a pleasant Story; How two Physicians, the one a Galenist, the other a Paracelsian, being at supper, fell into an hot dispute about the manner of Digestion; & whilst they began to engage with earnestness in the controversy, a third man casually coming in, carried away the meat from them both. Thus whilst opposite parties discuss the cause of this Haw-thorns budding on Christmas day, some Soldiers have lately cut the Tree down, and Christmas day itself is forbidden to be observed; and so, I think, the question is determined. 18. To conclude this Century. The conclusion of this Century. By all this it doth not appear that the first Preachers of the Gospel in Britain did so much as touch at Rome, much less, that they received any Command, or Commission thence, to convert Britain, which should lay an eternal obligation of Gratitude on this Island to the See of Rome. Insomuch that Parsons himself (as unwilling to confess, as unable to deny so apparent a truth) flies at last to this slight and slender Shift: a 3 Conversions, 1 part, 1 ch. num. 26. That albeit S. Joseph came not immediately from Rome, yet he taught in England (in Britain he would say) the Roman faith, whereof S. Paul hath written to the Romans b Rom. 1. 8. themselves, that your Faith is spoken of through the whole World. Hereby the jesuite hopes still to keep on foot the engagement of this Island to Rome, for her first Conversion. But why should he call the Christian Religion the Roman faith, rather than the faith of Jerusalem, or, the faith of Antioch? seeing it issued from the former, and was received, & first named in the later City, before any spark of Christianity was kindled at Rome. But, what is the main, he may sooner prove the modern Italian tongue now spoken in Rome, to be the selfsame in propriety & purity, with the Latin language in tully's time; then that the Religion professed in that City at this day, with all the Errors and Superstitions thereof, is the same in soundness of Doctrine, and sanctity of Life, with that Faith, which by St. Paul in the Roman Church was then so highly commended. THE SECOND CENTURY. To Robert Abdy of London, Esquire. HE that hath an Hand to take, and no Tongue to return Thanks; deserveth for the future, to be lame, and dumb. Which punishment that it may not light on me, accept this acknowledgement of your Favours to your devoted Friend and Servant, T. F. 1. DEsire of our Country's honour would now make us lay claim to Taurinus, 105 Bishop of York, Taurinus no BP. of York. and reported Martyr. To strengthen our Title unto him, we could produce many a Guil. Harrison descript. Brit. l. 1. c. 7. & Wernerus Laërius in Fasciculo, Anno 94. & Hartmannus Schedelius in Chronico. Writers affirming it, if Number made Weight in this case. But, being convinced in our judgement, that such as make him a Britain, ground their pretence on a leading Mistake, reading him Episcopum EBORACENSEM, instead of EBROICENSEM, Eureux (as I take it) in France; we will not enrich our Country by the Errors of any, or advantage her Honour by the Misprisions of others. Thus being conscientiously scrupulous, not to take or touch a thread which is none of our own, we may with more boldness, hereafter keep what is justly ours, and challenge what is unjustly detained from us. 2. But the main matter, 108 which almost engrosseth all the History of this Century, Difference of Authors concerning the time of King Lucius his conversion. and, by scattered dates, is spread from the beginning to the end thereof, is the Conversion of Lucius, King of Britain, to Christianity. However, not to dissemble, I do adventure thereon with much averseness, seeming sadly to presage, that I shall neither satisfy others nor myself; such is the Variety, yea Contrariety of Writers about the time thereof. If the Trumpet (saith the Apostle) giveth an uncertain sound, who shall prepare himself to the Battle? He will be at a loss to order and dispose this Story aright, who listeneth with greatest attention to the trumpet of Antiquity, sounding at the same time a March & Retreit; appointing Lucius to come into the world, by his Birth, wh●n others design him, by Death, to go out of the same. Behold, Reader, a view of their Differences presented unto thee; and it would puzzle Apollo himself to tune these jarring Instruments into a Consort. These make K. Lucius converted Anno Domini 1 P. jovius in Descrip. Brit. 99 2 Io. Cajus in Hist. Cantab. 108 3 Annals of Burton. 137 4 Ninius, in one Copy. 144 5 Annals of Krokysden. 150 6 jefferie Monmouth. 155 7 john Capgrave, 156 8 Matth. Florilegus. 158 9 Florence Vigorniensis. 162 10 Antiq. of Winchester. 164 11 Tho. Redburn jun. 165 12 Will: of Malmesbury. 166 13 Venerable Bede 167 14 Henry of Erphurt. 169 15 Annals of Lichfield. 175 16 Marianus Scotus. 177 17 Ralph de Baldu●. 178 18 john Bale. 179 19 Polydore Virgil. Anno Dom. 108 182 20 Chron. Brit. Abbreu. 183 21 Roger de Wendover. 184 22 Matth. Paris. Westminster. 185 23 Hector Boethius. 187 24 Martin Polonus. 188 25 Saxon Annals. 189 26 john Harding. 190 Here is more than a Grand-Iury of Writers, which neither agree in their Verdicts with their Foreman, nor one with another: there being betwixt the first & the last, Paulus jovius & john Harding, ninety years' distance in their Account. This, with other Arguments, is used, not only to shake, but shatter the whole reputation of the Story. And we must endeavour to clear this Objection, before we go farther, which is shrewdly pressed by many. For if the two Elders, which accused Susanna, were condemned for Liars, being found in two Tales; the one laying the Scene of her Incontinency under a a Susanna verse 54. and 58. Mastick-tree, the other under an Holme-tree: why may not the Relation of Lucius be also condemned for a Fiction, seeing the Reporters thereof more differ in Time, than the forenamed Elders in Place; seeing when and where are two circumstances, both equally important, and concerning in History, to the Truth of any action? 3. But we answer, The History of K. Lucius not disproved by the dissension of Authors concerning the time thereof. That however Learned men differ in the Date, they agree in the Deed. They did set themselves so to heed the Matter, as of most moment, being the Soul, and Substance of History, that they were little curious (not to say very careless) in accurate noting of the Time: which being well observed, doth not only add some lustre, but much strength to a relation. And indeed, all Computation in the Primitive time is very uncertain, there being then (and a good while after) an Anarchy, as I may term it, in Authors their reckoning of years, because men were not subject to any one sovereign Rule, in accounting the year of our Lord; but every one followed his own Arithmetic, to the great confusion of History, and prejudice of Truth. In which age, though all start from the same place [our Saviour's Birth] yet running in several ways of account, they seldom meet together in their dating of any memorable Accident. Worthy therefore was his work, whoever he was, who first calculated the Computation we use at this day, and so set Christendom a Copy, whereby to write the date of actions; which since being generally used, hath reduced Chronology to a greater Certainty. 4. As for their Objection, Lucius might be a British King under the Roman Monarchy. That Lucius could not be a King in the South of Britain, because it was then reduced to be a Province under the Roman Monarchy; It affects not any that understand, how it was the Roman b Ve●us & jampridem recepta populi Romani consuetudo, ut haberet instrumenta ●ervitutis & Reges. Tacitus in vita Agricolae. custom, both to permit, and appoint Petty Kings in several Countries (as Antiochus in Asia, Herod in judea, Dtotaurus in Sicily) who, under them, were invested with Regal Power, & Dignity. And this was conceived to conduce to the state and amplitude of their Empire. Yea, the Germane Emperor at this day, Successor to the Roman Monarchy, is styled Rex Regum, as having many Princes, and particularly the King of Bohemia, Homagers under him. As for other inconsistents with truth, which depend, as Retainers, on this Relation of King Lucius, they prove not that this whole Story should be refused, but refined. Which calleth aloud to the Discretion of the Reader, to fan the Chaff from the Corn; and to his Industry, to rub the Rust from the Gold, which almost of necessity will cleave to matters of such Antiquity. Thus conceiving that for the main we have asserted King Lucius, we come to relate his History, as we find it. 5. He being much taken with the Miracles which he beheld truly done by pious Christians, Lucius sendeth to the Bishop of Rome to be instructed in Christianity. fell in admiration of, 167 and love with their Religion; and sent Elvanus and Meduinus, men of known Piety, and Learning in the Scriptures, to Eleutherius Bishop of Rome, with a Letter, requesting several things of him, but principally, that he might be instructed in the Christian Faith. The reason why he wrote to Rome, was, because at this time the Church therein was (she can ask no more, we grant no less) the most eminent Church in the World, shining the brighter, Anno Dom. 167 because set on the highest Candlestiks, the Imperial City. We are so far from grudging Rome the Happiness she once had, that we rather bemoan she lost it so soon, degenerating from her primitive Purity. The Letter which Lucius wrote is not extant at this day, and nothing thereof is to be seen, save only by reflection, as it may be collected by the Answer returned by Eleutherius, which (such an one as it is) it will not be amiss here to insert. 6. Ye require of us the Roman Laws, This translation of the letter of Eleutherius is transcribed out of Bishop Godwin in his Catalogue of Bishops. and the Emperors to be sent over unto you, which you would practise, and put in ure within your Realm. The Roman Laws, and the Emperors we may ever reprove, but the Law of God we may not. Ye have received of late, through God's mercy, in the Kingdom of Britain, the Law and Faith of Christ; Ye have with you within the Realm, both parts of the Scriptures: out of them by God's grace, with the Council of the Realm, take ye a Law, and by that Law (through God's sufference) rule your Kingdom of Britain. There is some variety between this, and that of Mr. Fox. For you be God's Vicar in your Kingdom. The Lords is the Earth, and the fullness of the world, and all that dwell in it. And again, according to the Prophet that was a King, Thou hast loved righteousness, and hated iniquity, therefore God hath anointed thee with the Oil of gladness above thy fellows. And again, according to the same Prophet, O God, give judgement unto the King, and thy Righteousness unto the King's Son. He said not, the judgement and righteousness of the Emperor; but, thy judgement and Righteousness. The King's Sons be the Christian people, and folk of the Realm, which be under your Government, and live, and continue in peace within your Kingdom. As the Gospel saith, Like as the Hen gathereth her Chickens under her wings: so doth the King his people. The people and the folk of the Realm of Britain be yours; whom, if they be divided, ye ought to gather in concord and peace, to call them to the Faith and Law of Christ, to cherish and a In the Latin it is, Manu tenere. maintain them, to rule and govern them, so as you may reign everlastingly with him, whose Vicar you are: which with the Father, and the Son etc. 7. Now we have done our Threshing, A preparative for the examining the truth of this letter. we must begin our Winnowing, to examine the Epistle. For the trade of counterfeiting the Letters of eminent men began very early in the Church. Some were tampering with it in the Apostles time; which occasioned St. Paul's b 2 Thess. 2. 2. Caution, That ye be not soon shaken in mind, or be troubled, neither by spirit, nor by word, nor by letter, as from us. Since, men (than but Apprentices) are now grown Masters in this Mystery; wherefore it will be worth our examining, whether this Epistle be genuine or no. Say not, this doth betray a peevish, if not malicious disposition, and argues a vexatious spirit in him, which will now call the title of this Letter in question, which time out of mind hath been in the peaceable possession of an authentic reputation, especially seeing it soundeth in honorem Ecclesiae Britannicae; and, grant it a Tale, yet it is smoothly told to the credit of the British Church. But let such know, that our Church is sensible of no Honour, but what resulteth from truth; and if this Letter be false, the longer it hath been received, the more need there is of a speedy and present Confutation, before it be so firmly rooted in men's belief, past power to remove it. See therefore the Arguments which shake the credit thereof. 1. The date of this Letter differs in several Copies, and yet none of them light right on the time of Eleutherius, according to the Computation of the best-esteemed Authors. 2. It relates to a former Letter of King Lucius, wherein he seemeth to request of Eleutherius, both what he himself had before, and what the good Bishop was unable to grant. For what need Lucius send for the Roman Laws, to which Britain was already subjected, and ruled by them? At this very time, wherein this Letter is pretended to be wrote, the Roman Laws were here in force; and therefore to send for them hither, was even actum agere, and to as much purpose, as to fetch water from Tiber to Thames. Besides, Eleutherius of all men was most improper to have such a suit preferred to him: Holy man! he little meddled with Secular matters, or was acquainted with the Emperor's Laws; only he knew how to suffer Martyrdom, in passive obedience to his cruel Edicts. 3. How high a Throne doth this Letter mount Lucius on, making him a Monarch? Who (though Rex Britannicus) was not Rex Britanniae; (except by a large Synecdoche:) neither sole, nor supreme King here; but partial, and subordinate to the Romans. 4. The Scripture quoted is out of St. Hierom's Translation, which came more than an hundred years after. And the Age of Eleutherius could not understand the language of manu tenere, for to maintain, except it did ante-date some of our modern Lawyers to be their Interpreter. In a word: we know that the a joshua 9 12. Gibeonites their mouldy Bread was baked in an Oven very near the Israelites, and this Letter had its original of a later b See S ●. Hen. Spelman in Counsels, p. 34. etc. where there is another copy of this letter, with some alterations and additions. King Lucius baptised. date; which not appearing any where in the World, till a thousand years after the death of Eleutherius, probably crept out of some Monk's Cell, some four hundred years since, the true answer of Eleutherius being not extant for many years before. 8. But to proceed. Eleutherius, at the request of King Lucius, sent unto him c Aliter Phaganus & Duvianus. Faganus, and Derwianus, or Dunianus, two holy men, and grave Divines, to instruct him in the Christian Religion; by whom the said King Lucius (called by the Britan's Lever-Maur, or the Great Light) was baptised, with many of his Subjects. For if when private d Act. 16. 15. & 32. Persons were converted, Cornelius, Lydia, etc. their Households also were baptised with them; it is easily credible, that the example of a King embracing the Faith, drew many Followers of Court and Country; Sovereigns seldom wand'ring alone without their Retinue to attend them. But whereas some report that most, yea e Ita ut in brevi, nullus infidelis remaneret. Matth. Paris. Westm. all of the Natives of this Island then turned Christians, it is very improbable; and the weary Traveller may sooner climb the steepest Mountains in Wales, than the judicious Reader believe all the hyperbolical reports in the British Chronicles hereof. 9 For jeffery Monmouth tells us, I. Monmouth his fiction of Flamens and Arch-flamen. that at this time there were in England twenty eight Cities, each of them having a f Monmouth de ge●lis Britannor. lib. 2. cap. 1. fol. 33. Flamen, or Pagan Priest; and there of them, namely London, York, and Caerlion in Wales, had Arch-flamen, to which the rest were subjected: and Lucius placed Bishops in the room of the Flamens, and Arch-Bishops, Metropolitans in the places of Arch-flamen. All which, saith he, solemnly received their Confirmation from the Pope. But herein our Author seems not well acquainted with the propriety of the word Flamyn, their Use, and Office amongst the Romans; who were not set severally, but many together in the same City. Nor were they subordinate one to another, but all to the Priest's College, and therein to the Pontifex Maximus. Besides, the British g Ja. Armach. de Brit. Eccl. prim. p. 17. Manuscript, which Monmouth is conceived to have translated, makes no mention of these Flamens. Lastly, these words Archbishop and Metropolitan, are so far from being current in the days of King Lucius, that they were not coined till after-Ages. So that in plain English, his Flamens and Arch-flamen, seem Flamms and Arch-Flamms, even notorious Falsehoods. 10. Great also is the mistake of h Giraldus Cambrensis de Sedis Menevensis dignitate, apud D. Joh. Prise. pag. 75. another British Historian, A gross mistake. affirming, how in the days of King Lucius, this Island was divided into five Roman Provinces; namely, Britain the First, Britain the Second, Flavia, Maximia, and Valentia: and that each of these were then divided into twelve Bishoprics, sixty in the whole: a goodly company, and more by half then ever this Land did behold. Whereas these Provinces were so named from Valens, Maximus, and Flavius Theodosius, Roman Emperors, many years after the death of Lucius. Thus, as the Damsel convinced St. Peter to be a Galilean, for, said she, i Mark 14. 70. Thy speech agreeth thereunto: so this fivefold division of Britain, by the very Novelty of the Names, is concluded to be of far later date, than what that Author pretendeth. 11. But it is generally agreed, Pagan Temples in Britain converted to Christian Churches. that about this time, many Pagan Temples in Britain had their Property altered, and the selfsame were converted into Christian Churches. Particularly, that dedicated to Diana in London, and another near it, formerly consecrated to Apollo, in the City now called Westminster. This was done, not out of Covetousness, to save Charges in founding new Fabrics, but out of Christian Thrift; conceiving this Imitation, an Invitation, to make Heathens come over more cheerfully to the Christian Faith; when beholding their Temples (whereof they had an high and holy opinion) not sacrilegiously demolished, but solemnly continued to a pious end, and rectified to the Service of the true God. But humane Policy seldom proves prosperous, when tampering with Divine Worship, especially when without, or against direction from God's Word. This new Wine, put into old Vessels, did in after-Ages taste of the Cask; and in process of time, Christianity, keeping a a Thus the Pantheon, or Shrine of all Gods in Rome, was turned into the Church of All-Saints. correspondency, and some proportion with Paganism, got a smack of heathen Ceremonies. Surely they had better have built new Nests for the Holy Dove, and not have lodged it where Screech-owls, and unclean Birds had formerly been harboured. If the Highpriest amongst the jews was forbidden to marry a Widow, or divorced woman, but that he should take a Virgin of his own b Leu. 21. 14. people to wife: How unseemly was it, that God himself should have the reversion of Profaneness assigned to his Service, and his Worship wedded to the Relict, yea (what was worse) Worish Shrines, formerly abused with Idolatry? 12. Some report, 178 that at this time three thousand Philosophers of the University of Cambridge were converted, The bounty of K. Lucius to Cambridge. and baptised; that K. Lucius came thither, and bestowed many c Cajusde Antiq. Cantab. p. 51. & Hist. Cantab. p. 22. Privileges, and Immunities on the place; with much other improbable matter. For surely they do a real Wrong, under a pretended Courtesy, to that famous Academy, to force a Peruke of false grey hair upon it, whose reverend Wrinkles already command respect of themselves. Yet Cambridge makes this use of these overgrown Charters of Pope Eleutherius, K. Lucius, K. Arthur, and the like, to send them out in the Front, as the Forlorn-hope, when she is to encounter with Oxford in point of Antiquity; and if the credit of such old Monuments be cut off (as what else can be expected?) yet she still keeps her main Battle firm and entire, consisting of stronger Authorities, which follow after. Nor doth Cambridge care much to cast away such doubtful Charters, provided her Sister likewise quit all Title to fabulous Antiquity (setting Dross against Dross) and waving Tales, try both the truth of their Age, by the Register of unquestioned Authors, if this Difference betwixt them be conceived to deserve the deciding. 13. Besides the Church's aforementioned, many others there were, whose building is ascribed to King Lucius: as namely, 1. St. Peter's in Cornhill in London; 179 to which Ciran, Several Churches founded by King Lucius. a great Courtier, lent his helping hand. It is said, for many years after, to have been the Seat of an d Tabula pensilis quae adhuc in illa ecclesia cernitur. Archbishopric: one Thean first enjoyed that Dignity. 2. Ecclesia primae sedis, or, the chief Cathedral Church in Gloucester. 3. A Church at Winchester, 180 consecrated by Faganus and Duvianus, whereof one Devotus was made Abbot. 4. A e Pi●zeus de Britan. Scriptor. num. 21. Church, and College of Christian Philosophers at Bangor. 5. The Church dedicated to St. Marry in Glassenbury, 187 repaired and raised out of the Ruins by Faganus and Duvianus, where they lived with twelve Associates. 6. A f john Leland assert. Arthuri, fol. 7. Chapel in honour of Christ in Dover Castle. 7. The Church of St. Martin in Canterbury; understand it thus, that Church which in after-Ages was new named, and converted to the honour of that Saint. Of all these, that at Winchester was K. Lucius his Darling, which he endowed with large Revenues, Anno Dom. 187 giving it all the land twelve miles on every side of the City, fencing the Church about with a Churchyard, on which he bestowed Privileges of a Sanctuary, and building a Dormitory, and Refectory for the Monks there; if the little History of a Manuscript. in Bibliothecâ Cottonianâ. Winchester be to be believed, whose credit is very suspicious, because of the modern Language used therein. For as Country-Painters, when they are to draw some of the ancient Scripture-patriarches, use to make them with Bands, Cuffs, Hats, & Caps, all a mode to the Times wherein they themselves do live: so it seemeth, the Author of this History last cited (lacking learning to acquaint him with the Garb, and Character of the Age of K. Lucius) doth portrait and describe the Bounty, and Church-buildings of that King, according to the Phrase, and Fashion of that model of Monkery in his own Age. 14. Some Dutch Writers report, Two Lucius' confounded into one. that K. Lucius in his Old Age left his Kingdom, and went over into France, thence into Germany, as far as the Alps; where he converted all b Velser. Rerum August. Vindelic. lib. 6. ad annum 179. Rhetia, and the City of Auspurg in Suevia, by his Preaching, with the assistance of Emerita his Sister; it being no news, in God's Harvest, to see Women with their Sickles a reaping. It is confessed that Converting of Souls is a work worthy a King; David's and Solomon's preaching hath silenced all Objections to the contrary. It is also acknowledged, that Kings used to renounce the World, and betake themselves to such pious Employment; though this Custom, frequent in after-Ages, was not so early a riser, as to be up so near the Primitive Times. It is therefore well observed by a Learned c Achilles Gassarus in Augustanae urbis descriptione. man, that Lucius the Germane Preacher was a different person from the British King, who never departed our Island, but died therein. I have read, how a woman in the Lower Palatinate, being big with Twins, had the fruit of her Womb so strangely altered by a violent d Munster de Germania, in the Description of the Lower Palatinate. Contusion casually befalling her, that she was delivered of one Monster with two Heads, which Nature had intended for two perfect Children. Thus the History of this Age being pregnant with a double Lucius at the same time, is by the carelessness of unadvised Authors so jumbled, and confounded together, that those which ought to have been parted, as distinct Persons, make up one monstrous one, without due proportion to Truth, yea, with the manifest prejudice thereof. THE THIRD CENTURY. Anno Dom. To Mr. Simeon Bonnell, Merchant. IT is proportionable to present a Century, short in Story, to One low in Stature, though deservedly high in the esteem of your Friend, T. F. 1. OF all Centuryes this gins most sadly; 201 at the entrance whereof we are accosted with the Funerals of King Lucius, The death, burial, and Epitaph of King Lucius. (the brightest Sun must set:) buried, as they say, in Gloucester. Different dates of his Death are assigned, but herein we have followed the a Annals of Sarum, M. Paris. Westm. with London tables and hist. of Rochest. most judicious. Long after, the Monks of that Convent bestowed an Epitaph upon him, having in it nothing worthy of translating. Lucius b John Beaver in his Abbreviat. of the Brit. Chron. in tenebris priûs Idola qui coluisti, Es merito celebris ex quo Baptisma subisti. It seems the puddle-Poet did hope, that the jingling of his Rhyme would drown the sound of his false Quantity. Except any will say, that he affected to make the middle Syllable in Idola short, because in the days of King Lucius Idolatry was curbed and contracted, whilst Christianity did dilate and extend itself. 2. But Christianity in Britain was not buried in the Grave of Lucius, The Christian faith from the first preaching thereof, ever continued in Britain. but survived after his Death. Witness Gildas, whose words deserve to be made much of, as the clearest evidence of the constant continuing of Religion in this Island. Christ's Precepts (saith c Quae praecepta ●in Britannia ● licet ab incolis tepidè suscepta sunt, apud quosdam tamen integre, & alios minùs, usque ad persecutionem Diocletiani novennem permansere. Gildas in Epist. de excidio Brit. he) though they were received but luke-warmly of the Inhabitants, yet they remained entirely with some, less sincerely with others, even until the nine years of Persecution under Diocletian. Whose expression concerning the entertaining of Christianity here, though spoken indefinitely of the British Inhabitants, yet we are so far from understanding it universally of all this Island, or generally of the most, or eminently of the principal parts thereof, that, if any list to contend, that the main of Britain was still Pagan, we will not oppose. A thing neither to be doubted of, nor wondered at, if the modern Complaints of many be true, that even in this Age, there are dark Corners in this Kingdom, where Profaneness lives quietly with invincible Ignorance. Yea, that the first Professors in Christianity were but lukewarm in Religion, will (without Oath made for the truth thereof) be easily believed by such, who have felt the temper of the English Laodiceans now a days. However, it appears there were some honest Hearts, that still kept Christianity on foot in the Kingdom. So that since Religion first dwelled here, it never departed hence; like the Candle of the virtuous Wife, d Prov. 31. 18. It went not out by night: by the Night neither of Ignorance, nor of Security, nor of Persecution. The Island generally never was an Apostate, nor by God's blessing, ever shall be. 3. To the Authority of Gildas, Two Fathers to be believed before two children. we will twist the Testimony of two Fathers, both flourishing in this Century, Tertullian and Origen; plainly proving Christianity in Britain in this Age; both of them being undoubtedly Orthodox, (without mixture of Montanist, Anno Dom. 201 or Millenary) in historical matters. Hear the former. There are places of the a Britannorum inaccessa Romanis loca, Christo verò subdita. Tertull. advers. judaeos, cap. 7. Britan's, which were unaccessible to the Romans, but yet subdued to Christ. Origen in like manner: b Virtus Domini Salvatoris & cum his est, qui ab orbe nostro in Britannia dividuntur. Orig. in Lucae c. 1. Homil. 6. The power of God our Saviour is even with them which in Britain are divided from our world. These aught to prevail in any rational belief, rather than the detracting reports of two modern men, Paradine and Dempster, who affirm that after Lucius death, the British Nation returned to their Heathen Rites, and remained Infidels for full five hundred years after. Which c Paradine Ang. descrip. cap. 22. Dempster in Apparat. Hist. Scot cap. 6. words, if casually falling from them, may be passed by with pardon; if ignorantly uttered (from such Pretenders to Learning) will be heard with wonder; if wilfully vented, must be taxed for a shameless and impudent Falsehood. Had Dempster (the more positive of the two in this point) read as many Authors as he quoteth, and marked as much as he read, he must have confuted himself: yea, though he had obstinately shut his Eyes, so clear a Truth would have shined through his Eyelids. It will be no wild Justice, or furious Revenge, but Equity, to make themselves satisfaction, if the Britan's declare Dempster devoid of the faith of an Historian, who endeavoured to deprive their Ancestors of the Christian Faith for many years together; his Pen, to be friend the North, doing many bad offices to the South part of this Island. 4. The Magdeburgenses, The judgement of the Magdeburgenses in this point. Compilers of the General Ecclesiastical History, not having less Learning, but more Ingenuity, speaking of the Churches through Europe in this Age, thus express themselves. Then follow the Isles of the Ocean, where we first meet with Britain; d Centuria tertia, cap. 2. colum. 6. Mansisse & hac aetate ejus Insulae Ecclesias, affirmare non dubitamus; We doubt not to affirm, that the Churches of that Island did also remain in this Age. But as for the names of the Places, and Persons professing it, we crave to be excused from bringing in the Bill of our particulars. 5. By the Levitical Law, Want of work no fault of the workman. e Exod. 22. 12. If an Ox, Sheep, or Beast, were delivered to a man to keep, and it were stolen away from him, the keeper should make restitution to the owner thereof; but if it was torn in pieces, and he could bring the fragments thereof for witness, he was not bound to make it good. Had former Historians delivered the entire memory of the passages of this Century to our custody, and charged us with them, the Reader might justly have blamed our Negligence, if for want of our Industry or Carefulness, they had miscarried: but seeing they were devoured by Age, in evidence whereof we produce these torn Reversions hardly rescued from the Teeth of Time, we presume no more can justly be exacted of us. 6. Gildas very modestly renders the reason, Reason why so little left of this Age. why so little is extant of the British History. Scripta patriae, Scriptorumve monumenta, si quae fuerint, aut ignibus hostium exusta, aut Civium exulum classe longius deportata, non comparent. The Monuments (saith he) of our Country, or Writers (if there were any) appear not, as either burnt by the fire of enemies, or transported far off by our banished countrymen. 7. This is all I have to say of this Century; Conclusion of this Century. and must now confess myself as unable to go on, so ashamed to break off; scarce having had, of a full Hundred Years, so many Words of solid History. But, as I find little, so I will feign nothing; time being better spent in Silence, then in Lying. Nor do I doubt but clean Stomaches will be better satisfied with one drop of the Milk of Truth, then foul Feeders (who must have their Bellies full) with a Trough of Wash, mingled with the water of Fabulous Inventions. If any hereafter shall light on more History of these times, let them not condemn my Negligence, whilst I shall admire their Happiness. THE FOURTH CENTURY. Anno Dom. To Theophilus Bidulph of London, Esquire. OF all Shires in England, Stafford-shire was (if not the soon) the largest swoon with the Seed of the Church, I mean, the blood of primitive Martyrs; as by this Century doth appear. I could not therefore dedicate the same to a fit person than yourself, whose Family hath flourished so long in that County, and whose Favours have been so great unto your thankful Friend T. F 1. DArk and tempestuous was the Morning of this Century, 303 which afterward cleared upto be a fair Day. First persecution in Britain under Diocletian. It began with great Affliction to God's Saints. The Spirit saith to the Church of Smyrna, a Revel. 2. 10. Ye shall have Tribulation ten days. This is commonly understood of the Ten general Persecutions over all the Christian world. But herein Divine Mercy magnified itself towards this Island, that the last Ecumenical▪ was the first Provincial Persecution in Britain. God, though he made our Church his Darling, would not make it a Wanton; she must taste of the Rod with the rest of her Sisters. The Fiery b 1 Pet. 1. 12. Trial spoken of by the Apostle, now found out even those which by water were divided from the rest of the World. This tenth Persecution as it was the last, so it was the greatest of all, because Satan the shorter his Reign, the sharper his Rage; so that what his Fury lacks in the Length, it labours to ga●● in the Thickness thereof. 2. In this Persecution, Alban the British St. Stephen how a Citizen of Rome. the first Britain which to Heaven led the Van of the noble Army of Martyrs, was Alban, a wealthy Inhabitant of Verolam-cestre, and a Citizen of Rome; for so Alexander c In his Poem on Verulam. Neccham reports him. Hic est Martyrii roseo decoratus honore, Albanus, Cives, inclyta Roma, tuus. Here Alban, Rome, thy Citizen renow'nd, With rosy Grace of Martyrdom was crowned. None need stop, much less stumble at this seeming Contradiction, easily reconciled by him that hath read St. Paul, in one place proclaiming himself an d Philipp. 3. 5. Hebrew of the Hebrews, and e Acts 22. 25. elsewhere pleading himself to be a Roman, because born in Tarsus a City of Cilicia and Roman Colony; as Verolam-cestre was at this time enfranchised with many Immunities. Thus Alban was a Britain by Parentage, a Roman by Privilege; naturally a Britain, naturallized a Roman: and, which was his greatest Honour, he was also Citizen of that spiritual Jerusalem, which is from above. 3. His Conversion happened on this manner. The manner of Alban's Conversion. Amphibalus, a Christian Preacher of Caerlion in Wales, was fain to fly from persecution into the Eastern parts of this Island, and was entertained by Alban in his house in Verulam. Soon did the Sparks of this Guests Zeal catch hold on his Host, and inflamed him with love to the Christian Religion. Anno Dom. 303 Herein our Saviour made good his promise, a Matth. 10. 41. He that receiveth a Righteous man in the name of a Righteous man, shall receive a Righteous man's reward. And the Shot of Amphibalus his Entertainment was plentifully discharged, in Alban's sudden and sincere Conversion. Not long after a search being made for Amphibalus, Alban secretly and safely conveyed him away, & b Beda lib. 1. cap. 7. exchanging clothes with him, offered himself for his Guest to the Pagan Officers, who at that instant were a sacrificing to their Devil-Gods; where not only Alban, being required, refused to sacrifice, but also he reproved others for so doing, and thereupon was condemned to most cruel Torments. But he conquered their Cruelty with his Patience: and though they tortured their Brains to invent Tortures for him, he endured all with cheerfulness; till rather their Weariness then Pity made them desist. And here we must bewail, that we want the true Story of this man's Martyrdom, which impudent Monks have mixed with so many improbable Tales, that it is a Torture to a discreet Ear to hear them. However, we will set them down as we find them; the rather, because we count it a thrifty way, first to gult the Readers belief with Popish Miracles, that so he may loathe to look or listen after them in the sequel of the History. 4. Alban being sentenced to be beheaded, The miraculous Martyrdom of Alban. much people flocked to the place of his Execution, which was on a Hill, called c Understand 〈◊〉 so called afterwards in the time of the Saxons. Holm-hurst; to which they were to go over a River, where the narrow Passage admitted of very few abreast. Alban being to follow after all the Multitude, and perceiving it would be very late, before he could come to act his Part, and counting every Delay half a Denial, (who will blame one for longing to have a Crown?) by his Prayer obtained that the River, parting asunder, afforded free Passage for many together. The corrupted Copy of Gildas calls this River the d Thames is wanting in the Manuscript Gildas, in Cambridge Library. Thames. But if the Miracle were as fare from Truth, as Thames from Verulam (being 16 Miles distant) it would be very hard to bring them both together. The sight here of so wrought with him who was appointed to be his Executioner, that he utterly refused the Employment, desiring rather to Die with him, or for him, then to offer him any Violence. Yet soon was another substituted in his place: for some cruel Doeg will quickly be found to do that Office, which more merciful men decline. 5. Alban at the last being come to the Top of the Hill, A new spring of Water at Alban's summons appears in the top of a Hill. was very dry, and desirous to drink. Wonder not that he being presently to taste of joys for evermore, should wish for fading Water. Sure he thirsted most for God's Glory, and did it only to catch hold of the handle of an occasion to work a Miracle, for the good of the Beholders. For presently by his Prayer, he summoned up a Spring, to come forth on the top of the Hill, to the amazement of all that saw it. Yet it moistened not his Executioners Heart with any Pity, who notwithstanding struck off the Head of this worthy Saint, May 23 Aliter, june 22▪ and instantly his own Eyes fell out of his Head, so that he could not see the Villainy which he had done. Presently after, the former Convert-Executioner, who refused to put Alban to death, was put to death himself, baptised no doubt, though not with Water, in his, own Blood. The Body of Alban was afterwards plainly buried: that Age knowing no other 〈◊〉 Saint's Dust, then to commit it to the Dust, Earth to Earth; not acquainted with Adoration, and Circumgestation of Relics; as ignorant of the Manner, how, as the Reason, why, to do it. But some hundred years after, King Offa disturbed the sleeping Corpse of this Saint, removing them to a more stately, though less quiet Bed, enshrining them, as (God willing) shall be related hereafter. 6. Immediately followed the Martyrdom of Amphibalus, Amphibalus. Difference about his name. Alban's Guest, Septemb. 16 and Ghostly Father, though the Story of his Death be encumbered with much Obscurity. For first there is a Quaere in his very Name: why called Amphibalus? and how came this compounded Greek word to wander into Wales? except any will say, That this man's British Name was by Authors in after-Ages so translated into Greek. Besides, the Name speaks rather the Vestment than the Wearer, signifying a Cloak wrapped or cast about, (Samuel was marked by such a Mantle;) and it may be he got his name hence; as Robert Curthose, Son to William the Conqueror, had his Surname from going in such a Garment. And it is worth our observing, that this good man passeth nameless in all Authors, till about 400 years since; when jeffery Monmouth was his Godfather, and a Usher de Brit. Eccl. Primord. p. 159. first calls him Amphibalus, The cruel manner of his Martyrdom. for reasons concealed from us, and best known to himself. 7. But it matters not for Words, if the Matter were true, being thus reported. A thousand Inhabitants of Verulam went into Wales, to be further informed in the Faith, by the Preaching of Amphibalus; who were pursued by a Pagan Army of their fellow-Citizens, by whom they were overtaken, overcome, and murdered: save that one man only, (like Iob's Messenger) who escaped of them to report the Loss of the rest. And although every thing unlikely is not untrue, it was a huge Drag-net, and cunningly cast, that killed all the Fish in the River. Now these Pagan Verolamians brought Amphibalus back again; and being within ken of their City, in the Village called Redburn, three Miles from Verulam, they cruelly put him to death. For making an Incision in his Belly, they took out his Guts, and tying them to a Stake, whipped him round about it. All which he endured, as free from Impatience as his Persecuters from Compassion. This died Amphibalus; and a b Thomas Redburn, who wrote 1480. Writer born and named from that Place reporteth, that in his days the two Knives which stabbed him were kept in the Church of Redburn. The heat and resplendent lustre of this Saints Suffering wrought as the Sunbeams, according to the Capacity of the matter it met with, in the Beholders, melting the Waxed Minds of some into Christianity, and obdurating the Hard Hearts of others with more madness against Religion. 7. Tradition reports, Vain Fancies concerning the Stake of Amphibalus. that the Stake he was tied to afterwards turned to a Tree, extant at this very c I mean Anno 1643. day, and admired of many, as a great Piece of Wonder; though, (as most things of this nature) more in Report then Reality. That it hath Green Leaves in Winter mine Eyes can witness false; and as for it standing at a stay time out of mind, neither impaired, nor improved in Bigness (which some count so strange) be it reported to Woodmen & Foresters, whether it be not ordinary. I think the Wood of the Tree is as miraculous, as the Water of the Well adjoining is medicinal; which fond people fetch so fare, and yet a credulous Drinker may make a Cordial Drink thereof. 8. At the time of Amphibalus his Martyrdom, The Martyrdom of another thousand Britan's variously reported. another d Usher de Brit. Eccl. primord. pag. 160. Thousand of the Verulam Citizens, being converted to Christ, were by command of the judges all killed in the same Place. A strange Execution, if true, seeing e In his Book of the Bishops of Worcester. john Rosse of Warwick lays the Scene of this Tragedy fare off, and at another time, with many other Circumstances inconsistent with this Relation; Telling us how at Litchfield in Staffordshire this great multitude of People were long before slain by the Pagans, as they attended to the Preaching of Amphibalus. This relation is favoured by the name of Litchfield, which in the British tongue signifies a Golgotha, or place bestrewed with Skulls: In allusion whereto that City's Arms are a Field surcharged with 〈…〉. He needs almost a miraculous Faith, to be able to remove Mountains, yea to make the Sun stand still, and sometimes to go back, who will undertake to accord the Contradictions in Time and Place, between the several Relatours of this History. 9 The Records of Winchester make mention of a great Massacre, Several Places pretend to, and contend for the same Martyrdom. where by at this time all their Monks were slain in their Church; whilst the Chronicle of Westminster challengeth the same to be done in their Convent: and the History of Cambridge ascribeth it to the Christian Students of that University, killed by their British Persecuters. Whether this happened in any or all of these Places, I will not determine: For he tells a Lie, though he tells a Truth, that peremptorily affirms that which he knows is but Uncertain. Mean time we see, that it is hard for men to suffer Martyrdom, and easy for their Posterity to brag of their Ancestors Sufferings; yea, who would not entitle themselves to the Honour, when it is parted from the Pain? When Persecution is a coming, every man posteth it off, as the Philistines did the a 1 Sam. 5. Ark infected with the Plague, and no place will give it entertainment: But when the Storm is once over, than (as seven Cities contended for Homer's Birth in them) many Places will put in to claim a share in the Credit thereof. 10. Besides Amphibalus, The impersect History of these times. suffered Aaron and julius, two substantial Citizens of Caerlion; and than Socrates, and Stephanus, forgotten by our British Writers, but remembered by foreign Authors; and Augulius, Bishop of London, then called Augusta. Besides these, we may easily believe many more went the same way; for such Commanders in Chief do not fall without Common Soldiers about them. It was Superstition in the Athenians, to build an Altar to the b Acts 17. 23. UNKNOWN GOD; but it would be Piety in us, here to erect a Monument in memorial of these Unknown Martyrs, whose Names are lost. The best is, God's Calendar is more complete than man's best Martyrologies; and their Names are Written in the Book of Life, who on Earth are wholly forgotten. 11. One may justly wonder, The Cause of the great Silence of the primitive times. that the first four hundred years of the Primitive Church in Britain, being so much observable, should be so little observed; the Pens of Historians writing thereof, seeming starved for matter in an Age so fruitful of memorable Actions. But this was the main Reason thereof, that living in Persecution, (that Age affording no Christians Idle Spectators, which were not Actors on that Sad Theatre) they were not at leisure to Do, for Suffering. And as commonly those can give the least account of a Battle, who were most engaged in it, (their Eyes the while being turned into Arms, their Seeing into Fight:) So the Primitive Confessors were so taken up with what they endured, they had no vacation largely to relate their own or others Sufferings. Of such Monuments as were transmitted to Posterity, it is probable most were martyred by the Tyranny of the Pagans: nor was it to be expected, that those who were cruel to kill the Authors, would be kind to preserve their Books. 12. Afterwards it pleased God to put a Period to his Servants Sufferings, Constant. Chlorus gives the Christians Peace. and the Fury of their Enemies. 304 For when Diocletian and Maximian had laid down the Ensigns of Command, Constantius c Eusebius de vita Constantini, lib. 1. c. 12. & Orosius lib. 7. cap. 25. Chlorus was chosen Emperor in these Western Provinces of France, Spain, and Britain; whose Carriage towards Christians Eusebius thus describeth: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that he preserved such Religious people as were under his Command, without any Hurt or Harm. So that under him the Church in these Parts had a Breathing-time from Persecution. But jam afraid that that Learned d Camden. Brit. in description of York. Pen goes a little too fare, 305 who makes him Founder of a Bishopric at York, and styleth him an Emperor surpassing in all Virtue, and Christian Piety: seeing the later will hardly be proved, that Constantius was a through-paced Christian; except by our Saviour's Argument, e Mark 5. 40. He that is not against us is on our part. And Constantius did this Good to Christianity, that he did it no Harm: and not only so, a Privative Benefactor to Piety, but positive thus far, that he permitted and preserved those, who would rebuild the decayed Christian Churches. But the greatest Benefaction which he bestowed on Christians was, that he was Father to Constantine. Thus as Physicians count all Sudden and Violent Alterations in men's Bodies dangerous, especially when changing from Extremes to Extremes: So God in like manner adjudged it unsafe for his Servants presently to be posted out of Persecution into Prosperity; and therefore he prepared them by Degrees, that they might be better able to manage their future Happiness, by sending this Constantius, a Prince of a middle disposition betwixt Pagan and Christian, to rule some few years over them. 13. At York this Constantius Chlorus did die, He dieth at York as is witnessed by Hieronymus, ● in Chronico, and Eutropius, Hist. lib. 18. and was buried. And therefore Florilegus, Anno Dom. 305 or the Flower-gatherer, as he calleth himself, (understand Matth. of Westminst.) did crop a Weed instead of a Flower, when he reports that in the year 1283 the Body of this Constantius was found at a Compare Mr. Camden's Brit. in Caernarvonshire with him in the description of York. Caer-Custenith in Wales, and honourably bestowed in the Church of Caer-narvon by the command of King Edward the first. Constantius dying, bequeathed the Empire to Constantine, his eldest Son by Helen his former Wife; and the Soldiers at York cast the Purple Robe upon him, whilst he wept, and put Spurs to Horse to avoid the importunity of the Army, attempting and requiring so instantly to make him Emperor: 307 Febr. 27 But the Happiness of the State overcame his Modesty. And whereas formerly Christians for the Peace they possessed, were only Tenants at will to the present Emperor's Goodness; this Constantine passed this peaceable Estate to the Christians and their Heirs, or rather to the immortal Corporation of God's Church, making their Happiness Hereditary, by those good Laws which he enacted. Now because this Assertion, that Constantine was a Britain by Birth, meets with Opposition, we will take some pains in clearing the Truth thereof. 14. Let none say, Worth the Scrutiny to clear Constantine a Britain by Birth. the Kernel will not be worth the Cracking, and so that Constantine were born, it matters not where he was born. For we may observe God's Spirit to be very punctual, in registering the Birth-places of Famous men; b Psal. 87. 6. The Lord shall count, when he writeth up the People, that this man was born there. And as c 2 Sam. 1. David cursed Mount Gilboa, where Godly jonathan got his Death: so by the same proportion, (though inverted) it follows, those Places are blest and happy, where Saints take their first good Handsel of Breath in this World. Besides, Constantine was not only one of a Thousand, but of Myriad, yea of Millions; who first turned the Tide in the whole world, and not only quenched the Fire, but even over-turned the Furnace of Persecution, and enfranchised Christianity through the Roman Empire: and therefore no wonder if Britain be ambitious in having, and zealous in holding such a Worthy to be born in her. 15. An unanswerable Evidence to prove the point in Controversy, The main Argument, to prove the point. that Constantine the Great was a Britain, is fetched from the d Panegyric. 9 Panegyrist, (otherwise called Eumenius Rhetor) in his Oration made to Constantine himself; but making therein an Apostrophe to Britain; O fortunata, & nunc omnibus beatior terris Britannia, quae Constantinum Caesarem prima vidisti! O happy Britain, and blessed above all other Lands, which didst first behold Constantine Caesar! Twist this Testimony with another Thread, spun of the same e Panegyr. 5. Hand; Liberavit pater Constantius Britannias Servitute, tu etiam nobiles, illic oriendo, fecisti: Your Father Constantius did free the British Provinces from Slavery, and you have ennobled them, by taking thence your Original. The same is affirmed by the Writer of the Life of St. Helen, Mother to Constantine, written about the year of our Lord 940 in the English-Saxon Tongue: as also by William of Malmesbury, Henry Huntingdon, john of Salisbury, and all other English Writers. And lest any should object, that these writing the History of their own Country, are too light-fingered to catch any thing (right or wrong) sounding to the Honour thereof; many most learned foreign Historians, Pomponius Laetus, Polydore Virgil, Beatus Rhenanus, Franciscus Balduinus, Onuphrius Panvinius, Caesar Baronius, Anthony Possevine, and others, concur with them, acknowledging Helen, Constantine's Mother, a Britain, and him born in Britain. 16. But whilst the aforesaid Authors in Prose, softly rock the Infancy of (yet little) Constantine the Great in Britain, and whilst others in Verse, (especially f In Antiocheide sua. joseph of EXETER, and g See his Tetrastichon in Bishop Ʋsher de Brit. Eccles. primord. pag. 76. Answers to the objections of the contrary Party. Alexander Necham) sweetly sing Lullabies unto him; some Learned men are so rough and uncivil, as to over-turn his Cradle; yea, wholly deprive Britain of the Honour of his Nativity: Whose Arguments follow, with our Answers unto them. 1. Object. The Panegyrist speaking how Britain first saw Constantine Caesar, h Joannes Livineius not. in Panegyr. 5. refers not to his ordinary Life, but Imperial Lustre. Britain beheld him not first a Child, but first saw him Caesar; not fetching thence his natural being, Anno Dom. 307 but honourable Birth, first saluted Caesar in Britain. Ans. Even a Not. in Admiranda, lib. 4. cap. 11. Lipsius (Britain's greatest Enemy in this point) confesseth, that though Constantine was first elected Emperor in Britain, yet he was first pronounced Caesar in France, in the life and health of his Father; Caesar was a Title given to the Heir-apparent to the Empire:) ● and therefore the words in the Panegyrist, in their native Construction, relate to his natural Birth. 2. Object. Constantine Porphyrogenetes the Grecian Emperor, about 700 years since, in his Book of Government which he wrote to his Son, confesseth Constantine the Great to have been a FRANK by his Birth, whence learned Meursius collecteth him a Frenchman by his extraction. Ans. It is notoriously known to all Learned men, that the Greeks in that midle-Age, (as the Turks at this very day) called all Western Europeaans', FRANKS. Wherefore as he that calleth such a Fruit of the Earth Grain (a general name) denyeth not but it may be Wheat, a proper kind thereof; so the terming Constantine a Frank, doth not exclude him from being a Britain, yea strongly implieth the same, seeing no Western Country in Europe ever pretended unto his Birth. 3. Object. Bede, a grave and faithful Author, makes no mention of Constantine born in Britain, who (as b In his Epistle to Mr. Camden. Non Beda ille antiquus & fidns? an▪ gloriae gentis suae non savet? Lipsius marketh) would not have omitted a matter so much to the honour of his own Nation. Ans. By the leave of Lipsius, Constantine and Bede, though of the same Country, were of several Nations. Bede being a Saxon, was little zealous to advance the British Honour: The History of which Church he rather toucheth than handleth, using it only as a Porch, to pass through it to the Saxon History. And Saxons in general had little Skill to seek, and less Will to find out any Worthy thing in British Antiquities, because of the known Antipathy betwixt them. 4. Object. c In lib. ●. de aedisiciis justiniani. Procopius maketh Drepanum, a haven in Bythinia (so called because there the Sea runs crooked in form of a Sickle) to be the place where Constantine had his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or first Nursing, very near to his Birth; & Nicephorus Gregoras makes him born in the same Country. Ans. The former speaks not positively, but faith [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] men say so, reporting a Popular Error. The latter is a late Writer, living under Andronicus junior Anno 1340, & therefore not to be believed before others more ancient. 5. Object. But julius Firmicus, contemporary with Constantine himself, an Author above Exception, maketh this Constantine to be born at Naisus, (in printed Books Tharsus) a City of Dacia. Ans. An excellent d Camden in his letter to Lipsius, printed in Usher de Prim. Eccl. Brit. p. 188. Critic hath proved the Printed Copies of Firmicus to be corrupted, and justifieth it out of approved Manuscripts, that not Constantine the Great the Father, but Constantine the younger his Son was intended by Firmicus born in that Place. Thus we hope we have cleared the Point with ingenuous Readers, in such measure as is consistent with the Brevity of our History. So that of this Constantine (a kind of outward Saviour in the World, to deliver People from Persecution) we may say, with some allusion to the words of the e Mica. 5. 2. Prophet (but with a humble Reservation of the infinite Distance betwixt the Persons) AND THOU BRITAIN ART NOT THE MEANEST AMONGST THE KINGDOMS OF EUROPE, FOR OUT OF THEE DID COME A GOVERNOR, WHICH DID RULE THE ISRAEL OF GOD, GIVING DELIVERANCE AND PEACE TO THE SAINTS. 17. Now see what a Pinch a In his Epistle to this Nation. Verstegan (whose teeth are sharpened by the difference of Religion) gives Mr. Fox: Mr. Fox defended against the Cavils of Verstegan. What is it other than an Absurdity, for an English Author to begin his Epistle (to an huge b He meaneth his Books of Acts and Monuments. Volume) with Constantine the great and mighty Emperor, the Son of Helen, an ENGLISH Woman, etc. Whereas (saith he) in truth St. Helen, the Mother of Constantine, was no English, but a British Woman. And yet Fox his words are capable of a candid Construction, if by English Woman we understand (by a favourable Prolepsis,) one born in that Part of Britain, which since hath been inhabited by the English. Sure in the same Dialect St. Alban hath often been called the first Martyr of the English, by many Writers of good esteem. Yea the Breviary of c In officio Sancti Albani. Sarum, allowed and confirmed no doubt by the Infallible Church of Rome, greets St. Alban with this Salute; Ave, Proto-martyr Anglorum, Miles Regis Angelorum, O Alban, flos Martyrum. Sure Helen was as properly an English Woman, as Alban an English Man, being both British in the Rigid Letter of History; and yet may be interpreted English in the Equity thereof. Thus it is vain for any to write Books, if their words be not taken in a courteous Latitude; and if the Reader meets not his Author with a Pardon of course for venial Mistakes, especially when his Pen slides in so slippery a Passage. 18. And now having asserted Constantine a Britain, Three Cities contend for Constantine born in them. we are engaged afresh in a new Controversy, betwixt three Cities; with equal Zeal and Probability, challenging Constantine to be theirs by Birth; d William Fitzstephens in the description of London. London, e Oratores Regis Angliae in Concil. Constant. York, and f Camden's Brit. in Essex. Colchester. We dare define nothing; not so much out offear to displease (though he that shall gain one of these Cities his Friend, shall make the other two his Foes by his Verdict:) but chief because little Certainty can be pronounced in a matter so long since, and little evident. Let me refresh myself and the Reader, with relating and applying a pleasant Story. Once at the Burial of St. Teliau second Bishop of Landaffe, three Places did strive to have the Interring of his Body; Pen-allum, where his Ancestors were buried, Lanfolio-vaur, where he died, and Landaffe, his Episcopal See. Now after Prayer to God to appease this Contention, in the place where they had left him, there appeared suddenly three g Godwin in the Bishops of Landaffe. Hearses, with three Bodies so like, as no man could discern the right: and so every one taking one, they were all well pleased. If by the like Miracle, as there three Corpses of Teliau encoffined, so here three Child-constantines' encradled might be represented, the Controversy betwixt these three Cities were easily arbitrated, and all Parties fully satisfied. But seriously to the matter. That which gave Occasion to the Varieties of their Claims to Constantine's Birth, may probably be this, that he was Born in one place, Nursed in another, and perchance, being young, Bred in a third. Thus we see our Saviour, though born in Bethlehem, yet was accounted a Nazarite, of the City of Nazareth, where he was brought up: and this general Error took so deep impression in the People, it could not be removed out of the Minds and Mouths of the Vulgar. 19 Constantine being now peaceably settled in the Imperial Throne, 312 there followed a sudden and general Alteration in the World; Peace and prosperity restored to the Church by Constantine. Persecutors turning Patrons of Religion. O the Efficacy of a Godly Emperor's Example, which did draw many to a conscientious love of Christianity, and did drive more to a civil conformity thereunto! The Gospel, formerly a Forester, now became a Citizen; and leaving the Woods, wherein it wandered, Hills and Holes, where it hide itself before, dwelled quietly in Populous Places. The stumps of ruined Churches lately destroyed by Diocletian, grew up into beautiful Buildings▪ Oratories were furnished with pious Ministers, and they provided of plentiful Maintenance, through the Liberality of Constantine. And if it be true, what one relates, that about this time, Anno Dom. 312 when the Church began to be enriched with Means, there came a voice from Heaven (I dare boldly say, he that first wrote it never heard it, being a modern a John Nauclerus precedent of Tubing University Anno 1500. Author) saying, Now is Poison poured down into the Church: yet is there no danger of Death thereby, seeing lately so strong an Antidote hath been given against it. Nor do we meet with any particular Bounty, conferred by Constantine, or Helen his Mother, on Britain, their native Country, otherwise then as it shared now in the general Happiness of all Christendom. The Reason might be this; That her Devotion most moved Eastward towards Jerusalem, and he was principally employed fare off at Constantinople, whither he had removed the Seat of the Empire, for the more Conveniency in the midst of his Dominions. An Empire herein unhappy, that as it was too vast for one to manage it entirely, so it was too little for two to govern it jointly, as in after-Ages did appear. 20. And now just ten years after the Death of St. Alban, a Stately Church was erected there and dedicated to his Memory; As also the History of Winchester reporteth, that then their Church first founded by King Lucius, and since destroyed, was built anew, and Monks (as they say) placed in it. But the most avouchable Evidence of Christianity flourishing in this Island in this Age, The Appearance of the British in foreign Councils. is produced from the Bishops representing Britain in the Council of 1 ARLES in France, 314 called to take Cognizance of the Cause of the Donatists; where appeared for the British 1 b See the several subscriptions at the end of this Council in Binnius. Eborius Bishop of York. 2 Restitutus Bishop of London. 3 Adelfius Bishop of the City called the Colony of London, which some count Colchester, and others Maldon in Essex. 4 Sacerdos a Priest, both by his proper Name and Office. 5 Arminius a Deacon. both of the last place. 2 NICE in Bythinia, 325 summoned to suppress Arrianisme, and establishing an Uniformity of the Observation of Easter; to which agreed those of the Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c Eusebius lib. 3. de vita Constant. c. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 3 SARDIS in Thracia, 347 called by Constantius and Constans, Sons to Constantine the Great; where the Bishops of d Athanasius in the beginning of his second Apology against the Arrians. Britain concurred with the rest to condemn the Arrians, and acquit Athanasius. 4 ARIMINUM on the Adriatic Sea in Italy, 359 a Synod convocated by Constantius the Emperor. In this last Council it is remarkable, that whereas the Emperor ordered, that Provisions (and those very plentiful) of Diet should be bestowed on the Bishops there assembled, yet those of Aquitain, France, and e Sulpitius Severus lib. 2. Historiae Sacrae. Britain preferred rather to live on their Proper Cost, then to be a Burden to the Public Treasury. Only three British Bishops, necessitated for want of Maintenance, received the Emperor's Allowance: the Refusal of the former (having enough of their own) being an Act full of Praise, as the laters accepting a Salary to relieve their Want, a deed free from Censure. Collect we hence, 1. that there were many British Bishops in this Council, though their Names and Number are not particularly recorded. 2. That the generality of British Bishops had in this Age Plentiful Maintenance, who could subsist of themselves so fare off in a fortain Country: whereas lately in the Council of Trent, many Italian Bishops, though in a manner still at home, could not live without Public Contribution. But there was good reason why the British were loath to accept the Emperor's Allowance, (though otherwise it had been neither Manners nor Discretion for Prelates to refuse a Prince's Proffer,) because as f Dan. 1. 8. Daniel and the Children of the Captivity preferred their Pulse before the Far of King Nabuchadnezzar, Anno Dom. 359 for fear they should be defiled with his (though Princely, yet) Pagan Diet; so these Bishops did justly suspect, that Constantius the Emperor being an Arrian, had a Design to bribe their judgements by their Palates, and by his Bounty to buy their Suffrages to favour his Opinions. In very deed this a Episco● Arrianus Dogma sirunt suba oppriment Constantio cundus, cap. 30. Britain beginneth to be tainted with Arrianisme. Synod is justly taxed, not that it did bend, but was bowed to Arrianisme, and being overborn by the Emperor, did countenance his Poisonous Positions. 21. Hitherto the Church in Britain continued Sound and Orthodox, in no degree tainted with Arrianisme; 360 which gave the Occasion to St. Hilary in his b Dedicating unto them his Book de Synodis. Epistle to his Brethren, and fellow- Bishops of Germany and Britain, etc. though he himself was in Phrygia in Banishment, to solace his Soul with the consideration of the Purity and Soundness of Religion in their Countries. But now (alas!) the Gangrene of that Heresy began to spread itself into this Island: So that what the c Acts 17. 6. jews of Thessalonica said unjustly of St. Paul and his Followers, the Britan's might too truly affirm of Arrius and his Adherents, Those that have turned the World upside-down are come hither also. Hear how sadly Gildas complaineth, Mansit namque haec Christi Capitis membrorum consonantia suavis, donec Arriana Perfidia atrox▪ ceu Anguis transmarina nobis evomens Venena, Fratres in unum habitantes exitiabiliter faceret sejungi, etc. So that the words of Athanasius, totus mundus Arrianizat, were true also of this peculiar or divided World of Britain. naturalists dispute how Wolves had their first being in Britain; it being improbable that Merchants would bring any such noxious Vermin over in their Ships, and impossible that of themselves they should swim over the Sea (which hath prevailed so fare with some, as to conceive this, now an Island, originally annexed to the Continent:) but here the Quaere may be propounded, how these Heretics (mystical Wolves not d Acts 20. 29. sparing the Flock) first entered into this Island. And indeed we meet neither with their Names, nor manner of Transportation hither; but only with the cursed Fruit of their Labours. And it is observable, that immediately after that this Kingdom was infected with Arrianisme, the Pagan e Ammianus Marcellinus in the beginning of his twentieth Book maketh this Irruption to happen Anno 360▪ which continued many years after. Maximus usurping the empire, expelleth the Scots out of Britain. Picts and Scots out of the North made a general and desperate Invasion of it. It being just with God, when his Vine-yard beginneth to bring forth Wild-grapes, then to let lose the Wild Boar, to take his full and free repast upon it. 22. In this woeful Condition, 379 vain were the Complaints of the Oppressed Britan's for Assistance, unto Gratian and Valentinian the Roman Emperors, who otherways employed, neglected to send them Succour. This gave occasion to Maximus, a f Zosim. Histor. l. 4. Spaniard by Birth, (though accounted born in this Island by our home bred g Gildas, H. Hunting. Histor. lib. 1. Galfrid. Monmouth; and before the three later, Ethelwerdus, Chronic. lib. 1. Authors) to be choose Emperor of the West of Europe, by a predominant Faction in his Army; who for a time valiantly resisted the Scots and Picts, which cruelly invaded and infested the South of Britain. For these Nations were invincible, whilst like two Arms of the same Body they assisted each other: But when the Picts (the Right Arm, being most strong and active) suffered themselves to be quietly bound up by the Peace concluded, the Scots, as their own h John Fordon, Scoto-Chronic. lib. 2. cap. 45. Authors confess, were quickly conquered and dispersed. But Maximus, whose main Design was not to defend Britain from Enemies, but confirm himself in the Empire, sailed over with the Flower of the British Nation into France; where having conquered the Natives in Armorica, he bestowed the whole Country upon his Soldiers, from them named at this day Little Britain. 23. But Ireland will no ways allow that Name unto it, 383 pleading itself to be anciently called the L●sser Britain, Britain in France when conquered, and why so called. in Authertick i Ptolemie calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. 2. cap. 6. p. 31. Ed. Crae●. Authors▪ and therefore this French Britain must be contented to hear that Name, with the Difference of the third Brother; except any will more properly say, that the French Britain is the Daughter of our Britain, which Infant when she asks her Mother Blessing, doth not jabber so strangely, but that she is perfectly understood by her Parent. Although one will hardly believe what is generally reported, namely that these French Britan's were so ambitious to preserve their native Language, Anno Dom. 383 that marrying French Women, they cut out their Wife's ●●ilin's ●● in the ●●ption of 〈◊〉. Tongues, for fear they should infect their children's Speech, with a Mixture of French Words. Here the Britan's lived, and though they had pawned their former Wives and Children at home, they had neither the Honesty nor Affection to return thither to redeem the Pledges left behind them. Strange, that they should so soon forget their Native Soil! But as the Loadstone, when it is rubbed over with the Juice of Onions, forgetteth its Property to draw Iron any longer; so though we allow an attractive Virtue in ones own Country, yet it looseth that alluring Quality, when the said place of ones Birth is steeped in a Sad & Sorrowful Condition, as the State of Britain stood at this present. And therefore these Travellours having found a new Habitation nearer the Sun, and further from Suffering, there quietly set up their Rest. 24. But not long after, Maximus slain in his march towards Italy. Maximus marching towards Italy, 388 was overcome and killed at Aquilegia. A Prince not unworthy of his Great Name, had he been lifted up to the Throne by a regular Election, and not tossed up to the same in a tumultuous manner. This makes St. b In Oratione Funebri de exitu Theodosii. Ambrose, Gildas, and other Authors violently to inveigh against his Memory, notwithstanding his many most c Sulpitius Severus Dialogo secundo cap. 7. honourable Achievements. This Difference we may observe betwixt Bastards and Usurpers: the former, if proving eminent, are much bemoaned, because merely Passive in the Blemish of their Birth; whilst Usurpers, though behaving themselves never so gallantly, never gain general good will, because actually evil in their Original; as it fared with Maximus, who by good Using, could never make Reparation for his bad Getting of the Empire. Surely Britain had cause to curse him, for draining it of her Men and Munition, so leaving it a Trunk of a Commonwealth, without Head or Hands, Wisdom or Valour, effectually to advise or execute any thing in its own Defence; all whose Strength consisted in Multitudes of People, where Number was not so great a Benefit, as Disorder was a Burden: which encouraged the Picts, (the Truce expired) to harrasse all the Land with Fire and Sword. The larger Prosecution whereof we leave to the Chronicles of the State, only touching it here by way of Excuse, for the Briefness and Barrenness of our Ecclesiastical History; the Sadness of the Commonwealth being a just Plea for the Silence of the Church. 25. We conclude this Century, Frequent Pilgrimages of the Britàns to Jerusalem, whilst S. Keby lived'quietly in Anglesey. when we have told the Reader, 390 that about this time the d Hieronymus To. 1. Ep, 17. & Palladius Galata, Hist. Lausiat. cap. 119. Fathers tell us, how Pilgrimages of the Britan's began to be frequent as fare as jerusalem, there not only to Visit Christ's Sepulchre, but also to behold Simon Stilita a pious man, and Melanta a devout Woman, both residing in Syria, and at this time eminent for Sanctity. Perchance Discontentment mingled with Devotion moved the Britan's to so long a Journey, conceiving themselves, because of their present Troubles at home, more safe any where else then in their own Country. As for those Britan's, who in this Age were zealous Asserters of the Purity of Religion against the Poison of Arrianisme, amongst them we find St. Keby a principal Champion, Son to S●lomon Duke of Cornwall, Scholar to St. Hilary Bishop of Poitiers in France, with whom he lived 50 years, and by whom being made Bishop, he returned first to St. david's, afterwards into Ireland, and at last fixed himself in the Isle of Anglesey. So pious a man, that he might seem to have communicated Sanctity to the Place, being a Promontory into the Sea called from him Holy-head, (but in Welsh Caer-guiby●) as in the same Island, the memory of his Master is preserved in Hilary point: where both shall be remembered, as long as there be either Waves to assault the Shore, or Rocks to resist them. THE FIFTH CENTURY. Anno Dom. To Thomas Bide of London Esquire. AMongst your many good Qualities, I have particularly observed your judicious Delight in the Mathematics. Seeing therefore this Century hath so much of the Survey or therein, being employed in the exact Dividing of the English Shires betwixt the seven Saxon Kingdoms, the Proportions herein are by me submitted to your Censure and Approbation. 1. NOw the Arrian Heresy, 401 by God's Providence and good men's Diligence, Pelagius a Britain by birth. was in some measure suppressed, when the unwearied Malice of Satan (who never leaveth off, though often changeth his ways, to seduce Souls) brought in a worse (because more plausible) Heresy of Pelagianisme. For every man is born a Pelagian, naturally proud of his Power, and needeth little Art to teach him to think well of himself. This Pelagius was a Britain by Birth, (as we take no delight to confess it, so we'll tell no Lie, to deny it;) as some say called a a Jacobus Usserius, de Brit. Ecc. Prim. p. 207. & Dominus Hen. Spelman in Conciliis, pag. 46. Morgan, that is in Welsh, near the Sea, (and well had it been for the Christian world, if he had been nearer the Sea, and served therein as the Egyptians served the Hebrew Males:) being to the same sense called in Latin Pelagius. Let no Foreiner insult on the infelicity of our Land in bearing this Monster: But consider, first, if his excellent natural Parts, and eminent acquired Learning might be separated from his dangerous Doctrine, no Nation need be ashamed to acknowledge him. Secondly, Britain did but breed Pelagius, Pelagius himself bred his Heresy, and in foreign Parts where he traveled; France, Syria, Egypt, Rome itself, if not first invented, much improved his pestilent Opinions. Lastly, as our Island is to be pitied for breeding the Person, so she is to be praised for opposing the Errors of Pelagius. Thus the best Father cannot forbid the worst Son from being his Child, but may debar him from being his Heir, affording no favour to countenance his Badness. 2. It is memorable what b Dempster Hist. Scot l. 15. num. 1012. one relates, Pelagius no Doctor of Cambridge, but a Monk of Banchor. that the same day whereon Pelagius was born in Britain, St. Augustine was also born in afric: Divine Providence so disposing it, that the Poison and the Antidote should be Twins in a manner, in respect of the same time. To pass from the Birth, to the Breeding of Pelagius; c Hist. Cantab. Academ. lib. ●. pag. 28. john Cajus, who observes eight solemn Destructions of Cambridge before the Conquest, imputeth that which was the third, in order, to Pelagius; who being a Student there, and having his Doctrine opposed by the Orthodox Divines, cruelly caused the overthrow and desolation of all the University. But we hope it will be accounted no point of Pelagianism, for us, thus fare to improve our Freewill, as to refuse to give Credit hereunto, till better Authority be produced. And yet this sounds much to the Commendation of Cambridge, that, like a pure Crystall-Glass, it would prefer rather to fly a pieces, and be dissolved, then to endure Poison put into it; according to the Character, Anno Dom. 401 which john a In his Poem of Cambridge. Lidgate (a Wit of those Times) gave of this University: Cambrege of Heresy ne'er bore the blame. More true it is that Pelagius was bred in the Monastery of Banchor (in that part of Flintshire, which, at this day, is a Separatist from the rest) where he lived with two thousand Monks, industrious in their Callings, whose Hands were the only Benefactors for their Bellies, Abbey-labourers, not Abbey-lubbers like their Successors in after-Ages, who living in Laziness, abused the Bounty of their Patrons to Riot and Excess. 3. Infinite are the Deductions, The principal Errors of Pelagius. and derived Consequences of Pelagius his Errors. These are the main. 1. That a man might be saved without God's Grace, by his own Merits and freewill. 2. That Infants were born without Original Sin, and were as innocent as Adam, before his Fall. 3. That they were Baptised not to be freed from Sin, but thereby to be adopted into the Kingdom of God. 4. That Adam died not by reason of his Sin, but by the condition of Nature; and that he should have died albeit he had not sinned. Here to recount the learned Works of Fathers written, their pious Sermons preached, passionate Epistles sent, private Conferences entertained, public Disputations held, Provincial Synods summoned, General Councils called, wholesome Canons made to confute and condemn these Opinions, under the name of Pelagius, or his Scholar Caelestius, would amount to a Volume fit for a Porters back to bear, than a Scholars Brains to peruse. I decline the Employment, both as over-painfull, and nothing proper to our Business in hand, (fearing to cut my Fingers, if I put my Sickle into other men's Corn;) these things being transacted beyond the Seas, and not belonging to the British History. The rather, because it cannot be proved that Pelag us in person ever dispersed his Poison in this Island, but ranging abroad, (perchance because this False Prophet counted himself without honour in his own Country) had his Emissaries here, and principally b Beda lib. 1. cap. 17. Agricola, the Son of Severian a Bishop. 4. It is incredible, French Bishops sent for to suppress Pelagianism in Britain. how speedily and generally the Infection spread by his preaching, 420 advantaged, no doubt, by the Ignorance and Laziness of the British Bishops, in those days, none of the deepest Divines, or most learned Clerks, as having little care, and less comfort to study, living in a distracted State: and those that feel practical Discords, will have little joy to busy themselves with controversial Divinity. However, herein their Discretion is to be commended, that finding their own Forces too feeble to encounter so great a Foe, they craved the Assistance of Foreiners out of France, and sent for German, Bishop of Auxerre, and Lupus, Bishop of Troy's: not being of their envious and proud Disposition, who had rather suffer a Good Cause to fall, then to borrow Supporters to hold it up, lest thereby they disgrace themselves, confessing their own Insufficiency, and preferring the Ability of others. The two Bishops cheerfully embraced the Employment, and undertook the Journey, no whit discouraged with the length of the Way, danger of the Sea, and badness of the Winter; seeing all Weathers is fair to a willing mind, and Opportunity to do good is the greatest Preferment which a humble heart doth desire. This Lupus was Brother to Vincentius c Euchetius in libello de laude Eremi ad Hilarium. Lirinensis, d Usher de Brit. Eccl. Primord. pag. 325. Husband to Pimeniola, the Sister of Hilary, Archbishop of Arles; one of such Learning and Sanctity, that a grave Author of those times styleth him a Father of e Sidonius lib. 6. Epist. 1. Fathers, and Bishop of Bishops; yea another James of that Age. And yet in this Employment he was but a Second to GERMAN the Principal; and both of them, like PAUL and BARNABAS, jointly advanced the Design. 5. Coming into Britain, Anno Dom. 429 with their constant Labours they confirmed the Orthodox, German and Lupus come over and preach in Britain. and reclaimed the Erroneous, preaching openly in Fields and a Per trivia, per rura, per devia. Highways. As the King's Presence makes a Court, so theirs did a Church, of any Place; their Congregation being bounded with no other Walls, than the Preacher's voice, and extending as fare as he could intelligibly be heard. As for their formal Disputation with the Pelagian Doctors, take it from the Pen of Bede, and Mouth of Stapleton translating him. 6. The Authors and head Professors of heretical Error, Their disputation with the Pelagian, Doctors. lay lurking all this while, and like the wicked Spirits, much spighted to see the People daily to fall from them. At length after long advisement used, they taketh upon them to try the matter by open Disputation; which being agreed upon, they come forth richly appointed, gorgeously apparaled, accompanied with a number of flattering favours, having b Not presuming to alter any of Stapleton's words, take it with all the Printers faults, done probably by an outlandish Press. leifer to commit their Cause to open disputting, then to seem to the people, whom they had subverted, to have nothing to say in the defence thereof. Thither resorted a great Multitude of people, with their Wives and Children. The People was present both to see, and judge the matter: the Parties there were fare unleke of Condition. In the one side was the Faith, on the other was presumption; on the one side Meekness, on the other Pride; on the one side Pelagius, on the other Christ. First of all the blessed Priest Germanus and Lupus gave their Adversaries leave to speak, which vainly occupied both the time and ears of the People with naked words. But after the Reverend Bishops poured out their flowing words, confirmed with Scriptures out of the Gospels and Apostles, they joined with their own words, the words of God, and after they had said their own mind, they read other men's mind upon the same. Thus the Vanity of Heretics is convicted, and Falssehed is confuted, sso that at every objection they were forced in effect to confess their Error, not being able to Answer them. The People had much to do to keep their hands from them yet shown their judgement by their Clamours. 7. A Conference every way admirable. Many remarkables in this Disputation. First, in the Opponents, who came forth gallantly, as ante-dating the Conquest, and bringing the Spoils of their Victory with them. But gay clothes are no Armour for a Combat. Secondly, In the Defendants of the Truth, appealing to no unwritten Traditions, but to the Scriptures of the Gospels and Apostles: because the point of Grace controverted, appeared most plainly in the New Testament. Thirdly, In the Auditors, or, as they are called, the judges, Men Women, and Children. Wonder not at this Feminine Auditory, seeing they were as capable of the Antidote as of the Poison: and no doubt the Pelagians had formerly (as other Heretics) crept into houses to seduce silly c 2 Tim. 3. 6. Women: and therefore now the Plaster must be as broad as the Sore. As for Children, we know who it was that said, In Latin, not pueri, but liberi. d Mat. 19 14. Suffer little Children to come unto me, and forbidden them not, etc. But here, though called Children in Relation to their Parents, they might be in good Age and capacity of understanding; or if they were little ones indeed, flocking out of fashion in a general Concourse, to see ease men speak Divine Mysteries, they could not hereafter, when grown old, date their Remembrance from a more remarkable Epoch. See we here that in these times, the Laity were so well acquainted with God's Word, that they could competently judge, what was or was not spoken in Proportion thereunto. Lastly and chief, In the Success of this Conference. For though generally such public Disputations do make more Noise then take Effect, (because the obstinate maintainers of Error come with their Tongues tipped with clamorousness, as their Proselyte Auditors do with Ears stopped with Prejudice,) yet this meeting, by God's Blessing, was marvellously powerful to establish and convert the People. But here a main Difficulty is by Authors left wholly untouched, namely in what Language this Conference was entertained, Anno Dom. 429 and managed, that Germanus and Lupus, two French Bishops, and Foreiners, could both speak with Fluentness, and be understood with Facility. Perchance the ancient Gauls in France, whence these Bishops came, spoke still (as they did anciently) one and the selfsame Tongue with the Britan's, distering rather in Dialect then Language: or, which is more probable, both France and Britain, remaining as yet Roman Provinces, spoke a course, vulgar Latin, though invaded with a Mixture of many Base words, as Britain especially, now or near this time, was infested with foreign Barbarous Nations. 8. This Conference was held at St. Alban, S. Alban the Place of the Conference. even where at this day a small Chappeli is extant, to the honour of St. German: though a Scot Hist. lib. 8. Hector Boethius assigns London the Place, adding moreover, that such obstinate Pelagians as would not be reclaimed, were, for their Contumacy, burnt by the King's Officers. But it will be hard to find any Spark of Fire in Britain, or elsewhere, employed on Heretics in this Age. We may observe that the aforeaid Hector Boethius, and Polydore Virgil (writing the Chronicles, the one of Scotland, the other of England, at the same time,) as they bear the Poetical Names of two Sons of Priamus, so they take to themselves much liberty of Fancy and Fiction in their several Histories. 9 Not long after, Germanus marcheth against the Pagan Picts and Saxons. the Aid of Germanus and Lupus was implored, and employed an hundred miles off in another service, against the Pagan Picts and Saxons. Here we meet with the first mention of Saxons, being some straggling Volunteers of that Nation, coming over to pillage here of their own accord, not many years before they were solemnly invited hither under Horsus and Hengistus, their Generals. Germanus, after the Lent well spent, in the Fasting of their Bodies, and Feasting of their Souls (for the people had b Bede 1 Book cap. 20. daily Sermons,) and the solemnity of Easter Festival duly celebrated, wherein he Christened Multitudes of Pagan Converts, in the River allen, marched with an Army of them, whilst their Baptismal water was scarce wiped from their Bodies, against the aforesaid Enemies, whom he found in the North-East of Wales. Here the Pious Bishop turning Politic Engineer, chose a place of Advantage, being a hollow Dale, surrounded with Hills, near the Village, called at this day by the English Mould, by the British Guidcrue, in Flintshire, where the Field at this day retains the name of c Usher de Brit. Ecc. Primord. p. 333. M●es Garmen, or Germans Field; the more remarkable, because it hath escaped (as few of this Note and Nature) the exact Observation of Master Camden. 10. Here Germanus placed his men in Ambush, A Victory gotten not by shooting, but shouting with Instructions, that at a Signal given, they should all shout Hallelujah three times with all their might; which was done accordingly. The Pagans were surprised with the Suddenness and Loudness of such a Sound, much multiplied by the advantage of the Echo, whereby their Fear brought in a false List of their Enemy's Number; and rather trusting their Ears then their Eyes, they reckoned their Foes by the increase of the Noise rebounded unto them; and then allowing two Hands for every Mouth, how vast was their Army! But besides the Concavity of the Valleys improving the Sound, God sent a Hollowness into the Hearts of the Pagans: so that their Apprehensions added to their Ears, and Cowardice often resounded the same Shout in their Breasts, till beaten with the Reverberation thereof, without striking a Stroke, they confusedly ran away; and many were drowned for speed, in the River allen, lately the Christians Font, now the Pagans Grave. Thus a bloodless Victory was gotten, without Sword drawn, consisting of no Fight, but a Fright and a Flight; and that Hallelujah, the Song of the d Revel. 19 1. Saints after Conquest achieved, was here the Forerunner, and Procurer of Victory. So good a Grace, it is to be said both before and after a Battle. Gregory the Great (a grave Author) in his e Chap. 36. vers. 29, 30. Comment upon job, makes mention of this Victory, Anno Dom. 430 occasioned on those words, Can any understand the noise of his Tabarnacle? 11. Germanus now twice a Conqueror, S. Alban in Hartfordshire, Colen, Ely, & Osell, pretend to the whole Body of Saint Alban. of Pelagians and Pagans, prepares for his Return, after first he had caused the Tomb of St. Alban to be opened, and therein deposited the Relics of many Saints, which he brought over with him, conceiving it fit (as he said) that their Corpses should sleep in the same Grave, whose Souls rested in the same Heaven. In lieu of what he left behind him, (Exchange is no Robbery,) he carried along with him some of St. Alban's Dust, wherein Spots of the Martyr's Blood were as fair and fresh, as if shed but yesterday. But what most concerns St. Alban's Monks to stickle in, some report German to have carried the Body of Alban to Rome: whence some hundred years after, the Empress to Otho the second brought it to a Surius Tomo 3. vita Sanct. junij 22. Colen, where, at this day, they maintain his uncorrupted Body to be enshrined: The Monks of Ely, in Cambridge-shire, pretending to the same; as also do those of Ottonium, or Osell, in Denmark. Thus, as Metius Suffetius the Roman was drawn alive by Horses four ways: like Violence is offered to the Dead Body of Alban, plucked to four several places by importunate Competitors; only with this Difference, that the Former was mangled into Quarters, whereas here each place pretends to have him whole and entire, not abating one Hair of his b Caputenim cum barba Idem ut prius. Beard. Nor know I how to reconcile them, except any of them dare say, though without show of Probability, that as the River in Paradise went out of Eden, from whence it was parted and became into four c Gen. 2. 10. Heads; Alban in like manner, when dead, had the same Quality, of one to be multiplied into four Bodies. 12. Now after Germanus and Lupus were returned home into their native Country, After the departure of Germanus, Pelagianisme recruits in Britain. Pelagianisme began to sprout again in Britain. An Accident not so strange to him that considers, how quickly an Error much of kin thereunto grew up amongst the Galathians, presently on d Gal. 1. 6. Paul's departure. I marvel (said he) that you are so soon removed from him, that called you unto the Grace of Christ, unto another Gospel. St. Paul's marveling may make us marvel the less, seeing that Wonder which hath a Precedent is not so great a Wonder. Here we may sadly behold the great Proneness of men to go astray, whose hearts by nature cold in Goodness, will burn no longer than they are blown. To suppress this Heresy, Germanus is solicited to make a second Voyage into Britain: which he did accordingly, accompanied with his Partner Severus, because Lupus his former Companion was otherwise employed. Hereupon a prime e Erticus Antissiod orensis in vita S. Germani. Poet of his Age, makes this Apostrophe unto St. German: Tuque O, cui toto discretos orbe Britannos Bis penetrare datum, 449 bis intima cernere magni Monstra maris:— O thou that twice pierced Britain, cut asunder From the whole World, twice didst survey the wonder Of monstrous Seas:— The same f Bede lib. 1. cap. 21. Success still followed, and this Conqueror, who formerly had broken and scattered the main Body of the Pelagians, now routed the Remnant, which began to ralley and make head again. 13. He also called a g Math. West in anno 449. Pelagianism, and King▪ Vottigers incestuous marridge condemned in a Synod. Synod, wherein those damnable Doctrines were condemned: as also the h Nennius. cap. 37. Incestuous Marriage of VORTIGER King of Britain, (a wicked Prince, in whom all the Dregs of his vicious Ancestors were settled,) who had took his own Daughter to Wife. And yet of this unlawful Copulation, a pious Son, St. Faustus, was born: to show that no Cross-bar of Bastandy, though doubled with Incest, can bolt Grace out of that Heart, wherein God will have it to enter. Germanus having settled Britain in good Order, went back to his own Country, where presently upon his return he died; Anno Dom. 449 as God useth to send his Servants to Bed, when they have done all their Work: and by God's blessing on his Endeavours, that Heresy was so cut down in Britain, that it never generally grew up again. 14. Mean time the South of this Island was in a woeful condition, In vain the Britan's petition to the Roman Emperor for help against the Picts. caused by the daily Incursions of the Picts. As for the Picts Wall built to restrain them, it being a better Limit then Fortification, served rather to define then defend the Roman Empire: and useless is the strongest Wall of Stone, when it hath Stocks only upon it: such was the Scottish Laziness of the Britan's to man it; a Nation at this time given over to all manner of Sin, insomuch as a In Prologo libri de Excid. Brit. Gildas their Countryman calls them Aetatis Atramentum, the Ink of the Age. And though God did daily correct them with Inroads of Pagans, yet like restife Horses, they went the worse for Beating. And now the Land being exhausted of the Flower of her Chivalry, (transported and disposed in Roman Garrisons, as fare as judaea and b See Notitia Provinciarum. Egypt itself) could not make good her ground against the Picts; and was fain to request first Theodosius the younger, than Valentinian the third Roman Emperor, (whose Homagers the British Kings were until this time) for their Assistance. They dispatch Petition after Petition, Embassy on Embassy, representing their woeful estate. Now the Barbarians beat them to the Sea, the Sea repelled them to the Barbarians; and thus bandied betwixt Death and Death, they must either be killed or drowned. They enforced their Request for Aid, with much Earnestness and Importunity; all in vain, seeing Whisper and Hollow are like to a Deaf Ear, and no Answer was returned. Had they been as careful in bemoaning their Sins to God, as clamorous to declare their Sufferings to the Roman Emperor, their Requests in Heaven had been as graciously received, as their Petitions on Earth were carelessly rejected. 15. What might be the Cause of this Neglect? True Reasons why the Romans neglected to send Aid to the Britan's. Had the Imperial Crown so many Flowers, that it might afford to scatter some of them? Was Britain grown inconsiderable, formerly worth the Conquering, now not worth the Keeping? or was it because they conceived the Britan's Need not so much as was pretended; and Aid is an Alms ill-bestowed on those Beggars, who are lame of Laziness, and will not work for their Living? Or was the Service accounted desperate; and no wise Physician will willingly undertake a Disease which he conceives incurable? The plain truth is, the Roman Empire now grown Ruinous, could not repair its out-Rooms, and was fain to let them fall down to maintain the rest; and like Fencers, receiving a blow on their Leg to save their Head, exposed the Remote Countries of Spain, France, and Britain, to the Spoil of Pagans, to secure the Eastern Countries, near CONSTANTINOPLE the Seat of the Empire. 16. Here Vortiger, The sad success of the Pagan Saxons, invited by King Vortiger into Britain. forsaken of God and man, and left to himself, (Malice could not wish him a worse Adviser) resolves on a desperate Project, to call in the Pagan Saxons out of Germany for his Assistance, under Horsus and Hengistus their Captains. Over they come at first but in three great Ships, (a small Earnest will serve to bind a great Bargain:) first possessing the Island of Thanet in Kent; but following afterwards in such Swarms, that quickly they grew formidable to him that invited them over, of Guests turning Sojourners, then In mates, and lastly Landlords, till they had dispossessed the Britan's of the best of the Island: the entertaining of mercenary Soldiers, being like the administering of Quicksilver to one in Hiaca Passio; a Receipt not so properly prescribed by the Physician to the Patient, as by Necessity to the Physician. If hired Aid do on a sudden the Work they are sent for, and so have a present Passage to be discharged, sovereign use may be made of them: otherwise if long tarrying, they will eat the entrails, and corrode the Bowels of that State which entertains them; as here it came to pass. 17. For soon after the Saxons erected seven Kingdoms in Britain: And because their several Limits conduce much to the clear understanding of the following History, and we for the present are well at Leisure, we will present the Reader with the Description of their several Principalities. The respective bounds of the Saxon Heptarchy. The Partition was made by mutual Consent, thus fare forth, that every King caught what he could, and kept what he caught; and there being amongst them a Parity of high-spirited Princes, (who more prized an absolute Sovereignty over a little, than a Propriety with Subjection in never so much,) they erected seven several Kingdoms, in little more than but the third part of this Island: (A thing which will seem no wonder to him, who hath read how the little Land of a josh. 12. 24. CANAAN found room at the same time for one and thirty Kings.) But let us reckon them up. 1. The first was the Kingdom of KENT; which began Anno 4 5 7. under King Hengist. It contained the County of Kent, as it is at this day bounded, without any notable difference. And though this Kingdom was the least of all, (as consisting but of one entire County, without any other addition) yet was it much befriended in the Situation for Traffic with France and Germany. Besides, it being secured on three Sides with Thames and the Sea, and fenced on the fourth with Woods, this made their Kings (naturally defended at home) more considerable in their Impressions on their Neighbours. 2. Of the SOUTH-SAXONS, comprising Sussex and Surry, (both which, till very lately, were under one Sheriff.) And this Kingdom began Anno 491, under King Ella, and was the weakest of all the seven, affording few Kings, and fewer Actions of moment. 3. Of the EAST-SAXONS, comprehending Essex, Middlesex, and so much of Hartfordshire as is under the Bishop of London's Jurisdiction, whose Diocese is adequate to this Kingdom. A small Ring, if we survey the little Circuit of Ground; but it had a fair Diamond in it, the City of London (though then but a Stripling in Growth) well thriving in Wealth and Greatness. This Kingdom began in Erchenwin about the year 527. 4. Of the EAST-ANGLES, containing Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire, with the Isle of Ely, and (as it seems, faith a Reverend b Usher de Brit. Ecc. Primord. p. 394. Writer) part of Bedfordshire. It began Anno 575, under King Vffa, and lay most exposed to the Cruelty of the Danish Incursions. 5. Of MERCIA: so called, because it lay in the midst of the Island, being the Merches or Limits, on which c Lambert's Descript. of Kent. all the residue of the Kingdoms did bound and border. It began Anno 582. under King Cridda, and contained the whole Counties of Lincoln, Northampton, (with Rutland, then and long since part thereof) Huntingdon, Buckingham, Oxford, Worcester, Warwick, Derby, Nottingham, Leicester, Stafford, and Chester. Besides part of Hereford and Salop (the Remnant whereof was possessed by the Welsh,) Gloucester, Bedford, and d Idem ibid. Lancaster. In view it was the greatest of all the seven: but it abated the Puissance thereof, because on the West it affronted the Britan's, being deadly Enemies; and bordering on so many Kingdoms, the Mercians had work enough at home to shut their own Doors. 6. Of NORTHUMBERLAND, corrival with Mercia in Greatness, (though fare inferior in populousness) as to which belonged whatsoever lieth betwixt Humber and Edenborough-Frith. It was subdivided sometimes into two Kingdoms, of Bernicia and Deira. The later consisted of the Remainder of Lancashire, with the entire Counties of York, Durham, Westmoreland, and Cumberland. Bernicia contained Northumberland, with the South of Scotland to Edinburgh. But this Division lasted not long, before both were united together. It began Anno 547, under King Ida. 7. Of the WESTSAXONS; who possessed Hantshire, Berkshire, Wiltshire, Somerset, Dorset, and Devonshire; part of Cornwall, and Gloucestershire: yea some assign a Moiety of Surrey unto them. This Kingdom began Anno 519, under King Cerdicus, and excelled for plenty of Ports, (on the South and Severn Sea) store of Burroughs, stoutness of active men, (some impute this to the Natural cause of their being hatched under the warm Wings of the South-west Wind,) which being excellent Wrestlers, gave at last a Fall to all the other Saxon Kingdoms. So that as the seven Streams of Nilus lose themselves in the Midland Sea, this Heptarchy was at last devoured in the Westsaxons Monarchy. The reason that there is some difference in Writers in bounding of these several Kingdoms, is, because England being then the constant Cockpit of War, the Limits of these Kingdoms were in daily motion, sometimes marching forward, sometimes retreating backward, according to variety of Success. We may see what great difference there is, betwixt the Bounds of the Sea at High-water, and at Low-water Mark: and so the same Kingdom was much disproportioned to itself, when extended with the happy Chance of War, and when contracted at a low Ebb of Ill Success. And here we must not forget that amongst these seven Kings, during the Heptarchy, commonly one was most puissant, overruling the rest, who styled himself a Camden's Brit. pag. 139. King of the English Nation. 18. But to return to the British Church, and the year of our Lord 449, wherein St. Patrick, Irish S. Patrick said to live and die at Glassenbury. the Apostle of Ireland, is notoriously reported to have come to Glassenbury; where finding twelve old Monks, (Successors to those who were first founded there by joseph of Arimathea) he, though unwilling, was chosen their Abbot, and lived with them 39 years, observing the Rule of St. Mark, and his Aegptian Monks: the Order of Benedictines being as yet unborn in the world. Give we here a List of these 12 Monks; withal forewarning the Reader, that for all their harsh Sound, they are so many Saints, lest otherwise he should suspect them by the ill noise of their Names to be worse Creatures. 1. Brumbam 2. Hyregaan 3. Brenwall 4. Wencreth 5. Bantom-meweng 6. Adel-wolred 7. Lowar 8. Wellias 9 Breden 10. Swelves 11. Hinloemius 12. Hin. But know that some of these Names, as the 3. 6. and 9 are pure, plain b First observed by Mr. Camden, and since by the Archbishop of Armach. He is made Copartner in the Church with the Virgin Mary. Saxon words, which renders the rest suspected. So that whosoever it was, that first gave these British Monks such Saxon Names, made more Haste then good Speed, preventing the true Language of that Age. 19 So great was the Credit of St. Patrick at Glassenbury, that after his Death and Burial there, that Church which formerly was dedicated to the Virgin Mary alone, was in after-Ages jointly consecrated to her and St. Patrick. A great Presumption: For if it be true, what is reported, that at the first, by direction of the Angel c See 1. Cent. 11. Parag. Gabriel, that Church was solely devoted to the Virgin Mary; surely either the same, or some other Angel of equal Power, aught to have ordered the Admission of St. Patrick to the same, to be matched and impaled with the Blessed Virgin in the Honour thereof. In reference to St. Patrick's being at Glassenbur, several Saxon Kings granted large Charters, with great Profits and Privileges to this Place. 20. But now the Spite is, that an unparallelled d James Usher, de Brit. Ecc. Primord. pag. 875. 883▪ 894. 895. Yet the Credit of Patrick's being at Glassenbury shrewdly shaken. Critic in Antiquity, leaves this Patrick at this time sweeting in the Irish Harvest, having newly converted Lempster to the Faith, and now gone into the province of Munster on the same Occasion. Yea, he denies (and proveth the same) that this Patrick ever lived, or was buried at Glassenbury. But be it known to whom it may concern, that the British are not so overfond of St. Patrick, as to ravish him into their Country against his will, and the consent of Time. Yea, St. Patrick missed as much Honour, in not being at Glassenbury, as Glassenbury hath lost Credit, if he were never there; seeing the British justly set as high a Rate on that Place, as the Irish do on his Person. See but the Glorious Titles (which with small Alteration might serve for jerusalem itself) given to Glassenbury: and seeing now the Place is for the most part buried in its own Dust, let none envy these Epithets for the Epitaph thereof. Here lies the a Or Borough City which once was the b In the Charter of King Ina, and also in King Edgar's. Fountain and Original of all Religion, built by Christ's Disciples, c Malmesbury MS. de Antiq. Eccles. Glaston. consecrated by Christ himself; and this place is the d So called in the Charter of King Kenwin MOTHER OF SAINTS. We are sorry therefore for St. Patrick's sake, if he was never there. To salve all, some have found out another Patrick, called Seniour, or Sen Patrick, (a nice difference) equal with the Irish Apostle in Time, and not much inferior in Holiness, who certainly lived at Glassenbury. The plain truth is, that as in the e Plautus' his Amphitruo. Comedian, when there were two Amphitruo's, and two Sosia's, they made much fallacious Intricacy, and pleasant Delusion in the eyes of the Spectators: So there being in this Age two Patrick's (others f See Usher. pag. 895. say three) two g Ambrose. Caledoniꝰ Merlin's, two h Albanius. Gildases, Badonicus. The fabulous History of St. Ursula confuted. and (that the Homonymy may be as well in Place as in Persons) three i In Flintshire. In Carnarvonshire. In Down in Ireland. Bangors, three k Glasco in Scotland. Dunglasse in Ireland. Glassenburies', (as Haste or Ignorance in Writers mistake them;) these jumbled together have made a marvellous Confusion in Writers, to the great prejudice of History, where they are not exactly observed. 21. But leaving St. Patrick, 450 let us try whether we can have better Success with St. Ursula, Daughter of Dinoth, or Deo-notus Duke of Cornwall, who in this year is said with eleven thousand Virgins to have sailed over into Little Britain in France, there to be married to the Britan's their Countrymen, who refused to wed French-women for their Wives: but by foul Wether these Virgins were cast on the French Shore, amongst Pagans, by whom they were cruelly murdered, for refusing to forsake their Religion, or betray their Chastity. Others tell the Story quite contrary; how the aforesaid Ursula with her Virgin-Army, went to Rome, where she conversed with Pope l Vision. Elizabeth. lib. 4. cap. 2. Edit. Paris. an. 1513 & Colon. anno 1628. Cyriacus, her Countryman, and with him returning back into Britain, was murdered by the command of Attila King of the Huns, at Colen, with all the rest of the Virgins, and the aforesaid Pope Cyriacus; whose Name is omitted in the Papal Catalogue, because before his Death he surrendered his place to Anterus his Successor. In which Relation we much commend the even tenor thereof, consisting of so level Lies, that no one swelling Improbability is above the rest; but for matter of Time, Place, and Persons, all passages unlikely alike. We dare not defame Britain, as to suspect but that eleven thousand Christian Virgins, all at once, able to travail, might be found therein: though at this time Paganism prospered in this Land, and Religion was in a low Condition. But what made these Christian Amazons with Ursula their Penthesilea to go (not to say to gad) to Rome? Surely they were no m Gen. 18. 9 Daughters of Sarah, which did abide in her tent, but rather n Gen. 34. 1. Sisters of Dinah, which would go abroad to see foreign Fashions; and therefore their Hard Usage is the less to be pitied. Was it modest for so many Maids to wander by themselves, without a Masculine Guard to protect them? did ever such a Wood of weak Ivy grow alone, without any other Trees to support it? But the City of Colen will not abate us one of the eleven thousand, where their Relics, and sepulchral Inscriptions are at this day to be seen. And we may as safely believe that these Virgin-Martyrs lie there entombed, Ann. Dom. 450 as that the Bodies of the three Wise men of the East, commonly called the Three Kings of Colen, which came to visit our Infant-Saviour at Bethlehem, are interred in the same City, which the Monks of Colen brag of, and show to Travellers. Besides all this, there is a Town in Berkshire called a Camden's Brit. in Berkshire. Maidenhead, which (as many other Churches in Christendom,) was dedicated in memory of their Virginity: which if it be not an Argument strong enough to convert the Reader to the belief of this Story, we must leave him to his Infidelity; that as Tales of Bugbears are made to fright crying Children, so this Story of Ursula was contrived to befool Credulous men. 22. Nor hath the judicious Reader cause to wonder, Why so little Church Story in this Age. that no better account is given of the British Church in this Age, 453 considering the general Persecution by Pagan Saxons. Religion now a days played least in sight, hiding itself in Holes; and the Face of the Church was so blubbered with Tears, that she may seem almost to have wept her Eyes out, having lost her Seers, and principal Pastors. Only two prime Preachers appear: Vodine the learned and pious Bishop of London; who taking the confidence to reprove Vortiger the British King, for putting away his lawful Wife, and wedding Rowen, the Heathen daughter of Hengist, was by him most barbarously b Hector Both. Scot hist. lib. 8. murdered: The second Gildas Albanius (much ancienter than his namesake surnamed the Wise) born in Scotland, bred in France, whence returning into the South of Britain, he applied himself to the preaching of Divinity, and reading Liberal Sciences to many Auditors and Scholars at c james Armach: de Brit. Ecc. primord. pag. 442. Gildas at a strange sight suddenly silenced. Pepidiauc a Promontory in Pembrokeshire: 23. It happened on a day, as Gildas was in his Sermon, 462 (Reader, whether smiling or frowning, forgive the Digression) a Nun big with child came into the Congregation, whereat the Preacher presently was d Girald. Cambrens. in the life of Saint David. struck dumb, (would not a Maid's Child amaze any man?) and could proceed no further. Afterward he gave this reason of his Silence, because that Virgin bore in her body an Infant of such signal Sanctity, as fare transcended him. Thus as lesser Loadstones are reported to lose their Virtue in the presence of those that are bigger; so Gildas was silenced at the approach of the Welsh St. David, (being then but Hanse en Keldar,) though afterward, like Zachary, he recovered his Speech again. Thus fabulous e james Armach. de Brit. Ecc. primord. pag. 443. Authors, make this St. David a Mock- john Baptist, forcing a fond Parallel betwixt them; where to make the Proportion current, Gildas must be allowed Father to St. David. But enough; I like this sent so ill, I will follow it no further. 24. Mean time fierce and frequent Fight betwixt the British and Saxous, The partiality of Saxon Writers. about defending and enlarging their Dominions. And although Gildas (and out of him Bede) confess often alternation of Success, yet other Saxon Writers mention not the least Overthrow of their own Side, but constant Conquering: as if their Generals had always buckled on Victory with their Armour. It is almost incredible, that ingenuous men should be so injurious to the Truth, and their own Credits, by Partiality, were it not that the Factions of Modern Pens invite us to the belief thereof; not describing Battles with a Full Face (presenting both Sides) but with a Half Face, advancing their own, and depressing the Achievements of the Opposite Party. Most true it is, the British got many Victories, especially under hopeful Prince Vortimer, whose Valour was the best Bank against the Saxon Deluge; until broken down by untimely Death, the Pagans generally prevailed, much by their Courage, more by their Treachery. 25. For they invited the British to a Parley and Banquet on Salesbury Plain; The British treacherously murdered. where suddenly drawing out their Seaxes, (concealed under their long Coats,) being crooked Swords, the Emblem of their indirect Proceed, they made their innocent Guests with their blood, pay the Shots of their Entertainment, Here Aurelius Ambrose is reported to have erected that Monument of stonehenge to their mentory. 26. It is contrived in form of a Crown, Anno Dom. 463 consisting of three Circles of stones set up Gate-wise; The description of stonehenge. some called Corse-stones, of a Camden's Britann. in Wiltshire. 12 Tun, others called Cronets, of 7 Tuns weight: (those haply for greater, and these for inferior Officers:) and one Stone at distance seems to stand Sentinel for the rest. It seems equally impossible that they were bred here, or brought hither, seeing (no navigable water near) such voluminous bulks are unmanageable in Cart or Wagon. As for the Tale of Merlin's conjuring them by Magic out of Ireland, and bringing them aloft in the Skies (what in Charles Wain?) 'tis too ridiculous to be confuted. This hath put Learned men on necessity to conceive them artificial Stones, consolidated of Sand. Stand they there in Defiance of Wind & Wether, (which hath discomposed the method of them) which if made of any Precious matter (a Bait to tempt Avarice) no doubt long since had been indicted of Superstition; whereas now they are protected by their own Weight & Worthlesness. 27. Vortiger the British King fled into Wales, 466 to his Castle Genereu, Vortiger burning in lust, burnt to ashes. impregnable for Situation, which he manned and womaned, (conveying a multitude of his Whores into it,) and there lived surfeiting in Lust, while his Land lay sweltering in Blood. Here Aurelius Ambrose setting fire on his Castle, burned him and his to Ashes. This gave occasion to the Report so constantly affirmed by many Authors, (and men are prone to believe Prodigious Deaths, of such as led Licentious Lives) that Vortigers Palace, like another Sodom, was burnt by Fire from Heaven. Indeed in a secondary sense it was true; as all Exemplary Punishments, more visibly proceed from Divine Vengeance. But otherwise, the first Raiser's of this Fable, did apparent Wrong to the Attribute of God's Truth, in pretending to do extraordinary Right unto his Justice. 28. This Aurelius Ambrose is said to be extracted of the Roman Race, Aurelius causelessly slandered by an Italian. who having done this Execution on Vortiger the Tyrant, was a singular Champion of the British against their Enemies. One composed of Valour and Religion, wholly employing himself in time of Peace, to raise new Churches, repair old, and endow both: unworthy therefore the Libel of an b Gotefrid. Viterbiensis Chro. part. 18. Italian Author, who on no other Evidence, than his own bare Assertion, traduceth this Ambrose, to have been a favourer of judaisme, Arrianisme, Manicheisme, and a Persecuter of the Professors of true Religion. Thus the greatest Virtue is Sanctuary too small to secure any from the pursuit of Slanderous Pens: and thus some humorous Authors, leaving the Road of true Reports, because common, go a Way by themselves of different Relation, so to entitle themselves to more immediate and peculiar Intelligence; as if others, (being only of Truth's Council,) had not received such private Instructions as themselves, being Cabinet-Historians. 29. Leave we this Ambrose bickering with the Saxons, The Academy of Learned men under Dubritius. with interchange of Success, much commended for his Constancy in all Conditions. For sometimes his Valour was the Hammer upon, sometimes his Patience was the Anvil beneath his Enemies; but always he bravely bore up his Spirits: and as the Sun looks biggest on the Earth when he is nearest to set; so he carried it out with the boldest appearance, in the lowest Declination of his Fortune. If we behold the Church in his time, the most visible estate thereof presents itself to us in the Academy, which Dubritius kept, near the River Wye in Monmouthshire. His Father, say c johan. Tinmuthensis in ejus vita. some, was unknown; others make him to be son to d Chro. colleg. Warwicensis. Pepiau a Petty King in this Age: it being observable, that in this and the next Century, all men eminent for Learning and Religion, are either made without known Fathers, or Sons to Kings (no Mean betwixt these Extremes, as by many instances may appear;) so that such as consider the Narrowness of the Principality, will admire at the Number of British Princes. This Dubritius taught many Scholars for seven years together, in Humane & Divine Learning, (being Himself, in his Life, a Book of Piety of the best Edition for his Pupils to peruse:) amongst whom the chiefest, Theliau, Samson, Vbelin, Merchiguin, Elguored, etc. for the Reader had better believe then read the e Vid. Armach de Brit. Ecc. primord. pag. 445. Names of the rest, remarkable only for Length, and Hardness, without any other Information. Afterward Dubritius removed to Warwick (haply mistaken for a Vid. Speed's map of that County. Werwick, Ann. Dom. 469 a Village some two miles from Cardigan) and from thence it seems returned to Moch-Rhos, that is, the Place of a Hog: because he was admonished, in a Vision in his Sleep, there to build a Chapel or Oratory, where he should find a white b Vid. Armach. ut prius. Sow lodging with the Hogs. a clean Conceit, and as full of Wit as Devotion. It seems the Friar, Father of this Fable, had read as fare as the eighth Book of Virgil's Aeveids, where the River Tiber, in a Dream, advised Aeneas to erect an Altar, and sacrifice to juno in the place where he should find the Sow lying with the Pigs; and from this Pagan Hint, was advantaged for a Popish Legend. 30. Here we cannot but renew our former Complaint: Forged lies obtruded on posterity in heu of lost truths. and it is some Mitigation to our Misery, (as perchance some Ease to the Reader) if we can but vent our old Grievances in new Expressions: how in stead of true History, devoured by Time, prodigious Tales of impudent brazenfaced Monks are obtruded upon us. Thus when the Golden Shields of King Solomon were taken away, c 1 Kings 14. 27. Rehoboam substituted Shields of Brass in their room; though not so Good, perchance more Gaudy, especially to ignorant eyes viewing them at distance, and wanting either the Skill or Opportunity to bring them to the Touch. Amongst which the Tale of Cungarus the Eremite, otherwise called Doc●wyn (but first let the one Man be allowed, before his two Names be admitted:) may challenge a principal place; being reported Son of a Constantinopolitan Emperor, and d Joh. Capgrave in vita S. Cungari. Luciria his Empress. A Name un-owned by any Grecian Historians. The best is, that unconscionable Liars, though they most hurt themselves, do the least harm others, whose Loud Ones are both the Poison & the Antidote, seeing no Wise man will believe them. Small Griet and Gravel may choke a man, but that Stone can never stop his Throat, which cannot enter into his Mouth. 31. In very deed, The ma●lacre of the Monks at Winchester. very little at this time was ever reported of Church-matters. 495 For a Drought of Christian Writers (in the Heat of Persecution) caused a Dearth of all History. Now it was that Cerdicus first King of the Westsaxons, having overcome the Britan's at Winchester, killed all the Monks belonging to the Church of e Wintoni●●sis Ecc. Hist. cap. 9 St. Amphibalus, & turned the same into a Temple of Idolatry. Also Theon Archbishop of London, seeing the Pagan Saxons to prevail, left his See, and f But Matth. Florilegus designeth the year 586. about this time may be presumed to have fled into Wales. I say, about this time. For what Liberty is allowed to Prognosticatours of Wether, to use all favourable Correctives and Qualifications [like to be rain, inclined to rain, somewhat rainy, etc.] the same Latitude we must request, in relating actions passed in point of Chronologie; his fere temporibus, per haec tempora, circa, circiter, plus minus, etc. And what we take upon Trust in this kind, let the Reader be pleased to charge, not on the Score of our Ignorance, but on the Uncertainty of that Age's Computation. As for St. Petrock, Son to the King of Cumberland, we remit him to the next Age, because though Budding in this, full Blown in the next Century. 32. This Age is assigned by Authors for that Famous Ambrose Merlin (differing from Sylvester Merlin the Scot) though it be doubtful whether ever such a man in rerum natura; Merlin left in a twilight; whether that Magician was an Impostor, or his whole Story an Imposture put upon credulous posterity. it being suspicious, First, Because he is reported born at Caer-merthen, & that City so denominated from him. Whereas it is called Maridunum by Ptolemie many years before. Thus it is ominous to begin with a Lie. Secondly, Because it was said his Mother was a Nun, got with Child by a Devil in the form of an Incubus; perchance such a one as Chaucer describes. It seems, that as Vestal Virgins, when they had stolen a Great Belly, used to entitle some Deity to the getting of their Child, (so did the Mother of Romulus and Remus,) whereby they both saved themselves from Shame, & gained Reputation: so Nuns in this Age, when with child, unable to persuade people (as the Poets feign of the Spanish Mares) that they were impregnated by the Wind alone, made the World believe that some Spirit had consorted with them. This makes the whole Story of Merlin very doubtful; and as for all his Miracles & Prophecies, they sink with the Subject. For sure the same Hand which made the Puppet, gave it all its Motions, and suited his Person with Properties accordingly. May the Reader be pleased to take notice of three ancient British Writers. 1. Aquila Septonius, or the Eagle of Shaftsbury, whether He or She. 2. Perdix Praesagus, or Partridge the prophesier. 3. Merlin Ambrose. All three Birds of a Feather, and perchance hatched in the same Nest of ignorant Credulity: nor can I meet with a fourth to make up the Mess, except it be the Arabian Phoenix. But because it is a Task too great for a Giant, to encounter a received Tradition, let Merlin be left in a Twilight as we found him. And surely no judicious man will censure the Mention of Merlin (whose Magical Pranks and Conjurations are so frequent in our Sories) to be a Deviation from the History of the Church, who hath read both of Simon Magus, and Elymas the Sorcerer in the Acts of the Apostles. THE SIXTH CENTURY. Anno Dom. To Douse Fuller of Hampshire, Esquire. I Cannot say certainly of you as Naomi did of Boaz, * 2 Ruth 20. He is near of kin unto us, having no Assurance (though great Probability) of Alliance unto you. However, Sir, if you shall be pleased in Courtesy to account me your Kinsman, I will endeavour that (as it will be an Honour to me) it may be to you no Disgrace. 1. Questionless we shall not be accounted Trespassers, 501 though only Ecclesiastical Business be our right Road, to go a little in the By-way of State-matters, because leading the shortest Passage for the present to our Church-story. The most miserable estate of the British Commonwealth. Most miserable at this time was the British Commonwealth, crowded up into barren Corners, whilst their Enemies, the Pagan Saxons, possessed the East and South; if not the greatest, the best part of the Island. Much ado had Uter Pen-dragon, the British King, with all the sinews of his Care and Courage, to keep his disjointed Kingdom together: whose only desire was to prolong the Life, it being above his hopes to procure the Health of that languishing State. And though sometimes the Britan's got the better, yet one may say, their Victories were spent before they were gained; being so fare behindhand before, that their Conquest made no Show, swallowed up in the discharging of old Arrearages. Needs then must Religion now in Britain be in a doleful condition; For he who expects a flourishing Church in a fading Commonwealth, let him try whether one side of his Face can smile, when the other is pinched. 2. Pen-dragon dying, 508 left the British Kingdom to Arthur his Son, King Arthur's actions much discredited by Monkish fictions. so famous in History, that he is counted one of the Nine Worthies: and it is more than comes to the Proportion of Britain, that amongst but Nine in the whole World, Two should prove Natives of this Island, Constantine and Arthur. This later was the British Hector, who could not defend that Troy, which was designed to destruction: and it soundeth much to his Honour, that perceiving his Country condemned by God's Justice to Ruin, he could procure a Reprieve, though not prevail for the Pardon thereof. More unhappy was he after his Death, Hyperbolical Monks so advancing his Victories, above all reach of Belief, that the twelve pitched Battles of Arthur, wherein he conquered the Pagan Saxons, find no more credit than the twelve Labours of Hercules. Belike the Monks hoped to pass their Lies for current, because countenanced with the mixture of some Truths; whereas the contrary came to pass, and the very Truths which they have written of him are discredited, because found in company with so many Lies. Insomuch that learned Leland is put to it, to make a Book for the asserting of Arthur. Many are unsettled about him, Anno Dom. 508 because Gildas his Countryman (living much about his Age) makes no mention of him: though such may be something satisfied, if considering, the principal Intent of that Querulous Author is not to praise, but to reprove, not greatly to grace, but justly to shame his Country; his Book being a bare Black Bill of the Sins and Sufferings, Monsters and Tyrants of Britain, keeping no Catalogue of the Worthies of this Island; so that neither Lucius, Constantine, nor Arthur are once named by him. But the best evidence that once Arthur lived in Britain is, because it is certain he died in Britain, as appeared undeniably by his Corpse, Coffin and Epitaph, taken up out of his Monument in Glassenbury, in the reign of King Henry the second, whereof a Giraldus Cambrensis an eyewitness. Camden' s Brit. in Somersetshire. Caerlion a principal Staple of Learning & Religion. many Persons of Quality were eye-witnesses. 3. The entire Body of the British Church at this time was in Wales, where Banchor on the North, and Caerlion (on Vsk, in Monmouthshire) on the South, were the two Eyes thereof, for Learning and Religion. The later had in it the Court of King Arthur, the See of an Archbishop, a College of b Thomas James out of Alexander Elsebiensis. 200 Philosophers, who therein studied Astronomy, and was a Populous place, of great extent. But Cities, as well as their Builders, are mortal: it is reduced at this day to a small Village. But as Aged Parents content and comfort themselves in beholding their Children, wherein their Memories will be continued after their Death; so Caerlion is not a little delighted to see herself still survive in her Daughter c Camden's Brit. in Monmouthshire. Newport, a neighbouring Town raised out of the Ruins of her Mother. Whilst the other stood in Prime, there was scarce an Eminent man, who did not touch here for his Education; whom we will reckon in order, the rather, because all the Church-History of this Age seems confined to some principal Persons. Dubritius aforementioned was the Father and Founder of them all, late Bishop of Landaffe, now Archbishop of Caerlion, a great Champion of the Truth against Pelagius; and he had the honour here to crown two Kings, Uter and Arthur. Being very old, 516 he resigned his Archbishopric to David, his Scholar; and that he might be more able and active to wrestle with Death, he stripped himself out of all worldly employment, and became an Anchoret, in the Island of d Fra. Godwin in Episc. Menevensibus pag. 600. Bardsey. Six hundred years after, (namely May the 20, 1120) his Bones were translated to Landaffe, and by urban, Bishop thereof, buried in the Church, towards the North side thereof. 4. David, S. David an advancer of Monastic life. the next Archbishop, of Royal Extraction, was Uncle to King Arthur. He privately studied the Scriptures 10 years, before he would presume to preach, 519 and always carried the Gospels about him. He kept a Synod against the Pelagian Error (a second Edition whereof was set forth in his time) and confirmed many wavering Souls in the Faith. By leave obtained from King Arthur, he removed the archiepiscopal Seat from Caerlion to Menevea, now called St. david's, in Pembrokeshire. In which exchange his Devotion is rather to be admired, than his Discretion to be commended; leaving a Fruitful Soil, for a bleach Barren e Giraldus Cambrensis. place; though the worse it was, the better for his purpose, being a great promoter of a Monastical life. And though the place was much exposed to the Rapine of f Camden's Brit. in Pembrokeshire. Pirates, yet this Holy man laid up his heavenly Treasure, where Thiefs do not break through, nor steal. 5. Yet I am sensible that I have spent, to my shame, so much precious time in reading the Legend of his Life, One paramount miracle of S. David. that I will not wilfully double my guiltiness in writing the same, and tempt the Reader to offend in like nature. This g Flowers of the English Saints, p. 222. Miracle I cannot omit. David one day was preaching in an open Field to the Multitude, and could not be well seen because of the Concourse; (though they make him four h Balaeus Cent. prima Nu. 55. Cubits high, a man and half in Stature;) when behold the Earth, whereon he stood, officiously heaving itself up, mounted him to a competent Visibility above all his Audience. Whereas as our a Matth. 5. 1. Saviour himself, Anno Dom. 519. when he taught the people, was pleased to choose a Mountain, making use of the advantage of Nature, without improving his Miraculous Power. He died aged 146 years, on the first of March, still celebrated by the Welsh with * Several reasons hereof assigned by Authors. wearing of a Leek; perchance to perpetuate the memory of his Abstinence, whose contented mind made many a savoury Meal on such Roots of the Earth. 6. A wonder it is to see how many Methusalahs (extreme Aged men) these times did produce. Reasons why men in this Age lived so long. St. Patrick b See Balaeus in their general lives. died aged 122 Samson aged 120. David 146. Gildas Badonicus 90, etc. Some Reason whereof may be alleged, because living. Retired in a Contemplative way, they did not bruise their Bodies, with embroiling them in Worldly Affairs: or it may be ascribed to their Temperate Diet, whilst many of our Age spill their Radical Moisture through the Leaks of their own Luxury. Nor is it absurd to say, that God made these great Tapers of a more firm and compacted Wax then ordinary, that so they might last the longer in burning to give Light to his Church, and bestowed on them an especial strong natural Constitution. 7. About the same time (Accurateness in computing years is not to be expected; The discreet devotion of Cadocus. for never were more Doubling and Redoubling made by a hunted Hare, than there are Intricacies in the Chronology of this Age, going backward and forward;) flourished Cadocus Abbot of Llancarvan in Glamorganshire, Son of the Prince and Toparch of that Country. This godly and learned man so renounced the World, that he c joan. Tinmuthensis in ejus vitae. retained part of his paternal Principality in his possession, whereby he daily fed three hundred of Clergymen, Widows, and Poor people, besides Guests and Vistants daily resorting to him. He is equally commended for his Policy, in keeping the Root (the Right of his Estate) in his own hands; and for his Piety, in bestowing the Fruit (the Profits thereof) in the relieving of others. It seems, in that Age wilful Poverty was not by vow entailed on Monastical life. Nor did this Cadocus (as Regulars in aftertimes) with open hands scatter away his whole Means, so foolishly to grasp his First full of Popular Applause. He is said afterwards to have died at Beneventium in Italy. 8. Iltutus comes next into play, Iltutus abused with Monkish forgeries. a zealous man, and deep Scholar; who not far from Cadocus, at Llan-lwit in Glamorganshire (contractedly for Llan-iltut) preached God's Word, and set up a College of Scholars, being himself a great observer of a Single Life. It is reported of him, that when his Wife repaired to him for due Benevolence, or some ghostly Counsel, he d Balaeus de Script. Britan. centur. prima. put out her Eyes, out of Anger, for interrupting him in his constant course of Chastity. But surely some blind Monk, having one of his Eyes put out with Ignorance, and the other with Superstition, was the first founder of this Fable. Thus godly Saints in that Age were made Martyrs after their Death; persecuted (though in their Commendation) with impudent and improbable Lies. It is reported also of the same Iltutus, that he turned e Idem ut prius. Men into Stones. Had it been Stones into Men, (converting stupid Souls into Christians, by his Preaching) it had been capable of an Allegorical Construction: whereas, as now told, it is a Lie in the literal, and Nonsense in the mystical meaning thereof. 9 Samson succeeds, 521 Scholar to Iltutus, Sampson Archbishop of Dole. made by Dubritius Bishop at large, f Armach de Brit. Ec. prim. pag. 1130. sine titulo. It seems in that Age, all Bishops were not fixed to the Chair of a peculiar Church, but some might sit down in any Vacant place for their Cathedral, and there exercise their Episcopal Authority; provided it were without Prejudice to other Bishops. Afterwards this Samson was made Archbishop of Dole in French Britain; and in those days, such was the Correspondency betwixt this Greater, and that Lesser Britain, that they seemed to possess Learned men in common betwixt them. Scarce am I reconciled to this Samson, Anno Dom. 521 for a Balaeus de Script. Britan. in Samson. carrying away with him the Monuments of British Antiquity. Had he put them out to the Bank, by procuring several Copies to be transcribed, Learning thereby had been a Gainer; and a Saviour, had he only secured the Originals; whereas now her Loss is irrecoverable: Principal and Interest, authentics and Transcripts, are all imbezzelled: Nor is the matter much, whether they had miscarried at home, by Foes Violence, or abroad, by such Friend's Negligence. 10. It were a Sin to omit St. Pattern, Paternus a Pattern for all Bishops. for three and twenty years a constant Preacher at Llan-Patern in Cardiganshire. 540 His fatherlike Care over his Flock passeth with peculiar Commendation; that he b Camden's Brit. in Cardiganshire. governed his people by feeding them, and fed his people by governing them. Some years after the Place continued an Episcopal See, and was extinguished upon Occasion of the People's barbarously murdering of their Bishop. 11. St. Petrock comes in for his share, Petrock the Captain of Cornish Saints. (from whom Petrock-stow, 548 contracted Padstow, in Cornwall is denominated.) One of great Piety and Painfulness in that Age. Afterward he is said to have gone to the East- Indieses, (all far countries' are East- Indieses, to ignorant people:) and at his return to be buried at Bodman in Cornwall. That County is the Cornucopia of Saints, (most of Irish extraction) and the names of their Towns and Villages, the best Nomenclator of the Devoutmen of this Age. If the people of that Province have as much Holiness in their Hearts, as the Parishes therein carry Sanctity in their Names, Cornwall may pass for another Holy Land in public reputation. 12. Next St. Petrock comes St. Teliau; The piety of S. Telian. for it is pity to part two such intimate Friends. 550 He was called, by allusion to his Name, c Harp●field his Ecc. Ang. pag. 41. c. 27. Helios, which in Greek signifieth the Sun, because of the Lustre of his Life and Learning. But the Vulgar sort, who count it no fault to miscall their Betters, if they have hard Names, called him Eliud, (one of that d Math. 1. 14 name was one of our Saviour's Ancestors:) turning the Greek into an Hebrew word, and understanding both alike. He was Scholar to Dubritius, and succeeded him in the Bishopric of Landaffe. A pious man, constant Preacher, and e Balaeus centuria prim. num. 58. zealous reprover of the reigning Sins of that time. This is all the certain truth extant of him; which some Monks counting too little, have with their fabulous breath f In the book of his life extant in the Church of Landaffe. blown up the Story of his Life to such a Bigness, that the Credit thereof breaks with its own Improbability. Witness his Journey to jerusalem, full of strange Miracles, where he had a Cymbal given him, excelling the sound of an Organ, and ringing every hour of its own accord. No doubt a Loud one. Loaden with Merits, saith the g Flowers of the Saints. pag. 151. Author, (I had thought nothing but Sin could burden a Saint:) he departed this Life, having his Memory continued in many Churches of South-wales, dedicated to him; and is remembered in the Roman Calendar on the ninth of February. 13. I had almost forgotten Congel, Several other Worthies of the same Age. Abbot of Bangor, who much altered the Discipline of that Monastery; 580 Kentigern the famous Bishop of Ellwye in North Wales; St. Asaph his Successor in the same place. In whose mouth this Sentence was frequent, h Godwin in his Catal. of Bishops of St. Asaph. Such, who are against the preaching of God's Word, envy the Salvation of Mankind. As for Gildas, surnamed the Wise, their Contemporary, wereserve his i Vide our Librar. of British Histor. num. 1. Character for our Library of British Historians. Many other worthy men flourished at the same time; and a Nationall Church being a large Room, it is hard to count all the Candles God lighted therein. 14. Most of these men seem born under a Travelling Planet; Pastors in this Age why in constant motion. seldom having their Education in the place of their Nativity: ofttimes composed of Irish Infancy, British Breeding, and French Preferment; taking a Cowl in one Country, a Crosier in another, and a Grave in a third; neither bred where born, nor beneficed where bred, nor buried where beneficed; but wand'ring in several Kingdoms. Nor is this to be imputed to any humour of Inconstancy (the running Gout of the Soul) or any affected Unsettledness in them; Anno Dom. 580 but proceeding from other weighty Considerations. First, to procure their Safety. For in time of Persecution, the surest place to shift in, is constant shifting of Places: not staying any where so long, as to give men's Malice a steady aim to levelly at them. Secondly, to gain Experience in those things, which grew not all in the same Soil. Lastly, that the Gospel thereby might be further, and faster propagated. When there be many Guests and little Meat, the same Dish must go clean through the Board; and divine Providence ordered it, that in the Scarcity of Preachers, one Eminent man, travelling far, should successively feed many Countries. 15. To most of these Authors many written Volumes are assigned, Books falsely fathered on British writers. the Titles and Beginnings whereof you may find in our Countrymen Bale and Pits, who will persuade you that they have seen and perused some of them. This they do partly to enhance the merit of their Industry, in finding out so many Rarities; and partly to commend to the world the latitude of their own Reading. I shall as soon believe that they have seen all Solomon's Volumes, which he wrote from the Cedar of Libanus, to the Hyssop that groweth on the Wall. But this Humour possesseth many men, that brag of many Books, coming under their Discovery: as if not only with the Mice, they had crept through the Crannies of all Libraries; but also with the Moths, had got betwixt the Leaves of all Treatises therein. In plain truth, as it is probable that those British Prelates wrote many Books of consequence; so it is certain that long since by Time they have been abolished. As for those spurious Tracts, which Monks in after-Ages set out under these Worthy men's names, they are no more to be accounted the true Offspring of these learned Saints, than that common Manna, ordinarily sold in Apothecaries Shops, is the selfsame with that Angel's Food, which fell down from Heaven, and feasted the Israelites. THE CHURCH-HISTORY OF BRITAIN. THE SECOND BOOK From the Conversion of the Saxons to Christianity, until the (commonly called) Conquest of the Normans. printer's or publisher's device To the right Honourable HENRY LORD MARKS OF DORCHESTER, EARL OF KINGSTON, Viscount Newark, Lord Peirrepont, etc. HOw low Learning ran in our Land amongst the Native Nobility some two hundred years since, in the Reign of King Henry the sixth, too plainly appeareth by the Motto in the Sword of the Martial Earl of Shrewsbury, (where at the same time one may Smile at the Simplicity, and Sigh at the Barbarism thereof;) SUM TALBOTI, PRO OCCIDERE INIMICOS MEOS. The best Latin that Lord (and perchance his Chaplains too, in that Age) could afford. But in the next Generation we may observe the Rise of Learning in Noble Families. I behold John Tiptoft Earl of Worcester (bred in Bailioll College) as the first English Person of Honour that graced Learning with the Study thereof, in the days of King Edward the fourth, both at Home and in Foreign Universities. He made so * 1. Bale de Script. Angl. Eloquent an Oration in the Vatican, in the presence of Pope Pius the second, (one of the least Bad, and most Learned of any of his Order) that his Holiness was divided betwixt Weeping and Wondering thereat. This Earl may be said to have left John Bourchier, Baron of berner's and Governor of Calais, the Heir to his Learning; as who wrote * Idem & Pitz de Scrip. Anglic. many Treatises, and made Excursions into Variety of Studies, in the days of King Henry the seventh. This Learned Baron had several Successors under King Henry the eighth, at the same time, to his Parts and Liberal Studies. 1. Henry Lord Stafford, Son to the last Duke of Buckingham of that Name. 2. William Lord Montjoy, a great Patron to Erasmus, and well skilled in Chemistry and Mathematics. 3. Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey, (though last in Time, not least in Merit) the first reviver of English Poetry: so that he may seem in some sort to wave his Coronet, to wear the Laurel. Since whose time to our day's Learning hath ever had a visible succession in our Nobility. Amongst whom your Honour, as Captain of the Highest Form, is most illustrious. Indeed, your Lordship is a real Refutation of that Scandalous Position which some maintain, That such who are generally seen in all Arts, cannot be eminently skilful in any one. A Position no better than a Libel on Learning, invented and vented either by the Idle, who would not themselves Study; or by the Envious, who desire to discourage the Endeavours of others. Whereas there is such a Sympathy betwixt several Sciences (as also betwixt the learned Languages) that (as in a Regular Fortification one Piece strengtheneth another) a resultive Firmeness ariseth from their Complication, reflecting Life and Lustre one on another. Arts may be said to be Arched together: and all Learned Faculties have such a Mutual Reciprocation. Thus one is the better Canonist, for being a good Civilian, and a better Common-Lawyer, for being both of them. And hereof your Honour is an Experimental Proof, whose Knowledge is spread so broad, yet lieth so thick in all Liberal Sciences. What remaineth, but that I crave leave humbly to mind your Lordship of that allusive Motto to your Name, PIE REPONE TE; that your Honour reposing yourself piously in this life, may in a good Old Age be gloriously translated into another? The desire of Your Lordship's Most Bounden Orator, THOMAS FULLER. THE CHURCH-HISTORY OF BRITAIN, Anno. Dom. VI CENTURIE. 1. IT is wonderful to see how the Fruits of great Events are virtually comprised in the small Seed of their Causes, 585 and how a Contemptible Accident may give the Occasion of most Considerable Effects; The first occasion of the Saxons conversion to Christianity. as may appear by the Conversion of the Saxons to Christianity. For it happened that certain Saxon Children were to be sold for Slaves, at the Marketplace at Rome; when Divine Providence, the great Clock-keeper of Time, ordering not only Hours, but even a Luke 2. 38. Instants, to his own Honour, so disposed it, that Gregory, afterwards first Bishop of Rome of that Name, was present to behold them. It grieved the Good man to see the Disproportion betwixt the Faces and Fortunes, the Complexions and Conditions of those Children, condemned to a Servile Estate, though carrying Liberal Looks, so legible was Ingenuity in their Faces. It added more to his Sorrow, when he conceived that those Youths were twice Vassals, bought by their Masters, and b Rom. 7. 14. sold under Sin; Servants in their Bodies, and Slaves in their Souls to Satan: which occasioned the c Bede Hist. ecclesiast. l. 2. cap. 1. Good man to enter into further enquiry with the Merchants (which set them to Sale) what they were, and whence they came, according to this ensuing Dialogue. Greg. Whence come these Captives? Mer. From the Isle of Britain. Greg. Are those Islanders Christians? Mer. O no: they are Pagans. Greg. It is sad that the Author of Darkness should possess men with so bright Faces. But what is the name of their particular Nation? Mer. They are called Angli. Greg. And well may, for their Angellike Faces: it becometh such to be Coheires with the Angels in Heaven. In what Province of England did they live? Mer. In d Which at this day is the Bishopric of Deirham, or Durham. Deira. Greg. They are to be freed de Dei ira, Anno. Dom. 585 from the Anger of God. How call ye the King of that Country? Mer. ELLA. Greg. Surely Hallelujah ought to be sung in his Kingdom to the Praise of that God who created all things. Thus gregory's gracious Heart set the Sound of every word to the Tune of spiritual Goodness. Nor can his words be justly censured for Levity, if we consider how in that Age, the Elegancy of Poetry consisted in Rhythme, and the Eloquence of Prose in Allusions. And, which was the main, where his Pleasant Conceits did end, there his Pious Endeavours began; which did not terminate in a Verbal Jest, but produce Real Effects, which ensued hereupon. 2. For repairing to Pelagius Bishop of Rome, Gregory would convert England in his person, but doth it by his proxy. he imparted his Discoveries unto him, 586 desiring that some might be sent to endeavour the Conversion of the English Nation, tendering his Personal Service thereunto. But Pelagius was unwilling to expose Gregory to so dangerous a Design, and the People of Rome accounting him a precious Jewel, to be choicely kept for his own wearing, would not cast this Pearl before Swine, by hazarding him to the Insolency of the Pagans. Now Pelagius not long after being called into another World, Gregory succeeded in his place; who rising to new Greatness, did not fall from his old Goodness, but prosecuting his Project with more Earnestness, sent Augustine the Monk, with Mellitus, and Forty more, to preach the Gospel in Britain. He himself tarrying behind in Body, went with them in his a 1 Corinth. 5. 3 Spirit, accompanying them with his effectual Prayers: and none will deny, but that b Exod. 17. 11. Moses in the Mount contributed as much to the conquering of Amalek, as joshua in the Valley. 3. These men had not gone far, Augustine and his fellows shrink for fear. when they were surprised with a Qualm of Fear, and sending Augustine back again to Gregory, requested to be excused from going to so Barbarous a Nation, not as yet converted to Civility, whose Language they did not understand. Here some will be ready to deride them for Cowards; who more seriously considering with how many Excuses Moses, c Exod. ch. 3. and 4. being sent by God himself, declined the going to Pharaoh, and how loath d jor. 1. 6. jeremy was to preach to his Countrymen, the stiffnecked jews, will presently change their Censuring into Commiserating the Frailty of Flesh, and common Condition of Mankind. But those make short Miles, who looking through a Window, travel a Dayes-journey in an instant; whilst Wayfaring men must honestly pay for every Step, and dearly earn it with their Industry. It is facile for men in their pleasing Speculations to project the Conversion of a Kingdom, and with themselves to discourse a Heathen Nation into Christianity; whilst those must encounter many Difficulties, who really go about to perform it. Gregory perceiving them to tyre in their Undertake, spurred them on with his Exhortatory Letter; the Copy whereof is here inserted, to acquaint us with the Style of the Bishops of Rome in that Age. e Bede's History of the Church of England, 1 Book, 23. Chap. translated by Stapleton. GRegory, the Servant of the Servants of God, etc. For somuch as better it were never to begin a Good Work, then after it is once begun, to go from it again; you must needs (my dear Sons) now fulfil the Good Work, which by the help of God you have taken in hand. Let therefore neither the Travel of the journey, neither the Talk of evill-tongued Men dismay you. But with all Force and Fervour make up that you have by the motion of God begun; assuring yourselves, that after your great Labour, eternal Reward shall follow. Be you in all points obedient unto Augustine, whom I have sent back unto you, and appointed him to be your Abbot; Anno Dom. 586 knowing that shall much profit your Souls, which you shall do upon Obedience to his Commandment. Our Almighty Lord defend you with his Grace, and grant me to see the Fruit of your Labours in his Kingdom of Heaven. And though I cannot Labour myself with you, yet I may enjoy part of your Reward, for that I have a Will to labour. God keep you healthy, my dearly beloved Children. Dated the 23. of July, our Lord MAURICIUS TIBERIUS reigning, our most Virtuous Emperor, in the 14. year of his Empire, the 13. year after his Consulship, Indictione 14. As yet we see the Chaplain had not lorded it over his Patron; as yet the Pope's Crown was not built three stories high, but observed a Distance of Submission towards the Emperor, as appears by his respectful Expressions. Yea, this Bishop measured the time by the years of the Emperor's Reign, whose Successors have learned a new Arithmetic, in their modern dates of Charters, only reckoning by the years of their own Consecration, without relating to any Imperial Account. Gregory (by the way) was the first, which in Humility used the Style of Servus Servorum Dei. But as in the Method of Nature, a Low Valley is immediately seconded with an Ambitious Hill: so after this Humble Gregory, (a submissive Soul) within two years followed Boniface the third, in whom was the Pitch of Pride, and Height of aspiring Haughtiness, to be termed the Universal Bishop of the World. 4. Besides the aforesaid Letter, Augustine troubled with mocking michal's in his Passage through France. Gregory wrote many others, a Gregor. lib. 5. Epist. 58 one to Theodorick and Theodebert, Kings of France, and several Epistles to sundry French Bishops, to accommodate and assist Augustine and his Companions in so pious a Design. And, which must not be forgotten, with them he sent over b Idem lib. 5. Epist. 10. Candidus, a Priest, into France, to receive the Profits and long-detained arrears of the Pope's c Idem lib. 5. Epist. 57 Patrimoniolum, as he terms it, (the Diminutive is well increased at this time) and with the Money to buy clothes for the Poor, and also to buy English-Pagan-captive Youths in France of 17 or 18 year old, that they might be brought up in Christianity in Monasteries; so at once bestowing both Liberty, Religion, and Learning upon them. A Transcendent degree of Charity; an Alms worthy gregory's hands to give it. And now Augustine with his Partners well encouraged, effectually prosecute their Project, passing quietly through France, save only at the Village of Say in Anjou, where some giggling Huswives, (Light Leaves will be wagged with Little Wind) causelessly fell a flouting at them. But in after-Ages, the People of the same Place, to repair this Wrong, erected a Masculine Church (Women being interdicted the Entrance thereof) to the Memory of St. Augustine; and how sound one Woman smarted for her Presumption herein, take it on the trust of d Alexander Elsebiensis in his Annual of Saints, and john Capgrave. my Author. Plebs parat Ecclesiam mulieribus haud reserandam: Introitum tent at una, sed illa perit. They build a Church where Women may not enter: One tried, but lost her life for her adventure. Yet Augustine himself found courteous Usage from the Weaker Sex: witness the kind Carriage of Brunichilda, the Queen of France, unto him, (for which Gregory in an e Lib. 7. Ep. 5. Epistle, returned her solemn Thanks,) and Bertha the King of France his Daughter, Wife to Ethelbert King of Kent. 5. Augustine safely wasted over the Sea, 596 lands with the rest at Thanet in Kent, taking, as it seems, deep Footing, if it be true what one f Flores Sanctorum Maii 26. in the life of S. Augustine pag. 499. Augustine for all his Power of working Miracles, needs interpreters to preach to the English. writes, that the Print of his Steps where he first landed left as perfect a Mark in a main Rock, as if it had been in Wax; and the Romanists will cry shame on our Hard Hearts, Anno Dom. 596 if our obdurate Belief, more stubborn than the Stone, will not as pliably receive the Impression of this Miracle. But it is worthy our consideration, that though Augustine all his way might be tracked by the Wonders he left behind him (when Thirsty miraculously fetching a Idem p. 498. a Fountain, when Cold a Fire, restoring the Blind and Lame to their Eyes and Limbs) yet for all this he was fain to bring Interpreters out of France with him, by whose help he might understand the English, and be understood by them. Whereas in Holy Writ, when the Apostles (and Papists commonly call Augustine the English Apostle, how properly we shall see hereafter) went to a Foreign Nation, God gave them the Language thereof, lest otherwise their Preaching should have the Vigour thereof abated, taken at the second Hand, or rather at the second Mouth, as Augustine's was; who used an Interpreter (not as b Gen. 42. 23. joseph to his brethren, out of State and Policy, but) out of mere Necessity. This, I say, well thought on, will make our Belief to demur to the Truth of his so frequent Miracles, being so Redundant in working them on Trivial Occasions, and so Defective in a matter of most Moment. But leaving him and his for a time safely landed and lodged, that our Gratitude to God may be the greater, for freeing the Saxons our Ancestors from the Bondage of Idolatry, let us behold with Horror the huge Fetters of Error and Ignorance, wherewith the Devil kept them in Durance, before the Gospel was preached unto them. 6. The SAXONS, The Rabble of Saxon Idols. like the rest of the Germans, whilst pure impure Pagans, worshipped many Idols, Barbarous in Name, some Monstrous, all Antic for Shape, and Abominable in the Rites and Ceremonies of their Adoration. Some aver that as the Germans (affecting an Autarchy, or Sole-sufficiency amongst themselves,) disdained Commerce in Customs, or civil Government with the Romans; so they communicated not with them in their Religion. Yet others affirm that in after-Ages, the Dutch did enter Common with the Romish Superstition; at leastwise some Modern Authors have reduced the Saxon Idols (symbolising with the Romans in Power and Properties) to some conformity with the Roman Deities. Now although, according to Gods command to the c Exod. 23. 13 jews, their names shall not be heard out of our Mouth, by way of praising them, praying to them, or swearing by them: yet an Historical mention of them here ensuing, is as free from Offence, as useful for Information. Besides the SUN and MOON, the Saxons sacrificed to NAME. SHAPE. OFFICE. Correspondent with d Verstegan's restitution of Decayed Intelligence, ch. 3 pag. 74. Thor or Thur, abbreviated of Thunre, which we now write Thunder. Thursday named from him. A Corpulent Statue reposed on a covered Bed, wearing a Crown of Gold, about which twelve Stars; a Kingly Sceptre in his right Hand. He governed the Wind & Clouds, causing Lightning, Thunder, Tempest, Fair or Foul weather. The Roman JUPITER. Woden, that is wood, fierce, or furious, giving the Denomination to Wednesday, or Wodensday. Armed cap a pe, with a Military Coronet on his head. He was the God of Battle, by whose aid and furtherance they hoped to obtain Victory. e So Verstegan, pag. 72. but Camden, Brit. pag. 135. makes him to be Mercury. MARS. Friga or Frea, remembered on Friday. An Hermaphrodite, perchance because the reputed Patroness of Generation, wherein both Sexes are joined. The giver of Peace and Plenty, the causer of Love, Amity, and Increase. VENUS. Seater, still remaining on Saturday. Of a lean Visage, long Hair, bare Head, holding in one Hand a wheel, in the other a Pail of Flowers. Conceived to have a great Influence on the kindly Fruits of the Earth. SATURN. Tuyse, whence Tuesday took its name. Covered with a Skin, Arms and Feet naked, with an ancient Aspect, and a Sceptre in his Hand. The Peculiar Tutelar God of the Duy●sh, whence they had their name. OOOOOOOOO Ermensewl, that is, the Pillar or stay of the Poor. Pictured with a Banner in one Hand with a Red Rose, in the other a pair of Balance, on his Head a Cock, Breast a Bear, before him an Escocheon, etc. The Pretended bestower of Wit and Cunning in Bargains & Contracts. MERCURY. Heile. His stately Statue stood at Cern in Dorcetshire. The Preventer of Diseases, preserver & restorer of Health. AESCULAPIUS. Thus we see the whole Week bescattered with Saxon Idols, whose Pagan-Gods were the Godfathers of the Days, and gave them their Names. This some Zealot may behold as the Object of a necessary Reformation, desiring to have the Days of the Week new dipped, and called after other Names. Though indeed this Supposed Scandal will not offend the wise, as beneath their Notice, and cannot offend the Ignorant, as above their Knowledge. Wherefore none need so hastily to hurry to the Top of the Main Mast, thence to pluck down the Badge of a Acts 28. 11. Castor and Pollux: but rather let them be careful, steadily to steer their Shipto the Heaven, for which it is bound; and let us redeem the Time, for the Days are evil: not because in their Name they bear the Cognizance of the Pagan-Gods; but because swarming with the Sins of Profane men, which all should labour to reprove in others, and amend in themselves. 7. But it was not a Week or a Month, A recruit of their Idols. yea scarce a year of Days, which could severally contain the numerous Saxon Idols. Besides the forenamed, they had b Selden of Tithes, 10. ch. pag. 269. Neptune, to whom in their abominable Decimations, they sacrificed every tenth Captive, whom they had taken in War; so making that Sea-God to swim in Man's Blood, per hujusmodi, non tam sacrificia purgati, quam sacrilegia polluti, saith an ancient Christian c Sidonius Apollinaris, lib. 8, Epist. Author. Secondly, Eoster or Goster, a Goddess, which they worshipped in the Springtime, wherein the Feast of Easter afterwards was celebrated, and so thence named, as Bede observeth. Thirdly, Flynt, so termed because set on a great Flintstone, which, I dare boldly say, had more Sparks of Divine nature, than that Idol which thereon was erected. Lastly, Tacitus observeth, that the Saxons worshipped the Peculiar God Herthus, the selfsame which in English we call the Earth, adoring that whereon they did daily trample. 8. Besides these, All these antiquated by Christianity. they had other Lesser Gods, of a Lower Form and Younger House; as Helmsteed, Prono, Fridegast and Siwe: all which at this day (to use the a I saiah 2. 20. Prophet's Expression) are cast to the Moles and the Bats; fit Company for them, which have Eyes and see not, Blind to the blind, like all those which put Confidence in them. And as the true and real b Exod. 7. 12. Serpent of Aaron, did swallow up and devour the seening Serpents, which jannes' and jambres, the Egyptian Enchanters, did make▪ so, long since in England, the Religion of the true God hath outlived and out-lasted, confuted and confounded all false and ●eigned Deities. To conclude this Discourse. I have heard of a man, who being Drunk, road over a Narrow Bridge (the first and last that ever passed that Way, as which in likelihood led him to imminent Death,) and next morning viewing how he had escaped, he fell into a Swoon, with acting over again the Danger of his Adventure in his bare Apprehension. So, should England (now, thanks be to God, grown sober and restored to herself) seriously recollect her sad Condition, when Posting in the Paths of Perdition, being intoxicated with the Cup of Idolatry, she would fall into a Trance of Amazement, at the consideration of her desperate state, before Christianity recovered her to her right Senses: the manner whereof we now come to relate. 9 When Augustine the Monk (as is afore said) landed in Thanet, The character of King Ethelbert. Ethelbert was then King of Kent. One, who had very much of Good Nature in him; of a Wild Olive well civilised, and a Stock fit to be grafted upon. Yea, he was already, with c Acts 26. 28. King Agrippa (though not in the same sense) almost a Christian; because his other half, d Bede Hist. Eccles. lib. 1. cap. 25. Queen Berhta, daughter to the King of France, was a Christian: to whom he permitted the free use of her Religion, allowing her both Luidhard a Bishop, for her Chaplain, and an old Church in Canterbury (formerly dedicated by the Romans to St. Martin) to exercise her Devotion therein. Besides, at this time, this Ethelbert was in effect Monarch of England; whilst his Person had Residence chief in Kent, his Power had Influence even to Humber, all the rest of the Saxon Kings being Homagers unto him: which afterward much expedited the passage of the Gospel in England. Thus each officious Accident shall dutifully tender his Service to the advance of that Design, which God will have effected. 10. Then Augustine acquainted this Ethelbert with his Arrival, Augustine's addresses, and Ethelberts answer. informing him by his Messengers, that he brought the best Tidings unto him, which would certainly procure eternal Happiness in Heaven, and endless Reigning in Bliss with the true God, to such as should entertain them. Soon after Ethelbert repaired into Thanet; to whom Augustine made his address 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with a deal of [spiritual, carnal] Pomp; e Beda, ut priests. having a Silver Cross carried before him for a Banner, the Image of our Saviour painted in a Table, and singing the Litany in the way as they went. King Ethelbert desired all things betwixt them might be transacted in the open Air, refusing to come under a Roof, for fear of Fascination. And indeed a Stranger (who had never seen the like before) beholding Augustine with such abundance of Trinkets about him, being formerly jealous, might hereby have his Suspicion increased, that he went about some strange Machination. However, Ethelbert returned him a civil Answer; That their Promises were fair and good; but because new and uncertain, he could not presently assent unto them, and leave the ancient Customs of the English, which had been for so long time observed. But because they were Strangers, coming from Far Countries, to communicate to him and his such things as they conceived were good and true; he would not forbid any Converts whom their Preaching could persuade to their Opinion, and also would provide them Necessaries for their comfortable Accommodation. 11. Hence Augustine, 597 with his Followers, Ethelbert and others converted to the Christian Faith. advanced to Canterbury, to the aforesaid old Church of St. Martin's Here they lived so piously, prayed so fervently, fasted so frequently, preached so constantly, wrought Miracles so commonly, that many people of Inferior Rank, and at last King Ethelbert himself was baptised, and embraced the Christian Religion. The same Ethelbert also ordered, that none should be a Bede Hist. Eccles. lib. 1. cap. 26. forced into Religion, having understood, that Christ's Service ought to be voluntary, and not compelled. And if his Courtiers had been as cautious, not to embrace Religion for Fashion, as the King was careful they should not receive it for Fear, there had not at that time been made so many Christians, for Conveniency (probably) rather, then for Conscience, who soon after returned again to Paganism▪ However, as it is rendered a reason in the days of Hezekiah, why the jews at so short warning, so unanimously kept the Passeover, God had prepared the People, for the thing was done suddenly: so, on the same account it came to pass, that in so little a time (besides temporary Believers) so many true and sincere Converts embraced the Christian Faith. 12. Then Augustine by his Letters informed Gregory of the Progress, gregory's answer to Augustine's letters. and Proficiency of his Pains in England. Gregory returned him a discreet Answer, rejoicing with him, and advising of him, not to be puffed up by Pride, for the great Miracles wrought by him; but, timendo gaudere, & gaudendo pertimescere. He minded him how, when the Disciples triumphed at their b Luke 10. 17 casting out of Devils, Christ more spirituallized their Joy, rather to rejoice that their Names were written in Heaven. And indeed; as some eminent in Piety never attained this Honour ( c john 10. 41. john [Baptist] did no miracle:) so many, finally disavowed of God, as unknown unto him, shall plead for themselves (and truly no doubt) d Matt. 7. 22. in thy Name have we cast out Devils. Yet, this Admonition of Gregory is with me (and aught to be with all unprejudiced persons) an Argument beyond exception, that (though no discrect man will believe Augustine's Miracles in the latitude of Monkish Relations) he is ignorantly and uncharitably peevish and morose, who utterly denies some Miracles to have been really effected by him. About the sametime, St. Gregory sent from Rome Mellitus, justus, Paulinus, and Ruffinianus, to be Fellow-labourers with Augustine in the English Harvest. 13. Thus was Kent converted to Christianity. 600 For such as account this a Conversion of all England, Conclusion of this Century. to make their words good, do make use of a long and strong Synecdoche, a Part for the Whole, fare more than Half of the Land lying some years after in the Darkness of Paganism; which others afterward enlightened with the Beams of the Gospel. But, as he is esteemed the Architect, or Master-workman, not who builds up most of the Wall; but, who first designeth the Fabric, and layeth the Foundation thereof: in the same respect, Augustine carrieth away the Credit of all that came after him, because the primitive Planter of the Gospel amongst the Saxons. And it is observable that this Conversion was done without any Persecution (yea considerable Opposition;) costing some Pain, no Torture, some Sweat, no Blood; not one Martyr being made in the whole managing thereof. Mean time, the poor Christian Britan's, living peaceably at home, there enjoyed God, the Gospel, and their Mountains; little skilful in, and less caring for the Ceremonies all a mode, brought over by Augustine: and indeed their Poverty could not go to the Cost of Augustine's Silver Cross, Anno Dom. 600 which made them worship the God of their Fathers after their own homely, but hearty Fashion; not willing to disturb Augustine and his Followers in their new Rites, but that he had a mind to disquiet them in their old Service, as in the sequel of the History will appear. THE SEVENTH CENTURY. Anno. Dom. AMICO SVO GR. B. Socrates' interrogatus, quo Philtro Natura Sympathias conciliaret, quidve esset in causa, ut alii hominum primo occursu ament medullitus, alii sibi mutuò sint infensi; hanc rationem reddidit. Deus, inquit, ab aeterno quicquid futurum esset animarum creavit; creatas, per immensum temporis spatium in uno cumulo collocavit; collocatas, corporibus, prout indies generantur, infundit. Hinc est, si contingat vel fortuitum consortium inter eos homines, quorum animae in hoc acervo propinquiores, quòd primo visu (quasi veteris vicinitatis memores) se invicem diligant; dum isti, primo intuitu, antipathiae stimulis urgeantur, quorum animae adversantes diametricè opponebantur. Fateor commentum hoc Socraticum à Theologia abhorrere; & in Philosophia plurimis asystatis laborare. Quod si ei subesset tantum veritatis, quantum ingenii, sanct▪ ssimè voverem, in hoc animarum cumulo Tuam & Meam contiguas olim jacuisse; cum Te primum conspectum & animitus amarem, & à Te redamarer. 1. MUch about this time Pope Gregory sent two Arch-Bishops Palls into England; 601 the one for a Rog. Wendover, Matth. Florileg. and Roff. Histor. London, Why the Archbishops See was removed from London to Canterbury. the other for York. The former of these Cities had been honoured with an Archbishop's See some hundred years since King Lucius. But at the instance of Augustine, and by a new Order of the foresaid Gregory, this Pall sent to London, was removed thence to Canterbury, (whereof Augustine was made Archbishop) and there, for the future, fixed and confirmed for several Reasons. First, London already had Lustre enough, being the biggest City in Britain; and it was needless to add new Spiritual to her old Temporal Greatness; which conjoined, might cause Pride in any one place, whilst divided▪ they might give Honour to two Cities. Secondly, London, by reason of the Receipt thereof, was likely to prove the residing place for the English Monarch; and it was probable that the archiepiscopal Dignity would there be eclipsed and out-shined by the Regal Diadem. Thirdly, had Augustine been Archbishop of London, he might have seemed to succeed the British Arch-Bishops, and to have derived some Right from them, contrary to his Humour, Anno. Dom. 601 who would Led All, but Fellow None; and therefore would not wear an Old Title, but have a span-New Arch-Bishops Chair carved out for himself. Lastly, Canterbury was the place, wherein Christianity was first received by the Saxons, and therefore deserved to be honoured, to perpetuate the Memory thereof. Thus London hereafter must be contented with the plain Seat of a Bishop, the Mother being made a Daughter, and must come behind Canterbury, which did much wrong, and perchance something trouble her. But Churches have more Discretion and Humility, then to break their Hearts about earthly Precedency: and the matter is not much, which See went first, when living; seeing our Age hath laid them both alike level in their Graves. 2. Augustine thus armed with archiepiscopal Authority, Augustine summons a Synod of Saxon and British Bishops. to show a Cast of his Office, by the Aid of Ethelbert King of Kent, called a Council, for the Saxon and British Bishops to come together, in the Confines of the Wiccians and Westsaxons. An indifferent Place, for mutual Ease, in midway betwixt both; haply presaging, that as their distant Persons met on equal terms, so their opposite Opinions might agree in some Moderation. The particular Place was called AUGUSTINE'S AKE (that is his Oak, in our modern Dialect) which a In his Translation of Bede, 2 Book, 2 Ch. Stapleton (mistaken by the affinity of Wiccii or Veccii, with Vectis, the Latin name for the Isle of Wight) seeketh near Southampton; where, indeed, he may find many Oaks in the New Forest, and yet miss the right one. For this Oak stood in the Confines of b Camden's Britannian in Worcestershire. Worcester and Herefordshire (though at this day Time hath confounded it Root and Branch) and therefore this Meeting is in Latin called Synodus c Spelman in Concilus, Anno 601. pag. 107. Vigorniensis. Many solemn Entertainments, we know, were anciently made under d Gen. 18. 4. Trees: and a Palmtree served Deborah for her Westminster-hall, wherein she judged e judges 4. 5. Israel. But several reasons are assigned, why Augustine kept this Council under an Oak. First, so public a place was free from Exceptions; whereunto none were debarred Access. Secondly, being congregated under the view of Heaven, and not penned within the Walls of a private House, they were minded of clear, fair, and open Proceed, without secret Ends, or sinister Intents. Thirdly, perchance some Pagan Saxons (alured with Novelty) would repair to the Council, whose Icalousy was such, as in no case they would come under a Roof, for fear of f This reason is given by Sir Henry Spelman, ut prius. Fascination, as hath been formerly observed. Lastly, Augustine knowing that the Pagan Britan's performed their Superstitions under an g See first Century 3. Parag. Oak, celebrated his Synod under the same, in some Imitation, and yet a Correction of their Idolatry: As in a religious Parallel, Pagan Temples had formerly by him been converted into Churches of Saints. But when all is done, the matter is not so clear, but that the place called Augustine's Oak, may as well be a Town as a Tree, so called from some eminent Oak in, at, or near it: as the Vine in Hampshire, so named from Vines anciently growing there, is a beautiful House, and principal Seat, where the Baron's Sands have their Habitation. And, what is most apposite for our purpose, Sozomen calleth the Place where Theophilus kept a Synod against St. chrysostom, the Oak; which, notwithstanding, is notoriously known to have been a populous Suburb of the City of Chalcedon. 3. At the first Sessions of this Synod there was a very thin Appearance of the Britan's: The British Clergy refuse submission to the Pope of Rome. of whom Augustine demanded, that they should mutually contribute with him their Pains to convert the Heathen in Britain, and that they should submit to the Pope, and embrace an Uniformity with the Romish Rites, especially in the Celebration of Easter. What their Answer was, it is pity it should be delivered in any other Words, than what the Abbot of Ranchor, being the Mouth for the rest, represented, as followeth; and let it shift, as well as it can, for its own authenticalness. BId ispis a diogel i, chwi ynbod ni holl un ac arral, yn vuidd ac ynn ostingedig i Eglwys Duw, ac it Paab o Ruvam, ac i Boob Kyar grisdic n dwyvel, y garu pawb yn i radd mewn kariad parfaich, ac ihelpio pawb o honaunt are air a guec-thred i vod ynn blant yDaw, ac amgenach wyddod nc hwn nidadwen i vod it neb your yddeck chwi y henwi yn Paab ne in Daad oh Daad, yw glemio ac ywo ovunn: are uvyddod hiun idden in yn varod yw rod ac yw dalu iddo ef ac i pob Krisdion yn dragwiddol. He vid yry dim ni dan lywodrath Esoob Kaerllion are Wysc, your hien ysidd yn oligwr dan Duw are nom ni, y wuenthud i ni gadwr fordd ysbrydol. BE it known and without doubt unto you, Copied exactly many years since by Sr. Henry Spelman out of an ancient British manuscript of Mr. Peter Mostons a Welsh Gentleman; Spelman's Concilia pag. 108. that we all are, and every one of us, obedient and subjects to the Church of God, and to the Pope of Rome, and to every godly Christian, to love every one in his degree in perfect Charity, and to help every one of them, by word and deed to be the children of God: and other Obedience than this I do not know due to him whom you name to be Pope, nor to be the Father of Fathers, to be claimed and to be demanded. And this Obedience we are ready to give, and to pay to him, and to every Christian continually. Besides, we are under the government of the Bishop of Kaerlion upon Uske, who is to oversee under God over us, to cause us to keep the way spiritual. See we here the Pedigree of the British Church, which the shorter the ancienter, the fewer Steps it had, the higher it reached. They were subject in Spiritual matters to the Bishop of Caerlion, and above him unto God, without any subordination unto the Pope: so that it was more than a Presumption, that Religion came into Britain, not by the Semicircle of Rome, but in a Direct Line from the Asiatic Churches. We must not forget, that though many years since, the Archiepiscopal See of the Britan's was removed from Caerlion to St. david's; yet it still retained the Title of Caerlion, as of the first and most famous place. 4. A late Papist much impugneth the Credit of this Manuscript (as made since the Days of King Henry the eighth) and cavilleth at the Welsh thereof, The Cedit of this Manuscript impugneth. as modern, and full of false Spelling. He need not have used so much Violence to wrest it out of our Hands, who can part with it without considerable Loss to ourselves, or Gain to our Adversaries; for it is but a Breviate or Abstract of those Passages, which in Bede and other Authors appear most true, of the British refusing Subjection to the See of Rome. Whilst therefore the Chapter is Canonical, it matters not if the Contents be Apocrypha (as the Additions of some well-meaning Scribe.) And though this Welsh be far later than the Days of Abbot Dinoth, and the English (added in the original) later then the Welsh; yet the Latin, as ancienter than both, containeth nothing contrary to the sense of all Authors, which writ this Intercourse betwixt Augustine and the Welsh Nation. 5. But this Synod in fine proved ineffectual, The Synod proves ineffactual. the British Bishops refusing to submit, and Augustine to communicate with them without such Submission. Whereupon, at Augustine's motion, a Blind man was publicly presented amongst them: on whom the British Bishops practised in vain with their Prayers, to restore him to his Sight; which, at the Request of Augustine to God, was a Bede's Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. c. 2. presently and perfectly performed. This Miracle convinced the Britan's, that Augustine was in the right for the critical Observation of Easter. But yet, they could not absque suorum consensu ac licentia, without the National Consent of their own People, and principal Elders therein, renounce their ancient Customs, to embrace new Practices. Indeed, as for their submitting to Augustine's Jurisdiction, they apprehended it unsafe for the present, and mischievous for the future; having another Civil Government under Kings of their own, and suspecting his Spiritual Power might in process of time entrench upon their Temporal Liberty. 6. Departing hence, The Dialogue betwixt the British Bishops and the Anchoret the Britan's repaired to an Aged Anchoret, charactered by Beda to be sanctus & prudens, holy and wise (and none would wish his Counsellor better qualified) and craved his Advise, how hereafter they should behave themselves in the next Synod, wherein they had promised to give Augustine a meeting: which out of our Author may thus be Dialogue-wise digested. British Bishops. Anchoret. Brit. B. Are we bound to desert our Traditions at the Preaching of Augustine? Anch. If he be a Man of God, follow him. Brit. B. But how shall we be able to make Trial thereof? Anch. The b Matth. 11. 29. Lord saith, Take my yoke upon you, and learn of me, for I am meek, and lowly in heart. If therefore this Augustine be Mild, and Humble in heart, it is credible that he himself beareth the Yoke of Christ, and tendereth the same to be born of you: but if he be Cruel, and Proud, it appeareth that he is not of God, neither ought ye to heed what he saith. Brit. B. But how shall we make Discovery hereof? Anch. Contrive it so, that he & his may come first into the Place of the Synod. And if he rise up when you draw near unto him, hear him then obediently, knowing him for a Servant of Christ: but if he slighteth you, and vouchsafeth not to rise up unto you (seeing you are more in Number) let him be slighted by you. Armed with these Instructions, the British Bishops advance to the second Synod. Where Augustine, Pontifically sitting in his Chair, at their Entrance, entertained them only with Neglect and Contempt; which by the Britan's was accordingly requited. 7. Herein that stately Prelate forgot St. gregory's Precept to him, Proud diotrephes Augustine. Not c See his answer to Augustine's third question. to proceed too rigorously in the Alteration of Ceremonies, but to allow a Latitude according to Time and Place. Oh, for a little in him of St. Paul's Temper, who was d 1 Cor. 9 22. made all things to all men, that by all means he might gain some. Had Augustine's Joints been suppled with the Oil of Humility, one bended Knee might probably have bowed many Hearts unto him; whereas now he lost their Affections. Pride being an unwinning Quality, rendering the Proud party scorned by his Betters, hated by his Equals, feared (perchance) by his Inferiors, but loved by None. Had not he, who is said to have cured the Blind, need to have his own Eyes opened herein? Who, though he be commonly called Augustine the less, in distinction from his Namesake, Father St. Augustine of Hippo; yet may be allowed Augustine the great, if a Measure be taken from the Dimensions of his Pride and Haughtiness. 8. We pass now from this Augustine's Pride, Augustine's Prophecy. to his Prophecy: who enraged at the British Bishops, for denying Subjection unto him, flatly fell a menacing them; that, seeing they would not submit to his Motion, and join with him in Preaching to the Saxons, soon after they should feel the force of their Enemy's Sword, and be suddenly confounded by those, whom they would not endeavour to convert. Which accordingly came to pass. 9 For not longafter, 603 alias Ethelfride the Pagan King of Northumberland, The massacre of the Monks of Baugor. having conquered Chester, invaded Wales, and bade the Britan's battle. Amongst them was a Regiment of the Monks of Bangor, 605 all naked, and unarmed, save with Tears and P●ayers (whole Volleys whereof they discharged to Heaven for the good Success of their Countrymen) being all by themselves upon an Advantage of Ground; and one Brockmaile a Britain (as Captain of their Lifeguard) had a Company of Soldiers to defend them. Ethelfride being informed that these Monks prayed against him, concluded them to be his effectual Enemies, though otherwise offering him no Hostility; and fiercely falling on them, put twelve hundred of them to the Sword, fifty only escaping: Brockmaile most basely deserting them, whom he was set to defend. 10. But here some Birds sing a different Note from the rest, Augustine suspected to be their murderer. which must be listened unto; namely, such Authors, considerable for their Number, Antiquity, Gravity, and Learning, who accuse this Augustine for the Designer of the Death and Destruction of these innocent British Monks: so that he cunningly foretold, what he himself cruelly intended to fulfil. Thus, well might jezabel, who a Revel. 2. 20. calleth herself a Prophetess, certainly foreshow the death of Naboth, for denying his Vine-yard to Ahab, when she had purposely beforehand packed and plotted the same. An heavy Accusation if true, that Augustine (to use my b Mr. Abraham Wheelock is his notes on Bede, pag. 115. Friend's Expression) Gregorii Vicarius, should be Gregis sicarius; & Ecclesiae futurae Anglicanae Conversor, should be praesentis Britannicae everfor; so that instead of a Prophet's Reward, he deserved the Punishment of a Murderer. But to clear this point, conceive we a Grand-Jury of four and twenty judicious Readers empanelled, before whom the Memory of Augustine is indicted of Murder, and Witnesses produced on both Sides. Let none censure me, if in these Proceed my Pen fails in legal Formalities, such Exactness not being by me intended, but only some general Conformity with a Law-triall, to fix the History in our Fancies with more Pleasure and Delight. 11. The Bill first was solemnly read, Witnesses produced against him. running to this effect, That Augustine the Monk (commonly called the English Apostle) not having the Fear of God before his Eyes, out of forethought Malice, feloniously did plot, project, and contrive the Murder of twelve hundred Monks of Bangor, by soliciting Ethelbert the Christian King of Kent, to move Ethelfride the Pagan King of Northumberland, with force of Arms to kill and slay the Monks aforesaid, etc. An Accusation so heinous, that at first it filled the whole Jury with Silence, Horror, and Amazement; till afterwards they recollected themselves to attend unto the following Witnesses. 1. jeffery Monmouth, whose Welsh Blood was up, as concerned in the Cause of his Countrymen; Ethelbert King of Kent (said c Manuscript. in pub. lib. Cantab. pag. 167. he) when he saw the Britan's disdaining to yield Subjection to Augustine, and that they scorned to be subject to himself, stirred up the Northumberlanders, and other Saxon Princes, that gathering a great Army against the City of Bangor, they should go forth to destroy the Abbot Dionoth, and the other Clergy, who had formerly slighted them. 2. Thomas Grace, an old d Cited in Jewel's Apolog. part 1. pag. 11. Chronicler (as it is written in French) brought in this Evidence, That Augustine being refused of the Christian Britan's, inflamed Ethelbertus King of Kent to levy his Power, and to war against them, himself being also in company, (as in the old Abstract of Chronicles is recorded) and marching with him towards the Slaughter; Where they had no more regard of Mercy, than a Wolf hath upon a Sheep. 3. Nicolus Trivet, Anno Dom. 603 a Dominican, who wrote some three hundred years since, a Sir Henry Spelman's Councils, pag. 111. deposed, That Ethelbert King of Kent, being highly offended incited Ethelfride King of Northumberland, and other petty Saxon Kings, because they had contemned Augustine in the Council, etc. 4. Elsebiensis Monachus commenting on those words of Merlin, Delebitur iterum Religio, Religion shall again be destroyed, thus b Manus●r. in Bennet Coll. Librar. Camb. expoundeth them; This was afterwards fulfilled, either by Gormund, or by Augustine, who caused twelve hundred Monks to be slain at Bangor in Wales, because they obeyed him not in a Council. These Testimonies much moved the Jury; who, notwithstanding, reserved their other Ear, as it became Honest men, to hearken to the Depostions in Augustine's behalf. 12. Amongst these, Testimonies in his behalf. that of c Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 2. editione Wholochiana. Bede was most material: Sicque completum est praesagium sancti Pontificis Augustini [quamvis ipso jam multo antè tempore ad coelest▪ a regna sublato] ut etiam temporalis interitus ultionem sentirent perfidi, quòd oblata sibi perpetuae salutis consilia spreverant. Which words (for, it is seasonably remembered, all Pleas must now be in English) may thus be translated; And so the prophecy of holy Bishop Augustine was fulfilled [although himself long before that was taken out of this Life to the Kingdom of Heaven] that also the treacherous People might feel the Revenge of Temporal Ruin, because they had despised the Counsels of Eternal Salvation offered unto them. 13. Much Difference arose hereabouts: The Paragraph in Bede's testimony questioned. the rather, because some urged that Parenthesis (Although himself long before, etc.) to have been studiously interpolated in Bede, on purpose for the Purgation of Augustine, by some in after-Ages that favoured him; alleging, that it is not in the ancient Saxon Copies, being put in as a piece of new Cloth into an old Garment, with intent to fill it up, but in event making it worse; because this Passage checketh the Pen of Bede in the full Speed thereof (no less against the Rules of History, then of Horsemanship) as he was writing the Life of Augustine, the Story whereof notwithstanding still runs on, and continues until the end of the next Chapter. Here some of the Jury betook themselves to the point of Chronologie, as most proper to decide the matter now depending; but such was the Variety of Authors, that no Certainty could thence be extracted. For, though the Massacre of the Monks of Bangor is generally noted to be d Matt. West. Chichestr. MS. Bibl. pub. Cantab●ig. Anno 603. which falls out before the Death of Augustine: yet the Annals of Ulster (whose Authority is not to be contemned) e james Usher Brit. Eccles Antiq. pag. 1157. Mr. Fox his moderation much moveth the Iury. observe the same in the year 613. which undoubtedly was after Augustine's Decease. 14. Then a second sort of Witnesses presented themselves, as f Antiq. Britan. pag. 48. M. Parker, g Apol. part 1 page. 11. Bishop jewel, and others, somewhat sharp against Augustine in their Expressions: which wrought the less with the Jury; partly, because of such Authors their known Opposition to the Romish Church; and partly, because of their Modern writing, almost a thousand years after the matter in fact. Only the Moderate Testimony of Reverend Mr. Fox much moved the whole Court, as one throughly well-affected in Religion, and averse from all Popery and Cruelty, thus expressing himself: h Acts and Monum. part 1. p. 154. col. 2. This seemeth rather suspicious then true, that Ethelbert being a Christian King, either could so much prevail with a Pagan Idolater, or else would attempt so far to commit such a cruel Deed: But of uncertain things I have nothing certainly to say, less to judge. This (I say) prevailed so far with the jury, that consulting with themselves, they found an Ignoramus. With whose commendable Charity I concur; preferring rather to clear a Twilight Innocence into Noonday, then to darken it into Midnight. 15. To return to the Monks of Bangor. Their innocent Blood went not long unrevenged: for we find i Nicolas Trivet, largely cited by Sir Henry Spelman in his Councils, pag. 112. recorded, The blood of Bangor Monks revenged. how three British Princes, namely, Blederick Duke of Cornwall Margaduc Duke of South-wales, and Cadwan Duke of North-wales, bade Battle to the Northumberlanders, as they were invading Wales, and not only dangerously wounded the aforesaid Ethelfride their King, but also discomfited his Army, and slew ten thousand and sixty of his Soldiers, forcing him at last to Articles of Composition; that he should confine himself within his own Country, North of Trent, and leave all Wales to be entirely and peaceably enjoyed by the Britan's, the true Owners thereof. 16. However here, to our great Grief, we are fain to take our Farewell, Farewell taken for some years of the British Church. for some hundreds of years, of the British Church, wanting Instructions concerning the Remarkable Particulars thereof. Yet Dr. Harpsfield deserves a Check, both for his false a Eccles. Hist. Seculo 7. c. 39 pag. 114. Groundwork, and presumptuous. Inference built thereupon. For, first, he slighteth the British Nation, as such an one, as since this their Dissenting from Augustine, and the Romish Church in Ceremonies, never archieved any Actions of Renown, or mounted to any Eminency in the world. Then, he imputeth their being so long depressed, and at last subdued by the English, as a just Punishment of God, on their not Complying with Rome: so pragmatical a Prior he is into Divine Secrets. But he who thus casteth forth a National Abuse, can never see where such a Stone lighteth; for (besides the Nation for the time being) their Posterity engaged therein have just cause either to find, or make Reparation to themselves. I could, and would myself assert the British from this Scandalous Pen, were it not against the Rules of Manners and Discretion, to take this Office out of the hands of some of their own Nation, for whom it is more proper, as they are more able to perform it. 17. Only give me leave to insert a Line or two (some Pleasant Discourse will not do amiss, Commendation of the British language, after so much Sad matter) in Commendation of the British Tongue, and Vindication thereof, against such as causelessly traduce it. First, their Language is Native. It was one of those which departed from Babel: and herein it relates to God, as the more immediate Author thereof; whereas most Tongues in Europe owe their Beginning to humane Depraving of some Original Language. Thus the Italian, Spanish, and French, Daughters, or Nieces to the Latin, are generated from the Corruption thereof. Secondly, Unmixed. For, though it hath some few Foreign Words, and useth them sometimes; yet she rather accepteth them out of State, then borroweth them out of Need, as having besides these, other Words of her own to express the same things. Yea, the Romans were so far from making the Britan's to do, that they could not make them to speak as they would have them: their very Language never had a perfect Conquest in this Island. Thirdly, Unaltered. Other Tongues are daily disguised with foreign Words, so that in a Century of years, they grow Strangers to themselves: as now an Englishman needs an Interpreter to understand Chaucer's English. But the British continues so constant to itself, that the Prophecies of old Teliessin (who lived above a thousand years since) are at this day intelligible in that Tongue. Lastly, Durable; which had its Beginning at the Confusion of Tongues, and is likely not to have its Ending till the Dissolution of the World. 18. Some indeed inveigh against it, Causelessly traduced by ignorance. as being hard to be pronounced, having a conflux of many Consonants, and some of them double-sounded; yea, whereas the Mouth is the place wherein the Office of Speech is generally kept, the British words must be uttered through the Throat. But this rather argues the Antiquity thereof, herein running parallel with the Hebrew (the common Tongue of the Old World, before it was enclosed into several Languages) and hath much Affinity therewith, in jointing of words with Affixes, and many other Correspondencies. Some also cavil, that it grates and tortures the ears of Hearers with the Harshness thereof: whereas indeed it is unpleasant only to such as are Ignorant of it. And thus every Tongue seems stammering, which is not understood; yea, Greek itself is Barbarism to Barbarians. Besides, what is nicknamed Harshness therein, maketh it indeed more full, stately, and masculine. But such is the Epicurism of Modern Times, to addulce all words to the Ear, that (as in the French) they melt out, in pronouncing, many essential Letters, taking out all the Bones, to make them bend the better in speaking: and such Hypocrites in their Words speak them not truly in their native Strength, as the plaindealing British do, which pronounce every letter therein more manly, if less melodious. Lastly, some condemn it unjustly as a Worthless Tongue, because leading to no matter of moment; and, who will care to carry about that Key, which can unlock no Treasure? But this is false; that Tongue affording Monuments of Antiquity, some being left, though many be lost; and moe had been extant, but for want of Diligence in Seeking, and Carefulness in Preserving them. 19 But, Augustine bapitzeth 10000 in one day. craving pardon of the Reader for this Digression, we reassume our Augustine, who all this while was very industrious, and no less successful in converting the Saxons to the Christian Faith. Insomuch that a certain a Cited by Mr. Camden, Presace of Brit. pag. 136. Author reporteth, how in the River Small near Richmond in Yorkshire, Augustine on one day baptised above ten thousand; adding withal, that the People not only passed without Danger through so deep a River, but also they who weresick, and deformed when they went in, were whole b Flores Sanctorum: tom. 1. wrote by Hierome Porter pag. 515. and handsome when they came forth again. The judicious Reader may in this Miracle discover, how the Author thereof (not doubt some ignorant Monk) hath therein jumbled and confounded three distinct Seripture-Histories, to make a mock-Parallel betwixt the Rivers jordan and Small; Borrowing 1. The People's safe passing through it, 2. Their being baptised in it, 3. The curing of their Infirmities by it, from joshuas c Ios. 4. 1. conducting the Israelites through John's d Matth. 3. 6. baptising the jews in Elisha's e 2 Kin. 5. 14. healing Naaman's leprosy in jordan. But here it must be remembered, that Bede maketh no mention at all hereof, and ascribeth this numerous Baptising to Paulinus Archbishop of York many years after. It would argue too much Morosity in us, to demur in our saith to the whole Fact, till Authors are all agreed about the Doer thereof. For mine own part, I conceive Paulinus the more probable Person, as questioning whether Augustine most conversant amongst the South and Westsaxons) ever moved so far Northward. 20. And, The simplicity of ancient Baptism. if so many were baptised in one day, it appears plainly, that in that Age, the Administration of that Sacrament was not loaded with those Superstitious Ceremonies, as essential thereunto, of Crossing, Spittle, Oil, Cream, Salt, and such like Trinkets; which Protestants generally as little know what they are, as Papists why they use them. I say, in that Age nothing was used with Baptism but Baptism; the Word and the Water made the Sacrament. Yea, the Archbishop is said to have f Camden ut prius. commanded by the voice of Criers, that the People should enter the River confidently, two by two, and, in the name of the Trinity, baptise one another by turns. This, indeed, was the most compendious way; otherwise Ioshua's day, wherein the Sun stood still, had been too short for one man's personal performance of such an Employment. 21. Another considerable Accession was made to Christianity in the South-west part of this Isle, The Idol Healedestroied by Augustine at Cern. and particularly in Dorsetshire; where Augustine at Cern, destroyed the Idol of Heale, or Aisculapius, which the Saxons formerly g Camden's Brit. in Dorsetshire. adored. But in his journey hither (Reader, they are not mine, but my h Flores Sanctorum in the life of Augustine, P. 515, 516. Authors words) with his Holy Company, they were cruelly oppressed with the three familiar Discommodities of Travellers, Hunger, Thirst, and Weariness; when Augustine striking his Staff into the Ground, fetched forth a crystal Fountain, which quenched the extremity of their Thirst: whence the Place was afterward called Cernel, from Cerno in Latin, to see, and El in Hebrew, God. A Composition of a Name hardly to be precedented, that a Word should commence per saltum, from Latin into Hebrew, without taking Greek by the way thereof. Why not rather Cernwell, Behold the fountain; or Cernheal, See the Destruction of the Idol? But in truth, in all Books ancient and a So both in Camden, and Harpsfield. modern, the Place is plainly written Cern, without any paragogical apposition thereunto. 22. Indeed, A ridiculous miracle. most of the Miracles assigned unto this Augustine, intended with their Strangeness to raise and heighten, with their Levity and Absurdity do depress and offend true Devotion. Witness, how when the Villagers in Dorsetshire beat Augustine, and his Fellows, and in Mockery fastened Fish-tailes at their Backs, in punishment hereof, All that b Flores Sanctorium ut prinus Generation had that given them by Nature, which so contemptibly they fastened on the Backs of these Holy men. Fie for shame! he needs an hard Plate on his Face that reports it, and a soft Place in his Head that believes it. 23. However, The great improvement of the Gospel. for the main, we undoubtedly believe that the Preaching of Augustine and his Fellows took good Effect, finding the visible Progress, and the Improvement thereof, in the Conversion of so many from Paganism to Christianity. For, Sebert King of Essex (nephew to Ethelbert King of Kent, by Ricula his Sister) embraced the Faith, with all his Kingdom, by the Ministry of Mellitus, whom Augustine ordained Bishop of London; much about the same time making one justus a Roman (who was vir sui nominis, a man answering his Name) Bishop of Rochester. Many other remarkable matters happened in the Life of Augustine, especially those Questions and Answers, which passed betwixt him and Gregory the Great; by us purposely omitted, partly, because they are too voluminous to insert; and partly, because they are at large in many c Bede, Book of Mareyrs, and others. Augustine ' s death and Epitaph. Authors, to whom we remit the Reader. 24. And now was the time come of Augustine's Dissolution, 610 alias whose Body was buried in the Northern Porch of the New Church in Canterbury, 611 alias dedicated to Peter, and Paul, 612 having (as d Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 5. Bede informs us) this Inscription written upon his Monument; Here resteth Lord Augustine the first Archbishop of Canterbury; who being in times past sent hither from Blessed Gregory Bishop of the Roman City, and supported by God with the working of Miracles, brought King Ethelbert and his Country, from the worshipping of Idols to the Faith of Christ: and the days of his Office being finished in Peace, he died the seventh of the Calends of june, the same King reigning. 25. But in this Epitaph one thing is wanting, The date of the year, how wanting therein. and that mainly material; namely the Year when he died. Strangely is that Watch contrived, and is generally useless, which shows the Minute of the Hour, not the Hour of the Day. As this Epitaph points at the Day, of smaller consequence; leaving out the Year, of greater concernment. This hath put men's Fanisies on various Conjectures. Some make it a mere Omission of Bede: which notwithstanding is very strange, because otherwise he is most Critical, and Punctual in the Notation of Time. Others conceive it a fault of Commission, in some of after-Ages, who purposely expunged the Year (beshrew their Fingers that thrust out the Eyes, the Date of this Epitaph) lest the same should make too clear Discoveries of Augustine's surviving after the Massacre of the Monks of Bangor; which would increase the Suspicion of his having a Finger therein. Others place the Neglect in the Monument maker, and not in Bede; seeing he was but the bare Relater of the Epitaph, and therefore loath to add, or alter any thing thereof. Perchance the Tomb-maker registered the Day, as a Nicety most likely to be forgotten; omitting the Year, as a thing generally, universally, and notoriously known, all men keeping a Record thereof, which in process of time became wholly forgotten. Thus, those things are not long effectually kept by any, which are equally to be kept by All, Anno Dom. 610 and not charged on any One man's particular Account. Sure I am, the setting up of this Landmark, the nothing of the Year of his Death, had given excellent Direction to such as travel in the Saxon Chronologie, who now wander at Random for the want of it. 26. And now we take our Farewell of Augustine, Farewell to S. Augustine. of whom we give this Character. He found here a plain Religion (Simplicity is the Badge of Antiquity) practised by the Britan's, living some of them in the Contempt, and many more in the Ignorance of Worldy Vanities, in a barren Country: And surely, Piety is most healthful in those places, where it can least surfeit of Earthly Pleasures. He brought in a Religion spun with a Courser Thread, though guarded with a Finer Trimming, made luscious to the Senses with pleasing Ceremonies; so that many, who could not judge of the Goodness, were courted with the Gaudiness thereof. Indeed the Papists brag, that he was the Apostle of the English; but not one in the Style of St. Paul, a Gal. 1. 1. neither from men, nor by man, but by jesus Christ; being only a derivative Apostle, sent by the second hand: in which sense also he was not our sole Apostle; though he first put in his Sickle, others reaped down more of the English Harvest, propagating the Gospel farther, as shall appear hereafter. But because the Beginnings of things are of greatest consequence, we commend his Pains, condemn his Pride, allow his Life, approve his Learning, admire his Miracles, admit the Foundation of his Doctrine jesus Christ; but refuse the Hay and Stubble he built thereupon. We are indebted to God his Goodness in moving Gregory, gregory's Carefulness in sending Augustine, Augustine's Forwardness in preaching here: but above all, let us bless God's exceeding great Favour, that that Doctrine which Augustine planted here but impure, and his Successors made worse with watering, is since, by the happy Reformation, cleared and refined to the Purity of the Scriptures. 27. After the death of Augustine, Laurentius succeedeth Augustine. Laurentius a Roman succeeded him, whom Augustine in his Life-time not only designed for, but ordained b Bede Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. c. 4. in that Place, out of his abundant Caution, that the Infant-Church might not be Orphan an Hour, lest Satan should assault the Breach of such a Vacancy, to the Disadvantage of Religion. Such a super-Ordination in such cases was Canonical, it being * Idem Ibidem a Tradition, that St. Peter in like manner consecrated Clement his Successor in the Church of Rome. And sure it is, the Prophet Elijah (no doubt to his great Comfort whilst living) c 1 Kings 19 16. anointed Elishe to minister in his Room, in his Prophetical Function. In one respect Laurentius exceeded Augustine, that he reduced the Recusant Britan's and Scots, (probably demeaning himself more humbly than his Predecessor) to some tolerable Conformity to the Romish Ceremonies, especially in the Celebration of Easter. Now, seeing frequent Mention hath formerly been made, of the Difference between the Romish and British Churches, in Observation of that Festival; we will endeavour, as truly as briefly, to state the Controversy betwixt them, with Arguments each side produceth in their own behalf. 28. But, The controversy about Easter betwixt Rome and the Britan's, stated. because the Point in hand is so nice (rather than necessary) that a little Variation therein may be material, I will carefully follow the truest Copy I can get, in stating the Question, taking it from a Learned d james Usher, in the Religion of the ancient Irish, cap. 9 pag. 63. Pen exactly skilled therein. The Romans kept Easter upon that Sunday which fell betwixt the 15. & 21. day of the * Hence is it, that Beza tartly termeth the controversy Lunatica quaestio. Moon (both terms included) next after the 21. day of March, which they accounted to be the seat of the Vernal Equinoctial. And in reckoning the Age of the Moon, they followed the Alexandrian Cycle of 19 years, as it was explained unto them by Dionysius Exiguus. The Britan's kept Easter upon the Sunday that fell betwixt the 14. and 20. day of the Moon, following in their Account thereof, not the 19 year's Computation of Anatolius, but Sulpitius Severus his Circle of 84 years. It is enough to prove the Practice of Rome was the right, that it was the Practice of Rome; yea, did it not deserve the Stab of Excommunication, for any dissenting from her practice, tantamountingly to give her the Lie? However, it seems the Reputation of Rome's Infallibility was yet in the Nonage thereof, that the British durst so boldly differ from them, without danger of Damnation. 29. Yea, The Britan's their plea. they pretended ancient Tradition on their side, from the Primitive Times, derived from St. john himself; as by the ensuing Verses (which we thought fit to translate) may appear: Nos seriem a Fridgodus in the life of Wilfrid. patriam, non frivola scriptatenemus, Discipulo * i e. Sancti, ●el Beati. eusebii Polycarpo dante johannis. Ille etenim bis septene sub tempore Phaebae Sanctum praefixit nobis fore Pascha colendum, Atque nefas dixit, si quis contraria sentit. No writings fond we follow, but do hold Our Country Course, which Polycarp of old, Scholar to Blessed john, to us hath given. For he, when th' Moon had finished Days twice seven, Bade us to keep the holy Paschal Time, And count Dissenting for an heinous Crime. Time was, when once the Activity of Peter and john with holy Zeal was excellently employed, contending in a Race, which should first come to the Grave of our b john 20. 4. Saviour: but see here the Romans and the Britan's, the pretended Followers of these two Apostles, not running, but wrestling in a violent Contention, who should most truly observe the Resurrection of Christ out of his Grave. 30. Strange! The controversy reconciled by Laurentius. that so Good, and Wise men, should thus fall out about the Mint and Cummin of Religion, a Ceremony not at all decided in Scripture. It is to be feared, that the When marred the How of Easter; and the Controversy about the Time, spoiled a more material Circumstance, of the Manner of keeping this Feast; these opposite Parties searce being mutually in Charity at the receiving of the Sacrament, at that solemn Festival, kept among the jews with unleavened Bread, celebrated among Christians with too much Leaven (sour and swelling) of Anger and Passion. 613 The best is, for the present Laurentius composed the Quarrel, and brought both c Bede's Hist. lib. 2. cap. 4. Britan's and Scots (that is, the Inhabitants of Ireland) to comply with the Romans therein. But as every small Wrench, or stepping a wry, is enough to put an ill-set Bone out of joint: so each petty Animosity was great enough to discompose this Agreement. But enough of this Controversy for the present, we shall meet it too soon again; which like a restless Ghost, will haunt our English History, for more than an hundred and fifty years together. 31. Only I will add that, The antiquity of this difference. although about Augustine's time, this Controversy was then most heightened and inflamed; yet an old Grudge it was long before, betwixt the Romans and Britan's. For, if old Taliessyn (styled Chief of Bards by the Britan's) lived (as d De Britan. Scriptoribus aetale 6a. pag. 95. Pitseus, a Catholic Writer, will have it) in the year five hundred and forty; and if the following verses be Taliessyn's, as it is e Chron. of Wales p. 254. undoubtedly believed; then this Difference was on foot fifty years before Augustine came into England. Gwae'r offeiriad bid Nys engreifftia gwyd Ac ny phregetha: Gwae ny cheidwey gail Ac efyn vigail Ac nys areilia: Gwae ny cheidwey dhevaid Rhac bleidhie Rhufemaid Aiffon gnwppa. Woe be to that Priest yborn That will not cleanly weed his Corn, And preach his charge among: Woe be to that Shepherd (I say) That will not watch his Fold always, As to his Office doth belong. Woe be to him that doth not keep From Romish Wolves his Sheep With staff and weapon strong. These words, Anno Dom. 613 From Romish Wolves, relate to the Vigilancy of the British Pastors, to keep their People from Rome's Infection in these points. Thus, whilst the Britan's accounted the Romans Wolves, and the Romans held the Britan's to be Goats, what became of Christ's little flock of Sheep the while? The best is, the good God, we hope, will be merciful in his Sentence on Men, though passionate Men be merciless in their Censures one on another. 32. To return to Laurentius. The death of Ethelbert, and decay of Christianity. The great Joy for the Agreement made by him, Febr. 24. was quickly abated with Grief, at the Death of King Ethelbert: who having reigned fifty six, and been a Christian one and twenty years, was buried nigh to his good Wife, Queen Bertha (who died a little before him) in the Porch of St. Martin's Church in Canterbury; which Fabric, with some other Churches, by him were beautifully built, and bountifully endowed. In Ethelberts Grave was buried much of the Kentish Christianity: for Eadbald his Son both refused His Father's Religion, and wallowing in Sensuality, was guilty of that Sin not so much as named amongst the Gentiles, in keeping his Father's second Wife. Such as formerly had took up Christianity, as the Court-Fashion, now left it; & whom Ethelberts Smiles had made Converts, Eadbald's Frowns quickly made Apostates. Yea, at the same time (so infectious are the bare Examples of Great men) the three Sons of the King of the East-Saxons fell back to Pagnisme. These refused to be baptised, and yet, in Derision, demanded of the Bishop Mellitus, to receive the Eucharist; which he flatly denied them; Baptism being an Introductory Sacrament, and it being unlawful to break into the Church, without going through this Porch. Yet they gave Mellitus fair Warning, and free leave to departed; who coming into Kent, held there a Council with Laurentius and justus, what was best to be done. At last they concluded, that it was in vain, prodigally to lose their Pains here, which they might expend with more profit in their own Country: and seeing Martyrdom, as it is not cowardly to be declined, so it is not ambitiously to be affected; they resolved to go the way which Divine Providence directed them, and to return into France: which Mellitus and justus did accordingly. 33. Was this well done of them, Mellitus and justus their departure defended. to leave their Charge? Did not God place them Sentinels in his Church, and could they come off from their Duty, before they were relieved by Order? But surely their ill Usage was an interpretative Discharge unto them. In warrant whereof, we have not only Christ's a Matt. 10. 14. Precept, to leave the unworthy House with a witness (namely with the Dust of our Feet shaken off as a Testimony against it;) but also his Practice, going from the b Matth. 8. 34. and cap. 9 1. Gadarenes, when they desired he should departed their Coasts. Indeed, the Word of Life is a quick Commodity, and ought not, as a Drug, to be obtruded on those Chapmen who are unwilling to buy it; yea, in whose Nostrils the very Savour of Life unto Life doth stink, because proffered unto them. 34. Laurentius entertained the like Resolution of Departure; Laurentius, intending to departed, rebuked. when, lying on his Bed, St. Peter is c Bede lib. 2. cap. 6. said to have taken him to task in a Vision. Yea, St. Peter was not only seen, but felt, sharply and sound Whipping him, for his unworthy Intention to forsake his Flock; who rather should have followed St. Peter's Example (as he imitated Christ's) whom no Losses or Crosses could so deter, as to desert his Charge. Some will say, Peter herein appeared a partial Parent, so severely disciplining this his Son, whilst two other of his Children, being more guilty, Mellitus and justus (who had actually done what Laurentius only designed) escaped without any Correction. But we must know, though these seemed more faulty, by what appears in open View, yet the Passages behind the Curtain (Considerables concealed from us) might much alter the case. And indeed, Pastors leaving their people is so ticklish a Point, and subject to such secret Circumstances, that God and their own Consciences are only the competent Judges of the Lawfulness or unlawfulness thereof. 35. Thus, Eadbald becomes a Christian. all black and blue, Laurentius repaireth to Eadbald King of Kent, and presenteth himself unto him in that sad Condition. The King, much amazed thereat, demands, who durst offer such Violence to so Good a man? Whereby it plainly appears, that though Eadbald himself refused Christianity, yet he afforded Civility and Protection to Laurentius, and to all in Kent of his Religion. He largely relates what had happened unto him; and in fine so prevailed on Eadbald, that he not only put away his Wife-mother-whore, but also embraced Christianity, and at his desire, justus and Mellitus returned again into England. 36. Rochester readily received justus their Bishop, justus received at Rochester, and Mellitus rejected at London. being a little Place, of few Persons, and they therefore the easier all to be brought to be of one Mind. But large London (though then, for Greatness, but the Suburbs to the present City) I say, London then, was even London then, as wanton in the Infancy, as now wayward in the Old-age thereof; where generally the People, long radicated in Wickedness, refused to entertain their good Pastor returning unto them. But here my good a Mr. Wheelock on the place in Bede. Friend, in his Notes on this Passage, makes an ingenious Reservation, that (though the major part must be confessed peevish in all populous places) London in all Ages afforded eminent Favourers of Learned and Religious men. And would I could (being the meanest of Ministers) as truly entitle myself to the foresaid Qualifications, as I hearty concur with him in my grateful Confession, that I have effectually found plenty of good Patrons in that Honourable Corporation. Mellitus thus rejected, was glad to lead a private life in London, till that after the * 619 Feb. 3. Death of Laurentius, he succeeded him in the Church of Canterbury. 37. A grave, Mellitus his character. and good man, but much afflicted with the Gout, and highly meriting of his See of Canterbury; especially if true, what Bede * Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 7. reports, that, when a grievous Fire happened in that City, Mellitus accosted the very Fury thereof with faithful Prayer, and his own bare Hands (strange! that no modern Monk hath since in his Relation put a Crucifix, or Holy-Water-sprinkle into them) and so presently quenched the Raging of the Flames. Say not, why could he not as easily have cured his own Gout, as quenched this Fire? seeing Miracles are done, not for men's ordinary Ease, but God's solemn Honour. Yea, the Apostles themselves were not at pleasure Masters of their miraculous Power, for their personal use; seeing St. Paul could neither cure the b 1 Tim. 5. 23. often Infirmities of his dear Son Timothy; nor remove the acute, desperate Disease, wherewith he himself in c 2 Cor. 1. 8. Asia was afflicted. Five years sat Mellitus in Canterbury: after whose * 624 April 24. Death, justus Bishop of Rochester succeeded him, and had his Pall solemnly sent him by Pope Boniface. 38. By the way, What a Pall is the Pall is a Pontifical Vestment, considerable for the Matter, Making, and Mysteries thereof. For the Matter, it is made of Lamb's Wool, and Superstition. I say, of Lamb's Wool, d Flores Sanctorum Maii 26. pag. 506. as it comes from the Sheep's Back, without any other artificial Colour, spun (say some) by a peculiar Order of Nuns, first cast into the Tomb of St. Peter, taken from his Body (say e Latin Camden in Kent pag. 238 others) surely most sacred if from both; and [superstitiously] adorned with little black Crosses. For the Form thereof; the f Flores Sanctorum ut prius. Breadth exceeded not three Fingers (one of our Bachelors Lambskin Hoods in Cambridge would make three of them) having two Labels hanging down before and behind, which the Arch-Bishops only, when going to the Altar, put about their Necks, above their other Pontifical Ornaments. Three Mysteries were couched therein. First, Humility, which beautifies the Clergy above all their costly Copes. Secondly, Innocency, to imitate Lamblike Simplicity. And thirdly, Industry, to follow g Camden ut prius, & Luke 15. him who fetched his wand'ring Sheep home on his Shoulders. But to speak plainly, the Mystery of Mysteries in this Pall was, that the Arch-Bishops receiving it, shown therein their Dependence on Rome; and a Mote in this manner ceremoniously taken, was a sufficient Acknowledgement of their Subjection. And, as it owned Rome's Power; so in after-Ages it increased their Profit. For, though now such Palls were freely given to Arch-Bishops, whose Places in Britain for the present were rather cumbersome then commodious, having little more than their Pains for their Labour; Anno. Dom. 624 yet in after-Ages the Archbishop of canterbury's Pall was a Godwin's Cat. Episc. pag. 225. sold for five thousand b A Florene is worth 4s. 6d. Florenes: so that the Pope might well have the Golden Fleece, if he could fallen all his lambs-wool at that rate. Only let me add, that the Author of c A Manuscript in Trin. Hall Library in Cambridge Canterbury-Book styles this Pall, Tanquam grande Christi d Mr. Wheelock on Bede, pag. 99 Sacramentum. It is well tanquam came in to help it, or else we should have had eight Sacraments. But, leaving these Husks to such Palates as are pleased to feed on them, we come to the Kernel of Religion, how the same was propagated in other Parts of England. And first, of the Preparative for the Purge of Paganism out of the Kingdom of Northumberland. 39 Edwine, Edwine his preparatory promise to Christianity. the King thereof, was Monarch of all England, with the Isles of Man and Anglesey, more puissant than any of His Predecessors. And this, saith e Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 9 Bede, was In auspicium suscipiendae Fidei, in good Handsell of the Faith he was hereafter to receive. God first made him Great, and after Gracious; that so by his Power, he might be the more effectual Instrument of his Glory. Now he had married Edelburge, daughter of Ethelbert King of Kent: to whom he not only permitted free Exercise of Religion, to herself and her Servants, 625 but also promised himself to embrace it, if, on Examination, it appeared the most Holy, and fittest for Divine Service. In the Court of this Queen was one Paulinus, a pious Bishop, who, with much Pains and little Profit, long laboured in vain to convert the Pagans. God hereby both humbling him, and showing, that the Hour of his Mercy shall not be antedated one Minute, by any humane Endeavours. However, Paulinus, seeing he could not be happy to gain, would be careful to save; and daily plied the Word and Sacraments, thereby to corroborate his own People in Piety. 40. Now it happened that one Eumere, His condition performed, and yet he demurs. a Swashbuckler (a Contemner of his own life, 626 and thereby Master of another man's) sent from Guichelm, King of the Westsaxons, with an envenomed Dagger sought to kill King Edwine: when Lilla, one of his Guard, foreseeing the Blow, and interposing himself, shielded his Sovereign with his own Body, yea, deadened the Stroke with his own Death. Loyalty's Martyr; in a Case which is likely to find more to commend, then imitate it, on the like occasion. Edwine, notwithstanding slightly hurt, was very sensible of the Deliverance, and promised, that if he might conquer the treacherous West-saxon King, with his Adherents, he would become a Christian. And though there be no indenting, and conditional capitulating with God (who is to be taken on any terms) yet this in a Pagan was a good step to Heaven, and Paulinus was glad he had got him thus far; especially, when in Earnest of the Sincerity of his Resolution, he consigned over his infant-Daughter f Idem ibidem. Eansled, to be baptised, whom Paulinus christened, with twelve more of the Queen's Family. Well, the West-saxon King was quickly overcome, and all his Complices either killed, or conquered, and yet King Edwine demurred to embrace Christianity. But he communicated with the sagest of his Counsel, with whom he had daily Debates, being loath rashly to rush on a matter of such Moment. And truly, that Religion which is rather suddenly parched up, then seasonably ripened, doth commonly ungive afterwards. Yea, he would sit long alone, making company to himself, and silently arguing the Case in his own Heart, being partly convinced in his judgement of the Goodness of the Christian Religion; and yet he durst not entertain Truth, a lawful King, for fear to displease Custom, a cruel Tyrant. 41. Amongst the many Debates he had with his Counsel about altering his Religion, The speech of Coify the Priest. two Passages must not be forgotten; whereof one was the Speech of Coify, the prime Pagan-Priest. Surely (said g Bede Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 13. he) these Gods, whom we worship, are not of any Power, or Efficacy in themselves; for none hath served them more conscientiously than myself, yet other men, less meriting of them, have received moe and greater Favours from their hand, and prosper better in all things they undertake. Now, if these were Gods of any Activity, they would have been more beneficial to me, Anno. Dom. 626 who have been so observant of them. Here the Reader will smile at Coify his Solecism, wherein the Premises are guilty of Pride, as the Inference thereon of Error and Mistake. If he turn Christian on these terms, he will be taught a new Lesson: how not only all outward things happen alike, to good and bad, to a Eccles. 9 2. him that sacrificeth, as to him that sacrificeth not; but also, that b 1 Pet. 4. 17. judgement beginneth at the house of God, and the best men meet with the worst Success in Temporal matters. However, God was pleased to sanctify this man's Error, as introductory to his Conversion: and let none wonder, if the first Glimmering of Grace in Pagans, be scarce a degree above Blindness. 42. Better, The Courtier's Comparison. in my opinion, was the plain Comparison, which another nameless Courtier made at the same time. Man's life (said c Idem ibid. he) O King, is like unto a little Sparrow, which, whilst your Majesty is feasting by the Fire in your Parlour with your royal Retinue, flies in at one Window, and out at another. Indeed we see it that short time it remaineth in the House, and then is it well sheltered from Wind and weather; but presently it passeth from Cold to Cold, and whence it came, and whither it goes, we are altogether ignorant. Thus, we can give some account of our Soul, during its abode in the Body, whilst housed and harboured therein; but where it was before, and how it fareth after, is to us altogether unknown. If therefore Paulinus his Preaching will certainly inform us herein, he deserveth, in my opinion, to be entertained. 43. Long looked for comes at last. 627 King Edwine almost three years a Candidate at large of Christianity, Edwine converted, and baptised. cordially embraceth the same, and with many of his Nobles, and Multitudes of his Subjects, is solemnly baptised by Paulinus, in the little Church * Bede Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 14. of St Peter in York, hastily set up by the King for that purpose, and afterward by him changed into a firmer and fairer Fabric. Thus, as those Children which are backward of their Tongues, when attaining to Speech, pronounce their words the more plainly and distinctly: so Edwine, long, yea tedious before his turning to Christianity, more effectually at last embraced the same. And when it was put to the Question, what Person most proper to destroy the Heathen Altars? Coify the chief Priest tendered his Service, as fittest for the purpose, solemnly to demolish what he had before so superstitiously adored. Down go all the Pagan Altars, and Images at God-mundingham (now Godmanham, a small d Camden's Britannia. Village in the East-Riding of Yorkshire) and those Idols with their Hands were so far from defending themselves, that their mock-Mouths could not afford one word, to bemoan their final Destruction. 44. When thou art converted, The East-Angles converted to Christianity. strengthen thy Brethren, was the personal Precept given to e Luk. 22. 32. Peter, but ought generally to be the Practice of all good men; as here it was of King Edwine, restless, until he had also persuaded Earpwald, King of the East-Angles, to embrace the Christian Faith. Indeed Redwald, Earpwald's Father, had formerly at Canterbury (to ingratiate himself with King Ethelbert) professed Christianity; but, returning home, he revolted to Paganism at the instance of His f Bede Hist. Ecc. l. 2. c. 15. Wife. So great is the Power of the Weaker Sex, even in matters of Religion. For, as Bertha and Edelburge, the Queens of Ethelbert and Edwine, occasioned, and expedited the Conversion of their Husband's Kingdoms: so here a Female-instrument obstructed that holy Design. Yea, Redwald afterwards in the same Church set up a g 2 Kings 17. 41. Samaritane-mongrel-Religion, having Altar h Bede ut prius. & Arulam, a Communion-Table and an idolatrous Altar in the same Temple. You cannot be partakers (saith the i 1 Cor. 10. 21. Apostle) of the Lords Table, and of the table of Devils; that is, You cannot lawfully, conscionably, comfortably; but, de facto it may be done, was done by Bedwald in this his miscellaneous Religion. 45. But three years after, 630 the Conversion of the East-Angles was more effectually advanced by King Sigebert, The Religion and learning of King Sigebert. Brother, and after the death of Earpwald his Successor in the Kingdom. This Sigebert had lived an Exile in France, Anno. Dom. 630 and got the benefit of Learning by his Banishment. For, wanting accommodations to appear in Princely Equipage, he applied himself the more close to his Studies: seeing, that Means which would maintain a Prince but like a Scholar, would maintain a Scholar like a Prince. Yea, which was best of all, on his Learning he grafted true Religion; Bede giving him this Character, that he became Virro Christianissimus & doctissimus: (can more be said in so few words?) and returning home, assisted by the Preaching of Felix, a Monk of Burgundy, juxta nominis sui sacramentum, saith Bede (happy was his Name, and Happiness was with him) converted his Subjects to Christianity. This Felix was made the first Bishop of Dunwich in Suffolk; a place formerly furnished with a Weaver's Funeral Monuments in Suffolk. two and fifty Churches, and hath scarce two now remaining, the rest being swallowed up by the Sea. I can hardly hold myself from calling the Sea sacrilegious; save that, on second thoughts, considering that Element to be but a Natural Agent, yea, such whose Motions are ordered by Divine Providence, Hither shalt thou come, and no farther, I will rather reserve this Epithet, sacrilegious, to be bestowed on those men, who willingly and wilfully demolish the places appointed for God's Service. 46. This Sigebert is generally reputed the Founder of the University of Cambridge. Difference about the antiquity of the University of Cambridge. And because the point in hand is somewhat litigious, 631 But some make it four years after. we will take the more Pains in clearing thereof, two things being warily premised. First, that Sigebert's founding the University of Cambridge ought not by any to be extended to lessen and abate, much less to drown and destroy her more ancient Title to Learning, which she deriveth (according to good b See Cajus on the antiquity of Cambridge. Authors) from many hundred years before. Valeant, quantum valere possint, let such her over grown Evidences stand as valid as they may, by us neither confirmed, not confuted for the present. And indeed, all such Old things in either University, though specious to the Eye, must be closely kept, and tenderly touched, lest otherwise, being roughly handled, they should moulder into Dust. Secondly, let none suspect, my Extraction from Cambridge will betray me to partiality to my Mother, who desire in this Difference to be like Melchisedec, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, without Descent, only to be directed by the Truth. And here I make this fair and free Confession, which, I hope, will be accepted for ingenuous: That, as in Thamar's travel of c Gen. 38. 28. Twins, Zarah first put out his Hand, and then drew it in again, whilst Pharez first came forth into the World: so I plainly perceive Cambridge with an extended Arm, time out of mind, first challenging the Birthright; and Priority of place for Learning; but afterwards drawing it in again, she lay for many years desolate, and of less account; whilst Oxford, if later, larger, came forth in more entire Proportion, and ever since constantly continued in the full Dimensions of an University. 47. These things being thus cautiously stated, The leading testimony of Bede explained. we proceed, beginning with Bede, on whose Testimony all the following History is founded. Beda lib. 3. Eccles. Hist. cap. 18. Sigebertus, ubi Regno potitus est, mox ea quae in Galliis bene disposita vidit, imitari cupiens, instituit Scholam, in qua pueri literis erudirentur, juvante se Episcopo Felice (quem de Cantia acceperat) eisque paedagogos ac magistros, juxta morem Cantuariorum, praebente. Sigebert, when he had obtained the Kingdom, presently desiring to imitate those things which he had seen well-ordered in France, instituted a School, wherein Youths might be trained up in Learning, Felix the Bishop (whom he had received out of Kent) assisting him, and providing for them Teachers, and Masters, according to the Custom of those in Canterbury. See here, Anno. Dom. 631 King Sigebert, to make his School complete, united therein such Conveniences for Education, as he had observed commendable 1. Abroad, in France: where Learning at, and before his time, was brought to great Perfection; St. Hierome a In Epistola ad Rusticum. affirming, that even in his Age, he had seen Studia in Galliis florentissima, most flourishing Universities in France. 2. At home, in Canterbury: where even at this time Learning was professed, though more increased some forty years after; when as the same Bede b Hist. Eccles. reports, that in the days of Theodorus the Archbishop, there were those that taught Geometry, Arithmetic and Music (the fashionable studies of that Age) together with Divinity, The perfect Character of an University, where Divinity the Queen is waited on by her Maids-of-Honour. But I question, whether the Formality of Commencing was used in that Age: inclining rather to the negative, that such Distinction of Graduates was then unknown, except in St. Paul's sense, c 1 Tim. 3. 13 Such as used the office of a Deacon well, purchased to themselves a good Degree. 48. So much for Bede's Text. Authors commenting on Bede's text. Come we now to ancient Authors commenting upon him. Ancient I call those, who wrote many years before the Differences were started about the Seniority of the Universityes, and therefore are presumed unpartial, as unconcerned in a Controversy which did not appear. First, Polydore d Lib. 4. & lib. 5. pag. 107. Virgil, who from Bede's words plainly collects, that Sigebert then founded the University of Cambridge. Nor see I any cause for that Passage in the e Written Anno 1566. pag. 20. Assertion of Oxford's Antiquity, charging Polydore, Quod affectibus indulgens, adamatae studet Academiae; who being a Foreigner, and an Italian, had nothing to bias his Affection to one University more than the other. Learned f In his Comment. in Cygneam Cantionem. Leland succeeds, who being employed by King Henry the eighth to make a Collection of British Antiquities (much scattered at the Dissolution of Abbeys) thus expresseth himself. Olim Granta fuit Titulis Vrbs inclyta multis, Vicini à Fluvii nomine, Nomen habens. saxons hanc Belli deturbavere procellis; Sed nova, pro veteri, non procul inde sita est: Quam Felix Monachus, Sigeberti jussa secutus, Artibus illustrem reddidit, atque Scholis. Haec ego, perquirens Gentis Monumenta Britannae, Asserui in Laudem, Granta diserta, tuam. Grant, long ago a City of great Fame, From neighbouring River doth receive her Name. When storms of Saxon-warres her overthrew, Near to the old, sprang up another new. Monk Felix, whilst he Sigebert obeys, Light'ned this place with Schools, and Learning's rays. Searching the Monuments of British Nation, This I assert in Grant's due Commendation. Here we omit the several Testimonies of g In Sigeberto, & rursus Cent. 13. in Felice. First objection against Sigebert's founding of Cambridge. Bale, George Lily, and Thomas Cooper, in their several Histories Anno 636. with many more, concluding Sigebert then the Founder of the University of Cambridge. 49. But our Cousin-germen of Oxford will scarce give Credit hereunto, multiplying Objections against it. Obj. There were (say they) many places (besides Cambridge) in the Kingdom of the East-Angles (containing Norfolk, Suffolk, and Cambridgeshire) which, with equal Probability, may pretend to this School of Sigebert's Foundation, seeing Bede doth not nominatim affirm Cambridge for the particular Place, where this University was erected. 50. Ans. Answer. Though Bede be Dumb in this particular, notnaming Cambridge; yet he makes such Signs, that most intelligent Antiquaries by us alleged, understand him to intent the same: especially seeing Cambridge is acknowledged by all Authors, time out of mind, to have been a place for the Education of Students in Literature. 51. Obj. Second Objection. If any such University was founded by Sigebert, it was at Grantchester, differing, as in Appellation, so in Situation from Cambridge (as being a good mile South West thereof.) Cambridge therefore cannot entitle itself, but by apparent Usurpation, to the ancient Privileges of Grantchester. 52. Ans. Answer. Most usual it is for ancient places to alter their Names (Babylon to Bagdet, Byzantium to Constantinople, our old Verulam to St. Alban) still retaining the numerical Nature they had before. Oxford (they tell us) was once called a Bryan Twine Antiq. Acad. Ox. pag. 114. Bellositum, and yet not altered from its same self by another Name. Nor is it any news for great Cities, in process of time (as weary of long standing) to ease themselves a little, by hitching into another place. Thus, some part of modern Rome is removed more than a mile from the ancient Area thereof. Thus, jerusalem at this day is come down from Mount Zion, and more South-West climbed up Mount Calvary. Yet, either of these Places would account themselves highly injured, if not reputed, for the main, the same with the former. Sufficeth it, that some part of Cambridge stands at this day, where b Mr. Camden an Oxford-man in his description of Cambridgeshire, alloweth Grantchester and Cambridge for the same place. Third Objection. Grantchester did (which anciently c Cajus de Antiq. Cantab. (ex libro Barnwellensi) pag. 11. Answer. extended North-West, as far as the Village called House) and that's enough to keep possession of the Privileges of Grantchester, as properly belonging thereunto. Especially, seeing Oxford at this day lays claim to the Antiquityes of Crekelade and Lechlade (Towns distant sixteen miles off, the one in Wilts, the other in Glocestershire) two ancient Schools of Greek and Latin (as some will have it) removed afterwards to Oxford, from whence some of her Assertors do date her Beginning. 53. Obj. Sigebert founded but Scholam, which makes little to the Honour of Cambridge: For thereby her Professors are degraded to Pedants; and by a retrograde Motion Cambridge is sent back to Eton, I mean, is made no better than a great Grammar-School. 54. Ans. If the best of Latin Orators may be believed, Schola properly signifies the Place where all Arts are publicly professed. d Tully De natura Deorum. Ex Platonis schola Ponticus Heraclides, Ponticus Heraclides came out of the school of Plato: Which is notoriously known to have been an Academy; yea, all his Scholars known by the name of Academics to this day. Those of Salerno in Italy, dedicating a book of Physic to our Henry (the second, I take it) begin thus, Anglorum Regi scribit Schola tota Salerni. Schoolboys deserve to be whipped indeed, if presuming to prescribe Receipts to a King: But that Schola there is sufficiently known to have been a famous University. And under the favour of the University, the word Vniversitas is but a base, and barbarous Latin (whiles Schola is pure Greek originally) to design, either the Place where general Learning is publicly professed, or the Persons studying therein. And, though I dare not totally concur with that e Mr. Camden in his Britannia, pag. 381. in Oxfordshire. Fourth Objection. Learned Critic, that Vniversit as was first used in the foresaid sense, about the reign of King Henry the third; yet, I believe, it will not be found in any Classical Author, in that modern acception. 55. Obj. In good Authors, Sigebert is said to have founded not only Scholam, a School, but Scholas, Schools, in the plural. If Schola therefore be an University, either he made more Universities than one in Cambridge (which is absurd to affirm;) or else he erected more Universities in other places of his Kingdom, which Cantabrigians will not willingly confess. 56. Ans. Answer. The variation of the Number is of no Concernment. For, if respect be had to the several Arts there professed, Sigebert founded Schools in the plural: but if regard be taken of the Cyclopaedy of the Learning resulting from those several Sciences, he erected but one Grand School. Every Freshman knows that the single Quadrant, wherein the public Lectures are read, and Acts kept, is called plurally the Schools, in each University. 57 Obj. Fifth Objection. But Bede terms them Pueros, Boys, properly under the Rod, and Ferula, whom Sigebert placed in his School: and the word Paedagogi, Ushers, placed over them, imports the same; that they were no University-Students, but a company of little Lads, that lived there under Correction. 58. Ans. Answer. Critics will satisfy you, that the word Pueri signifies even those of more Maturity, especially if living sub regimine, under the Discipline of Superiors. Secondly, Bede, being a great Divine, and conversant in Scripture-phrase, borroweth an expression thence; Christ calling his Disciples 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a john 21. 5. Children. He useth also Paedagogos in the same notion with b 1 Cor. 4. 15. St. Paul's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which our last Translatours read Instructours in Christ, even to the Corinthians, who still needed such Paedagogues or Teachers, though already c 1 Cor. i 5. enriched in all utterance and knowledge. Thirdly, the Saxon ancient Copy of Bede, which (doubtless) doth emphatically render the Latin, translates pueri ●eon●e man. Fourthly, Asserius Menevensis, speaking of Alfred's founding of Oxford, faith, that he endowed the same, Suae propriae Gentis nobilibus Pueris, & etiam ignobilibus; and it is but equal, that the Pueri at Cambridge should be allowed as much man in them, as those at Oxford. Lastly, the young Fry of Scholars, when first admitted, is such, to whom * All the Scholars of Pembroke Hall in Cambridge, not being Fellows, are termed pueri in their Statutes. Pueri, in the proper sense thereof, may well be applied. And here it may seasonably be remembered, how an d Bryan Twine Antiq. Oxon. p. 322. Oxford Antiquary affirmeth, that Edward the fifth Prince of Wales, and Richard his brother, Duke of York, Oxoniae studuerunt, studied at Oxford, in the life-time of their Father. Stout Students no doubt, whereof the Elder could not then be ten, the Younger not nine years old. But I forget what Lawyers hold, that the King's eldest Son is at full Age (for some Purposes) at the day of his Birth (in which respect he may sue out his Liveries for the Dukedom of Cornwall:) and this (perchance) may somewhat mend the matter. 59 But enough of this matter, Conclusion with prayer. which some will censure as an Impertinency to our Church-History, and scarcely coming within the Churchyard thereof. My Prayers shall be, that each University may turn all Envy into generous, yea gracious, yea glorious Emulation; contending by laudable means, which shall surpass other in their serviceableness to God, the Church, and Commonwealth: that so Commencing in Piety, and Proceeding in Learning, they may agree against their two general Adversaries, Ignorance, and Profaneness. May it never be said of them, what Naomi e Ruth 1. 12. said of herself, that she was too old to bear Sons: may they never be superannuated into Barrenness, but like the good Trees in God's Garden, They shall still bring forth Fruit in their old age, they shall be fat and flourishing. 60. Seasonably Sigebert erected an University at Cambridge, 632 thereby in part to repair the late great Loss of Christianity in England when (the year after) Edwine, Edwine, King of Northumberland, slain. King of Northumberland, was slain in f Beda Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 10. Battle by Cadwald King of Wales, and Penda King of the Mercians. After whose Death, his whole Kingdom relapsed to Paganism; and Paulinus, Archbishop of York, taking with him Queen Ethelburge, returned into Kent, and there became Bishop of the (than vacant) Church of Rochester. Mortified man, he minded not whether he went up, or down hill, whilst he went on straight in his Calling to glorify God, and edify others; sensible of no Disgrace, when degrading himself from a great Archbishop, to become a poor Bishop. Such betray much Pride and Peevishness, who, outed of eminent Places, will rather be Nothing in the Church, than any thing less than what they have been before. 61. After the death of King Edwine, The unhappy year. his Kingdom of Northumberland was divided into two parts, Anno Dom. 632 both petty Kingdoms; 1. Bernicia, reaching a Camden's Brit. pag. 797. from the River Tees to Edinburgh Frith, whereof Eanfrith was King. 2. Deira (whence (say some) Deirham, or Durham) lay betwixt Tees and Humber, whereof Osrick was King. These both proved Apostates from the Christian Faith: and God in his justice let in Cadwald, King of the Britan's, upon them, who slew them, harassed their Country, 633 and made a lamentable Desolation, within the compass of one year, without respect to Age or Sex; until Oswald (bred and brought up in Scotland) next of the Blood-royal, came to be King of Northumberland, whom God sent to redeem that miserable Country from the hands of their Enemies, and many eminent Victories he obtained. 62. The fatal year, A lost year well found. wherein so many Outrages were committed on the Apostate Northumberlanders, by Cadwald King of the Britan's, is detested by all Saxon Chronologers. And therefore all the Annalists, and writers of Histories in that Age, by joint-consent, universally resolved to damn and drown the Memorial of that Annus infaustus (as they call it) Unlucky year, but made so by ungodly men. Yea, they unanimously b Bede Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. c. 1. agreed to allow those two Apostate Kings, no years reign in their Chronicles, adding the time (subtracted from them) to Oswald, their Christian Successor, accounting him to have reigned c Idem lib. 3. cap. 9 nine years; which indeed were but eight of his own, and one of these Historians their Adoption. Yet is it no news even in Scripture itself, to bury the reign of Tyrants, under the Monument of a good Prince succeeding them. Thus when Ehud is d judg. 3. 30. said to have judged the land fourscore year; those eighteen e Vers. 14. years are included, wherein Eglon the Moabite oppressed Israel. 63. Amongst the many Victories achieved by this Oswald, A victory given from heaven. one most remarkable was gained by him near Hexam in Northumberland, 635 against the Pagans, against whom he erected the Standard of the Cross, in a place which time out of mind was called Heafen-feld (Haledon at this day,) by a Prolepsis, not answering the name thereof until this time. Hence a Poet writing the life of Oswald; Tunc primum scivit causam cur nomen haberet Heafen-feld, hoc est, coelestis campus; & illi Nomen ab antiquo dedit appellatio Gentis Praeteritae, tanquam belli praesaga futuri. Then he began the reason first to know Of Heafen-feld, why it was called so; Named by the Natives long since by foresight, That in that field would hap an heavenly fight. Thus it is generally reported, that the place nigh Lipsick, where the King of Sweden got one of his signal Victories, was, time out of mind, termed by the Dutch f Swedish Intelligencer. Gets Acre, or, God's ground. And thus, as Onesimus and Eutychus were so called from their Infancy, but never truly answered their Names, till after the g Philem. v. 11 Conversion of the one, and Reviving of the h Acts 20. 12. other: so Places (whether casually, or prophetically) have Names anciently imposed upon them, which are sometimes verified many Ages after. 64. About this time Honorius the Pope sent his Letter to the Scotch Nation, Pope Honorius his ineffectual letter. advising them to an Uniformity with the Church of Rome in the Celebration of Easter. His main Reason is thought to have more of State, than Strength; humane Haughtiness, then holy Divinity in it. Namely he counselleth them, Ne paucitatem suam in extremis terrae finibus constitutam, sapientiorem omnibus Christi Ecclesiis aestimarent. This is that Honorius, of whom Leo the second, Anno Dom. 635 his Successor, complaineth in his a Tom. 2. Decret. Epist. ed. Romae 1591. pag. 654. Epistle to the Bishops of Spain, Flammam haertici dogmatis non (ut decuit Apostolicam authoritatem) incipientem extinxit, sed negligendo confovit; By his negligence he did countenance the heretical Opinions (meaning of the Monothelites, then beginning afresh to spring up again) which he ought to have suppressed. Thus he, who could stickle about the Ceremony of keeping, Easter, could quietly connive at, yea (interpretatively) consent to the depraving of the Doctrinal part of Religion. But his Letter to the Scotch took little effect, who kept their Easter not one Minute the sooner, or later, for all his writing unto them. 65. In a better Work, Birinus converts the Westsaxons to the faith. and with better Success, was Birinus employed, an Italian by Birth, sent over by Pope Honorius for the Conversion of the remainder of England; and to that purpose (that his Preaching belike might be the more powerful) made a Bishop before his b Bede lib. 3. cap. 7. coming over, by Asterius Bishop of Genoa. Here I am at a loss. Bishop of what? Where was his Diocese or Bishopric? Were not Bishop and Bishopric so correlated in that Age, that they must be together? the trick of making Titular Bishops not as yet being used in Rome. It is impossible, that Bishops here should import no more than a plain Priest; and, that he only took Orders before he came over into England. Well, commend me to the Memory of this man, who first was made Bishop, and then made himself a Bishopric, by earning it out of the Pagan English, whom he intended to convert to Christianity. Yea, he passed his solemn Promise in the presence of the Pope, that he would preach the Gospel in the heart of the c Idem ibid. uttermost coasts of England (meaning the Northern parts thereof) whither no Teacher had at any time gone before him. Minded herein like d 2 Cor. 10. 16. St. Paul, not to boast in another man's line, of things made ready to his hand. 66. This his Promise Birinus, 636 though he literally broke, A broken promise well kept. Virtually kept; for he chanced to land amongst the Westsaxons (then called Gevises) in the South-west part of England, where as yet the Inhabitants were pure-impure Pagans. Having here found a fit subject for his Pains, why should he go farther to seek the same? Is not Providence the best Herald to marshal us? and aught we not to sit down where it disposeth us? Besides, according to Military Rules, it was best to clear the Coasts as he went, and not to leave a Pagan-Foe behind his back. Moved herewith, Birinus here sets up his Staff [Episcopal,] fixeth himself; falls a preaching, converts many, and amongst the rest, Kyngils the West-saxon King, whom he baptised. Oswald, King of Northumberland, chanced to be e Bede Eccles. Hist. l. 3. cap. 7. present at that time, and was first Godfather, than Father in Law to King Kyngils, to whom he gave his Daughter to Wife. 67. Dorchester (not the Town which denominates Dorsetshire, Dorchester made a Bishops See. but) an old City in Oxfordshire (not in Berkshire, as Stapleton f In his translation of Bede Pol. 82. mistakes it) was made the Seat of Birinus his Bishopric. Bede faith, Donaverunt autem ambo Reges eidem Episcopo civitatem, quae vocatur Dorinca, etc. Both the Kings (Oswald, and Kynglls) gave to the said Bishop the City Dorinca, or Dorchester. Both of them] Hence observe, first, that Oswald (whose Concurrence in this Grant was required) though particular King of Northumberland, was also Monarch of all England. To justify our former Observation, that amongst the seven Saxon Kings, always one was paramount above the rest. Secondly, that this Dorchester (though it lay North of Thames in Oxfordshire, which properly belonged to the Kingdoms of Mercia) pertained now to the Westsaxons, beyond the ordinary Limits assigned to that Kingdom. 68 In this year Honorius Archbishop of Canterbury divided England (understand, 637 so much thereof as was Christian) into Parishes. England divided into Parishes. But that most exquisite g Mr. Selden in his Hist. of Tithes, cap. 9 pag. 256. Antiquary seems very unwilling to admit so early and ancient Parishes, in the modern proper Acception of the word. Who knoweth not, that Parochia at large, signifieth the Diocese of the Bishop? and two new Dioceses, Anno Dom. 637 (Dunwich and Dorchester) were erected under Honorius in the Province of Canterbury. But whether Parishes, as usually understood for, places bounded in regard of the Profits from the people therein, payable only to a Pastor incumbent there; I say, whether such Parishes were extant in this Age, may well be questioned, as inconsistent with the Community of Ecclesiastic Profits, which then seemed jointly enjoyed by the Bishop and his Clergy. 69. No sooner was Oswald (whom we formerly mentioned) settled in his Kingdom of Northumberland, A morose Preacher little the edifieth. but his first Princely Care was, to provide Pastors to instruct his People in Christianity. In order where unto he sends into Scotland (where he had his own Education) for some Eminent Preachers. Unusual the Sun should come out of the North, to enlighten the South, as here it came to pass. One Preacher was sent him thence, whose Name we find not, but thus much of his Nature; that being overrigid and severe, his Sermons made no Impression on his English Auditory. Hard with hard (saith the Proverb) makes no Wall: and no Wonder, if the spiritual Building went on no better, wherein the Austerity and Harshness of the Pastor, met with the Ignorance and Sturdiness of the People. Home he returns, complaining of his ill Success; and one Aidan, of a Milder temper, and more Discretion (a Grace which none ever spoke against, but such as wanted it) was sent back in his room. 70. Aidan coming into England, Aidan his due commendation. settled himself at Lindisfern, or Holy-Island, in Northumberland; a place which is an Island and no Island twice in twenty four hours, as divided by the Tide from, so conjoined at Low-water to the Continent. His exemplary Life was a Pattern for all pious Pastors. First, he left to the Clergy, Saluberrimum abstinentiae, vel continentiae exemplum; though we read not he vowed Virginity himself, or imposed in on others. He lived as he taught; and, whatsoever the Bounty of Princes or great Persons bestowed on him, he gave to the Poor. He seldom traveled but on Foot; and, when invited to large Feasts at Court, used to arise after a short Refection, and betake himself to his Meditations. He redeemed many Slaves from Captivity, making them first Freemen, than Christians. 71. Bede his allay. All these his excellent Practices Bede a Eccles. Hist. lib. 3. cap. 3. dasheth with this Alloy, that▪ He had a Zeal of God, although not fully according to Knowledge; merely because he dissented from the Romish Church in the Celebration of Easter. But whether those words of b Rom. 10. 2. St. Paul, spoken of his Countrymen the jews, in reference to their Stumbling at Christ, the Saviour of Mankind, be fitly appliable to Aidan, only differing in an outward Ceremony, let others decide. True it is, this Aidan was a prime Champion of the Quartadecimans, as who had been brought up under, or with St. Colme, in Ireland. The writer of the Life of this St. Colme (let this be inserted by the way) reports, how the said Saint had a Revelation c Archbishop Usher in the Religion of the Irish p. 99 of the Holy Ghost, which prophesied unto him of this Discord, which after many days should arise in the Church, about the diversity of the Feast of Easter. Yet he telleth us not, that the Holy Ghost reproved this Colme (whose Example animated others against the Roman Rite) for his Error; as if God cared not, which of both Sides carried the Controversy. 72. But all which Bede speaketh in Diminution of Aidan, laymen's diligence in reading Scripture. may freely be forgiven him, were it but for his faithful recording of the following Passage in Aidan's Life: and take it with Stapleton's own Translation thereof. Omnes qui cum eo incedebant, sive Attonsi, sive Laici, meditari deberent; id est, aut legendis Scriptures, aut Psalmis discendis operam dare. All they which went with him, were they professed into Religion, or were they Lay-brothers, gave themselves continually to Contemplation; that is to say, bestowed all their time in reading Scripture, or learning the Psalter. Bede, speaking hereof, addeth moreover, tantum vita illius à nostri temporis segnitia distabat, so much differed his life from the Laziness of our Age: taxing those of his Time for Neglect of the Scriptures. And the Ignorance bemoaned in his Age, continued and increased after his Death. 73. When Aidan came first into England, The royal interpreter. he was not perfect in the Language of our Country. For although the Speech of the modern Southrens- Scot be only a Doric Dialect of, no distinct Language from English; yet Aidan, who naturally spoke Irish, was not intelligible of his English Congregation. Wherefore King Oswald, a better Scotchman (as bred amongst them) than Aidan was Englishman, interpreted to the People, what the other preached unto them. Thus these two put together made a perfect Preacher. And although some will say, Sermons thus at the Second-hand must lose much of their Life and Lustre; yet the same Spirit working in both, the Ordinance proved effectual to the Salvation of many Souls. 74. This year the first Lent was kept in England; 640 conceive it in those Parts thereof which obeyed the Roman Celebration of Easter. The first Lent in England. Otherwise it is suspicious, that the Quartadecimans were no good Quadragesimarians, and no such conscientious Observers of Lent on the Romish Account. Surely, if people were taught in Lent to fast (as from Flesh, so) from a proud and false opinion of Meriting thereby, Policy would be well pleased and Piety not offended at the Observing thereof; whilst Continent-Countries might keep it without any Loss to their Souls, and Islands with great Gain to their Estates. 75. Oswald, 642 King of Northumberland, The ill success of good Kings. at Maserfield (since Oswastree) in Shropshire, against Penda the Pagan Prince of Mercia, was overthrown, slain, and his Body most barbarously abused, and chopped in Pieces. Yea, it is observable that such Saxon Kings, which were first converted to Christianity, and such who were the most active Restorers of Religion after a general Apostasy, commonly came to Violent Deaths, by the hands of Heathens. As, Edwine, first Christian King of Northumberland, slain by Pagan Penda, Anno 632. Erpenwald, first Christian King of East-Angels, slain by his own People, Anno 639. Peada, first Christian King of Mercia, slain by his own Wife, Anno 659. Edelwald, or Ethelwald, first Christian King of Sussex, slain likewise. Oswald, the most Religious Restorer of Christianity in Northumberland, slain Anno 642. Anna, the most Pious King of the East-Angels, slain by Penda, Anno 654. Edmond, the most Devout King of the East-Angels, martyred by the Danes, Anno 870. Enquiring into the Causes hereof, we find, First, that the Lustre of their Lives shining before men, made them the fairer Mark for their malicious Enemies. Secondly, Satan, accounting them Traitors against his Kingdom of Darkness, left no stone unturned, thereby to bring them to Temporal Destruction, the greatest Hurt which his Power could inflict. Thirdly, God, to try the Patience of his Infant-Church, acquainted them with Afflictions from their very Cradle. Such therefore are mistaken, who make Prosperity a note either of Piety in particular Persons, or Verity in a whole Church; seeing, take it one time with another, and it misseth the Mark oftener than it hits is As for our Oswald, Legions of Miracles are attributed unto him after Death; all which we willingly omit, insisting only on One as most remarkable. 76. The Story goes thus. Oswald's hand said never to putrify. On an Easter-day Oswald was sitting in his Palace at Dinner with Bishop Aidan: when in comes one of his Servants, and informeth him, that abundance of Poor people from all parts fate in the Streets expecting some Alms for their Relief. Presently King Oswald commands, not only that the Meat set before him should be given them, Anno Dom. 642 also that the large Silver-Charger holding the same should be broke in pieces, and (in want perchance of present Coin) parted betwixt them. Whereupon, Aidan laying hold on Oswald's right Hand (and that alone, we know, aught to be the a Matth. 6. 3. Almoner) May this hand (said he) b So Stapleton translateth what is, Bede is, inveterascat. never be consumed: which is said accordingly to come to pass. So that when all the other Members of King Oswald's Body (torn asunder by his barbarous Enemies) were putrified, his right Hand always remained unconsumed. Nullo c Camden' s Brit. in Lincolnshire. Verme perit; nulla Putredine tabet. Dextra viri; nullo constringi Frigore, nullo Dissolvi Fervore potest: sed semper eodem Immutata statu persistit, mortua vivit. No Worm, no Rottenness taints his right Hand; Corruption-free in vain the Cold doth strive To freeze, or Heat to melt it, which doth stand Still at one stay; and though dead, is alive. But it is not enough for us, that we have the Poet's Pen for it; if we also had Oswald's Hand to show for the same, much might be wrought on our belief herein. 77. For my own part, Mystically true. I conceive that Aidan his words to Oswald; that his Handshould never wax old, or be consumed, were spiritually spoken, in a Mystical Meaning, parallel to those Scripture-expressions; The Righteous shall be in d Psal. 112. 6. everlasting Remembrance, even, when the name of the Wicked shall e Prov. 10. 7. rot. The bountiful hand never consumes: neither actually, it never wastes nor empairs an Estate, God so ordering it, that the more he giveth the more he hath; nor passively, it is not consumed, the Acts thereof remaining in a perpetual Memorial here, and hereafter. But, grant this Miracle of Oswald's Hand literally true in the Latitude thereof; I desire any ingenuous Papist to consider the Time wherein it was acted. It was Easter-day, yea, such an Easter-day as was celebrated by the Quartadecimans, Aidan being present thereat, contrary to the time which the Canons of Rome appointed. Now, did not a Divine Finger in Oswald his miraculous Hand, point out this Day then to be truly observed? Let the Papists produce such another Miracle, to grace and credit their Easter Roman-stile, and then they say something to the Purpose. 78. It plainly appears, Over officiousness occasioned purgatory. that the Survivers had not only, a charitable Opinion, but a comfortable Presumption, yea, an infallible Persuasion, that the Soul of King Oswald was possessed of Heavenly Happiness, instantly after his Death. What better Demonstration of his present being in perfect Bliss, than those many Miracles, which the Papists confidently report to be done by him after his Death, in curing Sick people of their several Maladies? For such Souls which they fancy in Purgatory, are so fare from healing others, that they cannot help themselves. Yea, f Eccles. Hist. lib. 3. cap. 12. Bede calleth this Oswald, jam cum Domino regnantem, now reigning with the Lord. Yet the same g Lib. 3. cap. 2 Author attesteth, that even in his time it was the anniversary Custom of the Monks of Hexam, to repair to Heofen-feld (a place hard by, where Oswald, as aforesaid, obtained his miraculous Victory) and there to observe Vigils for the Salvation of his Soul, plurimaque Psalmorum laude celebrata, victimam pro eo, mane sacrae oblationis offer. A Mongrel Action, betwixt goodwill and Will-worship: though the eyes of their Souls in those Prayers looked not forward to the future, petitioning for Oswald's Happiness; but backward to what was past, gratulatory to the Bliss he had received. Purgatory therefore cannot properly be founded on such Suffrages for the dead. However, such over-Officiousnesse (though at first it was like the Herb in the Pot, which doth neither good nor ill) in after-Ages became like that wild a 2 King. 4. 40▪ Gourd, Anno Dom. poisoning men's Souls with Superstition, 644 when they fell to downright Praying for the departed. 79. This year Paulinus, The death of Paulinus. late Archbishop of York, since Bishop of Rochester, ended his Life; and one Ithamar succeeded him, born in Kent, and the first Englishman Bishop, all being Foreigners before him. As he was the first of his Nation, I believe him the second of his Name, meeting with no more save only b Exod. 6. 23. Ithamar, the youngest Son of Aaron, Highpriest of Israel. 80. After King Oswald his Death, 645 four Christian contemporary Kings flourished in England. Most Christian King Oswy. First Oswy, King of Northumberland, more commendable for the Managing, than the Gaining of his Kingdom; except any will say, that no good Keeping can make amends for the ill Getting of a Crown, seeing he defeated Ethelwald (Oswald's Son, and) the true Heir thereof, Bede c Lib. 3. c. 21. termeth him Regem Christianissimum, The most Christian King; a Style wherewith the present Majesty of France will not be offended, as which many years after was settled on his Ancestors. Long had this Oswy endeavoured in vain by Presents to purchase Peace from Penda, the Pagan King of Mercia, who miserably harassed his Country; and refused any Gifts, (though never so rich and great) which were tendered unto him. At last, saith my d Idem. Author, Oswy resolved, We will offer our Presents to such a King, who is higher in Command, and humbler in his Courtesy, as who will not disdain to accept them. Whereupon he devoted his Daughter to God, in her perpetual Virginity, and soon after obtained a memorable Conquest over his Enemies, and cleared the Country from his Cruelty. 81. Secondly, Sigebert the too good. Sigebert, King of Essex, and the Restorer of Religion in his Kingdom (which formerly had apostatised after the Departure of Mellitus) valiant, and pious, though taxed for his contumacious Company-keeping (contrary to his Confessors command) with an Excommunicated Count, in whose House he was afterward murdered by two Villains: Who, being demanded the Cause of their Cruelty, why they killed so harmless and innocent a Prince, had nothing to say for themselves, but they did it, because his e Beda lib. 3. cap. 22. Goodness had done the Kingdom hurt; such his proneness to pardon Offenders, on their (though but seeming) Submission, that his Meekness made many Malefactors. But I hope, and believe, that the Heirs of Sigebert (though the Story be silent herein) finding his Fault, amended it in themselves, and exercised just Severity in the Execution of these two damnable Traitors. 82. Anna may be accounted the third Successor to Sigebert, 654 and happy in a numerous and holy Offspring. Anna happy in an holy issue. Yea, all his Children (save Firminus the eldest, slain with his Father in a Fight against Pagan Penda) were either Mitred, or Veiled, when Living; Sainted, and Shrined, when Dead: as Erkenwald, Bishop of London; Ethelred, or Audrey, and Sexburga, successively Foundresses and Abbesses of Elie; Withgith, a Nun therein; and Ethilburg, Abbess of Beorking, nigh London. 83. Peada, 656 Prince of Mercia, The conversion of the Mercians to Christianity. under Prince Peada. may make up the Quaternion, who married alfred, Daughter of Oswy King of Northumberland; and thereupon renouncing Paganism, embraced Christianity, and propagated it in his Dominions. Indeed Penda, his Father, that Persecuter of Piety, was still alive (and survived two years after) persisting an Heathen till Death, but mollified to permit a Toleration of Christianity in his Subjects. Yea, Penda in his Old-age used an expression (which might have beseemed the Mouth of a better man) namely. That he hated not Christians, but only such who f Beda lib. 3. cap. 21. professed Christ's Faith, without his Works; accounting them contemptible, who pretended to Believe in God, without Obeying him. 84. A brace of Brethren, St. Cedde, and St. Chad. both Bishops, both eminent for Learning and Religion, now appeared in the Church, so like in Name, they are oft mistaken in Authors one for another. Now, though it be pleasant for Brethren to live together in Unity; Anno Dom. 656 yet it is not fit, by Error they should be jumbled together in Confusion. Observe their Difference therefore. St. Cedde (in Latin Ceddus) I believe the elder, born at a Flores Sanctorum pag. 35. London (where afterward he was Bishop) bred in Holy Island, an active promoter in making the East-Saxons Converts (or rather Reverts) to the Faith. He is remembered in the Romish Calendar, january the seventh. St. Chad (in Latin Cedda) born in b Idem p. 224. Northumberland, bred likewise in Holy Island, and Scholar to Aidanus. He was Bishop of Lichfield; a mild, and modest man, of whom more hereafter. His death is celebrated in the Calendar March the second, and the Dust of his Tomb is by Papists reported to cure all Diseases [alike] in Man and Beast. I believe it might make the dumb to see, and the lame to speak. The later of these was, as the Longest Liver, so the most eminent in his Life; who made many Christians, and amongst the rest Wulfade and Rufine, Sons to Wulphere King of Mercia, succeeding Peada therein, who was suddenly slain, and his untimely Death was a great Loss to Religion. 85. Look we now on the See of Canterbury, Fridona first English Archbishop. where (to our comfort) we have gotten one of our own Countrymen into the place, Fridona a Saxon. Yet, for the more State of the business, he assumed the name of Deus-dedit. We know, Arch-Bishops of his See are termed Alterius orbis Papae, and such changing of Names was fashionable with the Popes. He was consecrated by Ithamar alone, Bishop of Rochester, the first English Bishop consecrating the first English Archbishop. Let no Sophister cavil with his threadbare Maxim, Nihil dat quod non habet, and therefore a single Bishop could not confer Archiepiscopal Power; but leave it to the Canon-Lawyers, to decide what may be done in case of Extremity. Mean time, how causeless is the Caption of the Papists c Sanders de Schism. pag. 297 at the Consecration of Matthew Parker, because no Archbishop (though four Bishops) was present thereat. Seeing, though an Archbishop be requisite ad Dignitatem, Bishops will suffice ad Honestatem; and a single Bishop (as d Bede Hist. lib. 3. p. 217. Ithamar here) may be effectual ad essentiam of an Archiepiscopal Consecration. No wonder therefore if Evagrius was acknowledged a legitimate Bishop by the e Binnius Tom. 1. p. 579. in Notis in Epist. 17. Innocentis primi. Wolphere's murder of his two Sons. Pope himself, though contrary to the Rigour of the Canon, consecrated by f Theodoret. lib. 5. cap. 23. Paulinus alone. Deus-dedit answered his Name (A good Archbishop is God's Gift) and for nine years and more, ruled the Church to his great Commendation. 86. A barbarous Murder was committed by Wolphere, 662 King of Mercia, who understanding that his two Sons, Wulfade and Rufine, had embraced Christianity, cruelly slew them with his own Hands. But afterwards, repenting of so soul a Fact, he himself turned Christian; and in Testimony thereof, finished the fair Fabric of the Monastery at Peterborough, begun by Peada his Brother. The whole Story thereof was, till lately, set forth in Painting, and Poetry (such as it was) in the Glass-windows, round about the Cloisters of Peterborough. Wulfade prayed Chad, that ghostly Leech, The Faith of Christ him for to teach. 87. And now, The making of Glass brought first into England. having fallen on the mention of Glass, be it seasonably remembered, that just at this time one Benault, a foreign Bishop (but of what place I find not) brought the Mystery of making Glass into England, to the great Beautifying of our Churches and Houses; the Eyes being the Grace of the Body, as Windows are of Buildings. I conceive, his Invention was White Glass alone, more ancient than Painted Glass in this Island, as Plainsong is much seniour to all Descanting, and running of Division. 88 The Paroxysm continued and increased, Scotish Bishops descent from others in keeping Easter. betwixt the Scotish Bishops (headed, after Aidan's Death, by Finan, Bishop of Holy-Island) and such who celebrated Easter after the Roman Rite. The later so bitterly detested the former, Anno Dom. 662 that they would not receive Consecration of them, or Imposition of Hands; as if their very Fingers ends were infected with Schism, for dissenting from Rome. Yea, they would neither give the Sacrament of the Euacharist to them, nor receive it from them: and yet they never quarrelled at, or questioned the validity of Baptism conferred by them; seeing Bishop Finan christened the King of the East-Saxons, and all his Subjects. Some what more moderate were the Scots, or Quartadecimans, in their Carriage to the other, seeing St. Chad (Scotized in his Judgement) refused not Consecration from Wyni, Bishop of Winchester, though one of the contrary Opinion. 89. Nor was this Controversy consigned to Cloisters and Colleges, This controversy spreads into private families. but derived itself from the King's Court, down into private Families. Thus Oswy, King of Northumberland, was of the Scotish Persuasion, whilst his Queen and eldest Son were of the Romish Opinion, in Celebration of Easter. One Board would not hold them, whom one Bed did contain. It fell out so sometimes, that the Husband's Palm-Sunday was the Wife's Easter-day; and in other Families, the Wife fasted, and kept Lent still, whilst her Husband feasted, and observed Easter. Say not, that Wife deserved to fast always, who in so indifferent a Ceremony would not conform to her Husband's Judgement. For Consciences, in such kinds, are to be led, not drawn. Great was the Disturbance in every great Family; only the Poor gained by the Difference, causing a Duplicate of Festivals, two Easters being kept every year in the same House. 90. To compose this Controversy (if possible) a Council was called at Streanch-Hall (now Whitby in Yorkshire) by the procurement of St. Hilda, 663 Abbess therein. A Council is called to compose this controversy. Here appeared, amongst many others, For the Romish Easter, Wilfride, an Abbot, a zealous Champion. Romanus, a Priest, very hot in the Quarrel: And others. Moderatours. Hilda, the Abbess of Streanch-Hall. S. Cedd, Bishop of London, propending to the Scotish, but not throughly persuaded. For the Scotish Easter. St. Coleman, Bishop of Holy-Island, who succeeded Finan in that place. But Baronius and Binnius will in no case allow this for a Council (though elsewhere extending that name to meaner Meetings) only they call it a Collation; because (forsooth) it wanted some Council-Formalities, all Bishops not being, solemnly summoned, but only some Volunteers appearing therein. Besides, as there was something too little, so something too much for a Canonical Council; Hilda, a Woman, being Moderatress therein; which seemed irregular. 91. In this Council, Wilfride his prevailing argument. or Collation (call it which you please) after much arguing pro and con, Wilfride at last knocked all down with this Argument; That the Romish Celebration of Easter was founded on the Practice of St. Peter, Prince of the Apostles, and Porter of Heaven. King Oswy hearing this was affrighted, who had rather anger all the other eleven Apostles, then offend St. Peter, one so high in Power and Place; for fear (as he said) left coming to Heaven-gate, St. Peter should deny him a Cast of his Office, and refuse to let him into Happiness. St. Coleman, being on the other side, was angry, that so slight an Argument had made so deep an Impression on the King's Credulity. And, to manifest his Distaste, after the Council was broken up, carried all those of his own Opinion home with him into Scotland. One Tuda succeeded him in his Bishopric of Holy-Island, the first of that See that conformed himself in this Controversy to the Romish Church, and died in the same year, of the Plague. 92. As for Wilfride, His intended, but disappointed preferment. he was well rewarded for his Pains in this Council, being presently promoted to be Bishop of York, which, since Paulinus his Death, was no longer an Archbishop's, but a plain Bishop's See. But, though appointed for the place by King Oswy, Anno Dom. 663 he refused Consecration from any English Bishops, being all irregular, as consecrated by the schismatical Scots; only Wyni, late Bishop of Winchester, now of London, was ordained canonically, but lately he had contracted just Shame for his Simony, in buying his Bishopric. Over goes Wilfride therefore to Rome for Consecration, and stays there so long, that in his Absence the King put St. Chad into the Bishopric of York. The writer of Wilfride's Life complains loudly hereof; — Audacter sponsam vivo rapuere marito. Boldly in the Husban's life, Away from him they took his Wife. But, by the Poet's leave, York was but espoused, not married to Wilfride, whilst he was in England: and after his going over beyond-Sea, he stayed so long, that his Church presumed him dead, and herself a Maid-Widow, which lawfully might receive another Husband. At last Wilfride returning home had York restored unto him, and St. Chad was removed to the new-founded Bishopric of Lichfield. 93. The Abbess Hilda, Abbess Hilda. whom we mentioned before, was like another Huldah, which lived in the a 2 Chro. 34. 22. College, superior to most of her Sex in Learning, inferior to none in Religion. Monks ascribe it to her Sanctity, that she turned many Serpents in that Country into Stones. Plenty of which Stones are found at this day about Whitby, the place of her Abode, having the Shape of Serpents, but most headless; as the Tale is truthless, relating it to her Miraculous Operation. Who knows not, but that at Alderly in Glocestershire, there are found Stones resembling Cockles, or Periwinkles, in a place far from the Sea? which are esteemed by the Learned the Gamesome Work of Nature, sometimes pleased to disport itself, and pose us by propounding such Riddles unto us. 94. Some impute it also to Hilda her Holiness, A miracle imputed to her holiness. that Wild-geese, when flying over the Grounds near her Convent, fell down to the ground, as doing Homage to the Sanctity thereof. As the Credit of the Reporters hath converted wise men to believe the Thing: so they justly remain incredulous, that it proceedeth from any Miracle, but secret Antipathy. But as Philosophers, when posed in Nature, and prosecuted to render Reasons of her Mysteries, took Sanctuary at Occulta Qualitas: Monks in the same kind make their Refuge to the Shrine of some Saint, attributing all they cannot answer, to His, or Her miraculous Operation. Yea sometimes such is Monkish Impudence, falsely to assign that to a Saint (though all Chronologies protest against the Possibility thereof) which is the plain and pregnant effect of Nature. Witness when they b As Camden saith in Worcestershire. writ, that Richard de la Which, Bishop of Chicester, with his fervent Prayers obtained, that the Wiches, or salt Springs, should boil out of the earth in Durtwich in Worcestershire; which are mentioned, and described by ancient Authors dead before the Cradle of the said Richard de la Which was made. 95. Look we now on the See of Canterbury, Theodorus Archbishop of Canterbury. and there after the Death of the last Archbishop (and four year's Vacancy) we find that Church hath changed her Latin into Greek, 668 I mean, dead Deus-dedit, into Theodorus his Successor, put in by the Pope. This Theodorus was a Grecian by Name, and Nation, fellow-Citizen with S●. Paul, born in c Acts 22. 3. Tarsus in Cilicia; and herein like him, that he d 1 Cor. 14. 18 spoke with Tongues more than they all, had more skill in learned Languages then all his Brethren, Bishops of England, in that Age. Yea, as Children when young, are permitted to Play; but when of some years, are sent to learn their Book: so hitherto the Infant-Church of England may be said to have lost time for matter of Learning, and now Theodorus set it first to School, brought Books to it, and it to Books; erecting a well-furnished Library, and teaching his Clergy how to make use thereof. 96. I could wish this Theodorus had had one Quality more of St. Paul; 67 ⅔ that in matters Indifferent, he would have been e 1 Cor. 9 22. His fierceness to keep Easter after the Romish rite. made all things to all men, that by all means he might save some. Anno Dom. 67 ⅔ Whereas he most rigorously pressed Conformity to Rome, in the Observation of Easter: and to that purpose a Council was called at Herad-ford, now Hartford, and not Hereford, as judicious and industrious Bishop Godwine (partial to the place where of he himself was Bishop) doth mistake it. Here Easter was settled after the Romish Rite; and we are not sorry for the same, willing rather it should be any way ordered, then that the Reader (with whom I sympathise, more than grudge my own Pains) should be troubled any longer with such a small-great Controversy, low in its own Merit, but heightened with the Spleen and Passion of such as prosecuted it. In this Synod nine other Articles were concluded of, as they follow here in order, out of Bede, a Lib. 4. cap. 5. as Stapleton himself hath translated them. 1. That no Bishop should have aught to do in another Diocese, but be contented with the Charge of the people committed unto him. 2. That no Bishop should molest, or any wise trouble such Monasteries as were consecreated, and given to God, nor violently take from them aught that was theirs. 3. That Monks should not go from place to place, that is to say, from one Monastery to another, unless by the leave of their own Abbot; but should continue in the Obedience which they promised at the time of their Conversion, and entering into Religion. 4. That none of the Clergy forsaking his own Bishop, should run up and down where he list, nor when he came any whither, should be received without Letters of Commendation from his Diocesan. And, if that he be once received, & will not return, being warned and called, both the Receiver and he that is Received shall incur the Sentence of Excommunication. 5. That such Bishops and Clerks as are Strangers, be content with such Hospitality as is given them; and that it be lawful for none of them to execute any Office of a Priest, without the permission of the Bishop in whose Diocese they are known to be. 6. That whereas by the ancient Decrees, a Synod and Convocation ought to be assembled twice a year; yet because divers Inconveniences do happen among us, it hath seemed good to us all, that it should be assembled once a year, the first day of August, at the place called Clofeshooh. 7. That no Bishop should ambitiously prefer himself before another, but should all acknowledge the time, and order of their Consecration. 8. That the Number of Bishops should be increased, the number of Christian folk waxing daily greater; but hereof at this time we said no further. 9 That no man commit Advoutry nor Fornication; that no man forsake his own Wife, but for only Fornication, as the Holy Gospel teacheth. And, if any man put away his Wife being lawfully married unto him, if he will be a right Christian man, let him be joined to none other: but let him so continue still sole, or else be reconciled again to his own Wife. I wonder, no mention herein of settling the Tonsure of Priests (a Controversy running parallel with that of Easter) according to the Roman Rite. To conclude, let not the Reader expect the like exemplification of all Articles in following Synods, so largely as here we have presented them. For this Synod Stapleton b In his translation of Bede fol. 118. calls the first of the English Nation (understand him, whose Canons are completely extant) and therefore more Patrimony is due to the Heir and Eldest Son, then to the younger Brethren, who shall be content to be confined to their Pensions, I mean, to have their Articles not exemplified, but epitomised hereafter. 97. Theodorus, He envieth Wilfride Bishop of York. Archbishop of Canterbury, beheld Wilfride, Bishop of York (one of great Parts, and greater Passions) with envious eyes; and therefore, to abate his Power, he endeavoured that the Diocese of York might be divided. Wilfride offended hereat goes over to Rome to impede the Project, and by the way is tossed with a grievous Tempest. It is an ill wind which bloweth no man Profit. He is cast on the Shoar of Freezland in Belgia, where the Inhabitants, as yet Pagans, were by his Preaching converted to Christianity. This may be observed in this Wilfride, his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were better than his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, his casual and occasional were better then his intentional Performances (which shows plainly, that Providence acted more vigorously in him, than his own Prudence:) I mean, when at Ease in Wealth, at home, he busied himself in Toys and Trifles of Ceremonious Controversies; but when (as now, and afterwards) a Stranger, and little better than an Exile, he effectually promoted the Honour and Glory of God. 98. And as it is observed of Nightingales, The South-Saxons (as formerly the Freezlanders) converted by Wilfride. that they sing the sweetest, 679 when farthest from their Nests: so this Wilfride was most diligent in God's Service, when at the greatest distance from his own Home. For though returning into England, he returned not unto York, but stayed in the Pagan Kingdom of the South-Saxons, who also, by God's Blessing on his Endeavours, were persuaded to embrace the Christian Faith. 99 These South-Saxons, The first, the last. of all the seven Kingdoms, were the last which submitted themselves to the perfect Freedom of God's Service, and yet their Country was in Situation next to Kent, where the Gospel was first planted. Herein it was verified, Many that are first, shall be last; and the last, first. Yea, the Spirit, which bloweth where it listeth, observeth no visible Rules of Motion; but sometimes taking no notice of those in the middle, reacheth to them which are farthest off. Indeed Edilwalch their King, was a little before Christened by the persuasion of Wolphere, King of Mercia (who was his Godfather, and at his baptising gave him for a Gift the Isle of Wight, & provinciam a Bede lib. 4. cap. 13. Meanuarorum in gente Occidentalium Saxonum) but his Country still remained in Paganism. And although Dicul, a Scot, with some six of his Brethren, had a small Monastery at Bosenham in Sussex; yet they, rather enjoying themselves, then meddling with others, were more careful of their own Safety, than their Neighbour's Conversion. And indeed, the Pagans neither heeded their Life, nor minded their Doctrine. 100 However, Pagan obstinacy punished with famine. these South-Saxons paid for their Stubbornness, in standing out so long against the Gospel; for they always were a miserable people, and at this present afflicted with a great Famine, caused by three years Drought; so that forty men in a-row, holding hand in hand, used to throw themselves into the Sea, to avoid the misery of a Linger Death. In this woeful Condition did Wilfride, Bishop of York, find them, when he first preached the Gospel unto them; and on that very day wherein he baptised them (as if God from Heaven had poured water into the Font) he obtained store of Rain, which procured great Plenty. Observe (though I am not so ill-natured as to wrangle with all Miracles) an Apish Imitation of Elijah (who carried the Key of Heaven at his Girdle, to lock, or unlock it by his Prayer:) only Elijah gave Rain after three years and six months, Wilfride after bare three years; it being good manners to come a little short of his Betters. 101. South-Saxons first taught to fish. Also (saith my b Bede ibidem Author) he taught the people (who till then knew not how to catch any Fishes, but Eels) how to take all kind of Fish in the Sea, and Rivers. Strange! that thus long they should live in Ignorance of so useful a Trade, being (though Infidels) no Idiots: especially seeing men's Capacities come very soon to be of age to understand their own Profit; and the Examples of their Neighbours might have been Tutors unto them. But Wilfride afterward wanted no Hearers, Anno Dom. 680 People flocking unto him; as when Christ made his Auditors his Guests, they followed after him, because they eaten of the Loaves, and were filled. The Priests Eappa, Padda, Bruchelin, and Oidda, assisted in baptising the common people; and King Edilwalch gave Wilfride a piece of Land, containing eighty nine Families, at Selsey, where he erected a Bishops See, since translated to Chichester. 102. Amongst other good deeds, A double good deed. Wilfride freed two hundred and fifty men and maidservants, both out of Soul-Slavery, and Bodily Bondage. For, having baptised them, he procured their Liberty of their Masters, which they (no doubt) cheerfully embraced, according to St. Paul's a 1 Cor. 7. 21. counsel, Art thou called a Servant? care not for it: but if thou mayst be made free, use it rather. And thus by God's Blessing, in the space of eighty and two years (from five hundred ninety seven, to six hundred seventy nine) was the whole Saxon Heptarchy converted to Christianity, and did never again relapse to Paganism. 103. Godfathers used to men of nature Age. Mention being b Parag. 99 lately made of Wolphere, the Mercian King, his being Godfather unto Edilwalch, King of the South-Saxons, some will much admire, that one arrived at years of Maturity, able to render an Account of his Faith, should have a Godfather, which (with Swadling-clouts) they conceive belong to Infants alone. Yet this was very fashionable in that Age: not only for the greater state, in Kings, Princes, and Public Persons; but, in majorem cautelam, even amongst Private people. For such Susceptors were thought to put an Obligation on the Credits (and by reflection on the Consciences) of new Christians (whereof too many in those days were baptised out of civil Designs) to walk worthy of their Profession, were it but to save their Friend's Reputation, who had undertaken for their Sincerity therein. 104. Cadwallader, Cadwallader found'st a Welsh Hospital at Rome. the last King of Wales, wearied out with War, Famine, and Pestilence, left his own Land, and (with some small Treasure) fled to Alan, King of Little Britain. But Princes are welcome in foreign parts, when Pleasure (not Need) brings them thither; or, whilst they are so considerable in themselves, as to command their own Entertainment. Whereas this distressed King his Company was beheld not only as Useless, and Expensive, but Dangerous, as likely to draw with it the Displeasure of the Saxon Kings (his Enemies) on his Entertainer. But it seems, Cadwallader had better Friends in Heaven, 685 than any he found on Earth, if it be true what confidently is reported, that an c Lewes Owen his running Register, pag. 17. Angel appeared unto him, advising him to go to Rome, there to take on him the Habit of a Monk, and spend the remainder of his Life. Here he purchased Lands, all by the foresaid Angelical Direction, built an House (after his Death converted into an Hospital) and by his Will so ordered it, that certain Priests of his own Country should for ever have the Rule and Government thereof. These were to entertain all Welsh-pilgrims with Meat, Drink, and Lodging, for the space of a month, and to give them a certain Sum of Money for a viaticum at their Departure, towards their Charges in returning to their own Country. 105. Many a year did this Hospital flourish in good Plenty, Since, injuriously taken from the Welsh. till the middle of Queen Elisabeth her Reign; when fair the Revenues belonging, and few the Welsh-pilgrims repairing thereto. This made Father Parsons, with the rest of our English jesuites, cast an envious eye thereon, who would never be quiet, until they had obtained of Pope Gregory the 13. to eject the old British, and unite this Hospital to the English College at Rome. This, no doubt, stirred up the Welsh blood of Dr. Morris, Dr. Lewes, Dr. Smith, Mr. Griffith, who in vain stickled to the utmost of their Power, to continue this Foundation to their Countrymen. In my poor Opinion, seeing an Angel is said to direct in the Founding and endowing of this Hospital, it was but fit that either the same Angel appearing again, Anno Dom. or some other of an higher (or at least equal Dignity and Degree, in the Celestial Hierarchy) should have altered the Use, and confirmed the Alienation thereof. But of this more a Vide Annum Domini 1569. The Ecclesiastical Laws of King Ina. hereafter. 106. Ina, 692 King of the Westsaxons, about this time set forth his Saxon Laws, translated into English by Mr. Lambert. Eleven of his Laws concerned Church-matters; Kings in that Age understanding their own Power, the Pope having not as yet entrenched on their just Prerogative. These Constitutions were concluded on by the King, through the Persuasion of Kenred his Father. Hedda and Erkenwald his Bishops, and all his Aldermen and wise Senators of the People. Let none wonder that Ina, in his Preface to these Laws, termeth Erkenwald His Bishop, whose See of London was properly under the King of the East-Saxons. For he might call him his in Affection, (whose Diocese was in another King's Possession;) Ina highly honouring Erkenwald for his Piety, and therefore inviting him (forward of himself to all Goodness) to be present at the passing of these Laws. Besides, b jac. Usser. Arch. Armach. de Brit. Eccles. primord. p. 394 some assign Surrey as part of the Kingdom of the Westsaxons: Probably at this present Ina's Puissance sallied over the Thames, and London might be reduced into his Honorary-Protection. But see here a Breviate of his Church-Laws. 1. That Ministers c Sr. Henry Spelman his Councils pag. 182. etc. observe their appointed form of living. 2. That every Infant be baptised within thirty days after his Birth, on the Penalty of his Parents forfeiting thirty shillings; and if the Child chance to die before he be baptised, all his Estate. 3. If the Servant doth any Work on the Lord's day at the Master's Command, the Servant shall be d The Latin, Liber esto, may not only import a freedom from fault, but also, that such a sla●e-servant should be manumised from servitude. See the following 113. paragraph. acquitted, and the Mr. pay thirty shillings. But if he did that work without his Master's Command, let him be beaten, or redeem it with Money, etc. A Priest offending in this kind was to be double punished. 4. The First-fruits of Seeds were to be paid to the Church on the Feast of St. Martin, on the Penalty of forty shillings, besides the payment of the said First-fruits twelve times over. 5. If any deserving Stripes shall fly to a Church, his Stripes shall be forgiven him. If guilty of a Capital Crime, he shall enjoy his Life, but make Recompense according to what is right and due. 6. Fighters in the King's Court, to lose their Goods, and to be at the King's Mercy for their Life. Such as fight in the Church, to pay 120 shillings. If in the house of an Alderman, 60 shil. etc. 7. Such as falsify their Witness or Pawn in the presence of the Bishop, to pay 120. shillings. 8. Several Penalties of Money imposed on those that should kill a Stranger. 9 Such as are breakers of the Peace in the Town of the King or Archbishop, punishable with one hundred and twenty shillings; in the Town of an Alderman, eight shillings; in the Town of one of the King's Servants, sixty shillings, etc. 10. First-fruits of all Seeds were to be paid by Housekeepers as due to that place wherein they themselves were resident on the day of Christ's Nativity. 11. What Sums of Money are to be paid by such who have killed their Godfathers or God-sons. In this last Law, express Provision is made, Episcopi filius si occidatur, in case the Son of a Bishop be killed: a Passage impertinently alleged by some, for the Proof of Bishops married in that Age; seeing neither Sons natural, nor conjugal, but only spiritual, at the Font, are thereby intended. Now let the learned in the Law render the Reason, why Murder in that Age was not punishable with Death, but might be bought off with Money. 107. A great Council (for so it is tituled) was held at Becanceld by Withered, Anno Dom. 694 King of Kent, Women present at the great Council of Becanceld. and Bertuald, Archbishop of Britain (so called therein) understand him of Canterbury; wherein many things were concluded in favour of the Church. Five Kentish Abbesses, namely, Mildred, Etheldred; Aete, Wilnolde, and Hereswide, were not only present, but subscribed their Names and Crosses to the Constitutions concluded therein. And we may observe, that their Subscriptions are not only placed before and above all Presbyters, but also above a Sr. Henry Spelman's Councils pag. 190. Romish brags of St. Andre ' s Chastity. Botred a Bishop, (but of what Diocese not specified) present in this great Council. It seems it was the Courtesy of England to allow the upper hand to the weaker Sex, as in their Sitting, so in their Subscriptions. 108. We will conclude this Century with the miraculous Holiness of Ethelreda, or St. Audre: professing at first to be afraid to adventure on so high a Subject, disheartened in reading a Popish Author to rant so in her Commendation. Let b The Flowers of the Saints written by Hierome Porter. the fabulous Greeks talk no more of theirchast Penelope, who in the twenty year's absence of her Husband Ulysses lived continently, in despite of the tempting Importunity of many noble Wooers: and let the proud Romans cease to brag of their fair Lucretia, that chose rather to become the bloody instrument of her own Death, then to live after the violent Ravishment of her Honour: and let all the world turn their Minds to admire, and their Tongues and Pens to sound the Praises of the Christian Virtues and Chastity of our blessed Ethelreda, etc. But leaving the Bubbles of his Rhetoric to break of themselves, on serious considerations we are so far from admiring, 'tis more than we can do to excuse this St. Audre, as her Story is reported. 109. This Audre was Daughter to Anna King of the East-Angles, Twice a Wife, still a Maid. and from her Infancy a great affecter of Virginity. However, she was over-persuaded to marry one Tombert, Prince of the Fen-land, with whom she lived three years in the Bands of unexperienced Wedlock, both, by mutual Consent, abstaining from Carnal Copulation. After his Death, so importunate were her Friends with her that she married with Egfride King of Northumberland. 110. Strange, Pretended chastity, real injustice. that being once free, she would again entangle herself; and stranger, that being married, she utterly refused to afford her Husband what the c 1. Cor. 7. 3. Apostle calls due Benevolence, though he by importunate▪ Entreaties requested the same. Being Benevolence, it was Uncharitable to deny it; being Due, it was Unjust to detain it; being both, she was uncharitable and unjust in the same action. Was not this a Mockage of Marriage (if in that Age counted a Sacrament) solemnly to give herself unto her Husband, whom formerly she had passed away by a previous Vow of Virginity? At last she wrested leave from her Husband to live a Nun in the Monastery of Ely, which she built and endowed. After her entrance therein she ever wore Woollen, and never d Bede Eccles. Hist. l. 4. c. 19 Linen about her: which whether it made her more Holy, or less Cleanly, let others decide. Our e Hierome Porter in his Flowers of the Saints, and Harpsfield sec. 7. cap. 24. Her miraculous Monument of Marble. Author tells us, that in Memory of her, out English Women are wont to wear about their Necks a certain Chain made of fine small Silk, which they call Ethelred's Chain. I must profess myself not so well acquainted with the Sex, as either to confute or confirm the truth thereof. At last she died of a Swelling in her Throat, and was buried in Ely. 111. Sixteen years her Corpse slept in a private Grave near her own Convent; when it came into the head of Bishop Wilfride and her Friends, to bestow on her a more costly Burial. But alas, the soft and fenny Ground of Ely Isle (where scarce a stone big enough to bury a Worm under it) afforded not a Tombstone for that purpose. Being thus at a Loss, their want f Beda Eccles. Hist. lib. 4. cap. 19 is said to be miraculously supplied; 696 for under the ruined Walls of Grantchester, or Cambridge, a Coffin was found, with a Cover correspondent, both of white Marble, which did fit her Body so exactly, as if (which one may believe was true) it was made for it. Herein was Audre's Corpse stately enshrined, and for many years superstitiously adored. 112. But Io. Cajus, Confuted by a credible witness. Fellow of Gonvile-Hall, Anno Dom. 696 within ten Miles of Ely, at the Dissolution of Abbeys, being reputed no great Enemy to the Romish Religion, doth on his own Knowledge report, In his Histor. Cantab. lib. 1. pag. 8. Quamquam illius aevi caecitas admirationem in eo paret, quod regnante Hen. nuper 8. dirutum idem sepulchrum ex lapide communi fuit, non, ut Beda narrat, ex albo marmore. Although the blindness of that Age bred Admiration therein: yet when the Tomb was plucked down in the Reign of King Henry the eighth, it was found made of common Stone, & not of white Marble, as Bede reporteth. Thus was her Tomb degraded & debased one degree, which makes the Truth of all the rest to be suspected. And if all Popish Miracles were brought to the Test, they would be found to shrink from Marble to Common Stone, nay from Stone to Dirt and untempered Mortar. The Council at Berghamsteed. 697 113. It is needless here to insert the Canons concluded on at Berghamsteed, by Withered King of Kent, and Bertuald Archbishop of Canterbury. First, because Topical, confined to that small Kingdom. Secondly, hard to be understood, as depending on some Saxon Law-terms, whereon Conjectures are the best Comment. Thirdly, such as are understood are obsolete; viz. If a Master gave his Servant Flesh to eat on a Fastingday, his Servant was on the Refusal, and Complaint thereof, to be made a Sr. Henry Spelman 's Councils p. 1904. etc. free. Some punishments therein were very absurdly proportioned; viz. Six shillings or a Whipping was to be paid by that Servant who eaten flesh on Fasting-days: and just the same Penalty was inflicted on him if convicted of offering Oblations to the Devil: as if equal their Offences. And be it remembered, that this Council was kept cum viris quibusdam Militaribus, some Soldiers being present thereat; and yet the fifth Canon therein was made to punish Adultery in men of their Profession. Wilfride restored to York, and outed again. 114. As for Bishop Wilfride, whom lately we mentioned so active about the removal of St. Audre's Corpse, he was about this time restored to his Bishopric of York. Whereupon he fairly quitted the Bishopric of Selsey, which Edilwalch, and after Cedwall, Kings of Sussex, bestowed upon him, and returned to York. It is much this Rolling Stone should gather so much Moss, and get Wealth enough to sound two Monasteries; who sometimes had three Bishoprics together, York, Lindisfern, and Hagulsted; sometimes none at all, living many years together in Exile. And indeed he continued not long in York, but being expelled thence again, was for a time made Bishop of Leicester. Nor was the King of Northumberland content with his bare Expulsion, but also he would have him confess the same Legal, and resign it according to the late Decrees which the Archbishop of Canterbury had made against him. But more hereof, God willing, in the next Century. THE EIGHTH CENTURY. Anno Dom. Thomae Adamidi, Senatori Londinensi, Mecoenati meo. IN hac tanta rerum Vicissitudine, quis, qui te novit, Constantiam tuam non suspicit? Vndique turbatur; Tu interim tibimet ipsi tota Tranquillitas, cum Deo, & Bonis, & Studiis tuis vacas. Perlegas, quaeso, hanc Centuriam, vel eo nomine, quod Funera Tui & Mei Bedae exhibeat. Tuum dico, quia haud ita pridem sub auspiciis Patronatus tui, typis Saxonicis pulcherrimus prodiit: Meum, quo Authore (vel potius Authoribus) in hoc Opere toties usus sum. Pluribus Viro occupatissimo molestus esse nolo. Vale. Painful Wilfride was no sooner out of one Trouble, 701 but he was engaged in another. Wilfride persecuted afresh by Alfride King of Northumberland. Hereupon a Hist. Eccles. Angl. pag. 95. Harpsfield calls him the Athanasius of that Age; only saith he, that Father was persecuted by Heretics, and this Wilfride by Catholics. He might have added, that Athanasius was troubled for Essential and Doctrinal Truths, whilst Wilfride was vexed about Ceremonious and Circumstantial matters. And now Alfride, who succeeded Egfride, King of Northumberland, powerfully opposed him, being the paramount Prince, and in effect Monarch of the Saxon Heptarchy. For, as we have noted before, amongst these seven Kings, as amongst the Planets, there was ever one Sun that out-shined all the rest. This Alfride, joining with Bertuald Archbishop of Canterbury, called a b Malme●b. de Gestis Pont. lib. 3. See Sr. Henry Spelman in Conciliis Anno 701. Council, and summoned Wilfride, who appeared there accordingly. But being demanded, whether he would obey the Decrees of Theodore late Archbishop of Canterbury, he warily returned; That he was willing to obey them so fare as they were consonant to the Holy Canons. This Answer was not satisfactory to his Adversaries, as having in it too little of a Grant, to please them, and yet not enough of a Denial, to give them a just Offence. Then they sought by fair means to persuade him, because much Trouble had arose in the Church about him, voluntarily to resign under hand and seal his Possessions, and Archbishopric; affirming, it would be a glorious act, to prefer the Public Good before his Private Profit. But Wilfride persisted loyal to his own Innocence, affirming, such a Session might be interpreted a Confession of his Guiltiness; and appealed from that Council to his Holiness: and this tough old man, being 70. years of age, took a Journey to Rome, there to tug it out with his Adversaries. 2. They accused him of Contumacy, Wilfride app●aleth to Rome, and is acquitted. that he had contemptuously denied Canonical Obedience to the Archbishop of Canterbury. 705 He cleared himself, and complained that he had been unjustly deprived, and that two Monasteries of his own Founding (Rippon and Hexham) were violently detained from him. No fewer than seventy several a Septuaginta concil●abula coacta, Malmsbury ut prius. Councils, (understand them so many several Meetings of the Conclave) were assembled in four months, and employed only, or chief about deciding of this Difference: belike there were Intricacies therein more than are specified in Authors (Knots to employ so many cunning Fingers to untie them) or else the Court of Rome was well at Leasure. The Sentence of Pope john the seventh passed on his side, and his Opposers were sent home with Blame and Shame, whilst Wilfride returned with Honour, managing his Success with much Moderation; equally commendable, that his Innocence kept him from Drooping in Affliction, and his Humility from Insulting in Prosperity. 3. Bertuald, He is at last restored, and dyeth in peace. Archbishop of Canterbury, humbly entertained the Pope's Letters in behalf of Wilfride, and welcomed his Person at his Return. But Alfride, King of Northumberland, refused to re-seat him in his Bishopric, stoutly maintaining, b Contra rationem, homini jam bis à toto Anglor●m consilio damnato, propter quaelibet Apostolica Scripta communicare. Malmesbury de Gestis Pontificum, lib. 3. that 'twas against reason to communicate with a man twice condemned by the Council of England, notwithstanding all Apostolic Commands in favour of him. But soon after he fell dangerously sick, a consequent of, and therefore caused by his former Stubbornness; as those that construe all Events to the advantage of the Roman See, interpret this a Punishment on his Obstinacy. Suppled with Sickness, he confessed his Fault; and so Wilfride was restored to his Place: whose Life was like an April-day (and a Day thereof is a Month for Variety) often interchangeably fair and foul; and after many Alterations, he set fair in full Lustre at last. Being forty five years a Bishop, in the seventie-sixth year of his age, he died, and was buried in his Monastery at Rippon. And as he had been a great Traveller, when living; so his Bones took one Journey after his death, being translated by c Godwin in his catalogue of the Archbishops of York, pag. 11. viri illi quos sanctissimos celebrat antiquitas, Theodorus, Bertualdus, johannes Bosa, & Hilda Abbatis●a, digladiabili odio impetierunt Wilfridum deo acceptissimum. Sherborn taken out of Winchester Bishopric. Odo Archbishop of Canterbury, from Rippon to Canterbury; in Reparation (perchance) for those many Wrongs, which the Predecessors of Odo had done to this Wilfride. Let not therefore the Papists vaunt immoderately of the Unity of their Church, neither let them uncharitably insult on our unhappy Differences; seeing by the confession of their own Authors, there was Digladiabile Odium, Hatred (as one may say) even to Daggers-drawing, betwixt Wilfride, and certain Principal Persons, conceived signal for Sanctity in that Age, and since put into the Calendar of their Saints. And it is as sure, as sad a Truth, that as long as Corruption resides in the bosoms of the Best, there will be Dissensions, inflamed by malicious Instruments, betwixt Pious people, which otherwise agree in main matters of Religion. 4. The Bishopric of Sherborn was taken out of the Bishopric of Winchester, by King Ina, and Adelme his Kinsman made first Bishop thereof. I find no Compensation given to the See of Winchester, for this great Canton cut out of it: as in after-Ages, when Ely was taken out of Lincoln Diocese, the Manor of Spaldwick in Huntingtonshire was given by King Henry the first to Lincoln, in Reparation of its Loss, for so much of the Jurisdiction taken from it. But at this time, when Sherborn was parted from Winchester, the Damage to Winchester accrueing thereby, was not considerable; Episcopal Jurisdiction in that Age not being beneficial, but rather burdensome. So that Winchester might turn her Complaints into Thankfulness, being thus eased of her cumbersome Greatness. This Adelme, Bishop of Sherborn, was the d Camden's Britannia in Wiltshire. first of our English Nation, who wrote in Latin; and the first that taught Englishmen to make Latin Verse, according to his Promise. Primus ego in Patriam mecum, modò vita supersit, Aonio rediens deducam vertice Musas. If life me last, that I do see that Native Soil of mine, From Aon top I'll first with me bring down the Muses nine. He wrote many Works: one a Bede. of Virginity, another of the Celebration of Easter: And about this time, the Libraries of Monasteries began to be replenished with Books, many being written in that Age. 5. By the way, Multitude of books created by a mistake. one Mistake (I could not have discerned it myself, had not a learned b Spelman in Conciliis pag. 210. Writer discovered it unto me) makes Books of this Age more numerous, and the Kings therein more Learned than indeed they were. Namely, because every Latin Charter, granted by any King to a Monastery, is termed by the Saxon Writers, Liber, or Libellus, a Book. Wherefore, when they tell us of such and such Books, made by the Saxon Kings; understand we most of them of their Charters of Donation. In which sense King Edgar, who, some two hundred years after this time, founded as many Monasteries as Weeks in the year (and consequently made as many Charters) was a voluminous Writer, of no less than fifty two Books. And yet this large acception of Books will not make up the Number, which Bale and Pitz pretend they have seen in this Age. A Vanity in them to affect a Title-learning; (though a Stationer's Apprentice, after some week's Experience, might excel them therein) and the greater, because many imaginary Authors, which they make as if they had seen, either were never extant, or long since extinguished. 6. But the multitude of Books increaseth not our Marvel so much, The numerosity of noble Saints in this Age. as the Numerosity of Saints (such as they were) in this Age; whereof four parts of five (according to the Heraldry of such who wrote their Lives) were of Royal, or Noble Extraction. It addeth to the wonder, because St. Paul c 1 Cor. 1. 26. saith, Not many Noble are called: except any confine that Observation of the Apostle to times of Persecution, whereas Christianity now in England flourished in all Peace and Prosperity. But, to render their noble Parentage at this time the more probable, know, that under the Saxon Heptarchy, Royalty was increased sevenfold in England, which must beget a proportionable multiplication of Nobility attending them. Yet, when all is done, as the jewish Rabbins, on their bare Tradition, without ground from Scripture, make Ruth the Daughter to Eglon, King of Moab, merely to make the Descent of their King David from her the more illustrious: so it is suspicious, that to advance the Temporal Reputation of these Saints, such Monks as wrote their Lives causelessly ●●arified, and refined many of their Bloods into Noble Extraction. However, if truly pious indeed, such Saints have the best Nobility in the Scripture-sense, d Acts 17. 11. These were more noble, because they received the word with all readiness of mind. 7. Of these noble Saints, 708 St. Guthlake, a Benedictine Monk, St Guthlake the first Saxon Eremite. was the first Saxon that professed an Heremitical life in England; to which purpose he chose a Fenny place in Lincolnshire, called Crowland, that is, the raw or crudeland; so raw indeed, that before him no man could digest to live therein. Yea, the Devils are said to claim this place as their peculiar, and to call it e Flores Sanctorum written by Hierome Porter in the life of St. Guthlake, pag. 348. their own land. Is any place, but the Prison of Hell, properly theirs? Yet wonder not at their Presumption, pretending this Spot of ground to be theirs, whose Impudence durst affirm, that God had given them f Matth. 4. 8. all the World, and the Glory thereof. Can those infernal Fiends, tortured with immaterial Fire, take any Pleasure, or make any Ease to themselves, by paddling here in Puddles, and dabbling in the moist dirty Marshes? However Guthlake took the Boldness to enter common with them, and erect his Cell in Crowland. But if his prodigious Life may be believed, Ducks and Mallards' do not now flock thither faster in September, than Herds of Devils came about him; all whom he is said victoriously to have vanquished. Anno Dom. 708 But, whom Satan's Power could not foil, his Policy had almost destroyed; by persuading Guthlake to fast forty days and nights together, after the Example of Moses a Idem. P. 347. and Elias: till, finding this Project destructive to Nature, he was forced in his own Defence, to take some necessary, but very sparing Refection. He died in his own Cell, and Pega his sister, an Anchoritesse, led a solitary life, not far from him. 8. Doves also, Aswinish conceit of a Monk. a poor plain man, was eminent in this Age: a Shepherd, say some; a Neatheard, others; Swineherd, say the third sort, and that most probable. For whilst he lived in Worcestershire, not far from the River Avon, the Virgin Mary is said to have appeared unto him, even where (far well all good Tokens) he found a lost Sow b Godwin in Catalogo Episcoporum, pag. 301. with seven Pigs sucking upon her; and to have given order, that in that very place a Monastery should be erected to her Honour. The beastly Monk, who made this Vision, had e'en learned as far as Virgil's Aeneids, whence he fetched the Platform of this pretty Conceit, a place so marked being foretold fortunate to Aeneas, to found Alba [since Rome] therein. c Aeneidosl. 3. Litories ingens inventa sub ilicibus Sus Triginta capitum faetus enixa jacebit Alba solo recubans, albi circum ubera nati: Hic locus Vrbis erit, requies ubi certa laborum. Where under Oaks on Shore there shall be found A mighty Sow, all white, cast on the ground, With thirty sucking Pigs; that place is ' signed To build your Town, and ease your wearied Mind. Here the Monk, mutatis mutandis, (but principally shrinking the Number of the Pigs from thirty to seven, as more mystical) he applies the Apparition to his Purpose. A pretty Parallel, that Pagan-Rome, and Popish Superstition (if Hue-and-cry should be made after them) might be discovered by the same Marks. This gave the first motion to the Foundation of Eovesham Abbey (so called from Eoves aforesaid) first built in that Sow-place. 9 But the Building thereof was hastened by a second, The first Synod for Image-worship in England. more neat and cleanly, Apparition of the Virgin Mary in the same place; who is pretended to have showed herself, with two Maiden-attendants, to Egwin, Bishop of Worcester, prompting him to expedite a Structure therein. d See Sir Henry Spelman's Councils pag. 210. Egwin posts presently to Rome, and makes faith of this Vision to Constantine the Pope; who convinced in his judgement of the truth thereof, dispatcheth his Commands to Brightwall, Archbishop of Canterbury, 709 to assemble a Synod at Alncester in Worcestershire, to promote the building of an Abbey in that place: which was done accordingly, and the same was bountifully endowed by Offa, and other Mercian Kings, with very large Revenues. And not long after, another Synod (saith my c Magdeburgenses Cent. sed ex recentioribus authoribus, Nauclero viz. & Balaeo. Binnius and Baronius sullen, and why. Author) was called at London, to introduce into England the Doctrine of Image-worship, not heard of before, and now first beginning to appear in the public practice thereof. 10. Here we expected that Binnius and Baronius, two of the Romish Champions, should have been both joyful at and thankful for this London Synod, in favour of Image-worship, a point so beneficial to the Popish Coffers. But behold them, contrary to our expectation, sad and sullen; insomuch as they cast away the Credit of this Synod, as of no account, and disdain to accept the same. For, say they, long before, by Augustine the Monk, Worship of Images was introduced into England. But let them show us when, and where the same was done. We deny not but that Augustine brought in with him, in a Banner, the f See our second Book, Cent. 6. paragr. 10. Image of Christ on the Cross, very lively depictured; but this makes nothing to the Worshipping thereof. Vast the distance in their own nature, betwixt the Historical Use, and Adoration of Pictures; though, through humane Corruption, Anno Dom. 709 the former, in after-Ages, hath proved introductory to the later. Nor was it probable, that Augustine would deliver Doctrine point-blank against Gregory, that sent him, who most zealously a In his epistle ad Serenum Massiliensem. inveigheth against all Worshipping of Images. Wherefore, let Binnius and Baronius make much of this London-Synod for Image-worship, or else they must be glad to accept of later Councils in England to prove the same, seeing before this time none can be produced tending thereunto. 11. Now also flourished another noble-born Saint, The miracle-working of St. john of Beverley. namely john of Beverley, Archbishop of York, a Learned man, and who gave the b Bede acknowledgeth that he received the order of Priesthood from him. Education to one more learned than himself, I mean, Venerable Bede. Now, though john Baptist did c john 10. 41. none, yet john of Beverley is said to have done many Miracles. But, did not the Monk overdo, who reports in his Relation, that this john of Beverley, by making the Sign of the Cross on a Dumb Youth, with a scalled head, not only restored him to Speech, and an Head of Hair, but Eloquent Discourse, and brave d Flowers of the lives of English Saints pag. 416. Curled Locks? Some years before his Death, he quitted his Archbishopric, 718 and retired himself to his Monastery at Beverley, where he died: and which afterwards King Athelstan made (I will not call it a SANCTUARY, because unhallowed with the largeness of the Liberties allowed thereunto, but) a place of Refuge for Murderers and Malefactors: so that the FREED-STOOL in Beverley, became the Seat of the Scornful; and, such heinous Offenders as could recover the same, did therein securely defy all Legal Prosecution against them. 12. About this time it grew fashionable with Kings and Queens in England, Kings and Queens turn Monks and Nuns. to renounce the World, and turn Monks and Nuns, commonly in Convents of their own Foundation. Surely, it is not only lawful, but commendable for men to leave the World, before it leaveth them, by being e Gal. 6. 14. crucified thereunto, and using it as if they used it not: But let others dispute, whether this properly be Renouncing the World, for Christians to bury their Parts and Persons in a Cloister, which, put forth to the Bank, would turn to good Account for Church and Commonwealth. David (I dare say) as holy a man as any of these, lived a King, and died a King: the swaying of his Sceptre did not hinder the tuning of his Harp; his Dignity being no Impediment to his Devotion. And whilst these Kings turning Monks, pretended to go out of the World, a world of spiritual Pride and Superstitution went into them, if (as it is too too suspicious) they had an high opinion to Merit Heaven thereby. 13. Amongst the Saxon Princes who thus renounced the World, King Ina his fine, and rend to the Church. in this and the next Century, these nine following were the principal. 1. Kinigilsus, King of Westsaxons. 2. Ina, King of Westsaxons. 3. Ceololfus, King of Northumberland. 4. Edbertus, King of Northumberland. 5. Ethelredus, King of Mercia. 6. Kenredus, King of Mercia. 7. Offa, King of East-Saxons. 8. Sebbi, King of East-Saxons. 9 Sigebertus, King of East-Angles. Of all whom King Ina was paramount, for his reputed Piety; who accounting himself to hold all that he had of God, his Landlord in chief, paid not only a great Fine, but settled a constant Rent on the Church; then accounted the Receiver-general of the God of Heaven. Great Fine; for besides his Benefaction to other, he bestowed on the Church of Glassenbury two thousand six hundred forty pounds' f Sir Henry Spelman in his Councils, pag. 229. weight, in the utensils thereof, of massy Gold and Silver. So that whiles some admire at his Bounty, why he gave so much; others wonder more at his Wealth, how he got so much; being in that Age wherein such Dearth of Coin, and he (though perchance, the honorary Monarch of England) but the effectual King of the Westsaxons. The constant Rent he settled, 726 where the g Antiq. Brit. sol. 58. Peter-pences to the Pope of Rome, to be paid out of every fire-house in England (a small Sum in the single Drops, Anno Dom. 726 but swelling great in the general Channel) which (saith Polydore Virgil) this King Ina began in England. I say, Polydore Virgil (and let every Artificer be believed in his own Art) seeing (as he confesseth) this place was his first Preferment in England, which brought him over to be the Pope's Publican, or collector of that Contribution. Afterwards this King went to Rome, & there built a School for the English, and a Church adjoining unto it, to bury their Dead. 14. But, Winnisride an Englishman converteth the Germans. if my Judgement mistake not, 730 Winifrid, an Englishman, was better employed, being busied, about this time, to convert to Christ the Provinces of Franconia and Hassia in Germany. True it is, the English were indebted to the Dutch, from them formerly deriving their Original, by Natural Generation: and now none will censure them for Incest, if the Son begat his Parents; and this Winifrid, descended from the Dutch, was an active Instrument of their Regeneration. 15. Now, Bede, though sent for, went not to Rome. although many in this Age posted from England to Rome, possessed with an high opinion of the Holiness thereof; yet sure I am, one of the best Judgement (namely Venerable Bede) was often sent for by Pope Sergius himself, to come to Rome, yet, for aught we can find, never went thither: which, no doubt, he would not have declined, if sensible of any transcendent Sanctity in that Place, to advantage the Dwellers therein the nearer to Heaven. This Bede was born in the Kingdom of Northumberland, at a Camden's Brit. pag. 743. Girwy [now Yarrow] in the Bishopric of Durham, brought up by St. Cuthbert, and was the profoundest Scholar in his Age, for Latin, Greek, Philosophy, History, Divinity, Mathematics, Music, and what not? Homilies of his making were read in his Life-time, in the Christian Churches; a Dignity afforded to him alone. We are much beholding to his Ecclesiastical History, written by him, and dedicated to Ceolwoolfus King of Northumberland. A worthy Work indeed, though, in some respect, we could hearty wish that his Faith had been less, and his Charity more. Faith less, in believing and reporting so many prodigious Miracles of the Saxons: except any will say, that this in him was not so much Vitium Hominis, as Seculi. Charity more, I mean to the Britan's, being no Friend to them, and over-partial to his own Countrymen; slightly, and slenderly touching British matters, only thereof to make a Pedestal, the more fairly to rear and advance his Saxon History thereupon. 16. Some report that Bede never went out of his Cell, Bede probably went out of his Cell. but lived and died therein. If so, the Scholars of Cambridge will be very sorry, because thereby deprived of their Honour, by Bede's living once in their University; whose House they still show, betwixt St. John's College and Round-Church, or St. Sepulchers. Surely Bede was not fixed to his Cell, as the Cockle to his Shel, seeing no Observance of his Benedictine Order imposed such a Penance upon him. Indeed his own words, in the end of his Book, give some Countenance to their Conjecture of his voluntary Confinement, speaking of himself, Cunctum tempus vitae in ejusdem Monasterii habitatione peragens. But his Expression imports only his general Residence therein, that he was no Gadder abroad, or Discontinuer from his Convent, for a long time; though he might for some short space make his Abode elsewhere. Thus, when of the Prophetess it is said, b Luke 2. 37. that she departed not from the Temple: we understand it not so, as if she never went out thereof; but that for the main, she spent the most of her time therein. 17. He is generally surnamed Venerable, Bede why surnamed Venerabilis. but why, Authors differ therein. Some say, a Dunce-Monk, being to make his Epitaph, was non-plussed to make that Dactyle, which is only of the Quorum in the Hexameter, and therefore at Night left the Verse thus gaping, Hic sunt in fossa Bedae— ossa. till he had consulted with his Pillow, to fill up the Hiatus. But returning in the morning, an Angel (we have often heard of their Singing, see now of their Poetry), Anno Dom. 730 had filled up the Chasma with Venerabilis. Others, disclaiming this Conceit, assign this Reason: Because Bede's Homilies were (as aforesaid) read in all a Flores Sanctorum in the life of Bede, pag. 528. Churches in his Life-time; plain Bede was conceived too little, and St. Bede too much; because, according to Popish; (but not St. Paul's) Principles, Saint is too much Flattery to be given to any whilst alive; Solon allowing none happy, and this mine Author none, in this degree, holy, before their Death. Wherefore Venerable was found out as an Expedient to accommodate the Difference, luckily hitting the Mark, as a Title neither too high, nor too low; just even to so good a man, and great a Scholar, whilst alive. This is observable in all those who have written the Life of Bede; that, whereas such Saxon-Saints, as had not the tenth of his Sanctity, nor hundredth part of his Learning, are said to have wrought Miracles ad Lectoris nauseam; not one single Miracle is reported to have been done by Bede. Whereof (under favour) I conceive this the Reason: Monks, who wrote the Lives of many of their Saints, knew little more of many of them then their bare Names, and Times wherein they lived; which made them Historiae vacua miraculis supplere, to plump up the Hollowness of their History with improbable Miracles, swelling the Bowels of their Books with empty Wind, in default of sufficient solid Food to fill them. Whereas Bede's Life affording plenty and variety of real and effectual Matter, the Writer thereof (why should a Rich man be a Thief, or Liar?) had no Temptation (I am sure no Need) to farce his book with fond Miracles, who might rather leave, then lack of material Passages therein. 18. One of the last things he did, 734 was the translating of the Gospel of St. john into English. Bede's last blaze, and the going out of the candle of his life. When Death seized on him, one of his devout Scholars, whom he used for his Secretary, or Amanuensis, complained, My beloved Master, there remains yet one Sentence unwritten. Writ it then quickly, replied Bede: and summoning all his spirits together (like the last Blaze of a Candle going out) he indicted it, and expired. Thus God's Children are immortal, whiles their Father hath any thing for them to do on Earth; and Death, that Beast, cannot overcome and kill them, till first they have b Revel. 11. 7. finished their Testimony: which done, like Silkworms, they willingly die, when their Web is ended, and are comfortably entombed in their own Endeavours. Nor have I ought else to observe of Bede, save only this; A foreign Ambassador, some two hundred years since, coming to Durham, addressed himself first to the high and sumptuous Shrine of St. Cuthbert, If thou be'st a Saint, pray for me: then coming to the plain, low, and little Tomb of Bede, Because (said he) thou art a Saint, good Bede, pray for me. 19 Now began the Saxons to be infected with an universal Viciousness. 735 The cause whereof was; The general viciousness of the Saxons, how occasioned. Ethelbald, King of Mercia, contemned Marriage: and though Abstinence from it in some cases may be commendable, the Contempt thereof always is dangerous, yea damnable; as it proved in him. For, his unlawful Lust made no difference of Places, or Persons. Castles, or Cloisters; common-Kerchief, or Nuns-vaile; all came alike to him. But, oh the legislative power which is in a great Prince his Example. His Subjects presumed, they might not only impune, but legitime, follow his Precedent; which made the Land swarm with Wickedness. 20. This caused the Letter of Boniface, Archbishop of Ments an Englishman born, The effect of Boniface his letter to the King of Mercia. and lately very eminent for converting the Germans to Christianity) to King Ethelbald; wherein he observed the prudent method of St. Paul to the c 1 Cor. 11. 2. and 22. Corinthians. As the Apostle first commended them, I praise you, Brethren, that you remember me in all things, etc. so he began with a large Encomium of King Ethelbald his Charity, and bountiful Almes-giving. Hence seasonably he descended to his Faults; shall I praise you in this? I praise you not; and sound and roundly told him of his notorious Incontinency; proving, both by Scripture, and Reason, the Heinousness of that Sin, and heavy judgements of God upon it. In fine, Anno Dom. 735 this wrought so fare on the King's good Nature, that he not only reform himself, but, with Cuthbert Archbishop of Canterbury, called a solemn Synod at Cloves-Ho, or Clives-at-Ho, for the Reformation of others. 21. But where this Cloves-Ho should be, Cliff in Kent probably the ancient Cloves Ho. Authors make much Inquiry. It is generally conceived the same with Cliff, near Gravesend, in Kent. Though a learned a Camden's Brit. in Kent. Author will hardly consent thereunto; and his Intimations to the contrary are of no great Validity. For, whereas he allegeth that this Cliff is in Kent, whilst Ethelbald, who called this Synod, was King of Mercia; He minded not mean time (what, no doubt, he knew well) that this Ethelbald is styled in the b Extant in St. Henry Spelman's Councils, pag. 233. Letter of Boniface Archbishop of Ments unto him, Inclyta Anglorum Imperii sceptra gubernans, Ruling the famous Sceptre of the English Empire. And whereas he objecteth, the Site of that place inconvenient for such an Assembly; It seems fit enough (though confessed dirty in Winter, and unhealthy at all times) for the Vicinity thereof to London and Canterbury, the residing places of the King and Archbishop, the two Persons in this Synod most concerned. Nor doth the modern Meanness of the place make any thing against it; it might be a Gallant in that Age, which is a Beggar nowadays. And though, we confess, there be many Cliffs in the Inland Shires (properly belonging to Mercia;) yet the addition of Ho, or Haw, speaketh the maritime positure thereof. So that Clives-Ho, c Plymouth Haw. See Speed his Survey of London, the meaning of Haw. The chief Canons of this Synod. or Haw, seems to be a Cliff near the Sea, well agreeing to the Situation of Cliff in Kent aforesaid. 22. But the Acts of this Synod are more certain, than the Place thereof, being (generally accounted) one and thirty Canons (although some small Variation in their Number, and Order) all extant at large in d De Gestis Pont. lib. 1. in Cuthberto. Malmesbury; and of which we take notice of these four, as of most Concernment; 1. That the Priests e Discant, & doceant. Malmesbury. learn, and teach to know the Creed, Lords Prayer, and words of Consecration in the Mass [or Eucharist] in the English tongue. It seems, Learning then ran low, that the Priests themselves had need to learn them: yet Ignorance was not then so high, but that the people were permitted to be taught them. 2. That the Lords Day be honourably observed. We understand it not so, as if the Sanctity of that Day depended only upon Ecclesiastical Constitutions; or, that the Command thereof in Scripture is so infirm, in point of right to oblige men's Consciences, that it needs the title of man's Power, ad corroborandum: Only, Humane Authority was here cast in as over-weight, for the better Observation of the day. Carnalmen being more affected, and affrighted with Corporal Penalties of man's inflicting (as nearer unto them,) then with Eternal Punishments, which Divine justice, at distance, denounceth against them. 3. That the sin of Drunkenness be avoided, especially in the Clergy. Indeed it was high-time to suppress that Sin, which was grown so rife, that (as Boniface, Archbishop of Ments, doth observe in his Letter to f Extant in St. Henry Spelman's Councils p. 241. Cuthbert, Archbishop of Canterbury) the English Bishops were so fare from punishing it, that they were guilty of the same. Moreover he addeth, Ebrietas speciale malum nostrae Gentis: hoc nec Franci, nec Galli, nec Longobardi, nec Romani, nec Graeci faciunt; Drunkenness is a special Evil of our Nation (namely of the Saxons, of which Country this Boniface was a Native) for neither Franks, nor Gauls, nor Lombard's, nor Romans, nor Greeks (understand him, anciently, for we know the modern Proverb, of a merry Greek) are guilty thereof. 4. That Prayers be publicly made for Kings and Princes. An excellent Canon indeed, because Canonical Scripture, and long before made by g 1 Tim. 2. 1. St. Paul himself; I exhort therefore, that Supplications be made for all men, for Kings, etc. This Synod being finished, Anno Dom. 747 with the Royal Assent, & all the Bishops their Subscriptions thereunto; Cuthbert, Archbishop of Canterbury, with wonderful Celerity, returned the Canons concluded therein, by Rinebert his Deacon, to Boniface Archbishop of Ments, who was affected with great Joy at the sight thereof. 23. At this time flourished Egbert, Archbishop of York, Egbert Archbishop of York famous in several respects. famous in his Generation for, First his Royal Extraction, being Brother to Eadbert, King of Northumberland; both of them lovingly lying buried together, in the Porch of the Church of York. For in that Age, the greatest Princes and Prelates their Corpses came no nearer than the Church-Porch, and (as I may say) only knocked at the Church-Doors; though, in after-Ages the Bodies of Meaner persons were admitted into the Church, and buried therein. Secondly, for his procuring the Archiepiscopal Pall to his See. For after the Departure, or rather the Banishment of Paulinus from York, his Successors were content with the plain Title of Bishop, until this Egbert (to do something extraordinary, proportionable to his Princely Extraction) procured the Restitution of his Pall, which ipso facto re-advanced his Church into an Archbishopric. Thirdly, for furnishing the same with a plentiful Library, highly commended by Alcuinus, in his Epistle to Charles the Great, wishing France had the like; which though exceeding England in Paper, till of late years, ever came short of it in Books. Fourthly, 750 for his Canons, for the regulating of his Province. Whereof one sort is called, Egbert his a At large in St. Henry Spelman's Councils, pag. 258. The beastly Canons of Egbert. Excerptions out of Fathers, and is generally good: the other entitled, Canons for the remedy of Sin, and are fraught with abundance of abominable Beastliness, and Superstition. 24. I will give the Reader only a Taste (or rather a Distasie) of these Canons, by which he may guess the rest. If a Layman hath carnal knowledge of a Nun, let him do Penance for two years etc. she three. If a Child be begotten betwixt them, than four years: if they kill it, than seven year's b See Sr. Hen. Spelman's Councils, pag. 282. Penance. Penance also is provided for Bestiality, and Sodomy, in the same Canons. Thus, where God in Scripture denounceth Death, c Gen. 9 6. Whoso sheddeth man's Blood, by man shall his blood be shed; they now changed it into Penance, and in after-Ages commuted that Penance into Money; so by degrees making the word of God of none effect, by their paltry Canons. See we here also, how forced Virginity was the Mother of much Uncleanness; it being appliable to them, what the Apostle speaketh of others: d Ephes. 5. 12. It is a shame even to speak of those things, which are done of them in secret. And one may justly admire how these Canonists, being pretended Virgins, could arrive at the knowledge of the Criticisms of all Obscenity; so that chaste Love may lie seven and seven years in the undefiled Marriage bed, and be utterly ignorant what the Language of Lust meaneth in such filthy Canons. Yea, when such Love, by the help of an Interpreter, shall understand the same, it would blush for Shame; were it not that that Red would be turned into Paleness, as amazed at so horrid Uncleanness. 25. Some five years after, 755 Kenulphus, The Charter of Kenulphus to the Abbot of Abbington. King of Westsaxons, conferred large Privileges on the Monastery of Abbington. We will recite so much of his e Cited by Stanford, l. 3. fol. 111. and this Charter was pleaded primo Hen. 7. fol. 23. & 25. Charter, as concerns us, because useful to show the Power which Kings in that Age had in Ecclesiastical Matters. Kenulphus, Rex, &c: per litter as suas patentes, consilio & consensu Episcoporum, & Senatorum gentis suae, largitus fuit Monasterio de Abbindon in Comitatu Bark, ac cuidam Richino tunc Abbati Monasterii etc. quandam ruris sui portionem, id est, quindecim Mansias in loco, qui à ruricolis tunc nuncupabatur Culnam, cum omnibus utilitatibus ad eandem pertinentibus, tam in magnis, quam in modicis rebus, in aeternam haereditatem. Et, quod praedictus Richinus, etc. ab omni Episcopali jure in sempiternum esset quietus, ut inhabitatores ejus nullius Episcopi, aut suorum Officialium jugo inde deprimantur; sed in cunctis rerum eventibus, & discussionibus causarum, Abbatis Monasterii praedicti decreto subjiciantur. Ita quod, etc. Kenulphus, King, etc. by his Letters Patents, with the advice and consent of the Bishops, and Counselors of His Country, hath given to the Monastery of Abbindon in the County of Barks, and to one Richine then Abbot of the Monastery, etc. a certain portion of his land, that is to say, fifteen Mansions, in a place which then of the Inhabitants was called Culnam, with all Profits to the same belonging, as well in great, as mean matters, Anno Dom. 755 as an inheritance forever. And, that the aforesaid Richine, etc. should be for ever acquit from all Episcopal jurisdiction, that the Inhabitants thereof be thenceforth oppressed with the yoke of no Bishop, or his Officials; but in all events of matters, and discussions of causes, they be subject to the decree of the Abbot of the aforesaid Monastery. So that, etc. From this Charter, St. Edward a His Reports part 5. fol. 9 Cook the King's Attorney inferreth, that King Kenulphus had Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in himself, in that he had power to discharge and exempt this Abbot from the jurisdiction of the Bishop. Which Ecclesiastical jurisdiction was always invested in the Imperial Crown of England: and therefore the Statute made under Henry the eighth, concerning the King's Spiritual Authority, was not introductory of a new Law, but declaratory only of an old. 26. But Father Parsons (for he it is who stands under the Vizard of the Catholic Divine, The Cavils of Parsons against St. Edw. Cook. confuted. in a Book wrote of set purpose against Master Attorney, in this point) will by no means allow King Kenulphus any Ecclesiastical Power; but by many Fetches seeks to evade so pregnant a Proof. Arg. 1. First he b Catholic Divine, alias Parsons, in his answer to the King's Attorney, p. 95, 96, etc. pleadeth, that in this Charter, Kenulphus did not exempt the Abbot from all jurisdiction Spiritual of the Bishop, but from some Temporal Interest, or Pretence, which, perhaps, the Bishop of the Diocese claimed over the Lordship of Culnam. Answ. Perhaps (commend not his Modesty, but thank his Guiltiness, for his timorous Assertion) saith he: but, how doth this appear? for he bringeth no proof: and, if he affirmeth it on free cost, we can confute it as cheap, by denying it. Arg. 2. Secondly, saith he, the King exempted the Abbot, ab omni Episcopali jure, that is, from all Right of the Bishop, and not jurisdiction. Answ. Sharp Wit, to cut so small a Mote in two parts, for no purpose; seeing, jus and jurisdiction are often known to import the same sense. Arg. 3. Thirdly, he objecteth, the words no way seem fitly to agree to be spoken of the Bishop's Ecclesiastical jurisdiction, which run thus, That the Abbot should be quiet from the Bishops Right, and that the Inhabitants from thenceforward should not be oppressed by the Yoke of the Bishop's officers. Answ. Why? what Incongruity, but that these words may be spoken, as they are, of Ecclesiastical jurisdiction? Is the word Yoke too course a Phrase to be applied to the Bishop's Spiritual Power, as they sometimes did manage it? I appeal to those who felt it: for no Yoke is heavy to him that puts it on, but to those who bear it. Mark by the way, the word he rendereth Officers, is in the Charter (not Officiarii, Lay-Latine, but) Officiales, which is Church-language, and the very dialect of the Court-Christian, and should be translated Officials, to whom Bishop's committed their Spiritual Power. But Parsons knew well how to lay his Thumb on what he would not have seen. Arg. 4. Fourthly, Howsoever it were, it is manifestly false, saith he, that this Ecclesiastical jurisdiction of King Kenulphus was derived from his Crown; it might be, he had it from the Pope, which is most likely. Answ. Which is most unlikely; for no Clause in the Charter relates to any delegate power; and yet such a Passage might easily have been inserted, yea, could not justly have been omitted, if he had claimed his jurisdiction by Deputation from the Pope. Arg. 5. Lastly, (which, he saith, seemeth to convince the whole matter, and decide the very Case) one a Harpsfield Hist. Aug. seculo primo c. 9 ex Mariano Scoto. Rethurus, Abbot of Abbington, went afterwards to Rome, to obtain confirmation of the Privileges of his Monastery from the See Apostolic. Answ. What of this? This post-fact of Rethurus argues no Invalidity in Kenulphus his former Grant, but rather shows the over-Officiousnesse of a pragmatical Abbot, who, to ingratiate himself with the Pope, craved of him what he had before. Yea, such cunning▪ Compliance of the Clergy with his Holiness, by degrees fixed in him a supposed Ecclesiastical Power paramount, which really he never had, nor rightly ever ought to have. See here the King's Power in Church-matters, in conferring Ecclesiastical Privileges; and this single Thread we will twist with another Instance, so strong, that the jesuites Art shall be unable to break it in sunder. 27. By the Constitution of Augustine, 758 first Archbishop of Canterbury, Body's first brought to be buried in Churches. confirmed by the authority of Gregory the Great, Bishop of Rome, it was decreed, that no Corpse, either of Prince or Prelate, should be buried within the Walls of a City, but only in the Suburbs thereof; and that alone in the Porch of the Church, and not in the Body. Now Cuthbert, Archbishop of Canterbury, having built Christ-Church therein, was desirous to adorn it with the Corpses of great Persons, therein afterwards to be interred. In pursuance of this his Design, he durst not adventure on this Innovation by his own Power, nor did he make his applications to the Pope of Rome (as most proper to repeal that Act, which the See Apostolic had decreed) but only addresseth himself to Eadbert, King of Kent, and from him, partim precario, partim etiam pretio, partly praying, partly paying for it, saith my b Tho. Spot in his Hist. of Canterbury. Also Archiv. Canivariens. cited by Antiq. Brit. in Cuthbert. Author, obtained his Request. Behold here an ancient Church-Canon recalled at the Suit of an Archbishop, by the Authority of a King. This Cuthbert afterwards handselled Christ-Church with his own Corpse; whose Predecessors were all buried in St. Augustine's, without the Walls of Canterbury. Thus began Corpses to be buried in the Churches, which by degrees brought in much Superstition; especially after degrees of inherent Sanctity were erroneously fixed in the several parts thereof: the Porch saying to the Churchyard, the Church to the Porch, the Chancel to the Church, the East-end to all, Stand farther off, for I am holier than you. And, as if the Steps to the High Altar, were the Stairs to Heaven, their Souls were conceived in a nearer degree to Happiness, whose Bodies were mounted there to be interred. 28. About this time the Bill of fare of Monks was bettered generally in England, The occasion of Monks their first drinking of wine in England. and more liberty indulged in their Diet. It was first occasioned some twenty years since, when Ceolwolphus, formerly King of Northumberland, but then a Monk in the Convent of Lindisfern, or Holy Island, c Roger. Hoved. in part priori. gave leave to that Convent to drink Ale and Wine, anciently confined by Aidan, their first Founder, to Milk and Water. Let others dispute, whether Ceolwolphus thus dispensed with them by his new Abbatical, or old Regal Power; which he so resigned, that in some cases he might resume it, especially to be King in his own Convent. And indeed, the cold, raw, and bleak Situation of that place, with many bitter Blasts from the Sea, and no Shelter on the Land, speaks itself to each Inhabitant there, d 1 Tim. 5. 23 Drink no longer Water, but use a little Wine for thy Stomaches sake, and thine often Infirmities. However, this local Privilege, first justly indulged to the Monks of Lindisfern, 760 was about this time extended to all the Monasteries of England; whose primitive over-Austerity in Abstinence was turned now into a Self-sufficiency, that soon improved into Plenty, that quickly depraved into Riot, and that at last occasioned their Ruin. 29. This Year the English have cause to write with Sable letters in their Almanac, 789 on this sad Occasion, Danes their first arrival in England. that therein the Danes first invaded England with a considerable Army. Anno Dom. 789 Several Reasons are assigned for their coming hither, to revenge themselves for some pretended Injuries; though the true Reason was, because England was richer and roomthyer than their own Country. 30. It is admirable to consider what Shoals of people were formerly vented out of Cimbrica Chersonesus, Denmark formerly fruitful, is now become barren of men. take it in the largest a Otherwise strictly, it containeth only part of Denmark, Continent to Germany. extent for Denmark, Norway and Swedeland, who by the terrible Names of Goths, Ostrogothes, Vi●i-Gothes, Huns, Vandals, Danes, Nortmen, overranne the fairest and fruitfullest parts of Christendom; whereas now, though for these last three hundred years (the Swedish Wars in Germany excepted) that Country hath sent forth no visible Numbers of People, and yet is very thinly inhabited, so that one may travel some hundreds of Miles therein through mere Deserts, every man whom he meeteth having a Phoenix in his right hand. Yea, so few the Natives, that some of their Garrisons are manned with Foreigners, and their Kings said to entertain mercenary Dutch and Scotch to manage their Wars. 31. Strange, Two reasons thereof. that this Country, formerly all on the giving, should now be only on the taking hand. Some b Barklay in Icon anima●um. impute their modern comparative Barrenness to their excessive Drinking (a Vice belike which lately hath infected that Nation) drinking themselves past Goats into Stocks, out of Wantonness into Stupidity, which by a contracted Habit debilitateth their former Fruitfulness. Others, more c G. Tayl. in his Chronicle of Normandy truly, ascribe their former Fruitfulness to their promiscuous Copulations with Women during their Paganism, which are not so numerous since Christianity hath confined them to the Marriage of one Wife. 32. If I might speak according to my own Profession of a Divine (soaring over Second Causes in Nature) I should ascribe their ancient populousness to Divine Operation. The reason of reasons. As the Widow her Oil multiplied till her Debts were satisfied, and that effected for which the Miracle was intended, which done, the Increase thereof instantly ceased: So these Northern Parts flowed with Crowds of People, till their Inundations had paid the Scores of sinful Christians, and then (the Birch growing no more, when the wanton Children were sufficiently whipped) the Procreativenesse of those Nations presently stinted and abated. 33. The Landing of these Danes in England was ushered with many sad Prognostics: Bad presages of the Danes approach. d Sim. Dunel. Ranulphus Cestrensis, & alii. Stars were seen strangely falling from Heaven, and sundry terrible Flames appeared in the Skies. From the firing of such extraordinary Beacons, all concluded some new Enemy was approaching the Nation. Serpents were seen in Sussex, and Blood reigned in some parts of the Land. Lindesfern or Holy Island was the first that felt the Fury of these Pagans, but soon after no place was safe and secure from their Cruelty; whereof more hereafter. 34. At this time the Archbishopric of Canterbury was in part removed to Lichfield, The Archepiscopal Pall removed to Lichfield. five essential things concurring to that great Alteration. 790 1. The Puissance and Ambition of Offa, King of Mercia, commanding in Chief over England. He would have the brightest Mitre to attend the biggest Crown. 2. The complying nature of Pope Adrian: except any will call it his Thankfulness, to gratify King Offa, for the large Gifts received from him. 3. The easy and unactive Disposition of jambert (or Lambert) Archbishop of Canterbury: unless any will term it his Policy, that finding himself unable to resist (a Pope and a Prince over-match for a Prelate) he would not strive to keep what must be taken away from him. 4. The commodious Situation of Lichfield, almost in the Navel of the Land: and where should the highest Candlestick stand (the Metropolitan Cathedral) but in the midst of the Table? whereas Kent itself was but a Corner (whence it taketh its Name) and Canterbury seated in the Corner of that Corner, a remote Nook thereof. 5. The Antiquity of Lichfield in Christianity, Anno Dom. 790 where the British Church suffered a Massacre a Vide supra, Cent. 4. par. 8. from the Pagans three hundred years before St. Augustine's coming to Canterbury; witness the name of the place, being another Helkath-hazzurim, b 2 Sam. a. 16. or Field of strong men, where so many Worthies died for the Testimony of the Truth. On these and other considerations, Aldulph was made the first (and last) Archbishop of Lichfield (though others make Humbert and Higbert his Successors in that Dignity) and six Suffragans (viz. Worcester, Hereford, Leicester, Sidnacester, Helmbam, and Dunwich,) subjected to his Jurisdiction. Yet was not the archiepiscopal See removed (as some seem to conceive) but communicated to Lichfield: Canterbury still retaining its former Dignity, and part of its Province; the Bishops of London, Rochester, Winchester, and Sarisbury continuing still subject unto him. 35. King Offa having settled an Archbishopric at Lichfield, his next Design was to enshrine the Corpse of St. St. Alban's body enshrined. Alban: five c Vita Offae secundi, annexed to the new Edition of M. Paris, p. 28. hundred and seven years had passed since his Death and plain Burial. For as john Baptist, the last Martyr before Christ, and St. Steven, the first Martyr after him, were fairly interred by their Friends and Followers, without any more ado: so the Corpse of St. Alban were quietly committed to the Earth, and there some Centuries of years peaceably reposed. But now Offa, they say, was admonished in a Vision, to bestow more public Sepulture upon him. A Star, we know, directed to the place of Christ's Birth, whereas a bright d Ibid. p. 26. Beam (say the Monks) discovered the place of St. Alban's Burial. A Beam suspected by some shot by him, who can turn himself into an Angel of Light, because gaining so much by their Superstition. Then was Alban's Body in pompous manner taken up, enshrined, and adored by the Beholders. No wonder then if the Danes now invaded the Dominious of the English, seeing the English invaded the Prerogative of God, diverting the Worship due to him alone, to the rotten Relics of Dead men: And henceforth the old Romans City of Verulam, lost its Name under the new Saxon Town of St. Alban. 36. King Offa went to Rome, 794 and there confirmed and enlarged to Pope Adrian the Gift of Peter-pences, Peter-pences re-confirmed to Rome. what Ina King of the Westsaxons had formerly bestowed. For this Favour the Pope granted him, that no Englishman for Penance imposed should be banished out of his own Country. 37 But bold Beggars are the Bane of the best Bounty, Gift no debt. when grown so impudent, that what at first was given them for Alms, in process of time they challenge for Rent. Some call this a Tribute (Badge of Subjection) of England to the See of Rome; among whom is Polydore Virgil, once collector of those Peter-pences in England. But blame him not for magnifying his own Office; who, had be owned this Money (as indeed it was) given in frank-Almonage, had then appeared no better than a gentle Beggar, whereas now he hopes to advance his Employment to a nobler Notion. 38. Offa having done all his work at Rome, 795 namely procured the Canonization of St. Alban, The Royal foundation of St. Alban Abbey. the Absolution of his own Sins and many Murders, and visited and endowed the English College there; returned home, fell to found the Monastery of St. Alban, bestowing great Lands and Liberties upon it; as freeing it from the Payment of Peter-pences, Episcopal jurisdiction, and the like. This is alleged and urged by our Regians, to prove the Kings Paramount Power in Ecclesiasticis; seeing none can give, save what they are formally or eminently possessed of. And whereas Papists plead that Offa had fore-requested the granting of these Privileges from the Pope; no mention at all thereof appears in the Charter e Amongst St. Tho. Cotton his Manuscripts, and is exemplified in Weaver his Fun. Mon. p. 99 of his Foundation (here too large to insert) but that all was done by his own absolute Authority. Next year Offa ended his Life; buried at Bedford, on that Token that the River Ouse swelling on a sudden swept his Corpse clean away. Canterbury recovereth its former dignity. 39 Offa being dead, 799 down fell the best Pillar of Lichfield Church, to support the Archiepiscopality thereof. Anno Dom. 799 And now Canterbury had got Athelard a new Archbishop, Anno Regis who had as mcuh Activity to spare, as his Predecessor jambert is said by some to want. Wherefore he prevailed with Kenulph King of Mercia, and both of them with Leo the new Pope, to restore back the archiepiscopal See to Canterbury; as in the next Century was perfectly effected. 40. We will conclude this Century with two eminent men (to leave at last a good Relish in the memory of the Reader) now flourishing therein. Learned Alcuinus confuteth Image-worship. The one Alcuinus, or Albinus: it being questionable whether he were more famous for Venerable Bede, who was his Master, or Charles the Great, who was his Scholar; whilst it is out of doubt that he is most honoured for his own Learning and Religion. And because Englishmen may be presumed partial in the praise of an Englishman; hear what a Character a learned a Trithemius Abbas lib. de Script. Ecclesiasticis fol. 61. Forreigner gives of him: Virro in divinis scriptis eruditissimus, & in saecularium literarum peritia nulli suotempore secundus, Carmine excellens & Prosa. But he got himself the greatest credit by opposing the Canons of the second Nicene Council, b R. Hoved. Annal. part. 1. p. 405. wherein the superstitious Adoration of Images was enjoined. These Canons, some seven years since, were sent by Charles the Great to King Offa, to be received of the English; who notwithstanding generally distasted and rejected them, the aforesaid Alcuinus writing a learned Epistle against the same. He was fetched by Charles his Scholar, calling him his Delicious Master; where he first founded the University of Paris, and died Abbot of St. Martin's in Tours. 41. The other was Egbert, Egbert the first fixed Monarch of England. who in this very year made himself sole Monarch of England. 800 True it is, Egberti, primi Monarch Anglie. 1 in the Saxon Heptarchy there was generally one who out-powered all the rest. But such Monarchy was desultory and movable, sometimes the West-Saxon, sometimes the Mercian, sometimes the Northumberland King ruled over the rest. But henceforward Egbert fixed the supreme Sovereignty in himself and his Posterity: for though afterwards there continued some other Petty Kings, as Kenulph King of Mer●ia, etc. yet they shined but dimly (as the Moon when the Sun is risen) and in the next Age were utterly extinguished. So that hereafter we shall double our Files, and for the better regulating of time, next the Column of the year of our Lord, add another of the Reign of our English Kings. THE NINTH CENTURY. Anno Regis Egberti Anno Dom. To Mr. William and Mr. Robert Christmas, Merchants of London. YOu are both Brethren by Birth, and by your joint Bounty on my Endeavours. It is therefore pity to part you. May no other Difference be in your Hearts, than what Heraldry allows in your Arms, only to distinguish the Age of the Elder from the Younger; that so the Memory of your happy Father may survive in you his hopeful Children. 1. THen Kenulph, 1 King of Mercia, 801 sent a Letter to Leo the third, The Archbishopric restored to Canterbury at the instance of King Kenulph. Pope, by Aethelard the Archbishop, to this effect: That whereas the Metropolitan Seat by Authority Apostolic was primitively fixed at Canterbury, where the blessed Body of Augustine was buried; and whereas lately King Offa, out of Opposition to Archbishop Lambert, had removed the same Seat to Lichfield, and procured from Pope Adrian the same Translation to be confirmed: Kenulph a Malmesb. de Gestis Reg. lib. 1. c. 4. requested his Holiness so fare to concur with the general Desire of the English Nation, as to revoke the Act of his Predecessor, and restore the Archbishopric to its proper place. And knowing that Suits in the Court of Rome speed no whit the less, when accompanied with Gifts, he sent his Holiness 120. b Mancusae quasimanucusae, a coin about the valuation whereof is much variety. The first most formal subscription in a Synod. Mancuses for a Present. The Gift was kindly accepted, the Archbishop courteously entertained, the Request bountifully granted; and thus the Archbishops See dislocated, or out of joint, for a time, was by the hands of his Holiness set right again. 2. Aethelard returning home, 3 called a Synod at Clives-Ho, 803 (in Kent, not fare from Rochester) where by Power from the Pope, he riveted the Archbishopric into the City of Canterbury, the Synod denouncing heavy Penalties to any that hereafter should endeavour to divide them: so that it is believed, that the Archbishops See may as easily be wholly dissolved, as hence removed. The Subscriptions in this Council were the most formal and solemn of any so ancient. The Reader will not be offended with their hard c The original is extant in the Records of Canterbury, copied out by St. Henry Spelman in his Councils, pag. 325. Names here following, seeing his Eye may run them over in perusing them, though his Tongue never touch them in pronouncing them. Diocese Bishops Abbot's Presbyters Deacons Canterbury Aethelard, Arch. Aethilheah Feologeld Wulfheard Wernoth Beornmod Vulfraed, Arch. Lichfield Aldulf Higherth Lulls Monn Wigfreth Eadhere Cuthberth 00000000 Leicester Werenberth Falmund, Pr. Beomia, Pr. Forthrod, Pr. Wigmund, Pr. Eadberth 00000000 Sydnacester Eadulf Eadred, Pr. Daeghelm, Pr. Plegberth Eadulf Hereberth 00000000 Worcester Daenebreth Higberth Thineferth Pega Freothomund, Pr. Coenferth 00000000 Hereford Vulfheard Cuthraed Srygol Dygoga Monn. Heathobald Shireburn Wigberth Muda Eadberth Beorthmund 000000 00000000 Winchester Almund Cuthberth Mark Cumba Lulla Northeard Vngthe 00000000 Helmham Ealheard 000000000 Folcberth Frithoberth Eadberth Vulflab Hunfride Dunwich Fidsrith Vulfheard Lulla Ceolhelm Cynulfe Tydberth Eadberth London Osmond Heahstan Plegberth Wigheard Tidhun Frithorad Ethelhelme 00000000 Rochester Waermund 00000000 Lullingo Tuda Beagnoth Heathoberth Wigheard 00000000 Selsey Weothun Ceolmund Duud Eadberth Beorcol Hethfride a Doubtful whether priests or deacons'. Cynebald 00000000 Archbishop 1 Presbyters 39 82 in all. Bishops 12 Archdeacon 1 Abbots 26 Deacons 3 3. Now, to make a short, but necessary Digression, Some observables on the method and manner of their meeting. in this Synod we may observe, That Bishops appeared personally, and the rest of the Clergy were represented, Monks in their Abbots, and the Seculars in the Priests and Deacons of their Diocese respectively. Such Abbots as in this Catalogue have the addition of Pr. were also Priests, and so present in a double Capacity; though perchance they made only use of their Abbotship. No Deans appear here, as a Dignity of fare later Institution. The Bishops, in the order of their Subscriptions, seem to observe Seniority of their Consecrations, and not Dignity of their Bishoprics; seeing London lags one of the last, to which our Church. a Harpsfield Hist. Ang. pag. 743. Heralds did afterwards assign the highest place, next the Archbishops: only Lichfield may seem to have had the Preccedency, by the Courtesy of the Synod, that the lost Dignity thereof might be buried in Honour, being so lately the Seat of an Archbishop. Lastly, this was but a Provincial Council for Canterbury alone, York with his two Suffragans (Lindisfern and Hexham) not mentioned in the meeting. Thus, as the Anatomy of a little Child, representing all Parts thereof, is accounted a greater Rarity, than the Sceleton of a man of full Statute: so I conceive it more acceptable to the studious in Antiquity, to behold the Form of these Synods, with the distinct Members thereof, in the Infancy of the Saxon Church, then to see a complete Council in after-Ages, when grown to full Perfection. 4. Pass we by some Petty Synods celebrated in the Reign and Country of King Kenulph of Mercia. 16 Eminent was the Council at Celichyth under Wolfred (who succeeded Aethelard) Archbishop of Canterbury. 816 Wherein, The Acts of the Council at Colichyth. amongst other things slight or superstitious, was decreed, 1. That the Catholic Faith should be kept, and ancient Canons observed. 2. That b See Sr. Hen. Spelman in his Councils, pag. 328. new Churches should be consecrated with Holywater by their Bishops, and the Saint somewhere painted therein to whom the same is dedicated. 3. That all in Christian Charity mutually love one another. 4. That Abbots and Abbesses be blameless persons, chosen by the Bishop with the consent of the Convent. 5. That no Scotchman baptise, or administer the Eucharist in England; it being uncertain, whether, or by whom they are ordained. [We may discover herein some remaining dregs of the long-lasting Difference about the Celebration of Easter, which made the suspicious English still to harbour a causeless prejudice against the Scotch Priesthood.] 6. That the judicial Sentences of Bishops in former Synods remain ratified; as also all their Acts solemnly signed with the Cross 7. That no Abbey-lands be leased out longer then, in dies, & spatium unius hominis, that is (as I take it) for the single life of one man; except in some case of Extremity; to help against Famine, Invasion of Foes, or for obtaining of Freedom. 8. That things dedicated to God remain so for ever. 9 That the Acts of all Synods be fairly written out, with the Date thereof, and name of the Archbishop Precedent, and Bishops present thereat. 10. That Bishops at their death give the full Tithe of their Goods to the Poor, and set free every Englishman which in their life-time was a Slave unto them. 11. That Bishops invade not the Diocese priests the Parish, neither the Office of another; save only when desired to baptise, or visit the Sick. The Refusers whereof in any place are to be suspended their Ministry, till reconciled to the Bishop. 12. That they pour not water upon the Heads of Infants, but immerge them in the Font, in imitation of Christ, who (say they) was thrice c See Sr. Hen. Spelman, pag. 331. so washed in jordan. But where is this in Scripture? Anno Dom. 816 The manifestation indeed of the Trinity plainly appears in the a Matth. 3. 16, 17. Text; Anno Regis Egberti 16 Father in the Voice, Son personally present, Holy Spirit in the Dove; but as for thrice washing him, altum silentium. However, see how our modern Sectaries meet Popery in shunning it, requiring the person to be plunged; though Critics have cleared it, that Baptise doth import as well Dipping, as Drenching in water. 5. And now we take our farewell of King Kenulph, Egbert proclaimed Monarch of England. who, for all his great Bustling in Church-matters for the first twenty years in this Century, was (as genus subalternum amongst the Logicians) a King over his Subjects, yet but a Subject to King Egbert, 820 who now at Winchester was solemnly crowned Monarch of the Southern and greater Moiety of this Island, 20 enjoining all the people therein to term it Engelond, (since England) that so the petty Names of seven former distinct Kingdoms might be honourably buried in that general Appellation. 6 Some will wonder, Seven Kingdoms swallowed up in Engelond. seeing this Narion was compounded of Saxons, juites, and Angles, why it should not rather be denominated of the first, as in Number greatest, and highest in Reputation. Such consider not that a Grand Continent in Germany was already named Saxony; and it was not handsome for this Land to wear a Name at second hand belonging to another. Besides, England is a name of Credit, importing in Dutch the same with the Land of b Verstegan of decayed intelligence. Angels. And now the Name stamped with the Kings Command soon became currant, and extinguished all the rest. For Kent, Essex, Sussex, Northumberland (though remaining in common Discourse) shrunk from former Kingdoms into modern Counties: Westsex, Mercia, and East-Angles were in effect finally forgotten. It will not be amiss to wish that seeing so great a Tract of Ground meets in one Name, the People thereof may agree in Christian Unity and Affections. 7. King Egbert was now in the Exaltation of his Greatness. Danes disturb King Egbert. But never will humane Happiness hold out full Measure to man's Desire. Freed from homebred Hostility, he was ready to repose himself in the Bed of Ease and Honour; when the Danes not only jogged his Elbows, but pinched his Sides, to the disturbance of his future Quiet. 831 They beat the English in a Naval Fight at Carmouth in Dorsetshire, 31 which proved fatal to our Nation. For an Island is never an Island indeed, until mastered at Sea, cut off from Commerce with the Continent. Henceforward these Pagans settled themselves in some part of the Land, though claiming it by no other Title, than their own Pride and Covetousness, and keeping it in no other Tenure, then that of Violence and Cruelty. 8. Athelwolphus his Son succeeded King Egbert in the Throne: Athelwolphus his universal grant of Tithes to the Church. a Prince not less commended for his Valour, 837 than Devotion, Ethelwolphi 1 and generally fortunate in his Undertake; though much molested all his life-time by the Danes. But nothing makes him so remarkable to Posterity, as the granting of this Charter, or rather the solemn passing of this Act ensuing. c Ex Ingulph. & Malmesb. Gest. Reg. lib. 2. cap. 2. Regnante Domino nostro jesu Christo, in perpetuum. Dum in nostris temporibus bellorum incendia, & direptiones opum nostrarum, nec non & vast antium crudelissimas depraedationes hostium barbarorum, Paganarumque gentium multiplices tribulationes ad affligendum usque ad internecionem, cernimus tempora incumbere periculosa: Quamobrem ego Ethelwolphus Rex Occidentalium Saxonum, cum consilio Episcoporum ac Principum meorum, consilium salubre, atque uniforme remedium affirmavi: Vt aliquam portionem terrarum haereditariam antea possidentibus omnibus gradibus, sive famulis & famulabus Dei, Deo servientibus, sive laicis, semper decimam mansionem ubi minimum sit, tamen partem decimam in libertatem perpetuam perdonari dijudicavi, ut sit tuta at munita ab omnibus secularibus servitutibus, nec non regalibus tributis majoribus & minoribus sive taxationibus, quod nos dicimus Witereden: Sitque libera omnium rerum pro remissione animarum nostrarum ad serviendum Deo soli sine Expeditione, & pontis instructione, & arcis munitione, ut eo diligentius pro nobis ad Deum preces sine cessatione fundant, quo eorum servitutem in aliqua parte levigarius. Placuit etiam Episcopis Alhstano Schireburnensis Ecclesiae, & Swithuno Wintoniensis Ecclesiae, Anno Dom. 837 cum suis Abbatibus, & servis Dei, consilium inire, ut omnes fratres, & sorores nostrae, ad unamquamque Ecclesiam omni hebdomada die Mercurii, hoc est, Weddensday, cantent quinquaginta psalmos, & unusquisque Presbyter duas Missas, unam pro rege Ethelwolpho, & aliam pro ducibus ejus huic dono consentibus, pro mercede & refrigerio delictorum suorum: & pro Rege vivente dicant, Oremus. Deus qui justificas; pro ducibus etiam viventibus, pretend Domine: postquam autem defuncti fuerint, pro Rege defuncto singulariter, & pro principibus defunctis communiter. Et hoc sit tam firmiter constitutum omnibus Christianitatis diebus, sicut libertas illa constituta est, quamdiu fides crescit in gente Anglorum. This Athelwolphus was designed by his Father to be Bishop of Winchester, 11 bred in a Monastery, 848 alias 855 after taken out, and absolved of his Vows by the Pope: and having had Church-education in his Youth, 18 retained to his Old-age the indelible Character of his affections thereunto. In expression whereof, in a solemn Council kept at Winchester, he subjected the whole Kingdom of England to the Payment of Tithes, as by the foregoing Instrument doth appear. He was the first born. Monarch of England. Indeed, before his time there were Monarches of the Saxon Heptarchy; but not successive and fixed in a Family, but fluctuating from one Kingdom to another. Egbert, father to this Athelwolph, was the first that achieved this Monarchy, and left it to this his Son, not Monarcha factus, but natus, and so in unquestionable Power to make the foresaid Act obligatory over all the Land. 9 Indeed, Former Acts for Tithes infirm. before his time many Acts for Tithes are produced, which when pressed will prove of no great Validity. Such are the Imperial Edicts in Civil Law, never possessed of full power in England; as also the Canons of some Councils & Popes, never admitted into plenary Obedience by consent of Prince and People. Add to these, first, such Laws as were made by King Ina, and Offa, Monarches indeed of England in their turns, as I may say, but not deriving the same to the Issue of their Bodies: So that their Acts as personal may by some froward Spirits be cavilled at, as determining with their own Lives. Join to these (if produceable) any Provincial Constitutions of an English Archbishop (perchance Egbertus of York:) those might obey them, who would obey, being otherwise not subject to any civil Penalty. But now this Act of Athelwolphus appears entire in all the Proportions of a Law, made in his great Council, equivalent to after- Parliaments; not only cum consilio Episcoporum, with the Advice of his Bishops, (which easily may be presumed willingly to concur in such a matter of Church-advancement) but also Principum meorum, of my Princes (saith he:) the Consent of Inferior persons not being required in that Age. 10. However, Objections against this Act answered noting can be so strong but it may meet with Cavils, though not to destroy, to disturb the Validity thereof; as this Act hath: and we will severally examine the Defects charged upon it. 1. Obj. Some object that Althelwolphus was but King of the Westsaxons, as appears by his Style, Rex occidentalium Saxonum, and not universal Monarch of England, whose Act only is obligatory to his own Subjects. Let those of Cornwall, Devon, Somerset, Dorset, Hants, Wilts, and Berks pay Tithes by virtue of this Command; other Parts of the Land are freed from the same, because nihil dat quod non habet, none can derive that to others which they enjoy not themselves; being King but of a Part, he could not lay this Law upon all the Land. Ans. He is termed eminently, not exclusively, King of the Westsaxons: being fondest of that Title, as his Father's first Inheritance, before he acquired the Monarchy of the whole Land. There were indeed at this time two other Royalets, as only Kings by his leave, (viz) Beorred King of Mercia, and Edmond King of East-Angles, who, as it plainly appears by a Exemplified in Sr. Henry Spelman's Councils, pag. 348. Ingulphus, were present at his Council, and consented to the Acts thereof. 2. Obj. The Consideration was superstitious, Anno Dom. 855 to say so many Masses for the Souls of this King and his Captains when deceased. Anno Rigis Ethelwolphi 18 Ans. A double Consideration is mentioned in this Grant. The first, general; so pious in its self, no Exception can be taken thereat, viz. to divert the imminents judgements of God from the Land, hourly fearing the Invasion of fierce foreign Pagans: so the better to secure the Nine parts thereof to himself and his Subjects, by setting apart, resigning, and surrendering a Tenth to God (the supreme Landlord of all) in such as attended his daily Service. The second Consideration is more restrictive and particular, and resents indeed of the Ignorance of that Age; but yet is proportionable to the best Devotion those days produced: and easily may an accidental Abuse be purged, by the pious Use intended, and designed generally to God's Glory. 3. Obj. The King only granted Tithes of his own Crown-land, non in Dominio, sed in Domintco suo, not in all his Dominions, but only in his Demesnes. Ans. There needed no such solemn Consent of the Council of the Land, for the passing away of his Private Bounty. And that the Grant extended to the Kingdom in General, appears by a Hen, Hunting. Hist. l. 5. pag. 348. other Authors on the same. Adelwolphus decimonono anno regni sui, qui totam terram suam ad opus Ecclesiarum decimavit propter Amorem Dei, etc. More plainly another Author: In eodem anno decimavit Athulf. rex de omni possessione sua in partem Domini, & in universo regimine sui Principatus sic constituit. 11. Here we insist not on the many Arguments out of Old and New Testament, Store no sore to prove Tithes to be jure Divino; which in due time may be produced, when all Tempests of Tumultuous Spirits are allayed, and when (what the Town-Clerk of Ephesus promised to the Citizens thereof) the Question may be determined b Acts 19 39 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in a lawful and ordinary Assembly, without fear of Force, and suspicion of Violence. For two Strings to a Bow do not amiss; being no Hindrance to the Archer for the better hitting of the Mark, who may wind up one, and use that for the present which he sees most for his own Conveience. Mean time most true it is, that men are not so conscientious to obey the Laws of God, as fearful to resist the Edicts of Men: and therefore (though fare be it from the Clergy to quit their Title to Tithes by Divine Right) they conceive it the surest way sometimes to make use of Humane Injunctions, as having the most potent Influence on men's Affections; especially in this Age, when the love of many (both to God and Goodness) beginneth to wax cold. 12. A Reverend Doctor in Cambridge, A pleasant passage. and afterwards Bishop of Sarisbury, was troubled at his small living at Hogginton, with a peremptory Anabaptist, who plainly told him, It goes against my Conscience to pay you Tithes, except you can show me a place of Scripture whereby they are due unto you. The Doctor returned; Why should it not go as much against my Conscience, that you should enjoy your Nine parts, for which you can show no place of Scripture? To whom the other rejoined; But I have for my Land, Deeds and Evidences from my Fathers, who purchased, and were peaceably possessed thereof by the Laws of the Land. The same is my Title, saith the Doctor; Tithes being confirmed unto me by many Statutes of the Land time out of mind. Thus he drove that Nail, not which was of the strongest Metal or sharpest Point, but which would go best for the present. It was Argumentum ad hominem, fittest for the person he was to meddle with; who afterwards peaceably paid his Tithes unto him. Had the Doctor engaged in Scripture-Argument, though never so pregnant & pertinent, it had been endless to dispute with him, who made Clamour the end of his Dispute, whose Obstinacy and Ignorance made him uncapable of solid Reason; and therefore the 〈◊〉 the Argument, the better for his Apprehension. 13. Most solid and ingenious was the Answer of a most eminent Sergeant at Law of this Age, A solid Answer of a learned Sergeant, to the impertinent Clamours of such against the payment of Tithes, because (as they say) due only by Humane Right. My Cloak is my Cloak by the Law of Man: But he is a Thief by the Law of God that taketh it away from me. 14. True it is that this Law did not presently find an universal Obedience in all the Land. This law not presently and perfectly obeyed. And the Wonder is not great, if at the first making thereof it met with many Recusants; since corroborated by eight hundred year's Prescription, and many Confirmations, it finds Obstacles and Oppositions at this day: for in succeeding Ages several Kings confirmed the same, though Papal Exemptions of several Orders, and modus Decimandi according to custom, have almost since tithed the Tithes in some places. 15. King Athelwolphus the next year took his (call it Progress or) Pilgrimage to Rome. 19 Where the report of his Piety prevented his Arrival, & provided both Welcome and Wonder for his Entertainment. 856 Here he confirmed unto the Pope his Predecessors Grant of Peter-pences, King Ethelwolph's journey to Rome, and bounty to the Pope. and as a a William Malmesbury, ut prius. Surplusage, bestowed upon him the yearly Revenue of three hundred Marks, thus to be expended. 1. To maintain Candles for St. Peter, one hundred Marks. 2. To maintain Candles for St. Paul, one hundred 3. For a free Largesse to the Pope, one hundred 16. If any be curious to know how these 300 Marks were in after-Ages divided and collected, How this Sum was divided, and collected out of several Dioceses. let them peruse the following Account: if the Particulars be truly cast up, and (attested to me out of Sir Tho. Cotton's Library, and, as they say, out of the Vatican itself) be authentical. l. s. d. Canterbury 8 8 0 London 16 10 0 Rochester 5 12 0 Norwich 21 10 0 Sarisbury 17 0 0 Ely 5 0 0 Lincoln 42 0 0 Chichester 8 0 0 Winchester 17 6 8 Covent. & Lichfield 41 5 0 Excester 9 5 0 Worcester 10 5 0 Hereford 6 0 0 bath & Wells 12 5 0 York 11 10 0 These Sums were demanded by Pope Gregory the thirteenth in the 46. of Edward the third, (on that Token, that their payment was much opposed by john of Gaunt.) I dare not discede from my Copy a tittle, coming, as they say, from the Register at Rome: nor will I demand a Reason, why Durham and Carlisle are here omitted; much less examine the Equity of their Proportions, as applied to their respective Dioceses; but implicitly believe all done very justly. The reason why the Welsh Bishoprics were exempted is, because at the grant hereof by King Athelwolph, Wales was not then under his Dominion. This 300 Marks was but a distinct payment by itself, and not the whole Body of Peter-pences (amounting to a greater Sum,) whereof, God willing, hereafter. 17. After the Death of King Athelwolphus, Ethelredi 1 and his two Sons Ethelbald and Ethelbert succeeding him, 867 this Land was in a sad Condition, The Saxons wilfully accessary to their own ruin by the Danes. though nothing so bad as under the Reign of Ethelred his third Son, and Successor: for then indeed most miserable was the state of the English, harassed by the Danes, who, like the running-Gout, shifted from Joint to Joint, from place to place; often repelled from the several Shires, never expelled out of England. The Saxon Folly hurt them more, than the Danish Fury; refusing effectually to unite, to make a joynt-Resistance against a general Enemy. For some sixty years since, the Westsaxons had subdued the other six Kings of this Nation; yet so, that they still continued kings, but Homagers to the West-saxon Monarchy. The shortening of their Sceptres stuck in their Stomaches, especially of the Mercian and Northumbrian Kings, the most puissant of all the rest. Whereupon, beholding Ethelred, the West-saxon King (the Staff and Stay of the whole Nation) embroiled with the Invasion of the Danes, they not only lazily looked on, but secretly smiled at this Sight, as the only way to Conquer the Conqueror. Yea, Anno Dom. 867 such their Envy, that rather than one (once their equal) should be above them in Felicity, Anno Regis Ethelredi 1 they all would be equal with him in Misery. They would more contendly be Slaves to a Foreign Foe, to whom they all stood unrelated, than Homagers to him, who had (as they thought) usurped Dominion over them. Never considering, that the Danes were Pagans; (Self-interest is deaf to the Checks of Conscience;) and Revenge (which is wild at the best) was so mad in them, that they would procure it with the Hazzard, if not Loss, of their God, his Church, and true Religion. Thus the Height of the Saxon Pride and Envy, caused the Breadth of the Danish Power and Cruelty. Indeed the foresaid Saxon Kings, perceiving their Error, endeavoured at last to help the West-saxon (or rather to help themselves in him) against the Danes. But alas, it was too late. For, the Danish Garrisons lay so indented in the Heart of the Land, that the Saxon Troops were blasted, before they could grow into Regiments; and their Strength (dispersed in the gathering) was routed, before regulated into an Army. 18. This year the Danes made an Invasion into Lincolnshire, Fight betwixt Christians and Danes. where they met with stout Resistance: 870 and let us take a List of the chief Officers on both sides. 4 Christian Saxons. a Ingulphi Hist. p. 865. Count Algar, General, with the Youth of Holland. Harding de Rehale with Stanford men, all very young and valiant. Tolie a Monk, with a Band of two hundred Crowlanders. Morcar Lord of Burn, with those of his numerous Family. Osgot, b Vicedominus. Sheriff of Lincolnshire, with five hundred under him. Wibert; living at Wiberton, nigh Boston in Holland. Places named from their Owners. Leofrick; living at Leverton, anciently Lefrinkton. Danish Pagans. King Gordroum. King Baseg. King Osketill. King Halfeden. King Hammond. Count Frena. Count Vnguar. Count Hubba. Count Sidroke the Elder. Count Sidroke the Younger. The Christians had the better the first day, wherein the Danes lost three of their Kings, buried in a place thence called Trekingham: so had they the second, till at night, breaking their Ranks to pursue the Danes in their dissembled Flight, they were utterly overthrown. 19 Theodore Abbot of Crowland, Crowland Monks massacred. hearing of the Danes Approach, shipped away most of his Monks, with the choicest Relics and Treasures of his Convent, and cast his most precious Vessels into a Well in the Cloister. The rest remaining were at their Morning-prayers, when the Danes entering, slew Theodore the Abbot on the High Altar, Asher the Prior in the Vestiary, Leth win the Subprior in the Refectory, Pauline in the Choir, Herbert in the Choir, Wolride the Torchbearer in the same place, Grimketule and Agamund, each of them an hundred years old, in the Cloisters. These, faith my c jugulphus, pag. 866. Author, were first examinati, tortured to betrary their Treasure, and then exanimati, put to death for their Refusal. The same Writer seems to wonder, that being killed in one place, their Bodies were afterwards found in another. Surely the Corpse removed not themselves, but no doubt the Danes dragged them from place to place when dead. There was one ChildMonk therein, but ten years old, (Turgar by name) of most lovely Looks and Person. Count Sidroke the younger pitying his tender years (all Devils are not cruel alike) cast a Danish d In Latin Collobium. Peterbarough Monks killed. Monastery burned. Coat upon him, and so saved him, who only survived, to make the sad Relation of the Massacre. 20. Hence the Danes marched to Medeshamsted (since called Peterborough) where finding the Abbey-gates locked against them, Anno Regis Etheltedi 4 they resolved to force their Entrance; Anno Dom. 870 in effecting whereof, Tulba, Brother to Count Hubba, was dangerously wounded, almost to Death, with a Stone cast at him. Hubba enraged hereat, like another Doeg, killed Abbot Hedda, and all the Monks, being fourscore and four, with his own hand. Count Sidroke gave an Item to young Monk Turgar (who hitherto attended him) in no wise to meet Count Hubba, for fear that his Danish Livery should not be found of proof against his Fury. Then was the Abbey set on Fire, which burned fifteen days together, wherein an excellent Library was consumed. Having pillaged the Abbey, and broke open the Tombs and Coffins of many Saints there interred, these Pagans marched forwards into Cambridgeshire, and passing the River Nine, two of their Wagons fell into the Water, wherein the Cattles which drew them were drowned, much of their rich Plunder lost, and more impaired. 21. Some days after, A heap of Martyrs. the Monks of Medeshamsted were buried altogether in a great Grave, and their Abbot in the midst of them, a Cross being erected over the same; where one may have four yards square of Martyr's Dust, which no place else in England doth afford. Godric, Successor to Theodore, Abbot of Crowland, used annually to repair hither, and to say Masses two days together for the Souls of such as were entombed. One would think that by Popish Principles these were rather to be prayed to, then prayed for; many maintaining that Martyrs go the nearest way to Heaven, sine ambage Purgatorii: so that surely Godric did it not to better their Condition, but to express his own Affection, out of the Redundancy of his Devotion; which others will call the Superfluity of his Superstition. 22. The Danes spared no Age, The cruel Martyrdom of King Edmond. Sex, Condition of people such was the Cruelty of this Pagan unpartial Sword. With a violent Inundation they broke into the Kingdom of the East-Angles; wasted Cambridge, and the Country thereabouts; burnt (the then City of) Thetford; forced Edmond, King of that Country, into his Castle of Framling ham; who perceiving himself unable to resist their Power, came forth, and at the Village of Hoxon in Suffolk tendered his Person unto them, hoping thereby to save the Effusion of his Subjects Bloods. Where, after many Indignities offered unto him, they bond him to a Tree; and because he would not renounce his Christianity, shot him with Arrow after Arrow; their Cruelty taking Deliberation, that he might the better digest one Pain, before another succeeded, so distinctly to protract his Torture (though Confusion be better than Method in matters of Cruelty) till not Mercy, but want of a Mark made them desist; according to the a Camden's Britain in the description of Suffolk. Poet's Expression, jam loca Vulneribus desunt, nec dum furiosis Tela, sed hyberna grandine plura volant. Room wants for Wounds, but Arrows do not fail From Foes, which thicker fly than winter Hail. After-Ages, desiring to make amends to his Memory, so overacted their part in shrining, sainting, and adoring his Relics, at Bury St. edmond's; that, if those in Heaven be sensible of the Transctions on Earth, this good King's Body did not feel more Pain from the Fury of the Pagan- Danes, than his Soul is filled with holy Indignation, at the Superstition of the Christian- Saxons. 23. However, the West-saxon King Ethelbert behaved himself bravely, fight, King Ethelbert his prayer-victory. with various Success, nine b William Malmesbury De Gestis Regum Anglorum, lib. 2. pag. 42. Battles against the Danes: though ninety nine had not been sufficient against so numerous an Enemy. But we leave these things to the Historians of the State, to relate. We read of an c Gen. 31. 52. Heap of Stones, made between jacob and Laban, with a mutual Contract, that neither should pass the same for Harm. Thus would I have Ecclesiastical and civil Historians indent about the Bounds, and Limits of their Subjects that neither injuriously encroach on the Right of the other. And, if I chance to make an Excursion into the matters of the Commonwealth, it is not out of Curiosity, or Busybodinesse, to be meddling in other men's Lines: but only in an amicable way, to give a kind Visit, and to clear the mutual Dependence of the Church on the Commonwealth. Yet let me say, that this War against the Danes was of Church-concernment; for it was as much pro aris, as pro focis, as much for Religion, as civil Interest. But one War must not be forgotten. Importunate Messengers brought the Tidings, that the English were dangerously engaged with the Danes, at Essendune (haply Essenden now, in surrey) and likely to be worsted. King Ethelhert was at his Devotions, which he would not omit, nor abbreviate for all their Clamour. No suit would he hear on Earth, till first he had finished his Requests to Heaven. Then, having performed the part of pious Moses in the a Exod. 17. 11 Mount, he began to act valiant joshua in the Valley. The Danes are vanquished, leaving Posterity to learn, that time spent in Prayer, is laid out to the best Advantage. 24. But alas, King Ethelbert heartbroken with grief. this Danish Invasion was a mortal Wound, 871 Dedecus Saxonica fortitudinis; 5 the Cure whereof was rather to be desired, then hoped for. Ease for the present, was all Art could perform. King Ethelbert saw, that of these Pagans the more he slew, the more they grew, which went to his valiant Heart. Grief is an heavy Burden; and generally, the strongest Shoulders are able to bear the least proportion thereof. The good king therefore withered away in the Flower of his Age, willingly preferred to encounter rather Death, than the Danes; for he knew how to make a joyful End with the one, but endless was his Contest with the other: according to the Observation of the English b Malemesburiensis ut prims. King Alfred's exemplary Character. Historian, that the Saxon-Kings in this Age, magis optabant honestum Exitum, quam acerbum Imperium. 25. In this sad condition God sent England a Deliverer, namely, King Alfred, or Alured, born in England, bred in Rome, where, by a Prolepsis, he was anointed King by Pope Leo (though then but a private Prince, and his three elder Brothers alive) in auspicium futuriregnt, in hope that hereafter he should come to the Crown. Nor did this Unction make Alfred ante-date his kingdom, who quietly waited till his foresaid Brothers successvely reigned, and died before him, and then took his Turn in the Kingdom of the Westsaxons. The worst was, his Condition was like a Bridegroom, who, though lawfully wedded, yet might not bed his Bride, till first he had conquered his Rival; and must redeem England, before he could reign over it. The Danes had London, many of the inland, moe-of the maritime Towns, and Alfred only three effectual Shires, Somerset, Dorset and Wilts; yet by God's Blessing on his Valour, he got to be Monarch of all England. Yea, consider him as a King in his Court, as a General in his Camp, as a Christian in his Closer, as a Patron in the Church, as a Founder in his College, as a Father in his Family; his Actions will every way appear no less excellent in themselves, 872 AIfred● sen A●luredi 1 then exemplary to others. 26. His most daring Design was, Alfred, as a fiddler, discovereth the Danish designs. when lying hid about Athelney in Somerset-shire, 876 and disguised under the habit of a Fiddler (being an excellent Musician) he adventured into the Danish Camp. Had not his spirit been undaunted, 5 the sight of his armed Foes had been enough to have put his Instrument out of Tune. Here going unsuspected through their Army, he discovered their Condition, and some of their Intentions. Some would say, that the Danes deserved to be beaten indeed, if they would communicate their Counsels to a Fiddler. But let such know, Alfred made this general Discovery of them, that they were remiss in their Discipline, lay idle and careless: and Security disarms the best-appointed Army. Themistocles said of himself, that he could not fiddle, but he knew how to make a little city great. But our Alfred could fiddle, and make a little City great too; yea, enlarge a petty and contracted Kingdom, The Danish ships left water-bound into a vast and absolute Monarchy. 27. But, as the Poets feign of Anteus, the Son of the Earth, who fight with Hercules, Anno Regis Alfredi seu Aluredi 5 and often worsted by him, recovered his Strength again every time he touched the Earth, Anno Dom. 876 revived with an addition of new Spirits: so the Danes, which may seem the sons of Neptune, though often beaten by the English in land-Battels, no sooner recovered their Ships at Sea, but presently recruiting themselves, they returned from Denmark, more numerous and formidable then before. But at last (to follow the Poetical Fancy) as Hercules, to prevent Antaeus his farther reviving, hoist him aloft, and held him strangled in his Arms, till he was stark dead, and utterly expired: so, to secure the Danes from returning to the Sea, who out of the Thames had with their Fleet sailed up the River Ley, betwixt Hartfordshire and Essex, Alfred with Pioners divided the grand Stream of Ley into several Rivulets; so that their Ships lay Water-bound, leaving their Mariners to shift for themselves over land, most of which fell into the hands of their English Enemies: so that this proved a mortal Defeat to the Danish Insolence. 28. Alfred having thus reduced England to some tolerable terms of Quiet, The general ignorance in England. made most of the Danes his Subjects by Conquest, & the rest his Friends by Composition, encountered a fiercer Foe, namely, Ignorance and Barbarism, which had generally invaded the whole Nation. Inso much that the writeth, that South of Thames he found not any that could read English. Indeed in these days all men turned Students; but what did they study? only to live secretly, and safely from the Fury of the Danes. And now, that the next Age might be wiser than this, Alfred intended the founding of an University at Oxford. 29. Indeed, Ancient Schools at Crekelade and Lechlade. there were anciently standing on the Banks of Isis (which in due time commenceth Thamisis) two Towns; one Crekelade, or Greeklade, in Wiltshire; the other Lechlade, or Latinlade, in Gloucestershire. In the former of these many years since (things time out of mind must not be condemned as time out of truth) the Greek Tongue, as in the later the Latin Tongue, are said to be publicly professed by Philosophers. But where was Hebrew-lade, the Hebrew Tongue being more necessary than both the former, for the understanding of the Old Testament? Alas, in this Age it was banished, not only out of England, but out of Christendom. As in the ordinary method of Nature, the more aged usually die first: so no wonder if Hebrew (generally presumed the oldest Language in the world) expired first in this Age of Ignorance, utterly abolished out of the Western Countries. Yea, it is well the other two learned Tongues were preserved in these places; Grekelade and Lechlade being then Cities of eminent Note, shrunk now to mean Towns, and content with plain English, where Latin and Greek were formerly professed. 30. But now the Muses swum down the Stream of the River Isis, 11 to be twenty miles nearer to the rising Sun, 882 and were by King Alfred removed from Crekelade and Lechlade, The University first founded by Alfred at Oxford. to Oxford, where he founded an University. Yet some say, Alfred did find, and not found Letters therein, seeing there was a sprinkling of Students therein before: though Learning was very low, and little therein, till this considerable Accession, when Alfred founded therein three Colleges, one for Grammarians, a second for Philosophers, a third for Divines. Take a List of their primitive Professors. In Divinity St. Grimbal St. Neoth In Grammar Asserius, a Monk In Logic john of St. david's In Mathematics joannes Monachus. It is credibly reported, that what is now called Vniversity-Colledge, was then one of King Alfred's Foundations, as the Verses written in their Hall, under his Arms, do attest. Nobilis Alfredi sunt haec Insignia, cujus Primum constructa est haec pietate domus. And from this time Learning flourished here in great Plenty and Abundance, though ofttimes abated; Anno Dom. 882 the Universities feeling the Impressions of the Commonwealth. Anno Regis Alfredi seu Aluredi 11 31. At the same time wherein King Alfred built University College in Oxford, Kings-Hall founded by King Alfred. he also founded Another House called Kings-great-Hall (intimating a lesser hard by) now included within the compass a Rex Platonicus pag. 211. of Brazen-nose College. And hence it is that at this very day it payeth some chief Rent to University College, as the ancient Owner thereof. Here he placed johannes Scotus (highly endeared in this King's Affections) Reader therein. On the clearing of whose Extraction and Opinions a long Story doth depend. 32. This Scotus is called johannes Scotus Erigena, The Birth-place of Io. Scotus. (with addition sometimes of Sophista:) so that all may amount to a kind of Definition of him as to his Individual Person. Conceive we Scotus for his Genus, which because homonymous in b jac. War. de Scrip. Hib. pag. 43. that Age (as signifying both Scotland and Ireland) Erigena is added for his Difference, that is, born (as some will have it) called c Mercat. Atlas' pag. 47. Erin in their own Country Language. But Dempster, a Scotch d Eccles. Hist. Scot lib. 1. num. 64. & lib. 9 un. 104. Writer, who will leave nothing that can be gotten above ground (yea, will dive and dig into the water and land of others) to the credit of his Country, claimeth Scotus as born in Scotland, spelling him Airigena, from Air, a small place therein. But besides unanswerable Arguments to the contrary, gena is a termination seldom added to so restrictive a word, but (as Francigena, Angligena) denoteth generally the Nation, not petty place of a man's Extraction. As for Dempster, his Credit runneth low with me, ever since he made Pope Innocentius the first a Scotchman, because calling himself Albanus, (and Scotland, forsooth, is Albania) it being notoriously known that the said Innocent was born at Long Alba nigh Rome. Yea Bellarmine himself said, reading the three books of Dempster, wherein he hooketh in so many for his Countrymen, that he thought that if he should add a fourth, he would make JESUS CHRIST himself to be a Scotchman. 33. All this while Wales stands modestly silent, Wales it's right to Scotus his birth. with intention to put in her Claim the last to Scotus his Nativity, whom many Writers make born at c Bale de Scrip. Brit. cent. secund. pag. 124. Saint david's. Whilst some will have the Epither of Erigene affixed unto him quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, early-born, because of the timely rising of his Parts (as a Morningstar) in those dark days: which I can better applaud for an ingenious Allusion, then approve for a true and serious Assertion. But be Scotus born where he please, most sure it is, by King Alfred he was made a Professor of Learning in Oxford. 34. I confess f Cajus de Ant. Cant. lib. 1. p. 157. Cajus maketh this john Scotus Scholar to Bede (as many g Trithemius & ejus sequaces. good Authors also do) and brought up at Cambridge: to which the Sons of our Aunt are loath to consent, Scotus (saith Cajus) studied at Cambridge. that one who was taught in Cambridge, should teach in Oxford; and their h Sr. Isa. Wake in Reg. Platonico, pag. 212 eloquent Orator falls very soul, save that it is some case to be railed on in good Latin) on him for the same. Now because we Cambridge-men are loath to take a Limb of john Scotus (or any other Learned man) more than what will come of itself, with the Consent of Chronologie; and because I find i Baleus Cent. secund. utprius. Miserably murdered by his Scholars. Bale dislikes the same, chief on the account of his improbable Vivacity of an hundred and seventy years; I can be content to resign my particular Title unto him, provided it be without Prejudice to others of our University, who hereafter may challenge him with better Arguments. 35. I much wonder that this Scotus should be so degraded in his Old-age from Oxford to Malmesbury; from a Professor in an University, to a Schoolmaster in a Countrey-town; where pouring Learning into his Lads (rather in proportion to the Plenty of the Fountain, then to the Receipt of the Vessels) he was severe to such Scholars as were dull in their Apprehensions. This so irritated their Anger against him, that by an universal Conspiracy they dispatched him in the School with their Pen-knives. I find not what Punishment was inflicted upon them: Whipping being too little, if sturdy Youths; and Hanging too much, if but little Boys. Only I observe one Cassianus, a Schoolmaster in Primitive times, sent the same way on the same Occasion; his Death being elegantly described by a Prudentius in his book peristephanon. Unmartyred by Baronius. Prudentius. 36. All the Amends which is made to the Memory of Scotus is, that he was made a Martyr after his Death, and his Anniversary is remembered in the Calendar on the fourth of the Ideses of November, in the Roman martyrology, set forth at Antwerp 1586. by the command of Gregory the thirteenth. But since Baronius hath unmartyred him; and that on good reason, faith b In 2. edit. Catal. SS. Hib. Henry Fitz-Simon, attesting that an Apology is provided, confirmed with approbation of many Popes, Cardinals, and many learned Doctors, justifying Baronius therein, which we, as yet, have not beheld. Indeed Scotus detested some Superstitions of the times, especially about the Presence in the Lord's Supper; and I have c joh. Parisiensis Hist. in anno 877. read that his Book de Eucharistia was condemned in the Vercellian Synod, for some Passages therein, by Pope Leo. This makes it suspicious, that some Hands of more age and Heads of more Malice, than Schoolboys, might guide the Pen-knives which murdered Scotus, because of his known Opposition against some Practices and Opinions of that ignorant Age. 37. It is much that this Scotus, Scotus confounded with other of his namesakes. though carrying in his Name a Comment on himself, that all should not suffice so distinctly to expound him to some Apprehensions, but that still they confound him with others of his Name; sometimes with johannes Scotus d john Bale ut prius. Mailrossius, sometimes with john Dunce Scotus; though indeed there be Difference enough of Time, Place, and other distinguishing Characters, betwixt them. Our present Scotus being most probably an Irishman, a great Linguist in the learned Tongues, a vast Traveller into the Eastern parts, a Monk by profession, killed and buried at Malmesbury. The other Scotus born in Northumberland, skilled only (and that but meanly) in Latin, never travelling farther than France, and the hither part of Germany, a Franciscan by his Order, dying of an Apoplexy, and buried at Colen, of whom (God willing) largely hereafter. 38. To return to King Alfred. The Scholar's maintenance out of the King's Exchequer. As for the Maintenance of the Scholars, it issued forth annually from Alfred's Exchequer, who made a fourfold e Asserius Menevensis in Alfredo. division of his Wealth; understand it of the Surplusage thereof, more than what his Court and Camp expended: One part to the Poor, of all kinds, that came and craved of him; a second to the Monasteries of his own Erection; a third to the School, understand Oxford, which he himself had founded; the fourth, and last, to the neighbouring Monasteries round about. However, we may easily believe that after his Death, the Students of Oxford were often at a loss of Livelihood. For, seeing the Coffers of the greatest Kings (especially in the time of War) are subject to a Drought of Coin, there must needs be a Dearth in those Colleges, which are watered thence for their Maintenance. Scholars may in time of Peace, but Soldiers must be paid in time of War. Wherefore, the most certain Subsistence for Scholars (so far forth as inconstant things, as all Sublunary, can be made constant) is, what ariseth from solid Lands, wherewith they are endowed. For, though even such Revenues are subject to Casualties, yet some Water will ever be running, though the Tide thereof may ebb, or flow, according to the fall, or rise of Commodities. 39 But it is hard so to compose two Swarms of Bees in one Hive, 14 but that they will fall out, 885 and fight. Dissension betwixt the Students at Oxford. The College of Logic, it seems, from the Foundation thereof, studied Divisions, as well as Distinctions; there happening a dangerous Difference betwixt the Aborigines and the Advenae, the old Stock of Students, and the new Store brought in by St. Grimball: the former, standing on their Seniority, expected more Respect unto themselves, deriving their Privileges from their learned Ancestors, time out of mind; which the Grimballists would not consent unto. Both sides appealed to Alfred, as their Patron. He coming to Oxford, carried himself with much moderation, as accounting that Agreement most durable, into which the parties were persuaded, not commanded. Grimball, expecting King Alfred's zealous engaging on his side, according to the conceived merits of his Cause, Anno Dom. 885 was not a little offended, Anno Regis Alfredi seu Aluredi 14 that the King did not appear more resolute in his behalf. Insomuch that he forsook Oxford, wherein he had formerly built the Church of St. Peter from the very Foundation, with stone most curiously wrought and polished, and translated both himself, and his intended Tomb thence to Winchester. 40. An a Brian Twine in Apolog. Antiq. Oxton. Antiquary tells us, that the ancient Arms were assigned to Oxford about this time, The Arms of oxford. namely, in a Field Azure, a Bible with seven Seals appendent thereunto, opened (at the beginning of St. john's Gospel, In the beginning was the word, etc.) betwixt three Crowns Or: which three Crowns (saith he) signify the three Senses of the Scripture: in the which, I confess, I do not understand him. For, either we must admit but one Sense of the Scripture, as principally intended therein (which is the general Opinion of the Protestants:) or, if with the Papists, we will allow more Senses than one, we must conclude b Aquinas Sums, quae. 1. Art. 10. four, namely, the literal, allegorical, moral, and anagogical. What if the three Crowns import the three Professions which Alfred here sounded, and all necessary to the understanding of the Book betwixt them? Grammar, to understand the Letter; Philosophy, the Reason; and Divinity, the Mystery of the Scripture. 41. One of the first Scholars of Note, One, once a swineherd, made Bishop of Winchester. whom I find bred in Oxford, was one Du●wolphus, once a Swineherd in Athelney, when Alfred lurked therein, being the King's Host, who entertained him, or rather his Master, whom the King served. Alfred perceiving in him pregnancy of Parts (though stifled with the Narrowness, and crippled with the Lowness of his Vocation) sent him to c Godwin in his Bishops of Winchester, pag. 263. Oxford; where he became, after some year's study, Doctor in Divinity, and was by the King, in Gratitude, preferred to be Bishop of d Malmesb. lib. 2. de ●ess. Pontificum. Winchester. But the Monks of Winchester are so proud and sullen, they disdain to accept this man for their Bishop, affirming, that their See stood e See Mr. Isaak sons Chronology in Ca●al. of Bishops. void at this time; more willing to confess a Vacancy, then admit a Swineherd into their Episcopal Chair. Whereas surely Alfred, so great a Scholar, and good a man, would not have advanced him per saltum, from a Swineherd to a Bishop, had he not been qualified by intermediate Degrees of Education. For mine own part, I see no reason why Winchester should be ashamed of him; and for aught I know, 887 Dunwolph might be as good a Bishop as Dunstan, 16 of whom the Monks of Winchester so boast, both without cause, and measure. 42. Councils (except Councils of War) were very rare in this Age. The preface to the Canons made by King Alfred. The f Sr. Henry Spelman' s Counc. p. 354. first I find a solemn one, celebrated by King Alfred; the place not expressed, but the Canons therein fairly transmitted to Posterity. The Preface of these Canons is very remarkable, consisting of three parts. 1. The ten Commandments translated into Saxon, as being the Basis and Foundation of all Humane Laws. 2. Several pieces of Chapters in Exodus, being the Breviate of the Judicial Law of the jews; which though in the Latitude thereof calculated only for the jewish Commonwealth, yet the Moral Equity therein obligeth all Christians. 3. The fifteenth Chapter of the Acts, containing the Council of jerusalem, as being a Divine Precedent, or Warrant for Christians to convene together, and conclude Orders for regulating men's Conversations. It is remarkable, that in the aforesaid ten Commandments, as exemplified in this Council of Alfred, the second Commandment is wholly expunged; Image-worship beginning then to grow common in the world, and the Clergy, who gained thereby (hating the second Commandment, on the same account as Ahab did a 1 King. 22. 8 Mic●iah, Anno Regis Alfredi seu Aluredi 16 because it ever prophesied evil unto them● dashed it out of the Decalogue. Anno Dom. 887 The worst is, when this was wanting, the Decalogue was but an Ennealogue; and therefore to preserve the number of ten, the Papists generally cleave the last Commandment into two: but in Alfred's Preface, this is made the tenth and last Commandment, Thou shalt not worship Gods of Gold and Silver. Which, as it comes in out of its proper place, (and why should not God's Order be observed, as well as his Number, in the Commandments?) so is it defectively rendered, nothing so full against graven-Images, as God propounded it. The Canons made in this Council fall under a threefold Consideration. Some relate only to the Commonwealth, and by us may properly be forborn. Others concern only Monks and Friars, (a sixth Finger, and no necessary Member of the Church:) and, as Actio moritur cum persona; so with the Extirpation of those Convents, those Canons may seem to expire. 43. Plegmund an Eremite in the Isle of Chester (now called Plegmundsham) Tutor to King Alfred, 18 was by him preferred to be Archbishop of Canterbury, 889 than a miserable place, A general Contribution to Rome and jerusalem. as hardly recovered from the late Sacking of the Danes. By the King's command, he called the Clergy of England together, and made a Collection of Alms, to be sent to Rome and jerusalem: and Athelm, Archbishop of York, was employed in the Journey, going personally to the aforesaid Places, to see the Contribution there faithfully delivered, and equally distributed. 44. About the end of this Century died worthy King Alfred, 900 remarkable to Posterity on many Accounts, Death of King Alfred. whereof this not the least, That he turned David's Psalms into English; so that a Royal Text met with a Royal Translator. He left his Crown to Edward his Son (commonly called the Elder) fare inferior to his Father in Skill in, but not so much in his Love to good Literature. Indeed he had an excellent Tutor, Asserius Menevensis, Archbishop of St. david's, (the faithful Writer of his Father's Actions) supposed by some Bishop of Sherburn, which is denied by b james Ʋsher de Brit. Eccles. primor. in I●dice Chronolog. p. 1177. Weak Guardians God wot. others, (though one of the same name was some years before) as inconsistent with Chronologie. 45. As for principal Clergymen extant at this time, we take special notice of two: the one, Berthulf, Bishop of Winchester, made one of the Guardians of the Realm against the Incursion of the Danes; the other, Halard, Bishop of Dorchester, advanced also into the same Employment. But alas, what weak Guardians were these to defend the Land, which could not secure their own Sees! And in what Capacity (save in Prayers and Tears) were they Able to make any Resistance? for now the Danes not only affailed the Skirts and Outsides of the Land, but also made Inroads many miles into the Continent thereof. Insomuch that Winchester lay void six, and Sherburn seven years; such the Pagan Fury, that none durst offer to undertake those Places. 46. True it is, The woeful estate of the English. the English oftentimes in Battle got the Advantage of them; when the Pagan Danes being conquered had but one way to shift for themselves, namely, to counterfeit themselves Christians, and embrace Baptism: but no sooner had they got Power again into their hands, but that they turning Apostates were ten times more cruel than ever before. Thus successively was the Land affected with Sickness, Recovery, and Relapses; the people's Condition being so much the more disconsolate, because promising a Continuance of Happiness to themselves upon their Victories, they were on their Overthrows remanded to the same, if not a worse Condition. 47. It is strange to observe the Alternations of Success between the English and Danes, The commendable temper of King Alfred and King Edward. how exactly they took their Turns; God using them to hold up one another, whilst he justly beat both. Mean time commendable the Temper of late King Alfred, Anno Dom. 900 and present King Edward; Anno Regis it being true of each of them, Si modo Victus erat, ad crastina bella parabat; Si modo Victor erat, ad crastina bella timebat. If that it happened that Conquered was he, Next day to fight he quickly did prepare; But if he chanced the Conqueror to be, Next day to fight he wisely did beware. But these things we leave to the Historians of the State to prosecute, and confine ourselves only to matters of Ecclesiastical cognizance. THE TENTH CENTURY. Anno Regis jacobo Langham, Anno Dom. Armigero, amplissimi Senatoris Londinensis Primogenito. DEcimam hanc Centuriam tibi dedicandam curavi, quòd Numerus Denarius semper aliquid augustum sonnet. Sic in Papicolarum Globulis, quibus preculas suas numerant, decimus (ut Decurio) aliis magnitudine praestat. At dices; Centuria haec inter Ecclesiasticos audit infelix, cùm suâ tantùm Obscuritate sit illustris. Quid Tibi igitur, Felicissimo Viro, cui laetum Ingenium, lauta Haereditas, cum infelici Seculo? Verbo expediam. Volui Nomen Tuum Historiae meae hic praetendi, ut instar Phosphori, Lectores in hac tenebrosa Aetate oberrantes, splendoris sui Radiis dirigat. Percurras, quaeso, insequentes paginas; nihil Scientiae, aliquid Voluptatis tibi allaturas, Quo cum nemo sit in ipsis Elegantiarum apicibus Latinior, probe scio, Te perquam suaviter risurum, cum Diploma Edvardinum, nimia Barbarie scatens, perlegeris. 1. AT this time there was a great Dearth of Bishops in the Land, Edvardi Senioris 3 which lasted for seven years (as long as the Famine in Egypt) during which time, 904 there was no Bishop in all the West parts of England. England interdicted by the Pope for want of Bishops. Pope Formosus was foully offended hereat, and thereupon, cum magna a Archiv. Cant. in Regist. Priorat. Eccles. Cant. fol. 3. b. Iracundia & Devotione, with much Passion and Piety, by his Curse and Excommunication, interdicted King, Kingdom, and all the Subjects therein. We cannot but gaze at the Novelty of this act, (as we conceive, a leading Case in this kind) whilst the skilful in the Canon Law can give an account of the Equity of the Pope's Proceed, why all should suffer for some, the guiltless with the guilty, and have the Word and Sacraments taken from them, for the want of Bishops in other places! Otherwise, the Punishment seemeth unjust in the rigid justice thereof, and (if not heavier) larger then the Offence, and beareth no Proportion with common Equity, Christian Charity, and God's Proceed, who saith, the soul that sinneth, shall die. 2. Not withstanding, The Character of those this excommunicating of K. Edward bythe Pope is highly urged by a In his answer to the Lord Cooks Report, pag. 136. cap. 6. Parsons, Kings on whom the Pope most improved himself. to prove the Pope's Power in England over Princes, Anno Dom. 904 according to his constant Solecism clean through the tenure of his Book, Anno Regis Edvardi Sen. 3 to reason à Facto ad Ius, arguing from the Popes barely doing it, that he may justly do it. We deny not but that in this Age, active and ambitious Popes mightily improved their Power upon five sorts of Princes. First, on such as were lazy, and voluptuous; who, on condition they might enjoy their Sports and Delights for the present, cared not for their Posterity. Secondly, on such as were openly vicious, and so obnoxious to Censure; who would part with any thing, out of the apprehension of their Guiltiness. Thirdly, on such as were tender, and easie-natured; who gave, not so much out of Bounty to give, as out of Bashfulness to deny the Pope's Importunity. Fourthly, on those of a timorous spirit; who were affrighted with their own Fancies of the Pope's terribleness, and being captivated unto him by their own Fear, they ransomed themselves at what Price he pleased. Lastly, on pious Princes; whose blind Zeal, and misled Devotion, thought nothing too precious for him: in which from we rank this Edward the Elder, than King of England. And it is worth our observing, that in point of Power and Profit, what the Popes once get, they ever hold, being as good at keeping, as catching; so that what one got by Encroaching, his Successor prescribed that Encrochment for a Title, which whether it will hold good in matter of Right, it is not for an Historian to dispute. 3. But to return to our Story. The Pope pleased, and England absolved again. We are glad to see Malmesbury so merry, who calleth this Passage of the Pope's interdicting England, jocundum memor atu, pleasant to be reported, because it ended so well. For Pleigmund Archbishop of Canterbury posted to Rome, bringing with him honorifica munera, (such Ushers will make one way through the thickest Crowd to the Pope's Presence) informing his Holiness that Edward, King of England, in a late-summoned Synod, had founded some new, and supplied all old vacant Bishoprics. Pacified herewith the Pope turned his Curse into a Blessing, and ratified their Elections. The worst is, a learned b Sir Henry Spelman in Conciliis, pag. 389. Pen tells me, that in this Story there is an inextricable Error in point of Chronology, which will not suffer Pope Formosus and this King Edward the Elder to meet together. And Baronius makes the Mistake worse, by endeavouring to mend it. I have so much Wariness, as not to enter into that Labyrinth, out of which I cannot return; but leave the Doubt to the Pope's datary to clear, proper to him, as versed in such matters. The same c Idem ibidem Pen informs me, that the sole way to reconcile the Difference is, to read Pope Leo the fifth instead of Pope Formosus: which for Quietness I am content to do, the rather, because such a Roaring Curse best beseems the mouth of a Lion. 4. Hear now the names of the seven Bishops which Pleigmund consecrated in one day: Vacant Bishoprics supplied, and new erected. a great dayes-work, and a good one, if all were fit for the Function. Fridstan Bishop of Winchester, (a Learned and Holy man) Werstan of Shireburn, Kenulfe of Dorchester, Beornege of Selsey, Athelme of Wells, Eadulfe of Crediton in Devon, and Athelstan in Cornwall of St. Petrocks. These three last Western Bishoprics, were in this Council newly erected. But St. Petrocks had never long any settled Seat, being much in motion, translated from Bodman in Cornwall (upon the wasting of it by the Danes) to St. Germane in the same County, and afterward united to Crediton in Devonshire. This Bishopric was founded principally for the reduction of the rebellious Cornish to the Romish Rites; who as they used the Language, so they imitated the Lives and Doctrine of the ancient Britan's, neither hitherto, King Edward in a new Synod confirms his father's constitutions nor long after submitting themselves to the See Apostolic. 5. A Synod was called at Intingford; where Edward the Elder, and Guthurn King of the Danes, in that part of England which formerly belonged to the East-Angles, only confirmed the same d Lambert in his Saxon Laws, and Sir Henry Spelman in his Councils, pag. 390. ecclesiastical Constitutions, which Alured, Edward's Father, with the said Guthurn, had made before. Here the curious Palates of our Age will complain of Crambe, that two Kings, with their Clergy, should meet together only actum agere, to do what was done to their hands. But whilst some count all Councils idle, which do not add or alter; others will commend their Discretion, Anno Regis Edvardi Sen. 5 who can discern what is well ordered already, Anno Dom. 906 approve their Policy, in enjoining such things unto others, and principally praise their Piety, for practising them in themselves. And whosoever looks abroad into the world, with a judicious Eye, will soon see, that there is not so much need of New Laws, (the Multitude whereof rather cumbers men's Memories, then quickens their Practice) as an absolute necessity to enforce Old Laws, with a new and vigorous Execution of them. 6. And now King Edward, 14 remembering the pious Example of his Father Alfred in founding of Oxford, 915 began to repair and restore the University of Cambridge. Cambridge University repaired by King Edward. For the Danes (who made all the Seacoasts of England their Haunt, and kept the Kingdom of the East-Angles for their Home) had banished all Learning from that place; Apollo's Harp being silenced by Mars his Drum: till this King's Bounty brought Learning back again thither, as by his following Charter may appear. In a Charta extat in MS. codice qui Cantabrigiae est in Aula Clarensi, ejusdem meminit Tho. Rudburn, nec non joh. Rossus. nomine D. jesu Christi. Ego Edwardus, Dei gratia, Rex Anglorum, divino compulsus amore, praecepto Joannis, Apostolicae Sedis Episcopi, ac Pleigmundi Cantuar. Archiepisc. consilio, omnium Sacerdotum & Principum meae Dominationis, universa & singula Privilegia, Doctoribus & Scholaribus Cantabrigiae, nec non servientibus eorundem, (uti ab olim viguit indesinenter Mater Philosophiae, & reperitur in praesenti Fons Clerimoniae,) à me data, seu ab Antecessoribus meis quomodo libet concessa, stabili jure grata & rata decerno durare, quamdiu vertigo Poli circa Terras atque Aequora Aethera Syderum justo moderamine volvet. Datum in Grantecestria, anno ab Incarnatione D. 915. venerabili Fratri Frithstano, Civitatis Scholarium Cantabrig. Cancellario, & Doctori per suum, etc. The Credit of this Charter is questioned by some, because of the barbarous Style thereof: as if an University were disgraced with honourable Privileges granted unto it in base Latin. But know, that Age was so poor in Learning, it could not go to the Cost of good Language. Who can look to find a fair Face in the hottest parts of Aethiopia? Those Times were ignorant: and as it is observed of the Countrypeople born at the Village of b Camden's Brit. in Leicestershire, pag. 517. Carlton in Leicestershire, that they have all (proceeding from some secret cause in their Soil or Water) a strange uncouth Wharling in their Speech; so it was proper to the persons writing in this Age, to have a harsh, unpleasant, grating Style, (and so much the sourer to Critical Ears, the more it is sweetened with an affected Rhythm,) though a Blemish, yet a Badge of their genuine Deeds, which were passed in those times. 7. Hear also what john Rouse, an excellent Antiquary, The Testimony of john Rouse concerning K. Edward's repairing of Cambridge. furnished by King Edward the fourth with Privacy and Pension, to collect the Monuments of this Land, allegeth to this purpose. Who being bred in Oxford, and having written a Book in confutation of those which deduce the Foundation of this University from Cantaber, may be presumed will allow Cambridge no more than what in right is due unto her. He speaking of c Baleus Cent. 8. numero 53. King Edward the Elder, out of an ancient Table and Chronicle of Hyde Abbey by Winchester, which himself by the favour of the Abbot perused, reporteth of the Restauration of decayed Cambridge at this time, in manner as followeth. joh. Rossus in lib. de Regibus. Propterea ad Clerimoniam augmentandam, sicut Pater suus Oxoniam, sic ipse ab antiquo cum caeteris Studiis generalibus suspensam, desolatam, & destructam Cantabrigiam, iterum ad primam Gloriam erexit: nec non ibi Aulas Studientium, & Doctorum Magistrorumque Cathedras & Sedilia, ut dilectissimus Cleri nutritor, amator, & defensor, suis sumtibus erigi & fabricari praecepit. Ab Oxonia namque Vniversitate, quam Pater suus nobilis Rex erexerat, Magistros Artium quas liberales vocamus, pariter in sacra Theologia Doctores, advocavit, ibique ad leg endū formaliter, & docendū invitavit. Therefore for the augmentation of Clerk like Learning, as his Father had done to Oxford, so he again raised up Cambridge to her first Glory, which for a long time, with other general Schools, had been suspended, desolate, and destroyed: as also, Anno Dom. 915 like a most loving Nourisher of the Clergy, Anno Regis Edvardi Sen. 14 he commanded that Halls for Students, Chairs and Seats of Doctors and Masters, should there be erected, & built on his own proper Charges: for he called from Oxford University, which his noble Father the King had erected, Masters of those Arts which we call liberal, together with Doctors in holy Divinity, and invited them there formally to read and teach. 8. Have we here Cambridge presented in a threefold Condition. Cambridge represented in a threefold estate. First, what she had been long before King Edward's time; fairly flourishing with Learning. Secondly, in what case he found her; desolate, and decayed. Then then Cup of Cambridge was at the bottom, her Breasts dry, and her Sun in an Eclipse. She was, saith Rosse, suspended, not by the power of any Pope's Keys (as the word may import,) but by the force of Pagan Swords, who here interrupted the exercise of Acts and public Lectures; as in Spain, Germany, and other Foreign Parts, places appointed for Learning had shared in the like Calamity. Thirdly, in what condition Edward left her; under whom, as under the Father of the Act, Cambridge itself did then Commence and take a new Degree. Happy this Edward, who like a wealthy Landlord had two Nurseries of choice Fruit; so that if the one, by any sad accident, chanced to fail, he could supply it from the other, without being beholding to his Neighbours. This was the Love betwixt the two Sisters; what either had, neither could want, and Oxford, which lent now, borrowed another time, as in due place shall appear. If the same Author a In his Catalogue of the Earls of Warwick. elsewhere calleth this king Edward Founder of Cambridge, it is by an easy and obvious Error, because a total Repairer doth amount to a partial Founder. Nor doth Cambridge regret thereat; seeing Grateful Expressions, which had rather transgress in the Excess, than the Defect, may in Courtesy call their Mender, their Maker. 9 Athelstan his Son succeeded King Edward, The principal Laws enacted in the Council at Greatlea. being much devoted to St. john of Beverley; 924 on whose Church he bestowed a Freed-Stool, Athelstani 1 with large Privileges belonging thereunto. Many Councils were kept in this King's Reign, at Excester, Feversham, Thunderfield, and London (all of them of uncertain Date.) But one held at Greatlea is of greatest account for the Laws therein enacted; 928 the principal here ensuing. 5 1. That the king's Officers should truly pay Tithes, out of his Demesnes, as well of his quick cattle, as dead Commodities. 2. That Cyricsceat (that is, First-fruits of Seeds) be duly paid to God in his Church. 3. That the King's Officers maintain one Poore-body in the King's Villages; and in case none be found therein, fetch him from other places. [Christ saith, The poor you have always with you. The Church in general is well stocked with them, though some particular Parish may want such as are in Want. If any would know the Bill of Far allowed these poor people; It was monthly a Measure of Meal, una Perna, a Gammon of Bacon, A Ramm worth a Groat, four Cheeses, & 30. Pence on Easter-Wednesday to buy them clothes.] 4. That Monyers wilfully corrupting the Coin, and found guilty, have their Hands cut off, and nailed to the Mint-house. [Every Burrow was allowed one Mint therein: but besides these, Hastings one Cirencester one Shaftsbury two Wareham two Exeter b So in the Saxon Manuscript, though in libro Iorm●●lensi by mistake Oxonia is put for Exonia. Two Hampton two Lewes two Rochester three Winchester six Canterbury seven (viz) For the King four For the Archbishop two For the Abbot one London eight Most of these places were anciently in the West-Saxon Kingdom: Anno Regis Athelstani 5 to whom the English Monarches were most favourable, Anno Dom. 928. in doubling their Privilege of Coinage, but single in other places of greater Capacity.] 5. That such who were tried by Ordall, should ceremoniously be prepared thereunto with the solemn manner of managing that Trial. 6. That not Buying or Selling be on the Lordsday. [This took not full effect for many years after; for Henry a Camden' s Brit. in Sussex. the first granted to Battle Abbey a Market to be kept on that Day, lately (at the motion of Anthony Marques Montacute) by Act of Parliam▪ removed to another Day.] 7. That one convicted of Perjury, shall be trusted no more on his Oath, nor be buried in Holy earth, except restored by the Bishop on his Penance. 8. That Witches, confessing themselves to have killed any, be put to death. [Such as were suspected, and denied the Fact, might be tried by Ordall: which was done either by Fire, whereof hereafter; or by Water. Of the later, Mergator una ulna & dimidia in sune: which I thus understand; Let the Party be tied to a Rope, and drenched an Ell and half above his own Height. And this is the first footstep we find of Swimming of Witches; for which no Law, save Custom, at this day; and that whether just in itself, and satisfactory (as a means proportionable for the discovery of the Truth) is not my work to determine. Whosoever desires to have more exact Information of this Council, may repair to Sir Henry b In his Councils, pag. 396. & sequentibus. Dignities and degrees amongst the Saxons. Spelman, where he may receive plentiful Satisfaction. 10. Only I must not omit one Passage in this Council, acquainting us with the Heraldry of that Age, and the Distances and Degrees of Persons, collected from their Weers or Weer-glids, that is Taxes, and Valuations; it being truly to be said in that Age, Quantum quisque sua Nummorum servat in Arca, Tantum habet et Fidei— Every one's Testimony in Lawcases in Courts was credited according to his Wealth. 1. Ceorles (whence our Northern word Carls, and common word Churls) being Country Clowns, whose Weer-gild was 200. shillings, or 10. pounds; the same with Villains, who held land in Villanage of others. These, if by Blessing on their Industry they risen so high as to have five Hides of Land of their own, with a place in the King's Court, and some other Privileges, now hardly to be understood, were advanced to be Thanes. 2. The Weer-gild, or Value of a Thane, was six times as much as a Churl, or a Villain, namely twelve times a hundred shillings, therefore termed a twelve-hind-man: whose Oath in Law was equivalent to six Oaths of Churls, or Villains; as a Shilling passing in Payment countervaileth six twopences. Note, that if a Masseer, or Merchant, pass the great Sea thrice (understand the Mediterranean, not the Narrow Seas betwixt us and France) and not in the Notion of a Servant, but on his own account; he than was dignified with the reputation of a Thane. These Thanes were of two sorts: Meset Thanes, Priests qualified to say Mass; and Worrould-thanes, that is, secular, or temporal Thanes. 3. Of the first, if a Scholar made such proficiency in his Studies, that he took holy Orders, he was reverently respected, and (though not valued as a Worrould-thane in Rates and Taxes) Amends were to be made for any Wrongs done unto him, equal to a Thane; and in case he should be killed, the Penalty thereof was the higher, the more Orders the person had taken. Observe by the way (so far as we can understand the Saxon Laws) that Manslaughter was not then punished with Death, but might be redeemed by the proportionable Payment of a Sum of Money, according to the Quality of the Person slain; part thereof payable to the King, part to his Kindred, part to the Country thereabouts. But the further prosecution hereof, (where the Footsteps are almost outworn with Time) we leave to more expert Antiquaries; who will tell you, that Alderman in that Age was equal to our modern Earl, who with Bishops were of the same Valuation: also that Comes in that Age, sounded as much as Duke in ours, Archbishops going along with them in all considerable Equipage. 11. Now began St. Dunstan to appear in Court, Dunstan his first coming into favour at the Court. born at Glassenbury, 933 of Noble Parentage (as almost what Saint in this Age was not honourably extracted? 10 ) Nephew both to Elphegus Bishop of Winchester, and Athelm Archbishop of Canterbury, yea Kinsman remote to King Athelstane himself: and being thus highly related, he could not miss of Preferment. His Eminencies were Painting and Graving (two Qualities disposing him to be very useful for Saint-worshipping, either for Pictures or Images) an excellent Musician (Preaching in those days could not be heard for Singing in Churches) & an admirable Worker in Brass and Iron. These Accomplishments commended him at Court to be acceptable to Company; and for some time he continued with the King in great Reputation. 12. But it is given to that Bowl which lies next to the Mark, Banished thence on suspicion of Magic. to have most take aim to remove it. 935 Eminency occasions Envy, 12 which made Dunstan's Enemies endeavour to depress him. He is accused to the King for a Magician, and upon that account banished the Court. It was brought as Evidence against him, that he made his Harp not only to have Motion, but make music of itself; which not White Art could perform. St. Dunstan's Harp fast by the Wall Upon a Pin did hang-a: The Harp itself, with lie and all, Untouched by hand did twang-a. For our part, let Dunstan's Harp hang there still, on a double Suspicion twisted together; first, whether this Story thereof were true or false: secondly, if true, whether done by Magic or Miracle. Sure I am, as good a Harper, and a better Saint than Dunstan was, hath no such Miracle reported of him, even David himself: who with his Harp praised God, pleased men, a 1 Sam. 16. 23 frighted Devils; yet took pains with his own right b Psal. 137. 5. Hand to play, not lazily commanding Music by Miracle to be made on his Instrument. 13. Banished from Court, He retires unto his cell-prison at Glassenbury Dunstan returns to Glassenbury, 937 and there falls a puffing and blowing in his Forge. 14 Here he made himself a Cell (or rather a Little-ease) being but four foot long, two and a half broad (enough to cripple his Joints with the Cramp, who could not lie along therein) whilst the height thereof was according to the stature of a man. Wisely and virtuously he would not confine himself upwards, that the Scantness of the earthly Dimensions in his Cell (Breadth and Length) might be enlarged in the Height thereof, and liberty left for the ascending of his Meditations. But it matters not how little the Prison be, if a man, with Dunstan, be his own Gaoler, to go in and out at pleasure. Leave we him at the Furnace in Smithery-work (excelling Alexander the Coppersmith therein) whilst we find such Monks as wrote his Life, at another Forge, whence they coined many impudent Miracles, pretended done by Dunstan, and this among the rest. 14. Dunstan was in his Vocation making some iron Trinkets, Takes a devil by the nose. when a Proteus-Devil appeared unto him, 938 changing into Shapes, 15 but fixing himself at last into the form of a Fair Woman. Strange, that Satan (so subtle in making his Temptations most taking) should prefer this form; belike shrewdly guessing at Dunstan's Temper, that a Fair Woman might work upon him, and Vulcan might love a Venus. Dunstan ●●reeiving it, plucked his Tongues glowing hot out of the Fire, and with them kept him (or her shall I say?) there along time by the Nose roaring and bellowing; This false miracle canvased. till at last he broke lose, by what accident it is not told unto us. 15. I have better employment then to spend precious time in confuting such Follies; Anno Regis Athelstani 15 but give me leave to admire at these new Arms against Satan. Anno Dom. 938 * Eph. 6. 16. Take the shield of Faith (faith the Apostle) wherewith ye may quench all the fiery Darts of the Wicked. Dunstan found a new way by himself, with fiery Tongues to do the deed. But let us a little examine this Miracle. The Devil himself we know is a Spirit, and so impatible of material Fire. Now if it were a real Body he assumed, the Snake could slip off his Skin at pleasure, and not be tied to it, much less tormented with it. Besides, did Dunstan willingly or unwillingly let the Devil go? If willingly; Mercy to so malicious an Enemy (incapable of being amended) was Cruelty to himself: if unwillingly; was it Dunstan's Fire or his Faith that failed him, that he could hold out against him no longer? But away with all Suspicions and Queries: none need to doubt of the truth thereof, finding it in a Sign painted in Fleetstreet near Temple-bar. 16. During Dunstan's abode in his Cell, Aelsgine Dunstan's bountiful friend. he had to his great Comfort and Contentment the company of a good Lady, Aelfgine by name, living fast by. No Preacher but Dunstan would please her, being so ravished with his Society, that she would needs build a little Cell for herself hard by him. In process of time this Lady died, and by her last Will left Christ to be the Heir, and Dunstan the Executor of her Estate. Enabled with the accession thereof, joined to his paternal Possessions, which were very great, and now fallen into his hands, Dunstan erected the Abbey of Glassenbury, and became himself first Abbot thereof; a Title till his time unknown in England: he built also and endowed many other Monasteries, filling them with Benedictine Monks, who began now to swarm in England, more than Maggots in a hot May, so incredible was their Increase. 17. After the death of King Athelstane, 16 Dunstan was recalled to Court in the reign of King Edmund, 939 Athelstan's Brother, Recalled to Court, and re-banished thence. and flourished for a time in great Favour. But who would build on the brittle Bottom of Prince's Love? Soon after he falls into the King's Disfavour; Edmundi 1 the old Crime, 940 of being a Magician (and a Wanton with Women to boot) being laid to his charge. Surely Dunstan by looking on his own Furnace, might learn thence, there was no Smoke but some Fire: either he was dishonest, or undiscreet, which gave the Groundwork to their general Suspicion. Hereupon he is re-banisht the Court, and returned to his desired Cell at Glassenbury; but within three days was solemnly brought back again to Court, if the ensuing Story may be believed. 18. King Edmund was in an eager pursuit of a Buck, King Edmund his miraculous deliverance. on the top of a steep Rock, whence no Descent but Destruction. Down falls the Deer, and Dogs after him, and are dashed to pieces. The King follows in full speed on an unruly Horse, whom he could not rein, & is on the Brink of the Brink of the Precipice: yet his Prayers prove swifter than his Horse, he but ran, whilst they did fly to Heaven. He is sensible of his Sin in banishing Dunstan, confesseth it with Sorrow, vows Amendment, promiseth to restore & prefer him. Instantly the Horse stops in his full Career, and his Rider is wonderfully preserved. 19 Thus fare a strong Faith may believe of the Story: Fie for shame lying Monk. but it must be a wild one which gives credit to the remainder. a Ross. Histor. Matt. West. job. Capgr. Osbernus. Cervus & Canes reviviscunt, saith the impudent Monk, The Deer & Dogs revive again. I remember not in Scripture that God ever revived a brute Beast; partly, because such mean subjects are beneath the Majesty, of a Miracle; and partly, because (as the Apostle faith) brute Beasts b 2 Pet. ●. 12. are made to be taken & destroyed. Well then might the Monk have knocked off when he had done well, in saving the Man and Horse, and might have left the Dogs & Dear to have remained dead on the place; the Deer especially, were it but to make Venison Pasties, to feast the Courtiers at the solemnising of their Lord and Masters so miraculous Deliverance. 20. Dunstan returning to Court was in higher Favour than ever before. 6 Edredi 1 Nor was his Interest any whit abated by the untimely Death of King Edmund (slain by one Leoff a Thief) seeing his Brother Edred, 946 succeeding to the Crown, King Edred a high Patron of Dunstan. continued and increased his Kindness to him. Under him Dunstan was the Do-all at Court, Anno Dom. 946 being the King's Treasurer, Anno Regis Edredi 1 Chancellor, Counsellor, all things. Bishoprics were bountifully proffered him, pick and choose where he please; but none were honoured with his Acceptance. Whether because he accounted himself too high for the place, and would not stoop to the Employment; or because he esteemed the place too high for him, unable conscientiously to discharge it in the midst of so many Avocations. Mean time Monasteries were every where erected (King Edred devoutly resigning all his Treasure to Dunstan's Disposal) Secular Priests being thrust out of their Convents, and Monks substituted in their rooms. 21. But after Edred's Death, But King Edwine his professed Enemy. the Case was altered with Dunstan falling into Disgrace with King Edwin his Successor. 954 This King on his Coronation-day was said to be incestuously embracing both Mother & Daughter, 9 Edwini 1 when Dunstan boldly coming into his Bedchamber, after bitter Reproofs, stoutly fetched him thence, and brought him forth into the company of his Noblemen. An heroic act, if true, done with a john Baptist spirit: and no wonder if Herod and Herodias, I mean this incestuous King and his Concubines, were highly offended with Dunstan for the same. 22. But good men, Who, though wronged by the Monks, was a worthy Prince. and grave Authors give no belief herein, conceiving King Edwin (how bad soever charactered by the Monks his malicious Enemies) to have been a worthy Prince. In witness whereof they produce the words of a Hist. lib. 5. pag. 357. Henry Huntingdon, a learned man, but no Monk, thus describing him; Edwin non illaudabiliter regni insulam tenuit. Et rursus: Ed win rex, anno regni sui quito, cum in principio regnum ejus decentissime flor eret, prospera & laetabunda exordia mors immatura perrupit. Edwin was not undeserving of praise in managing the Sceptre of this Land. And again: King Edwin in the fifth year of his Reign, when his Kingdom began at first most decently to flourish, had his prosperous and pleasant Beginnings broken off with untimely Death. This Testimony considered, makes many men think better of King Edwin, and worse of Dunstan, as guilty of some uncivil Intrusion into the King's Chamber, for which he justly incurred his royal Displeasure. 23. Hereupon Dunstan is banished by King Edwin, He banisheth Dunstan, and dieth heartbroken with grief. not as before from England to England, from the Court to his Cell at Glassenbury; but is utterly expelled the Kingdom, and flieth into Flanders. Where his Friends say that his Fame prepared his Welcome, & the Governor of Gaunt most solemnly entertained him. 956 Mean time, 3 all the Monks in England of Dunstan's Plantation were rooted up, and Secular Priests set in their places. But soon after happened many Commotions in England, especially in Mercia and Northumberland. The Monks which writ the Story of these Rebellions, conceive it unfit to impart to Posterity the Cause thereof; which makes wise men to suspect, that Dunstan (who could blow Coals elsewhere as well as in his Furnace) though at distance, virtually (or rather viciously present,) had a Finger, yea, a Hand therein. Heartbroken with these Rebellions, 958 King Edwin died in the Flower of his Age. 5 Edgati 1 24. Edgar succeeds him, Dunstan recalled by King Edgar, and takes a double Bishopric. and recalls Dunstan home, 959 receiving him with all possible Affection. 2 Yea now Dunstan's Stomach was come down, and he could digest a Bishopric, which his Abstemiousness formerly refused. And one Bishopric drew down another, Worcester and London, not successively, but both abreast went down his Conscience. Yea, never Age afforded more Pluralist Bishops. In this King's reign Letine held b Vid. Antiq. Britan. p. 83. Lincoln and Leicester; oswald (a great Monk-monger, of whom hereafter) held York and Worcester; & Aldulph, his Successor in both Churches, did the like, pardoned, yea praised for the same: though Woolstan (because no favourer of Monks) is reproved for the like Plurality. Thus two men though doing the same thing, do not the same thing. Bigamy of Bishoprics goes by Favour; and it is condemnable in one, what is commendable in another. Anno Regis Edgari 2 Odo Severus, Anno Dom. 959 Archbishop of Canterbury, being ceremoniously to consecrate Dunstan Bishop of Worcester, used all the Formalities fashionable at the Consecration of an a Antiq. Britan. ibidem. Archbishop: And being reproved for the same, he answered for himself, That he foresaw that Dunstan, instantly after his death, would be Archbishop of Canterbury. And therefore (a compendious way to spare Pains) he only by a provident Prolepsis antedated his Consecration. Surely, whosoever had seen the decrepit age of Odo, the affection of King Edgar to Dunstan, the affection of Dunstan to Dignity, needed no extraordinary prophetical Spirit to presage that (on the supposition of Dunstan's surviving him) he should succeed him in the Archbishopric of Canterbury. 25. Yea King Edgar was so wholly Dunstanized, Oswald's Law to eject secular Priests. that he gave over his Soul, Body, and Estate to be ordered by him and two more (than the Triumvirate who ruled England) namely Ethelwald Bishop of Winchester, and Oswald Bishop of Worcester. This Oswald was the man who procured by the King's Authority the Ejection of all Secular Priests out of Worcester, and the placing of Monks in their Room: which Act was called Oswald's Law in that Age. They might, if it pleased them, have styled it Edgar's Law; the Legislative Power being then more in the King, then in the Bishop. This Oswald's Law afterwards enlarged itself over all England, Secular Priests being thrown out, and Monks every where fixed in their rooms; till King Henry the eighth his Law outed Oswald's Law, and ejected those Drones out of their Habitations. 26. King Edgar violated the Chastity of a Nun at Wilton. Dunstan's disciplining of king Edgar, Dunstan getting notice thereof, refused at the Kings Request to give him his Hand, because he had defiled a Daughter of God, as he termed her. Edgar hereby made sensible of his Sin, with Sorrow confessed it; and Dunstan (now Archbishop of Canterbury) enjoined him seven years' Penance for the same. Monk's endeavour to inforcea mock-Parallel betwixt David and Edgar, Nathan and Dunstan, herein. Sure I am, on David's profession of his Repentance, Nathan presently pronounced Pardon; b 2 Sam. 12. 13 the Lord also hath put away thy Sin, thou shalt not die; consigning him to be punished by God the Principal (using an Undutiful Son, Treacherous Servants, and Rebellious Subjects to be the Instruments thereof;) but imposing no voluntary Penance, that David should by Will-worship undertake on himself. All that I will add, is this; If Dunstan did septennary Penance, to expiate every mortal Sin (to use their own Terms) he committed, he must have been a Methusalah, extremely aged, before the day of his Death. 27. More commendable was Dunstan's Carriage towards an English Count, 12 who lived incestuously with his own Kinswoman. 969 Dunstan admonished him once, And carriage towards an incestuous Count twice, thrice; nothing prevailed: whereupon he proceeded to Excommunicate him. The Count slighted his Excommunication, conceiving his Head too high for Church-Censures to reach it. King Edgar (falsely informed) desires Dunstan to absolve him, and is denied. Yea the Pope sends to him to the same Purpose, and Dunstan persists in his c Osbern. in vita Dunstani Refusal. At last the Count, conquered with Dunstan's Constancy, and the sense of his own Sin, came into a Nationall Council at Canterbury, where Dunstan sat Precedent (active therein to substitute Monks in the places of Secular Priests) on his bare Feet, with a Bundle of Rods, tendering himself to Dunstan's Chastisement. This wrought on Dunstan's mild Nature, scarce refraining from Tears; who presently absolved him. 28. Three things herein are remarkable. Observations thereon. First, that Bribes in the Court of Rome may purchase a Malefactor to be innocent. Secondly, that the Pope himself is not so infallible, but that his Key may miss the Lock, and he be mistaken in matter of Absolution. Thirdly, that men ought not so with blind Obedience to obey his pretended Holiness, but that if (with Dunstan here) they see just Cause to the contrary, it is no Mortal Sin to disobey his Commands. 29. The Apprenticeship of Edgar's Penance long since expired, Edgar's Canons why by us here related. he flourished in all Monarchical Lustre: sole Founder of many, Co-founder of more, Benefactor to most Abbeys in England. Anno Dom. 969 And as he gave new Cases to most Monasteries (repairing their outward Buildings) so he gave new Linings to all, Anno Regis Edgari 12 substituting Monks in stead of the Secular Priests, whom he expelled. Many Ecclesiastical Canons were by him ordained, which at large are presented in St. Henry Spelman, and which I have neither List nor Leisure to recount in this my History. Our Women have a Proverb, It is a sad Burden to carry a dead man's Child: and surely an Historian hath no heart to take much Pains (which herein are Pains indeed) to exemplify dead Canons, (dead and buried long since, as most relating to Monkery) this Age, wherein we live, being little fond of Antiquity, to know those things which were antiquated so many years since. 30. Now though the Devotion of King Edgar may be condemned to be biased to Superstition, Edgar a most triumphant King. yet because the Sincerity of his Heart sought to advance God's Honour, according to the Light in those dark days, he appears one of the most puissant Princes that ever England enjoyed, both in Church and Commonwealth. I have read in a most fair and authentic guilded a Extant in the precious Library of Sr. Tho. Cotton. Manuscript, wherein he styleth himself God's Vicar in England, for the ordering Ecclesiastical matters: a Title which at this day the Pope will hardly vouchsafe to any Christian Princes. His Reign was blest with Peace and Prosperity, both by Land and Sea; insomuch that in a royal Frolic, eight petty Kings rowed him over the river Dee near to Chester; namely five Princes of Wales (whereof Hoel-Dha was the principal) Kened King of Scotland, Malcolm King of Cumberland, and Mac-huse a great Sea-Robber, who may pass for the Prince of Pirates. 31. This Hoel-Dha, A Nationall Council in Wales. contemporary with King Edgar, 970 was he that held a Nationall Council for all Wales (at a place called Ty-guin, 13 or the White-house (because built of white Hurdles, to make it more beautiful) regulated after this manner. Out of every Hundred in Wales he chose six Laymen, with whom he joined all the eminent Ecclesiastical Persons (accounted an hundred & forty) in his Dominions. Out of those he chose eleven Laymen and one Clergyman, (but such a one as who alone by himself might pass virtually for eleven) Blangoridus by name, to enact what Laws they pleased, which after the impression of Royal Assent upon them, should be observed by that Nation. One might suspect this Council, thus overpowered with Laics therein, which pinch on the Priest's side; whereas we find the Canons therein wholly made in favour of the Clergy: enacting this among the rest, That the presence of a Priest and a judge constitute a legal Court, as the two Persons only in the Quorum thereof. 32. But methinks the Laws therein enacted (which a learned b Sr. Henry Spelman in his Councils, pag. 411. Antiquary presents us at large) fall far short of the Gravity of a Council: The merry Laws made therein, except any will excuse it from the Age thereof; what we count light and trivial, might be esteemed serious and solid in those days. Besides, the Laws discover in them a conceited affectation of the Number of Three. In three Cases a Wise may legally leave her Husband: first, if he hath a Leprosy; secondly, if he hath a stinking Breath; thirdly, & if he be unable to give her due Benevolence. In three cases it was lawful for a man to kiss his Neighbour's Wife: first, at a Banquet; secondly, at the Welsh Play called Guare-raffau; and thirdly, when he comes from a far Journey, by way of Salutation. If a Man and his Wife were to part asunder, they were to divide their Goods betwixt them so, that she was to have the Sheep; he the Hogs: she the Milk and milk-Vessels, with all the Dishes save one; he all the Beer and Barrels, with the Axe, Saw, etc. 33. But how silly soever these Canons seem to our modern Critics, Confirmed by the Pope. they were then conceived of such Weight and Worth, 971 that King Hoel-Dha with his Archbishop of St. david's, 14 the Bishops of Bangor, Landaffe & St. Asaph, are said to have taken a journey to Rome, and procured the Pope's Confirmation to them. Nor find I ought else of this Synod, save that the Close thereof presents us with a list of seven Episcopal Seats then in Wales: I. St. david's, 2. Ishmael, 3. Degenian, 4. Vssyll, 5. Teylaw, 6. Teuledauc, 7. Kenew c Quaere whether Bangor, Landast, and St. Asaph be not comprised under these. . I am not Welsh man enough to point at these places, and to show you where they be at this day, which we leave to some skilful Antiquary of their own Nation. Anno Regis Edgari 14 Only we find that whereas the Churches were burdened with some Payments out of them, Anno Dom. 971 two of the Bishop's Seats (Vssyl and Kenew) were freed from the same. And this satisfactory Reason is rendered of their Exemption, quia terris carent, because they had no Lands belonging unto them. 34. King Edgar was peaceably gathered to his Fathers, 17 Regis Edvardi Martyris 1 leaving his Crown to Edward his Son, 974 and his Son (because under age) to the Tuition of Dunstan. A Council at Winchester with a miraculous voice in it. In this King's Reign three Councils were successively called, to determine the Differences between Monks and Secular Priests. The first was at Winchester; where the Priests being outed of their Convents, earnestly pressed for Restitution, and sought by Arguments to clear their Innocence, and prove their Title to their ancient Possessions. The Council seemed somewhat inclinable to favour unto them; when presently a Voice, as coming from a Crucifix behind Dunstan, is reported to be heard, saying, Absit hoc ut fiat, absit hoc ut fiat; judicastis bene, mutaretis non bene. God forbidden it should be done, God forbidden it should be done; Ye have judged it well, and should change it ill. Whether these words were spoken in Latin or English, Authors leave us unresolved. Monks equal this (for the truth thereof) to the a 1 Kings 19 12. still small Voice to Elijah, whilst others suspect some Forgery; the rather, because it is reported to come as from a Crucifix: they fear some secret Falsehood in the Fountain, because visible Superstition was the Cistern thereof. However, this Voice proved for the present the Casting Voice to the Secular Priests, who thereby were overborne in their Cause, and so was the Council dissolved. 35. Yet still the Secular Priests did struggle, 4 refusing to be finally concluded with this transient airy Oracle. 977 b Isa. 8. 20. To the Law, and to the Testimony: Secular Priests strive still. if they speak not according to this word, etc. They had no warrant to rely on such a vocal Decision, from which they appealed to the Scripture itself. A second Council is called at Kirtlington (now Katlage in Cambridge-shire, the Baronry of the right Honourable the Lord North) but nothing to purpose effected therein. Dunstan (say the Monks) still answered his Name, that is, Dun, a rocky Mountain, and Slain, a Stone (but, whether a precious Stone, or a Rock of Offence, let others decide) persisting unmoveable in his Resolution; nor was any thing performed in this Council, but that by the Authority thereof, people were sent on Pilgrimage to St. Marry at Abbington. 36. The same year a third Council was called, Aportentous Council at Caln. at Caln in Wiltshire. Hither repaired Priests, and Monks, with their full Forces, to try the last Conclusion in the Controversy betwixt them. The former, next the Equity of the Cause, relied most on the Ability of their Champion, one Beornelm, a Scottish Bishop; who with no less Eloquence than Strength, with Scripture and Reason defended their Cause. When behold, on a sudden, the Beams broke in the Room where they were assembled, and most of the Secular Priests were slain, and buried under the Ruins thereof. All were affrighted, many maimed; only the place whereon Dunstan sat, either (as some say) remained firm, or fell in such sort, that the Timber (the Sword to kill others) proved the Shield to preserve him from Danger. 37. Some behold this Story as a notable Untruth: Several censures on this sad accident. others suspect the Devil therein, not for a Liar, but a Murderer, and this Massacre procured by Compact with him: a third sort conceived that Dunstan, who had so much of a Smith, had here something of a Carpenter in him, and some Devise used by him about pinning and propping of the Room. It renders it the more suspicious, because he dissuaded King Edward from being present there, pretending his want of Age; though he was present in the last Council, and surely he was never the younger for living some Months since the same Assembly. If truly performed, Dunstan appears happier herein than Samson himself, who could not so sever his Foes, Anno Dom. 977 but both must die together. Anno Regis Edvardi Martyris 4 Sure I am, no ingenuous Papist nowadays, will make any uncharitable Inference from such an accident: especially since the Fall of Black Friars 1623. enough to make all good men turn the Censuring of others into an humble Silence, and pious Adoring of Divine Providence. 38. But the Monks made great Advantage of this Accident, Seculars outed, and Monks advanced. conceiving that Heaven had confirmed their Cause (as lately by Word at Winchester, so) now by Work in this Council at Caln. Hereupon Secular Priests are every where outed, and Monks substituted in their Room. Indeed these later in civil respect, were beheld as more beneficial to their Convents; because Secular Priests did marry, and at their deaths did condere Testamenta, make their Wills, and bequeathed their Goods to their Wives and Children; whilst Monks, having no Issue (which they durst own) made their Monastery Heir of all they had. It was also objected against the Priests, that, by their Looseness, and Laziness, left at large in their Lives, they had caused the general declination of Piety at this time: whilst it was presumed of the Monks, that, by the strict Rules of Observance, to which they were tied, they would repair the Ruins of Religion in all places. 39 It appears not, Priests hardly dealt with. what Provision was made for these Priests when ejected; and they seem to have had hard Measure, to be dispossessed of their civil Right. Except any will say, it was no Injury to them, to lose their places so soon, but a great Favour, that they enjoyed them so long, living hitherto on the free Bounty of their Founders, and now at the full Dispose of the Church and State. Little can be said in excuse of the Priests, and less in commendation of the Monks; who though they swept clean at the first, as new Besoms, yet afterwards left more Dust behind them of their own bringing in, than their Predecessors had done. Thus the Hive of the Church was no whit bettered, by putting out Drones, and placing Wasps in their room. Yea, whereas formerly Corruptions came into the Church at the Wicket, now the broadgates were opened for their Entrance; Monkery making the way for Ignorance and Superstition, to overspread the whole World. 40. Another Humour of the former Age (to make one Digression for all) still continued, The prodigious prodigality in building, and endowing of Abbeys. and increased, venting itself in the fair Foundations, and stately Structures of so many Monasteries. So that one beholding their Greatness (being Corrivals with some Towns in receipt, and extent) would admire that they could be so neat; and considering their Neatness, must wonder they could be so great; and lastly, accounting their Number, will make all three the object of his Amazement. Especially, seeing many of these were founded in the Saxon Heptarchy, when seven Kings put together did spell but one in effect. So that it may seem a Miracle, what invisible Indieses those petty Princes were Masters of, building such Structures which impoverish Posterity to repair them. For although some of these Monasteries were the fruit of many Ages, long in ripening, at several times, by sundry persons, all whose Parcels and Additions met at last in some tolerable Uniformity; yet most of them were begun and finished, absolute, and entire, by one Founder alone. And although we allow, that in those day's Artificers were procured, and Materials purchased at easy Rates; yet there being then scarceness of Coin (as a little Money would then buy much Ware; so much Ware must first in exchange be given to provide that little Money) all things being audited proportionably, the Wonder still remains as great as before. But here we see with what eagerness those Designs are undertaken and pursued, which proceed from blind Zeal: every Finger being more than an Hand to build, when they thought Merit was annexed to their Performances. Oh, with what might and main did they mount their Walls, both day and night; erroneously conceiving, that their Souls were advantaged to Heaven, when taking the Rise from the top of a Steeple of their own erection. 41. But it will not be amiss, Caution to our Age. to mind our forgetful Age, that, seeing Devotion (now better informed) long since hath desisted to express itself in such pompous Buildings, she must find some other means, and manner, to evidence and declare her Sincerity. Except any will say, that there is less Heat required, where more Light is granted; and that our Practice of Piety should be diminished, because our Knowledge thereof is increased. God, no doubt, doth justly expect that Religion should testify her Thankfulness to him, by some eminent way, and Works: and where the Fountain of Piety is full, it will find itself a Vent to flow in, though not through the former Channels of Superstition. 42. King Edward went to give his Mother-in-law at Corfe-Castle a respectful Visit, 6 when by her contrivance he was barbarously murdered, 979 so to pave the way for her Son Ethelred his Succession to the Crown. King Edward murdered, alias, martyred. But King Edward, by losing his Life, got the title of a Martyr, so constantly called in our Chronicles. Take the term in a large acception, otherwise restrictively it signifies such an one, as suffers for the Testimony of the Truth. But, seeing this Edward, was cruelly murdered, and is said after death to work Miracles; let him, by the Courtesy of the Church, pass for a Martyr, not knowing any Act or Order to the contrary, to deny such a Title unto him. 43. Ethelred, Ethelredi, cognom, the Unready. 1 Edward's half-Brother, King Ethelred prognosticated unsuccessful. succeeded him in the Throne. One with whom Dunstan had a Quarrel from his Cradle, because, when an Infant, he left more Water in the Font than he found there, at his Baptising. Happy Dunstan himself, if guilty of no greater Fault, which could be no Sin (nor properly a Slovennesse) in an Infant, if he did as an Infant! Yet from such his addition, Dunstan prognosticated an Inundation of Danes would ensue in this Island: which accordingly came to pass. But Ethelred is more to be condemned, for the Blood he shed when a man; it being vehemently suspected, that he was accessary with his Mother to the murdering of his Brother Edward. 44. But Dunstan survived not to see his Prediction take effect, 8 for he was happily prevented by Death, 987 and buried on the Southside of the High Altar in the Church of Canterbury: Dunstan's corpse wrongfully claimed by the Convent of Glassenbury. where his Tomb was famous for some time, till Thomas Becket eclipsed the same; seeing Saints, like new Besoms, sweep clean at the first, and afterwards are clean swept out, by newer Saints which succeed them. Yea, Dunstan's Grave grew so obscure at Canterbury, that the Monks of Glassenbury taking heart thereat (and advantaged by john Capgrave's report, that Anno 1012. Dunstan's Corpse were translated thither) pretended his Burial, and built him a Shrine in their Convent. Men and Money met at Glassenbury on this Mistake; and their Convent got more by this eight foot length of Ground (the supposed Tomb of Dunstan) then eight hundred Acres of the best Land they possessed elsewhere. Whereupon William Wareham, Archbishop of Canterbury, to try the truth, and to prevent farther Fraud herein, caused a solemn search to be made in the Cathedral of Canterbury, after Dunstan's Corpse, in the place Tradition reported him to be interred. 45. Four of the Friars, A night Hue-and-Cry made after his corpse. fittest for the work (to wit, of stronger Bodies than Brains) undertook to make this Scrutiny Anno 1508. the 22. of April. Great Caution was used, that all should be done semotis Laicis, no Laymen being present; whether because their Eyes were too profane to behold so holy an Object, or too prying to discover the Default, if the Search succeeded not. In the Night they so plied their Work, that ere Morning they discovered Dunstan's Coffin, and rested the day following from more Digging; as well they might, having taken so much Pains, and gained so much Profit by their endeavours. 46. Next Night they on afresh; Discovered, with the manner of the interment thereof. and, with main Force, plucked up the ponderous Coffin upon the Pavement. A Coffin built (as one may say) three Stories high: the outermost of Wood (but almost made Iron with the multitude of Nails therein;) within that another of plain Lead; within that a third of wrought Lead, wherein the bones of Dunstan a Archiva Eccles. Cant. exemplified by my good friend Mr. Will. Summer in his Descript. of Cant. in Appendice Script. 12. lay in his Pontifical Vests, Anno Dom. 987. with this Inscription in a Plate, Hic requiescit Sanctus Dunstanus Archiepiscopus. Anno Regis Ethelredi 8 Some lumps of Flesh were found, which were said to smell very sweet (the Relics perchance of some Spices which embalmed him) and all done in the presence of many worthy Witnesses: amongst whom, Cuthbert Tunstal was one, than the Archbishops Chancellor, afterward Bishop of Durham. Hereupon the Archbishop sent his Mandate to the Abbot and Convent of Glassenbury, henceforward to desist from any jactitation of Dunstan's Corpse, and abusing people with such Pretences. A Fault most frequent in that Convent, challenging almost the Monopoly of all English Saints, witness that impudent Lie of the rhythming Monk, writing thus of Glassenbury; Hic Tumulus sanctus, hic Scala Poli celebratur; Vix luit Inferni Poenas hic qui tumulatur. But, who is rather to be believed? St. Peter, that saith, b 1 Pet. 4. 18 The righteous shall scarcely be saved; or this Monk, affirming that, Whoso is buried at Glassenbury, shall scarcely be damned? 47. After the death of Dunstan, Priests and Monks alternately cast out. their Patron, 988 the Monks (not much befriended by King Ethelred) were cast out of the Convent of Canterbury, 9 or rather cast out themselves by their Misdemeanours. c Psal. 49. 20 Man in honour hath no understanding, etc. They waxed so wanton with possessing the places of Secular Priests, that a Monk d Wil Thorn cited by Ant. Brit. pag. 90. himself of Canterbury confesseth, Monachi propter eorum Insolentiam sedibus pulsi, & Clerici introducti. Monks for their Insolency were driven out of their Seats, and Secular Clerks brought into their room. Thus was it often, In Dock, out Nettle, as they could strengthen their Parties. For Siricius, the next Archbishop of Canterbury, endeavoured the re-expulsion of the Priests; which by Alfricus his Successor was effected. 48. But soon after, The Danes re-invade England. the Danes revenged the Quarrel of the Secular Priests; 989 and by a firm Ejection outed the Monks, 10 before they were well warm in their Nests. Their Fury fell more on Convents, than Castles: whether, because the former were in that Age more numerous (Castles afterwards were increased by William the Conqueror;) or because their Prey and Plunder was presumed the richest, and easist to be gotten; or because the Danes, then generally Pagans, principally spited places of Religion. A Relapse is far more dangerous than a simple Disease, as here it proved in the Danes. England for these last sixty years had been cured of, and cleared from their Cruelty, which now returned more terrible than ever before. 49. These Danes were also advantaged by the unactiveness of King Ethelred, The unreadiness of King Ethelred advantageth the Danes. therefore surnamed the Unready in our Chronicles. 990 The Clock of his Consultations and Executions was always set some Hours too late, 11 vainly striving with much Industry to redress, what a little Providence might seasonably have prevented. Now, when this Unready King met with the Danes his over-ready Enemies, no wonder, if lamentable was the Event thereof. The best thing I find recorded of this King Ethelred, is, that in his days began the trial of Causes by a Jury of twelve men to be chosen out of the Vicenage, of like quality, as near as may be suited, to the persons concerned therein. Hereby men have most fair play for their Lives: and let it be the desres of all honest hearts, that whilst we pluck off the Badges of all Norman Slavery, we part not with the Livery of our old Saxon Liberty. 50. In this sad condition King Ethelred harkened to the persuasions of Siricius, A dear peace bought of the Danes. Archbishop of Canterbury, 991 and with ten thousand Pounds purchased a present Peace with the Danes. 12 Indeed it was conformable to the calling of a Churchman to procure Peace, having not only c Psal. 34. 14. Scripture precepts therein, Seck peace and pursue it; but also Precedents for the same, when gracious f 2 Kings 18. 14. Hezekiah with a Present pacified Sennacherib to desist from invading him. However, this Archbishop generally suffered in his Reputation, condemned of all, Anno Regis Ethelredi 12 for counselling of what was, Anno Dom. 991 First, dishonourable; that an entire Nation, being at home in their own Land, should purchase a Peace from Foreigners, fewer in Number, and fetching their Recruits, and warlike Provisions from a Far Country: let them be paid in due Coin; not Silver, but Steel. Secondly, unprofitable: If once the Danes got but the Trick, to make the English bleed Money to buy Peace, they would never leave them, till they had sucked out their Heartblood, and exhausted the whole Treasure of the Land. 51. Indeed one may safely affirm, Multitudes of Monasteries caused the Danish invasion. that the multitude of Monasteries invited the Invasion, and facilitated the Conquest of the Danes over England; and that in a double respect: First, because not only the Fruit of the King's Exchequer (I mean ready Money) was spent by this King his Predecessors on sounding of Monasteries; but also the Root thereof, his Demean lands, plucked up, & parted with, to endow the same: whereby the Sinews of War were wanting, to make effectual Opposition against Foreign Enemies. Secondly, because England had at this time more Flesh, or Fat, than Bones (wherein the Strength of a Body consists) more Monks, then Military men. For instance, Holy-Island near Northumberland is sufficiently known, for the Position thereof, an advantageous Landing-place, especially in relation to Denmark. This place was presently forsaken of the fearful Monks, 15 frighted with the Danes their Approach; 994 and Aldhunus, the Bishop thereof, removed his Cathedral and Convent to Durham, an Inland place of more Safety. Now, had there been a Castle in the place of this Monastery, to secure the same with Fighters instead of Feeders, men of Arms instead of men of Bellies therein, probably they might have stopped the Danish Invasion at the first Inlet thereof. England then as much wanting martial men, as a Viz. in the wars between York and Lancaster. The cruelty of the returning Danes. since it hath surfeited with too many of them. 52. The Danes, 16 having received and spent their Money, 995 invaded England afresh, according to all wise men's expectation. It is as easy for armed Might to pick a Quarrel, as it is hard for naked Innocence to make Resistance. The Deluge of their Cruelty overran the Realm; whose Sword made no more difference betwixt the Ages, Sexes, and Conditions of people, than the Fire (which they cast on Houses) made distinction in the Timber thereof, whether it was Elm, Oak, or Ash; the Fierceness of the one killing, the Fury of the other consuming all it met with. Indeed in some small Skirmishes the English got the better, but all to no purpose. There is a place in Hartfordshire called Danes-end, where the Inhabitants by Tradition report (uncertain of the exact Date thereof) that a fatal blow in a Battle was given to the Danes thereabouts. But alas! this Danes-end was but Danes-beginning; they quickly recovered themselves as many, and mighty in the Field, and it seemed an endless end, to endeavour their utter Extirpation. Thus this Century sets with little Mirth, and the next is likely to arise with more Mourning. THE ELEVENTH CENTURY. Anno Dom. BALDWINO HAMEY, Anno Regis Ethelredi. Medicinae Doctori literatissimo, Mecoenati suo dignissimo. COnqueruntur nostrates novissimo hoc Decennio, novam rerum faciem indui; nec mutata solum, sed & inversa esse omnia. Hujus indicia plurima proferunt, tristia sane ac dolenda; Dominos nimirum Servis postpositos, dum alii è Servis Domini repent prodierint. At, ad Metamorphosin hanc probandam, argumentum suppetit mihi ipsi laetum & memoratu jucundum. Solent enim aegroti, si quando Medicum adeant, manus afferre plenas, refer vacuas. At ipse è contra Te saepe accessi & aeger & inops; decessi integer & bene nummatus. Quoties enim opus hoc nostrum radicitus exaruisset, si non imbre munificentiae tuae fuisset irrigatum? THis Century began (as Children generally are born) with crying; Murder of the Danes in a Church. partly for a Massacre made by the English on the Danes, but chief for the Cruelty committed by the Danes on the English. 1002 Concerning the former; 25 certain Danes fled into a Church at Oxford, hoping the Sanctity thereof (according to the devout Principles of that Age) would secure them: and probably such Pity might have inclined them to Christianity. Whereas by command from K. Ethelred, they were a Hen. Hunt. Matth. West. Conterbury sacked: Alphage killed by the Danes. all burned in the place; Anno Regis Ethelredi 34 whose Blood remained not long unrevenged. Anno Dom. 1011 The Danish Fury fell (if not first) fiercest on the City of Canterbury, with Fire and Sword, destroying eight thousand people therein: and which Authors who quadruple that number, surely take in not only the Vicenage, but all Kent to make up their account. Ealphegus the Archbishop of Canterbury, commonly called Alphage, was then slain, and since Sainted; a Church nigh Creeple-gate in London being consecrated to his Memory. 2. b Thorn in hi● description of Canterb. A Monk of Canterbury reports, Believe what you list. that the Abbey of St. Augustine was saved on this occasion; A Danish Soldier stealing the Pall from the Tomb of St. Augustine, it stuck so close under his Armpits, that it could not be parted from his Skin, until he had publicly made confession of his Fault: Vltio Raptorem rapuit, faith the Author. And hereupon the Danes of Invaders, turned Defenders of that Monastery. But c See Will. Somner in his Antiqu. of Canterb. pag. 56. others conceive, if it found extraordinary favour, their Money (not this Miracle) procured it. Sure I am, when Achan stole the Babylonish Garment, he was left at large to discovery by d joshrea 7. 18 More cruelty Lot, and no Miracle detected him. Next year a nameless Bishop of London was sacrificed to their Fury, 35 used worse than the Taskmasters of Israel, 1012 (on whose Back the number of Bricks wanting, were e Exod. 5. 14. only scored in Blows) being killed outright, for want of present pay of the f Hen. Hunt. Rog. Hoved. The valour of Cambridge●hire-men. Tribute promised unto them. 3. Cambridge and Oxford both of them deeply tasted of this bitter Cup at the same time. True it is, some two years since, when the rest of the East-Angles cowardly fled away, homines Comitatus Cantabrigiae g Chronicon 10. Bromton pag. 887. viriliter obstiterunt, unde Anglis regnantibus laus Cantabrigiensis Provinciae splendide florebat. Hence it is that I have read (though unable at the instant to produce my Author) that Cambridgeshire-men claim an ancient (now antiquated) Privilege, Edmu. cognom. Ironside 1 to lead the Van in all Battles. But Valour at last little befriended them, the Danes burning Cambridge to Ashes, and harassing the Country round about. 4. Here let State-Historians inform the Reader of intestine Wars betwixt Edmund Ironside (so called for his hardy enduring all Troubles) King of England, 1016 Defendor, Two English Kings at once. and Canutus the Dane, Invader of this Land; till at last, (after a personal Duel fought) the Land was equally divided betwixt them. A division wherewith both seemed, neither were well pleased; seeing the least whole head cannot be fitted with the biggest half Crown; all or none was their desire. Edm. Iron side teacherously slain. Canutus at last with his Silver Hand, was too hard for the other his Iron Side; who by his promised Bribes prevailed with one Edrick to kill this his Corrival; which being performed he was fairly advanced with a h Others say he was beheaded. Canutus' his cruelty. Halter. It would spoil the Trade of all Traitors, Canuti 1 if such Coin only were currant in paying their Rewards. 5. Canutus or Knot the Dane (from whom a Bird in Lincolnshire is so called, 1017 wherewith his Palate i Draitons' Polyolbion, pag. 112. was much pleased) bathed himself in English Blood, whom at this distance of time, we may safely term a Tyrant, so many Murders and Massacres were by him committed. For his Religion, as yet he was a Mongrel betwixt a Pagan and a Christian; though at last, the later prevailed, especially after his Pilgrimage to Rome. In his passage thither, 14 he went through France; 1031 where understanding that the people paid deep Taxes, Converted into charity. he disbursed so much of his own money in their behalf, that he brought their k Rodulph. de Diceto, column. 468. Taxes to be abated to one l johannes Bromton, in leg. Canuti column. 912. He goeth to Rome. half: An Act of Pity in a Prince without Precedent done to Foreigners. It is vain for the English to wish the like Courtesy from the King of France; partly because England lies not in their way to Rome, partly because they are fuller of Compliments than Courtesy. 6. Coming to Rome, 16 Canutus turned Convert, 1033 changing his Condition with the Climate, showing there many expressions of Devotion. Much he gave to the Pope, and something he gained from him; namely, an Immunity for Archbishops, Returneth improved in devotion. from their excessive Charges about their Pall, and some other Favours he obtained for his Subjects. After his return into his own Country, he laid out all the remainder of his days in Acts of Charity, in founding, or enriching of religious Houses, Anno Dom. and two especially, Anno Canu●i. Saint Bennets in the Holm in Norfolk, and Hyde Abbey near Winchester. 7. To this latter he gave a Cross so costly for the Metal, The paramount Cross of England for richness. and curious for the Making, 1035 that one year's a Camden's Briton. in Hantshire. revenues of his Crown was expended on the same. 18 But the Cross of this Cross was, that about the Reign of King Henry the sixth, it was b Idem ibidem King Canutus his Humility. burnt down with the whole Monastery, in a Fire which was very suspicious to have been kindled by intentional Malice. This Canutus towards the latter end of his Reign, never wore a Crown, resigning up the same to the Image of our Saviour: he was also famous for a particular act of Humility done by him on this occasion. 8. A Parasite (and sooner will an hot May want Flies, Commands the Sea. than a King's Court such Flatterers) sought to puff up King Canutus, with an opinion of his Puissance; as if, because England and Norway, therefore Aeolus and Neptune must obey him. In confuting of whose falsehood, Canutus commanded his Chair of State to be set on the Seashore, nigh South-Hampton, and settled himself thereon. Then he c Hen. Huntingdon in vita Canuti. But in vain. imperiously commanded the Waves (as a Fence which walled that Land, belonging unto him) to observe their due Distance, not presuming to approach him. The surly Waves were so far from obeying, they heard him not; who listened only to the Proclamation of a higher Monarch, d job 38. 11 Hither shalt thou come, and no further; and made bold to give the King's Feet so course a Kiss, as wetted him up to the Knees. 9 On this accident King Canutus made an excellent Sermon: His Sermon thereon. First, adoring the infinite Power of God, sole Commander of the Winds and Waves: Secondly, confessing the frailty of all Flesh, unable to stop the least Drop of the Sea: Thirdly, confuting the Profaneness of Flatterers, fixing an infinite Power in a finite Creature. As for the Laws made by King Canutus, His Laws why omitted. we have purposely omitted them: not so much because many, large, and ordinarily extant; but chief because, most, of Civil Concernment. Haroldi Harefoot. 1 10. Two of his Sons succeeded him, Harold Harefoot, succeeded him. more known by their handsome Sur-names, 1036 than any other Desert. First his base Son, (taking advantage of his Brother's absence) called from his Swiftness, Hardy Canuti 1 Harold Harefoot belike; another e 2 Sam. 2. 18 Then Hardy Canutus. Asahel in Nimbleness, but Hares-heart had better befitted his Nature, 1040 so cowardly his disposition. Then his legitimate Son, called Hardy Canute, more truly bloody Canute, eminent for his Cruelty. With him expired the Danish Royal Line in England, leaving no Issue behind him, and opening an Opportunity for the banished Son of King Ethelred to recover the Crown, whose ensuing Reign is richly worth our description. Mean time it is worth our observing, in how few years the Danish Greatness shrank to nothing; and from formidable, became inconsiderable, yea contemptible. Indeed Canutus was one of extraordinary Worth, and the Wheel once moved will for a time turn of itself. Had Harold his Son (by what way it skilled not) been one of a tolerable disposition, he might have traded in Reputation, on the Stock of his Father's Memory. But being so very mean, (considerable only in Cruelty) his Father's Worth did him the Disadvantage, to render his Unworthiness the more conspicuous. Besides, when Hardy Canute his Brother succeeded him, and though better born, shown himself no better bred in his inhuman Carriage; it caused not only a Neuseation in the people of England of Danish Kings, but also an appetite, yet a longing after their true and due Sovereign. 11. Edward the Confessor, Anno Regis Edvardi confessoris 1 youngest Son of King Etherlred, Anno Dom. 1042 (his elder Brethren being slain, Edward the Confessor becomes King of England. and their Children fled away) came to be King of England. I understand not the Ceremony which I read was used to this Edward, whilst as yet (saith a Monkish a Father Hierome Porter in the flowers of the lives of the Saints, pag. 2. Author, properly enough in his own Language) he was contained in the weak Cloisters of his Mother's Womb; at which time the Peers of the Land swore Allegiance unto him or her (the Sex as yet being unknown) before he was born. Indeed I find that Varanes his Child was crowned King whilst yet in his Mother's Body, b Agathias lib. 4. applicata ad Vterum Corona. But what Solemnity soever was done to this Hans-en-Kelder, it did not afterwards embolden him to the Anticipation of the Crown, attending till it descended upon him. 12. A worthy King, The original of our Common Laws. no less pious to God, then just to Man: For, whereas formerly there were manifold Laws in the Land, made, some by the Britan's, others by the Danes, others by the English, swelling to an unmeasurable Number, to the great Mischief of his Subjects; he caused some few of the best to be selected, and the rest, as captious and unnecessary, to be rejected. Hence, say some, they were called the Common Laws, as calculated for the common Good, and no private persons Advantage. 13. It is admirable, No hostile Danes appear in England. how the Danes in this King's Reign were vanished away. They who formerly could scarce be numbered in England, they were so many, could now scarce be numbered they were so few, and those living quietly with their English Neighbours. As for foreign invading Danes in this King's Reign, as I cannot see them, so I will not seek them, glad of their Room and Riddance. Indeed once I meet with an Assay of them in a Navy bound to infest England: but their King being casually drowned as he entered his own Fleet, put an end to their Hopes, and our Fears for that Design. 14. Emma, 4 King Edward's Mother, 1046 being suspected too familiar with Alwin Bishop of Winchester, The manner of Ordall by fire. under the colour of Devotion, put herself to be tried by Ordall; whereof this the manner. Nine Ploughshares glowing hot were laid on the Ground, one foot distant from another; the party suspected was to be brought blindfolded, and barefooted to pass over them: if he chanced to step in the intervals, or on the hot Iron unhurt, he was pronounced Innocent, otherwise condemned for an Offender. An unjust Law, wherein the Tryers had no Precept, the Tried no Promise. Must Innocence be ruined as often as Malice would wrong it, if Miracle would not rescue it? This was not a way to try man, but tempt God: As just a Trying by Fire, as that of our modern Witches by Water. This Trial Queen Emma admirably underwent, not sensible of the Ploughshares till past them, saying to such as led her, Oh, when shall I come to the place of my Purgation? 15. By what Power this was performed, Queen Emma her miraculous purgation. I will not dispute, finding amongst the c Strab. Geog. lib. 5. & Plin. lib. 7. cap. 2. Heathens a City Feronia, twenty miles from Rome, under mount Soracte; where the Inhabitants, possessed with a spirit of a Deity therein worshipped, usually walked upon burning Coals, without any Harm. Only I wonder, that Bishop Alwin (equally suspected, and equally innocent with Emma) should not proffer himself to the like Trial. But, perchance, the prudent Prelate remembered, that such barbarous Customs, though kept up amongst the Common People, were forbidden by the ancient Canons, as also by the Letter of Pope Stephen the fifth, which about the year eight hundred eighty and seven he wrote to Humbert, Bishop of Mentz: And now Emma, who went willingly on this sad Errand, did the Business for them both, and cleared their Credits. The Church of Winchester got well hereby, viz. nine Manors, which Queen Emma bestowed thereon, in Commemoration of her Deliverance. 16. King Edward the Confessor was married to the devout Lady Edith; A Wife no Wife. his Wife in Mind, but not in Body; in Consent, not Act; being only (as my Author saith) an Abishag to the King. Strange! that two Persons, if loving each other in the prime of their years, should light on so happy a Temper, as mutually to warm, not to heat one another; which the Wife-men in our Age will account difficult, Anno Dom. 1046 and the Wanton impossible. Anno Regis Edvardi Confessoris 4 Such will say, if this was true, that King Edward passed as great a Trial, as Queen Emma his Mother; and that his Ordall was as hard, as hers was painful. 17. Was it not pity, Yet, was there not a cause? but the World should have more of the Breed of them, who were so godly a Couple? Let Baseness be barren, and Cruelty childless; Pious persons deserve a double Portion in that Charter of Fruitfulness, a Gen. 1. 28. Multiply and increase. Yea, the English Crown now wanting an Heir, and, for Default thereof, likely to fall to Foreigners, might (I will not say have tempted, but) have moved King Edward to the Knowledge of his Wife. But whilst Papists cry up this his incredible Continency: others easily unwonder the same, by imputing it partly to his Impotence, afflicted with an Infirmity; partly to the Distaste of his Wife, whom he married only for Coveniencie, and to the Distrust of her Chastity, on suspicion whereof, he confined her to the Monastery of Whore-well (as I take it) in Hamshire. 18. But grant Queen Edith a chaste Woman, The good daughter of a bad father. as she is generally believed; Daughter she was to a wicked Father, Earl Godwin by name, whence the Proverb, Sicut spina rosam, genuit God winus Editham. From prickly stock as springs a Rose; So Edith from Earl Godwin grows. little ill being written of the Daughter, and no good of the Father. Indeed King Edward was Father-in-law-ridden, who feared Earl Godwin rather than trusted him, as who with a long train of his Power could sweep many Dependants after him. This Godwin (like those Sands near Kent which bear his name) never spared what he could spoil, but swallowed all which came within his compass to devour. Two Instances whereof, because both belonging to Church-matters, we will relate. 19 He cast a cavetous Eye on the fair Nunnery of Berkley in Glocestershire, Godwin's device to get Berkley Nunnery. and thus contrived it for himself. He left there an handsome young man, really, or seemingly, sick, for their Charity to recover; who quickly grows well, and wanton. He is toying, tempting, taking; such Fire and Flax quickly make a Flame. The Sisters lose their Chastity, and, without taking Wife in the way, are ready to make Mothers. The young man (if sick) returns to Earl Godwin in Health, leaving the healthful Nuns sick behind him. The same hereof fills the Country, flies to Court, is complained of by Earl Godwin to the King; Officers are sent to inquire, they return it to be true, the Nuns are turned out, their House and Lands forfeited, both bestowed on Earl Godwin; surprised Weakness being put out, and designing Wickedness placed in the room thereof. Surely King Edward knew nothing of Godwin's Deceit herein; otherwise it was unjust, that the Whores should be punished, and the principal Pander rewarded. 20. At another time he had a mind to the rich Manor of Boseham in Sussex, Another trick to gain the manor of Boseham. and complemented it out of Robert Archbishop of Canterbury, in this manner. Coming to the Archbishop, he saith, Da mihi Basium, that is, Give me a Buss, or a Kiss, an usual Favour from such a Prelate. The Archbishop returns, Dotibi Basium, kissing him therewith. An holy Kiss (perchance) as given, but a crafty one as taken: for Godwin presently posts to Boseham, and takes possession thereof. And though here was neither real Intention in him who passed it away, nor valuable Consideration to him; but a mere Circumvention; yet such was Godwin's Power, and the Archbishops poorness of spirit, that he quietly enjoyed it. Nor have I ought else to observe either of Berkley or Boseham, but that both these rich and ancient Manors, Earl Godwin his brace of Cheats, and distant an hundred miles each from other, are now both met in the Right Honourable George Berkeley (as Heir apparent thereof) the paramount Maecenas of my Studies: whose Ancestors as they were long since justly possessed of them; so I doubt not but their Posterity will long comfortably enjoy them. 21. The Monks that wrote this King Edward's life, A miracle reported done by King Edward. had too heavy a hand in over-spicing it with Miracles, which hath made the Relation too hot for the Mouth of any moderate Belief. A poor Cripple chanced to come to him, one who might have stocked a whole Hospital with his own Maladies. It was questionable, whether the Difficulty of his Crawling caused more Pain, or the Deformity thereof more Shame unto him. The sight of him made all tender Beholder's Cripples by Sympathy, commiserating his sad Condition. But it seems, this weak Wretch had a strong Fancy, and bold Face, who durst desire the King himself to carry him on his Back into the Church, on assurance (as he said) that thereby he should be recovered. The good King grants his Desire, and this Royal Porter bears him into the Church, where so strange an Alteration is said to happen; Qui venit quadrupes, decessit bipes, He that came on all four, departed strait, and upright. 22. The Church into which the King carried the Cripple, 19 was St. Peter's in Westminister, 1061 built by him on this Occasion. Westminster Church rebuilt by him. King Edward had made a Vow to visit the Relics of St. Peter in Rome; and, because his Subjects could not safely spare him out of his own Country, the Pope dispensed with him for the Performance thereof. Now, although he went not to St. Peter, St Peter came to him, and in several Apparitions advised him to build him a Church in the place now called Westminster, then Thorny, because desolate, and overgrown with Thorns and Briars. Nor is it any news, that populous Cities at this present, were anciently Woods and Bushie plots. What else was jerusalem itself in the days of Abraham, but a Thorny, when in the midst thereof on Mount Moriah, a Ram was caught by the a Gen. 22. 13. Horns in a Thicket? This Church many years before had been dedicated to, and (as the Monks say) consecrated by St Peter, till destroyed by the Danes, King Edward raised it from the Ruins, endowing it with large Privileges, and rich Possessions. 23. Next to St. Peter, A Ring said to be sent from St. john to King Edward. our Edward's Darling, he is said to be most in Favour with St. john the Apostle, who is reported to have appeared unto him in the shape of a Begging Pilgrim; the King, not having at the present Money to supply his Wants, plucked off his Ring from his Finger, and bestowed it upon him. This very Ring, some years after, St. john sent him back again by two Pilgrims out of Palestine; but withal telling him, that he should die within six months after: a Message more welcome than the Ring to such a mortified man. If any doubt of the truth thereof, it is but riding to Havering in Essex, so called (as b Camden's Britan. in Essex. they say) from this Ring, where (no doubt) the Inhabitants will give any sufficient Satisfaction therein. 24. Amongst the many Visions in this King's Reign, A Vision worth observing. one I will not omit, because seeming to have some what more then mere Monk therein. One being inquisitive, what should become of England after King Edward's Death, received this Answer; The Kingdom of England belongeth to God himself, who will provide it a King at his pleasure. Indeed England is Gods on several Titles. First, as a Country; the Earth is his, and the Fulnesse-thereof: Secondly, as an Island, which are Gods Demesnes, which he keeps in his own hand of his daily Providence: Thirdly, as a Kingdom on which he hath bestowed miraculous Deliverances. Seeing then England is his own, we know who said, c Mat. 20. 15 Is it not lawful to do what I will with mine own? May he dispose of his own to his own Glory, and the good of his own Servants. 25. Amongst the many resplendent Virtues in King Edward, King Edward's contempt of wealth. Contempt of Wealth was not the least, whereof some bring in this for an Instance. The King lay on a Pallet surrounded with Curtains; by him stood a Chest of Silver, which Hugolin, his Treasurer (called away on some sudden Occasion) had left open. In comes a thievish Courtier, takes away as much Money as he could carry, and disposeth thereof. Then cometh he the second time for a new Burden, little suspecting that the unseen King saw him all the while; and having laden himself, departed. Some add, he returned the third time. Be content (quoth the King) with what you have, lest, Anno Dom. 1061 if Hugolin come in and catch you, Anno Regis Edvardi Confessoris 19 he take it all from you. Soon after the Treasurer returning, and fretting for loss of the Money, Let him have it quietly (said the King) he needeth it more than we do. Words which spoke him a better man than King, as accessary to his own Robbing; who, if pleased to have made this pilfering Fellow to have tasted of the Whip for his pains, had marred a pretty Jast, but made a better Earnest therein. 26. Posterity conceived so great an opinion of King Edward's Piety, King Edward's Wardrobe put into the Regalia. that his Cloth; were deposited amongst the Regalia, and solemnly worn by our English Kings on their Coronation; never counting themselves so fine, as when invested with his Robes; the Sanctity of Edward the first Wearer excusing, yea adorning the modern Antiquenesse of his Apparel. Amongst these is the Rod or Sceptre, with a Dove on the Top thereof, (the Emblem of Peace) because in his Reign England enjoyed Halcyon days, free from Danish Invasions: as also his Crown, Chair, staff, Tunick, close Pall, a See Mills his Catalogue of honour, p. 59 Tuisni hoses, Sandals, Spurs, Gloves, etc. Expect not from me a Comment on these several clothes, or reason for the wearing of them. In general, it was to mind our Kings, when habited with his clothes, to be clothed with the habit of his virtuous Endowments; as when putting on the Gloves of this Confessor, their Hands ought to be like his, in moderate taking of Taxes from their Subjects. Indeed, Impositions once raised are seldom remitted, pretended Necessities being always found out for their Continuance. But our Edward released to his Subjects the grievous burden of Dane-gelt, paid to his Predecessors, conceiving it fit, now the Danes were departed, that the Gelt or Tax should go after them. But now Edward's Staff is broken, Chair overturned, clothes rend, and Crown melted; our present Age esteeming them the Relics of Superstition. 27. And yet all things being cast up, No Confessor in the slrictness of the word. I confess I understand not how the name Confessor is proper to King Edward, in the strict acceptance thereof. For a Confessor is one actually persecuted for the testimony of the Truth, and prepared to lose his Life for the same. He is a Martyr in Bullion, wanting only the Stamp of a Violent Death to be impressed upon him. Now a great part of our Edward's Life, was led by him in Peace and Plenty; nothing bounding his Abundance but his own Moderation, & for twenty years together having no visible Foe to offend him. And although in his youth he lived in Normandy, in a middle Condition, betwixt an Exile and a Traveller, flying thither for fear of the Danes; yet such his Sufferings were of Civil Concernment, not directly relating to Conscience, though at distance reducible thereunto. But seeing in the Titles of great Persons, it is better to give too much then too little; a Confessor we found him, and a Confessor we leave him. 28. Our Eyes have been so intent in beholding the Virtues of this King, Stigand the vicious Archbishop of Canterbury we have been little at Leisure to take notice of the Archbishops of Canterbury, during his Reign. Know then that about ten years since, Robert Archbishop of Canterbury, who succeeded Eadsin therein, fearing some hard measure from Earl Godwin (notwithstanding he had been contentedly kissed out of his Manor of Boseham) conveyed himself away beyond the Seas, to his Monastery in Normandy, whence he came first into England. After whose Depature, Stig and Bishop of Winchester intruded himself into that See, eminent only for Vice, and fordid Covetousness. 29. As for the Ecclesiastic all Laws made by this King in his Reign, King Edward's Ecclesiastical Constitutions. it will be enough to affix their Principal Titles. 1. That every Clerk and Scholar should quietly enjoy their Goods and Possessions. 2. What solemn Festivals people may come and go of, without any Lawsuits to disturb them. 3. That in all Courts where the Bishop's Proctor doth appear, his Case is first to be heard and determined. 4. That Guilty folk flying to the Church should there have Protection, not to be reprehended by any, but by the Bishop and his Ministers. 5. That Tithes be paid to the Church, of Sheep, Pigs, Bees, and the like. 6. How the Ordall was to be ordered for the Trial of Guilty persons by Fire and Water. 7. That Peter-pences, or Romescot, be faithfully paid to the Pope. But I lose time, and refer the Reader to read these Constitutions at large, being three and twenty in number, in the worthy a In his Councils, pag. 619. Work of that no less Learned than Religious Knight Sir Henry Spelman. 30. And now the full time was come, 24 wherein good King Edward exchanged this life for a better. 1066 Jan. 4. Who, How the Kings of England come to cure the Kings Evil. as he was famous for many personal Miracles, so he is reported to have entailed (by Heaven's Consort) an hereditary Virtue on his Successors the Kings of England, (only with this Condition, b Primrosius de Vulgat. Error. cap. ultimo. that they continue constant in Christianity) to cure the Kings Evil. This Disease, known to the Greeks by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, termed by La●ines Struma, and Sorophulae, hath its Cause from Phlegm, it's chief and common outward Residence, in or near the Neck & Throat, where it expresseth itself in Knobs and Kernels, pregnant often times with corrupted Blood, & other putrified matter, which on the breaking of those Bunches, floweth forth, equally offensive to Sight, Smell and Touch. And yet this noisome Disease is happily healed by the Hands of the Kings of England stroking the Soar: & if any doubt of the Truth thereof, they may be remitted to their own Eyes for farther Confirmation. But there is a sort of men, who to avoid the Censure of over-easy Credulity, and purchase the Repute of prudent Austerity, justly incur the Censure of affected Frowardness. It being neither Manners nor Discretion in them, in matters notoriously known to give daily Experience the Lie, by the Backwardness of their Belief. 31 But whence this Cure proceeds, Several opinions of the Causes thereof. is much controverted amongst the Learned. Some recount it in the Number of those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whose Reason cannot be demonstrated. For as in vicious Commonwealth's Bastards are frequent, who being reputed Filii Populi, have no particular Father: so man's Ignorance increaseth the number of Occult Qualities, (which I might call Chances in Nature,) where the Effect is beheld, but cannot be certainly referred to any immediate and proper Cause thereof. Others impute it to the power c Ferrerius, lib. 2. method, cap. 11. de Homeric. Curate. of Fancy, and an exalted Imagination. For when the poor Patient (who perchance seldom heard of, and never saw a King before) shall behold his Royal Hand dabbling in a Puddle of Putrefaction, & with a charitable Confidence rubbing, smoothing, chafing those loathsome Kernels, (which I may call Clouds of Corruption, dissolved ofttimes into a feculent Shower;) I say, when the Sick-man shall see an Hand so humble of an Arm so high, such Condescension in a King, to stroke that Soar, at which meaner Persons would stop their Nostrils, shut their Eyes, or turn their Faces; this raiseth, erecteth, enthroneth the Patients▪ Fancy, summoning his spirits to assist Nature with their utmost Might, to encounter the Disease with greater Advantage. And who will look into the Legend of the Miracles of Imagination, shall find many strange, and almost incredible, things thereby really effected. 32. Other Learned men, Others count it Superstition. and particularly d Lib. de Incantamentis. Gaspar Peucenus, though acquitting this Cure from Diabolical Conjuration, yet tax it as guilty of Superstition. With him all such do side, as quarrel at the Ceremonies and Circumstances used at the Healing of this Malady. Either displeased at the Collect read, (consisting of the first nine verses of the Gospel of St. john) as wholly improper, and nothing relating to the Occasion; or unresolved of the Efficacy of the Gold pendent about the Patient's Neck, (whether partly completing, or a bare Compliment of the Cure;) or secretly unsatisfied, what manner and measure of Belief is required (according to the Model whereof Health is observed to come sooner or later;) or openly offended with the e Gu. Tucker in Charismate, cap. 7. pag. 96. Sign of the Cross, which was used to be made by the Royal Hands on the Place infected. Anno Dom. All which Exceptions fall to the ground, Anno Regis Edvardi Confessoris 24 when it shall be avowed, that notwithstanding the Omission of such Ceremonies (as requisite rather to the Solemnity, than Substance of the Cure) the bare Hands of our Kings (without the Gloves, Jan. 4. as I may term it, of the aforesaid Circumstances) have effected the healing of this Disease. 33. Hereupon some make it a clear Miracle, Many make the Cure miraculous. and immediately own God's Finger in the King's Hand. That when the Art of the Physician is posed, the Industry of the Chirurgeon tired out, the Experience of both at a Loss, when all humane Means cry craven; then that Wound made by the Hand of God, is cured by the hand of his Vicegerent. Hath Heaven endued Vegetables (the worst and weak est of living Creatures) with cordial Qualities? yea, hath it bestowed precious Properties on dull and inanimate Waters, Stones and Minerals, insomuch that such are condemned for Silly or Sullen, for Stupid or Stubborn, as doubt thereof? And shall we be so narrow-hearted, as not to conceive it possible, that Christian men, the nobiest of corporeal Creatures; Kings, the most eminent of all Christian men; Kings of Britain, the First-Fruits of all Christian Kings, should receive that peculiar Privilege, and sanative Power, whereof daily Instances are presented unto us? See here the vast Difference betwixt Papists and Protestants. How do the former court those Miracles, which fly from them; and often, in default of Real ones, are glad and greedy to hug and embrace empty Shadows of things falsely reported to be done, or fond reputed to be Miracles? Whereas many Protestants, on the contrary, (as in the matter in hand) are scrupulous in accepting Miracles truly tendered unto them. But although our Religion, firmly founded on, and safely sensed with the Scriptures, need no Miracles to confirm or countenance the truth thereof: yet when they are by the hand of Heaven cast into our Scales (not to make our Doctrine Weight, but) as superpondium, or an Over-plus freely bestowed; sure they may safely without Sin be received; not to say, can scarce be refused, without (at least) some suspicion of Neglect & Ingratitude to the Goodness of God. 34. Nor will it be amiss here to relate a Passage which happened about the midst of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, The ingenuousconfession of a Catholic. after Pope Pius did let fly his Excommunication against her. There was a stiff Roman Catholic (as they delight to term themselves) otherwise a man well accomplished, and of an ingenuous Disposition, who being cast into Prison, (I conceive for his Religion,) was there visited in an high degree, with the Kings Evil. And having with great Pain and Expense, but no Success, long used the advice of Physicians, at last he humbly addressed himself unto the Queen's Majesty; by whom, with God's help, he was completely cured. And being demanded, What news; a Gum Tucker in Charismate cap. 6. pag. 92. I perceive, said he, now at last by plain experience, that the Excommunication denounced by the Pope against her Majesty is in very deed of none effect, seeing God hath blessed her with so great and miraculous a Virtue. 35. This mention of Queen Elizabeth (there is a magnetic Virtue in Stories, Queen Elizabeth why displeased with the people in Gloce stershire for one to attract another) minds me of a Passage in the beginning ofher Reign. Making her Progress into Glocestershire, people affected with this Discase did in uncivil Crowds press in upon her. Insomuch that her Majesty, betwixt Anger, Grief, and Compassion, let fall words to this effect: Alas, poor people, I cannot, I cannot cure you; it is God alone that can do it. Which words some interpreted, (contrary to her Intent and Practice, continuing such Cures till the day of her Death) an utter renouncing and disclaiming of any Instrumental Efficacy in herself. Whereas she only removed her Subjects Eyes from gazing on her, to look up to Heaven. For men's Minds naturally are so dull and heavy, that instead of travelling with their Thanks to God, the Cause of all Cures, they lazily take up their Lodging more than halfway on this side, mistaking the Dealer for the Giver of their Recovery. It follows not therefore, that the Queen refused to heal their Bodies, because careful in the first place to cure their Souls of this dangerous Mistake. A Princess, who as she was a most exact Demander of her Due, (observed seldom or never to forgive her greatest Favourites what they owed her) so did she most punctually pay her Engagements to others, as to all men, so most especially to God, loath that he should lose any Honour due unto him, by her unjust Detaining thereof. 36. The Kings of France share also with those of England in this miraculous Cure. And Laurentius reports, The Kings of France cure the Kings Evil. that when Francis the first, King of France, was kept Prisoner in Spain, he, notwithstanding his Exile and Restraint, daily cured infinite Multitudes of people of that Disease; according to this Epigram: Hispanos inter sanat Rex Choeradas, estque Captivus Superis gratus, ut ante fuit. The Captive King the Evil cures in Spain; Dear, as before, he doth to God remain. So it seemeth his Medicinal Quality is affixed not to his Prosperity, but Person; so that during his Durance he was fully free to exercise the same. 37. Thus fare we patiently hear, La●●rentius falsely denies the Kings of England power in curing the Kings Evil. and sufficiently credit this Author; but can no longer afford him either Belief or Attention; when he presumeth to tell us, that the Kings of England never a De mirabill strumarum curatione c. 2. cured the King's Evil, a Virtue appropriated only to his Majesty of France. Only he confesseth, that long ago some of our English Kings of the Anjovan Race (descended from jeffery Plantagenet) did heal the Falling Sickness, with certain Consecrated Annulets, a Custom long since difused. Thus he seeks to deprive our Princes of their Patrimonial Virtue, and to make them Reparations (instead of their sanative Power, whereof they are peaceably possessed to them and their Heirs, holding it of God in chief) with assigning them an old Lea●e, where the Title at the best was litigious, and the Term long ago expired. But the Reader may be pleased to take notice, that this Laurentius was Physician in ordinary to King Henry the fourth of France, and so had his Judgement herein bowed awry with so weighty a Relation; Flattery being so catching a Disease, wherewith the best Doctors of Physic may sometimes be infected. To cry quits with him, Doctor Tucker, Chaplain to Queen Elizabeth, in a Treatise he wrote of this Subject, denyeth the Kings of France ever originally cured this Evil, but per aliquam b In his charismate cap. 6. pag. 84. Propaginem, by a Sprig of Right derived from the primitive Power of our English Kings, under whose Jurisdiction most of the French Provinces were once subjected. 38. Between these two Authors, The indifferent Opinion. violent in Opposition, haply we may find the Truth, whose constant Dwelling-place is pleasantly seated in a moderate Vale, betwixt two swelling Extremes. For it plainly appeareth by uncontrollable Arguments and Evidences, that both the Crowns, of England and France, have for many years been invested with this miraculous Gift; yet so, that our English Kings are the elder Brothers in the Possession thereof. For if St. Lewes, King of France (who was contemporary with our King Henry the third) was the c So witnesseth Andrew Chasne ae French Author, and others. first of that Royal Race, which healed this Evil, his Cradle was more than 160, years after the Cousin of our Edward the Confessor, from whom, as is aforesaid, our Kings derive this sovereign Power by constant Succession. But methinks my Book in this Discourse, gins to bunch or swell out, and some will censure this Digression for a Struma, or tedious Exuberancy, beyond the just Proportion of our History; wherefore no more hereof: only I will conclude with two Prayers; extending the first to all Good people, That Divine Providence would be pleased to preserve them from this painful and loathsome Disease. The second I shall confine to myself alone (not knowing how it will suit with the Consciences and Judgements of others,) yet so as not excluding any who are disposed to join with me in my Petition; namely, That if it be the Will of God to visit me (whose Body hath the Seeds of all Sickness, Anno Dom. 1066 Jan. 4. and Soul of all Sins) with the aforesaid Malady, Anno Regis Edvardi Confessoris 24 I may have the Favour to be touched of his Majesty, the Happiness to be healed by him, and the Thankfulness to be grateful to God the Author, and God's Image the Instrument of my Recovery. I'll only add this short Story and then proceed. A little before these Wars began, a Minister (not over-loyally affected,) was accused, and was like to have been troubled for this Passage in his Sermon, that Oppression was the Kings Evil. But being called to answer it before the Commissioners, he expounded his own words, that he meant Oppression was the King's Evil, not that the King caused it, but only cured it, and alone in this Land could remedy and redress the same. 39 King Edward dying Childless, Harold usurpeth the Crown. caused by his affected Chastity, 1066 left the Land at a Loss for an Heir in a direct Line, Haroldi 1 & opened a Door to the Ambition of Collateral Pretenders. Indeed the undoubted Right lay in Edgar Atheling, Son to Edward the Outlaw, Grandchild to Edmond Iron-side King of England: But he being tender in Age, and (as it seems) soft in Temper, and of a foreign Garb, because of his Education in Hungary, (his most potent Alliance in Germany, out of Distance to send him seasonable Assistance,) was passed by by the English Nobility. These chose Harold to be King, whose Title to the Crown is not worth our deriving of it, much less his relying on it. But having endeared martialists by his Valour, engaged Courtiers by his Bounty, and obliged all sorts of People by his Affability, he was advanced to the Crown by those, who more considered his Ability to defend, than his Right to deserve it. 40. William Duke of Normandy was Competitour with Harold, William Duke of Normandy twisteth many weak Titles together. who supplying in Number what he wanted in Strength of his Titles, claimed the Crown by Alliance, Adoption, and Donation from Edward the Confessor; though he was as unable to give and bequeath, as William, being a Bastard, in the Strictness of Saxon Laws, was uncapable to receive it. But his Sword was stronger than his Titles, and the Sins of the English more forceable then either, to deliver that Nation (now grown, as Authors observe, intolerably vicious) into his Subjection. So that in a pitched Field, he overcame and killed King Harold, with the prime of the English Nobility, (a just Punishment on their Perjury, for their deserting their Lawful Prince;) and such as survived, were forced either to hold the Stirrup, or Lackey by the Side of many a mean-born Norman, mounted to Places of Profit and Honour. This was the fifth time wherein the South of this Island was conquered; first by Romans, secondly by Picts and Scots, thirdly by Saxons, fourthly by the Danes, and fifthly by the Normans. This mindeth me of the Prophet Elisha's speech to a 2 Kings 13. 19 joash King of Israel; Thou shouldest have smitten Syria 5. or 6. times, then hadst thou smitten Syria, till thou hadst consumed it. (It seemeth five may, but six must dispatch a People.) God hath already smitten this Island five times with a Rod of Foreign Invasion; let us beware the sixth time (that final, fatal Number) for fear it prove the last, and utter Confusion and Destruction of our Nation. 41. Thus King William came in by Conquest, William rebateth his conquering Sword with Composition. though in the later part of his Reign, growing more mild and moderate, he twisted his Right of Victory with Composition: as such who have ravished a Woman against her will, endeavour afterwards to make her Reparation by Wooing and Wedding her, whom formerly they had wronged; so with Love to cover their Lust, by the most excusable way of Marriage. So King William, though he had forced this Land, yet afterwards, not so much out of Remorse as Policy, (to suppress frequent Tumults, and procure Security to himself and Successors) is said to have closed with the Commons in a fair way of Agreement, restoring many ancient Privileges unto them. Thus, though Conquest was more honourable for his Credit, Composition was comfortable for his Conscience, and accounted most safe for his Posterity. Witness that judicial Sentence, which King William in open Court pronounced against himself, adjudging the Lord of a Camden' s Britannia in Norfolk. Sharnborn in Norfolk, Anno Regis Haroldi 1 being an Englishman, Anno Dom. 1066 true owner of that Manor; contrary to that Grant, wherein he had formerly bestowed it on one Warren a Norman. Herein the Conqueror confessed himself conquered, submitting his Arbitrary Power and Pleasure to be regulated by Justice, and the ancient Rights of Englishmen. 42. But what Impression the Norman Victories made on the State, Abreviate of the Doctrine of England in these Ages before the Norman Conquest. let Politicians observe; what Change it produced in the Laws, we leave to the Learned of that Faculty to prosecute: whilst that which renders the Conquest to Consideration in our Church-Story is, the manifest Change of Religion, from what formerly was publicly professed in England. To make this Mutation in its due time more conspicuous, we will here conclude this Book with a brief Character of the principal Doctrines generally taught and believed by the English, in these four last Centuries, before tainted with any Norman Infection. For though we must confess and bemoan, that Corruptions crept into the Church by Degrees, and Divine Worship began to be clogged with superstitious Ceremonies; yet that the Doctrine remained still sound and entire, in most material Points, will appear by an Induction of the dominative Controversies, wherein we differ from the Church of Rome. 1. Scripture generally read. For such as were with the Holy Bishop Aidan, sive Attonsi, sive b Bedae Eccles. Hist. lib. 3. cap. 5. Laici, either Clergy or Laity, were tied to exercise themselves in reading the Holy Word, and learning of Psalms. The Original preferred. For Ricemarch a c Caradoc. in Chron. of Cambridge. Britain, a right Learned and Godly Clerk, Son to Sulgen Bishop of Saint david's, flourishing in this Age, made this Epigram on those who translated the Psalter out of the Greek, so taking it at the Second hand, and not drawing it immediately out of the first Vessel. Ebreis' d MS. in the Library of the Learned Bishop, William Bedel, and cited by the Archbishop of Armagh in the Religion of the ancient Irish, pag. 9 Nablam custodit litter a signis, Pro captu quam quisque suo sermone Latino Edidit, innumeros lingua variante libellos, Ebreum que jubar suffuscat nube Latina. Nam tepefacta ferum dant tertia Labra Saporem. Sed sacer Hieronymus, Ebreo fonte repletus, Lucidius nudat verum, breviusque ministrat. This Harp the holy Hebrew Text doth tender, Which, to their Power, whilst every one doth render In Latin Tongue with many Variations, He clouds the Hebrew Rays with his Translations. Thus Liquors when twice shifted out, and poured In a third Vessel, are both cooled and soured. But Holy Jerome Truth to light doth bring Briefer and fuller, fetched from th' Hebrew Spring. No Prayers for the Dead, in the modern notion of Papists. For, though we find Prayers for the Dead, yet they were not in the nature of Propitiation for their Sins, or to procure Relaxation from their Sufferings: but were only an honourable Commemoration of their Memories, and a Sacrifice of Thanksgiving for their Salvation. Thus St. Cuthbert, after he had seen the Soul of one Hadwaldus e Bede in vita Cuthberti cap. 34. carried by Angels into Heaven, did celebrate Obsequies of Prayers in his behalf. Purgatory, though newly hatched, not yet fledged. For, although there are frequent Visions and Revelations in this Age pretended, thereon to build Purgatory (which had no Foundation in Scripture) yet the Architects of that fancy-full Fabric had not so handsomely contrived it, as it stands at this day in the Romish Belief. For a Lib. 3. c. 19 Bede, out of the Vision of Furseus, relateth certain great Fires above the Air, appointed to examine every one according to the merits of his Work, differing from the Papists Purgatory; which Bellarmine, by the common Consent of the Schoolmen, determineth to be within the Bowels of the Earth. Thus nothing can be invented, and perfected at once. Communion under both kinds. For, b De vita Cuthberti prosa, cap. 15. Bede relateth, that one Hildmer, an Officer of Egfride King of Northumberland, entreated our Cuthbert to send a Priest that might minister the Sacrament of the Lords Body and Blood unto his Wife, that then lay a dying. And Cuthbert himself, immediately before his own Departure out of this Life, received the Communion of the Lords Body and Blood. And, lest any should fond hope to decline so pregnant an Instance, by the novel conceit of Concomitancy (a Distinction that could not speak, because it was not born in that Age) it is punctually noted, that he distinctly received the Cup. Pocula c Idem in vita Cuthberti carmine, cap. 36. degustat vitae, Christique supinum Sanguine munit iter— His Voyage steep the easier to climb up, Christ's Blood he drank out of Life's healthful Cup. So that the Eucharist was then administered entire, and not maimed (as it is by Papists at this day) serving it, as d 2 Sam. 10. 4 Hanun the Ammonite did the clothes and Beards of David's Ambassadors, cutting it off at the Middle. And, though the word Mass was frequent in that Age (generally expressing all Divine Service;) yet was it not known to be offered as a propitiatory-Sacrifice for the quick and dead. 43. But if any desire farther Information herein, The Author's engagement to the Archb. of Armagh, and conclusion of this second book let him repair to the worthy Work, which james, the right learned and pious Archbishop of Armagh, hath written of the Religion professed by the ancient Irish and British. From whom I have borrowed many a Note (though not always thanking him in the Margin, by citing his Name) and therefore now must make one general Acknowledgement of my Engagement. In Cities we see, that such as sell by Retail (though of less Credit) are of great Use, especially to poor people, in parcelling out Pennyworths of Commodities to them, whose Purses cannot extend to buy by Wholesale from the Merchant. Conceive I in like manner, my Pains will not be altogether unprofitable, who in this History have fetched my Wares from the Storehouse of that Reverend Prelate (the Cape-Merchant of all Learning) and here in little Remnants, deliver them out to petty-country-Chapmen, who hitherto have not had the Hap, or Happiness to understand the original Treasuries, whence they are taken. And clean through this Work in point of Chronologie, I have with implicit Faith followed his e In his book, de Brit. Eccl. primord. Computation, setting my Watch by his Dial, knowing his Dial to be set by the Sun, and Account most exactly calculated, according to the critical truth of Time. Long may he live for the Glory of God, and Good of his Church. For whereas many learned men, though they be deep Abysses of Knowledge, yet (like the Caspian Sea, receiving all, and having no Outlet) are loath to impart aught to others; this bright Sun is as bountiful to deal abroad his Beams, as such dark Dales as myself, are glad, and delighted to receive them. SEVERAL COPIES OF BATTEL-ABBEY ROLL. To the right worshipful Sr. Simon Archer, of Tanworth in Warwickshire. SOme report, that the Toad, before her death, sucks up (if not prevented with sudden surprisal) the precious Stone (as yet but a Jelly) in her Head, grudging Mankind the Good thereof. Such generally the Envy of Antiquaries, preferring that their Rarities should die with them, and be buried in their Graves, rather than others receive any Benefit thereby. You cross the current of common Corruption; it being questionable whether you be more skilful in knowing, careful in keeping, or courteous in communicating your curious Collections in that kind. justly therefore have I dedicated these several Copies of Battel-Abbey Roll unto you: first, because I have received one of the most authentic of them from your own Hand: secondly, because your ancient Name chargeth through and through most of these Catalogues. Yea, as the Archers came over with the Conqueror, so the Conqueror may be said to come over with the Archers, (therefore placed in a List by themselves,) because their Valour achieved the greatest part of his Victory. PErusing the worthy Pains of grave and godly Mr. Fox, The Design propounded and asserred. in his Book of Martyrs; I find him in the Reign of William the first, exemplifying a double Catalogue of such eminent Persons as came over at the Conquest. Now, seeing so Reverend a Writer accounted the inserting thereof no Deviation from his Church-History, we presume accordingly, by way of Recreation of the Reader, to present him with a larger List of those Names, with some brief Notes thereupon. Here will I premise nothing about the ancient Original of Names, Imposing of names denotes dominion. which argued the undoubted Dominion of him who first gave them, over those on whom they were imposed. Thus Eve a Gen. 4. 1. named Cain; to show the command, even of the Mother, over the eldest (and therefore over all her) Children. Adam b Gen. 2. 23. named Eve, She shall be called Woman; to signify the Husband's Sovereignty over his Wife. God named c Gen. 1. 26. Adam, Let us make Adam, or Man; to denote his Power and Authority over Man. And God named himself, d Exod. 3. 14. I am hath sent me unto you; importing his absolute and independent being in, and from himself. But, waving what may be said of the beginning of Names, we shall digest what we conceive necessary for our present Purpose, into the following Propositions. The first is; Fixed Surnames not long before the Conquest. Surnames were fixed in Families in England, at, or about the Conquest. I say, fixed. Formerly, though men had Surnames, yet their Sons did not, as I may say, follow suit with their Fathers, the Name descended not hereditarily on the Family. At, or about. Forty years under or over will break no squares. It began somewhat sooner, in the Confessors time, fetched out of France, but not universally settled till some hundred years after. When men therefore tell us, how their Surnames have been fastened on their Families, some Centuries of years before the Conquest, we hear them say so. His Chronology was no better than his Heraldry, who boasted that his Ancestors had given the three Gun-holes (which indeed were the three Annulets) for their Arms these thousand years, when Guns themselves have not been extant three hundred years in Europe. The same solecism in effect is committed by such, who pretend to the Antiquity of Surnames, before the same were settled in rerum natura. The second; Surnames late in (because not needful to) Kings. Kings had fixed Surnames later than Common people. Our four first Norman Kings had no Surnames, Henry the second being the first of the Plantagenists. Wonder not that a gentile Fashion should come later into the Court, then into the Country, and last to the Crown itself. For Names being made to distinguish men, they were more necessary for common people, whose Obscurities would be lost in a Multitude, were they not found out by the sign of their Surnames, having no other Eminency whereby they might be differenced. But Princes (being comparatively few in respect of private persons) are sufficiently discovered by their own Lustre, and Sovereignty may be said to be a Surname to itself; and therefore Kings, not of Necessity, but mere Pleasure have accepted additions to their Christian-names. The third; Many of the Normans most noble by birth. Many who cameover out of Normandy, were Noble in their native Country. Especially such who are styled from their Places, as le Sire de Soteville, le Sire de Margneville, le Sire de Tancarville, etc. whereby we understand them Lords and Owners of such Manors, Towns, and Castles from whence they took their Denomination. However this particle de such a place (when without le Sire going before it) doth not always give Livery and Seisin, and presently put the person so named into Possession of the Place; sometimes barely importing that he was born there, and not Owner thereof. The fourth; Yet some not so much as Gentlemen. All that came over with the Conqueror were not Gentlemen until they came over with the Conqueror. For, instantly upon their Victory, their Flesh was refined, Blood clarified, Spirits elevated to a● higher Purity and Perfection. Many a Peasant in Normandy commenced Monsieur by coming over into England, where they quickly got Goods to their Gentry, Lands to their Goods, and those of the most honourable Tenure in Capite itself. What Richard the third said, no less spitefully then falsely, of the Woodviles (Brethren to the Wife of his Brother King Edward the fourth, by whom they were advanced) that Many were made noble who formerly were not worth a Noble, was most true of some of the Norman Soldiery, suddenly starting up honourable from mean Originals. These cruelly insulted over the Saxon ancient Gentry, whom they found in England. Thus on the new casting of a Die, when Ace is on the Top, Sise musts needs be at the Bottom. The fifth; Many of the neighbouring Nations under the notion of Normans. Besides native Normans, many of the neighbouring Countries engaged in England' s Invasion. As Flemings, which Baldwin Earl of Flanders, and Father in law unto the Conqueror, sent to aid him: Walloons, with many from Picardy, Britain, Anjou, and the very Heart of France. Thus when a Fair of Honour and Profit is proclaimed, Chapmen will flock from all parts unto it. Some will wonder, that any would be such wilful Losers, as to exchange France for England, a Garden for a Field. Was not this degrading of their Souls in point of Pleasure, going backward from Wine to Ale, from Wheat to Oats, than the general Breadcorn of England? Besides, coming Northward they left the Sun on their Backs; the Sun, who is a comfortable Usher to go before, but bad Train-bearer to come behind one. But let such know, that England in itself is an excellent Country (too good for the unthankful people which live therein) and such Foreigners, who seemingly slight, secretly love, and like the Plenty and Profit thereof. But, grant England far short of France in Goodness, yet such Adventurers hoped to achieve to themselves a better Condition in a worse Country. Many a younger Brother came over hither, in hope here to find an elder Brothership, and accordingly procured an Inheritance to him, and his Posterity. As for the great French Nobility, Store was no sore unto them: such Pluralists retained still their old Patrimonies in France, with the additions of their new Possessions in England. The sixth; W-names Walloons. Names coming over with the Conquest, beginning with W. were not out of France, but the Vicinage thereof. As the Britan's disclaim X. the Latins Y. (save when the badge of a Greek word Latinized:) so the French disown W. When we find it therefore the initial letter of a Name (whereof many occur in the ensuing Catalogue) it argueth the same Walloon, or Almain. Yea, I am credibly informed, that some of the English here, wearied with Harold's Usurpation, fled over into Normandy to fetch in the Conqueror; so that, when King William entered, they returned into England. And this particularly hath been avouched of the noble Family of the Wakes, who were here before the Conquest, yet found among the Norman Invaders. The seventh; The twilight credit of Battel-Abbey Roll. Battel-Abbey Roll is the best extant Catalogue of Norman Gentry, if a true Copy thereof could be procured. 1. Battel-Abbey Roll. Because hung up in that Abbey, as fixed to the Freehold thereof, where the Names of such as came over with the Conquest were recorded. 2. Best extant. Otherwise Industry, with Honesty, Leisure, and Liberty to peruse Dooms-day-book, might collect one more perfect, out of impartial Records, which neither fear, nor flatter. Such a Catalogue were to be believed on its Word, before Battle Roll on its Oath. 3. Yet that Abbey Roll deserved Credit, if a true Copy might be procured. One asked, which was the best St. Augustine? To whom this Answer was given (generally true of all ancient Authors) even that Augustine which is least corrected. For Corrections commonly are corruptive, as following the Fancy and Humour of the Corrector. Battel-Abbey Roll hath been practised upon with all the Figures of Diction, Prothesis, Aphaeresis, etc. some names therein being augmented, subtracted, extended, contracted, lengthened, curtailed. The same Scruple therefore which troubleth Sophisters, Whether Jason' s weather-beaten Ship, so often clouted and patched with new Board's, were the same numerically with the first; may be propounded of Battel-Abbey Roll, whether that extant with us, after so many Alterations, be individually the same with the Original? See what a deadly Gash our great a Camden in his Remaines p. 152. Antiquary gives to the Credit thereof; Whosoever considereth it well, shall find it to be forged, and those Names to be inserted, which the Time in every Age favoured, and were never mentioned in that Authentical Record. Obj. If such be the depraving of Battel-Abbey Roll, Obj. Then it is of no credit. than no Credit at all is due unto it. Let it be pilloried for a mere Cheat, and be suffered no longer to go about, to deceive the honest Reader thereof: seeing we cannot hear the true Tone of Names therein, Monks have so set them to the Tune of their present Benefactors, and Minions of the Age they lived in. Ans. Though there be much Adulteration therein, Ans. How credit thereunto is to be cautioned. yet I conceive, the main Bulk and Body thereof uncorrupted. As they therefore overvalue this Roll, who make it the Grammar of French-Gentry, the Heralds Institutes, and of Canonical Credit amongst them: so such too much decry the same, who deny all trust thereunto. Yea, we may confidently rely on this Roll, where we find a Concurrence of ancient English Historians therewith: and this will appear in the generality of Names which that Roll presenteth unto us. We find in our English Chroniclers two printed Copies (a Manuscript thereof worth mentioning, I have not met with) of Battel-Abbey Roll. Wherein such various Lections, they agree neither in Number, Order, nor Spelling of the Names; which, though generally digested in an Alphabetical way, are neither of them exactly ordered according to the same. But behold both. Holinshead, pag. 3. Stow, pag. 105. Aumarle Aumeic Aincourt Audley Audeley Angilliam Angilliam Argentoun Argentoun Arundel Arundéll Avenant Abel Abel Auverne Awgers Aunwers Angenoun Angiers Archer Angenoun Aspervile Archere Amonerduil Anvay Arey Aspervile Albeny Albevile Akeny Andevile Asperemound. Amoverduile 16 Arcy Akeny Albeny Aybevare Amay Aspermound Amerenges. 24 Bertram Bertram Buttecourt Butrecourt Brehus Braehus Byseg Byseg Bardolfe Bardolf Basset Basset Bigot Bohun Bohun Bailiff Bailif Bondevile Bondevile Barbason Brabason Beer Baskervile Bures Bures Bonylayne Bounilayne Barbayon Bois berner's Botelere Braybuf Bourcher Brand Brabaion Bonvile berner's Burgh Braibuf Busshy Brande blundel Bronce Breton Burgh Belasyse Bushy Bowser Banet Bayons blondel Bulmere Breton Broune Bluet Beke Baious Bowlers Browne Banistre Beke Belomy Bickard Belknape Banastre Beachamp Baloun Bandy Beauchamp Broyleby Bray Burnell Bandy Belot Bracy Beufort Bounds Baudewine Bascoun Burdon Broilem Bertevyley Brolevy Bar Burnell Bussevile Bellet Blunt Baudewin Beawper Beaumond Bret Burdon Barret Bertevilay Barnevale Bar Barry Bussevile Bodyt Blunt Bertevile Beaupere Bertine Bevill Belew Bardvedor bushel Brette Beleneers Barrett Buffard Bonret Boteler Bainard Botvile Barnivale Brasard Bonett Belhelme Barry Branch Bryan Bolesur Bodin Blundel Bertevile Burdet Bertin Bagot Berenevile Beaupount Bellewe Bools Bevery Belefroun Busshell Barchampe. Boranvile 69 Browe Believers Buffard Botelere Bonveier Botevile Bellire Bastard Bainard Brasard Beelhelm Braine Brent Braunch Belesuz blundel Burdet Bagot Beauvise Belemis Bisin Bernon Boels Belefroun Brutz Barchamp. 96 Camois Camos Camvile Canville Chawent Chawent Chauncy Chancy Conderay Couderay Colvile Colvile Chamberlain Chamberlain Chamburnoun Chambernoune Coming Cribet Columber Corbine Cribet Corbet Creuquere Coniers Corbin Chaundos Corbett Coucy Chaundos Chaworth Chaworth Claremaus Cleremaus Clarel Clarell Camuine Chopis Chaunduyt Chaunduit Clarevays Chantelow Chantilowe Chamberay Colet Cressy Cressy Curtenay Courtenay Constable Constable Cholmely Chaucer Champney Cholmelay Chawnos Cornevile Comivile Champeney Champain Carew Carevile Chawnos Carbonelle Clarvaile Charles Champain Cherberge Carbonel Chawnes Charles Chaumont Chareberge Caperoun Chawnes Chain Chawmont Curson Cheyn Coville pag. 4. Cursen Chaiters Conell Cheines Chayters Cateray Chains Cherecourt Cateray Cammile Cherecourt Clerenay Chaunvile Curly Clereney Cuily Curley Clinels Clifford. Chaundos 49 Courteney Clifford. 52 Denaville Deanvile Dercy Dercy Dive Dine Dispencere Dispenser Daubeny Daniel Daniel Denyse Device & Druell Druel Devaus' Devause Davers Davers Dodingsels Doningsels Darell Darel Delaber De la bear Delapole De la pole Delalinde De la lined Delahill De la Hill Delaware De la ware Delavache De la watch Dakeny Dakeny Dauntre Dauntry Desny Desny Dabernoune Dabernoun Damry Damry Daveros Daveros Davonge De la Vere Duilby De liele Delavere De la ward Delahoid De la plance Durange Danway Delee De Hewse Delaund Disard Delaward Durant Delaplanch Drury Damnot 32 Holinshead, pag. 4. Stow, pag. 105. Danway Dehense Devile Disard Doiville Durant Drury Dabitot Dunsterville Dunchampe Dambelton 44 Estrange Estrange Estutevile Escutavile Engaine Escriols' Estriels Engain Esturney Evers 5 Esturney Ferrerers 6 Folville Folvile Fitz Water Fitzwatter Fitz Marmaduke Fitz-Marmaduke Flevez Fibert filbert Fitz-Roger Fitz Roger Fitz-Robert Favecourt Fanecourt Ferrer Fitz-Philip Fitz Philip Fitz-william Filiot Fitz-Pain Furniveus Fitz-Alyne Furnivaus Fitz-Ralfe Fitz Oats Fitz-Broun Fitz William Foke Fitz Roand Frevile Fitz Pain Faconbridge Fitz Auger Frissel Fitz Aleyn Filioll Fitz Kauff Fitz-Thomas Fitz Brown Fitz-Morice Fouke Fitz-Hugh Frevil Fitz-warren Front de Boef Faunvile Facunberge Formay Fort Formiband Frisell Frison Fitz Simon Finer Fitz Fouk Fitz-Vrey Filioll Furnivall Fitz Thomas Fitz-Herbert Fitz Morice Fitz-Iohn Fitz Hugh 31 Fitz Henry Holinshead, pag. 4. Stow, pag. 106. Fitz Waren Fitz Rainold Flamvile Formay Fitz Eustach Fitz Laurence Formibaud Frisound Finere and Fitz Robert Furnivale Fitz Geffrey Fitz Herbert Fitz Peres Fichet Fitz Rues Fitz Fitz Fitz john Fleschampe 53 Gurnay Gargrave Gressy Granson Graunson Gracy Gracy Glaunvile George's Gover Gower Gascoigne Gaugy Grey Goband Golofer Grace Grauns' Gaunson Gurly Golofre Gurdon Gobion Gamages Grensy Gaunt Grant 13 Greile Grevet Gurry Gurley Grammori Gernoun Grendon Gurdon 'Gins Grivel Grenevile Glatevile Gurney Giffard Goverges Gamages 30 Haunteney Hansard Haunsard hastings Hastings Haulay Hanlay Husie Haurell Herne Husee Hamelyn Hercy Harewell Herioun Hardell Herne Hecket Harecourt Hamound Henoure Harcourd hovel 11 Hamelin Harewell Hardell Haket Hamound Harcord 18 jarden jarden jay jay jeniels janvile jerconvise jaspervile janvile 4 jaspervile 6 Kaunt Karre Karre Karron Karrowe Kyriell Koine 3 Kimaronne Kiriell Kancey Kenelre 8 Loveny Lestrange Lacie Levony Linneby Latomere Latomer Loveday Loveday Logenton Lovel Level Lemare Le Scrope Levetot Lemare Lucy Litterile Luny Lucy Logevile Lislay, or Liele Longespes Longspes Loverace Longschampe Longechampe Lastels Lascales Lind-Sey Lacie Loterell Lovan Lindsey Leded Longvaile Luse Le Vawse Loterell Loy Loruge Lave Longevale Le Dispenser Loy 22 Lorancourt Loians Limers Longepay Laumale Lane Lovetot 30 Mohant Marmilou Mown Moribray Maundevile Morvile Marmilon Manley Moribray Malebranch Morvile Malemaine Miriell Muschampe Manlay Musgrave Malebraunch Menilebillers' Malemaine Mortmain Mortimere Muse Mortimaine Mountbocher Muse Malevile Marteine Marteine Mountbother Mountney Mountsoler Maleherbe Malevile Musegross Malet Musard Mounteney Mautravers Monfichet Merke Maleherbe Murres Mare Montague Musegros Mantalent Musard Mandute Moine Manle Montravers Malory Merke Merny Murres Muffet Mortivale Menpincoy Monchenesy Mainard Mallory morel Marny Morley Mountagu Mountmartin Mountfort Miners Maule Mauley Monhermon Mainwaring Musett mantel Menevile Mayel Mantevenat Morton Manfe 39 Menpincoy Maine Mainard morel Mainell Maleluse Memorous Morreis Morleian Maine Malevere Mandut Mountmarten Mantelet Miners Mauclerke Maunchenel Movet Meintenore Meletak Manvile Manlay Maulard Mainard Menere Martinast Mare Mainwaring Matelay Malemis Maleheire Moren Melun Marceans Maiell Morton 76 Noers Nevile Nevile Neumarch Newmarch Norton Norbet Norbet Norice Norece Newborough Newborough Neiremet Needle Neile Normanvile Normavile 8 Neofmarch Nermitz Nembrutz 12 Otevel Otenel Olibet Olibet Olifant Olifaunt Osenel Oysel Oisel Oliford Olifard Oryol Orinal 6 Oriol 8 Pigot Pigot Pery Percy Perepount Perecount Pershale Pershale Power Power Painel Paynel Perche Peche Pavey Peverel Peurell Perot Perot Picard Picard Pudsey Pinkenie Pimeray Pomeray Pounsey Pounce Punchardon Pavely Pynchard Paifrere Placy Plukenet Patine Phuars' Pampilion Punchardoun Poterel Pinchard Pekeney Placy Pervinke Pugoy Penicord Patefinc 22 Place Pampilioun Percelay Perere Pekeny Poterell● Peukeny Peccel Pinel Putril Petivol Preaus Pantolf Peito Penecord Prendirlegast Percivale 39 Quincy Quincy Quintiny Quintine 2 2 Ros Rose Holinshead, pag. 5. Stow, pag. 107. Ridell Riddle Rivers Rynel rivel Rous Rous Russel Rushell Rond Raband Richmond Ronde Rochfort Rye Reymond Rokell 9 Risers Randvile Roselin Rastoke Rinvill Rougere Rait Ripere Rigny Richemound Rochfort Raimond 22 Souch Seuche Shevile Seint Quintine Seucheus saint Omer Senclere saint Amond Sent Quintin saint Leger Sent Omere Sovervile Sent Amond Sanford Sent Legere Somery Somervile saint George Siward saint Les Saunsovere Savine Sanford saint Glow saints saint Albine Savay saint Barbe Saulay Sandevile Sules saint More Sorrel saint Scudemore Somerey 17 Scent john Scent George Scent Les Sesse Salvin Say Solers Saulay Scent Albin Scent Martin Sourdemale Seguin Scent Barbe Scent Vile Souremount Soreglise Sandvile Sauncey Sirewast Scent Cheverol Scent More Scent Scudemore 40 Toget Towers Tercy Toget Tuchet Talybois Tracy Tuchet Trousbut Truslot Trainel Trusbut Taket Traynel Trussel Taket Trison Talbot Talbot Tanny Touny Tibtote Trays Trussel Tollemach Turbevile Tolous Turvile Tanny Totet Touke Tavers Tibtote Torel Turbevile Tirel Turvile Totels' Tomy Taverner Taverner 20 Trenchevile Trenchelion Tankervile Tirel Trivet Tolet Travers Tardevile Turbarvile Tinevile Torel Tortechappel Tr●sbote Treverel Tenwis Totelles 37 Vere Valence Vernoun Vancord Vescy Vavasour Verdoune Vender Valence Verder Verdeire Verdon Vavasour Vere Vendore Vernoune Verlay Venables Valenger Venoure Venables Verland Venoure Verlay Vilan Vernois Verland Verny Valers Vilan Veirny Umframvile Vavurvile Unket Veniels Urnall Verrere 18 Uschere Veffay Vanay Vian Vernays' Urnal Unket Urnaful Vasderol Vaberon Valingford Venicorde Valive Viville Vancorde Valenges 35 Wardebois Wake Ward Walenger Wafre Warde Wake Wardebus Wareine Waren Wate Wate Watelin Wateline Watevile Watevile we Woly Werdonel Wyvel Wespaile 10 Wivell 12 The total sum of all in Ralph Holinshed, 629 The total sum of all in john Stow, 407 Besides this Roll of Battle Abbey, there is another extant, not (as this) Alphabetically modelled, (the work of some Monk well at Leisure) but lose, without any literal Order. An argument, in my opinion, of the more native Purity thereof, (less soiled with partial Fingers) as not so much tampered with by Art and Industry. It is reputed by many to be the Muster-roll of such principal Soldiers, as embargued with Duke William at St. Valeries: and it is said that after the Fight ended; this List was called over, and all persons solemnly summoned, to answer to their Names therein; though many made no vous-avez, as either sick of their Wounds, or slain outright amongst the six thousand and odd, which lost their Lives on the place. Were we assured hereof, we would prefer this before the former Roll, believing a French Muster-master, rather than any English Monk, (though the Abbot of Battle himself) as not so subject to the suspicion of Flattery herein. This Catalogue is taken out of Guilliam Tayleur a Norman Chronicler of good Credit: but the worst is, we want Tayleur's French Original, and I fear it hath passed through some Butchers hands, before it came to us. For there be three Editions thereof in our English Historians, which (like the feet of a Badger) fall out of unequal Length, (if the Reader be pleased to measure them) so different the Number of names therein. However, because this Catalogue may conduce to the supplying of Defects, clearing of Doubts, and amending of Faults in that former, we here present the several Copies thereof. Fox, Acts & Mon. pag. 182. Odo Bishop of Bayeux Robert Count de Mortaigne, Duke William's half brethren Baudwin de Buillon Roger Count de Beaumond, surnamed with the bread Guillaume Malet le sire de Monfort sur Rille Guil. de Viexpont Neel de S. Sauveur le Viconte le sire de Fougiers Henry Seigneur de Ferieres le sire Daubemare Guil. sire de Romare le sire de Lithehare le sire de Touque le sire de la Mare le sire de Neauhou le sire de Pirou Rob. sire de Beaufou le sire Danou le sire de Soteville le sire de Margneville le sire de Tancarville Eustace Dambleville le sire de Magneville le sire de Grantmesnil Guil. Crespin le sire de S. Martin Guil. de Moulins le sire de Puis Geoffray sire de Mayenne Auffroy de Bohon Auffroy, & Maugier de Cartrait Guil. de Garennes Hue de Gournay, sire de Bray le Conte Hue de Gournay Euguemont de l' Aigle le Viconte de Tovars' Rich. Dawverenchin le sire de Biars le sire de Solligny le Bouteiller Daubigny le sire de More le sire de Vitry le sire de Lacie le sire du val Dary le sire de Tracy Hue sire de Montfort le sire de Piquegny Hamon de Kayeu le sire Despinay le sire de Port le sire de Torcy le sire de jort le sire de Riviers Guil. Moyonne Raoul Tesson de Tingueleiz Roger Mar mion Raoul de Guel Avenel des Byars Paennel du Monstier Hubert Rob. Bertran le Tort pag. 183. le sire de Seulle le sire de Dorival le sire de Breval le sire de S. jehan le sire de Bris le sire du Homme le sire de Sauchoy le sire de Cailly le sire de Semilly le sire de Tilly le sire de Romelli Mar de Basqueville le sire de Preaulx le sire de Gonis le sire de Sainceaulx le sire de Moulloy le sire de Monceaulx The Archers du val de Reul, and of Bretheul, and of many other places. le sire de S. Saen, i. de S. Sydonio le sire de la Kiviere le sire de Salnarville le sire de Rony end de Beaugieu le sire de Oblie le sire de Sacie Holinshed, Chron. pag. 2. Odo Bishop of Bayeulx Robert Earl of Mortaing Roger Earl of Beaumond, surnamed a la Barbe Guillaume Mallet, seig. de Montfort Henry seign. de Ferrer Guil. d' Aubellemare, seig. de Fougieres Guil. de Roumare, seig. de Lithare le seig. de Touque le seig. de la Mare Neel le Viconte Guil. de Vepont le seig. de Magneville le seig. de Grosmenil le seig. de S. Martin le seig. de Puis Guil. Crespin Guil. de Moyenne Guil. Desmoullins Guil. Desgarennes Hue de Gourney, alias Genevay le seig. de Bray le seig. de Govy le seig. de Laigle le seig. de Tovarts le seig. de Aurenchin le seig. de Vitrey le seig. de Trassy, alias Tracy le seig. de Picquigny le seig. d' Espinay Osmond seig. du Pont le seig. de Estoutevile le seig. de Torchy le seig. de Barnabost le seig. de Breval le seig. de Seeulme le seig. de Houme le seig. de Souchoy le seig. de Cally le seig. de la Rivere Euldes de Beavieu le seig. de Roumilly le seig. de Glotz le seig. du Sap le seig. de Vanville le seig. Branchou le seig. Balleul le seig. de Beausault le seig. de Telleres le seig. de Senlys le seig. de Bacqueville le seig. de Preaulx le seig. de jovy le seig. de Longueville le seig. de Aquigny le seig. de Passy le seig. de Tournay le seig. de Colombieres le seig. de Bollebec le seig. de Garensieres le seig. de Longveile le seig. de Houdetot le seig. de Malletot le seig. de la Hay Malerbe le seig. de Porch Pinche le seig. de Ivetot The Earl of Tanquervile The Earl d' Eu The Earl d' Arques pag. 3. The Earl of Anjou The Earl of Nevers le seig. de Rouvile le Prince de Alemaigne le seig. de Pavilly le seig. de S. Cler le seig. d' Espinay le seig. de Bremetot Alain Fergant Earl of Britain le seig. de la Ferte Rob. fils Hervays, Duc de Orleans le seig. de la Land le seig. de Mortimer le seig. de Clare le seig. de Magny le seig. de Fontnay Roger de Montgomery Amaury de Tovars le seig. de Hacquevile le seig. de Neanshou Stow, Chron. pag. 103. Odo Bishop of Bayon Robert Earl of Mortaigne Bandonni de Buillon Roger E. of Beaumont with the beard Guilliam Mallet Guil. Fitz Osberne le sire de Montfort sus Rille Guil. de Vielz pont Neel de Saint Saveur le Vicont le sire de Feugiers Henry sire de Ferrer le sire Dambemare Guil. sire de Romare le sire de Lichare le sire de Tonque le sire de la Mare le sire de Nahabon le sire de Piron le sire de Beauson le sire de Damnon le sire de Soteville le sire de Margneville le sire de Tankerville Eustace Dambleville le sire de Magneville le sire de Grimsville Guil. Crespin le sire de S. Martin pag. 104. Guil. de Moulineus le sire de Pins Gieffray sire de Mayenne Affroy de Behaunt Affroy & Mavigr. de Cartaict Guil. de Garennes Hue de Gournay, sire de le Bray le Conte Hue de Dournay Enguemount le Laigle le Vicont de Tovars Rich. Donnemchin le sire de Biars le sire de Salligny le Boutellier Daubegny le sire de Marre le sire de Victry le sire de Lacie le sire du fall Darie le sire de Tracy Hue sire de Montfort le sire de Piqgny Hamon de Brayen le sire de Spinay le sire de Port le sire de Torchy le sire de jort le sire de Rivers Guil. Moyon Raoul Tesson de Chignelois Rogier Marmion Raoul de Gael Ave Neel de Biars Parnel du Monstier Bertram le Tort Hubert Robert le sire de Seukee le sire de Dormal le sire de Brenall le sire de S. jehan le sire de Bois le sire de Homme le sire de Saussay le sire de Cailly le sire de Semilly le sire de Tilly le sire de Romely Martell de Basquevill le sire de Praux le sire de Gonies le sire de Sainteaulx De Mullox These Archers of the vale of Rueill, and of Bretviel, and of many other places. le sire de S. Saen le sire de la Rhymer le sire de Salnarnille le sire de Tony Eude de Beaugien le sire de Ollie. Fox, Acts & Mon. pag. 183. le sire de Nassie le Visquaius de Chaymes le sire du Sap le sire de Glos le sire de Mine le sire de Glanville le sire de Brcencon le Vidam de Partay Raoul de Morimont Pierre de Bailleul sire de Fiscamp le sire de Beausault le sire de Tillieres le sire de Pacy le Seneschal de Torcy le sire de Gacy le sire Doully le sire de Sacy le sire de Vacy le sire de Tourneeur le sire de Praeres Guil. de Coulombieres Hue sire de Bollcbec Rich. sire Dorbec le sire de Bonneboz le sire de Tresgoz le sire de Montfiquet Hue le Bigot de Maletot le sire de la hay le sire de Brecy le sire de Mombray le sire de Say le sire de la Ferte Boutevillain Trousseb●●t Guillaume Patric de la Land Hue de Mortomer le sire Danvillers le sire Donnebaut le sire de S. Cler Rob. le filz Herneys Duc d' Orleans le sire de Harecourt le sire de Crevecoeur le sire de Deyncourt le sire de Brimetot le sire de Combray le sire Daunay le sire de Fontenay le Conte Deureux le sire de Rebelchil Alain Fergant, Conte de Bretaigne le sire de S. Vallery le Conte Deu Gaultier Giffard Conte de Longueville le sire Destouteville le Conte Thomas Daubmalle Guil. Conte de Hoymes. & Darques le sire de Bereville le sire de Breante le sire de Freanville le sire de Pavilly le sire de Clere Toustan du Bec le sire de Maugny Roger de Montgomery Amaury de Tovars' Holinshed, Chron. pag. 2. le seig. de Perou Robert de Beaufou le seig. Meauvon le seig. de Sotevile Eustace de Hamblevile Geoffray Bournom le seig. de Blainvile le seig. de Maunevile Geoffray de Moienne Auffray, and Maugre de Carteny le seig. de Freanvile le seig. de Mowbray le seig. de jafitay Guil. Patais, seig. de la Land Eulde de Mortimer Hue Earl of Gournay Egremont de Laigle Richard d' Aurinchin le seig. de Bearts le seig. de Soulligny Bouteclier d' Aubigny le seig. de Marcey le seig. de Lachy le seig. de Valdere Eulde de Montfort Henoyn de Cahieu le seig. de Vimers Guil. de Movion Roul Tesson de Tignolles Anguer and Earl of Hercourt Roger Marmion Raoul de Gaiel Avenel de Viers Pauvel du Montier Hubert Rob. Bertraule Tort le seig. de Seulle le seig. Dorival le seig. de la Hay le seig. de S. john le seig. de Saussy le seig. de Brye Richard Dollebec le seig. du Monfiquet le seig. de Bresey le seig. de Semilly le seig. de Tilly le seig. de preaux le seig. de Meuley le seig. de Monceaux The Archers of Bretvile The Archers of Vaudrevile le seig. de S. Sain le seig. de Breansou le seig. de Sassy le seig. de Nassy le Vidam de Chartres le seig. de jeanvile le Vidam du Passais Pierre du Bailleul seig. de Fescampe le seneschal de Torchy le seig. de Grissey le seig. de Bassey le seig. de Tourneur Guil. de Colombieres le seig. de Bonnebault le seig. de Ennebault le seig. de Danvillers le seig. de Bervile le seig. de Creveceur le seig. de Breate le seig de Coutray The Earl of Eureux le seig. de S. Valery Thomas Earl d' Aumale The Earl de Hiesmes Stow, Chron. pag. 104. le sire de Sacy le sire de Vassie le Bisquams de Chaymes le sire de Sap le sire Duglosse le sire de Nime le sire de Blamville le sire de Brencon le Vidam de Partenay Roult de Mormont Pierre de Bailleul sire de Fescamp le sire de Beaufault le sire de Tillieres le sire de Pacy le Seneschall de Torchy le sire de Gacy le sire de Doully le sire de Sancy le sire de Bacy le sire de Tourneur le sire de Praores Guilliam de Colombieres Hue sire de Bollebec Richard sire Dorbec le sire de Donnebos le sire de Troisgros le sire Mont Fiquet Hue le Vigot, alias Bigot de Maletot le sire de la hay le sire de Bracy le sire de Mowbray le sire de Say le sire de Lasert Bontevillam Tronsebours Guilliam Patris de la Laud Hue de Mortimer le sire Donviller le sire Donnebant le sire de S. Cler Robert le Fitz Herneys Duke Dorlians le sire de Harecourt le sire Crevecure le sire de Dancourt le sire de Brunetot le sire de Cambray le sire Dauncy le sire Fonteney le Counte Deureux le sire de Roberchil Alan sergent Count de Britain le sire de saint Wallery le Count Deden Gualtar Guisart, Count de Longneville le sire de Scouteville le Count Thomas Danbinale Guil. de Hoimes, & Darques le sire de Barrevile le sire de Breante le sire de Freanvile le sire de Panilly le sire de Clear Tostamdubee le sire de Mangny Roger du Montgomery Comes Almary de Tovaers There is still another Catalogue, late in the possession of Thomas Scriven Esquire. I confess, Quantus Author, tanta fides, and the Gentleman, long since dead, being generally unknown, some will question the Authority thereof. But know he was a good Promus-condus of ancient Records. Condus, in keeping them faithfully himself; and Promus, in imparting them freely to others. This his Catalogue is exemplified by john Stow in his Chronicle. Of whom though a Cambridge Comedian was pleased pleasantly to say, that Mendacio now and then jogged on the Elbow; yet indeed he deserveth a Camden in Middlesex. Camden's commendation of a famous Chronicler, lacking Learning rather then Truth, seldom omitting what is, sometimes recording what is not observable. But see the b Stow Chron. pag. 107. Catalogue. Achard Averenges Aielard Alard Aubeney Avenel Asprevil Audeny Ak●in Arcy Amile Aunmidvile Abbevile Andvile Albemarke Aubrey Archer Bastard Baignard Barvile Brassard Berad Boygnard Barkarvile Bares Basset Bars Belet Beil Breit Boneit Bluet Brachet Buket Biset Blundet Burdet Blete. Barry B●rri Bracy Brenenile Bounttuile Butenile Beamchampe Burnel Bussel Bele●ce Bonere Bodler Botiler Bogod Burle Bawl Brenbe Brus Butelem Bricourt Brian Boch Bozim Bion Bailoil Brocheris Bardulfe Bancan Bussey Beamvis Bleis Baventre Camule Carenile Cardevile Condrey Curtsy Caution Caily Corbet Clare Curtais Curthose Chamlin Costentin Comthense Cozmit Challenges Chastlem Courtueis Chawers Curty Conun Crioile Charles Chen Chaucer Chandos Cunly Curly Crely Colcuile Cabot Charnel Chamel Charel Cheinie Darcy Dunstervile Douchampe Despenser Duredent Drivall Duket Dreward Delamare Drunall Dela Deincourt Eurous Estotkirke Faberburt Fossard Fresel Frevile Fressenile Folenile Firmunde Fizgessray Firpers Fitzwaters Feskampe Fizhu Fizurs Ferrer Fornitall Fineit Fitzbrian Frison Ferers Fohambles Frignes Fitzgariz Formentin Gangy Greminle Gieunile Gornumile Gemule Gerard Giffard Gondrel Gorger Goner Gigod Gaibit Giptot Garin Gunter Grass Grauntson Gournay Greis Gamage Gautere Gorge Hainule Hantvile Humchampe Herebrace Henile Herenile Havel Hachet Haket Harvy Hanesy Hersy Hai Hazard Hausard Hasser Hubert Hamelin Harecurte Hus Hense jardin Kemes Keines Kusac Kosin Kamais Laci Liar Lunecy Luret Lucy Lidet Linguenile Levener Licot Lonecot Lovel Lescei Lambert Lenn Limare Lisle La. Maignard Maureward Mountford Montague Mountbray Maundevile Mortmer Mansel Maschy Mungomer Morvile Meisy Munty Mounteni Mulet Mumfitchet Martell morel Musard Maleit Milere Molevorer Manturners Moreiiss Muelent Meigne Menul Man Maceis Mabuom Mortem Mansey Maresthall Morley Martinas Murdacke Metun Mameisin Morin Mire Morim Neemarch Nepunt Orniall Osevile Orware Passemer Passenaunt Picot Poorvanger Pers Purcel Pichard Pypard Pamel Panel Piterel Penerel Pleisy Paveli Pilet Parley Palet Piket Percy Punchet Pachet Punis Pandulpho Pulem Penir Penne Phanecourt Pales Prouz Pirim Peisim Parteben Punifrait. Quinsi Quatramart Russel Rydel Roter Rochel Rooz Richmount Semtenile Somery Say Suneli Sorel Seteplace Spivenile Saundernile Sonule Soler Sourrile Stutenile Soleny Spigurnel Seintbrenel Soylard Swywar Saucer Sausaver Seniler Saintcler Senittomer Seintleger Saundenal Savage Seintion Saint-mareis Saucei Sal Signs Seintlis Seintmoris Seintgorge Seintiore Seint-quintin Seintmore Sauntzire Saintchy Setuans Seinte-royiz Seinteleme Toret Tavit Turpet Tramel Torchapel Tonny Trussel Tuchet Torevile Trevet Tirel Trans Talebot Turbenile Tracy Trussebut Toc Tailpas Truan Tener Tisiure Tayleboys Verer Vilers Vesty Vinframile Veily Vaieus Veisin Vorill Venur Vavasue Vaus. Widenile Wimle Wilby Wadel Ward Wyschard Waldeboef Wastueis Warem Weirim Tuoire, To these six Catalogues let me add one more; not that I am an affecter of a septenary Number, but because confident it is the best and most authentic of all the rest. I find it in a Acts and Mon. To. 1. pag. 237. Mr. Fox; but surely collected by some (more skilful than himself in this kind) out of several ancient Chronicles. It containeth such Persons who after the Battle were advanced to Seignories in this Land. It presenteth us only with the initial Letters of their Christian Names, save for the first seven therein. And although hereby we are left at an Uncertainty, as whether G. signifieth George or Gilbert, I. james or john; yet more than a Conjecture may be made by observing what Christian Name was predominant in their Posterity. john de Maunde vile Adam Vndevile Bernard de Frevile Rich. de Rochvile Gilbert de Frankvile Hugo de Dovile Symond de Rotevile R. de Evile B. de Kneuvile Hugo de Morvile R. de Colevile A. de Warvile C. de Karvile R. de Rotevile S. de Stotevile H. Bonum I. Monum W. de Vignoum K. de Vispount W. Bailbeof S. de Baleyn H. de Matreys' I. Aguleyne G. Agilon R. Chamburlayn N. de Vendres H. de Verdon H. de Verto C. de Vernon H. Hardul C. Cappan W. de Camvile I de Cameres R. de roots R. de Boys W. de Waren T. de Wardboys R. de Boys W. de Audely K. Dynham R. de Vaures G. de Vargenteen I de Hastings G. de Hastank L. de Burgee R. de Butvileyn H. de Malebranch S. de Malemain G. de Hautevile H. Hauteyn R. de Mor●eyn R. de Mortimer G. de Ranovile E. de Columb W. Paynel C. Panner H. Pontrel I de Rivers T. de Revile W. de Beauchamp R. de Beaupale E. de Ou F. Lovel S. de Troy's I de Artel I de Montebrugge H. de Mounteserel W. Trussebut W. Trussell H. Beset R. Basset R. Molet H. Malovile G. Bonet P. de Bonvile S. de Rovile N. de Norbeck I de Corneux P. de Corbet W. de Montague S. de Mountfychet I de Genevyle H. Gyffard I de Say T. Gilbard R. de Chalons S. de Chauward H. Ferret Hugo Pepard I de Harecourt H. de Haunsard I de Lamare P. de Mautrevers G. de Ferron R. de Ferrer I de D'esly W. de Werders H. de Bornevile I de Saintenies S. de Syncler R. de Gorges E. de Gemere W. de Feus' S. de filbert H. de Turbervile R. Troblenuer R. de Angon T. de Morer T. de Rotelet H. de Spencer R. de St. Quentin I de Saint Martin G. de Custan Saint Constantin Saint Leger & Sains Med. M. de Cronu & de S. Viger S. de Crayel R. de Crenker N. Meyvel I de berner's S. de Chumly E. de Charers I de Grey W. de Grangers S. de Grangers S. Baubenyn H. Vamgers E. Bertram R. Bygot S. Trebly I. Trigos G. de Feves H. Filiot R. Taperyn S. Talbot H. Santsaver T. de Samford G. de Vandien C. de Vautort G. de Montague Tho. de Chambernon S. de Montfort R. de Fernevaulx W. de Valence T. Clarel S. de Clervaus P. de Aubermale H. de Saint Arvant E. de Auganuteys S. de Gant G. de Malearbe H. Mandut W. de Chesun L. de Chandut R. Filzurz B. Viscount de Low G. de Cantemere T. de Cantlow R. Breaunce T. de Broxeboof S. de Bolebec B. Moll de Boef I de Muelis R. de Brus S. de Brews I. de Lille T. de Bellile I de Watervile G. de Nevile R. de Neuburgh H. de Burgoyne G. de Bourgh S. de Lymoges L. de Lyben W. de Helyoun W. de Hildrebron R. de Loges S. de Saint Low I de Maubank P. de Saint Malow R. de Leofern I de Lovotot G. de Dabbevile H. de Appelot W. de Percy H. de Lacie G. de Quincy E. Tracy R. de la Souche V. de Somery I de Saint john T. de Saint Gory P. de Boyly R. de Saint Valery P. de Pinkeny S. de Pavely G. de Monthaut T. de Mountchesy R. de Lymozy G. de Lucy I de Artois N. de Arty P. de Grenvile I de Greys' V de Cresty F. de Courcy T. de Lamar H. de Lymastz I de Mowbray G. de Morley S. de Gorney R. de Courtenay P. de Gourney R. de Coney I de la Huse R. de la Huse V de Longevile P. Longesly I. Pouchardon R. de la Pomercy I de Pountz R. de Pontlarge R. Estrange Tho. Savage. I presume the Reader sufficiently wearied with so many dull Prose-Catalogues; and now we will refresh him a little with an Old Song, as I find their Names metrically composed in the Chronicle of john Brompton the Abbot. Indeed the Rythms may be said to make themselves; such is the like Cadency of many Norman-names; and if the Verses do but chime and tinck in the Close, it is enough to the purpose. Vous que desyrez assaver Les Nons de grauntz de la la mer Que vindrent Od le conqueror William Bastard de grant vigor, Lours surnons issi nous denys, Come je les trova en escris. Car des propres none force nigh a, Purse qillis sont chaunges sa & la; Come de Edmond en Edward, De Baldwyn en Barnard. De Godwyn en Goddard. De Elys en Edwin: Et issint de toutz autrez none, Come ils sont levez dufons. Purse lour surnons que sont usez, Et ne sont pas sovent chaungez, Vous ay escript; ore escotez. Si vous oier les voylletz. Maundevyle & Daundevyle Ounfravyle & Downefrevyle Bolvyle & Baskarvyle Evyle & Clevyle Morevyle & Colevyle Warbevyle & Carvyle Botevyle & Sotevyle Deverous & Cavervyle Mooun & Bo●● Vipoun & Vinoun Baylon & Baylaun Maris & Marmyoun Agulis & Aguloun Chaumberleyn & Chamber sound Vere & Vernoun Verdyers & Verdoun Cryel & Caroun Dummer & Dammoun Hasting & Cammois Bardelse, Botes & Boys Warenne & Wardeboys Rhodes & Dev●rois Auris & Argenten Botetour & Botevelyn Malebouch & Malemeyn Hautevyle & Hauteyn Danvey & Dyveyn Malure & Malvesyn Morten & Mortimer Braunz & Columber saint Denis & saint Cler saint A●byn & saint omer saint Fylbert, Fyens & Gomer Turbevyle & Turbemer Gorges & Spenser Brus & Boteler Crevequel & saint Quinreyn Deverouge & saint Martin saint Mor & saint Leger saint Vigour & saint Per Avynel & Paynell Peyvere & Perverell Rivers & Rivel Beauchamp & Beaupel Lou & Lovel Ros & Druell Mountabours & Mountsorell Trussebot & Trussell Bergos & Burnell Brabant & Boterell Biset & Basset Malevyle & Malet Bonevyle & Bonet Nervyle & Narbet Coynale & Corbet Mountain & Mounsychet Geynevyle & Gyssard Say & Seward Chary & Chaward Pyryton & Pypard Harecourt & Haunsard Musegrave & Musard Mare & Mautravers Frenz & Ferters Bèrnevyle & berner's Cheyne & Chalers Daundon & Dangers Vessi, Grace & Graungers Bertram & Bygod Traylliz & Tragod Penbri & Pypotte Freyn & Folyot Dapisoun & Talbote Sanzaver & Saunford Vadu & Vatorte Montagu & Mounford Forneus & Fornyvaus Valens, Isle & Vaus' Clarel & Claraus Aubevyle & Seint Amauns Agantez & Dragans Malerbe & Maudut Brews & Chaudut Fizowres & Sized Lou Cantemor & Cantelou Braybuffe & Huldbynse Bolebeke & Molyns Moleton & Besyle Richford & Desevyle Watervyle & Dayvyle Nebors & Nevyle Hynoys, Burrs, Burgenon Ylebon, Hyldebrond, Holyon Loges & Seint Lou Maubank & Seint Malou Wake & Wakevyle Condree & Knevyle Scales & Clermount Beauvys & Beaumont Mouns & Mountchampe Nowers & Nowchampe Percy, Crus & Lacie Quincy & Tracy Stokes & Somery saint johan & saint jay Greyle & saint Walry Pynkeney & Panely Mohant & Mountchensy Loveyn & Lucy Artoys & Arcy Grevyle & Courcy Arras & Cressy Merle & Mowbray Gornay & Courtnay Haustlaing & Tornay Husee & Husay Pounchardon & Pomeray Longevyle & Longespay Peyns & Pountlarge Strange and Sauvage. Pass we now from Poetry to Painting, seeing great the affinity betwixt them, Fancy being predominant in both. Present we here the Reader with the Names and Arms of forty Soldiers of King William the Conqueror, matched with as many Monks; but how, and on what occasion, the ensuing Writing will acquaint us. In the time of Thurston, our Abbot of Ely, born of worshipful Parentage in the Village of Wichford near Ely, King Harold, Son of Godwin, and together with him all the States of England almost, were slain by the Soldiers of William Duke of Normandy, Nephew to Saint Edward the King, upon the Feast of St. Calixt the Pope, in the year of our Lord God one thousand sixty and six. Whereupon Egelwine Bishop of Durham, Egfride Abbot of St. Alban, the Earl of Margary, and Edward Byarn, with sundry other chief of the Land, together with their Friends, laden with great Treasures, fled unto us, desirous to withstand, so far as lay in them, the enterprise of the Bastard: by whose Aid we withstood the tempestuous Threats of the Normans seven years; until such time as Belase, who at that time was General of the King's Army, and from whom the circuit of certain Hills at the South end of Alderhithe-Causey, which at this day are corruptly called Belsar's- Hills, took their name, being cast up on purpose, that the Army in the Night time might lodge there safely, astonished us by the means of an huge number of Boats gathered together upon a sudden. Á Council then being called, it seemed good to our Captains in convenient time to crave the King's Mercy. Whereupon certain were sent to the King's Court, being then at Warwick, carrying with them to the King a mighty Treasure, a competent Price & Satisfaction to pacify him concerning an unadvised Attempt. Where with the Honourable King was appeased, yet with this Covenant and Condition, that so long as it pleased him, forty of the King's Soldiers should be maintained at the charge of the Monastery. For the King feared, lest that whilst he bent his forces against the Scots not yet subdued, the Isle of Ely (being indeed a dreadful Strength) should again revolt to his great Danger. The Soldiers with their Retinue are sent, they come and here abide. Whereof each one is delivered to some principal Monk, as a Captain to his Lieutenant, or a Guest to his Host. Now the King decreed that Bertwolde, the Butler, should minister Food to the Soldiers and Monks jointly together, one with another, in the common Hall of the Monastery. What need many words? These Captains to their Lieutenants, these Guests to their Hosts, these Soldiers to their Monks were most welcome: for all of them entertained each one, each one entertained all, and every one mutually one another, with all duties of Humanity. At the length the Fire of the civil War being quenched, and the King established according to his Heart's desire, five years after, his Severity in punishing being in godly manner pacified, it pleased the King to withdraw this Yoke, wherewith the Pride of the Monks was now sufficiently abated. And the Conqueror reclaimed his Soldiers, to punish the ungodly Insolency of his Son Robert, who at that time in outrageous manner kept Riot in Normandy. But our Monks (which is a wonder to report) did not only with Tears bewail the departure of their dearest Mates, the heroical Soldiers, and welcome Guests; but howled out most fearfully, and beat their Breast as destitute of Hope, after the manner of a new-married Wife, whose Husband is violently taken away, at an unseasonable time, out of her sweet Arms unto the Wars. For they doubted lest that, being thus forsaken, they should be subject to the Spoil; whereas they had lived securely at ease, with their armed Guests, to whose trust they had committed themselves and their Goods. They being now all ready for their journey, every one of our Monks, many in number, investured in their Copes, in dutiful manner accompanied these Gentlemen departing, unto Hadenham, with Songs, Crosses, Censers, Processions, and all Solemnity that might be used. And returning home, took order that the Arms of each Soldier should be lively depainted upon the Wall of the common Hall, where they took their Repast together, to the perpetual memory of the customed Kindness of their Soldierlike Guests, the which from time to time, from the Predecessors to the Successors, and from obscure Antiquity to our Posterity at this day, are curiously set forth to be viewed of all men, not without a pleasant Delight, in such manner as they glitter and shine honourable in the Margin of this Table. This Writing was composed about the Reign of King Henry the seventh, but the Arms set up in Ely-Hall (as may appear by inserting the Coat of Robert Orford, the fourteenth Bishop of Ely) about the year 1306. Which Hall was destroyed at the Dissolution; but another Transcript of the Arms of these Knights being depicted on the Wall of the Deans Dining-room, was lately extant, whence our Draught here presented was taken (rather truly then neatly done, out of desire to conform to the Original) and communicated to me by that worthy Knight, and able Antiquary, St. Simon Archer of Warwickshire. Some will wonder that Mr. Camden maketh no mention hereof, whose omnisciency in these things may be presumed of. Yea, which is more, there is (saith a Camden' s Britannia in Cambridgeshire. he) a Rampire of mean Height, but of very large Compass, which they call Belsar' s-Hills, of one Bellisar, I wots not who; taking no notice of Belasis, the Norman General, who subdued Elie, and from whom our late-produced Writing attesteth those Hills to be so named. But, besides that Camdenus non videt omnia, great Antiquaries are sometimes subject to fits of Sullenness, & will not see what they do see, when resolved to take no Notice thereof. And now we have presented the Reader with eight several Catalogues, two of Holinshead's, two of Stow's, two of Mr. Fox, one of Scriven's, one of Friar Brompton's, besides the List of Elie Knights, I could wish a good Herald would make a Mono-ogdoon, that is, one out of eight, and Alphabetically digest the same; also note what Names are extant, and which, how, and when extinct. By names which I call extinct, understand, not existent in any signal and remarkable lustre proportionable to their former greatness, though possibly some obscure under-boughs, truly derived thence, may still be in being. That worthy b Dr. Hervey Doctor hath made many Converts in Physic to his seeming Paradox, maintaining the Circulation of Blood running round about the Body of man. Nor is it less true, that gentile Blood fetcheth a Circuit in the body of a Nation, running from Yeomanrie, through Gentry to Nobility, and so retrograde, returning through Gentry to Yeomanrie again. My Father hath told me from the mouth of Sr. Robert Cotton, that that worthy Knight met in a Morning a true and undoubted Plantagenet holding the Plough in the Country. He might add Arms to ancient names, where he could recover any Certainty therein; for I am confident that hereditary Arms are not so ancient as the Conquest, but fixed in Families about the beginning of Henry the third, finding before that time the warlike Devises of the Sons, not the same with the Fancies of their Fathers, and their grandchildren differing from both. If any say that I have already gone too far in this Subject, who am no Herald by Profession, but only K 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Praeco, a Crier in the spiritual acception of the Office: yea, that this favours of Revenge, as if, because so many in this Age invade my Calling, I in requital have made Incursion into other men's Professions; like men that take Letters of Mart, not caring whom they wrong, so they repair themselves for their former sustained, or pretended Losses: Let such know that I adventure on Heraldry, not as a Calling, but as an accessory quality for Recreation. And, in evidence of my Loyalty to the Kings of Arms, I submit what here I have written to their Censure and Correction, who have obliged me unto them with their many and great Civilities. Only I will add some Corollaries to this Roll, and so conclude. First Coral. The prefixing of D' before names. When any Name gins with a Vowel, or an H, the prefixing of D' createth a (seeimg) new Name: as Arcy, D' Arcy; Aunvers, D' Aunvers; Haurel or Hairel, D' Hairel. Second Coral. French Surnames discerned by their terminations. French Surnames are generally discernible by their Terminations In Age Ard Champe Court Cy el Er As Savage Giffard Beauchampe Harcourt Darcy Terrell Archer In Ers Eux Et Lay Nay Ot Vile As Danvers Devereux Barret Cholmelay Courtnay Talbot Nevile Some few Names whose End are exceptions from these Rules, are easily observed by reading, and known to be of French Extraction. Third Coral. Wivil closeth the Catalogue. Wivil is the last name in most Catalogues. First fixed at Stanton Wivil in Leicestershire, where they continued in the twenty fourth year of the Reign of King Henry the sixth, on this Token, that William Wivill (being sworn and examined) did depose that he could expend twenty pounds a year of old Rents besides all Charges. Of this House was Robert de Wivil Bishop of Salisbury, one neither Handsome, nor Learned, but eminent for his long Life, (forty five years' Bishop there) and high Spirit, that he would not suffer the Castle of Sarum to be parted from his See, challenged by William Montacute Earl of Salisbury, without putting it upon Trial of Battle. Long since the Wivils' here are extinct, bearing Gules, Frettey Vary, a Chief Or. But there is extant an ancient Family of that name in the North (though different in Arms) augmented in State and Honour by Matches with the Heirs of Pigot, Scroop of Vpsall, and Bointon: whereof Sr. Marmaduke Wivil of Constable-Burton in Richmondshire was created Baronet by King james, whose Grandchild Marmaduke Baronet Wivil married the Daughter of Coniers Lord Darcy. And I am glad that I may auspiciously close, and conclude my Catalogue with so worthy a Gentleman; bearing Gules, three Cheveronels braced in Base, Gobonee Argent and Azure, a Chief Or. Fourth Coral. The family of the Walgrares. All names of Gentry which by authentical Records came over at the Conquest, are not expressed in any of these Catalogues; as Saukvil, or Sackvil, and Walgrave, we finding two of that Surname. One john Walgrave a Saxon, living at Walgrave in Northamptonshire, and possessed of that Manor before the Conquest. The other a Walloon of that name, coming over with the Conqueror, and employed by him in many Services. The later of these, on the former his consent that he should marry his only Daughter, procured from the Conqueror a Pardon for his Father in Law, that he might quietly enjoy his Lands and Live, descending on this Walloon Walgrave after the other his Death. Which Pardon, legible in French, was Anno 1612. in the possession of the a Attested by john Raven Richmond Herald. See Weavers Funeral Monuments, pag. 7. 5. 8. After the Conquest several recruits of French in England. Walgraves, still flourishing in Suffolk. Fifth Coral. Let none wonder, if some names of Worshipful and Honourable Families, undoubtedly of French Original (but since the Conquest) have not appeared in the aforesaid Catalogues. For know that after the Conquest, sundry Frenchmen of signal Worth entered England at several times, chief At the Marriage First of King Henry the second to Queen Eleanor, who brought the Dukedom of Aquitain & Earldom of Poitiers for her Dowry. Secondly of Edward the second to Isabel Daughter to Philip the Fair King of France, when three thousand French came over with her (complained of as a great Grievance) and many settled here. Not to speak of the Conquests of King Edward the third and Henry the fifth in France, causing such an Intercourse of the Nations, that then England and France may be said to have born counterchangeably each others Natives. Sixth Coral. Tradesmen not mentioned in this Roll came over with them. Many will admire no mention of Tradesmen in all these Catalogues, being of absolute necessity both in War and Peace. For soon would the Head of the best Monsieur ache without a Capper, Hands be tanned without a Glover, Feet be foundered without a Tanner, Currier, Shoemaker, whole Body be straved, cold, without Weaver, Fuller, Tailor, hungry, without Baker, Brewer, Cook, harbourless, without Mason, Smith and Carpenter. Say not, it was beneath the French Gallantry to stoup to such mean Employments, who found all these Trades here amongst the English their Vassall●. For (besides that nothing is base which is honest, and necessary for humane Society) such as are acquainted with the French, both ancient & modern, finical humour, know they account our Tailors Butchers, Shoemakers Cobblers, Cooks Slovens, compared to the exactness of their Fancy and Palate; so that certainly such Trades came over with them. Seventh Coral. As appears by Doomsday Book. But hear what our great b Camden his remains pag. 234. Antiquary faith herein. In that most authentical Register, Doomsday Book in the Exchequer, ye shall have Cocus, Aurifaber, Pictor, Pistor, Accipitrarius, Camerarius, Venator, Piscator, Medicus; Cook, Goldsmith, Painter, Baker, Falconer, Chamberlain, Huntsman, Fisher, Leach, Martial, Porter, and others, which then held land in capite, and without doubt left these Names to their Posterity; albeit haply they are not mentioned in those Tables of Battle Abbey of such as came in at the Conquest. Eighth Coral. The sad case of the English. Now let me bespeak the Readers Pity (though possibly his ingenuous Sympathy hath given it before it was requested) for those poor Englishmen who were to find Freequarter for all these French. Where could their Landlords lodge them? or rather how could they long continue Landlords, when such potent Guests came to their Houses? O the several ways which their Necessities dictated unto them! Some fought, as the Kentish; who capitulated for their Liberty: some fled, as those in the North into Scotland: some hid themselves, as many in middle England in the Isle of Ely: some, as those of Norfolk, traversed their Title by Law, and that with good Success in the Old age of King William the Conqueror. Most betook themselves to Patience, which taught many a Noble Hand to work, Foot to travel, Tongue to entreat; even thanking them for their Courtesy, who were pleased to restore a Shiver of their own Loaf which they violently took from them. FINIS. THE Church-History OF BRITAIN. The Third Book. FROM THE COMING IN OF THE NORMANS, Until the appearing of JOHN WICLIFFE. SIC OMNI TEMPORE VERDO printer's or publisher's device LONDON, Printed in the Year, M.DC.LU To the Right Honourable, WILLIAM, Lord Beauchampe, etc. GRANDCHILD, AND HEIR APPARENT, To the Right Honourable, WILLIAM, Marquis of Hertford. SOme there are, who exact of every Christain (as a Touchstone of their sincerity) to render an account of the exact time of their Conversion, with the Circumstances thereof, how, when, and where performed. I must crave leave to enter myself a Dissenter herein, conceiving such a Demand unreasonable, as generally required esential to all true Believers. I confess some may return a satisfactory Answer thereunto; namely, such, whose Souls (suddenly snatched out of Error and Viciousness) were immediately wrought upon, (almost in an instant) by the Spirit of God. Thus of those * Acts 22. 41. three thousand gained, (on Many-Saints-day) by Saint Peter, at Jerusalem, with the preaching of one Sermon, each one might punctually and precisely tell, the very Moment of their true Conversion, and generally, the WORSE men have been, the BETTER they can point at the accurate date thereof. And thus as Kings count their actions by the years of their Reign, (Bishops formerly of their Consecration) so these may use the stile (In the year of our Conversion, first, or second, etc.) And as * Mar. 14. 6. Herod kept a Festival of his Natural Birthday, such (if so pleased) may duly and truly observe an Anniversary Solemnity of their Regeneration. A Privilege, not granted to all true Believers, God, to show his Power that he Can, and Pleasure that he Will, vary the manner of men's Conversion, (though going the same path by his Word and Spirit) useth a ●lower pace in the hearts of others, in whom Grace is wrought sensim sine sensu, modelled by degrees; In such; no mortal man can assign, the minutary juncture of Time, when preparing grace (which cleared the ground) ended, and saving grace (which finished the fabric of Conversion) did first begin. Observable to this purpose are the words of our Saviour, * Mark 4. 26. So is the Kingdom of God, as if a man should cast feed into the ground, and should sleep, and rise night and day, and the ●eed should spring, and grow up, HE KNOWETH NOT HOW. That grace is sown, and is grown, Men know; but when, and how, in the persons aforesaid) GOD KNOWS. Besides these, (adult Converts) there are a second sort of Christians unable to discover the Date of grace dawning in them; namely, such who with * 2 Tim 1. 5. and 3. 15. Timothy, may be said to be good, time out of mind, sucking in grace with their milk, extracted from, and educated under a pious Parentage. I hope and trust that your Honour may truly be ranked in this latter Form, that as many ancient deeds (written before the Reign of King Henry the third) are commonly without any date. Grace in like manner, will arise so early in your heart, (advantaged by your Godly Birth, and Breeding) that you shall not remember the beginning thereof. However to make sure work, it will be safest to examine yourself, (when arrived at Age) what eminent accessions, and additions of Grace, you can remember, with the Place and Time, when the same were effectually wrought in your Soul, and what bosome-sin you have conquered. Especially take notice of your solemn Reconciling to God after Repentance for some sin committed. David no doubt in some sort may be said to be born good, God being his hope when in the * Psal. 22. 10. Womb, when on the Breasts of his Mother, * Psal. 71. 5. Trusting in him, and * Psal. 71. 17. Taught by him, from his Youth. Now though probably he could not remember his first, and general Conversion, he could recount his Reconversion, after his foul Offences of Adultery and Murder, as by his Penitential Psalm doth plainly appear. Otherwise such who boast themselves Converted before Memory, (by the privilege of their pious Infancy) if they can recover no Memorials of their Repentance after relapse, and produce no time, nor tokens thereof, are so far from being good from their Cradle, it is rather suspicious they will be bad to their Coffin, if not labouring for a better spiritual estate. And now my Lord let me recommend to your Childhood the Reading of the HOLY SCRIPTURES, as the * 2 Tim. 3. 15. Apostle termeth them, holy in the fountain, flowing from the holy Spirit inditing them, holy in the Conduit pipe, derived through * 2 Peter 1. 21. holy men penning them, holy in the Liquor, teaching, and directing to Holiness, holy in the Cistern, working Sanctity in such as worthily receive them, and making them wise unto Salvation. Now next to the Study of the Scriptures, History best becometh a Gentleman, Church-History a Christian, the British History an Englishman; all which qualifications meeting eminently in your Honour, give me some comfortable assurance, that these my weak endeavours will not be unwelcome unto you; by perusing whereof, some profit may probably accrue to yourself, and more honour will certainly redown to The meanest and unworthiest of your Lordship's Servants, THOMAS FULLER. THE CHURCH-HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Anno Regis Gul. Conq 1. CENT. XI. Anno Dom. 1067. 1. WIlliam Duke of Normandy being thus arrived, Octo. 14. soon conquered Harold with an army of Normans, The drunken English conquered by the Normans, and foundeth Battle-Abbey. as far beneath the English in Number as above them in temperance: For the English being revelling before, had in the morning their brains arrested, for the arrearages of the indigested fumes of the former night, and were no better then drunk a Mane adhuc ebrii contra hostes incunctanter procedunt. when they came to fight. But these things belong to the Historians of the State to relate; whilst it is proper to us to observe, that King William to testify his gratitude to God, for the victory, founded in that place, Battel-Abby, endowing it with revenues, and large immunities. The b Combdens Brit. in Sussex. Abbot whereof (being a Baron of Parliament) carried a pardon in his presence, who casually coming to the place of Execution, had power to save any Malefactor. The Abbey-Church, was a place of safety for any Felon or Murderer, though such Popish sanctuaries themselves, if accused as unlawful, can find no refuge in Scripture precepts, or precedents for their justification, seeing the very Horns of the Altar, by divine command, did push away those wilful offenders which fled unto them: and impunity being the greatest motive to impiety, made their Covent the Centre of sinners. Here the Monks flourished in all affluence, William Crowned by the Archbishop of York, whilst many of the English Clergy fly into Scotland. as the Old world in the days of Noah, they eaten, they drank, they bought, they fold, would I might add, they married wives and were given in marriage, (for want whereof they did worse) till in the days of King Henry the eight they were all drowned in the general Deluge of the Dissolution. 2. Now it was proper to the place of Stigand, Archbishop of Canterbury, to perform the Solemnities of King William's Coronation; but he declined that employment, pretending William's unlawful title, Anno Regis Gul. Conq and loath to pour the sacred oil on his Head, whose Hands had shed so much innocent blood: The other accounting himself to have a better title to the Crown, by conquest, than the Archbishop had to his Mitre by Simony, disdained his service, and accepted the Crown from the hands of Aldred, Archbishop of York: who first required an Oath of him, to defend the Church, minister justice, and (amongst other things) to use Englishmen as favourably as Normans. Notwithstanding which Oath, he made the Normans his Darlings, and the English his Drudges; insomuch as many English Bishops and Abbot's unable to comport themselves with his harshness, and conceiving it more credit and safety, to go then to be driven away; fearing by degrees they should all be quarrelled out of their places, unwillingly willing quitted their preferments, and fled into Scotland. Here King Malcolme Canmore (who had married Margaret Niece to Edward the Confessor) freely received them. He himself had formerly lived fourteen years in England; and now of a grateful Guest, became a bountiful Host, and courteously harboured these Exiles. And as, at this time, England began to turn France, imitating the language, Garb, and manners thereof; so Scotland began now to turn England: the Families transplanted thither, transporting the English customs, fashions, and Civilities along with them. 3. About this time Doomes-day-book was made, Doomsday book made. containing an exact survey of all the houses and land in the Kingdom, 1068 unpartially done with rigorous severity. Octo. 2. They omitted Nec lucum, nec lacum, c Ingulphi Historia, fol. 516. nec locum, so accurate they were in the very fractions of the land: and therefore it may seem a miracle, that the Monks of Crowland should find a courtesy peculiar to themselves, (belike out of veneration to their Covent) that their lands were rated nec ad spatium, nec ad d idem ibid. praecium, neither so much in quantity, nor so high in value as indeed they were worth. This book of the General Survey of England, though now begun, did take up some years, e Florentius Wigorniensis & Higd●n make it finished Anno 1078. before it was completed. 4. King William called a Synod of his Bishops at Winchester, 1070 wherein he was personally present, 4. with two Cardinals sent thither from Rome. Here Stigand Archbishop of Canterbury was deposed, for several uncanonical exorbitances, and Lanfrank a lordly Lombard substituted in his room. Sugand deposed in a couned at Winchester. Stigand lived some years after in a Prison, and (which was worse) a prison lived in him, being straightened in his own bowels towards himself. For pretending poverty, he denied himself necessaries, being afterwards discovered to carry a Key about his Neck which opened to infinite treasure, so that none would lavish pity on him, who starved in store, and was wilfully cruel to himself. 5. A f Sir John Davys in his Irish report, case 〈◊〉 Praemunite fol. 87, & 89. learned lawyer hath observed, The Pope's first 〈◊〉 of the Crown of England. that the first encroachment of the Bishop of Rome upon the liberties of the Crown of England, was made in the time of King. William the Conqueror. For the Conqueror came in with the Pope's Banner, and under it won the battle, which got him the Garland; and therefore the Pope presumed he might boldly pluck some flowers from it, being partly gained by his countenance and Blessing. Indeed King William kindly entertained these Legates, sent from Rome, so to sweeten the rank savour of his coming in by the sword, in the nostrils of religious men, pretending what he had gotten by power, he would keep by a pious compliance with his Holiness. But especially he did serve the Pope to be served by him; that so with more ease and less envy, he might suppress the English Clergy. But although this politic Prince was courteous in his complimental addresses to the See Apostolic, Yet King William invested ecclesiastical pesons. yet withal he was careful of the main chance to keep the essentials of his Crown, as, amongst others, by these four remarkable particulars may appear. 6. First he g Annal Eccl. 〈◊〉 M. S. 〈◊〉 Mr Gelden in his ants on 〈◊〉 pag. 14. retained the ancient custom of the Saxon Kings, investing Bishops and Abbots, by delivering them a Ring and a Staff, whereby without more ado, they were put into plenary possession of the power and profit of their place. Yea, when Archbishop Lansrank, one so prevalent, that he could persuade King William to any thing, (provided that the King himself thought it fitting) requested William to bestow on him the donation of the Abbey of Saint Augustine in Canterbury; the King refused, saying, that he would keep all pastoral h Gervasius Dorobernensis M. S. cited ibid. Staves in his own hand. Wiser herein than his successors, who parted with those Staves, wherewith they themselves were beaten afterward. 7. Secondly being demanded to do Fealty for his Crown of England, 1078. to Gregory the seventh Pope of Rome, And refuseth to do Fealty to the Pope. he returned an answer as followeth. 12. In English. EXcellentissimo i M S codex epislolarum Lansranci cited by Sir John Davys in his Irish reports of Praemunire fol 89. Sanctae Ecclesiae Pastori Gregorio, gratia Dei Anglorum rex, & dux Normannorum Willielmus salutem cum amicitia. Hubertus Legatus tuus Religiose Pater, ad me veniens ex tua parte me admonuit, quatenus tibi & successoribus tuis fidelitatem facerem, & de pecunia quam antecessores mei ad Romanam ecclesiam mitere solebant, melius cogitarem. Vnum admisi, alterum non admisi. Fidelitatem facere nolui, nec volo, quia nec ego promisi, nec antecessores meos antecessoribus tuis, id fecisse comperio. Pecunia tribus sermè annis, in Galli is me agente, negligenter collecta est. Nunc vero, divina misericordia me in regnum meum reverso, quod collectum per praefatum Legatum mittitur; Et quod reliquum est per Legatos Lanfranci, Archiepiscopi fidelis nostri, cum opportunum fuerit, transmittetur. Orate pro nobis, & pro statu Regni nostri, quia antecessores vestros dileximus, & vos prae omnibus sincerè diligere & obedienter audire desideramus. TO Gregory the most excellent Pastor of the holy Church, William by the grace of God, King of the English & Duke of the Normans, wisheth health, and desireth k Or remembreth his love to him. his friendship. Religious Father, your Legate Hubert coming unto me, admonished me, in your behalf, in as much as I should do fealty to you, and your successors, and that I should take better care, for the payment of the money, which my predecessors were wont to send to the Church of Rome. One thing I have granted, the other I have not granted. Fealty I would not do, nor will I, because I neither promised it, neither do I find that my predecessors ever did it to your predecessors. The money for almost three years when I was abroad in France, hath been but negligently collected. But now seeing by divine mercy, I am returned into my Kingdom, what is gathered is sent by the aforesaid Legate; and the arrears which remain, shall be sent by the messengers of Lanfrank, our faithful Archbishop, in time convenient. Pray for us, and for the good state of our Kingdom, because we have loved your predecessors, and do desire sincerely to love, and obediently to hear you, above all others. It is strange on what pretence of right the Pope required this Fealty; was it because he sent King William a consecrated Banner, that under the colour thereof he endeavoured to display his power over all England, as if the King must do him homage, as a Banneret of his creation, or because he had lately humbled Henry the fourth, the Germane Emperor, he thought that all Kings in like manner, must be slaves unto him, the Pope being then in his Vertical height, and Dog-days of the heat of his Power? But we need no further inquiry into the cause of his Ambition, when we read him to be Gregory the seventh, otherwise Hisdebrand that most active of all that sat in that Chair. Surely he sent this his demand rather with an intent to spy then hope to speed therein, so to sound the depth of King William, whom if he found shallow, he knew how to proceed accordingly; or else he meant to leave this demand dormant in the Deck, for his successors to make advantage thereof; who would claim for due, whatsoever they challenged before. However so bold an asker never met with a more bold denier. Soon did King William find his spirits, who formerly had not lost but hid them for his private ends. England's Conqueror would not be Rome's Vassal, and he had Brain enough to deny, what the other had Brow to require, and yet in such wary language, that he carried himself in a religious distance, yet politic parity with his Holiness. 8. Thirdly, King William ordereth the power both of Pope and Archbishop in his own Dominion. King William would in no wife suffer any one in his Dominion, to acknowledge the Bishop of Rome for Apostolical without his a Eadmerus Hist. Nou. lib. 1. pag 6. command, or to receive the Pope's Letters, except first they had been showed unto him. As for the Archbishop of CANTERBURY, Primate of England, though by his own authority he might congregate Counsels of Bishops, and fit Precedent in them; yet the King permitted him to appoint, or prohibit nothing, but what was according to His own will and pleasure, and what the King had b Idem ibid. ordained before. 9 Lastly, Barons not to be excommunicated, without the King's command. King William suffered no Bishop to excommunicate any of his Barons, or Officers, for adultery, incest, or any such heinous crime, except by the King's Command, first made acquainted with the same. Here the word Baron is not to be taken in that restrictive sense, to which the modern acception hath confined it, only for such of the higher Nobility, which have place, and Votes in Parliament; but c J. Selden Sptcilegium ed Eadmeium, pag 168. generally for such who by Tenure en chief, or in Capite (as they term it) held land immediately of the King. And an English d Robert of Gloucester Poet (counted the Virgil of his age, and the Ennius in ours) expresseth as much in his Rhythms, which we here set down, with all the rust thereof, without rubbing it off, (remembering how one e Camden's Elizabeth, Anno 1584. John Throkmorton a Justicer of Cheshire, in Queen Elizabeth's days, for not exhibiting a judicial Concord, with all the defects of the same; but supplying, or filling up what was worn out of the Authentical Original, was fined for being over officious) and therefore take them with their faults, and all, as followeth. The berthe was that no man that of the King huld ought In Chief or in any Servise, to Manling were through Bote the wardenis of holy Chirch that brought him thereto The King lead or his Bailifeses what he had misdo And looked versed were they to amendment it bring And boat by would by their lebe do the Manling. And a grave f Radulphus de diceto. sub Anno 11●3. Author gives a good reason, why the King must be informed before any of his Barons be excommunicated, lest otherwise (saith he) the King not being certified thereof, should out of ignorance unawares, communicate with persons excommunicated, when such Officers of His, should come to kiss His hand, be called to his Council, or come to perform any personal attendance about Him. Hitherto we have seen how careful the Conqueror was, in preserving His own right in Church-matters. We will conclude all with the Syllogism, which the g L. Cooks Reports, fift part de Jure Regis Ecclesiastico, fol. 10. Oracle of the Common-Law frameth in this manner, It is agreed, that no man only can make any appropriation of any Church, having cure of souls, being a thing Eccelesiastical, and to be made to some person Ecclesiastical, but he that hath Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction. But William the first of himself, without any other (as King of England) made appropriation of Churches, with cure to Ecclesiastical persons, as by many instances may appear. Therefore it followeth, that He had Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction. And so much concerning King William's policy, in doing justice to His own power. Proceed we now to His bounty, confirming old, and conferring new favours upon the Church and Clergy. 10. First, whereas before his time the Sheriff and Bishop jointly kept their Courts together, (especially at the two solemn times, Bishop's jurisdictions first, severed from the Sheriffs. about Easter and Michaelmas) King William, in favour of the Clergy, assigned the Bishops, an a See this cleared by Mr Selden in his notes on Ead. merus, pag. 167. entire jurisdiction by themselves, wherein they should have cognizance of all causes, relating to Religion. I say relating to Religion, a latitude of a cheverel extension, adequate almost to the mind of him that will stretch it out, and few Ecclesiastical Judges would loaf, what might be got by measuring. Now formerly, whilst the power of Sheriff, and Bishop went hand in hand together in the same Court, neither could much outstrip other: but but since they were severed, the Spiritual power far outwent its old mate, improving his own, by impairing the Secular Courts; and henceforward the Canon-law took the firmer footing in England; Date we from hence the squint-eys of the Clergy, whose sight (single before) was hereafter divided with double looks betwixt two objects at once; the Pope and the King, (to put him first whom they eyed most) acting hereafter more by foreign, then domestic interest. 11. A learned pen makes a just complaint, The contest betwixt Come and Canon Law, how only to be reconciled. that b Lord Bacen in his advancement of Learning, pag. 463. Aphorism 96. Courts which should distribute peace, do themselves practise duels, whilst it is counted the part of a resolute Judge to enlarge the privilege of his Court. A grievance most visible in contest, betwixt the Common, and the Canon Law; which, as if they were stars of so different an Horizon, that the elevation of the one necessitated the depression of the other, lie at catch, and wait advantages one against another. So that, whilst both might continue in a convenient and healthful habitude, if such envious corrivalitie were deposed, now alternately those Courts swell to a tympany, or waste to a consumption, as their Judges find themselves, more, or less strengthened with power, or befriended with favour. A mischief not to be remedied, till, either that mutual consent, or a predominant power to both, impartially state their jurisdictions, rightly setting down the landmarks thereof, and binding their proceed not to exceed their bounds, which would both advance learning, and expedite the execution of Justice. 12. To return to King William: King William his Charter to the Clergy. As He conferred power on, so he confirmed profit to the Clergy. Witness his c See it at large in Mr. Selden of tithes, cap. 8. pag. 225. Charter, granting them throughout England, tithes of calves, colts, lambs, milk, butter, cheese, woods, meadows, mills, etc. Which Charter is concluded ('tis the strong hem keeps all the cloth from revelling out) Qui decimam detinuerit, per justitiam Episcopi, & Regis (si necesse fuerit) ad redditionem d Others read it adigatur, Let him be compelled. ●rguatar: Who shall detain his tithes, by the power of the Bishop, and King (if need be) let him be argued into the payment thereof. And King's arguments, we know, are unanswerable, as a● authoritate, carrying power and pehalties with them. This Charter might seem to give the tenth loaf, of all the bread in the land, into the hands of the English Clergy. But the municipal laws, which were afterwards made, did so chip and pair this loaf, with their Modus decimandi, that in many places (Vicaridges especially) a small shiver of bread falls to the share of the Minister, not enough for his necessary maintenance. 13. And here, Two contrary characters of King William. to make a short, but needful digression, I find in eminent Writers, two contrary characters of King William. Some make him an errand Tyrant, ruling only by the Magna Charta of his own will, oppressing all English without cause, or measure. No author need to be alleged for the avouching thereof, the thing being author for itself, being so notoriously known, and generally believed. Others make him to quit his title by Conquest, and hold the Crown, partly by Bequest from King Edward the Confessor, whose good laws he is said to confirm (Leges boni Regis Edvardi quas Gulielmus bastardus postea e See Mr Selden, ut suprd. confirmavit) and partly by compact with his people. Yea, the Chronicles of Lichfield make him to call a Parliament in effect; I mean, a Meeting of his Clergy and Nobility in a great Council; where, as if he had turned perfect Englishman, he conformed his practice to their ancient constitutions. 14. Should I interpose between these opposite parties, to reconcile them; Our endeavours to compass the difference. probably the blows from both sides would fall heavy on my charitable indiscretion. Yet thus far I will be bold to say, such confirmation of King Edward's law (if made by King William) probably was rather oral and verbal, then real and effectual. But if real, certainly it was not general, but limited to some particular place, as the Province of Kent, the English land of Goshen, which alone enjoyed the light of liberty, though rather gotten by them, then given unto them. But if any will contend, that this confirmation was general, they must confess it done in the later end of his Reign. King William, when young, loved honour; when old, ease: when young, to conquer; when old, to enjoy. Age will make all to stoop, as here it bowed him to a better compliance with his people. However, this his confirmation of King Edward's Laws, was not such as either gave general content to, or begat assured confidence in the English: perchance, because but a personal act, and but partially done, and no whit obligatory of his posterity. This made the English press so importunately (though in vain) to William Rufus, the King's son, and successor, for a re-confirmation of King Edward's Laws, which had been needless (as being the same with actum agere, or rather dacum petere) had the former grant from King William his father been conceived sufficient for their security. 15. As for King William's particular bounty to Battle-Abby in Sussex, King William his bounty to Battle-Abby. (which he founded) it bore better proportion to the dignity of the giver, 15. then to the deserts of the receivers. 1081. For (besides those privileges formerly a In the first paragr. of this book. mentioned) he gave it all the land within a league of the site thereof. He ordered that no foreigner should be obtruded on their Abbey, but in every vacancy, one of their own Covent should be elected Abbot thereof; except (which heavens forbidden) no fit person should be found therein for that preferment. Nor should the Abbot be forced to appear at any Synod, or meeting, except pleased of himself so to do. These, and many more immunities he confirmed to that foundation, in such an imperious stile, as if therewith he meant to bluster all future Princes (and King Henry the eighth among the rest) into a perfect obedience unto his commands. Especially with that clause in his Charter, Nullus Successorum meorum violare praesumat. But dead King's Charters, though they have tongues to threaten, yet have no teeth to by't, especially when meeting with an equal after-power to rescind them. 16. The more the pity, His hard dealing with the Students at Oxford. that such drones, lazy Abby-lubbers went away with the honey, whilst the industrious Bees were almost starved. I mean, the Scholars of Oxford. For, at the coming in of the Conqueror, the Students in Vniversity-Colledg (formerly founded by King Alfred) were maintained by pensions, yearly paid them out of the King's Exchequer: which provision was then conceived, both most honourable, as immediately depending on the Crown, and less troublesome, issuing out in ready coin, free from vexatious suits, casualties of Tenants, and other encumbrances. But now King William, who loved that the tide of wealth should flow into, but not ebb out of his coffers, detained, and denied their b Ex monumentis Gollegii Vniversitatis. exhibitions. Yea, the King picked a quarrel with them, because they sought to preserve, and propagate the English tongue, which the King designed to suppress, and to reduce all to the French Language. And yet the French speech was so far from final prevailing in this Kingdom, that it was fain at last to come to a composition with the English tongue, mixed together, as they remain at this day. Save that in terms of Law, Venarie, and Blazon, the French seemeth folly to command. The Scholars, thus deprived of their pensions, lived on the charity of c Br. Twine in Antiq Academ. Oxon. pag. 215. such as loved the continuance of their native tongue. Their Latin was then maintained by their English: though surely it was no small disturbance to their studies, merely to depend for their subsistence, on the arbitrary alms of others. 17. Pass we now from King William unto Lanckfranck Archbishop of Canterbury, Lanckfranck most kindley treated by the Pope. next the King, than the most considerable person in our Ecclesiastical History. To Rome he went with Thomas, elect of York, and Remigius of Lincoln, all three for confirmation from the Pope in their preferment. Pope Alexander treated Lanckfranck so civilly, that a stranger, if beholding the passages betwixt them, haply might have mistake Lanckfranck for the Pope, and the Pope for the Petitioner. His Highness honoured him as his Master, cujus studio sumus in illis quae scimus imbuti; by whose care (said he) we have been instructed in those things whereof we have knowledge. 18. Then Lanckfranck charged Thomas in the presence of the Pope, His charge against Thomas, elect of York. as canonically uncapable of that Archbishopric, because the son of a Priest. And yet by Lanckfrancks' leave, no Canon can be produced then in force, to debar Priests sons from preferment, though some few years after in the Council of Clermont such a prohibition was made. And therefore a Novorum lib. 1. pag. 7. Eadmerus, speaking of Lanckfranck, calumniatus est Thomam coram Papâ, in the proper acception of his words, speaks more truth than he was ware of, or probably did intent. But Lanckfranck, being a Privado to the Pope's projects, and as well to the intentions, as the actions of the Church of Rome; might by a Prolepsis antedate this objection against Thomas, using it for the present as a rub to retard him, which some years after was constituted a legal obstacle, to exclude any Priest's son from promotion. But, even when that Canon some years after was made, the Pope was not so cruel, as thereby fully, and finally to exclude all Priests sons from Church dignity, but only to shut them out for a time, that they might stand at the door and knock, (I mean with the chink of their money) and at last be let in when they had paid dear for a dispensation. 19 Lanckfranck likewise charged Remigius, And against Remigius, elect of Lincoln. elect of Lincoln, as irregular, because guilty of Simony. Yet he did not tax him with a penny of money, either paid or contracted for, only charged him that officio b Eadmerus ibid. emerar, by service-Simony he had purchased the place of King William; so that his officiousness to comply with the King's pleasure, had made him injurious, and vexatious unto the people. Here all things were referred to Lanckfrancks own arbitration; whom the Pope, of an accuser made a Judge; so far as either to admit or exclude the aforesaid Prelates; affirming, that if any unworthiness crept into English preferment, be it charged on Lanckfranck his account, whom he made sole judge of men's merits to any promotion. 20. But all is well, Lanckfranck his return and employment. that ends well; and so did this contest. Lanckfranck, having first given them a taste of his power, did afterwards give them a cast of his pity, and favourably accepted them both into their places. Hence they all post homewards, where we leave Lanckfranck safely arrived, and fondly employed in variety of business. 1. In asserting the superiority of his See above York. 2. In defending his Tenants, in what Diocese soever, from the visitations of their respective Bishops, which gave the first original to Peculiars. 3. In repairing his Church of Canterbury, lately much defaced with fire. 4. In casting out Secular Priests, and substituting Monks in their room. 5. Lastly, in recovering lands long detained from his See. Nor was he affrighted with the height and greatness of Odo, Bishop of Bayeux (though half-brother to King William, and Earl of Kent) but wrestled a fair fall with him, in a legal trial, and cast him flat on his back, regaining many Lordships, which Odo had most unjustly invaded. Such as desire more of Lanckfranck his character, let them consult Eadmerus, a Monk of Canterbury, and therefore prodigal in Lanckfrancks' praise, an Archbishop of Canterbury, and great promoter of monastical life. Indeed there was a design, driven on by Walkeline, Bishop of Winchester (who had privately wrought the King to abet it) to reinduce Secular Priests into Monks places, till Lanckfranck, getting notice, defeated the plot; procuring, that all such Monks, whom he had first fastened in their Covents, were afterwards riveted therein by Papal authority. 21. About this time a constitution was made, Bishops Sees removed from villages to cities. that Bishops should remove their Sees, from petty towns to populous places. This reason being rendered for their removal, Ne vilesceret Episcopalis dignitas, by their long living in so little villages. Such Bishop's Churches could not properly be called Cathedrals, who fate not upon chairs, but low stools, so inconsiderably small were some places of their residences. A fair candlestick, advantageously set, in some sense may be said to give light to the candle itself; and Episeopal lustre will be the brighter, if placed in eminent Cities. Besides, Bishops having now gotten Canon-Law, and distinct Courts by themselves, much people repaired unto their Consistories, which conveniently could not be accommodated in little villages, but required bigger places for their better entertainment. In order to this command, the Bishop of Dorchester, near Oxford, removed to Lincoln; as somewhat before, Selsey was translated to Chichester; and Sherborne to Sarisbury; and, not long after, Thetford to Norwich. Now, as these Cities, to which they removed, being great before, grew greater afterwards: so those places which they left, Dorchester (and Selsey especially) decayed to contemptible villages, it faring with places, as with persons; the rich grow richer still, and the meaner are daily diminished, 22. As these Bishops accounted themselves well busied, Wolstans' sunplicity saveth his Bisho prick. in removing their Bishoprics: so some, I am sure, were ill employed in endeavouring to remove a good Bishop, I mean Wolstan, from his Church of Worcester. As the Poets saign of Janus, that he had two faces, because living before, and after the flood: so this Wolstan may be charactered accordingly, made Bishop before, but continuing his place long after the Norman inundation. But, in what sense soever he may be said to have two faces, he had but one heart, and that a single and sincere one to God, and all goodness; yet his adversaries heaved at him, to cast him out of his Bishopric (because an Englishman of the old stamp) but he fate safe, right-poised therein, with his own gravity and integrity. And, being urged to resign his staff and ring, (ensigns of his Epifcopacy) he refused to surrender them to any man alive, but willingly offered them up at the Tomb of Edward the Confessor, from whom he received them. This his gratitude to his dead Patron, and candid simplicity in neglecting the pomp of his place, procured him much favour, and occasioned his peaceable confirmation in his Bishopric. 23. At this time several Liturgies were used in England, The original of Secundum usum Sanum. which caused confusion, and much disturbed men's devotions. Yea, which was worse, a brawl, yea, a battle happened betwixt the English Monks of Glassenbury, and Thurstan, their Norman Abbot, in their very Church, obtruding a Service upon them, which they disliked. Unfit persons to fight (being by their profession men of peace) and unfitter the place for a quarrel. * 1 Cor. 11. 22. Have ye not houses to eat and drink in? saith St Paul to the Corinthians, or despise ye the Church of God? Was there no other room in their Covent, for them to fall out, and fight in, but their Church alone? Here was an Holy War indeed, when Church-forms, candle-sticks, and Crucifixes, were used for shields, by the Monks, against the Abbot's armed-men, brought in against them. Nor was Holywater only, but much blood spilt in the place; eight Monks being wounded, and * Fulegium an ancient, and authenick Chronicle, cited by Mr. Fox, pag. 233. two slain (or if you will sacrificed) near the steps of the High Altar. But this accident, ill in itself, was then conceived good in the event thereof, because occasioning a settlement, and uniformity of Liturgy all over England. For hereupon Osmund, Anno Dom. 1081 Bishop of Salisbury, devised that Ordinary, or form of Service, which hereafter was observed in the whole Realm: his Church's practice being a precedent, and the devotion therein a direction to all others. Hence forward the most ignorant Parish-Priest in England (though having no more Latin in all his treasury) yet understood the meaning of, Secundum usum Sarum, that all Service must be ordered, According to the course and oustome of Salisbury Church. 24. I find no Jews in England (no deviation I hope from Church-History, The first coming of the jews into England. to touch at the Synagogue) before the Reign of the Conqueror, who a Srows Survey of London, in Coleman street Ward. brought many from Rouen in Normandy, and settled them in London, Norwich, Cambridg, Northampion, etc. In what capacity these Jews came over, I find not; perchance as plunderers, to buy such oppressed English men's goods, which Christians would not meddle with. Sufficeth it us to know, that an invasion by Conquest (such as King William then made) is like an Inn entertaining all adventurers; and it may be these Jewish bankers assisted the Conqueror with their coin. These Jews (though forbidden to buy land in England) grew rich by usury (their consciences being so wide, that they were none at all) so that in the barest pasture (in which a Christian would starve) a Jew would grow fat, he bites so close unto the ground. And ever low down their backs, is part of God's curse upon the Jews. And crook-backed men, as they eye the earth, the centre of wealth; so they quickly see (what strait persons pass by) and easily stoop to take up that they find thereon; and therefore no wonder, if the Jewish nation, whose souls are bowed down with covetousness, quickly wax wealthy therewith. King William favoured them very much; and Rusiu, his Son, much more; especially, if that speech reported of him be true, that he should swear by St Lake's face (his common oath) if b Slows Survey of London pag. 288. the Jews could overcome the Christians, he himself would become one of their sect. 25. Now was the time come of King William's death, 22. Sept. 9 ending his days in Normandy. 1088 But see the unhappiness of all humane felicity; The death of King Wil●● with the difficulty of his burial. for, his breath, and his servants forsook him both together; the later leaving him, as if his body should bury itself. How many hundreds held land of him in Knights-service? whereas now, neither Knight, nor Esquire to attend him. At last, with much ado, his corpse are brought in mean manner to be interred in Cane. As they were prepared for the earth, a private person forbids the burial, till satisfaction was made unto him, because the King had violently taken from him that ground, on which that Church was erected. Doth not Solomon say true, A living dog is better than a dead lion; when such a little cur durst snarl as the corpse of a King, and a Conqueror? At last the Monks of Cane made a composition, and the body was buried. And, as it was long before this King's corpse could get peaceable possession of a grave: so since by a firm ejection he hath been outed of the fame. When French soldiers c Stow's Chron. at the death of King William Anno Domini 1562. (amongst whom some English were mingled) under Chattllion conducting the remnant of those which escaped in the battle of Dreux, took the City of Cane, in his way (out of pretence, forsooth, to seek for some treasure supposed to be hid in his Tomb) most baratously and cowardly broke up his coffin, and cast his bones out of the same. 26. William the Conqueror left three sons, Sept. 9 Robert, 1087 William, The three sons of the Conqueror, how denominated. and Henry: and, because hereditary surnames were not yet fixed in families, they were thus denominated, and distinguished; 1. The eldest from his goods of fortune (to which clothes are reduced) Robert Curthose, from the short hose he wore; not only for fancy, but sometime for need, cutting his coat according to his cloth: his means, all his life long, being scant and necessitous. 2. The second from the goods of his body, viz. a ruddy complexion, William Rufus, or, Red. But, whether a lovely, and amiable; or ireful, and choleric Red, Anno Dom. 1087. the Reader on perusal of his life, Anno Regis Ruf. 1. is best able to decide. 3. The third from the goods of his mind, and his rich abilities of learning, Henry Beauclerke, or, the good scholar. The middlemost of these, William Rufus, presuming on his brother Robert's absence in Normandy, and pretending his Father got the Crown by Conquest, which by will he bequeathed unto him (his eldest brother being then under a cloud of his Father's displeasure) adventured to possess himself of the Kingdom. 27. On the Twenty sixth of September, King William Rufus crowned. Archbishop of Canterbury, with good Wolstan, Bishop of Worcester, assisting him, Crowned Rufus King of England, though but his Father's second son. And indeed, the known policy of the former, and the reputed piety of the latter, were the best supporters of his title. Jacob, we know (acted with a prophetical spirit) guiding his a Gen. 48. 14. hands wittingly, laid his right on Ephraim the younger, and his left on Manasseth the elder brother: but, what warrant these Bishops had to invert, and transpose nature's method, by preferring the younger brother, before the elder, was best known to themselves. Under Lanckfranck he had his education, who b Mat. Paris pag. 14. made him a Knight, though it had been more proper for his Tutor's profession, yea, and more for his credit, and his Pupils profit, if he (as the instrument) had made him a good Christian. 28. He began very bountifully, His covetousness and inconstancy. but on another man's cost; 1088 not as a Donor, Sept. 2. but a Dealer thereof, and Executor of his Fathers Will. To some Churches he gave c Chronicon Johannis Brom. 〈◊〉, pag. 983. ten mark, to others six, to every country village five shillings, besides an hundred pound to every County, to be distributed among the poor. But afterward he proved most parsimonious, though no man more prodigal of never performed promises. Indeed Rehoboam, though simple, was honest, speaking to his Subjects, though foolishly, yet truly according to his intent, that his d 1 King. 12. 11. finger should be heavier than his father's loins: Whereas Rufus was false in his proceed, who, on the imminence of any danger or distress (principally to secure himself against the claim of his brother Robert) instantly to oblige the English, promised them the releasing of their taxes, and the restoring of the English Laws: but, on the sinking of the present danger, his performance sunk accordingly; no letter of the English Laws restored, or more mention thereof, till the returning of the like Statestorme, occasioned the reviving of his promise; and alternately, the clearing up of the one, deadened the performance of the other. 29. This year died Lanckfranck, His enriching himself by Church live. Archbishop of Canterbury: 1089. after whose death, 3. the King seized the profits of that See, into his own hand, and kept the Church vacant for some years; knowing, the emptiness of Bishoprics caused the fullness of his coffers. Thus Archbishop Rufus, Bishop Rufus, Abbot Rufus (for so may he be called, as well as King Rufus; keeping at the same time the Archbishopric of Canterbury, the Bishoprics of Winchester, and Durham, and thirteen Abbeys in his hand) brought a mass of money into his Exchequer. All places which he parted with, was upon present payment. Simon e Acts 8. 18. Magus with his hands full of money, would carry any thing from Simon Peter, with his f Acts 3. 6. Silver and gold have I none. Yea, John Bishop of Wells, could not remove his feat to Bath, nisi g Mat. Paris pag. 17. albo unguento manibus Regis delibatis, unless he had moistened the King's hands with white ointment; though a less proportion, of a yellow colour, would have been more sovereign to the same use. And picking a quarrel with Remigius, Bishop of Lincoln, about the founding of his Cathedral, he forced him to buy his peace, at the price of a thousand marks. 30. But in the midst of his mirth, Anno Regis Gul. Ruf. 1. King Rufus, Anno Dom. 1093. coming to Gloucester, fell desperately sick, His sickness & resolution of amendment. and began to bethink himself of his ill-led life. As all aches, and wounds prick, and pain most the nearer it draweth to night; so, a guilty conscience is most active to torment, men, the nearer they conceive themselves approaching to their death. Hereupon he resolveth to restore all ill-gotten goods, release all persons unjustly imprisoned, and supply all empty places with able Pastors. In pursuance hereof, he made Anselme (the Abbot of Beck in Normandy) one of eminent learning, and holiness of life, Archbishop of Canterbury; which place he was hardly persuaded, with much importunity, to accept. The first eminent act, of his Archiepiscopal office, which we find, was, when preaching at the Court on Ash-wednesday, he denied a Eadmerus Noverum, lib. 1 pag. 23. Ashes and Absolution to all those Courtiers, who affected effeminateness in their behaviour; especially, in wearing their hair long, and combed like women. A sin, no doubt; for, whereas Tertullian calls the length of women's hair, Sarcinam suae humilitatis, the same in men (so promiscuously worn) may be called, Sarcina suae superbiae. 31. There passeth a memorable expression of Anselme's, Anselmes expression questioned. cried up, and commended by some, for a masterpiece of devotion; namely, That he had rather be in hell without sin, then in heaven with sin; which b Mr Fox Acts and Monum. vol. 1. pag. 240. others condemn as an unfavoury speech, not according to Scripture-phrase, as from one not sufficiently acquainted with the justisication of a Christian man. Indeed, some highflown expressions often knock at the door of blasphemy, but yet not with any intention to enter in thereat; in which we are more to mind the sense, than the found of the words. Amongst those may this of Anselme's be ranked, uttered no doubt in a zealous detestation of sin; yea, which charitably may be descended in the very letter thereof. For, Adam (we know) was some c Gen. 3. while in Paradise (Heavens suburbs) after the eating of the forbidden-fruit, yet was sensible of no pleasure therein, which made him hid himself, as prosecuted by his guilty conscience: and some of the Ancients conceive, that Christ went locally to hell, yet no pain did feife on him there, seeing sorrow can arrest none, but at the suit of sin going before. 32. But, Anselme resuseth to send King Rusus 1000 l. to leave Anselme's words, let us come to his deeds. Who was scarce warm in his Archbishopric, when the King sent to him for a thousand pound; which sum, being so small in itself (Rufus usually demanding more of less Bishoprics) and that after his entrance on his See, free from any precontract, might have passed without the suspicion of Simony, under the notion of a mere gratuity. However, Aaselme refused to pay it, because he would avoid the appearance of evil. Others d Eadmerus Novorum, lib. 1. pag. 22. say, that he freely sent the King five hundred pounds, with this compliment; that, though it was the first, it should not be the last he would present to his Majesty: which the King in choler refused, because short to the sum he expected. Indeed, Rufus only retained this, of all his Archiepiscopal education (being bred under Lanckfranck, as is aforesaid) that thereby he experimentally knew the sweetness of Church-preferments; and in his bargain and sale, set a rate upon them accordingly, being after his recovery from his sickness, far more fordid, and sacrilegious then before. 33. Amongst the many Simoniacal Prelates that swarmed in the land, 8. Herbert Bishop of Thetford, 1094 must not be forgotten; Herbert Bishop of Thetford his Simoniacal flattery. nicknamed (or surnamed shall I say?) Loseng, that is, the Flatterer; our old English word leasing, for lying, retains some affinity thereunto, and at this day we call an insinuating fellow, a Glozing companion. Though the best perswafiveness of his flattery, consisted in downright arguments of gold, and silver. For, guilty of the hereditary sin of Simony (his father formerly having bought the Abbey of Ramsey) he purchased the Bishopric of Thetford of the King. But afterward he posted to Rome, confessed his fault, and was absolved from the guilt thereof. Thus, as the leprofie of Naaman was washed away in Jordan, so that e 2 Kings 5. 14. his flesh came again as the flesh of a little child, and he was clean: so this Bishop was persuaded, Anno Dom. 1095 that all his Simoniacal corruption was cleansed, Anno Regis Gul. Ruf. in this his holy pilgrimage, conceiving himself henceforward to begin on a new account of integrity, especially having, after his return, removed his Episcopal Seat from The●ford to Norwtch, where he first founded the Cathedral. 34. wolstan, Wolstan Bishop of Worcester dieth. the venerable Bishop of worcester, left this life. 1095 A Bishop of the old edition, 9 unacquainted with Lanckfranck's Italian additions; not faulty in his conversation, but Country, because an Englishman borne. It was laid to his charge, that he could not speak French (no essential quality in a Bishop, as St Paul describes a 1 Tim. 3. 2 etc. Tit. 1. 6. etc. him) sure I am, he could speak the language of Caanan, humble, holy, heavenly discourse. A mortified man much macerating his body with fasting, and watching, if not overacting his part, and somewhat guilty of will-worship therein. 35. About this time began the Holy War, Duke Robert prepares for the Holy War. which here we will not repeat, having sormerly made an entire work thereof. Robert, Duke of Normandy, to fit himself for that voyage, sold his Dukedom to King William Rufus for ten thousand mark, say some; for six thousand, six hundred; sixty six pounds, that is, one mark less, say others; haply, abating the odd mark, to make up the rotundity of so sacred, and mystical a number. To pay this money, King Rufus laid a general, and grievous tax over all the Realm, extorting it with such severity, that the Monks were fain to sell the Church-plate, and very Chalices, for discharging thereof. Wonder not, that the whole land should be impoverished with the paying of so small a sum; for, a little wool is a great deal, when it must be taken from a new-shorne sheep: so peeled and polled were all people before, with constant exactions. Such, whom his hard usage forced beyond the seas, were recalled by his Proclamation; So that his heavy levies would not suffer them to live here, and his hard Laws would not permit them to departed hence. And, when the Clergy complained unto him, to be eased of their burdens; I beseech you (said he) have ye not coffins of gold and silver for dead men's bones? intimating that the same treasure might otherwise be better employed. 36. The streams of discord began now to swell high, variance between the King and Anselme. betwixt the King and Archbishop Anselme; flowing principally from this occasion. At this time there were two Popes together, so that the Eagle with two heads, the Arms of the Empire, might now as properly have fitted the Papacy for the present. Of these, the one [Guibertus] I may call the Lay-Pope, because made by Henry the Emperor; the other [urban] the Clergy-Pope, chosen by the Conclave of Cardinals. Now, because like unto like, King William sided with the former, whilst Anselme as earnestly adhered to urban, in his affections, desiring to receive his Pall from him, which the King resused to permit. Hereupon Anselme appealed to his Pope, whereat King William was highly offended. 37. But, Their several plead, and present reconcilement. because none are able so emphatically to tell their stories, and plead their causes, as themselves, take them in them in their own words; The King Objected. The custom from my Father's time, hath been in England, that no person should appeal to the Pope, without the King's licence. He that breaketh the customs of my Realm, violateth the power, and Crown of my Kingdom. He that violateth, and taketh away my Crown, is a Traitor, and enemy against me. Anselme Answered. The Lord hath discussed this question. Give unto Cesar the things that are Caesar's, and unto God the things that are Gods. In such things as belong to the terrene dignities of temporal Princes, I will pay my obedience; but Christ said, Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my Church, etc. Whose Vicar he ought to obey in spiritual matters, and the fetching of his Pall was of that nature. At last an expedient was found out, that Anselme should not want his Pall, nor fetch it himself from Rome, being by the King's consent brought to him by Gualther, Pope Urban's Legate (whom the King at last was fain to acknowledge) and so all things for the present reconciled. 38. But the wound betwixt them was rather skinned over, They disagree again. then perfectly healed; and afterwards broke out again, the King taking occasion of displeasure at Anselmes backwardness to assist him, in his expedition into Wales. Whereupon Anselme desired a second journey to Rome, there to bemoan, and probably, to relieve himself by complaint to the Pope. But the King stopped his voyage; affirming, that Anselme had led so pious a life, he need crave no absolution at Rome; and was so well stored with learning, that he needed not to borrow any counsel there. Yea, said the King, Vrban had rather give place to the wisdom of Anselme, than Anselme have need of Urban. In fine, after much contesting, Anselme secretly stole out of the Realm, and the King seized all his goods, and lands into his own coffers. Three years was he in exile, sometimes at Lions, sometimes at Rome; welcome wheresoever he came, and very serviceable to the Church by his pious living, painful preaching, learned writing, and solid disputing, especially in the general Council of Bar, where he was very useful in confuting, and condemning the errors of the Greek-Church, about the Procession of the Holy Spirit. 39 King Rufus was a hunting in New-Forest, 14. Aug. 2. which was made by King William, 1100 his Father; King Rufus his death. not so much out of pleasure, or love of the game; as policy to clear, and secure to himself, a fair and large landing-place, for his forces out of Normandy, if occasion did require. Here then was a great devastation of Towns, and Temples; the place being turned into a wilderness for Men, to make a Paradise for Deer. God seemed displeased hereat, for (amongst other Tragedies of the Conqueror's family, acted in this place) Rufus was here slain, by the glancing of an arrow shot by Sr Walter Tirrel. An unhappy name to the Kings of England; this man casually, and another wilfully (Sr James Tirrel employed in the murdering of King Edward the fifth) having their hands in royal blood. Now it is seasonably remembered, that some years since, this King William had a desperate disease, whereof he made but bad use, after his recovery; and therefore now, Divine Justice would not the second time, send him the summons of a solemn visitation by sickness, but even surprised him by a sudden, and unexpected death. 40. Thus died King William Rufus, His hurial, and character. leaving no issue, and was buried (faith my a John Bromton, pag. 997. Author) at Winchester, multorum Procerum conventu, paucorum verò planctu; many Noblemen meeting, but few mourning at his funerals. Yet some, who grieved not for his death, grieved at the manner thereof; and of all mourners Anselme, though in exile in France, expressed most cordial sorrow at the news of his death. A valiant and prosperous Prince, but condemned by Historians for covetousness, cruelty, and wantonness, though no woman by name is mentioned for his Concubine; probably, because thrifty in his lust, with mean, and obscure persons. But, let it be taken into serious consideration, that no pen hath originally written the life of this King, but what was made by a Monkish penknife; and no wonder, if his picture seem bad, which was drawn by his enemy. And he may be supposed to far the worse, for his opposition to the Romish usurpation; having this good quality, to suffer none but himself, to abuse his Subjects, stoutly resisting all payments of the Pope's imposing. Yea, (as great an enemy as he was conceived to the Church) he gave to the Monks called De Charitate, the great new Church of St Saviour's in Bermondsey, with the Manor thereof, as also of Charlton in Kent. 41. Henry Beauclarke, Henry the first succeedeth Rufus, and is crowned. his brother, succeeded him in the Throne, one that crossed the common Proverb, The greatest Clerks are not the wisest men, being one of the most profoundest Scholars, and most politic Princes in his generation. He was Crowned about four days after his brother's death. Anno Dom. 1100. At that time, Anno Regis Hen. 1. the present providing of good swords, was accounted more essential to a King's Coronation, than the long preparing of gay clothes. Such preparatory pomp as was used in after-ages at this Ceremony, was now conceived, not only useless, but dangerous, speed being safest to supply the vacancy of the Throne. To ingratiate himself to the English, he instantly, and actually repealed (for his brother William had put all the Land out of love, and liking of fair promises) the cruel Norman Laws. Laws written in blood, made more in favour of Deer, then of Men; more to manifest the power, and pleasure of the imposer, then for the good, and protection of the Subject; wherein, sometimes, men's mischances were punished, for their misdeeds. Yea, in a manner King Heary gave eyes to the blind in winter-nights; I mean, light to them who fomerly lived (though in their own houses) in uncomfortable darkness, after eight a clock; when heretofore the Curseu-bell did ring the knell of all the fire, and candlelight in English families. But now these rigorous Edicts were totally repealed; the good, and gentle Laws of Edward the Confessor generally revived; the late Kings extorting Publicans (whereof Ranulf Flambard, Bishop of Durham, the principal) closely imprisoned; the Court-corruption, by the King's command, studiously reform; adultery (then grown common) with the loss of virility, severely punished; Anselme from exile speedily recalled; after his return, by the King hearty welcomed; by the Clergy, solemnly and ceremoniously received; he to his Church; his lands, and goods to him fully restored; English and Normans lovingly reconciled; all interests, and persons seemingly pleased; Robert, the King's elder brother (though absent in the Holy-Land) yet scarcely miss; and so this Century, with the first year of King Hearie's reign, seasonably concluded. The end of the eleventh Century. CENT. XII. Anno Regis Hen. 1. 2 Anno Dom. 1101. JOHANNI FITZ-JAMES DE LEUSTON, In Com. Dorset. ARMIG. NOn desunt in hoc nostro saeculo, qui Librorum Dedicationes penè ducunt superstitiosum, planè superfluum; sic enim argutuli ratiocinantur. Liber, si bonus, Patrono non indiget, sno Marte pergat; sin malus, Patrono ne sit dedecori, suo merito pereat. Habeo tamen quod huic dilemmati possim regerere. Liber Meus, nec bonus nec malus, sed quiddam medium inter utrumque. Bonum, ipse non ausum pronuntiare, cum plurimis Mendis Laboret: Malum, alii [spero] non dijudicent; cum Legentibus possit esse usui. Sub hác dubiâ Conditione, vel Adversariis nostris Judicibus, opus hoc nostrum, Patronum sibi asciscere, & potest & debet; Et sub alis Clientelae tuae qui tam MARTE praestas quàm MERCURIO, foveri serìo triumphant. 1. GRrave Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury, Hen. 1 2. espoused and married Maud (daughter of Malcolme King of the Scots, 1101 and St Margaret his wife) to Henry King of England. The Hellish imprecation of Maud when married to King Henry. She had been a professed Votary, and was pressed by the importunity of her parents and friends, for Politic ends, to this marriage; insomuch as in the bitterness of her soul, (able to appall the writer hereof, seeing his ink out-blacked with her expression) she devoted the fruit of her body to the Devil, because they would not permit her to perform her promise of Virginity. Thus a Hist. Ang. in Hen. 1. anno 1101. Matthew Paris. But the Reader reserveth his other ear for the relation of Eadmerus, reporting this story after a different, yea contrary manner, as followeth. 2. The aforesaid Maud, when a Girl, The story otherwise told by Eadmerus an eye and ear witness. lived under the tuition and correction of Christian her Aunt, and Abbess of Wilton, at what time the Norman soldiers conquering the Kingdom, did much destroy, and more endanger virgins by their violence. Christian therefore to preserve this her Neetes, clapped a black cloth on her head, in imitation of a Nun's vail, which she unwillingly beware in the presence of her Aunt, but in her absence off it went, from above her head, to under her heals, so that in despightful manner, she used to tread and trample upon it. Yea, if Malcolme her father, chanced to behold her, wearing that mock-vail, with rage he would rend it off, cursing the causers of it, and avowing, that he intended her no votary, but a wife to Count Alan. Besides, two grave Arch-Deacons, sent down to Wilton to inquire into the matter reported, that for aught they could learn from the Nuns there, this Maud was never solemnly entered into their order. Hereupon a Council was called of the English Clergy, wherein some grave men attested of their own knowledge, that at the Norman conquest, to avoid the fury of the soldiery, many maids out of fear, not affection; for protection, not piety; made a Cloister their refuge, not their choice; were Nuns in their own defence, running their heads, (but without their hearts) into a vail. And in this case it was resolved by learned Lanckfranck, that such virgins were bound, by an extraordinary obligation above other women b Eadmerus Novorum, lib. 5. pag. 57, & 58. Debitam castitati reverentiam exhibere, Nullam Religionis continentiam servare. which is in effect, that they must be chaste wives, though they need not be constant maids. These things alleged and proved, Anselme pronounced the Nunship of Maud of none effect, and solemnly married her to King Henry. However, some infer the unlawfulness of this match, from the unhappiness of their children, all their issue male coming to untimely deaths. But sad events may sometimes be improved by men's censures, further than they were intended by God's Justice; and it is more wisdom, seriously to observe them to the instructing of ourselves, then rigidly to apply them to the condemning of others. The rather, because Maud the Empress, their sole surviving child, seemed by her happiness to make reparation for the infelicity of all the rest. 3. Next year a more solemn Synod was summoned by Anselme, A grand Synod of the Clergy and Laiety with the Constitutions thereof. with the King's consent, 1102 held at Westminster; whereat, 3. besides Bishops, were present at Anselmes request, from the King, the chief Lay-Lords of the Land; and this Reason rendered. Forasmuch as that whatsoever should be determined by the Authority of the said Council, might be ratified, and observed by the joint care and solicitousness of both estates. But whether the Lords were present, as bare spectators and witnesses to attest the fair Transaction of matters, (which some will conceive to little) or whether they had a power to vote therein (which others will adjudge too much) is not clearly delivered. Here we insert the constitutions of this Synod. And let none say, that it is vain to look after the Cobwebs, when the besom of Reformation hath swept them away; seeing the knowledge of them conduce much to the understanding of that Age. 1. That the a Fadmerus Hist. Novorum lib. 3. pag. 67. & 68 Heresy of Simony be severely punished, for which several Abbots were then and there deposed. 2. That Bishops undertake not the Office of secular Pleas, wearing an habit beseeming Religious Persons, and not be like Laymen in their Garments; and that always, and every where, they have honest persons witnesses of their Conversation. 3. That no Archdeaconries be let out to farm. 4. That all Arch-Deacons be Deacons. 5. That no Archdeacon, Priest, Deacon, or * Ali●er being Canonical. Canon marry a wife, or retain one being married unto him: and that every sub-Deacon, who is not a Canon, if he have married after his Profession made of Chastity, be bound by the same Rule. Here what a grave Author, Anno Regis Hen. 1 3. almost of the same Age, Anno Dom. 1102. saith of this Constitution. a Henricus Huntingdon Historia●um lib. 7. pag. 217. Hoc quibusdam mundissimum visum est, quibusdam periculosum, nè dum munditias viribus majores Sacerdotes appeterent, in immunditias horribiles ad Christiani nominis summum dedecus inciderent. And as Jordan wanting a Vent or Influx, (like other Rivers) into the Ocean, loseth its Current at last in a filthy lake, or dead sea of its own making: So it was to be feared, that these men, now debarred that remedy for their weakness, which God, who best knew the Constitution of his own Creatures, hath Provided, settled themselves in some unclean ways, and most mortal filthiness occasion by this prohibition. 6. That a Priest so long as he keeps unlawful Conversation with a Woman. (understand his own Wife) is not legal, nor rightly celebrateth the Mass; nor is his Mass to be heard if he celebrate it. 7. That none be admitted to the Order of Sub-Deacon, or upwards, without the profession of Chastity. 8. That the Sons of Priests be not made heirs to the Church of their Fathers. 9 That no Clerks be Provosts or Proctors of Secular matters, or JUDGES IN BLOOD. This is the reason saith the Appendix to b Pag. 746. in Catalogo Religiosarum Aedium. Harpsfield (reporting is no approving of his judgement) why Bishops being arraigned for their Lives, are not to be tried by their Peers, but by a jury of ordinary men; because debarred by their Canons to be Judges of Lay-Peers in like cases, and therefore it was conceived unfitting that they should receive that honour, which they could not return. 10. That Priests should not go to Public Drink, nec ad * Hence probably the Proverb. He is in a merry Pin. pinnace bibant, not drink at Pins. This was a Dutch trick (but now used in England) of Artificial Drunkenness, out of a Cup marked with certain Pins, and he accounted the Man, who could neck the Pin, drinking even unto it; whereas to go above or beneath it, was a forfeiture. 11. That the Garments of Clergymen be of one colour, and their Shoes according to order. 12. That Monks and Clerks that have cast off their Order, either return thereto or be excommunicated. 13. That Clerks have CROWNS PATENT, so that their shaving be conspicuous to the beholder. 14. That Tithes be given to none but to Churches. 15. That Churches or prebend's be not bought. 16. That new Chapels be not made without the consent of the Bishop. 17. That no Church be Consecrated, until necessaries be provided for the Priest and Church. 18. That Abbots make no Knights, and that they eat and sleep in the same house with their Monks, except some necessity forbidden. It appeareth it was the Ancient Custom of Abbots in this Age to make Knights. Thus c Ingulsus, pag. 512. Edict. Londin. Brando the Abbot of St Edmunds-bury, Knighted Heward his Nephew, having first confessed his sins, and received absolution, Indeed in those days men's minds were so possessed, that they thought nothing well and fortunately done; but what came from Churchmen. Whereupon he that was to be made a Knight, first offered his sword upon the Altar, and after the Gospel read, the Priest put the sword first hallowed, upon the Knight's neck with his d Camden's Brit. pag. 173. Benedictum, and so having heard Mass again, and received the Sacrament, he became a lawful Knight. And seeing the HOLY WAR now was begun, Anno Dom. 1105 no wonder if Churchmen made Knights: Anno Regis Hen. 16. And that Age conceived that a Knight's Sword dipped in Holy water was well tempered, and became true metal indeed: Why Abbots were now prohibited to confer this honour, the cause is not rendered; Whether because it made KNIGHTWOOD too common, or that this Privilege was reserved only for higher Prelates, such as Bishop and Archbishop were, or that it was an encroachment upon the Royal dignity, it being as proper for Kings to ordain Priests, as for Abbots to dub Knights. This is most sure, that notwithstanding this Canon, a J. Selden ad Eadmer. specilegium, pag. 207. King Henry the first, some years after granted, and King John confirmed to the Abbot of Reading, the power of Knighting persons, with some cautions of their behaviour therein. 19 That Monks enjoin no Penance to any, without permission of their Abbot, and that only to such persons, whereof they have cure of Souls. 20. That Monks and Nuns be not Godfathers or Godmothers. 21. That Monks hold no Lands in Farm. 22. That Monks take no Churches by the Bishops, and that they spoil not such as are given unto them of the Revenues, but so that the Priests serving in those Cures, and the Churches might be provided with necessaries. 23. That Faith in way of marriage, pledged secretly and without witness, betwixt man and woman, be of no effect if either party do deny it. 24. That Criniti, such as wear long hair be so shaved, that part of their Ears may appear, and their Eyes not be covered. Criniti are opposed to Tonsi, extended to all Lay-people. If any demand how it came within the cognizance of the Church to provide about their trimming, (which might well have been left to the party's pleasure, and his Barber's skill) know this Canon was built on the Apostles Words, b 1 Cor. 11. 14. doth not even nature itself teach you, that if a man have long hair it is a shame unto him. And the Church forbade whatsoever was a Trespass against Christian decency. c De excid. Britan. fo1. 6. Gildas giveth this Character of the Picts: Furciferos magis vultus pilos quam Corporum pudenda vestibus tegentes, that they covered rather their Thievish Eyes with their hair, than their shame with clothes: which Ruffin-like custom of long hair now used by the Normans, was here justly restrained. 25. That parties akin to the Seventh Generation be not coupled in marriage; and that persons so coupled remain not in Marriage; and if any be privy to this Incest, and not declare it, let him know himself to be guilty of the same crime. This brought much Grist to the Pope's Mill for Dispensations. As secular Princes used to stop travellers on common Bridges, or at the entrance of Gates, not with intent finally to forbid their going further, but ot receive Tole or Custom for their passing by: So the Pope prohibited these degrees in marriage, not absolutely ot hinder such matches, but to receive large sums of money for his leave; after whose faculties obtained, if such marriage were against the Law of God, men did sin not with less guiltiness, but more Expenses. 26. That the Bodies of the Dead be not carried to be buried out of their own Parishes, so that the Parish Priest should lose his due unto him. 27. That none out of a rash novelty, (which we know to have happened) exhibit reverence of Holiness to any Bodies of the Dead, fountains or other things, without Authority from the Bishop. 28. That none presume hereafter (what hitherto men used in England) to sell Men like bruit Beasts. Anno Dom. 1102. This Constitution, as all others, which concerned the Subjects Civil right, found not general obedience in the Kingdom. For the proceed of the Canon Law were never wholly received into practice in the Land; but so as made subject in whatsoever touched temporals, to secular Laws and national Customs. And the Laiety, at pleasure, limited Canons in this behalf. Nor were such sales of servants, being men's proper goods, so a See Mr Selden, spicileg. ad Eadmerum, pag. 208. weakened with this prohibition, but that long after they remained legal according to the Laws of the Land. 29. That the sin of Sodometry, both in Clergy and Laiety, should be punished with heavy Censures. Remarkable that the same Synod which forbade Priests Marriage, found it needful to punish Sodometry, an Italian Vice, beginning now to be naturalised in England. For those who endeavour to make the way to heaven narrower than God hath made it, by prohibiting what he permits, do in event make the way to hell wider, occasioning the committing of such sins, which God hath forbidden. We may further observe, that the plaster now applied to the rotten sore of Sodometry, was too gentle, too narrow, and too little time laid on. Too gentle; for whereas the sin is conceived to deserve death, it was only slubbered over, that the party convict of this Wickedness, if in Orders was admitted to no higher honour, and deposed from what he had, till restored again on his repentance. Too narrow, if it be true what one observes, that b Bale in the Acts of English Votaries, second part, chap. 74. MONKS (as neither merely Lay nor Priests) were not threatened with this Curse, where all was hidden in Cloisters. Lastly, too little time laid on; for whereas at first it was constituted, that such Excommunication of Sodomites convicted, should solemnly be renewed every Lord's Day; this short-lived Canon did die in the birth thereof, and Anselme himself c Eadmerus ut prius. postponi concessit, suffered it to be omitted, on pretence that it put beastly thoughts into many men's minds, whose corruption abused the punishment of sin in the provocation thereof; whilst others conceive this relaxation indulged, in favour to some great offenders, who hardened in Conscience, but tender in Credit, could not endure to be so solemnly, publicly, and frequently grated with the shame of the sin they had committed. So much for the Constitutions of that Synod, wherein though Canons were provided for Priests, Cap a Pe, from the shaunig to the shoes, yet not a syllable of their instructing the people and preaching God's word unto them. We must not forget, that men guilty of Simony in the first Canon, are not taken in the Vulgar acception, for such as were promoted to their places by money, but in a new coined sense of that word; for those who were advanced to their Dignities by investiture from the King, which gave occasion to the long and hot Broil, happening betwixt King Henry, and Anselme, which now we come to relate. 4. The King commanded him to Consecrate such Bishops, 4. as he lately had invested; 1103 namely, An selme refuseth to consecrate the King's Bishops. William of Winchester, Roger of Hereford, etc. which Anselme refused, because flatly against the Canon newly made in the Council of Rome, by Pope Vrban, that any who had their entrance, by the Authority of temporal Princes should be admitted to Bishoprics. Hereupon the King enjoined Gerard Archbishop of York to Consecrate them; who out of opposition to Anselme his Competitour, was as officious to comply with the King King, as the other was backward, Anno Dom. 1105. hoping thereby to hitch his Church a degree the higher, Anno Regis Hen. 16. by help of his Royal Favour. Here happened an unexpected accident: For William, Bishop of Winchester, refused Consecration from the Archbishop of York, and resigned his staff and ring, back again to the King, as illegally from him. This discomposed all the rest. For whereas more than the moiety of Ecclesiastical persons in England, were all in the same condemnation, as invested by the King, the very multitude of offenders would have excused the offence, if loyal to their own cause. Whereas now this defection of the Bishop of Winchester, so broke the ranks, and maimed their entireness, that their cause thereby was cast by their own confession, and so a party raised among them against themselves. 5. Soon after, Anselme sent to Rome. the King was contented that Anselme should go to Rome, to know the Pope's pleasure herein. But one, none of the Conclave, without a prophetical spirit, might easily have foretold the resolution of his Holiness herein: never to part with power, whereof (how injuriously soever) though but pretendedly possessed. Anselme, for his compliance with the Pope herein, is forbidden to return into England, while the King seizeth on his temporalities. 6. However, The king parts with his investing of Bishops. not log after, 1106. by mediation of friends, 7. they are reconciled; the King disclaiming his right of Investitures, a weak and timorous act, of so wise and valiant a Prince; whose Predecessors before the Conquest held this power (though some time loosely) in their own hands; and his Predecessors since the Conquest grasped it fast in their fist, in defiance of such Popes as would finger it from them. Whereas now he let it go out of his hand, whilst his Successors in vain, though with a long arm, reached after it to recover it. And now Anselme, who formerly refused, consecrated all the Bishops of vacant Sees; amongst whom, Roger of Sarisbury was a prime person, first preferred to the King's notice, because he began prayers quickly, and caded them speedily; for which quality he was commended as fittest for a Chaplain in the Camp, and was not unwelcome to the Court on the same account. 7. Anselme having devested the King of investing Bishops (one of the fairest rolls in his Wardrobe) did soon after deprive the Clergy of one half of themselves. Anselme forbids Priests marriage. For, in a solemn Synod he forbade Priests Marriage; wherein, 1107 as charitably we believe, 8. his intentions pious and commendable, and patiently behold his pretences, specious and plausible: so we can not but pronounce his performance for the present, injurious and culpable, and the effects thereof for the future pernicious, and damnable. And here we will a little enlarge ourselves on this subject of so high concernment. 8. It is confessed on all sides, Only by a Church Constitution. that there is no express in Scripture to prohibit Priests Marriage. a In. 2. ● q all. 88 art. 11. Thomas, and b Lib 7. de Justitia quaest. 5. aru●. 2. Scotus commonly cross (as if reason enough for the later to deny, because the former affirmed it) do both (such the strength of truth) agree herein. Only Ecclesiastical Constitutions forbidden them Marriage. And, though many Popes tampered hereat, none effectually did drive the nail to the head, till Hildebrand, alias Gregory the seventh (the better man the better deed) finally interdicted Priests Marriage. However his Constitutions, though observed in Italy and France, were not generally obeyed in England; till Anselme at last forbade Married Priests to officiate, or any Lay-people, under pain of censure, to be present at their Church-service. 9 Herein he proceeded on two erroneous principles. Grounded on double error. One, that all men have, or may have (if using the means) the gift of Continency. Wherein they do not distinguish betwixt, 1. Common gifis, which God bestoweth on all his servants, Judas v. 3. Common salvation. 2. Proper gifts, thus the c 1 Cor. 7. 7. Apostle, when he had wished all like himself (that is, able to contain) he immediately addeth, Anno Regis Hen. 18. But every man hath his proper gift of God, one after this manner, and another after that. His other false supposition is, That Marriage is either inconfistent with, or at least impeditive to the purity of Priestly profession. 10. The falsnefs whereof appeareth by the precedent of Henoch, Paramount holiness in a married person. in whom met the threefold capacity of King, Priest, and Prophet. Yet his Marriage remitted not the reins of his Princely power, hindered not the performance of his Sacerdotal function, rebated not the edge of his Prophetical spirit; for, a Gen. 5. 22. He walked with God, and begat sons and daughters. He made not a prayer the less for having a child the more: and let us be but alike holy with Enoch, and let others be more holy with Anselme. 11. Wherefore when the b Cor. 7. 33. Apostle saith, He that is married careth for the things which are of this world, how he may please his wife, St Paul expounded. therein he describeth, not that height of God-pleasing, which Marriage ought, and in itself may, and by Enoch was improved; but expresseth such faults which through humane corruption too commonly come to pass. Which are vita mariti, non matrimonii; uxoris, non uxoratus, flowing neither from the essence, nor from the exercise of Marriage, but only from the depraved use thereof, which by God's assistance, and man's best endeavours, may be rectified and amended. 12. It is therefore falsely charged on Marriage, quà Marriage, And marriage defended. that it is an hindrance to Hospitality; starving the poor to feed a family. It is confessed it would break Marriage, if caeteris paribus, she should offer to vie bounty with Virginity; only she may equal Virginity in cheerfulness of her giving, and in the discreet choice of fit objects, whereon to bestow it. Yet give me leave to say, in a married family there be commonly most mouths, and where most mouths, there probably most bread is eaten, and where most bread is eaten, there certainly most crumbs fall beneath the table, so that the poor are feasted by those fragments. If any rejoin, that single folk bestow their alms, not by crumbs, but whole loaves; the worst I wish is, that poor people may find the truth thereof. Nor doth the having of children quà children make men covetous, seeing Solómon saw a man, c Eccles. 4. 8. who had neither child nor brother, yet his eye was not satisfied with riches. On the other side, I find two in one and the same d Gen. 33. 9 11. Chapter, professing they had enough, viz. Esau and Jacob, both of them married, both of them parents of many children. 13. And here well may we wonder at the partiality of the Papists, over-exalting Marriage in the Laity, A Monk's verses, as bald as his crown. to a Sacrament; and too much depressing the same in Priests, as no better than refined fornication. Yea, some have made Virginity the corn, and Marriage the cockle: which is a wonder that they should be of several kinds, seeing Virginity is but the fruit, and Marriage the root thereof. But, amongst all the foul mouths belibelling Marriage, one railing Rythmer, of Anselmes age, bore away the bell (drinking surely of styx instead of Helicon) and I am confident my translation is good enough for his bald verses. e Found in Ramsey Abbey, in a Treatise De Monicatu, cited by John Bale. O malè viventes, versus audite sequentes; Vxores vestras, quas odit summa potestas, Linquite propter eum, tenuit quit morte trophaeum. Quod si non facitis, inferni claustra petetis: Christi Sponsa jubet, nè Presbyter ille ministret, Qui tenet uxorem, Domini quia perdit amorem. Contradicentes fore dicimus insipientes, Non ex rancore loquor haec, potius sed amore. O ye that ill live, attention give, unto my following rhythmes; Your wives, those dear mates, whom the highest power hates, see that ye leave them betimes. Leave them for his sake, who a conquest did make, and a crown and a cross did acquire, If any sayno, I give them to know, they must all unto Hell for their hire. The Spouse of Christ forbids that Priest his ministerial function, Because he did part with Christ in his heart, at his marriage-conjunction, We count them all mad (if any so bad) as daring herein to contest; Nor is it of spite, that this I indite, but out of pure love, I protest. Where did this railing Monk ever read, that God hated the wives of Priests? And, did not the Church of Rome, at this time, come under the character of that defection, describbed by the a 1 Tim. 4. 1. Apostle? That in the latter times some should departed from the fatih, forbidding to marry, etc. 14. These endeavour (as they are deeply concerned) to wipe off from themselves this badge of Antichrist, by pleading that, 1. They forbidden Marriage to 2. They force Priesthood on no man. Only they require of those who freely will enter into the Priesthood, to vow virginity, and command such to part with their wives, who were formerly entered into Orders. 15. All which is alleged by them but in vain, Well stopped up. seeing marriage may be forbidden, either directly, or consequentially. For the first, none, well in their wits, consulting their credit, did ever point-blank forbidden marriage to all people. Such would be held as, hosts humani generis, enemies of mankind, in their destructive doctrines. Nor did any ever absolutely (as it followeth in the same text) command all to abstain from meats. This were the way to empty the world of men, as the simple forbidding of marriage would fill it with bastards. And, although some silly Heretics, as Tatian, Martion, and Manichens, are said absolutely to forbid marriage, yet they never mounted high, nor spread broad, nor lasted long. Surely some more considerable mark is the aim of the Apostles reproof, even the Church of Rome, who by an obliqne line, and consequentially, prohibit marriage to the Priests, a most considerable proportion of men within the pale of the Church. 16. Notwithstanding the premises, Marriage. Bed may be ●orborn for a time, not totally forbidden. it is fit that the embraces of marriage should on some occasion for a time be forborn, for the advance of Piety; first, when private dalliance is to yield to public dolefulness. b Joel 2. 11. Let the Bridegroom go out of his chamber, and the Bride out of her closet. For though by the Levitical Law, one might not be forced to fight in the first year of his marriage, yet might he on just occasion, be pressed to fast on the first day thereof. It is not said, Let the Bridegroom go out of his Bridegroom-ship, but only out of his Chamber; and that also with intention to return, when the solemnity of sorrow is overpast. Secondly, when such absence is betwixt them mutually agreed on, c 1 Cor. 7. Desraud ye not one another, except it be with consent for a time, that ye may give yourselves to fasting and prayer, and come together again, that Satan tempt you not for your incontinency. Here indeed is an Interdiction of the marriage Bed, but it is Voluntary, by mutual consent of the parties; and Temporary, only durante eorum beneplacito, not as the Popish Prohibition, Impulsive, by the power of others, and perpetual, to continue during their lives. 17. Hear what Henry of Huntingdon expressly saith of Anselmes carriage herein. H. Huntingdon his Censure of Anselme. He prohibited English Priests to have wives, who before time were not prohibited; which as some thought to be a matter of greatest purity, so others again took it to be most perilous, lest while by this means they aimed at cleanliness above their power, Anno Regis Hen. 19 they should fall into horrible uncleanness, Anno Dom. 1108 to the exceeding great shame of Christianity. 18. But Anselme died, before he could finish his project of Priests Divorces, who had he deceased before he began it, Anselme dieth re infecta of Priest's Divor. his memory had been left less stained to Posterity. His two next Successors, Rodulphus, and William Corbel went on vigorously with the Design, but met with many and great Obstructions. Other Bishops found the like opposition, but chief the Bishop of Norwich, whose obstinate Clergy would keep their Wives, in defiance of his endeavours against them. 19 Indeed Norfolk-men are charactered in jure municipali versatissimi, The sloutness of Norwich Clergy. and are not easily ejected out of that whereof they had long prescription, and present possession; No wonder therefore if they stickled for their Wives, and would not let go a moiety of themselves., Besides, Herbet Losing of Norwich needed not to be so fierce and furious against them, if remembering his own extraction, being the Son of an Abbot. These married Priests traversed their cause with Scripture and Reason, and desired but Justice to be done unto them. But Justice made more use of her sword, then of her Balance in this case, not weighing their Arguments, but peremptorily and powerfully enjoining them to forgo their Wives, notwithstanding that there were in England, at this time, many married Priests, signal for Sanctity and Abilities. 20. Amongst the many eminent married Priests, Learned married Ealphegus. flourishing for Learning and Piety, 26. one Ealphegus was now living, 1125. or but newly dead. His Residence was at Plymouth in Devonshire. a Brit. in Devon. Mr Cambden saith he was eruditus & conjugatus, but the Word conjugatus is by the b Printed Anno 1612. pag. 3. 383. Index Expurgatorius commanded to be deleted. 21. To order the Refractory married Clergy, A Virgin. Lecher unmasked the Bishops were fain to call in the aid of the Pope. John de Crema an Italian Cardinal, jolly with his youthful Blood, and Gallant Equipage, came over into England with his Bigness and Bravery to Bluster the Clergy out of their wives. He made a most Gaudy Oration in the Commendation of Virginity, as one who in his Own Person knew well how to value such a Jewel, by the loss thereof. Most true it is that the same night at London, he was caught a Bed with an c Roger Hoveden and Han. Huntingdon. Harlot, whereat he may be presumed to blush as red as his Cardinal's Hat, if any remorse of Conscience remained in him. What saith d Judg. 5. 6. Deborach, In the days of Shamgar, when the highways were unemployed (obstructed by the Philistims) travellers walked thorough by-paths. The stopping the Way of marriage, God's Ordinances, make them frequent such base by-paths, that my Pen is both afraid and ashamed to follow them. Cardinal Crema his mischance (or rather misdeed) not a little advantaged the Reputation of married Priests. 22. Bishops, Arch-Bishops, Priests buy their own Wives. and Cardinal, 27. all of them almost tired out with the stubbornness of the Recusant Clergy; 1126. the King at last took his turn to reduce them. William Corbel Archbishop of Canterbury willingly resigned the work into the King's hand, hoping he would use some Exemplary severity against them; but all ended in a money matter; the King taking a Fine of married Priests, permitted them to enjoy their Wives, as well they might, who bought that which was their own before. 23. About this time the old Abbey of Ely was advanced into a new Bishopric, Ely-Abbey made a Bishopric. and Cambridg-shire assigned for its Diocese, taken from the Bishopric of Lincoln; Out of which Henry the first carved one [Ely,] and Henry the last two [Oxford and Peterborough] Bishoprics, and yet left Lincoln the largest Diocese in England. Spaldwick Manor in Huntington-shire was given to Lincoln, in Reparation of the Jurisdiction taken from it, and bestowed on Ely. 24. One Herveyus was made first Bishop of Ely: And enriched with Royalties. One who had been undone, if not undone, banished by the Tumultuous welsh, from the Beggarly Bishopric of Bangor; and now (in Pity to his Poverty and Patience) made the rich Bishop of Ely. It is given to Parents to be most fond of, and indulgent to their youngest, which some perchance may render as a Reason, why this Bishopric, as last born, Anno Regis Hen. 127. was best beloved by the King. Surely he bestowed upon it vast privileges; and his Successors cockering this See for their Darling, conferred some of their own Royalties thereon. 25. Bernard, Chaplain to the King, and Chancellor to the Queen was the first Norman made Bsyhop of St david's. St david's contest with Canterbury. Presuming on his master's favour, and his own merit, he denied subjection to Canterbury, and would be, (as anciently had been) an absolute Archbishop of himself. Indeed St david's was Christian some hundred of years, whilst Canterbury was yet Pagan; and could show good Cards (if but permitted fairly to play them) for Archiepiscopal Jurisdiction, even in some respect Equal to Rome itself. Witness the ancient rhyming verse, about the proportions of Pardons given to Pilgrims for their visiting Religious places, Roma semel quantum bis dat Menevia tantum. Not the St david's gives a peck of Pardons where Rome gives but a gallon (as the words at the first blush may seen of import) but that two Pilgrimages to St david's, should be equal in merit to one Pilgrimage to Rome, such was the conceived Holiness of that place. 26. Giraldus Cambrensis states the Case truly and briefly. Impar Congressus. That Canterbury hath long prescription, plenty of Lawyers to plead her Title, and store of money to pay them. Whereas St david's is poor, remote out of the road of preferment; intimating no less, that if equally accommodated she could set on foot as food an Archiepiscopal Title, as Canterbury itself. But he addeth, that except some great alteration happeneth (understand him, except Wales recover again into an absolute Principality) St david's is not likely to regain her ancient Dignity. William, Archbishop of Canterbury, aided by the Pope, at last humbled the Bishop of Sr david's into a submission; Who vexed hereat, wrecked his spleen on the welsh Clergy; furiously forcing them to sorgo their Wives. The successors of this Bishop would have been more Thankful to his Memory had he laboured less for the honour, and more preserved the profits of his See, whose lands he dilapidated with this his expensive suit, and on other designs for his own preferment. 27. King Henry died in Normandy of a surfeit by eating a Mat. Paris pag. 73. Lampreys. King Henry his death. An unwholesome fish, insomuch, that Galen, speaking of Eels in general (whereto Lampreys may be reduced) expostulates with the gods, for giving them so delicious a taste, good so malignant, and dangerous an operation. But, grant them never so good, excess is venomous string, in the most wholesome flesh, fish, and soul, and it was too great a quantity caused his surfeit. I find him generally commended for temperance in his diet; only his palate (his servant in all other meats) was commonly his master in this dish. He was buried at Reading, leaving but one daughter (the Sea having swallowed his Sons) surviving him. 28. Stephen, Earl of Bologn, Stephen usurpeth the Crown on a fully title. hearing of Henry his death; Steph. 1. hasteth over into England, Dece. 2. and seizeth on the Crown. All his title unto it was this; First, Maud, the true heir thereof, was a female. Secondly, absent beyond the Seas. Thirdly, married to a foreigner. Fourthly, no very potent. Prince, viz. Geoffrey Plantagenet Earl of Angeou, whose land-lock-situation rendered him less formidable for any effectual impression on this Island. Lastly, he was Son to Adela, Daughter to King William the Conqueror (though a Male deriving his title from a Female) conceiving himself the Daughter's Son, to be preferred before Maud, the Son's Daughter. Indeed Stephen had an elder Brother, Theobald Earl of Blois, but he chose a quiet County, before a cumbersome Kingdom; the enjoyment of his own, rather than invasion of another's inheritance, seeing Maud was the undoubted heir of the English Crown. 28. This Maud, Anno Regis. Hen. 1 ●●. I may call, Anno Dom. 1135. Maud the fourth; Maud the south. yea, England had no Queen of another name since the Conquest; 1. Maud the first, Wise to King William the Conqueror. 2. Maud the second, (Daughter to Malcolme King of Scots) Wife to King Henry the first. 3. Maud the third, Wife to King Stephen. 4. Maud the fourth, Daughter to King Henry the first, and in right Queen of England. This last Maud was first married to Henry the fourth, Emperor of Germany, and after his death was constantly called The Empress, by the courtesy of Christendom, though married to Earl Geoffrey, her second husband. To her, all the Clergy, and Nobility had sworn fealty, in her father's life time. 29. William, Archbishop of Canterbury, The perjury of the Clergy. notwithstanding his oath to Maud, Dece. 26. solemnly crowned Stephen, and in the same act, shown himself perjured to his God, disloyal to his Princess, and ingrateful to his Patroness, by whose special favour he had been preferred. The rest of the Bishops, to their shame, followed his example; dealing with oaths, as seamen with the points in the Compass, saying them forwards and backwards. Indeed covetousness, and pride prompted this disloyalty unto them, hoping to obtain of an Usurper, what they despaired to get from a lawful King. For, their modesty (and that little enough) in ask, was all Stephen's measure in giving; resolving with himself for the present, to grant what should please them, and at leisure to perform what should please himself. Let him now get but the stump of a Crown, and with wise watering thereof, it would sprout afterwards. Hence was it that he granted the Bishop's liberty to build, and hold many Castles; freedom in forests; investiture from the Pope; with many other immunities, which hitherto the Clergy never obtained. All things thus seemingly settled, yet great was the difference of judgements in the English, concerning King Stephen, which afterwards discovered themselves in the variety of men's practices. 30. Some acted vigorously for Stephen, Variety of people's opinions. conceiving possession of a Crown createth a right unto it. Where shall private persons (unable of themselves to trace the intricacies of Prince's titles) fix their loyalty more safely, then on him whom success tendereth unto them for their Sovereign? God doth not now (as anciently) visibly, or audibly discover himself, we must therefore now only look, and listen, to what he showeth, and faith by his voice, in the success of things, whereby alone he expresseth his pleasure, what he owneth or disclaimeth. This their judgement was crossed by others, who distinguished betwixt Heaven's permission, and consent; God sometimes suffering them to have power to compel, to whom he never gave authority to command. 31. But some urged, that Stephen was declared lawful King by popular consent, Pro and Con for King Stephen. which, at this time, could alone form a Legal right to any in this Island. For Maud, Stephen's corrival, in vain pretended succession, seeing the Crown, since the Conquest, never observed a regular, but an uncertain and desultory motion. Nor was it directed to go on by the strait line of primogeniture, which leapt over the Conqueror's eldest, to his second Son: Then, taking a new rise, from the eldest still surviving, to Henry his third Son. Here no chain of succession could be pleaded, where no two links followed in order. But others answered, that such popular election of Stephen had been of validity, if the electors had been at liberty; whereas they being preingaged to Maud by former oath, could not again dispose of those their votes, which formerly they had passed away. 32. Others conceived that the stain of Stephen his usurpation in getting the Crown, A second party with theiropposers. was afterward scoured clean out by his long (more than eighteen years) enjoying thereof. For, suppose Providence for a time may wink, Anno Regis Steph. 〈◊〉 and connive, yet it cannot be conceived in so long a slumber; yea, asleep; yea, a lethargy, as to permit one peaceably so long to possess a Throne, except heaven had particularly designed him for the same. To this others answered, that Stephen all that time rather possessed, then enjoyed the Crown (alarmed all his life long by Maud, and her Son) so that he had as little quiet in, as right to the Kingdom. But, grant his possession thereof never so peaceable, what at first was foundered in the foundation, could not be made firm by any height of superstructure thereupon. An error by continuance of time can never become a truth, but more inveterate error. 33. A third of maintained, that Subjects Loyalty is founded on their Sovereign's protection, A third with theirs. so that both sink together. Seeing therefore Maud was unable to afford her people protection, her people were bound to no longer allegiance. But thus position was disproved by such, who bottoming allegiance only on conscience, make protection but the encouragement, not the cause thereof, They distinguished also betwixt a Prince's wilful deserting his people, and his inability to protect them; not through his own default, but the forcible prevailing of others. Thus the conjugal tie is only dissolved by the parties voluntary uncleanness, and not by his, or her adventitious impotency to render due benevolence. 34. A fourth party avouched, A fourth with theirs. that Maud (though, not actually, and openly, yet) tacitly, and interpretatively released the English from their allegiance unto her. For what Prince can be presumed so tyrannical, as to tie up people to the strict terms of Loyalty unto him, when the same is apparently destructive unto them, and no whit advantageous to himself? But others disliked this position; for, where did nay such relaxation appear? It cancelleth not the obligation of a debtor, to fancy to himself an acquittance from his creditor, which cannot be produced. 35. Some acted at the commands, though not for the commands of King Stephen, Some act at, not for King Stephens commands. namely in such things wherein his injunctions concurred with equity, charity, and order, consistent with the principles of public utility, and self-preservation. These, having the happiness to be commanded by an Usurper, to do that, which otherwise they would have done of themselves, did not discover themselves to act out of their own inclinations, whilst it passed unsuspected in the notion of their obedience to King Stephen. Thus many thousands under the happy conduct (or at leastwise contrivance) of Thurstan, Archbishop of York, though in their hearts well affected to Maud her title, unanimously resisted David King of Scots, though he pretended recuperative arms in Queen Maud her behalf; under which specious title, he barbarously committed abominable cruelties, till nettled therewith, both Stephanists, and Maudists jointly bade him battle, and overthrew him, nigh Alerton in Yorkshire. 36. All generally bore the burdens, and no less politicly, then patiently, Politic patience. paid all taxes imposed upon them. Recusancy in this kind had but armed King Stephen with a specious pretence to take all from them, for refusing to give a part. Nor scrupled they hereat, because thereby they strengthened his usurpation against the rightful heir, because done against their wills, and to prevent a greater mischief; Mean time they had a reservation of their loyalty, and, erecting a throne in their hearts, with their prayers, and tears, mounted Queen Maud on the same. 37. Robert, Robert Earl of Gloucester singular. Earl of Gloucester (the Queen's half-brother) may even make up a form by himself, finding none other before, or after him of the same opinion. Who conditionally did homage to King Stephen, scilicet, a Mat. Paris pag. 75. si dignitatem suam sibi servaret illibatam, namely, So long as he preserved this Robert's dignity (for so I understand the Pronoune's reciprocation) to be inviolated. 38. A few there were, Highly conscientious. whose relucting consciences remonstrated against the least compliance with King Stephen: whose high loyalty to Maud, interpreted all passiveness under an Usurper, to be activity against the right heir. These even quitted their Lands in England to the tempest of time; and secretly conveyed themselves, with the most incorporeal of their estates (as occuping in the least room in their wastage over) into Normandy. 39 The Clergy, An honest revote of the Clergy. perceiving that King Stephen performed little of his large promises unto them, were not formerly so forward in setting him up, 1136. but now more fierce in plucking him down, and sided effectually with Maud against him. An act, which the judicious behold, not as a crocked deed, bowing them from their last, but as an upright one, streight'ning them to their first, and bxest oath, made to this Maud in the life time of her father. But Stephen (resolved to hold with a strong, what he had got with a wrong hand) fell violently on the Bishops, who then were most powerful in the land (every prime one having, as a Cathedral for his devotion; so many manors for his profit, parks for his pleasure, and castles for his protection) and he uncastled Roger of Sarisbury, Alexander of Lincoln, and Nigellus of Ely, taking also a great mass of treasure from them. 40. Most fiercely fell the fury of King Stephen on the Dean, and Canons of Paul's, for crossing him in the choice of their Bishop. For, he sent, Canons of Paul's sound paid. and took their a Rad. de Diceto in huncanum. Focarias, and cast them into London- Tower; where they continued many days, not without much scorn, and disgrace, till at last those Canons ransomed their liberty at a great rate. 41. What these Focariae were, we conceive it no disgrace to confess our ignorance, What Focariae were. the word not appearing in any Classical Author, and we must by degrees screw ourselves into the sense thereof: 1. It signifieth some female persons, the gender of the word discovering to much. 2. They were near to the Canons, who had an high courtesy for them, as appears by procuring their liberty at so dear a price. 3. Yet the word speaks not the least relation of affinity, or consanguinity unto them. 4. All the light we can get in this Focariae, is from some sparks of fire which we behold in the word, so as if these she's were nymphs of the chimney, or fire-makers to these Canons. If so, surely they had their Holiday-clothes on, when sent to the Tower (Kitchenstuff doth not use to be tried in that place) and were considerable (if not in themselves) in the affections of others. And now, well far the heart of b In Anna 1191. Roger Hoveden, who plainly tells us, that these Focariae were these Canon's Concubines. See here the fruit of forbidding marriage to the Clergy, against the Law of God, and nature. What saith the Apostle? c 1 Cor. 7. 9 It is better to marry then to burn; or, which is the same in effect, it is better to have a wife than a fire-maker. 42. Albericus, Bishop of Hostia, came post form Rome, A Synod at Westminster. sent by Pope Innocent the second into England; 4. Dece. 13. called a Synod at Westminster, 1138 where eighteen Bishops and thirty Abbots met together. Here was conluded; That no Priest, Deacon, or sub-Deacon should hold a wife, or woman, within his house, under pain of degrading from his Christendom, and plain sending to hell. That no Priests son should claim any spiritual living by heritage. That none should take a Benefice of any Layman. That none were admitted to Cure which had not the letters of his Orders. That Priests should do no bodily labour: And, that their transubstantiated God should dwell but eight days in the box, for fear of worm-eating, moulding or stinking; with such like. Anno Dom. 1138 In this Synod, Theobald, Abbot of Becco, Anno Regis Steph. 7. was chosen Archbishop of Canterbury, in the place of William lately deceased. 43. The most considerable Clergyman of England in this age, Henry of Winchester England's Arch-Prelate. for birth, wealth, and learning, was Henry of Bloys, Bishop of Winchester, and Brother to King Stephen. He was by the Pope made his Legate for Britain, and out-shined Theobald the Archbishop of Canterbury. For, although Theobald just at this time was augmented with the title of Legatus natus (which from him was entailed on his successors in that See) yet this Henry of Bloys, being for the present, Legatus factus, out-lustred the other as far, as an extraordinary Ambassador doth a Leger of the same Nation. In this Henry, two interests did meet, and contend; that of a Brother, and that of a Bishop; but the later clearly got the conquest, 1139. as may appear by the Council he called at Winchester, 5. wherein the King himself was summoned to appear. Yea, some make Stephen personally appearing therein (a dangerous precedent to plead the cause of the Crown, before a conventicle of his own subjects) so that to secure Rome of Supremacy in appeals, he suffered a Recovery thereof against his own person in a Court of Record losing of himself to save the Crown thereby unto himself. But William of Malmesbury present at the Council (and therefore his testimony is to be preferred before others) mentions only three parties in the place present there with their attendance: 1. 2. 3. Roger of Sarisbury with the rest of the Bishops, grievously complaining of their Castles taken from them. Henry Bishop of Winchester the Pope's Legate, & Precedent of the Council; With Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury pretending to umpire matters in a moderate way. Hugh Archbishop of Rouen, and Aubery de Vere (ancester to the Ear of Oxford) as Advocate for King Stephen. This Aubery de Vere seems learned in the Laws, being charactered by my a William Malmsbury hist. novel. lib. 2. pag. 183. Author, homo causarum varietatibus exercitatus, a man well versed in the wind of causes. 44. In this Synod, first the commission of Pope Innocent the second was read, The issueless issue of the Synod at Winchester. impowring the said Henry Bishop of Winchester, with a Legative authority. Then the Legate made a Sermon; Latiariter, which is, as I conceive, in the Latin tongue. We find not his text; But know this was the subject of his discourse, to inveigh against King Stephen depriving those Bishops of their Castles. Sermon ended, the King's advocates or true subjects rather (many making them to speak only out of the dictates of their own Loyalty, & not to plead by deputation from the King) made his defence, that Bishops could not canonically hold Castles, and that the King had despoiled them of their treasure, not as Episcopal persons, but as they were his Lay-offices, advised thereto by his own security. The Bishops returned much for themselves, and in fine, the Synod broke up without any extraordinary matter effected. For soon after came Queen Maud with her Navy and Army out of Normandy, 1140. which turned debates into deeds, 6. and consultations into actions: But we leave the readers to be satisfied about the alternation of success betwixt King Stephen and Maud to the Historians of our State. There may they read of Maud her strange escapes, when avoiding death, by being believed dead (otherwise she had proved in her grave, if not pretended in a Coffin) when getting out in white Linen, under the protection of Snow: I say, how afterwards both King Stephen and Robert Earl of Gloucester were taken prisoners, 1141. and given in Exchange, 7. the one for the liberty of the other; Anno Dom. 1141. with many such memorable passages, the reader may stock himself from the pens of the civil Historians, the proper relators thereof. 45. It is strange to conceive how men could be at leisure in the troublesome Reign of King Stephen to build and endow so many Religious foundations. Why plenty of Religious foundations in these Martial days. Except any will say, that men being (as mortal in peace) most dying in War, the devotions of those days (maintaining such deeds meritorious for their souls) made all in that Martial age most active in such employments. Not to speak of the Monastery of Sr Mary de pratis, 10. founded by Robert Earl of Leicester, 1144. and many others of this time: the goodly Hospital of St Katherine's nigh London, was founded by Maud, wife to King Stephen, though others assign the same to Ro. Bishop of Lincoln, as founder thereof. So stately was the Choir of this Hospital, that it was not much a Stow's Survey of London pag. 117. inferior to that of St Paul's in London, when taken down in the days of Queen Elizabeth, by Doctor Thomas Wilson the Master thereof, and Secretary of State. 46. Yea, King Stephen himself was a very great founder. Religious houses founded by King Stephen. St Stephen. was his tutelary Saint (though he never learned his usurpation from the patiented example of that Martyr) whose name he bore, on whose day he was Crowned, to whose honour he erected St Stephens Chappel in Westminster, near the place where lately the Court of Request was kept. He built also the Cistertians Monastery in Feversham; with an Hospital near the West-gate in York. And, whereas formerly there were paid out of every ploughland in England, betwixt Trent and Edenburgh-frith, twenty four b Stow in the end of K. Stephen's life. Oat-sheaves for the King's Hounds; Stephen converted this rent-charge to his new-built Hospital in York. A good deed no doubt; for, though it be unlawful to take the c Mark 7. 27. children's bread and to cast it unto the dogs; it is lawful to take the dog's bread, and to give it unto the children. 47. The King, 16. being desirous to settle Sovereignty on his Son Eustace, 1150. earnestly urged Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury to Crown him. The constancy of Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury. For, Stephen saw that fealty, barely sowrn to Maud in her Father's life time, was afterwards broken: and therefore (his own guilt making him the more suspicious) for the better assurance of his Son's succession, he would go one step farther, endeavouring to make him actual King in his own life time. But the Archbishop stoutly refused, though proscribed for the same, and forced to fly the land, till after some time he was reconciled to the King. 48. Eustace the King's Son died of a frenzy, 19 as going to plunder the lands of Bury d Mat. Paris in this year. Abby. 1153. A death untimely in reference to his youthful years, The seasonable death of Prince Eustace. but timely and seasonably in relation to the good of the Land. If conjecture may be made from his turbulent spirit, coming to the Crown he would have added tyranny to his usurpation. His Father Stephen gins now to consider, how he himself was old, his Son deceased, his Subjects wearied, his Land wasted with War: which considerations, improved by the endeavours of Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury, and God's blessing on both, produced an agreement between King Stephen and Henry Duke of Normandy, the former holding the Crown for his life, and after his death settling the same on Henry, his adopted Son and Successor. 49. We have now gotten (to our great credit, An Englishman Pope. and comfort, no doubt) an Englishman Pope; namely, Nicholas Breakspear, alias Adrian the fourth. Born, saith my e Camden in Middlesex. Author, nigh uxbridg in Middlesex, of the ancient and Martial family of the Breakspears; though f Bale in English Votaries, fol. 85. others make him no better than a bastard of an Abbot of St Alban. The Abbot of which Covent he confirmed the first in place, of all in England. If I miscount not, we never had but four Popes and a half (I mean Cardinal Pool, Pope elect) of our Nation. And yet of them, one too many (will the Papists say) if Pope Joan (as some esteem her) were an Englishwoman. Yea, lately (the Elected following the plurality of the Electors) they have almost engrossed the Papacy to the Italians. Our Adrian had but bad success, choked to death with a fly in his throat. Anno Dom. 1153. Thus any thing next nothing, be it but advantageously planted, Anno Regis Hen. 1▪ 19 is big enough to batter man's life down to the ground. 50. Jeffery ap Arthur (commonly called from his native place, Jeffery Monmouth defended Jeffery of Monmouth) was now Bishop of St Asaph. He is the Welsh Herodotus, the father of ancient History, and fables; for, he who will have the first, must have the later. Polydore Virgil accuseth him of many falsehoods (so hard it is to halt before a cripple) who, notwithstanding, by others is defended, because but a translator, and not the original reporter. For, a translator tells a lie in telling no lie, if wilfully varying from that copy, which he promiseth faithfully to render. And if he truly translates what he finds, his duty is done, and is to be charged no further. Otherwise the credit of the best translator may be cracked, if himself become security for the truth of all, that he takes on trust from the pens of others. 51. King Stephen ended his troublesome life. The death of K Stephen. A Prince, 1154 who if he had come in by the door, 20. the best room in the house had not been too good to entertain him. Whereas now the addition Usurper (affixed generally to his name) corrupts his valour into cruelty, devotion into hypocrisy, bounty into flattery, and design. Yet, be it known to all, though he lived an Usurper, he died a lawful King; for, what formerly he held from the rightful heir by violence, at his death he held under him by a mutual composition. He was buried with his Son, and Wife, at Feversham in Kent, in a Monastery of his own building. At the demolishing whereof, in the regin of King Henry the Eighth, a Stow in the end of his life. some, to gain the lead wherein he was wrapped, cast his corpse into the Sea. Thus Sacrilege will not only feast on gold and silver, but (when sharp set) will feed on meaner metals. 52. Henry the Second succeeded him, Sobriquets what they were. known by a triple surname, two personal and ending with himself, Hen. 2 Fitz-Empress, and Shortmantle; the other hereditary, fetched from Jeffery his Father, and transmitted to his Posterity, Plantagenet, or * A●ias Plantagenist. Plantaganest. This name was one of the Sobriquets, or penitential nicknames, which great persons about this time, posting to the Holy War in Palestine, either assumed to themselves, or had by the Pope, or their Confessors imposed upon them, purposely to disguise, and obscure their lustre therewith. See moe of the same kind, 1. Berger, a Shepherd. 2. G●ise-Conelle, Gray-coat. 3. Teste de Estoupe, Head of tow. 4. Arbust, a Shrub. 5. Martel, an Hammer. 6. Grand-Baeuse, Ox-face. 7. La-Zourch, a Branch upon a stem. 8. Houlet, a Sheephook. 9 Hapkin, an Hatchet. 10. chapel, an Hood. 11. Sans-terr, Lackland. 12. Malduit, III taught. 13. Juvencas, Geffard, or Heifer. 14. Fitz de flaw, Son of a flail. 15. Plantagenist, Stalk of a Broom. Thus these great persons accounted the penance of their pilgrimage, with the merit thereof, doubled, when passing for poor inconsiderable fellows, they denied their own places, and persons. But, he it reported to others, whether this be proper, and kindly evangelical self-denial, so often commended to the practice of Christians. However some of these by-names, assumed by their fanciful devotion, remained many years after to them, and theirs; amongst which Plantagenist was entailed on the Royal blood of England. 53. This King Henry, was wife, K. Henry his character. valiant, and generally fortunate. His faults were such as speak him Man, rather than a vicious one. Wisdom enough he had for his work, and work enough for his wisdom, being troubled in all his relations. Anno Regis Hen 2▪ 4. His wife Queen Elinor brought a great portion, Anno Dom. 1154 (fair Provinces in France) and a great stomach with her; so that is is questionable, whether her froward spirit more drove her Husband away from her chaste, or Rosamunds' fair face, more drew him to her wanton embraces. His Sons (having much of the Mother in them) grew up, as in Age, in obstinacy against him. His Subjects, but especially the Bishops, (being the greatest Castle mongers in that Age) very stubborn and not easily to be ordered. 54. Mean time one may justly admire, What became of Maud the Empress. than no mention in Authors is made of, nor provisions for Maud the King's Mother, (surviving some years after her Son's Coronation) in whom during her life, 〈◊〉 lay the real right to the Crown. 〈◊〉 Yet say not King Henry's policy was little in preferring, to take his Title from an Usurper by adoption, rather than from his own Mother, (the rightful heir) by succession, and his piety less, in not attending his Mother's death; but snatching the Sceptre out of her hand, seeing no Writer ever chargeth him with the least degree of undutifulness unto her. Which leadeth us to believe that this Maud, worn out with age and afflictions, willingly waved the Crown, and reigned in her own contentment, in seeing her Son reign before her. 55. Those who were most able to advise themselves, 1. are most willing to be advised by others, 1155. as appeared by this politic Prince. The body of the Common-Law compiled. Presently he chooseth a Privy Council of Clergy and Temporalty, and refineth the Common Laws; Yea, towards the end of his Reign began the use of our Itinerant Judges. The platform hereof he fetched from France (where he had his education) and where Charles the Bald, some hundred of years before, had divided his Land into twelve parts, assigning several Judges for administration of Justice therein. Our Henry parceled England into six Divisions, and appointed three Judges to every Circuit, annually to visit the same. Succeeding Kings, (though changing the limits) have kept the same number of Circuits, and let the skilful in Arithmetic cast it up, whether our Nation receiveth any loss, by the change of three Judges every year, according to Henry the second's Institution, into two Judges twice a year, as long since hath been accustomed. 56. The Laws thus settled, King Henry cast his eye on the numerous Castles in England. 2. As a good reason of State formerly persuaded the building, 1156. so a better pleaded now for the demolishing of them. Castles demolished. William the Conqueror built most of them, and then put them into the custody of his Norman Lords, thereby to awe the English into obedience. But these Norman Lords in the next generation, by breathing in English air, and wedding with English wives, became so perfectly Anglized, and lovers of Liberty, that they would stand on their guard against the King, on any petty discontentment. If their Castles, (which were of proof against Bows and Arrows, the Artillery of that Age) could but bear the brunt of a sudden assault, they were privileged from any solemn Siege, by their meanness and multitude, as whose several beleguerings would not compensate the cost thereof. Thus as in foul bodies, the Physic in process of time groweth so friendly and familiar with the disease, that they at last side together, and both take part against Nature in the Patient; so here it came to pass, that these Castles intended for the quenching, in continuance of time occasioned the kindling of Rebellion. To prevent farther mischief, King Henry razed most of them to the ground, and secured the rest of greater consequence into the hands of his Confidents. if any ask, how these Castles belong to our Church-History; know, that Bishops of all in that Age, were the greatest Traders in such Fortifications. 57 Thomas Becket, Thomas Becket L. Chancellor of England. born in London, and (though as yet but a Deacon) Archdeacon of Canterbury, Doctor of Canon-Law, bred in the Universities of Oxford, Paris, Bononia, was by the King made Lord Chancellor of England. During which his office, who braver than Becket? None in the Court wore more costly clothes, Anno Dom. 1158. mounted more stately steeds, made more sumptuous feasts, kept more jovial company, broke more merry jests, used more pleasant pastimes. In a word, he was so perfect a Layman, that his Parsonages of Bromfield, and St Mary-hill in London, with other Ecclesiastical Cures, whereof he was Pastor, might even look all to themselves, he taking no care to discharge them. This is that Becket, whose mention is so much in English, and miracles so many in Popish writers. We will contract his acts in proportion to our History, remitting the Reader to be satisfied in the rest from other Authors. 58. Four years after, His great reformation being made Archbishop of Canterbury. upon the death of Theobald, 1162 Becket was made by the King, 8. Archbishop of Canterbury. The first Englishman since the Conquest (and he but a mongrel, for his mother was a Syrian, the intercourse of the Holy-War in that age making matches betwixt many strangers) who was preferred to that place. And now (if the Monks their writing his life may be believed) followed in him a great and strange Metamorphosis. Instantly his clothes were reform to gravity, his diet reduced to necessity, his company confined to the Clergy, his expenses contracted to frugality, his mirth retrenched to austerity; all his pastimes so devoured by his piety, that none could see the former Chancellor Becket, in the present Archbishop Becket. Yea, they report, that his clothes were built three stories high; next his skin he was a Hermit, and wore sackcloth; in the mid he had the habit of a Monk; and above all wore the garments of an Archbishop. Now, that he might the more effectually attend his Archiepiscopal charge, he resigned his Chancellor's place, whereat the King was not a little offended. It added to his anger, that his patience was daily pressed, with the importunate petitions, of people complaining, that Becket injured them. Though, generally, he did but recover to his Church such possessions, as, by their covetousness, and his predecessors connivance, had formerly been detained from it. 59 But, A stubborn defender of the vicious Clergy, against secular Magistrates. the main matter, incensing the King against him was, his stubborn defending the Clergy from the secular power: and particularly (what a great fire doth a small spark kindle?) that a Clerk, having killed and stolen a Deer, ought not to be brought before the Civil Magistrate for his punishment. Such impunities breeding impieties, turned the house of God into a den of thiefs: many rapes, riots, robberies, murders, were then committed by the Clergy. If it be rendered as a reason of the viciousness of Adonijah, that his father never said unto him, a 1 King 1. 6. Why dost thou so? No wonder if the Clergy of this age were guilty of great crimes, whom neither the King, nor his Judges, durst call to an account. And, seeing Ecclesiastical censures extend not to the taking away of life, or limb; such Clerks as were guilty of capital faults; were either altogether acquitted, or had only penance inflicted upon them; a punishment far lighter than the offence did deserve. Indeed, it is most meet, in matters merely Ecclesiastical (touching the Word and Sacraments) Clergymen be only answerable for their faults to their spiritual superiors, as most proper, and best able to discern and censure the same. And in cases criminal, it is unfit that Ministers should be summoned, before each proud, pettish, petulant, pragmatical, secular, under-officer. However, in such causes to be wholly exempted from civil power, is a privilege, which with reason cannot be desired of them, nor with justice indulged unto them. Sure I am, Abiathar (though Highpriest) was convented before, and deposed by Solomon for his practising of treason. And St Paul saith, Rom. 13. 1. Let every soul be subject to the higher powers. 60. To retrench these enormities of the Clergy, 1164. the King called a Parliament at Clarendon, 10. near Sarisbury (and not in Normandy, He incurs the King's displeasure. as Mr Fox will have it) intending with the consent of his great Council, to confirm some severe Laws of his Grandfather King Henry the first▪ To these Laws, See them at large in Mat. Paris. sixteen in number, Becket, with the rest of the Bishops, consented and subscribed them. But afterwards recanting his own act, Anno Regis Hen. 2▪ 10. renounced the same. Anno Dom. 1164 Let not therefore the crime of inconstancy, be laid too heavily to the charge of Archbishop Cranmer, first subscribing, then revoking popish articles presented unto him: seeing this his namesake Thomas, and predecessor, Becket, without any stain to his Saintship, retracted his own act, upon pretence of better information. But so highly was Becket offended with himself for his subscription, that, in revenge, for some months, he suspended himself from all Divine Service (his pride, and laziness, both before, and after, suspended him from ever preaching) and would not be present thereat. Hereafter let none hope for more favour from this Archbishop, than their fact may deserve; seeing he cannot rationally be expected to be courteous to others, who was so severe unto himself. The best was, in this his suspension, the knot was not tied so hard, as to hurt him; who, in case of necessity, as he had bound, so he could lose himself: though, for the more state of the matter, Pope Alexander * Fox his Mon. see the letter at large, pag. 269. himself was pleased solemnly to assoil him from his suspension. Mean time Becket, both in his suspension, and absolution, most highly offended King Henry, who every day the more was alienated from, and incensed against him. 61. During Becket's abode about Clarendon, The vanity of Beckets path. he is reported every morning to have walked, from his lodging, some miles, to the King's Palace. Where the ground (say they) called Beckets path, at this day presenteth itself to the eyes of the beholders (but most quicksighted, if looking through Popish spectacles) with the grass, and grain growing thereon, in a different hue, and colour from the rest. A thing having in it more of report, than truth; yet more of truth than wonder: the discolourations of such veins of earth being common in grounds elsewhere, which never had the happiness of Becket his feet to go upon them. 62. But oh! He flieth beyond Sea, without the King's consent. If Becket's feet had left but the like impression in all the ways he went, how easy had it been for all men's eyes, and particularly for our pen, to have tracked him in all his travels? Who, not long after, without the consent of the King, took Ship, sailed into Flanders, thence traveled into the Southern parts of France, thence to Pontiniack, thence to Senes, abiding seven years in banishment. But, though he served an apprenticeship in exile, he learned little humility thereby, only altering his name (for his more safety) from Becket to Derman; but retaining all his old nature, remitting nothing of his rigid resolutions. 63. Now, to avoid idleness, How employed in his banishment. Becket, in his banishment, variously employed himself. First, in making, and widening breaches, between Henry his native Sovereign, 11. and Lewis the French King. 1165. Secondly, in writing many voluminous a See them exemplified at large in Stapleton De Tribus Thomis. letters of expostulation to Princes, and Prelates. Thirdly, in letting fly his heavy excommunications against the English Clergy; namely, against Roger, Archbishop of York; Gilbert Foliot, Bishop of London (a learneder man them himself;) Joceline, Bishop of Sarisbury, and others. His chief quarrel with them, was their adherence to the King; and particularly, because the Archbishop presumed to Crown Henry the King's Son (made joynt-King in the life of his Father) a privilege which Becket claimed, as proper to himself alone. Fourthly, in receiving comfort from, and returning it to Pope Alexander at Beneventum in Italy. 13. Sameness of affliction bred sympathy of affection betwixt them, 1167. both being banished; the Pope by Frederick Barbarossa, the Emperor, for his pride and insolency: as our Becket smarted for the same fault, from King Henry. Here also Becket solemnly resigned his Archbishopric to the Pope, as troubled in conscience, that he had formerly took it as illegally from the King, and the Pope again restored it to him, whereby all scruples in his mind were fully satisfied. 64. But afterwards by mediation of friends, Is reconciled to the King. Becket's reconciliation was wrought, and leave given him to return into England. However the King still retained his temporals in his hand, Anno Dom 1167. on weighty considerations. Anno Regis Hen. 2. 13. Namely, to show their distinct nature from the spirituals of the Archbishopric, to which alone the Pope could restore him: Lay-lands being separable from the same, as the favour of secular Princes: and Becket's bowed knee must own the King's bountiful hand, before he could receive them. Besides, it would be a caution for his good behaviour. 65. Caelum non animum. Returns as obstinate as he went over. Travellers change climates, 1170. not conditions. 16. Witness our Becket, stubborn he went over, stubborn he stayed, stubborn he returned. Amongst many things, which the King desired, and he denied, he refused to restore the Excommunicated Bishops, pretending he had no power (indeed he had no will) and that they were Excommunicate by his Holiness. Yea, he, instead of recalling his old, added new Excommunications; and, that thunder which long before rumbled in his threaten, now gave the crack upon all those that detained his temporal revenues. a Parte posteri●●i Henrici secundi, pag. 521. Roger Hoveden reports, that upon Christmas-day (the better day the better deed) he Excommunicated Robert de Broc, because the day before he had cut off one of his horses tails. Yea, he continued, and increased his insolence against the King and all his subjects. 66. Here the King let fall some discontented words, Is slain by four Knights in his own Church. which instantly were catched up in the ears of some Courtiers attending him. He complained that never Sovereign kept such lazy Subjects, and Servants, neither concerned in their King's credit, nor sensible of his favours conferred on them, to suffer a proud Prelate so saucily to affront him. Now, a low hollow, and a less clap with the hand, will set fierce dogs on worrying their prey. A quaternion of Courtiers being present; namely, 1. Sr Richard Breton, of which name (as I take it) a good family at this day is extant in Northamptonshire. 2. Sr Hugh Morvil of Kirk-Oswald in Cumberland, where his b Cand. Brit. in Cumberland, pag. 777. sword wherewith he slew Becket, was kept a long time, in memorial of his fact. His family at this day extinct. 3. Sr William Tracey, whose heirs at this day flourish, in a worthy and worshipful equipage, at Todington in Gloucestershire. 4. Sr Reginald Fitz-Urse, c Others call him Walter. or, Beares-Sonne. His posterity was afterwards men of great lands and Command, in the County of Monaghan in Ireland, being there called d Camd. Brit. in Ireland, pag. 10. Mac-Mahon, which in Irish signifieth the son of a bear. These four Knights, applying the King's general reproof to themselves, in their preproperous passions misinterpreted his complaint, not only for Becket's legal condemnation, but also for their warrant for his execution. Presently they post to Canterbury, where they find Becket in a part of his Church (since called the Martyrdom) who, though warned of their coming, and advised to avoid them, would not decline them, so that he may seem to have more mind to be killed, than they had to kill him. Here happened high expostulation, they requiring restitution of the Excommunicated Bishops; whose peremptory demands, met with his pertinacious denials, as than not willing to take notice of Solomon his counsel, e Prov. 15. 1. A soft answer pacifieth wrath. Brawls breed blows, and all four falling upon him, with the help of the fifth, an officer of the Church, called Hugh, the ill-Clerk, each gave him a wound, though that with the sword dispatched him, which cut off his crown from the rest of his head. 67. A barbarous murder, Various censures on his death. and which none will go about to excuse, Dece 28. but much heightened both by the Prose, and Poetry (good and bad) of Popish Writers in that age. Of the last and worst sort, I account that Distich (not worthy the translating) one verse whereof, Anno Regis Hen. 2 16. on each leaf of the door of Canterbury Choir, Anno Dom. 1170 is yet legible in part; Est sacer intra locus, venerabilis, atque beatus, Praesul, ubi sanctus Thomas est * William Summoner in his Antiquities of Canterbury, pag. 166. martyrizatus. But, if he were no truer a martyr, then martyrizatus is true position, his memory might be much suspected. More did the Muses smile on the Author of the following verses, Pro Christi Sponsa, Christi sub tempore, Christi In Templo, Christi verus amator obit. Quis moritur? Praesul. Cur? Pro grege. Qualiter? Ense. Quando? Natali. Quis locus? Ara Dei. For Christ his Spouse, in Christ's Church, at the tide Of Christ his birth, Christ his true lover died. Who dies? A Priest. Why? For's flock. How? By th' sword. When? At Christ's birth. Where? Altar of the Lord. Here I understand not, how properly it can be said, that Becket died Pro grege, For his flock. He did not die for feeding his flock, for any fundamental point of Religion, or for defending his flock against the wolf of any dangerous doctrine; but merely he died for his flock; namely, that the sheep thereof (though ever so scabbed) might not be dressed with tarr, and other proper (but sharp, and smarting) medicines. I mean, that the Clergy might not be punished by the secular power, for their criminal enormities. Sure I am, a learned, and moderate a Gulielmus Nubrigiensis. writer of that age, passeth this character upon him, Quae ab ipso acta sunt laudanda nequaquam censuerim, licet ex laudabili zelo processerint. Such things as were done by him, I conceive not at all to be praised, though they proceeded from a laudable zeal. But b In tribus Thomis. Stapleton calls this his judgement, Audacis Monachi censura non tam politica, quàm planè ethnica, The censure of a bold Monk, not so much politic as heathenish. Should another add of Stapleton, that this his verdict is the unchristian censure of a proud and partial Jesuit; railing would but beget railing; and so it is better to remit all, to the day c Rom. 2. 5. of the revelation of the righteous judgement of God. 68 Now King Henry, The heavy penance performed by King Henry. though unable to revive Beacket, showed as much sorrow himself, for his death, as a living man could express; and did the other as much honour, as a dead man could receive. First, searching after all his kindred (as most capable of his kindness) he found out his two sisters. One Marry, a virgin, not inclinable to marry, whom he preferred Abbess of the rich Nunnery of Berking. His other nameless sister, being married to one of the Le Botelers, or Butlers, He transplanted with her husband, and children into d Camden's Brit. in Ireland, pag. 83. Ireland, conferring upon them high honours, and rich revenues; from whom the Earls of Ormond are at this day descended. He founded also the magnificent Abbey, called e Idem pag. 93. Thomas-Court in Dublia (in memory of the said Thomas Becket, 20. and expiation of his murder) beautifying the same with fair buildings, 1174. and enriching it with large possessions. Nor did only the purse, but the person of King Henry do penance. Who walking some miles barefoot, suffered himself to be whipped on the naked back by the Monks of Cantrbury. As for the four Knights, who murdered him, the Pope pardoned them, but conditionally, to spend the rest of their lives in the Holy war (where the King, as part of his penance enjoined by the Pope, maintained two hundred men for one year, on his proper charges) to try, whether they could be as courageous in killing of Turks, as they had been cruel in murdering a Christian. 69. And now, Becket after fifty years enshrined. being on this subject, Anno Dom 1174. once to dispatch Becket out of out way, Anno Regis Hen. ● 20. just a Jubilee of years after his death, Stephen Langton, his mediate successor, removed his body from the Vnder-croft in Christ-Church, where first he was buried, and laid him at his own charge, in a most sumptuous shrine, at the East end of the Church. Here the a Erasmus his Dialog. in Religionis ergo. rust of the sword that killed him, was afterwards tendered to Pilgrims to kiss. Here many miracles were pretended to be wrought by this saint, in number b Fox Acts and Monum. pag. 493. two hundred and seventy. They might well have been brought up to four hundred, and made as many as Baal's lying Prophets: though even then, one Prophet of the Lord, one Micaiah, one true miracle were worth them all. 70. It is almost incredible, The blind superstition of people. what multitudes of people flocked yearly to Canterbury (which City lived by Beckets death) especially on his Jubilee, or each fifty years after his enshrining. No fewer than an hundred c Wil Somner ut priùs, pag. 249. thousand (we find it in words at length, and therefore a cipher is not mistaken) of English and foreigners repaired hither. And, though great the odds in hardness, between stones and flesh, there remains at this day in the marble, the prints of their superstition, who crept, and kneeled to his shrine. The revenues whereof by people's offerings, amounted to more than six hundred pounds a year. And the same accountant, when coming to set down, what then, and there was offered to Christ's, or the High-Altar, dispatcheth all with a blank, Summo Altari nil. Yea, whereas before Beckets death, the Cathedral in Canterbury was called Christ's Church, it passed afterwards for the Church of St Thomas; verifying therein the complaint of d John 12. 13. Mary Magdalen, Sustuleruat Dominum, They have taken away the Lord. Though since, by the demolishing of Beckets shrine, the Church (and that justly) hath recovered his true and ancient name. SECT. II. DOMINO JOANNI WYRLEY DE WYRLEY-HALL, In Com. Stafford, Equiti Aurato. LEx Mahometica jubet, ut Turcarum quisque mechanicae arti incumbat. Hinc est, quòd, vel inter Ot tomanicos Imperatores, hic faber, ille Sartor, hic totus est in baltheorum * Edw. Sandys in suis peregrinationibus. bullis, ille in Sagittarum pennis concinnandis, prout quisque suà indole trahatur. Lex mihi partim placet, partim displicet. Placet industria, nè animi otii rubigine obducti sensim torpescerent. Displicet, ingenuas mentes servili operi damnari, cùm humile nimis sit & abjectum. At utinam vel lex, vel legis aemula consuetudo, inter Anglos obtineret, nt nostrates nobiles, ad unum omnes, meliori literaturae litarent. Hoc si fiat, uberrimos fructus Respublica perceptura esset ab illis, qui nunc absque Musarum cultu penitus sterilescunt. Tu verò (Doctissime Miles!) es perpaucorum hominum, qui ingenium Tuum nobilitate premi non sinis: sed artes ingenuas, quas Oxonii didicisti juvenis, vir assiduè colis. Gestit itaque Liber noster Te Patrono; quo non alter aut in not andis mendis oculatior, aut in condonandis clementior. 1. EVen amongst all the stripes given him since the death of Becket, 20. none made deeper impression in King Henry's soul, 1174. than the undutisulness of Henry, The undutisulness of young King Henry. his eldest Son, whom he made (the foolish act of a wise King) joynt-King with himself, in his life time. And, as the Father was indiscreet to put off so much of his apparel, before he went to bed: so the Son was more unnatural, in endeavouring to rend the rest from his back, and utterly to difrobe him of all Regal power. The Clergy were not wahting in their plentiful censures, to impute this mischance to the King, as a Divine punishment on Beckets death; that his natural Son should prove so undutiful to him, who himself had been so unmerciful to his spiritual father. Anno Dom. 1174. But this rebellious child passed not unpunished. Anno Regis Hen. 2. 20. For, as he honoured not his Father; so his days were sew in the land which the Lord gave him. And, as he made little account of his own father; so English Authors make no reckoning of him in the Catalogue of Kings. This Henry the third being wholly omitted, because dying, during the life of his Father. 2. But, Richard made Archbishop of Canterbury. before this Henry's death, Richard, Prior of Dover, who divided Kent into three Archdeaconries, was made Archbishop of Canterbury. Indeed the place was first proffered to Robert, Abbot of Becco, in Normandy (Sequents of three, if he had accepted it [Anselme, Theobald, and this Robert] who, in the compass of seventy years, out of the same Abbey were made Arch-Bishops of Canterbury) but he refused it, as ominous to succeed Becket in his Chair, lest he should succeed him in his Coffin; and preferred a whole skin before an holy Pall. But Richard accepting the place, is commended for a mild and moderate man, being all for accommodation, and his temper the best expedient betwixt the Pope and King; pleasing the former with presents, the latter with compliance. This made him connive at Jeffery Plantagenet his holding the Bishopric of Lincoln, though uncanonical●ess on uncanonicalness met in his person. For, first he was a bastard. Secondly, he was never in orders. Thirdly, he was under age; all which irregularities were answered in three words, The Kings Son. This was that Jeffery, who used to protest by the royalty of the King, his Father, when a slander by minded him to remember the honesty of his Mother. 3. A Synod was called at Westminster, The controversy betwixt Canterbury & York for precedency. the Pope's Legate being present thereat; 1176. on whose right hand sat Richard, 22. Archbishop of Canterbury, as in his proper place. When, in springs Roger of York, and, finding Canterbury so seated, fairly sits him down on canterbury's lap (a baby too big to be danced thereon) yea, Canterbury his servants dandled this lap-childe with a witness, who plucked him thence, and buffeted him to purpose. Hence began the brawl, which often happened betwixt the two Sees for precedency; though hitherto we have passed them over in silence, not conceiving ourselves bound to trouble the Reader, every time those Arch-Bishops troubled themselves. And, though it matters as little to the Reader, as to the Writer, whether Roger beat Richard, or Richard beat Roger; yet, once for all, we will reckon up the arguments, which each See alleged for its precedency. Canterbury's Title. 1. No Catholic person will deny, but that the Pope is the fountain of spiritual honour, to place and displace at pleasure. He first gave the Primary to Canterbury: Yea, whereas the proper place of the Archbishop of Canterbury, in a general Council, was next the Bishop of St Ruffinus; Anselme and his successors were advanced by Pope Vrban, to sit at the Pope's right foot, as alterius orbis Papa. 2. The English Kings have ever allowed the Priority to Canterbury. For a Duarchie in the Church (viz. two Arch-Bishops equal in power) being inconsistent with a Monarchy in the State, Anno Regis Hen. 2. 22. they have ever countenanced the superiority of Canterbury, Anno Dom. 1176. that the Church-government might be uniform with the Commonwealths. 3. Custom hath been accounted a King in all places, which time out of mind hath decided the precedency to Canterbury. Yorks Title. 1. When Gregory the great made York and Canterbury Archiepiscopal Sees, he affixed precedency to neither, but that the Arch-Bishops should take place according to the seniority of their consecrations. Until Lanckfranck, Chaplain to King William (thinking good reason he should conquer the whole Clergy of England, as his Master had vanquished the Nation) usurped the superiority above the See of York. 2. If Antiquity be to be respected, long before Gregory's time, York was the See of an Archbishop, whilst as yet Pagan Canterbury was never dreamed of for that purpose. Lucius the first Christian Britain King, founding a Cathedral therein, and placing Sumson in the same, who had Taurinus, Pyrannus, Tacliacus, etc. his successors in that place. 3. If the extent of jurisdiction be measured, York, though the lesser in England, is the larger in Britain, as which at this time had the entire Kingdom of Scotland subject thereunto; Besides, if the three Bishoprics, (viz. Worcester, Lichfield, Lincoln) formerly injuriously taken from York, were restored unto it, it would vie English Latitude with Canterbury itself. This controversy lasted for may years, it was first visibly begun (passing by former private grudges) betwixt Lanckfrank of Canterbury, and Thomas of York, in the Reign of the Conqueror, continued betwixt William of Canterbury, and Thurstan of York, in the days of King Henry the first; increased betwixt Theobald of Canterbury, and William of York, at the Coronation of Henry the second, and now revived betwixt Richard of Canterbury, and Roger of York, with more than ordinary animosity. 4. Some will wonder that such spiritual persons should be so spiteful, How much carnality in the most spiritual. that they, who should rather have contended de pascendis ovibus, which of them should better feed their flocks, should fall out de lana caprina, about a toy and trifle, only for Priority. Yet such will cease to wonder, when they consider how much carnality there was in the Disciples themselves: Witness their unseasonable contest, just before our Saviour's * Luke 22, 24. death, quis esset major, which of them should be the greater, when then the question should rather have been, quis esset maestior, not who should be the highest, but who should be the heaviest for their departing Master. 5. Here the Pope interposed, The Pope's decision gives final satisfaction. and to end old Divisions, made a new distinction, Primate of all ENGLAND, and Primate of ENGLAND, giving the former to Canterbury, the latter to York. Thus when two Children cry for the same apple, the indulgent father divides it betwixt them, yet so, that he giveth the bigger and better part to the Child that is his Darling. York is fain to be content therewith, though full ill against his will, as sensible that a secondary Primacy is no Primacy; and as one stomaching a Superior as much as Canterbury disdained an Equal. Yea, on every little occasion this controversy broke out again. The last flash which I find of this flame, was in the Reiga of King Edward the first, when William Wickham, Archbishop of York, at a Council at Lambeth for Reformation, would needs have his Cross carried before him, which John Peckam, Archbishop of Canterbury would in no case permit to be done in his Province. Wherefore the said Peckam inhibited all from selling b Mr Jackson out of Florilegus, in his Chronologie Anno 1280. victuals to him or his family, so hoping to allay his stomach by raising his hunger, and starve him into a speedy submission, which accordingly came to pass. Since York was rather quiet then contented, pleasing itself that as stout came behind as went before. But at this day the Clergy sensible of God's hand upon them for their Pride and other offences, are resolved on more humility; and will let it alone to the laiety to fall out about Precedency. 6. To return to King Henry, The far extended English Monarchy in this King's Reign. never did the branches of the English Monarchy sprout higher, or spread broader before or since, as in the Reign of this King, so large and united his command, though in several capacities; For by right of inheritance from his Mother Maud, he held England and the Dukedom of Normandy, Anno Dom. 1277. by the same title from his Father, Anno Regis Hen. 2. 23. Geoffrey Plantagenet; he possessed fair lands in Anjou and Maine; by Match in right of Queen Elranor his Wife he enjoyed the Dukedoms of Aquitane and Guien even to the Pyrenean Mountains; by Conquest he lately had subdued Ireland, leaving it to his successors annexed to the English Dominions; and for a time was the effectual King of Scotland, whilst keeping William their King a Prisoner, and acting at pleasure in the Southern parts thereof. The rest of Christendom he may be said to have held by way of Arbritration, as Christiani orbis arbiter, so deservedly did Foreign Princes esteem his wisdom and integrity, that in all difficult controversies he was made Umpire betwixt them. 7. Yet all this his greatness could neither preserve him from death, Can not make him fortunate in his own Family. nor make him, when living, happy in his own house, so that when freest from Foreign foes, he was most molested in his own Family, his Wife and Sons at last siding with the King of France against him, the sorrow whereat was conceived to send him the sooner to his grave. I meet with this Distich as parcel of his Epitaph, Cui * Mat. Paris, pag. 151. satis ad votum non essent omnia terrae Climata, terra modo sufficit octo pedum. He whom alive the world would scarce suffice, When dead, in eight foot earth contented lies. He died at Chinon in Normandy, 1289. and was buried with very great solemnity, 39 Rich. 1. in the Nunnery of Font-Everard in the same Country. A Religious House of his own Foundation and Endowment. 8. It is confidently a Mat. Paris, at prius. reported, Disobedience endeavoured to be expiated by superstition that when Richard, Son and Successor to King Henry, approached his Father's dead Corpse, they bled afresh at the Nostrils; whence some collected him the cause of his death. But whilst nature's Night-councellors (treading in the dark causes of hidden qualities) render the reason of the salleying forth of the blood on such occasions, let the learned in the Laws decide how far such an accident may be improved for a legal evidence. For surely that Judge is no better than a Murderer, who condemneth one for Murder on that proof alone. However on the bleeding of the Father's Nostrils, the Son's heart could not but bleed, as meeting there with a guilty Conscience. And therefore (according to the Divinity and Devotion of those days) to expiate his disobedience, he undertook with Philip Augustus, King of France, a long Voyage against Sultan Saladine, to recover CHRIST his grave, and the City of Jerusalem, from the Turks in Palestine. 9 Having formerly written an whole Book of the Holy War, An account of our design. and particularly of King Richard's achievements therein, 1190 I intent here no repetition; 1. Only our design is to give a Catalogue of some of our English Nobility, who adventured their persons in the Holy War; and whose Male-Posterity is eminently extant at this day. I have known an excellent Musician, whom no Arguments could persuade to play, until hearing a Bungler scrape in the company, he snatched the Instrument out of his hand (in indignation that Music should be so much abused) then turned and played upon it himself. My project herein is, that giving in an imperfect list, of some few noble Families, who engaged themselves in this service; It will so offend some eminent Artist (hitherto silent in this kind) that out of disdain he will put himself upon so honourable a work, deserving a Gentleman who hath Lands, Learning and leisure to undertake so costly, intricate and large a subject for the honour of our Nation. And be it premised, that to prevent all cavils about precedency, first come, first served; I shall Marshal them in no other method, but as in my studies I have met with the mention of them. 10. To begin with the place of my present habitation; Anno Regis Rich. prim. 1. one Hugh Nevil attended King Richard into the Holy War, Anno Dom. 1190 and anciently lieth buried in a Marble Monument, Nevil Kill. Lion his performance in Palestine. in the Church of Waltham Abbey in Essex, whereof no remainders at this day. This Hugh Nevil being one of the King's special samiliars, slew a Lion in the Holy Land, first driving an arrow into his Breast, and then running him through with his sword, on whom this Verse was made, a Mat. Paris Anno Dom 1222. Viribus Hugonis vires periêre Leonis The strength of Hugh A Lion slew. If Benaiah the son of Jehoiadah, was recounted the fifth amongst David's worthies, for b 2 Sam. 23. 20. killing a Lion in the midst of a pit in the time of snow, surely on the same reason, this bold and brave Baron Hugh, aught to be entered into the Catalogue of the Heroes of his Sovereign. But I cannot give credit to c Weavers Fun. Mon. pag. 644. his report, who conceiveth that the Achievement of the man was translated to his Master; And that on this occasion King Richard the first got the name of Cordelion, or Lion's Heart. 11. This Hugh Nevil gave the Manor of d Registrum Cart Abbot. de Waltham. Thorndon to Waltham Abbey, Ancestors to the Noble & numerous nevil's. and was Ancester of the Noble and numerous Family of the Nevils; to which none in England equal, for Honour, Wealth and number, in the later end of King Henry the sixth, though at this day the Lord Abergavenny be the only Baron thereof: He gave for his Arms a Cross Saltire, or the Cross of St Andrew, probably assuming it in the Holy War. For though I confess this is not the proper Cross of Jerusalem, yet was it highly esteemed of all those who adventured thither, as may appear, in that all Knights-Templers make such Saltire Cross, with their Thwarted Legs upon their Monuments. 12. girald de Talbote succeeds in the second place; girald de Talbote, whence the house of Shrewsbury. When Articles were drawn up between our King Richard, in his passage to Palestine, and Tancred King of Sicily, for the mutual observation of many Conditions betwixt them. He put in upon their Oaths, for his Sureties, a Grand-Jury of his principal Subjects then present, viz. two Arch-Bishops, two Bishops, and twenty other of his Prime Nobility expressed in his Letters e R. Hoveden pars poster 〈◊〉 in Rich. primo. Patents; Besides many other whose names were concealed. Of these twenty, the aforesaid Girald de Talbote is the first; whose Male Issue and Name is extant at this day, flourishing in the Right Honourable Family of the Earls of Shrewsbury. 13. Next amongst the Royal Jurors (as I may term them) was Guarrin Fitz-Girald, Guarrin Fitz Girald, from whom the Earls of Kildare and Barons of Windsor. from whom are descended the Fitz Giralds in Ireland, (where their name is in some places Provincial) of whom the Earl of Kildare is chief. A memorial of their service in Palestine is preserved in their Arms, giving Argent a Cross Saltire Gules. Here it must be remembered, that the valiant sprightly Gentleman Hickman Lord Windsor is descended from the same f See Camd. Brit. in Berkshire. Male Ancestors with the Fitz Giralds (as Robert Glover a most exquisite Herald doth demonstrate) though according to the fashion of that age, altering his old, and assuming a new name from Windsor, the place of his office and Command. This Lord Windsor carrieth the Badge of his Service in his Arms, being essentially the same, with the Earl of Kildares, save that the colours are varied; the field Gules, and cross Saltire Argent, betwixt twelve Crosses crossed, OR: Which Coat seemingly sursited was conceived in that age, the more healthful for the same; the more Crossed the more Blessed, being the Devotion of those days. 14. Four other Gentlemen of quality remain mentioned in that Parent, A Quaternion more of adventures. William de Curcy, Father to John the valiant Champion and Conqueror of Ireland; Robert de Novo Burgo; Hugh le Brain, and Amaury de Mountford; of all whom formerly in our Alphabetical Comment on Abbey Roll. Anno Dom. 1191. Anno Regis Rich. Prim. 2. 15. At the siege of Acres or Ptolemais (the Grave General of the Christian Army) amongst many Worthies dying there within the compass of one year; Ingleram 〈◊〉 his posterity. I find a 〈…〉. pag. 655. Ingelram de Fiennes to be slain, from whom the Lord Viscount Say and Seal, and the Lord Dacres of the South derive their descent. But most visible are the remains of the Holy War in the achievement of Theophilus Fins, alias Clinton, Earl of Lincoln, giving in the lower parts of his shield (in a field Argent) six Crosses crossed Fitchee Sable, denoting the stability and firmness of his Ancestors in that service. 16. Also at the aforesaid Siege of Acres, Radulphus De Alta ripa. Radulphus de Alta ripa, Archdeacon of Colchester ended his life. Now although because a Clergyman, he could not then leave any lawful Issue behind him. Yet we may be confident that the Ancient Family De Alta ripa or Dautry, still continuing in b Camd. Brit. ibid. Sussex were of his Alliance. 17. Before we leave the Siege of Acres, let me refresh the Reader with my innocent (and give me leave to say provable) mistake. A mistake freely confessed. I conceived the Noble Family of the Lord Dacres took their Surname from some service there performed, confirmed in my conjecture. 1. Because the name is written with a Local Tinesis, D'Acres. 2. Joan Daughter to Edward the first, King of England, is called D'Acres, because Born there. 3. They gave their Arms Gules three Scollops-shels Argent; Which Scollop-shels (I mean the nethermost of them, because most concave and capacious) smooth within, and artificially plated without, was of times Cup and Dish to the Pilgrims in Palestine; and thereupon their Arms often charged therewith. Since suddenly all is vanished, when I found c Camd. Brit. in Cumberland pag. 776. Dacor, a Rivulet in Cumberland, so ancient, that it is mentioned by Bede himself, long before the Holy War was once dreamt of, which gave the name to Dacres Castle, as that (their prime seat) to that Family. 18. Before we go further, Crescent and Stat why the Device of K. Richard the first in his voyage to the Holy Land. be it here observed, that when King Richard the first went into Palestine, he took up for his Device in his Ensign, a Crescent and a Star, but on what account men variously conjecture. Some conceive it done in affront to the Sultan Saladine, the Turk giving the Half Moon for his Armies; But this seems unlikely, both because a Crescent is not the posture of the Turkish Moon, and because this was a preposterous method with a valiant man at his bare setting forth, who would rather first win, before wear the Arms of his Enemies; Others make a modest, yea Religious meaning thereof, interpreting himself and his soldiers by the Crescent and Star, expecting to be enlightened from above, by the beams of success from the Sun of Divine Providence. Indeed it would trouble a wise man (but that a wise man will not be troubled therewith) to give a reason of King Richard's fancy; it being almost as easy for him to foretell ours, as for us infallibly to interpret his design herein. However we may observe many of the principal persons which attended the King in this War, had their Shields be-Cressanted and be-Starred, in relation to this the Royal Device. 19 Thus Michael Minshul of Minshul in Cheshire, The Arms of the ancient Family of Minshull. serving King Richard in this war, had not only the Crescent and Star given him for his Arms, but since also that Family hath born for their Crest, two Lions paws holding a Crescent. And I have seen a Patent d Viz. July 4. 1642. lately, granted by the Lord Marshal, to a Knight e Sir Richard Minshull of Burton in Bucks: deriving himself from a younger branch of that Family, assigning him for distinction, to change his Crest into the Sultan kneeling and holding a Crescent. 20. And thus the Noble Family of Saint-John, (whereof the Earl of Bullingbrock, As also of the noble S. john's and Sackvile. etc.) give for their Paternal Coat Argent two Stars Or on a Chief Gules. These Stars first give us a dim light to discover their Service in the Holy Land, who since are beholding for perfecter information, to one now scarce counted a Rhymer, formerly admitted for a Poet, acquainting us with this, and another Noble Family adventuring in the Holy War, namely, the Sackviles, still flourishing in the Right Honourable the Earl of Dorcet. a Robert of Gloucester. King Richard with good intent To yat cite of b Jafes, that is Joppa in Palestine. Jafes went On morn he sent aftur Sir Robart Sakebile Sir William Wateruile Sir Hubart and Sir Robart of Turnham Sir Bertram Brandes and John de St John. Yet the Arms or Crest of the Sackviles give us not the least intimation of the Holy War. And indeed no rational man can expect an universal conformity in so much variety of fancies, that all the Arms of the adventurers thither, should speak the same Language, or make some sign of their service therein. 21. I find c Haekluit in his first volume of voyages. Sr Frederick Tilney Knighted at Acres in the Holy Land, 3. in the third year of King Richard the first; 1192. he was a man Magnaestaturae & potens corpore; The worshipful Family of the Tilnes. Sixteen Knights in a direct line of that name succeeded in that Inheritance: Whose heir general was married to the Duke of Norfolk, whilst a male branch (if not, which I fear, very lately extinct) flourished since at Shelleigh in Suffolk. 22. When I look upon the ancient Arms of the Noble Family of the Villiers, The most honourable Ancestors of the Villiers. wherein there is Pilgrim on Pilgrim, I mean five Scallops O R, on the Cross of St george; I presently concluded, one of that Family attended King Richard in the Holy Land: But on better enquiry, I find that this Family at their first coming into England, bare Sable three cinquefoils Argent; and that Sr Nicholas de Villiers Knight, changed this d Burton in his description of Leicester-shire. Coat in the Reign, not of Richard, but Edward the first, whom he valiantly followed in his Wars in the Holy Land, and elsewhere. 23. I will conclude with the Noble Family of Berkely, The Arms of the Berkeleys. than which none of England now eminently existing, was more redoubted in the Holy war. All know their disent from Harding (Son to the King of Denmark) whose Arms are said to be Gules Three Danish Axes O R, or as others suppose with more probability, I conceive only a plain Cheveron, though some three hundred years since, they have filled their Coat with Ten Crosses Patte OR, in remembrance of the Achievements of their Ancestors in that service. For I find that Harding of England Landed at e Chronicon Jerusalem, lib. 9 cap. 11. Joppa, July the third, in the second year of King Baldwin, with a Band of stout Soldiers, where he relieved the Christians besieged therein. 24. But I have been too tedious, More Churchmen abroad then Church-business at home. intending only a short Essay, and to be (let me call it) an honest Decoy, by entering on this subject, to draw others into the completing thereof, during the whole extent of the Holy war. The best is, for the present we have had good leisure, these Martial times affording but little Ecclesiastical matter. For at this present much of the English Church was in Palestine, where Baldwin, Archbishop of Canterbury, ended his life before the Siege of Acres; and where Hubert Walter, Bishop of Sarisbury, was a most active Commander; besides many more of the eminent Clergies engaged in that service. Yet many did wish that one Clergyman more had been there, (to keep him from doing mischief at home) namely, William Longcamp, Bishop of Elie, who played Rex in the King's absence: so intolerable a Tyrant was he, by abusing the Royal Authority committed unto him. And it is a wonder, that he, being indeed a Norman born, but holding so many and great offices in this land, should not be able to speak one word of good f Goodwin in his catalogue of the Bishop of Ely. Longcampe & Wolsey paralleled. English, as the English, as the English were not willing to speak one good word of him. 25. Such as draw up a parallel betwixt this William Longcampe, and Thomas Wolsey (afterward Archbishop of York) find them to meet in many conformities. First, in the lowness of their birth, the one the son of an Husbandman, the other of a Butcher. Anno Dom. 1192. Secondly, Anno Regis Rich. prim. 3. in the greatness of their power, both being the Pope's Legates, and their Kings principal Officers. Thirdly, height of their pride; Longcampe having fifteen hundred daily attendants: Wolsey, though but a thousand, equalizing that number with the nobility of his train. Fourthly, suddenness of their fall, and it is hard to say, which of the two lived more hated, or died less pitied. 26. Yet to give Wolsey his due, Wolsey the better of the two. he far exceeded the other, Longcampe is accused of covetousness, promoting his base kindred, to the damage and detriment of others: no such thing charged on Wolsey. Longcampes activity moved in the narrow sphere of England's Dominions; whilst Wolsey might be said (in some sort) to have held in his hand the scales of Christendom. Up Emperor, down France; and so alternately, as he was pleased to cast in his grains. Wolsey sat at the stern more than twenty years, whilst Longcampe's impolitic pride outed him of his place, in less than a quarter of the time. Lastly, nothing remains of Longcampe, but the memory of his pride and pomp: whilst Christ-Church in Oxford, and other stately edifices, are the lasting monuments of Wolsey's magnificence, to all posterity. 27. But seeing it is just to settle men's memories, Yet a word in excuse of Longcamp. on their true bottom; Be it known, that one putteth in a good word in due season, in the excuse of Bishop a Godwin ut prius. Longcampe, haply not altogether so bad as the pens of Monks would persuade us. It enraged them against him, because Hugh Nonant Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, drove out Monks out of Coventry, and brought in Secular Priests in the room; which alteration he being not able of himself to effect, used the assistance of Longcampe Bishop of Elie; ordering the same in a Synod called at London. And seeing Monks have no medium betwixt not loving and bitter hating, no wonder if for this cause they paid him their Invectives. But we have done with him, and are glad of so fair a riddance of him, on this account, that most of his misdemeanours were by him committed, not quà Bishop, but quà Viceroy, and so more properly belonnging to the civil Historian. 28. King Richard in his return from Palestine, King Richard dearly Ransomed. was taken prisoner by Leopold Duke of Austria, 1193. and detained by him in durance, 3. with hard and un-Prince-like usage. Whilst the English Clergy endeavoured the utmost for his Enlargement. And at last when a fine certain was set upon him to be paid for his Ransom; they with much ado in two years' time disbursed the same. 29. The sum was an hundred and fifty thousand and marks, Why a small sum great in that age. to be paid, part to the Duke of Austria, part to Henry the sixth, Sir-named the sharp, (Sure such our Richard found him) Emperor of Germany. Some will wonder that the weight of such a sum should then sway the back of the whole Kingdom, (putting many Churches to the sale of their silver Chalices) having seen in our age one City in few days advance a larger proportion; But let such consider, 1. The money was never to return, not made over by Bills of Exchange, but sent over in specie, which made it arise the more heavily. For such sums may be said in some sort to be but lent, not lost (as to the Commonwealth) which are not exported, but spent therein in the circulation of Trading. 2. A third of silver went then more to make a mark then now adays, witness their groats, worth our six pence in the intrinsic value. 3. Before trading to the East and West Indies, some hundred and fifty years since, very little the silver of England, in comparison to the Banks of Modern Merchants. However Hubert, Archbishop of Canterbury, with much diligence perfected the work, and on his ransom paid, King Richard returned into England. 30. Now lest his Majesty should suffer any diminution by his long late imprisonment; Anno Regis Rich. prim. 4. King Richard was Crowned again by Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury, Anno Dom. 1194. at Winchester, King Richard better for affliction. with great solemnity; and one may say that his durance was well bestowed on him, seeing after the same he was improved in all his relations. Son. For though he could not revive his dead Father; yet on all occasions he expressed sorrow for his undutifulness. Husband. Hereafter prising the company of Beringaria his Queen; Daughter to Sanctius King of Navarre, whom formerly he slighted and neglected. Brother. Freely and fully pardoning the practices of his Brother John aspiring to the Crown in his absence; and being better to his base Brother Geoffrey, Archbishop of York, than his tumultuous nature did deserve. Man. Being more strict in ordering his own conversation. King. In endeavouring the amendment of many things in the Land, 6. in whose days a Council was, kept at York, for Reformation, 1196. but little effected. 31. Hubert Walter, 8. Archbishop of Canterbury, 1198 had almost finished a fair Covent for Monks at Lambeth, Lambeth Covent, why demolished. begun by Baldwin his Predecessor. But instantly the Monks of Canterbury are all up in anger against him they feared that in process of time Lambeth would prove Canterbury (viz. the Principal place of the Arch-Bishops residence) to the great impairing of their Privileges; the vicinity of Lambeth to the Court increased their jealousy: And now they ply the Pope with Petitions, and with what makes Petitions to take effect in the Court of Rome; never content till they had obtained (contrary to the Kings and Arch-Bishops desire) that the Covent at Lambeth was utterly demolished; many bemoaning the untimely end thereof, before it was ended, murdered, as one may say, by malicious emulation. 32. The death of King Richard is variously reported, 9 but this relation generally received, 1199. that he lost his life on this sad occasion. King Richard his death. A Viscount in France, subject to King Richard, having found a vast Treasure, (hid probably by some Prince, the King's Predecessor) sent part thereof to King Richard, reserving the rest to himself; who could he have concealed all, had made no discovery, and had he sent all, had got no displeasure; whilst hoping by this middle-way to pleasure the King, and profit himself, he did neither. King Richard disdains to take part for a gift where all was due; and blame him not, if having lately bled so much money, he desired to fill his empty veins again. The Viscount fled into Poictou, whither the King following, straightly besieged him. 33. The Castle being reduced to distress, By a poisoned arrow. a Soldier shoots a poisoned arrow, contrary to the Law of Arms, being a sharp arrow, from a strong bow, is poison enough of itself, without any other addition. But those Laws of Arms, are only mutually observed in orderly Armies (if such to be found) and such Laws outlawed by extremity; when the half- famished Soldier, rather for spite then hunger, will champ a bullet. The arrow hits King Richard in the eye, who died some days after on the anguish thereof, having first forgiven the soldier that wounded him. 34. By Will he made a tripartite division of his body, The threefold division of his corpse. and our * Mat. Paris in hoc anno, pag. 195. Author takes upon him to render a reason thereof. His Heart he bequeathed to Rouen, because he had ever found that City hearty and cordial unto him: His Body to be buried at Fount-Everard, at his Father's feet, in token of his sorrow and submission, that he desired to be as it were his Father's Foot-flool: His Bowels to be buried in the Parish Church, Anno Dom. 1199. in the Province of Poictou, Anno Regis Rich. prim. 9 where he died (not for any Bowels of affection he bore unto them, but) because he would leave his filth and excrements to so base and treacherous a place. Others more charitably conceive them buried there, because conveniently not to be carried thence, whose corruption required speedy interment. Another Monk telleth us, that his Heart was grossitudine a Gervasius D●r●bernensis in Rich. pag. 1628. Praestans, gross for the greatness thereof; which is contrary to the received opinion, that that part is the least in a valiant man, and the heart of a Lion (this Richard we know was called Cure de Lion, or Lion-hearted) less than the heart of an Hare. 25. I find two Epitaphs made upon him, His double Epitaph and successor. the first, (better for the conceit then the Poetry thereof) thus concludeth: Sic loca b Milles in his catalogue of honour, pag. 120. per trina se sparsit tanta ruina, Nec fuit hoc funus cui sufficeret locus unsis. Three places thus, are sharers of his fall, Too little, one, for such a Funeral. The second may pass for a good piece of Poetry in that age; Hic Richard c Camden's Brit. in Oxford-shire, jaces, sed mors si cederet, armis Victa timore tui, cederet ipsa tuis. Richard thou liest here, but were death afraid Of any arms, thy arms had death dismayed. Dying issueless, 1100 the Crown after his death should have descended to Arthur, Duke of Britain, as son to Geoffrey, fourth son to Henry the second, in whose minority, John, fift Son to the said King, seized on the Crown, keeping his Nephew Arthur in prison till he died therein. Thus climbing the Throne against conscience; no wonder if he sat thereon without comfort, as in the following Century, God willing, shall appear. The End of the Twefth CENTURY. CENT. XIII. Anno Regis TO Mr JOHN ROBINSON OF Milk-street in London, Merchant. Anno Dom. DIVINES generally excuse the * Mark 7. 36. dumb man cured by CHRIST, for publishing the same, though contrary to his command. THEOPHYLACT goes farther in his Comment on the Text, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Hence we are taught (saith He) to proclaim and spread the fame of our BENEFACTORS, though they themselves be unwilling. On which account I safely may, and justly must, publicly acknowledge your bounty to me. 1. HIs Christmas King John kept at Guildford, Joh. 3. where he bestowed many new holiday-liveries on his Guard, 1201. and Hubert the Archbishop, Hubert's indiscreet emulation of the King: gave the like to his servants at Canterbury; who offended the King not a little, that the Mitre should Ape the Crown, and the Chaplain vie gallantry with his Patron. To make some amends, when the King and Queen, the Easter following, were Crowned at Canterbury; Hubert made them magnificent, yea, superfluous a Mat. Paris hist. Ang. in Anno 1201. cheer. Yet his offence herein carried an excuse in it; and superfluity at that time seemed but needful to do penance for his former profuseness; and to show that his Loyalty in entertaining of the King, should surpass his late vanity, in ostentation of his wealth. However when King John had digested the Arch-Bishops dainty cheer, Anno Dom. 1201. the memory of his servants coats still stuck in his stomach. Anno Regis Joh. 3. Surely if Clergymen had left all emulation, with the Laity, in outward pomp, and applied themselves only to piety and painfulness in their calling, they had found as many to honour, as now they made to envy them. 2. But now we enter on one of the saddest Tragedies that ever was acted in England, A search between the Monks of Canterbury widen●● 〈◊〉 into a dangerous wound. occasioned by the Monks of Canterbury, 1205. after the decease of Hubert, 7 about the election of a new Archbishop. O that their Monkish controversies had been confined to a Cloister, or else so enjoined a single life, that their local discords might never have begotten any National dissensions. Behold (saith the Apostle) how great a matter a little fire a James 3. 5. kindleth, especially after a long drought, when every thing it meets is Tinder for it. All things at home, (besides foreign concurrences) conspired to inflame the difference: King John rather stubborn then valiant, was unwilling to lose, yet unable to keep his right; the Nobility potent and factious; the Clergy looking at London, but rowing to Rome; carrying Italian hearts in English bodies: the Commons pressed with present grievances, generally desirous of change; conceiving any alteration must be for their advantage, barely because an alteration, All improved the discord so long, till Normandy was lost; England embroiled; the Crown thereof invassalled; the King's person destroyed; his posterity endangered; Foreiners fetched in to insult, and Native Subjects made Slaves to their insolences. 3. The younger of the Monks of Canterbury, Two Arch-Bishops chosen by the Monks of Canterbury, & the Pope propounded a third. in the night time, without the King's knowledge or consent, chose Reginald their subprior, to be Archbishop. The Seniors of their Covent, solemnly, at a Canonical hour, with the approbation, yea commendation of the King, chose John Grace, Bishop of Norwich for the place; and both sides post to Rome for the Pope's confirmation; he finding them violent in their ways; to prevent further faction, advised them to pitch on a third man: Stephen Langton, born in England, but bred in France, lately Chancellor of the University of Paris, and since made Cardinal of St Chrysogone. Which expedient, or middle way, though carrying a plausible pretence of peace, would by the consequence thereof improve the Pope's power, by invading the undoubted privileges of King John. The Monks soberly excused themselves, that they durst not proceed to an election without the King's consent; but affrighted at last with the high threats of his Holiness, menacing them with Excommunication; Stephen Langton was chosen accordingly: One that wanted not ability for the place, but rather had too much, as King John conceived, having his high spirit in suspicion, that he would be hardly managed. 4. Then two Letters were dispatched from the Pope, The Pope sends two Letters of contrary tempers to the King. to the King. 1207. The first had nothing of business, 10. but compliment, and four gold Rings with several stones; desiring him rather to mind the mystery, then value the worth of the present; wherein the Round form signified Eternity, their Square Number, Constancy, the green Smaragd, Faith, the clear Saphir, Hope, the red Granat, Charity, the bright Topaz, good works; How precious these stones were in themselves, is uncertain; most sure it is they proved Dear to King John, who might beshrew his own fingers, for ever wearing those Rings, and, as my * Mat. Paris in Anno 1207. pag. 223. Author saith, soon after, gemmae commutatae in gemitus. For in the second Letter, the Pope recommended Stephen Langton to the King's acceptance, closely couching threats in case he refused him. 5. King John returned an answer full of stomach and animosity, King John's return, raising his voice to too high a note at first. that this was an intolerable encroachment, on his Crown and Dignity, which he neither could nor would digest, to have a stranger, unknown unto him, bred in foreign parts, familiar with the French King his sworn enemy, obtruded upon him for an Archbishop. He minded the Pope that he had plenty of Prelates in the Kingdom of England, sufficiently provided in all kind of knowledge, and that he need not to go abroad to seek for judgement and justice, Anno Regis Job. 10. intimating an intended defection from Rome, Anno Dom. 1207. in case he was wronged. Other passages were in his letter, which deserved memory, had they bee● as vigorously acted, as valiantly spoken. Whereas now, (because he foully failed at last) judicious ears hearken to his words no otherwise, then to the empty brags of impotent anger, and the vain evaporations of his discontentment. However, he began high, not only banishing the Monks of Canterbury, for their contempt, out of his Kingdom, but also forbidding Stephen Langton, from once entering into England. 6. Hereupon Pope Innocent, Three Bishops by command from the Pope Interdict the whole Kingdom. the third, employed three Bishops, William of London, Eustace of Ely, and Maugre of Worcester, to give the King a serious admonition, and upon his denial, or delaying, to receive Stephen Langton, for Archbishop, to proceed to Interdict the Kingdom of all Ecclesiastical service, saving Baptism of Children, Confession, and the Eucharist, to the dying in case of necessity, which by them was performed accordingly. No sooner had they Interdicted the Kingdom; but with Joceline Bishop of Bath, and Giles of Hereford, they, as speedily, as secretly, got them out of the Land, like adventurous Empirics, unwilling to wait the working of their desperate Physic: except any will compare them to fearful Boys, which at the first trial set fire to their squibs, with their faces backwards, and make fast away from them: but the worst was, they must leave their lands, and considerable moveables in the kingdom behind them. 7. See now on a sudden the sad face of the English Church. England's sad case under Interdiction. A face without a tongue; no singing of service, no saying of Mass, no reading of Prayers; as for preaching of Sermons, the laziness, and ignorance of those times, had long before interdicted them: None need pity the living, (hearing the impatient complaints of Lovers, for whose marriage no licence could be procured) when he looks on the dead, a Corpora defunctorum more Canum in Bivijs & fossatis sine orationibus & sacerdotum ministerio sepelibantur. Matt. Paris. pag. 226 who were buried in ditches, like dogs, without any prayers said upon them. True, a well informed Christian knows full well, that a corpse though cast in a bog, shall not stick there at the day of judgement; thrown into a Wood, shall then find out the way; buried by the high ways side, is in the ready Road to the Resurrection. In a word, that wheresoever a body be put or placed, it will equally take the Alarm at the last Trumpet: Yet seeing these People believed that a Grave in consecrated ground, was a good step to Heaven, and were taught that prayers after their death were essentaill to their Salvation, it must needs put strange fears into the heads and hearts, both of such which deceased, and their friends which survived them. And although afterwards at the entreaty of Stephen Langton, the Pope indulged to conventual b Antiq. Brit. in Steph Langton pag. 159. Churches to have Service once a Week: Yet Parish Churches, where the People's need was as much, and number far more, of souls, as dear in God's sight, were debarred of that benefit. 8. Some Priests were well pleased that the Interdiction for a time should continue, Two grand effects wrought by this Interdiction. as which would render their persons and places in more reputation, and procure a higher valuation of Holy mysteries. Yea, this fasting would be wholesome to some souls, who afterwards would feed on Divine Service with greater appetite. Hereby two Grand effects were generally produced in the Kingdom. One, a terrible impression made in men's minds of the Pope's Power, which they had often heard of, and now saw and felt, whose long arm could reach from Rome all over England, and lock the doors of all Churches there; an Emblem, that in like manner, he had, or might have bolted the Gates of Heaven against them. The second, an Alienation of the people's hearts from King John, all being ready to complain; O cruel Tyrant over the souls of his Subjects, whose wilfulness depriveth them of the means of their salvation. King John's innocence & the Pope's injustice in these proceed. 9 However, if things be well weighed, King John will appear merely passive in this matter, suffering unjustly, because he would not willingly part with his undoubted right. Besides, suppose him guilty, what equity was it, that so many thousands in England, who in this particular case, might better answer to the name of Innocent, than his Holiness himself, should be involved in his punishment: God indeed sometimes most justly punisheth subjects, for the defaults of their Sovereigns; as in the case of the plague, destroying the people for David's numbering of them. But it appears in the a Compare the 2 Sam. 74. 1 with the 1 Chron. 21. 1 Text, that formerly they had been offenders, and guilty before God, as all men, at all times are. But seeing the English at this present, had not injured his Holiness, by any personal offence against him, the Pope by Interdicting the whole Realm, discovered as much emptiness of Charity, as plenitude of Power. But some will say, his bounty is to be praised, that he permitted the People some Sacraments, who might have denied them all, in rigour, and with as much right; yea, 'tis well he Interdicted not Ireland also, as a Country under King John's Dominion deserving to smart, for the perverseness of their Prince placed over it. 10. But after the continuance of this Interdiction, King John by name excommunicated. a year and upwards, 1209. the horror thereof began to abate: 10. Use made ease, and the weight was the lighter, born by many shoulders. Yea, the Pope perceived that King John would never be weary with his single share, in a general Burden, and therefore proceeded Nominatim to excommunicate him. For now his Holiness had his hand in, having about this time excommunicated Otho the Germane Emperor; and if the Imperial Cedar, had so lately been blasted with his Thunderbolts, no wonder if the English Oak felt the same fire. He also Assoiled all English subjects from their Allegiance to King John, and gave not only Licence, but Encouragement to any Foreigners to invade the land, so that it should not only be no sin in them, but an expiating of all their other sins to conquer England. Thus the Pope gave them a Title, and let their own swords by Knight-service get them a Tenure. 11. Five years did King John lie under this sentence of Excommunication, Yet is blessed with good success under the Pope's curse. in which time we find him more fortunate in his Martial Affairs, 1210. then either before or after. 11. For he made a successful voyage into Ireland, (as greedy a Grave for English Corpse, as a bottomless Bag for their Coin) and was very triumphant in a Welsh Expedition, and stood on honourable terms in all Foreign Relations. For as he kept Ireland under his feet, and Wales under his elbow; so he shaked hands in fast friendship with Scotland, and kept France at arms end, without giving hitherto any considerable Advantage against him. The worst was, not daring to repose trust in his Subjects, he was forced to entertain Forainers, which caused his constant anxiety; as those neither stand sure, nor go safe, who trust more to a staff, than they lean on their legs. Besides, to pay these Mercenary Soldiers, he imposed unconscionable Taxes, both on the English, (Clergy especially) and Jews in the Kingdom. One Jew there was of b Mat. Paris in Anno 1210. pag. 229 Bristol, vehemently suspected for wealth, though there was no clear Evidence thereof against him, of whom the King demanded ten thousand Marks of silver, and upon his refusal, commanded, that every day a Tooth, with intolerable torture should be drawn out of his head; which being done seven several times, on the eight day he confessed his wealth, and paid the fine demanded; who yielding sooner, had saved his teeth, or stubborn longer, had spared his money; now having both his Purse, and his Jaw empty by the Bargain. Condemn we here man's cruelty, and admire heavens justice; for all these sums extorted from the Jews, by temporal Kings, are but paying their Arrearages to God, for a debt they can never satisfy, namely the crucifying of Christ. 12. About the same time, The Prophecy of Peter of Wakefield against K John. one Peter of Wakefield in Yorkshire a Hermit, 1212. prophesied that John should be King of England, 13. no longer then next Ascension-day, after which solemn Festival (on which Christ mounted on his glorious Throne, took possession of his heavenly Kingdom) this Oppose of Christ should no longer enjoy the English Diadem: And as some report, he foretold that none of King John's lineage should after him be crowned in the Kingdom. Anno Regis Joh. 13. The King called this Prophet an a Fox Martyr. pag. 229. Idiot-Knave: Anno Dom. 1212. which description of him implying a contradiction: the King thus reconciled, pardoning him as an Idiot, and punishing him as a Knave, with imprisonment in Kors-Castle. The fetters of the prophet gave wings to his prophecy, and whereas the Kings neglecting it, might have puffed this vain Prediction into wind, men began now to suspect it of some solidity, because deserving a wise Prince's notice and displeasure. Fare and near it was dispersed over the whole Kingdom, it being b Cominaeus faith, that the English are never without some Prophecy on foot generally observed, that the English nation are most superstitious in believing such reports, which causeth them to be more common here then in other Countries. For as the Receiver makes the Thief, so popular credulity occasioneth this Prophetical vanity, and Brokers would not set such base ware to sale, but because they are sure to light on chapmen. 13. Leave we the person of this Peter in a dark Dungeon, 14. and his credit as yet in the Twilight, 1213. betwixt Prophet, and Impostor to behold the miserable condition of King John, King John's submission to the Pope. perplexed with the daily preparation of the French Kings Invasion of England, assisted by many English Malcontents, and all the banished Bishops. Good Patriots, who rather than the fire of their Revenge should want fuel, would burn their own Country which bred them. Hereupon King John having his soul battered without, with foreign fears, and foundered within by the falseness of his Subjects, sunk on a sudden beneath himself, to an act of unworthy submission, and subjection to the Pope. For on Ascenision Eve, May 15. being in the town of Dover, (standing as it were on tiptoes, on the utmost edge, brink, and label of that Land, which now he was about to surrender) King John by an Instrument, or Charter, sealed and solemnly delivered in the presence of many Prelates and Nobles, to Pandulphus the Popes Legate, granted to God, and the Church of Rome, the Apostles Peter and Paul, and to Pope Innocent the third, and his Successors the whole Kingdom of England and Ireland. And took an Estate thereof back again, yielding and paying yearly to the Church of Rome, (over and above the Peter-pences) a thousand Marks sterling, viz. 700. for England, and 300. for Ireland. In the passing hereof, this ceremony is observable, that the King's Instrument to the Pope was * Both Instruments for the present were but sealed with Wax, and the next year solemnly embossed with mettle, in the presence of Nicholas the Pope's Legat. sealed with a seal of Gold, and the Popes to the King (which I have beheld and perused, remaining amongst many rarities in the Earl of Arundels' Library) was sealed with a seal of Lead. Such bargains let them look for, who barter with his Holiness, always to be losers by the contract. Thy silver (saith the c Isai. 1. 22. The Rent never paid the Pope, nor demanded by him. Prophet) is become dross: and here was the change of Glaucus, and Diomedes made, as in the sequel of the History will appear. 14. Yet we find not that this Fee-farm of a thousand Marks was ever paid, either by K. John, or by his Successors, but that it is all run on the score, even unto this present day. Not that the Pope did remit it out of his free bounty, but for other Reasons was rather contented to have them use his power therein. Perchance suspecting the English Kings would refuse to pay it, he accounted it more honour not to demand it, then to be denied it. Or it may be his Holiness might conceive, that accepting of this money might colourably be extended to the cutting him off from all other profits he might gain in the kingdom. The truth is, he did scorn to take so poor a revenue per annum out of two kingdoms, but did rather endeavour to convert all the profits of both Lands, to his own use, as if he had been seized of all in Demesnes. 15. At the same time, The proud carriage of Pandulphus to the King. King John on his knees surrendered the Crown of England into the hands of Pandulphus, and also presented him with some money, as the earnest of His subjection, which the proud Prelate trampled under his d Matt. Paris. pag. 237. feet. A gesture applauded by some, as showing how much his Holiness (whom he personated) slighted worldly wealth, caring as little for King John's coin, as his Predecessor Saint e Acts 8. 20. Peter did for the money of Simon Magus. Anno Dom. 1213. Others, Anno Regis Joh. 14. and especially H. Archbishop of Dublin then present, were both grieved, and angry thereat, as an intolerable affront to the King: and there wanted not those, who condemned his pride and hypocrisy, knowing Pandulphus to be a most greedy griper (as appeared by his unconscionable oppression, in the Bishopric of Norwich, which was afterwards bestowed upon him.) And perchance he trampled on it, not as being money, but because no greater sum thereof. Five days (namely Ascension-day, and four days after) Pandulphus kept the Crown in his possession, and then restored it to King John, again. A long eclipse of Royal lustre; and strange it is, that no bold Monk in his blundring Chronicles, did not adventure to place King Innocent, with his five day's reign, in the Catalogue of English Kings, seeing they have written what amounts to as much in this matter. 16. Now all the dispute was, Peter the prophet hanged, whether unjustly, disputed. whether Peter of Wakefield had acquitted himself a true prophet, or no: The Romized faction were zealous in his behalf; john after that day not being King in the same sense, and Sovereignty as before; not free, but feodary; not absolute, but dependent on the Pope, whose Legate possessed the Crown for the time being, so that his prediction was true, in that lawful latitude justly allowed to all Prophecies. Others, because the King was neither naturally, nor civilly dead, condemned him of forgery; for which, by the King's command, he was dragged at the horse-tail from Corf-Castle, and with his son a Matt. Paris Vt prius. hanged in the Town of Wareham. A punishment not undeserved, if he foretold (as some report) that none of the line, or lineage of King john, should after be crowned in England; of whose offspring some shall flourish, in free and full power on the English Throne, when the Chair of Pestilence shall be burnt to ashes: and neither Triple-Crown left at Rome to be worn, nor any head there, which shall dare to wear it. 17. Next year the Interdiction was taken off of the Kingdom, The Interdiction of England relaxed. and a general Jubilee of joy all over the Land. 1214. Banished Bishops being restored to their Sees; 15. Service, and Sacraments being administered in the Church as before. But, small reason had King john to rejoice, being come out of God's Blessing, (of whom, before he immediately held the Crown) into the Warm Sun, or rather, scorching-heat of the Pope's protection, which proved little beneficial unto him. 18. A brawl happened betwixt him, The Pope's Legate arbitrates the arrears betwixt the King and Clergy. and the banished Bishops (now returned home) about satisfaction for their Arrears, and reparation of their damages, during the Interdiction; all which term the King had retained their revenues in his hands. To moderate this matter, Nicolas, a Tusculane Cardinal and Legate, was employed by the Pope: who after many meetings, and Synods to audit their Accounts, reduced all at last to the gross sum of forty thousand Marks, the restoring whereof by the King unto them, was thus divided into three payments. 1. Twelve thousand Marks Pandulphus carried over with him into France, and delivered them to the Bishops, before their return. 2. Fifteen thousand were paid down at the late meeting in Reading. 3. For the thirteen thousand remaining, they had the King's Oath, Bond, and other Sureties. But then in came the whole cry of the rest of the Clergy, who stayed all the while in the Land, bringing in the Bills of their several sufferings, and losses sustained, occasioned by the Interdiction. Yea, some had so much avarice, and little conscience, they could have been contented, the Interdiction had still remained, until all the accidental damages were repaired. But Cardinal Nicolas averred them to amount to an incredible sum, impossible to be paid, and unreasonable to be demanded; adding withal, that in general grievances, private men may be glad, if the main be made good unto them, not descending to petty particulars, which are to be cast out of course, as inconsiderable in a common calamity. Hereupon, and on some other occasions, much grudging, Anno Regis Joh. 16. and justling there was, Anno Dom. 1214. betwixt Stephen, Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Legate, as one in his judgement, and carriage, too propitious, and partial to the King's cause. 19 The remnant of this King's Reign, The Baron's rebel against King John. afforded little Ecclesiastical Story, but what is so complicated with the Interest of State, that it is more proper for the Chronicles of the Commonwealth. But this is the brief thereof. The Barons of England demanded of King John, to desist from that arbitrary and tyrannical power he exercised; and to restore King Edward's Laws, which his great Grandfather King Henry the first had confirmed to the Church and State, for the general good of his Subjects: yea, and which he himself, when lately absolved from the sentence of Excommunication by Stephen Archbishop of Canterbury, had solemnly promised to observe. But King John, though at the first he condescended to their requests, afterwards repent of his promise, and refused the performance thereof. Hereupon the Barons took up Arms against him, and called in Lewis Prince of France, son to Philip Augustus, to their assistance, promising him the Crown of England for his reward. 20. Yet the Pope endeavoured what lay in his power, 16. to dissuade Prince Lewis from his design, 1215. to which at first he encouraged him, Lewis Prince of France invited by the Barons to invade England. and now forbade him in vain. For, where a Crown is the Game hunted after, such hounds are easier laid on, then either rated, or hollowed off. Yea, ambition had brought this Prince into this Dilemma; that, if he invaded England, he was accursed by the Pope; if he invaded it not, forsworn of himself, having promised upon oath, by such a time to be at London. Over comes Lewis into England, and there hath the principal learning of the Land, the Clergy; the strength thereof, the Barons; the wealth of the same, the Londoners, to join with him: Who but ill requited King John, for his late bounty to their City, in first giving them a a Granted to the City, Anno Dom. 1209. Grafton, fol. 59 Mayor for their governor. Gualo the Pope's new Legate, sent on purpose, bestirred himself with Book, Bell, and Candle; Excommunicating the Archbishop of Canterbury, with all the Nobility opposing King John, now in protection of his Holiness. But the commonness of these curses, caused them to be contemned; so that they were a fright to few, a mock to many, and an hurt to none. 21. King John thus distressed, An unworthy Embassy of King John to the King of Morocco. sent a base, degenerous, and unchristianlike embassage, to Admiralius Murmelius a Mahometan King of Morocco, then very puissant, and possessing a great part of Spain: offering him, on condition he would send him secure, to hold the Kingdom of England as a vassal from him, and to receive the Law b Mat. Paris pag. 245. placeth this two years' sooner, viz. An. 1213. of Mahomet. The Moor, marvellously offended with his offer, told the Ambassadors, that he lately had read Paul's Epistles, which for the matter liked him very well, save only that Paul once renounced that faith wherein he was born, and the Jewish profession. Wherefore he neglected King John, as devoid both of piety and policy, who would love his liberty, and disclaim his Religion. A strange tender, if true. Here, whilst some allege in behalf of King John, that cases of extremity excuse counsels of extremity (when liberty is not left to choose what is best, but to snatch what is next, neglecting future safety for present subsistence) we only listen to the saying of Solomon c Eccles. 7. 7. Oppression maketh a wise man mad. In a fit of which fury, oppressed on all sides with enemies, King John, scarce compos sui, may be presumed to have pitched on this project. 22. King John having thus tried Turk and Pope (and both with bad success) sought at last to escape those his enemies, 17. whom he could not resist, 1216. by a far, The lamentable death of King John. and fast march into the North-eastern Counties. Where turning mischievous instead of valiant, he cruelly burned all the stacks of Corn, of such as he conceived disaffected unto him: doing therein most spite to the rich for the present, but in fine more spoil to the poor, the prices of grain falling heavy on those, who were least able to bear them. Coming to Lin, he rewarded the fidelity of that Town unto him, with bestowing on that Corporation his own a Camd. Brit. in Norfolk. sword; Anno Dom. 1216. which had he himself but known how well to manage, Anno Regis Joh. 17. he had not so soon been brought into so sad a condition. He gave also to the same place a fair silver Cup all gilded. But few days after a worse Cup was presented to King John, at Swinshed Abbey in Lincolnshire, by one Simon, b Wil Caxton in his Chron. called Fructus temp. lib. 7. a Monk, of poisoned wine, whereof the King died. A murder so horrid that it concerned all Monks (who in that age had the Monopoly of writing Histories) to conceal it, and therefore give out sundry other causes of his death c Mat Paris pag. 287. Some report him heartbroken with grief, for the loss of his baggage, and treasure drowned in the passage over the washes: it being just with God, that he who had plagued others with fire, should be punished by water, a contrary, but as cruel an element. d Compare Mr Fox, Martyr. pag. 234. with Holynshed pag. 194. Others ascribe his death to a looseness, and scouring with blood; others to a cold sweat; others to a burning heat, all effects not inconsistent with poison: so that they in some manner may seem to set down the symptoms, and suppress his disease. 23. It is hard to give the true character of this King's conditions. King John's character delivered in the dark. For, we only behold him through such light, as the Friars his foes show him in: who so hold the candle, that with the shadow thereof they darken his virtues, and present only his vices. Yea, and as if they had also poisoned his memory, they cause his faults to swell to a prodigious greatness, making him with their pens more black in conditions, than the Morocco-King (whose aid he requested) could be in complexion. A murderer of his Nephew Arthur; a defiler of the wives and daughters of his Nobles; sacrilegious in the Church; profane in his discourse; wilful in his private resolutions; various in his public promises; false in his faith to men, and wavering in his Religion to God. The favourablest expression of him falls from the pen of Roger Hoveden: Princeps quidem magnus erat, sed minùs felix, Atque ut Marius, utramque fortunam expertus. Perchance he had been esteemed more pious, if more prosperous; it being an usual (though uncharitable) error, to account mischances to be misdeeds. But we leave him quietly buried in Worcester Church, and proceed in our story. 24. Henry, Henry the third under Tutors and Governors. the third of that name, Hen. 3 1. Octob. 2●. his Son, succeeded him, being but ten years old, and was Crowned at Gloucester, by a moiety of the Nobility and Clergy, the rest siding with the French Lewis. Now, what came not so well from the mouth of Abijah the son, concerning his father Rehoboam, posterity may, no less truly, and more properly pronounce of this Henry, even when a man, e 2 Chro. 16. 7. He was but a child, and tender-hearted. But, what strength was wanting in the Ivy itself, was supplied by the Oaks, his supporters, his Tutors and Governors; first, William Mareshall, Earl of Pembroke, and after his death, Peter, Bishop of Winchester. But, of these two Protectors successively, a swordman, and a Churchman; the latter left the deeper impression on this our King Henry, appearing more Religious than resolute; devout then valiant. His Reign was not only long for continuance, fifty six years, but also thick for remarkable mutations happening therein. 25. Within little more than a twelvemonth, By what means King Henry so quickly recovered his Kingdom: he recovered the entire possession of his Kingdom, many things concurring to expedite so great an alteration. First, the insolency of the French, disobliging the English by their cruelty, and wantonness. Secondly, the inconstancy of the English (if starting loyalties return to its lawful Sovereign may be so termed) who, as for their own turns they called in Lewis, so for their turns they cast him out. Thirdly, the innocence of Prince Henry, whose harmless age, as it attracted love to him on his own account, so he seemed also hereditarily to succeed to some pity, as the Son of a suffering Father, Fourthly, the wisdom and valour; counsel and courage of William Earl of Pembroke, Anno Regis Hen. 3 1. his Protector; who, Anno Dom. 1217. having got the French Lewis out of his covert of the City of London, into the champion field, so mauled him at the fatal battle of Lincoln, that soon after the said Lewis was fain, by the colour of a composition, to qualify his retreat (not to say his flight) into the honour of a departure. Lastly, and chief, the Mercy of God to an injured Orphan, and his Justice that detained right, though late, yet at last, should return to its proper owner. 26. But it were not only uncivil, Our Principal design in writing this King's life. but injurious for us to meddle with these matters, proper to the pens of the civil Historians. We shall therefore confine ourselves principally to take notice in this King's Reign, as of the unconscionable extortions of the Court of Rome, on the one side, to the detriment of the King and Kingdom: so of the defence which the King, as well as he could, made against it. Defence, which, though too faint and feeble, fully to recover his right, from so potent oppression; yet did this good, to continue his claim, and preserve the title of his privileges, until his Son, and Successors, in after-ages, could more effectually rescue the rights of their Crown, from Papal usurpation. 27. Indeed at this time many things emboldened the Pope (not over-bashful of himself) to be the more busy in the collecting of money. Occasions of the Pope's intolerable extortions. First, the troublesomeness of the times, and best fishing for him in such waters. Secondly, the ignorance of most, and the obnoxiousness of some of the English Clergy. Now, such as had weak heads, must find strong backs; and those that led their lives lose, durst not carry their purses tied, or grudge to pay dear for a connivance at their viciousness. Thirdly, the minority of King Henry, and (which was worse) his nonage after his full-age; such was his weakness of spirit, and lowness of resolution. Lastly, the Pope conceiving that this King got his Crown under the countenance of his excommunicating his enemies, thought that either King henry's weakness could not see, or his goodness would wink at his intolerable extortions; which, how great soever, were but a large shiver of that loaf, which he had given into the King's hand. Presuming on the premises, Gualo the Pope's Legate, by his Inquisitors throughout England, collected a vast sum of money of the Clergy, for their misdemenours; Hugo Bishop of Lincoln, paying no less for his share, than a thousand a Mat. Paris. pag. 299. marks sterling to the Pope, and an hundred to this his Legat. Yet, when this Gualo departed, such as hated his dwelling here, grieved at his going hence, because fearing a worse in his room, choosing rather to be sucked by full, then fresh flies; hoping that those already gorged, would be afterwards less greedy. 28. And being now to give the Reader a short account of the long Reign of this King; A new design. I shall alter my proceed, embracing a new course which hitherto I have not, nor hereafter shall venture upon. Wherein I hope the variation may be not only pleasant, but profitable to the Reader, as scientifical and satisfactory in itself; namely, I will for the present leave off consulting with the large and numerous Printed or Manuscript Authors of that Age, and betake myself only to the Tower-Records, all authentically attested under the hands of William Ryley Norroy, keeper of that precious Treasury. 29. When I have first exemplified them, Good Text, what ere the Comments. I shall proceed to make such observations upon them, as, according to my weakness, I conceive of greatest concernment; being confident that few considerables in that Age (which was the crisis of Regal and Papal power in this Land) will escape our discovery herein. 30. Only I desire a pardon for the premising of this Touch of State-matters. Serenity in the State. At this instant the Commonwealth had a great serenity, as lately cleared from such active spirits, who nicknamed the calm and quiet of Peace, a sloth of Government. Such Falcatius de Brent, and others, Anno Dom. 1214. who had merited much in setting this Henry the third on the Throne; and it is dangerous when Subjects confer too great benefits on their Sovereigns; Anno Regis Hen. 3 7. for afterwards their minds are only made capable of receiving more reward, not doing more duty. These were offended, when such Lands and Castles, which by the heat of War had unjustly been given them, by Peace were justly took away from them, finding such uprightness in the King, that his Power of Protection, would not be made a wrong doer. But now the old stock of such malcontents, being either worn out with age, or ordered otherwise into Obedience, all things were in an universal tranquillity, within the first seven years of this King's Reign. THOMAE HANSON Amico meo. Anno Regis Anno Dom. DIsplicet mihi modernus Scribendi Mos, quo Monumenta indies exarantur. Literae enim sunt fugaces, ut quae non stabili manu penitus Membranis infiguntur, sed currente Calamo summam earum Cuticulam vix leviter praestringunt. Hae cum saeculum unum & alterum duraverint, vel Linceis oculis lectu erunt perdifficiles. Haud ita olim Archiva, in Turre Londinensi, Rotulis, Scaccario, etc. deposita; in quibus ingens Scribarum cura, justa Membranarum firmitas, Atramentum vere Aethiopicum, integra Literarum lineamenta, ut Calamus Praeli Aemulus videatur. Ita adhuc vigent omnia, in illis quae trecentis ab hinc Annis notata, ut Is, cui Characteris Antiquitas minus cognita, nuperrime descripta judicaret. Ex his nonnulla decerpsi, ad Rem nostram facientia, & ea Tibi dedicanda curavi, quem omnes norunt Antiquitatis Caniciem venerari: Quo, in Ducatus Lancastrensis Chartulis custodiendis, nemo fidelior, perlegendis, oculatior, communicandis, candidior. HEre we begin with the King's Precept to the Sheriff of Buckinghamshire, Henri● 3. 7 considerable for the Rarity thereof, 1214 though otherwise but a matter of private concernment. A remarkable writ of the King to the Sheriff of Buckinghamshire. Vic. Bucks. Precipimus tibi quod Emme de Pinkney ux. Laur. Pinkney, qui excommunicatus est, eo quod predict. Emmam affectione maritali non tractavit, eid. Emme rationabil. Estover. invenias, donec idem Laur. Vir suus eam tanquam suam tractaverit. To the high Sheriff of Buckinghamshire. We command you concerning Emme de Pinkney, Wife of Laurence Pinkney, who is excommunicated, because he did not use the foresaid Emme with Affection befitting a Husband; that you find for the said Emme Estover in reasonable proportion, until the said Laurence her Husband shall use her as becometh his Wife. Of this Laurence Pinkney I can say nothing: only I find his Family ancient, and Barons of a Camden. Brit. in Northamptonshire. Weedon in Northamptonshire. Anno Dom. 1214. It seemeth strange he should be excommunicated for not loving usage of his Wife, Anno Regis Henrici 3. 7 no Incontinency appearing (proved against him:) except his carriage was Cruel in a high degree. By Estover, in our Forest Towns, we only understand, A certain allowance of Wood; though the extent of the word be far larger, importing Nourishment, or maintenance in Meat and Cloth, as a learned b Bracton lib. 3. Tract. 2. c. 18. num. 1. Lawyer hath observed. This it seems being denied by her husband, the King enjoineth the Sheriff, that he should appoint the said Emme Pinkney reasonable Alimony, in proportion, no doubt, to her Portion and her Husband estate. 2. Next we take notice of a Writing which the King sent over to the Archbishop of Dublin, A remarkable prohibition of Papal appeals. and which deserveth the Readers serious perusal. 1215 8 REX c Claus. S. Henr. 3. numb. 24. in dorso. Dublin. Archiepiscopo, Justiciario Hiberniae, Salutem. Ad ea que vobis nuper nostris dedimus in Mandatis, ut nobis rescribertis quatenus fuisset processum in Causa Nicolai de Felda, qui contra Abbatem & Canonicos Sti. Thomae Dublinensis in Curia nostra, coram Insticiariis nostris, petiit duas Carrucatas Terrae cum pertinentiis in Kelredhery per assisam de morte Antecessoris, cui etiam coram eisdem Insticiariis objecta fuit Bastardia, propter quod ab ipsis Insticiariis nostris ad vos fuit transmissus, ut in Foro Ecclesiastico de ejus Bastardia five Legitimitate agnosceretis, nobis per litteras vestras significastis; quod cum in Foro (ivili Terram predictam peteret, per litteras nostras de morte Antecessoris versus memoratos Abbatem & Canonicos objecta ei fuit nota Bastardy, quare in foro eodem tunc non fuit ulterius processum. Memoratus etiam Nicolaus de mandato Insticiariorum nostrorum in Foro Ecclesiastico coram nobis volens probare se esse Legitimum, testes produxit: & publicatis attestationibus suis, post diuturn. altercationes & disputationes tam ex parte Abbatis, quam ipsius Nicolai, cum ad calculum diffinitive d Not diphthongs in old Records. sententy procedere velletis, comparuerunt due Puelle minoris etatis, filie Ricardi de la Felled, patris predicti Nicolai, & appellaverunt ne ad sententiam ferendam procederetis, quia hoc in manifestum earum verteretur prejudicium: Eo quod alias precluderetur eis via petendi hereditatem petitam, nec possit eis subveniri per restitutionem in integrum. Unde de consilio vestrorum prudentum, ut dicitis, Appellationi deferentes causam, secundum quod coram nobis agitata est, DOMINO PAPE transmisistis instructam. De quo plurimum admirantes, non immerito movemur, cum de Legitimitate predicti Nicolai per restium productiones, & attestationum publicationes, plene nobis constet; vos propter appellationem Puellarum predictarum, contra quas non agebatur, vel etiam de quibus nulla fiebat mentio in assisa memorata, nec fuerunt alique partes illarum in causa predicta, sententiam diffinitivam pro eo distulstis pronunciare, & male quasi nostrum declinantes examen, & volentes ut quod per nostram determinandum esset jurisdictionem, & dignitatem, Anno Regis Henric● 3. 8 ad alienam transferretur dignitatem; Anno Dom. 1215 quod valde perniciosum esset exemplo. Cum etiam si adeptus esset praedictus Nicholaus possessionem terrae praedictae, per assisam praedictam, beneficium Peticionis Haereditatis praedictis puellis plane suppeteret in Curia nostra, per Breve de Recto; maxim cum per litteras de morte Antecessoris agatur de possessione, & non de proprietate, & ex officio vestro in casu proposito nihil aliud ad vos pertinebat, nisi tantum de ipsius Nicholai Legitimitate probationes admittere, & ipsum cum litteris vestris Testimonialibus ad justiciarios nostros remittere. De consilio igitur Magnatum & fidelium nobis assistentium, vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quatenus non obstante appellatione praemissa, non differatis pro eo sentenciare, ipsum ad justiciarios nostros remittentes, cum litteris vestris testimonialibus, ut eye de loquela postmodum agitata, postmodum possint secundum legem & consuetudinem terrae nostrae Hiberniae Justiciae plenitudinem exhibere. Teste Rege apud Gloucester 19 die Novembris. 3. The sum of this Instrument is this. The effect of the Instrument. One Nicholas de Felled sueing for a portion of ground detained from him by the Abbot of St. Thomas in Dublin, (founded and plentifully endowed in memory of Thomas Becket) had Bastardy objected against him. The clearing hereof was by the King's judges remitted to the Courts Ecclesiastical, where the said Nicholas produced effectual proofs for his Legitimation. But upon the appeal of two minor-daughters of the Father of the said Nicholas, who never before appeared, and who (if wronged) had their remedy at Common-Law, by a Writ of Right, the matter was by the Archbishop of Dublin transferred to the Court of Rome. 4. The King saith in this his Letter, Appeal to the Pope prohibited. that he did much admire thereat, and (though all Interests express themselves to their own advantage) intimates the Act not usual. And whereas he saith, that the example would be pernicious; it seems, if this were a leading case, the King's desire was it should have none to follow it, peremptorily enjoining the Archbishop (notwithstanding the aforesaid Appeal to the Pope) to proceed to give Sentence on the behalf of the said Nicholas; & not to derive the King's undoubted right to a foreign Power. 5. Indeed the Kings of England were so Crestfallen, The time makes it the more remarkable. or rather Crown-fallen in this Age, that the forbidding of such an Appeal, appeareth in him a daring deed. Est aliquid prodire tenus; Essays in such nature were remarkable, considering the inundation of the Papal Power. Green Leaves in the depth of Winter, may be more than full Flowers from the same root in the Spring. It seems some Royal Sap still remained in the English Sceptre, that it durst oppose the Pope in so high a degree. 6. In this year 1235. the CAURSINES first came into England, Caursines what they were. proving the Pests of the Land, and Bane of the people therein. These were Italians by Birth, terming themselves the Pope's Merchants, driving no other Trade then Letting our money, great Banks whereof they brought over into England; differing little from the jews, save that they were more merciless to their Debtors. Now because the Pope's Legate was all for ready money, when any Tax by Levy, Commutation of Vows, Tenths, Dispensations, etc. were due to the Pope, from Prelate, Convents, Priests, or Lay persons, these CAURSINES instantly furnished them with present Coin upon their solemn Bonds and Obligations: one form whereof we have inserted. To all that shall see the present Writing, Anno Dom. 1235 Thomas the Prior & the Convent of Barnwell wish health in the lord Anno Regis Henrici 3. 19 Know that we have borrowed and received at London, for ourselves, profitably to be expended for the Affairs of our Church, from Francisco and Gregorio, for them and their Partners, Citizens and Merchants of Milan, a hundred and four Marks of lawful Money Sterling, thirteen shillings four pence sterling being counted to every Mark. Which said one hundred and four Marks we promise to pay back on the Feast of St. Peter ad Vincula, being the first day of August, at the New Temple in London, in the year 1235. And if the said money be not throughly paid, at the time and place aforesaid, we bind ourselves to pay to the foresaid Merchants, or any one of them, or their certain Attorney, for every ten Marks, forborn two months, one Mark of money for recompense of the Damages, which the foresaid Merchants may incur by the not-payment of the money unto them, so that both Principal, Damages, and Expenses, as above expressed, with the Expenses of one Merchant with his Horse and Man, until such time as the aforesaid money be fully satisfied. For Payment of Principal, Interest, Damages and Expenses, we oblige ourselves, and our Church and Successors, and all our Goods, and the Goods of our Church, movable or immovable, Ecclesiastical, or Temporal, which we have, or shall have, wheresoever they shall be found, to the foresaid Merchants, and their Heirs; and do recognize and acknowledge that we possess and hold the same Goods from the said Merchants by way of Courtesy, until the Premises be fully satisfied. And we renounce for ourselves, and Successors, all help of CANON and CIVIL LAW, all Privileges, and Clark-ship, the Epistle of St. Adrian, all Customs, Statutes, Lectures, Indulgences, Privileges, obtained for the King of England, from the See Apostolic: as also we renounce the Benefit of all Appeals, or Inhibition from the King of England, with all other Exceptions real or Personal, which may be objected against the Validity of this Instrument. All these things we promise faithfully to observe: In witness whereof we have set to the Seal of our Convent. Dated at London, die quinto Elphegi, in the year of Grace 1235. Sure bind, sure find. Here were Cords enough to hold Samson himself; an order taken they should never be cut or untîd, the Debtor depriving himself of any relief save by full payment. 7. It will not be amiss, Necessary observations. to make some brief Notes on the former Obligation, it being better to write on it, then to be written in it, as the Debtor concerned therein. One hundred and four Marks] the odd four seem added for Interest. Feast of St. Peter ad Vincula] The Popish Tradition saith that Eudoxia the Empress, Wife to Theodosius the Younger, brought two great Chains, wherewith Herod imprisoned St. Peter, from jerusalem to Rome, where they are reported seen at this day, and a Solemn Festival kept on the first of August (the quarter-pay-day of Rome's Revenues) in Momoriall thereof, But the Name of LAMMAS hath put out St. Peter's Chains in our English Almanac. New Temple at London] in Fleetstreet, founded by the Knight's Templars, and dedicated by Heraclius Patriarch of jerusalem 1185) Called New in relation to ancient Temple, (less and less convenient) they had formerly in Oldburn. And our certain Attorney;] Nuncius in the Latin, being one employed to solicit their Suit. All the Goods of our Church movable and immovable] Hence oftentimes they were forced to sell their Chalices and Altar-plate, to pay the Bond, and secure the rest of their Goods, for these Creditcurs. CANON and CIVIL LAW] Common La not mentioned herein, with which these CAURSINES, Anno Regis Hen. 3. 19 being Foreigners, would have nothing to do. Epistle of St. Adrian] This seems to be some Indulgence granted by Pope Adrian, the fourth perchance, whereby Churches indicted found some favour against their Creditors. Die quinto Elphegi] I am not Datary enough to understand this. I know Elphegus to be Archbishop of Canterbury, and Martyr, and his day kept the nineteenth of April: so that the money was borrowed but for three months; so soon did the Payment, or heavy Forfeiture in default thereof, return. 8. These CAURSINES were generally hated for their Extorsions. Caursines whence so called. Some will have them called CAURSINES quasi CAUSA URSINI, so Bearish and cruel in their causes: others, CAURSINI quasi CORRASINI, from scraping all together. But these are but barbarous Allusions, though best becoming such base practices. 9 Mean time the CAURSINES cared not what they were called, Foxes hapand happiness. being akin to the cunning Creature, which fareth best when cursed, and were indeed Lords of the Land according to Scripture rule, the Borrower is servant to the Lender. Many of the Laity, more of the Clergy and Convents, and the King himself, being deeply indebted unto them. Indeed Roger Black that Valiant, Learned, and Pious Bishop of London, once excommunicated these CAURSINES for their Oppression: but they appealing to the Pope (their good friend,) forced him, after much molestation, to desist. 10. These CAURSINES were more commonly known by the Name of LOMBARD'S, Caursines and Lombard's the same. from Lombardy the place of their Nativity, in Italy. And although they deserted England on the decaying of the Pope's power and profit therein; yet a double memorial remaineth of them. One of their Habitation, in Lumbard-street in London: the other of their Employment, A LOMBARD unto this day signifying a Bank for Usury, or Pawns, still continued in the Low-Countries and elsewhere. 11. Mean time one may lawfully smile at the Pope's Hypocrisy, Deep Hypocrisy. forbidding Usury as a sin so detestable under such heavy penalties in his Canon Law, whilst his own Instruments were the most unconscionable Practisers thereof without any control. 12. Otho, 22 Cardinal, 1238 Deacon of St. Nicholas, The Present of the Oxford Scholars to the Legate, was sent the Pope's Legate into England, and going to a M. Paris in Anno 1238. Ran. Cistrensis, l. ult. c. 34. & T. Walsingham in Hypodigm. Nenstriae. Oxford, took up his Lodging in the Abbey of Osney. To him the Scholars in Oxford sent a Present of Victuals before dinner; and after dinner, came to tender their attendance unto him. The Porter being an Italian, demanded their business: who answered him, that they came to wait on the Lord Legate; promising themselves a courteous Reception, having read in b Prov. 18. 16. Ill requited. Scripture, A man's gift maketh room for him: though here contrary to expectation they were not received. Call it not Clownishness in the Porter (because bred in the Court of Rome;) but carefulness for the safety of his Master. 13. But whilst the Porter held the Door in a dubious posture, betwixt open and shut. the Scholars forced their entrance. In this juncture of time, it unluckily happened that a poor Irish Priest begged an Alms, in whose face the Clerk of the Kitchen cast scalding-water taken out of the Cauldron. A Welsh Clerk beholding this, bend his Bow (by this time the Scholars had got Weapons) and shot the Clerk of the Kitchen stark dead on the place. 14. This Man thus killed, The Legate's Brother killed by the Scholars of Oxford was much more than his plain place promised him to be, as no meaner than the Brother of the Legate himself; who being suspicious (O how jealous is guiltiness!) that he might find Italy in England, and fearing to be poisoned, appointed his Brother to oversee all food for his own eating. And now the three Nations of Irish; Welsh, and English, fell downright on the Italians. The Legate fearing (as they came from the same Womb) to be sent to the same Grave with his Brother, Anno Dom. 1238 secured himself fast locked up in the Tower of Osney Church, Anno Regis Henrici 3. 22. and there ●at still and quiet, all attired in his Canonical Cope. 15. But he, it seems, The Legate flies to the King. trusted not so much to his Canonical Cope, as the Sable Mantle of Night; under the Protection whereof he got out, with a Guide, to make his escape; not without danger of drowning in the dark, being five times to cross the River then swelling with late rain, as much as the Scholars with anger. He made Ford's where he found none, all known passages being waylaid; and heard the Scholars following after, railing on, and calling him Usurer, Simoniack, Deceiver of the Prince, Oppressor of the people, etc. whilst the Legate wisely turned his Tongue into Heels, spurring with might and main to Abington, where the Court then lay. Hither he came being out of all breath and Patience; so that entering the King's presence, his Tears and Sighs were fain to relieve his Tongue, not able otherwise to express his Miseries: whom the King did most affectionately compassionate. 16. And now Woe to the poor Clergy of Oxford, Oxford in a sad condition. when both temporal and spiritual Arms are prepared against them. Next day the King sent the Earl Warren with Forces against them, and a double Commission, Eripere & arripere: to deliver the remainder of the Italians (little better than besieged in Osney Abbey) and to seize on the Scholars; of whom thirty, with one Oath Legista (forward it seems in the Fray against the Legate his Namesake) were taken Prisoners, and sent like Felons, bound in Carts, to Walling ford-prison, and other places of Restraint. 17. Nor was the Legate lazy the while, Interdicted by the Legate but summoning such Bishops as were nearest him, interdicted the University of Oxford, and excommunicated all such as were partakers in the Tumult; which were not the young fry of Scholars, but Clerks in Order, and many of them Beneficed, and now deprived of the profit of their Live. 18. From Abington the Legate removed to London, Who returns to London. lodging at Durham-house in the Strand: the King commanding the Major of London to keep him as the Apple of his eye, with watch and ward constantly about him. Hither he assembled the Bishops of the Land, to consider and consult about Reparation for so high an Affront. 19 The Bishops pleaded hard for the University of Oxford (as being the place wherein most of them had their Education.) The Bishops interecede for the University. They alleged it was Secunda Ecclesia a second Church, being the Nursery of Learning and Religion. They pleaded also that the Churlishness of the Porter let in this sad Accident, increased by the Indiscretion of those in his own Family: adding also, that the Clerks of Oxford had deeply smarted, by their long Durance and Sufferings, for their fault therein. 20. Mollified with the Premises, All are reconciled. the Legate at last was over-entreated to pardon the Clergy of Oxford, on their solemn Submission; which was thus performed. They went from St. Paul's in London to Durham-house in the Strand, no short Italian, but an English long Mile, all on foot; the Bishops of England, for the more State of the Business, accompanying them, as partly accessary to their fault for pleading in their behalf. When they came to the Bishop of Carlile's (now Worcester) house, the Scholars went the rest of their way barefoot, sine Capis & Mantulis, which some understand, without Capes or Cloaks. And thus the great Legate at last was really reconciled unto them. 21. The mention of the house of the Bishop of Carlisle, Bishop's ancient Inns in London. minds me how, anciently, every Bishop (as all principal Abbots) had a House belonging to their See (commonly called their Inn) for them to lodge in when their occasions summoned them to London. Not to mention those which still retain their Names, as Winchester, Durham, Ely, etc. We will only observe such, which are swallowed up into other Houses, conceiving it charitable to rescue their Memory from Oblivion. House. Salisbury St. david's Chichester Exeter Bath and Wells Landaf Worcester Lichfi. & Convent. Carlisle Norwich York Hereford Place. Fleetstreet North of Bride well Chancery lane By Temple-bar Strand Strand Strand Strand Strand Strand Westminster Old Fish-street hill Built by Ralph Nevil, Bishop of Chichester. Walter Stapleton, Bishop of Exeter. Walter Lancton, Bishop of Chester. Ralph de Maydenction, Bp. of Heref. Turned into Dorcet House Small Tenements Lincoln's Inn Essex House Arundel House Somerset House Somerset House Somerset House Worcester House York House Whitehall A Sugar-maker's House I question whether the Bishop of Rochester (whose Countryhouse at Brumlay is so nigh) had ever a House in the City. Let others recover the rest from Oblivion; a hard task, I believe, they are so drowned in private Houses. O let us secure to ourselves a Luke 16. 9 everlasting habitations, A valiant offer. seeing here no abiding mansion. 22. Come we now to present the Reader with another offer of the Kings, (I fear it was not much more,) to repress Papal oppression. b Pat. 25. of Henry the third, mem. 6. Rex dilecto sibi in Christo Archidiacono Glouc. 25 Salutem. 1241 Significavimus, & etiam viva voce exposuimus Magistro P. Rubeo, Nuncio Domiin Papae, quod non est intentionis nostrae, nec etiam volumus aliquatenus sustinere, quod vel viros Relligiosos vel Clericum aliquem ad contributionem faciendam ad opus Domini Papae compellant. Et ideo vobis mandamus inhibentes districte, ne ad mandatum ip sius Magistri Petri vel suorum, viros religiosos seu Clericos ad contributionem praedictam faciendam aliqua censura Ecclesiastica compellatis. Scituri quod si secus egeritis, nos contra vos tanquam perturbatorem Pacis Ecclesiasticae, quam conservare tenemur, modis quibus expedire viderimus, procedemus. Teste Rege apud Glouc. 11. die junij. The King to his beloved in Christ the Archdeacon of Gloucester, Greeting. We have signified, & also by word of mouth have declared to Mr. P. Rubeus, Nuncio to the Lord the Pope, that it is not our intention, nor will we any ways endure it, that they shall compel Religious Men, or any Clerk, to make a contribution, to supply the occasions of the Lord the Pope. And therefore we command you, strictly forbidding, that at the command of the same Mr. Peter, or any of his officers, you compel not any Religious Men, or Clerks, by any Ecclesiastical censures to make the aforesaid Contribution. Knowing that if you do otherwise, we shall proceed against you, by means we shall think fit, as against the Disturber of the Peace of the Church, which we are bound to preserve. Witness the King at Gloucester, the 11. of june. By the way, a Nuncio differed from a Legate, almost as a Lieger from an extraordinary Ambassodour; who though not so ample in his power, was as active in his progging, to advance the profit of the Pope his Master. 23. This Instrument acquainteth us with the Method used by him in managing his money matters. A free-forced gift. Such as refused to pay his demands, were proceeded against by Church Censures, suspension, excommunication, etc. The cunning Italian (to decline to odium) employing the Archdeacon's to denounce the same in their respective jurisdictions. Yet this went under the notion of a voluntary contribution, Anno Dom. 1241 as free as fire from Flint, forced with Steel and strength out of it. Anno Regis Henrici 3. 25 24. Whereas the King counted himself bound to preserve the Peace of the Church, Spoken like a King. the words well became his mouth. They seem to me to look like DEFENDER OF THE FAITH as yet but in the Bud, and which in due time might grow up to amount to as much. For though every Christian in his calling must keep the peace of the Church; Kings have a coercive power over the disturbers thereof. 25. This Royal resolution, Say and do, best. to resist the oppressing of his Subjects, was good as propounded, better if performed. I find no visible effect thereof: but we may believe, it made the Pope's Mil go the slower, though it did not wholly hinder his grinding the faces of the Clergy. This Patent is dated from Gloucester, more loved of King Henry then London itself, as a strong and loyal City, where he was first crowned, and afterwards did often reside. 26. Amongst the thousands of pounds which the Pope carried out of England, A Pension given by the Pope to an English Earile. I meet only with three hundred Marks yearly, which came back again as a Private Boon, bestowed on an English Knight, Sir Reginald Mohun, by Pope Innocent the fourth, then keeping his Court at Lions in France. And because these are vestigia sola retrorsum, it will not be amiss to insert the whole Story thereof, as it is in an ancient French Manuscript, pertaining to the Family of the Mohuns. Quant Sire Reinalda voit Ceo faitz il passa a la Court de Rome que adonques fuist a Lions, purconfirmer & ratifer sa novelle Abbay a grand honour de liu a touse joves & fuist en la Courte le deniergne en quaresme quant lenchaunce loffice del mess Laetare jerusalem all quen jour lusage de la Court este que la poistoille doa a plus valiant & a plum honourable home qui puit estre trovez en la deste Courte une Rose ou une floretta de fin or donquez ilz sercherent tote le Court entroverent Cesti Reinald pur le plus noble de tou te la Courte a ovi le Pape Innocent donna Celle rose ou florette dor & la Papa lui Damanda quil home il fuisten son pais il respondi simple bacheleri, bean fitz fetz la pape Celle risen on florette unquez ne fuist donez for'rs an Rois ou an Dukes an a Countese pour ceo nous voluns que vous sons le Counte de Est Ceo est Somerset Reinald respondi & Aist O Saint's pier ieo nay doubt le mom meinteyner lapos soille donques lui dona ducent mariz per annum receiver sur Cantee saint Paul de Londres de ces deneires d'Engleterre pour son honour maintainer de quen donna il reporta Bulles que enquore aurent en plomps, etc. en semblement odue moltes dis aultres bulls confirmatione de sa novelle Abbay de Newham a pres quen jour il porta la rose ou florette en les arms. It is as needless, as difficult, to translate this Bull verbatim, being of base, obsolete, and ill-pointed French; sufficeth it, that this is the sum thereof. The Pope used on the Lord's day called, Laetare jerusalem, solemnly to bestow a consecrated Rose, on the most Honourable persons, present at Mass with his Holiness. Enquiry being made, the Rose was conferred on Sir Reginald Mohun, as the best extracted in the present Congregation. But seeing that Rose used always to be given to Kings, Dukes, and Earls at least (the lowest form of Coronetted Nobility in that Age) his Holiness understanding the same Sir Reginald to be but a plain Knight Bachelor, created him the Earl of Est, that is, (saith this Bull) of Somerset; and for the better support of his Honour, he allowed him three hundred Marks out of the pence of England (understand the Peter-pences) as the most certain Papal Revenue in the Land. By this Bull the same Sir Reinald was made a Count Apostolic, whereby he had the Privileges to appoint public Notaries, and to legitimate Bastards on some Conditions. King Henry the third was so far from excepting against this Act, that he highly honoured him. And yet Master Camden, sometimes a In his Brit. in Somersetshire. acknowledgeth, sometimes denieth b In his Eliz. in the case of Count Arundel. There are rich who make themselves poor. him for an English Earl. Not that I accuse him as inconstant to himself, but suspect myself not well attaining his meaning therein. 27. Now though the said Sir Reginald did modestly decline the Pope's Honour for want of Maintenance, yet had he at that time no fewer than forty three Knights Fees held of his Castle of Dunstar. I have nothing else to add herein, save that the ancient Arms of the Mohuns, viz. a hand in a Maunch holding a Flower de luce (in that Age more fashionable than a Rose, in Heraldry) seems to relate to this occasion; which their Family afterward changed into a Sable Cross, in the Achievements in the Holy land, born at this day by the truly honourable the Lord Mohun, Baron of Oakehampton, as descended from this Family. 28. This year died Robert Grouthead, 38 Bishop of Lincoln, 1254 born at Stodebrook in Suffolk, The death of Bishop Grouthead. Natalibus pudendis saith my c Bishop Godwin in Catalogue of Linc. Bish. Author, of Shameful extraction, intimating suspicion of Bastardy: though the parents, rather than the child, have caused a blush thereat. He got his Surname from the greatness of his head, having large Stowage to receive, and store of Brains to fill it: bred for a time in Oxford, then in France: a great and general Scholar, (Bale reckoning up no fewer than two hundred books of his making) and a great opposer of the Pope's oppression, which now grew intolerable. 29. For it appeared by inquisition made the last year, The Pope's fume against this good Bishop, that the Ecclesiastical Revenues of Italians in England (whereof many were Boys, more Blockheads, all Aliens) amounted per annum unto threescore and ten thousand Marks: whereas the King's Income at the same time was hardly d Matthew Paris in Anno 1552. twenty thousand. Bishop Grouthead offended thereat, wrote Pope Innocent the fourth such a juniper Letter, taxing him with extortion, and, other vicious practices, that his Holiness broke out into this expression; What meaneth this doting old man, surdus & absurdus, thus boldly to control our actions? By Peter and Paul, did not our innate ingenuity restrain us, I would confound him, and make him a prodigy to the whole world. Is not the King of England our Vassal, yea our Slave, to imprison and destroy what persons we please to appoint? 30. The Pope being in this pelt, quenched by a Spanish Cardinal. Aegidius a Spanish Cardinal thus interposed his gravity. It is not expedient, my Lord, to use any harshness to this Bishop. We must confess the truths which he saith. He is a holy man, of a more Religious life then any of us, yea Christendom hath not his equal; a great Philosopher, skilled in Latin and Greek, a constant reader in the Schools, Preacher in the Pulpit, lover of Chastity, and loather of Simony. 31. Thus the Pope took wit in his anger, Grouthead the people's, though not the Pope's Saint. and Grouthead escaped for the present: though Bale reporteth that he died excommunicate and deprived of his Bishopric. Popish e john Bury Mat. Paris, Mat. Westminster, Mr. Fabian. Authors confidently report a strange vision, or rather a passion of Pope Innocent the fourth, whom Grouthead (appearing after his death) so beat with many blows (it seems he had a heavy hand as well as a great head) that the Pope died thereof soon after. No wonder therefore if his successors would not Canonize this Robert, who notwithstanding was a Saint, though not in the Popes, yet in the people's Calendar, many miracles being ascribed unto him; and particularly, f Godwin, in his Catalogue of Bishops. Discontents begin in England. that a sweet oil after his death issued out of his monument: which if false in the literal, may be true in a mystical meaning, Solomon observing that a good name is as ointment poured out. 32. England began now to surfeit of more than thirty year's Peace and Plenty, which produced no better effects than ingratitude to God, and murmuring at their King. Many active spirits, whose minds were above their means, offended that others beneath them (as they thought) in Merit, were above them in Employment, Anno Dom. 1254 cavilled at many errors in the King's Government, Anno Regis Henrici 3. 38 being State-Donatists, maintaining, the perfection of a Commonwealth might, and aught to be attained. A thing easy in the Theory, impossible in the Practice, to conform the actions of men's corrupted natures to the exact Ideas in men's Imaginations. 33. Indeed they had too much matter whereon justly to ground their Discontents: Grounded on too much occasion. partly because the King (distrusting his Natives) employed so many French Foreigners in places of power and profit; partly because he had used such indirect courses to recruit his Treasuries, especially by annihilating all Patents granted in his Minority (though indeed he was never more in his Full-age then when in his Nonage, as guided then by the best counsel) and forcing his Subjects to take out new ones on what Terms his Officers pleased. In a word, an a Roger Wendover. Author then living complaineth, that justice was committed to men unjust, the Laws to such who themselves were Outlaws, and the keeping of the Peace to injurious people delighting in Discords. 34. After many contests betwixt the King and his Subjects (which the Reader may learn from the Historians of the State) four and twenty prime persons were chosen by Parliament to have the supreme inspection of the Land: A Title without power only lest to the King. which soon after (to make them the more cordial) passed a decoction, and were reduced to three, and they three in effect contracted to one, Simon Mountfort, Earl of Leicester, the King's Brother in Law: The King himself standing by as a cipher, yet signifying as much as his ambitious Subjects did desire. These, to make sure work, bound him with his solemn Oath to submit himself to their new-modelled Government. 35. Here the Pope (charitable to relieve all distressed Princes) interposed his power, The Pope freely gives his courtesies for money. absolving the King from that Oath, as unreasonable in itself, and forced upon him. His Holiness was well paid for this great favour; the King hereafter conniving at his Horseleeches (Legates and Nuntioes) sucking the blood of his Subjects with intolerable Taxations. Thus was it not altogether the Flexibility of King Henry, but partly the Flexion of his Condition, (I mean, the altering of his occasions) which made him sometimes withstand, and otherwhiles comply with the Pope's extortion. Thus always the Pope's Courtesies are very dear; and the Storm itself is a better Shelter than the Bramble, fleecing such Sheep as fly under the shade thereof. 36. Mean time the King, having neither Coin nor Credit, Sad case when the Royal Root is no better than a sucker having pawned his jewels, mortgaged all his Land in France, and sold much of it in England, wanting where withal to subsist, lived on Abbeys and Prioreys; till his often coming and long staying there made what was welcome at the first, quickly to become wearisome Though a Royal Guest, with often coming, his Royalty made not his Guestship the more accepted, but the notion of a Guest rendered his Royalty the less to be esteemed. Indeed his visits of Abbeys at first did wear the countenance of Devotion (on which account this King was very eminent:) but afterwards they appeared in their own likeness, the dimmest eye seeing them to proceed from pure Necessity. 37. Soon after began the Civil Wars in England, No part of Church-work. with various success, sometimes the King, and sometimes the Barons getting the better: till at last an indifferent Peace was concluded for their mutual good, as in the Historians of the Commonwealth doth plentifully appear. 38. The later part of the reign of King Henry was not only eminent in itself, Bettered by affliction. but might be exemplary to others. He reform first his own natural errors, than the disorders in his Court, the Expense whereof he measured by the just rule of his proper Revenue. The rigour and corruption of his judges he examined, and redressed by strict commission, filled the seats of judgement and Counsel with men nobly born, sat himself daily in Counsel, and disposed affairs of most weight in his own person. 39 And now the Charta Magna was very strictly observed, Charta Magna first fully practised. being made in the ninth year of this King's reign, but the practice thereof much interrupted and disturbed with Civil Wars, it is beheld by all judicious men as (like the aurea Bulla or golden Bull of Germany) the life of English Liberty, rescued by the blood and valour of our Ancestors from Tyrannical encroachment, giving the due bounds to Prerogative and Propriety, that neither should mutually entrench on the others, lawful Privileges. And although some high Royalists look on it as the product of Subject's animosities, improving themselves on their Prince's extremities; yet most certain it is, those Kings flourished the most both at home and abroad, who tied themselves most conscientiously to the observation thereof. 40. Two Colleges in Oxford were founded in the Reign of this King: Bailiol College built by a banished Prince. One, Bailiol College, 46 by john Bailiol (and Dervorguill his Lady) of Bernads Castle in the Bishopric of Durham, 1262 banished into England, and Father of Bailiol King of Scotland. Wonder not that an Exile should build a College, Charity being oftentimes most active in the afflicted, willingly giving to others a little of that little they have: witness the Macedonians, whose deep a 2 Cor. 8. 2. poverty abounded to the riches of their Liberality. 41. True it is, Great revenues for that Age. the ancient revenues of this College were not great, allowing but b Roger Walden, in his History. eight pence a week for every Scholar therein of his Foundation (whereas Merion College had twelve pence:) and yet, as c Bri. Twine, antiq. Acad. Ox. in Appendice. Endowed with more land than now it possesseth. one casteth up, their ancient revenues amounted unto ninety nine pounds seventeen shillings & ten pence; which in that Age, I will assure you, was a considerable Sum, enough to make us suspect, that at this day they enjoy not all the Original lands of their foundation. 42. Indeed, I am informed that the aforesaid King Bailiol bestowed a large proportion of Land in Scotland on this his Father's Foundation. The Master and Fellows whereof petitioned King james, (when the Marches of two Kingdoms were newly made the middle of one Monarchy) for the restitution of those Lands detained from them in the Civil Wars betwixt the two Crowns. The King, though an affectionate lover of Learning, would not have his Bounty injurious to any (save sometimes to himself;) and considering those Lands they desired, were long peaceably possessed with divers Owners, gave them notice to surcease their Suit. Thus not King james, but the infeacibility of the thing they petitioned for to be done with justice, gave the denial to their Petition. 43. Being to present the Reader with the Catalogues of this, The Authors request to the learned in Oxford. and other worthy Foundations in Oxford, I am sorry that I can only build bare Walls, (erect empty Columns) and not fill them with any furniture: which the ingenuous Reader I trust will pardon, when he considers, first, that I am no Oxford-man; secondly, that Oxford is not that Oxford, wherewith ten years since I was acquainted. Wherefore I humbly request the Antiquaries of their respective Foundations (best skilled in their own worthy Natives) to insert their own observations: which if they would return unto me against the next Edition of this work, if I live, & it be thought worthy thereof, God shall have the Glory, they the public thanks, and the world the benefit of their contribution to my endeavours. 44. The Catalogue of Masters we have taken with an implicit faith, Four necessary things premised. out of Mr. Brian Twine (who may be presumed knowing in that subject) until the year 1608. where his work doth determine. (Since which time we have supplied them as well as we may, though too often at a loss for their Christian names.) If Mr. Twine his Register be imperfect, yet he writes right who writes wrong, if following his Copy. 45. The List of Bishops hath been collected out of Francis Godwine Bishop of Hereford, Whence the Bishops are collected. whose judicious pains are so beneficial to the English Church. Yet Godwinus non vidit omnia, and many no doubt have been omitted by him. 46. As for the Roll of Benefactors, Whence the Benefactors. I, who hope to have made the other Catalogues true, hope I have made this not true; upon desire and confidence that they have more than I have, or can reckon up, though following herein I. Scot his printed Tables, Anno Dom. 1262 and the last Edition of john Speed his Chronicle. Anno Regis Henrici 3. 46 47. The column of learned Writers I have endeavoured to extract out of Bale and Pitts. Whence the learned writers. Whereof the later being a member of this University, was no less diligent than able to advance the Honour thereof. 48. Let none suspect that I will enrich my Mother, No wilful wrong done. by rebbing my Aunt. For besides that Cambridge is so conscientious, she will not be accessary to my Felony by receiving stolen goods; Tros, Tyriusque mihi nullo discrimine habetur; A Trojan whether he Or a Tyrian be. All is the same to me. It matters not whether of Cambridge or Oxford, so God hath the Glory, the Church and State the Benefit of their learned endeavours. 49. However, Add and mend. I am sensible of many defects, and know that they may be supplied by the endeavours of others. Every man knows his own land better than either Ortelius or Mercator, though making the Maps of the whole world. And the members of respective Colleges must be more accurate in the particularities of their own Foundations, than the exactest Historian who shall write a general description thereof. Masters. Io. Fodering hay Robert Twaits Io. Abdy Io. Wickleffe Rob. Burley Ric. Burningham Will. White Geo. Cootes Will. Wright Fran. Babington Rich. Stubbs ja. Gloucester Anth. Garnet Rob. Hooper ja. Brookes Io. Piers Adam Squier Edm. Lily Rob. Abbots Doct. Parkhurst Doct. Laurence Doct. Savage Bishops. Roger Whelpdale, Fellow, Bishop of Carlisle. Geor Nevil, Chancellor of the University at twenty years of Age, afterwards Archbishop of York, and Chancellor of Engl. William. Grace, Bishop of Ely. Io. Bell, Bishop of Worcester. joh. Piers, Archbishop of York. Rob. Abbots, Bishop of Salisbury. Geo. Abbot, Fellow, Archbishop of Canterbury. Benefactors Philip Somervile, & Marg. his wife. Ella de Long-Spee, Countess of Salisbury. Rich. de Humsnigore. L. William. Fenton. Hugh de Vienna, Knight. john Bell, Bishop of Worcester. Wil Hammond, of Gilford, Esq. Peter Blundill, of Teverton. L. Eliz. Periam, of the County of Buck. Tho. Tisdale, of Glymton, Com. Oxon. Esquire. Marry Dunch. john Brown. Learned Writ. Io. Duns Scotus, first of this, then of Merton College. Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, commonly called the good. William. Walton, Fellow, Chancellor of the University. Tho. Gascoign, Fellow, Chancellor of the University. a See more of him in our dedication to the second book. john Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester. Rob. Abbots. That john Wickleffe here mentioned may be the great Wickleffe; though others justly suspect him not the same, because too ancient, if this Catalogue be complete, to be the fourth Master of this House, except they were incredibly vivacious. Nothing else have I to observe of this Foundation, save that at this day therein are maintained one Master, twelve Fellows, thirteen Scholars, four Exhibitioners; which, with Servants, Commoners, and other Students, lately made up one hundred thirty and six. 50. Nor must we forget that (besides others) two eminent judges of our Land were both Contemporaries and Students in this Foundation; A pair of Learned judges. the Lord chief Baron Davenport, and the Lord Thomas Coventry, Lord Chancellor of England, (whose Father also, a judge, was a Student herein) So that two great Oracles, both of Law and Equity, had here their Education. 51. The other was University College: University▪ Col. founded. whereof I find different Dates, and the founding thereof ascribed to several Persons. Founder. 1 King Alfred. 2 William de S to. Carilefo, Bishop of Durham. 3 William, Bishop of Durham, though none at this time of the name. 4 William, archdeacon of Durham, whom others confidently call Walter. Time. Anno 882. 1081. the 12. of King William the Conqueror. 1217. in the first of Henry the 3. uncertain. Author. 1 Universal Tradition. 2 Stow in his Chronicle Page 1061. to whom Pitz consenteth. 3 john Speed, in his History, pag. 817. 4 Camd. Brit. in Oxfordshire. I dare interpose nothing in such great differences, only observe that Master Camden (no less skilful a Herald in ordering the antiquity of Houses, then martialling the precedency of men) makes University the third in order after Merton College: which makes me believe the founding thereof not so ancient as here it is inserted. Masters. 1 Roger Caldwell 2 Richard Witton 3 M. Rokleborough 4 Ranulph Hamsterley 5 Leonard Hutchinson 6 john Craffurth 7 Richard Salvaine 8 George Ellison 9 Anthony Salvaine 10 james Dugdale 11 Thomas Key 12 William james 13 Anthony Gates 14 George Abbot 15 john Bancroft 16 Walker 17 Hoile 18 Bishops. St. Edmond Archb. of Cant. George Abbot, Arch. of Cant. john Bancroft, Bishop of Oxford. Benefactors. Waler Shirlow, Archdeacon of Durham, 3 Fellowsh. Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland, 3 Fellowsh. R. Dudley Earl of Leicester, 2 Exhibitions each 20. pou. per Annum. john Freistone 2 Exhibitions, 20. pounds in all per Annum. Gunsley, 2 Exhibitions. Mistress pain, 1 Exhibition, 8 pounds. Mr. Aston. Sir Simon Bennet, who hath bequeathed good lands (after the decease of his Lady) to increase the Fellows and Scholars. Mr. Charles Greenwood, sometimes Fellow of this College, and Proctor to the University, gave a thousand pounds to the building thereof. Learn. Writ. Some charitable and able Antiquary fill up this vacuity. So that at this present are maintained therein one Master, eight Fellows, one Bible-Clark: which with Servants, Commoners, and other Students, amount to the number of threescore and nine. 52. Sure it is, jews damnable extortioners. at this time Oxford flourished with multitude of Students; King Henry conferring large favours upon them, and this amongst the rest. That no jews a Claus. 22. of Hen. 3. memb. 9 in dorso. living at Oxford should receive of Scholars above twopences a week interest for the loan of twenty shillings, that is eight shillings eightpences for the interest of a pound in the year. Hereby we may guess how miserably poor people in other places were oppressed by the jews, where no restraint did limit their Usury; so that the Interest amounted to the half of the Principal. 53. Secondly, A second privilege. whereas it was complained of, That justice was obstructed, and Malefactors protected by the Citizens of Oxford, who being partial to their own Corporation, connived at offenders who had done mischiefs to the Scholars: The King ordered, that hereafter, not only the Citizens of Oxford, but also any Officers in the Vicinage should be employed in the apprehending of such who offered any wrong to the Students in the University. 54. Lastly, The third privilege. he enjoined the Bailiffs of Oxford solemnly to acquaint the Chancellor thereof, of those times when Bread and other Victuals were weighed and prized. But in case the Chancellor had timely notice thereof, & refused to be present thereat, than the Bailiffs notwithstanding his absence might proceed in the foresaid matters of weight and measure. 55. We will conclude this Section with this civil and humble submission of the Dean and Chapter of St. Asaph, The submission of the Dean and Chapter of S. Asaph. sent to the King in the vacancy (as it seems) of their Bishopric; though dislocated, and some years set back in the date thereof. Pat. 33. H. 3. M. 3. Universis Christi fidelibus ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit, De recognitione Decani & Capit. de Sancto Asapho. Decanus & Capitulum de Sancto Asapho salutem in Domino. Consuetudini antique & dignitati quas Dominus Henricus illustris Rex Angl. & progenitores sui habuerunt in Ecclesia Anglicana, de petenda licentia eligendi vacantibus Episcopatuum Sedibus, & de requirendo assensu Regio post factam electionem, obviare nolentes; protestamur & recognoscimus, nos, quotiens Ecclesia nostra Pastore vacaverit, ab illustri Domino Rege Angl. & Heredibus suis debere reverenter petere licentiam eligendi, & post electionem factam assensum eorum requirere. Et ne super hoc futuris temporibus dubitetur, presenti scripto Sigilla nostra fecimus apponi. Dat. apud Sanctum Asaph. Anno Domini Mo.cc.xlixo. in Crastino Exaltationis Sanctae Crucis. The substance is this. That the Dean and Chapter promise to depend wholly on the King's pleasure in the choice of the next Elect: so that now cathedrals began to learn good manners. Notwithstanding the Pope usually obtruded whom he pleased upon them. Say not that St. Asaph was an inconsiderable Cathedral, being at great Distance & of small Revenue, which might make them more officious to comply with the King: seeing the poorest oft times prove the proudest, and peevishest to their Superiors. But although this qualm of Loyalty took this Church for the present, we must confess that generally, Chapters ask the King's leave, as Widows do their Fathers to marry; as a Compliment not requisite thereunto: as conceiving it Civility to ask, but no Necessity to have his Approbation. 56. Two eminent Archbishops of Canterbury successively filled that See, Edmond Archbishop of Cant. during the most part of this King's Reign. First, Edmond, Treasurer of Salisbury, born, say some, in London, and Christened in the same Font with Thomas Becket. My a Godwine in Catalogue of Bishops, pag. 130. Author makes him educated in University College in Oxford, a great Scholar, and lover of learned men, refusing to consecrate Richard Wendover Bishop of Rochester, because of his want of Sufficiency for such a Function: hereupon he incurred the displeasure of Otho the Pope's Legate siding with Wendover (requiring no other Qualification save Money to make a Bishop) & was enforced to undertake a dangerous and expensive journey to Rome, to his great Damage, and greater Disgrace, being cast in his Cause, after the spending of a thousand Marks therein. 57 He took the boldness to tell the Pope of his Extortion; Sainted after his death. though little thereby was amended. After his return he fell into the King's displeasure: so that overpowered with his Adversaries, and circumvented with their malice, weary of his Native Country (the miseries whereof he much bemoaned) he went into voluntary Banishment. He died and was buried in France: and six years after (which I assure you was very soon, and contrary to the modern Custom) was Sainted by Pope Innocent the fourth: Whose Body Lewes the fourth King of France solemnly removed, and sumptuously enshrined. 58. The other, Boniface a worthless Archbishop. Boniface by name, was only eminent on the account of his high Extraction, as Uncle to the Queen, and son of Peter Earl of Savoy; a horrible scraper of money, generally hated, insomuch that he went his Visitation, having a Corslet on under his Episcopal habit: which it seems was no more than needs, the Londoners being so exasperated against him, that they threarned his Death, had not he secured himself by Flight. Only he is memorable to Posterity for paying two and twenty thousand Marks debt of his See (which his Predecessors had contracted:) for building a fair Hall at Canterbury, and a stately Hospital at Maidstone, which it seems was indicted and found guilty of, and executed for Superstition at the dissolution of Abbeys (when it was valued at above a hundred and fifty pounds of yearly Revenue) being aliened now to other uses. SECT. Anno. Regis III. Anno Dom. TO WILLIAM ROBINSON OF The Inward-Temple, Esq SIR Edward Coke was wont to say, that he never knew a Divine meddle with a matter of Law, but that therein he committed some great error, and discovered gross ignorance. I presume you Lawyers are better Divines, than we Divines are Lawyers; because indeed greater your concernment in your precious souls, than ours in our poor estates. Having therefore just cause to suspect my own judgement in this Section, wherein so much of Law, I submit all to your Judgement to add, altar, expunge at pleasure; that if my weak endeavours shall appear worthy of a second Impression, they may come forth corrected with your Emendations. 1. QUiet King Henry the third, Hen. 3▪ 57 our English Nestor (not for depth of brains, 1272. but length of life) as who Reigned fifty six years, The vivacity of King Henry the third, and the variety of his life. in which term he buried all his Contemporary Princes in Christendom twice over. All the months in a year may in a manner be carved out of an April-day, Hot, cold, dry, moist, fair, soul weather, being oft presented therein. Such the character of this King's life, certain only in uncertainty. Sorrowful, successful, in plenty, in penury, in wealth, in want, Conquered, Conqueror. 2. Yet the Sun of his life did not set in a Cloud, The serenity of his death and solemnity of his Burial. but went down in full lustre; a good token that the next day would be fair, and his Successor prove fortunate. He died at St Edmunds-Bury, and though a merciful Prince ended his days in a necessary act of justice, Anno Dom. 1272. severely punishing some Citizens of Norwich, Anno Regis Hen. 3. 57 for burning and pillaging the Priory therein. His corpse were buried at Westminster, Church, (founded and almost, finished, by him) with great solemnity, though Prince Edward his Son, as beyond the Seas was not present there at. Ed. 1. 1. 3. There cannot be a greater Temptation to Ambition to usurp a Crown, The advantages of absent Prince Edward. then when it findeth a vacancy on the Throne, and the true heir thereof absent at a great distance. Such an advantage at this instant, had the Adversaries of Prince Edward (not as yet returned from Palestine) to put in, if so minded, for the Kingdom of England. And strange it was, that no Arrears of the former Rebellion were left, but all the reckon thereof so fully discharged, that no Corrival did appear for the Crown; But a general concurrence of many things befriended Prince Edward herein. 1. His Father on his deathbed secured his Sons, succession, as much as might be, by swearing the Principal Peers unto him in his absence. 2. The most active and dangerous Military men, the Prince had politicly carried away with him into Palestine. 3. Prince Edward his same (present here in the absence of his person) preserved the Crown for him, as due to him, no less by desert then descent. The premises meeting with the love and Loyalty of many English hearts, paved the way to Prince Edward his peaceable entrance without any opposition. 4. King Edward was a most worthy Prince, His achievements against the Turks. coming off with honour in all his achievements against Turk, and Pope, and Jews, and Scots, and against whomsoever he encountered. For the Turks, he had lately made a voyage against them, which being largely related in our Holy War, we intent not here to repeat. Only I will add, that this Foreign expedition was politicly undertaken, to rid the Land of many Martialists, wherewith the late Barons Wars had made it to abound. These Spirits thus raised, though they could not presently be conjured down, were safely removed into another room. The fiercest Mastiff-Dogs never fight one with another, whilst they have either Bull or Bear before them to bait; the common foe employing that fury, which otherwise would be active against those of their own kind. This diversion of the English soldiery, gave a vent to their animosities, which otherwise would have been mutually misspent amongst themselves. 5. Great at this present was the Pope's power in England, The Pope's present power in England. improving himself on the late tumultuous times, and the easiness of King Henry his nature, insomuch that within these last seven years ex plenitudine, (or rather ex abundantia & superfluitate) potestatis, he had put in two Arch-Bishops of Canterbury, Robert Kilwarby, and John Peccam, against the minds of the Monks, who had legally chosen others. Probably the third time would have created a Right to the Pope; and his Holiness hereafter prescribe it as his just due, had not King Edward seasonably prevented his encroachment, by moderating his power in England, as hereafter shall appear. Mean time we are called away on a welcome occasion, to behold a grateful object; namely, the Foundation of one of the first and fairest Colleges in Christendom. 6. For in this year Walter de Merton, Merton Col. in Oxford founded. Bishop of Rochester and Chancellor of England, 1274. finished the College of his own name in Oxford. 3. This Walter was born at Merton in Surrey, and at Maldon in that County had built a College, which on second thoughts (by God's counsel no doubt) he removed to Oxford, as it seems for the more security; now if the Baron's Wars, than (some fifteen years since) in height, Anno Regis Ed. 1. 3. and heat, Anno Dom. 1274 were as it is probable, any motive of this Vranslation, it was one of the best effects which ever so bad a cause produced; For otherwise, if not removed to Oxford, certainly this College had been swept away, as Rubbish of superstition, at the Dissolution of Abbeys. 7. Amongst the many Manors which the first a Brian Twin Ant. Acad. Ox. p. 319. Founder bestowed on this College, A Manor in Cambridg given thereunto. one lay in the Parish of St. Peter and West suburb of Cambridge, beyond the Bridge, anciently called Pythagoras house, since Merton Hall. To this belongeth much good Land thereabout (as also the Mills at Grantchester mentioned in Chaucer) those of Merton College keeping yearly a Court Baron here. Afterwards King Henry the sixth took away (for what default I find not) this Manor from them, and bestowed it upon his own Foundation of King's b Caius Hist. Cant. Acad. p. 68 College in Cambridge. But his successor, Edward the fourth, restored it to Merton College again. It seemeth equally admirable to me, that Holy King Henry the sixth, should do any wrong, or Harsh Edward the fourth, do any Right to the Muses, which maketh me to suspect that there is more in the matter then what is generally known, or doth publicly appear. 8. St Henry Savill the most learned Warden of this College, Merton his Monument renewed. three hundred and more years after Mertons death, plucked down his old Tomb in Rochester Church. (near the North wall, almost over against the Bishop's Chair) and built a neat new Monument of Touch and Alabaster, whereon after a large inscription in Prose, this Epitaph was engraven. Magne senex titulis, Musarum sede sacrata Major, Mertonidum maxim progeny Haec tibi gratantes post saecula sera nepotes. En votiva locant marmora sancte Parens. And indeed malice itself cannot deny, that this College (or little University rather) doth equal, if not exceed any one Foundation in Christendom, for the Famous men bred therein, as by the following Catalogue will appear. Wardens. 1. Pet. Abyngdon. 2. Rich. Warbisdon. 3. Jo. de la More. 4. Jo. wanting. 5. Rob. Trenge. 6. Gul. Durant. 7. Jo. Bloxham. 8. Jo. Wendover. 9 Ed. Beckingham. 10. Tho. Rodburne. 11. Rob. Gylbert. 12. Hen. Abingdon. 13. Elias Holcot. 14. Hen. Sever. 15. Jo. Gygur. 16. Ric. Fitz-James. 17. Tho. Harper. 18. Rich. Rawlins. 19 Rowl. Philip's. 20. Jo. Chamber. 21. Hen. Tindal. 22. Tho. Raynolds. 23. Jac. Gervase. 24. Jo. Man. 25. Tho. Bickley. 26. HEN. SAVILL. 27. St Nathaneel Brent. 28. Dr Goddard. Bishops. Rob. Winchelsey, Archbishop of Canterbury, Ann. 1294. Simon Mepham, Archbishop of Cantebury, Ann. 1327. Simon Isslip, Archbishop of Canterbury, Anno 1349. John Kemp, Archbishop of Canterbury, Anno 1462. Ralph Baldock, Bishop of London, Anno 1305. Henry Gower, Bishop of Sr david's, Ann. 1328. William Read, Bishop of Chichester, Ann. 1369. Robert Gilbert, Bishop of London, Anno 1435. Thomas Rodebrun, Bishop of St david's, Ann. 1440. John * He was prevost also of Kings Col. in Cambridg. Chadworth, Bishop of Lincoln, Ann. 1452. John Marshal Bishop of Landast, Anno 1478. Rich. Fitz-James, Bishop of London, Ann. 1500. William, Siveyer, Bishop of Durham, Ann. 1502. Richard Raulins, Bishop of St david's, Ann. 1523. John Parkehurst, Bishop of Norwich, Ann. 1560. Thomas Bickley, Bishop of Chichester, Ann. 1585. George Carleton, Bishop of Chichester. 1626. Benefactors. John Williot (bred in this Col.) D. D. & Chancellor of Oxford, founded the Portionists Hall, and exhibitions. Will. Read (an excellent Mathematician) built the Library. Thomas Rudburne, Warden, built the Tower over the Gate. Richard Fitz-James, Warden, built the Wardens Lodgings. Henry Abingdon, Warden, gave Bells to the Church. Richard Rawlins wainscoted the inside, and covered the roof thereof with Lead. Thomas Leach. Sr THO. BODLEY. Dr Wilson. Mr John Chambers, sometime Fellow of Eton. Doctor Jervice. Doctor Jesop. Sr HEN. SAVIL. Learned Writers. 1. ROGER BACON a famous Physician. 2. JOHN DUNCE Scotus. 3. WALTER BURLEY. 4. WILLIAM OCHAM. 5. THO. BRADWARDINE, Archbishop of Canterbury. 6. John Gatisden. 7. Dumbleton. 8. Nicholas Gorrham. 9 William Grysant, Father to Grimoald Grysant, Pope by the name of Urbane the fift. 11. Roger Switzet. 12. JOHN WICLEP. Henry Caffe, an able Scholar, but unfortunate. Sr THO. BODLEY, who built Oxford Library. Sr HEN. SAVIE. Sr Isaac Wake University Orator, and Ambassador to Venice. Henry Mason, who worthily wrote De Ministerio Anglicano. John Greaves, an excellent Mathematician. Dr Peter Turner, active in composing the new Statutes of the University. * The Living passed over in silence. I purposely Omit such as still, (and may they long) survive, whereof some (as Dr Edward Reynolds, Dr John Earles, Dr Francis Cheynel, Mr Doughty, Mr Francis is Rowse, etc.) have already given the world a Testimony of their great Learning and endowments. Others may in due time, as Dr Higgs, late Dean of Lichfield, Dr Corbet, etc. And surely Mr John Hales, formerly Greek Professor, will not envy Christian mankind, his Treasury of Learning; nor can conceive, that only a Sermon (owned under his name) can satisfy the just expectation from him, of the Church and Commonwealth. * The Original of Postmasters. There is a By-Foundation of Postmasters in this House, (a kind of College in the College) and this Tradition goeth of their Original. Anciently there was over against Merton College, a small un-endowed Hall, whose Scholars had so run in arrears, that their opposite neighbours, out of charity took them into their College, (then but nine in number) to wait on the Fellows. But since they are freed from any attendance and endowed with plentiful maintenance, Mr Willet being the first Benefactor unto them in that nature, whose good example hath provoked many to follow his liberality. These most justly conceive themselves much honoured, in that Bishop Jewel was a postmaster before removed hence, to be Fellow of Corpus Christ's College. We take our farewell of this House, when we have told it consisted lately (viz. 1635.) of one Warden, twenty one Fellows, fourteen a The same I conceive with the Postmasters. Scholars, besides Officers and Servants, of the foundation, with other Students, the whole number being eighty. 9 Come we now to the Kings retrenching the Pope's power, The Church ready to eat up the Commonwealth. grown so exorbitant in England. A principal part whereof consisted in the multitude of Monasteries, daily increasing in wealth, and all at the Pope's absolute devotion. If posterity had continued at this rate, to build and endow Religious Houses, all England would, in short time, have turned one entire and continued Monastery; and the inhabitants thereof become either Friars, or Founders. Where then should be any Soldiers to fight the King's battles? Seamen to steer his ships? Husbandmen to plough the King's land? or rather any land of his to be ploughed by husbandmen? 10. Besides, The mischief of Mortmain to the Crown. though these Friars had a living-hand, to take and receive from any; they had Mortmain, a dead-hand, to restore and return any profit to the King again. Yea, such alienation of lands in Mortmain, settled on Monasteries (which as Corporations neither married nor died) afforded neither Wards, Marriages, Reliefs, nor Knights-service, for the defence of the Realm; in a word, enriched their private coffers, impoverished the public Exchequer, It was not therefore such a dead band, which could feed so many living mouths, as the King for his state and safety must maintain. Wherefore for the future he restrained such unlimited Donatives to Religious Houses. 11. Ignorance makes many men mistake mere transcripts for Originals. This Law not new but renewed. So here, the short-fighted vulgar sort, beheld the King's Act herein as new, strange, and unprecedented, whereas indeed former times, and foreign Princes had done the like on the same occasion. First, we find some countenance for it in a Exod 36. 6. Scripture, when Moses by proclamation bounded the overflowing bounty of the people to the Tabernacle. And in the Primitive times, Theodosius the Emperor (although most loves and favourable to the Clergy) made a Law of A Mortisation or Mortmain, to moderate people's bounty to the Church. Yet a great Father, Jerome by name, much disliked this Act, as appears by his complaint to Nepotian of that Law; I am ashamed to say it, the Priests, of Idols, Stage-players, Coachmen, and common Harlots, are made capable of inheritance, and receive Legacies, only Ministers of the Gospel, and Monks are barred by Law thus to do; and that not by Persecutors, but by Christian Princes. But that passionate Father comes off well at last; neither do I complain of the Law, but I am sorry we have deserved to have such a Law made against us. 12. b In his 31. Epist. St Ambrose likewise expresseth much anger on the same occasion, out of his general zeal for the Churches good. Ambrose angry with Mortmain. But, had the aforesaid Fathers (men rather pious then politic; good Churchmen, no Statesmen) seen the Monasteries swollen in revenues from an inch in their days, to an ell (by people's fondness, yea dotage, on the four sorts of Friars) in King Edward's Reign, they would, no doubt, instead of reproving, have commended his, and the neighbouring Kings care for their Commonwealths. 13. For the like laws for limiting men's liberality, The Statute of Mortmain. were lately made in Spain and France, and now at last followed by King Edward, according to the tenor ensuing; WHere of late it was provided, Anno Dom. 1279. that religious men should not enter into the fees of any without licence and will of the chief Lords of whom such fees be holden immediately: Anno Regis Ed. 〈◊〉 7. Nou. 4. And notwithstanding such religious men have entered as well into their own sees, as in the fees of other men, approprying and buying them, and sometime receiving them of the gift of others, whereby the services that are due of such fees, and which at the beginginning were provided for defence of the Realm, are wrongfully without own, and the chief Lords do lose their Escheats of the same; we therefore to the profit of our Realm intending to provide convenient remedy, by the advice of our Prelates, Earls, Barons, and other our subjects, being of our Council, have provided, made, and ordained, That no person, Religious or other, whatsoever he be, that will buy or sell any Lands or Tenements, or under the colour of Gift or Lease, or that will receive by reason of any other title, whatsoever it be, Lands or Tenements, or by any other Craft or Engine will presume to appropriate to himself, under pain of forfeiture of the same, whereby such Lands or Tenements may any wise come into Mortmain. We have provided also, That if any person, religious or other, do presume either by Craft or Engine, to offend against this Statute; it shall be lawful to us and other chief Lords of the Fee, immediately to enter in the land so aliened, within a year from the time of their alienation, and to hold it in fee, and as Inheritance. And, if the chief Lord immediately be negligent, and will not enter into such Fee within the year, than it shall be lawful to the next chief Lord immediate of the same Fee, to enter in the said land within half a year next following, and to hold it as before is said; and so every Lord immediate may enter into such Land, if the next Lord be negligent in entering into the same Fee, as is aforesaid. And, if all the chief Lords of such Fees being of full age, within the four Seas, and out of prison, be negligent or slack in this behalf, we immediately after the year accomplished, from the time that such purchases, Gifts or Appropriations hap to be made, shall take such tenements into our hand, and shall enfeoff others therein, by certain Services to be done to Us, for the defence of our Realm, saving to the chief Lords of the same Fees, their Wards and Escheats, and other Services thereunto due and accustomed. And therefore we command you, that ye cause the foresaid Statute to be read before you, and from henceforth to be kept firmly and observed. Witness myself at Westminster, etc. Date we from this day, the achme or vertical height of Abbeys, which henceforward began to stand still, & at last to decline. Formerly it was Endow Monasteries who would, hereafter, who could, having first obtained licence from the King. Yet this Law did not ruin, but regulate, not destroy, but direct well grounded liberality, that bounty to some, might not be injury to others. Here I leave it to Lawyers by profession, to show how many years after, (viz. the eighteenth of of Edward the third) Prelates Impeached before the King's Justices for purchasing land in Mortmain, shall be dismissed without further trouble, upon their producing a charter of licence, and process thereupon made, by an Inquest, ad quod damnum, or, (in case that cannot be showed) by making a convenient Fine for the same. who the active Prelates of this age. 14. The late mention of the Prelates advise, in passing a Law so maleficial unto them, giveth me just occasion to name some, the principal persons of the Clergy, present thereat; namely, 1. John Peckam, Archbishop of Canterbury, a stout man. He afterwards excommunicated the Prince of Wales, because he went a long journey to persuade him to peace with England, but could not prevail. 2. William Wickwane, Anno Regis Ed. 1. 11. Archbishop of York, Anno Dom. 1283. accounted a great Scholar, (Author of a Book called Memoriale) and esteemed a petty-saint in that Age. 3. Anthony Beak, soon after Bishop of Durham; the richest and proudest, (always good manners to except Cardinal Wolsey) of that place; Patriarch titular of Jerusalem, and Prince of the Isle of Man. Yet in my mind, Gilbert Sellinger, his contemporary, and Bishop of Chichester, had a far better Title, as commonly called, the Father of Orphans, and Comforter of the widows. These, with many more Bishops consented (though some of them resorbentes suam bilem as inwardly angry) to the passing, (or confirming) of the Statute of Mortmain. To make them some amends, the King not long after favourably stated, what causes should be of spiritual cognizance. 15. For a Parliament was called at Westminster, 13. eminent on this account, 1285. that it laid down the limits, The Spiritual and Temporal Courts bounded by Parliament. and fixed the boundaries betwixt the Spiritual and Temporal Jurisdictions, Hitherto shall you come and no farther; though before and since, both powers have endeavoured to enlarge their own, and contract their Rival's authority. We will present first the Latin out of the Records, and then the English out of our printed Statutes, and make some necessary observations on both. REX talibus Judicibus Salutem. Circumspectè agatis de negotiis tangentibus Episcopum Norwicensem, & ejus Clerum, non puniend, eos si placitum tenuerint in Curia Christianitatis de bis quae merè sunt spiritualia, viz. de correctionibus quas Prelati faciunt pro mortali peccato, viz. pro fornication, adulterio & hujusmodi, pro quibus aliquando infligitur paena corporalis, aliquando pecuniaria, maximè si convictus fuerit de hujusmodi liber homo. Item, Si Praelatus puniat pro cemeterio non clauso, Ecclesia discooperta, vel non decenter ornata, in quibus casibus alia poena non potest inffigi quam pecuniaria. Item, Si Rector petat versus parochianos oblationes, & decimas debitas vel consuetas, vel si Rector agate contra Rectorem de decimis majoribus, vel minoribus, dummodo non petatur quarta pars valoris Ecclesiae. Item, Si Rector petat mortuàrium in partibus ubi mortuarium dari consuevit. Item, Si Praelatus alicujus Ecclesiae, vel advocatus petat à Rectore pensionem si debitam, omnes hujusmodi petitiones sunt faciend, in foro Ecclesiastico. De violenta manuum injectione in Clericum, & in causa diffamationis concessum fuit alias, quod placitum inde teneatur in Curia Christianitatis, cum non petatur pecunia, sed agatur ad correctionem peccati, & similiter pro fidei laesione. In omnibus praedictis casibus habet judex Ecclesiasticus cognoscere regia prohibitione non obstante. THe KING to his Judges sendeth Greeting. Use yourself circumspectly in all matters concerning the Bishop of Norwich, & his Clergy, not punishing them, if they hold plea in Court Christian, of such things as be merely spiritual, that is to wit of penance enjoined for deadly sin, as fornication, adultery, and such like; for the which many times, corporal penance or pecuniary is enjoined, specially if a free man be convict of such things. Also if Prelates do punish for leaving Churchyards unclosed, or for that the Church is uncovered, or not conveniently decked, in which cases none other penance can be enjoined but pecuniary. Item, If a Parson demand of his parishioners, oblations and tithes due and accustomed, or if any person plead against another for tithes, more or less, so that the fourth part of the value of the Benefice be not demanded. Item, If a Parson demand mortuaries in places where a mortuary hath used to have been given. Item, If a Prelate of a Church, or if a Patron demand a pension due to themselves, all such demands are to be made in a Spiritual Court. And for laying violent hands on a Priest, and in cause of defamation, Anno Dom. 1285 it hath been granted already, Anno Regis Ed. 1. 13. that it shall be tried in a Spiritual Court, when money is not demanded, but a thing done for punishment of sin, and likewise for breaking an oath. In all cases afore rehearsed, the Spiritual Judge shall have power to take knowledge notwithstanding the King's prohibition. Something must be premised about the validity of this writing, learned men much differing therein. Some make it 1. Only a constitutiou made by the Prelates themselves; much too blame, if they cut not large pieces, being their own Carvers. 2. A mere Writ issued out from the King to his Judges. 3. A solemn Act of Parliament, complete in all the requisites thereof. Hear what * Mr Nath. Bacon in his Hist. Dis. of the Government of England, lib. 1. pag. 233. a Bacon (but neither Sr Nicolas, nor Sr Francis, the two Oracles of Law) writes in this case; A writing somewhat like a Grant of Liberties, which before times were in controversy; and this Grant (if it may be so called) hath by continuance USURPED the name of a Statute, but in its own nature is no other than a Writ directed to the Judges. Presently after he saith, It is therefore no Grant, nor Release, but as it were a Covenant that the Clergy should hold peaceable possession of what they had, upon this ground. And in the next page more plainly; For my part therefore I shall not apprehend it of a higher nature than the King's Writ, which in those days WENT FORTH AT RANDOM. 16. Come we now to the calm judgement of Sr Edward Cook, Judge Coke decision. on whose decision we may safely rely; Though a Second part of his Institut. pag. 487. some have said that this was no Statute, but made by the Prelates themselves; yet that this is an Act of Parliament, it is proved, not only by our books, but also by an Act of Parliament. 17. The King to his Judges] Were it of concernment, it were not difficult to name the Prime Judges of England at this time: Viz. 1. In the Kings, or upper-bench, either Ralph de Hengham, or (which is more probable) one Wymborne was Judge. 2. In the Common-Pleas, Thomas de Weyland, on that token that he was guilty of Bribery. 3. In the Exchequer, Adam de Stratton, as faulty as the former. But by the Judges named in this Writ, (for, as this was an Act of Parliament, so was there a Writ also founded thereon, called Circumspectè agatis) we understand some peculiar Commissioners dispatched and employed on this particular business. 18. Concerning the Bishop of Norwich] It is needless to tell the Reader, that William Middeton was Bishop thereof at this time, b Chronicon. Osniense. charactered to be, Virro in Jure Civili & Canonico peritissmus & elegantissmus. But Norwich is here put only for example, which equally extended to all the Bishops of the Realm. 19 Si placitum tenuerint, if they hold plea] Placitum, a Plea so called, saith my c Linwood his Constit. lib. 2. tit. De Foro competenti. Author, per antiphrasin, quia non places, none being pleased to go to Law save Barreters, who delight in brangling. But, what if it be called placitum, because the Plaintiff is pleased to submit his right in question to the pleasure of the Court to decide it? 20. In Court Christian] These words are left out in Linwood his Constitutions, where all the rest is registered. And, where the recording thereof amongst the Provincial Canons of Canterbury, gave the best countenance to their conjecture, who degrade this Act of Parliament into a mere Church-Constitution. It is called the Court Christian, because therein the Laws of Christ do, or should bear the decisive sway, whilst the Statutes of Secular Princes regulate the proceed in other Courts. 21. Such things as be merely spiritual] This furnisheth us with a necessary distinction of all matters; Into merely and purely mixedly and partly spiritual. Of the former we shall find very few, merely spiritual. For the Apostles sometimes conceived, that the very distribution of Alms to the poor, had something of worldly drossiness therein (called by them d Acts 6. 2. serving of tables) as if only the preaching of the word were a spiritual employment. Of the latter sort many things are mixedly spiritual. For, seeing man consists of two principles, soul and body, all his actions good or bad, as to the minde-moiety or soul-part thereof, must needs have at least a glance of spiritual reflection. Here then the Quaere will be in matters mixedly spiritual, whether the spirituality of them shall refine the rest so as to exalt the same into Church-cognisance; or the corporality, or earthliness of them, depress them so as to subject them to civil consideration? the decision hereof dependeth on the practice and custom of the Land, as will appear hereafter. 22. For deadly sin] Distinguish we here betwixt a sin deadly to the soul, drawing damnation without repentance, and a deadly (commonly called a capital) crime, deserving death by humane Laws. The former only is here intended, the latter belonging wholly to the Common-Law. Nor did the punishment of every mortal sin (to use the language of that age) belong to Churchmen, seeing if so (as Linwood no less Learnedly, then modestly confesseth) Sic periret temporalis gladii jurisdictio, Thereby the power of the temporal sword will wholly be taken away. Long since had Doctors-Commons eaten up all the Inns of Court, if all things reducible to deadly sins had pertained to the Court-Christian. And therefore the Casuists themselves do qualify and confine these words of indefinite extent, to such crimes, which de sui naturâ spectant ad Forum Ecclesiasticum. 23. As first fornication] Here, saith Linwood, thirteen cases are in specie recited, though I dare not reckon them up, fearing to make them (lying so confusedly) moe or less. Fornication, that is (saith the Casuist) Soluti cum soluta, the uncleanness of a lose (understand unmarried) with a lose person. 24. Adultery] These two alone are specified, because lying in a middle distance, so the more conveniently to reach other sins of this kind, of higher or lower guilt; 1. Higher as Incest. 2. Lower Soliciting a woman's chastity. If any say that Adultery doth not belong to the Court-Christian, because Christ himself would not punish an a John 8. 4. 11. adulteress taken in the act, waving it as an improper employment. It is answered, that our Saviour appearing in privacy and poverty, and coming not to act but to suffer, not to judge but be judged, justly declined all judicial power. But we see afterward, how the Church of Corinth, by St Paul his command, proceeded against the incestuous person, and at this time Churchmen cleanly carried the cognisance of such offences. I say at this time, it plainly appearing, that in the Conqueror's time, Fornication and Adultery were punishable in the King's Court, and the Leets especially, (by the name of LETHERWITE) and the fines of offenders assessed to the King, though now it merely belonged to the Church. As for a Rape, being Adultery, or, at leastwise, fornication offered with violence, the Common-Law hath justly reserved to itself the trial and punishment thereof. 25. And such like] Here is an interpretative et-caetera inserted in the body of a Parliament Act (and a Writ grounded thereon) causing some differences about the Dimensions thereof. For, if these words, And such like, relate only to the last foregoing, Fornication and Adultery, (in common construction most probable) than they only fetch in such offences which have some tincture of Carnal uncleanness. But, if they also refer to the mediate preceding words, deadly sins, behold a troop cometh, beyond our power exactly to number them. And here Foreign Casuists bring in a bundle of mortal sins, all grist for their own Mill, as of Church-cognisance; namely, Sacrilege, Usury, Heresy, Simony, Perjury, Fortune-telling, consulting Astrologers, Drunkenness, etc. But it matters not, how long and large their bills be from beyond the Seas, seeing our Common-Law brings their reckon to a new account, defalking a great part of that measure, which they make to themselves in favour of Church-Jurisdiction. 26. For that the Church is uncovered] It belonged ever to the Priests, to provide for the decent reparation of Gods-House. Thus Jehoiada b 2 Chro. 24. was careful to amend the decays of the Temple. But though it pertained to Churchmen to see the thing done, yet several persons were to do it. 1. The Steeple with the Body of the Church, and all Chapels lying in common thereunto, are to be repaired at the join cost of the Parish. 2. Private Chapels wherein particular persons claim a propriety of sepulture at their own charges. 3. The Chancel at the expense of the Parson. However in all these, such respect is had to the custom of the place, time out of mind; that it often over-ruleth the premises. Quaere, Whether the Fences of the Churchyard be to be made on the Parish-charges, or on the purse of the several persons whose ground surroundeth it, or abutteth on the same. * Oblations and Tithes] It is a question which I believe will never be decided to the contentment of both Parties, in what notion Tithes belong to the Court-Christian. 1. The Canonists maintain, That Originally and ex sua natura, they are of Ecclesiastical cognizance, as commonly avouched, and generally believed due, Jure Divino. Besides, such the near relation of the Church and its maintenance, that to part the oil from the lamp were to destroy it. They produce also the Confession in the Statute of the first of Richard the second, That pursuit for Tithes ought, and of ancient time did pertain to the Spiritual Court. 2. The Common-Lawyers defend. That Tithes in their own nature are a civil thing, and therefore by Britton (who being Bishop of Heresord, and learned in the Laws of this Realm, was best qualified for an unpartial Judge herein) omitted, when treating of what things the Church hath cognizance. They * Bracton, lib. 5. fol. 401. affirm therefore that Tithes were annexed to the Spirituality. Thus they expound those passages in Statutes of Tithes, anciently belonging to Court-Christian, as intended by way of concession, and not otherwise. But the Canonists are too sturdy to take that for a gift which they conceive is their due, left thanks also be expected from them for enjoying the same, and so we leave the question where we found it. 27. Mortuary] Because something of history is folded up in this word, which may acquaint us with the practice of this age, we will enlarge a little hereon, and show what a Mortuary was, when to be paid, by whom, to whom and in what consideration. 1. A Mortuary a Linwood Constit. lib. 1. fol. 11. c. de Consuetudine. was the second best quick cattle whereof the party died possessed. If he had but two in all (such forsooth the charity of the Church) no Mortuary was due from him. 2. It was often bequeathed by the dying, but however always paid by his Executors after his death, thence called a Mortuary or Corse-present. 3. By whom. No woman under Covert-Baron was liable to pay it (and by proportion no children unmarried, living under their Father's tuition) but Widows, and all possessed of an Estate, were subject to the payment thereof. 4. To whom. It was paid to the Priest of the Parish where the party dying received the Sacrament (not where he repaired to prayers) and if his house at his death stood in two Parishes, the value of the Mortuary was to be divided betwixt them both. 5. It was given in lieu of small or personal Tithes (Predial Tithes are too great to be casually forgotten) which the party in his life-time had, though ignorance or negligence, not fully paid. But in case the aforesaid Mortuary fell far short of full satisfaction for such omissions, Casuists maintain the dying party obliged to a larger restitution. So much of Mortuaries, as they were generally paid at the present, until the time of Henry the sixth, when learned Linwood wrote his Comment on that Constitution. How Mortuaries were after reduced to a new regulation by a Statute, in the twenty first of Henry the eighth, pertains not to our present purpose. 28. For laying violent hands on a Priest] The Ecclesiastical Judge might proceed ex officio, and pro salute animae, punish the offender who offered violence to a Priest; but damages on Action of Battery were only recoverable at Common-Law: Note, that the arresting of a Clergyman by Process of Law, is not to be counted a violence. 29. And in cause of Defamation] Where the matter defamatory is spiritual, as to call one Heretic, or Schismatic, etc. the plea lay in Court-Christian. But defamations with mixture, any matter determinable in the Common-Law, as Thief, Murderer, etc. are to be traversed therein. 30. Defamation it hath been granted] From this word granted, Common-Lawyers collect (let them alone to husband their own right) that originally defamations pertained not to the Court-Christian. From the beginning it was not so, until the Common-Law by Acts of Parliament, granted and surrendered such suits to the Spirituality. 31. Thus by this Act and Writ of Circumspectè agatis, No end can end an everlasting difference. King Edward may seem like an expert Artist, to cleave an hair, betwixt the spiritual and temporal jurisdiction, allowing the premises to the former, and leaving whatever is not specified in this Act, to the Cognizance of the Common-Law, according to the known and common Maxim, Exceptio firmat regulam in non exceptis. However, for many years after there was constant heaving and shoving betwixt the two Courts. And, as there are certain lands in the Marches of England and Scotland (whilst distinct Kingdoms) termed Battable-grounds, which may give for their Motto, not, Dentur justiori, but, Dentur fortiori, for always the strongest sword for the present possessed them: So in controversial cases to which Court they should belong, sometimes the Spirituality, sometimes the Temporality, alternately seized them into their Jurisdiction, as power and favour best befriended them. See more hereof on Articuli Cleri, in the Reign of Edward the second. But generally the Clergy complained, that, as in the blending of liquors of several colours, few drops of red will give tincture to a greater quantity of white, so the least mixture of Civil concernment in Religious matters, so discolourated the Christian candour and purity thereof, that they appeared in a temporal hue, and under that notion were challenged to the Common-Law. Sad, when Courts that should be Judges, turn themselves Plaintiffs and Defendants, about the bounds of their Jurisdiction. 32. We long since mentioned the first coming in of the Jews into England (brought over by William the Conqueror) and now are come this year to their casting out of this Kingdom; A transition to the entire story of our English Jews. having first premised some observables concerning their continuance therein. 1290. If hitherto we have not scattered our History with any discourse of the Jews, 18. know it done by design: that as they were enjoined by our Laws, to live alone in streets by themselves (not mixing in their dwellings with Christians) so we purposely singled out their story, and reserved it by itself, for this one entire relation thereof. 33. They were scattered all over England. Their principal residence in London. In Cambridg, Bury, Norwich, Lin, Stanford, Northampton, Lincoln, York, and, where not? But their principal abode was in London, where they had their Arch-Synagogue at the North corner of the Old-Jury, as opening into Lothbury. After their expulsion, their Synagogue was turned into the Covent of the Friars of the Sack, or, De Poenitentia Jesus; and after their supression, it became successively the house, first of a Lord, then of a Merchant; since of any man for his money, being turned into a Tavern, with the sign of the a Stow his Survey of London, pag. 288. Windmill. A proper sign to express the moveableness of that place, which with several gales of success, hath been turned about, from so many owners, and to so many uses. 34. As for the civil government of Jews in England, The Justicer of the Jews. the King set over them one principal Officer, called the Justicer of the Jews, whose place in honour was next to the Barons of the Exchequer. His office was to be the Patron & Protector of the Jews in their just rights, to decide all suits betwixt Christians and them, and to keep the seal of the Jews their Corporation, with the keys of their Treasury; I conceive of such moneys as they paid as Tribute to the King: otherwise the Jews had age enough to keep the Keys of their own coffers themselves, and wit too much to trust them with others. Sr Robert de Hoo, and Sr Philip Luvel (afterward Treasurer of England) men of signal Nobility, successvely discharged this place. These Justicers often acted very high in defence of their Clients, the Jews; insomuch as I find it b Additamenta Matthaei Parisiensis p. ●02. complained of by the English Clergy, as a great grievance; that, when a Jew was convented before the Ecclesiastical Judge, for his misdemeanours (as Sacrilege, violence offered to some Priest, adultery with a Christian woman, etc.) their own Justicer would interpose, and, by a Prohibition obtained from the King, obstruct all legal proceed against such a Jew, as only responsible in his own jurisdiction. 35. In their spiritual government they were all under one Pontifex, The High Priest, or Presbyter of the Jews. or High Priest. We find his name was Elias, who Anno 1254. had that office. He was also called the Presbyter of the Jews, whose place was usually confirmed at least, if not constituted by the King, who by his Patent granted the same, as may appear by this copy of King john's, as followeth. REX a Ret. Cart. 1 Reg. Joh. part. 1. memb. 28. Cart. 171. omnibus fidelibus suis, Anno Regis Ed. 1. 18. & omnibus Judaeis, Anno Dom. 1290. & Anglis salutem. Soiatis Nos concessisse, & praesenti Chartâ nostrâ confirmasse Jacobo Judge de Londoniis Presbyterio Judaeorum, Presbyteratum omnium Judaeorum totius Angliae babendum & tenendum quamdiu vixerit, liberè & quietè & bonorificè, & integre, its quòd nemo ei super hoc molestiam aliquam, aut gravamen inferre praesumat: Quare volumus, & firmiter praecipimus, quod eidem Jacobo quoad vixerit Presbytoratum Judaeorum per totam Angliam, garantetis, manu teneatis, & pacificè defendatis; & si quis ei super eo foriffacere praesumserit, id ei sine dilatione (salva nobis emenda nostra) de forisfactura nostra emendari faciatis, tanquam Dominico Judaeo nostro quem specialiter in servitio nostra retinuimus. Prohibemus etiam ne de aliquo ad se pertinente ponatur in placitum, nisi coram Nobis, aut coram Capitali Justitia nostra, sicut Charta Regis Richardi, fratris nostri, testatur. Taeste S. Bathomensi Episcopo etc. Dat. per manus H. Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi Chancellarii nostri apud Rothomagum 31. die Julii, Anno Regni nostri primo. I have transcribed this Patent the rather for the rarity thereof, it being a strange fight, to see a Christian Archbishop date an Instrument for a Jewish Presbyter. 36. Their livelihood was all on Usury. Jews griping Usurers. One Verse in b Deut. 23. 20. Deuteronomy (with their Comment thereon) was more beneficial unto them, than all the Old Testament besides. Unto a stranger thou mayest lend upon usury, but unto thy brother thou shalt not lend upon usury: Now interpreting all strangers who (though neighbours at the next door) were not of their own nation, they became the universal Usurers of all England; and did our Kingdom this courtesy, that, because all hated the Jews for their Usury sake; all also hated Usury for the Jews sake, so that Christians generally disdained to be guilty thereof. Now, seeing there are two ways to wealth, one long and sure, by saving at home; the other short, but not so certain (because probably it may meet with detection and punishment) by oppressing abroad, no wonder if the Jews, using both ways, quickly arrived at vast estates. 37. For, Their rapaciousness, and tenaciousness. first for their fare, it was course in the quality, and yet slender in the quantity thereof. Insomuch, that they would, in a manner, make pottage of a flint. Swines-flesh indeed they would not eat, but dogs-meat they would; I mean, beef and mutton, so poor, and lean, that the refuse of all Christians, was the Jews choice in the Shambles. Clothes they wore so poor, and patched, beggars would not take them up to have them. Attendants they kept none, every one waiting on himself. No wonder then, if easily they did overgrow others in wealth, who basely did under-live themselves in all convenient accommodations. Nor were they less gripple in keeping, then greedy in catching of goods; who would as soon lose their fingers, as let go what they had clutched therein. 38. I was of the opinion (and perchance not without company in my mistake) that the Jews were not permitted to purchase Lands in England. Jews might purchase houses. I thought, only the ground of their graves (generally buried without Cripplegate, in the Jews garden, on the West side of St Gyles' Churchyard, now turned into Tenements in Red-cross-street) could be termed theirs. But since I am informed, that Benomy c Stow's Survey, pag. 288, and 289. Mittun, a Jew (as certainly many more besides him) was possessed of much Land, and many houses in several parishes in London. Surely their purchases were limited within some restrictions. But the Jews generally more fancied letting-out of money, then buying in of Land, as which made their estates less subject to discovery, more plentiful in their increasing, and more portable in the removing thereof. 39 It was an usual punishment legally inflicted on these Jews, Lay-excommunication, what it was. for their offences not capital, to Excommunicate them. Thus such Jews should be Excommunicated, who, contrary to the Laws, kept Christian-nurses a Additamenta● Matthaei Pari. pag 202. in their houses; or, who cast off that badge, or cognizance, which they ought to have worn over their upper garment, Anno Dom. 1290. to be distinguished from Christians. Anno Regis Ed. 1. 18. Surely such Excommunication was no Ecclesiastical censure, needless to keep the Jews out of our Churches, who hated all coming into them. Rather it was a civil penalty (equivalent to the Universities discominoning a Townsman in Cambridg) whereby the Jews were derred all commerce with Christians (worse to them then all the plagues of Egypt) and so the mart of their profit marred, dearer unto them then life itself. 40. Endless it were to reckon up the indignities offered unto these Jews, Jew unfortunate at feasts and frays. on occasion sometime given, but oftener taken▪ Apprentices now adays do not throw sticks at Cocks on Shrove-tuesday so commonly, as then on that day they used clubs on the Jews, if appearing out of their houses. A people equally unhappy at feasts, and at frays. For, whensoever the Christians at any revels made great entertaintments, the Jews were made to pay the reckoning. And wheresoever any brawl began, in London, it ended always in the Old-Jury, with pillaging of the people therein. What good heart can without grief, recount the injuries offered to those, who once were the only people of God? These were they who preferred Barrabas, before Christ their Saviour, which Barrabas was a b John 18. 40. robber, a raiser of c Mark 15. 7. insurrection, and a murderer. And ever since that time, in all insurections against them (when they desired, and sought safety, and deliverance) it hath been their constant portion, to be rob and murdered. 41. But the most terrible persecution fell upon them at the Coronation of King Richard the first, A sad Jewish Jubilee. which, according to the Jewish computation was their Jubilee; and then busy in the observance thereof, though (alas) they had not one merry day in the compass of the whole year. They were forbidden, for fear of their enchantments, to approach the King's Coronation, upon heavy penalties denounced. Now, their curiosity was so far above their covetousness, or rather, their wilfulness so far above their curiosity herein, that, out of their old spirit of contradiction, some appeared there, which caused the kill of many, robbing of more Jews in London. On the same account, within few days after (how quickly can cruelty ride post seven score and ten miles?) five hundred Jews besieged in a Tower at York, first beheaded their own wives and children, and then burnt themselves, to escape more cruel torments. 42. In the seventeenth year of the Reign of King John, London-wall built with Jewish stones. the Barons broke into the Jews houses, and rifled their coffers, and with the stone of their houses, repaired the gates, and d Stow's Survey of London, pag. 288. walls of London. Surely such stones must be presumed very hard, like the Jews, their owners, from whom they were taken, and yet they soon mouldered away with wind and weather. Indeed plundered stone never make strong walls. And I impute it as a partial cause of the weakness of London-walls (which no enemy ever since assaulted, but he entered them) that a great part of them (enough to infect all the rest) was built with materials got by oppression. 43. But, of all our English Kings, Henry the third cruel to the Jews. none ground the Jews with exactions, like King Henry the third. Only herein the Jews might, and did comfort themselves, that the English, his Native Subjects, also smarted sound under his oppression. He not only flayed the skin, but raked the flesh, and scarified the bones of all the Jews estates in England; ut vivere fastidirent, that is was irksome for them to live. e Mat. Paris pag. 605. Gold he would receive of every Jewish man, or woman, always with his own hand, but consigned other officers to receive the silver from them. One offensive act he wilfully did to their conscience, in giving them leave, at their own cost and charges, to build them a new Synagogue, and when they had finished it, He commanded them to dedicate it to the Virgin f Stow's Survey, p. 192. Mary, whereby they utterly lost the use thereof; and afterwards the King gave it to be a Cell of St Anthony of Vienna. A vexatious deed, merely to despite them, who are (since their smarting for Idolatry in the captivity of Babylon) pertinacious worshippers of one God, and nothing more retardeth their conversion to Christianity, than the scandal given daily unto them, by the Popish Saint-ship to their images. 44. It may justly seem admirable, The wonder of the Jews speedy recruiting their estates. whence these Jews so often pillaged to their bare skins, so suddenly recruited themselves with wealth. What I have heard affirmed of some ground in Gloucestershire, that in a kindly spring, by't it bore over night, next morning the grass will be grown to hid a wand therein, is most certainly true in application to the Jews, so full and fast did wealth flow in upon them. Let their eggs not only be taken away, but their nests be plucked down; yet within few years we shall find them hatching a new brood of wealth therein. This made many suspect them, for clipping and coining of money. But, to lessen the wonder of these Jews their speedy recovery, know, that (besides some of their invisible hoardes escaping their plunderers hands) the Jews in other places (where the persecution for the present) furnished them to set up trading again. Indeed commendable was the Jews charity to their own Countrymen, save that necessity commanded them to love one another, being hated of all other nations. 45. To avoid these miseries, Crowds of counterfeit converts. they had but one shift (and, as used by some of them, it was but a shift indeed) to pretend themselves Christian Converts, * Mat. Paris pag. 982. and to tender themselves to be baptised. To such persons; in a temporal respect, Baptism washed away all sin; they being cleared and quitted from all antefacts how heinous soever, by their entrance into Christianity. Thus Anno 1259. Elias Biscop, a London-Jew, charged with many horrible crimes; and, amongst others, that with poisoned drink he had caused the death of many English Gentlemen, escaped all punishment by being baptised. For the farther encouragement of their conversion, King Henry the third erected a small house in Chancery-Lane (where the office of the Rolls is now kept) for Convert-Jews to dwell in, allowing a daily salary to them for their maintenance. It is to be feared many lived therein who were Jews inwardly, but not in the Apostles a Rom. 2. 29. acception thereof, in the spirit, but in the letter, whose praise is not of men, but of God; but I mean such, who still retained the dregs of Judaisme under the feigned profession of Christianity. Sure I am, King Edward at this time was so incensed against the Jewish Nation, that now he resolved the total and final extirpation of them, and theirs, out of his Dominions. 46. Many misdemeanours were laid to their charge, Misdemeanours charged on the Jews. amongst which these following were the principal. First, Enchantments. This was an old sin of the Jews, whereof the Prophets always complained, b Isai. 47. 9 the multitude of thy sorceries, and the great abundance of thine enchantments. And it seems they still retained their old wicked wont. Secondly, Poisoning. To give the Jews their due, this was none of their faults, whilst living in their own land, not meeting with the word in the whole Bible. It seems they learned this sin after their disperson in other Nations, and since are grown exquisite in that art of wickedness. Thirdly, Clipping of money. Fourthly, Counterfeiting of Christians hands and seals. Fifthly, Extortion. A Jew occasioned a mutiny in London, by demanding from a poor Christian, above two shillings for the use of twenty shillings for one week, being (by proportion) no less than five hundred and twenty pounds per annum for every hundred. Sxthly, Crucifying of the children of Christians (to keep their hands in ure) always about Easter. So that the time pointed at their intents directly in derision of our Saviour. How sufficiently these crimes were witnessed against them, I know not. In such cases weak proofs are of proof against rich offenders. We may well believe, if their persons were guilty of some of these faults, their estates were guilty of all the rest. 47. Now although it passeth for an uncontrolled truth, Jews say others not cast out, but craved leave to departed. that the Jews were by the King violently cast out of the Land, yet a great a Sir Ed. Coke. Lawyer states the case much otherwise (viz.) that the King did not directly expel them, but only prohibit them to put money to use; which produced a petition from them to the King, that they might have leave to departed the Land; a request easily granted unto them: some will say it is all one in effect, whether one be starved or stabbed, death inevitably following from both, as here the Jews were famished, on the matter, out of England; usury being their meat and drink, without which they were unable longer to subsist: However this took off much from the Odium of the act, that they were not immediately, but only indirectly and consequentially banished the Realm, or rather permitted a free departure on their own petition for the same. As for the sad accident that some hundreds of them being purposely shipped out of a spiteful design, in a leaking vessel, were all drowned in the Sea, if true, it cannot but command compassion in any Christian heart. 48. It is hardly to be believed, The King gets incredible wealth forfeited by the Jews. what vast sums of wealth accrued to the King, 1293 by this (call it ejection, 21. or amotion, or) decesion of the Jews. He allowed them only bore viaticum to bear their charges, and seized on all the rest of their estates. Insomuch, that now the King needed not to listen to the counsel of William Marsh, Bishop of Bath and wells, 1294 and Treasurer of England (but therein speaking more like a Treasurer then a Bishop) advising him, 22. if in necessity, to take all the plate and money of Churches a Polydore Virgil. and Monasteries, therewith to pay his soldiers. The poor Jews durst not go into France (whence lately they had been solemnly banished) but generally disposed themselves in Germany, and Italy, especially in the Pope's territories therein, where profit from Jews and Stews, much advance the constant revenues of his Holiness. 49. King Edward having done with the Jews, King Edward arbitrator betwixt Bailiol and Bruce. began with the Scots, and effectually humbled them, and their country. This the occasion. Two Competitors appearing for the Crown of Scotland, [John Bailiol, and Robert Bruce] and, both referring their title to King Edward's decision, he adjudged the same to Bailiol, or rather to himself in Bailiol. For he enjoined him to do homage unto him, and that hereafter the Scotish Crown should be held in fealty of the English. Bailiol, or his necessity rather (his person being in King Edward's power) accepted the condition, owning in England one above himself, that so he might be above all in Scotland. 1295 But, 23. no sooner was he returned into his own Kingdom, and peaceably possessed thereof, but instantly in a Letter of defiance, he disclaimeth all former promises to King Edward, appealing to the Christian world, whether his own enforced obedience were more to be pitied, or King Edward's insolence (improving itself on a Prince's present extremitics) more to be condemned. 50. Offended hereat, He proveth Malleus Scotorum. King Edward▪ 1297 advanceth into Scotland, 25. with the forces he formerly intended for France. Power and policy make a good medley, and the one fareth the better for the other. King Edward to strengthen himself, thought fit to take in the title of Robert Bruce, (Bailiols' corrival, hitherto living privately in Scotland) pretending to settle him in the Kingdom. Hereupon the Scots, to lessen their losses, and the English victories, b G. Buchanan 〈◊〉 Scot libro octavo 〈◊〉 affirm, that in this expedition their own Countrymen were chief conquered by their own Countrymen, the Brucian party assisting the Englsih. Sure it is that King Edward took Barwick, Dunbar, Sterling, Edenbrugh, the Crown, Sceptre, and (out of Scone) the Royal Chair, and prophetical Marble therein. And though commonly it be observed, that English valour hopefully budding and blossoming on this side of Edenburgh-Frith, is frost-bitten on the North thereof; yet our victorious Edward, crossing that sea, took Montross, and the best Counties thereabout. In a word, he conquered almost all the Garden of Scotland, and left the wilderness thereof to conquer itself. Then having fettled Warren, Earl of Survey, Viceroy thereof, and made all the Scotish Nobility (Doughty Douglas alone excepted, who was committed to prison for his singular recusancy) swear homage unto him, and taking John Bailiol captive along with him, he returned triumphantly into England. The End of the Thirteenth CENTURY. CENT. XIV. TO CLEMENT THROCKMORTON, the Elder, OF Haseley in Warwickshire, Esq LEt other boast of their French blood, whilst your English family may vie Gentry with any of the Norman Extraction. 1. For Antiquity, four Monosyllables being, by common pronunciation, crowded into your name; THE, ROCK, MORE, TOWN. 2. For Numerosity, being branched into so many Counties. 3. For Ingenuity, charactered by † Brit. in Warwick. shire. Camden to be FRUITFUL OF FINE WITS, whereof several instances might be produced. But a principal consideration, which doth, and ever shall command my respect unto your person, is, your faithful and cordial friendship, in matters of highest concernment, (whatever be the success thereof) to the best of my Relations, which I conceived myself obliged publicly to confess. 1. AMidst these cruel Wars, Ed. 1. 29. betwixt the English and Scots, 1301. Pope Boniface the eighth, The Pope challengeth Scotland as peculiar to himself. sent his Letters to King Edward, requiring him to quit his claim, and cease his Wars, and release his prisoners, of the Scotch Nation, as a people exempt, and properly pertaining to his own Chapel. Perchance the Pope's right to the Crown of Scotland is written on the backside of Constantine's Donation. And it is strange, that if Scotland be the Pope's peculiar Demeanes, it should be so far distant from Rome, his chief Mansion house; he grounded his Title thereunto, because a Fox Acts & Monuments, lib. 1. p. 444, and 445. Scotland was first converted, by the relics of St Peter, to the unity of the Catholic faith. But it seems, not so much ambition in his Holiness, made him at this present to start this pretence, but the secret solicitation of the Scots themselves, Anno Dom. 1301. who now to avoid the storm of the English, Anno Regis Ed. 1. 29. ran under this Bush, and put themselves in the Pope's protection. 2. Hereupon King Edward called a Council of his Lords at Lincoln, 〈…〉 where perusing the contents of the Pope's prescript, he returned a large answer, where in he endeavoured by evident reasons, and ancient predceents, to prove his propriety in the Kingdom of Scotland. This was seconded by another from the English Peerage, subscribed with all their hands, the whole a 〈…〉 the first. pag. 311. tenor whereof deserves to be inserted, but this passage must not be omitted, being directed to no meaner than his Holiness himself. Wherefore, after treaty had, and diligent deliberation of the contents of your foresaid Letters, this was the common agreement, and consent with one mind, and shall be without fail, in time to come, by God's grace, that our foresaid Lord the King ought by no means to answer in judgement in any case, or should bring his foresaid rights into doubt, nor ought not to send any Proctors or messengers to your presence. Especially seeing that the premises tend manifestly to the disheriting of the Crown of England, and the plain overthrow of the State of the said Realm, and also hurt of the Liberties, Customs, and Laws of our Fathers; for the keeping and defence of which, we are bound, by the duty of the Oath made, and we will maintain them with all power, and will descend them (by God's help) with all our strength. The Pope perceived he had met with men, which understood themselves, and that King Edward was no King John, to be frighted or flattered out of his Right, he therefore was loath to clash his Keys against the others sword, to try which was made of the hardest metal; but foreseeing the Verdict would go against him, wisely nonsuited himself. Whereas had this unjust challenger, met with a timorous Defendant, it had been enough to have created an undeniable title to him and his successors. The best is, Nullum tempus occurrit Papae, no process of time doth prejudice the Pope's due; but whensoever he pleaseth to prosecute his right, One condemned for a traitor for bringing the Popes Bull. Scotland lieth still in the same place where it did before. 3. About this time a subject brought in a Bull of Excommunication against another subject of this Realm, 1302 and published it to the Lord Treasurer of England, 30. and this was by the ancient a Brook tit. p●aemuntre, p. 10. Common-Law of England adjudged Treason against the King, his Crown and dignity, for the which, the offender should have been drawn and hanged, but at the great instance of the chancellor and Treasurer, he was only abjured the Realm for ever. And this case is the more remarkable, because he was condemned by the Common-Law of England, before any particular c ● part of Sir Ed. Coke Reports, de jure Reg. Ecc. fol. 12. Statute was enacted in that behalf. The Archbishop of Canterbury humbled by the King. 4. But the Courage of the King Edward most appeared in humbling and ordering Robert Wincelsey, 1305 Archbishop of Canterbury. 33. He was an insolent man, hated even of the Clergy, because though their champion to preserve them from Civil and Secular burdens, yet the Pope's Broker, to reserve them for his unconscionable exactions, as if keeping Churchmen to be wronged by none, but himself. Long had the King looked on him with an angry eye, as opposite to his proceed, and now at the last had him at his mercy, for plotting d Annal. Eccl. August Cant. Guiltiness makes proud men base. Treason with some others of the Nobility, against him, against him, projecting to depose him, and set up his Son Edward in his Room. 5. The Archbishop throwing himself prostrate at the King's feet, with tears and e Antiq Brita. p 20●. 〈…〉 W●●singham. lamentation, confessed his fault in a posture of cowardly dejection, descending now as much beneath himself, as formerly he had arrogantly insulted over others; f Ha●pssield Hist. Eccl. Aug. pag. 446. some are loath to allow him guilty of the crime objected, Worthily see Go●dwin de Archiepis● Cant●●riens. p. 145. others conceive him only to have done this, Anno Regis Ed. 1. 33. presuming on the King's noble disposition for pardon. Anno Dom. 1305. But such must yield him a Traitor either to the King's Crown, or to his own innocence by his unworthy acknowledging his offence. Thus that man who confesseth a debt, which he knows not due, hoping his Creditor will thereupon give him an acquittance, scarce deserveth pity for his folly, if presently sent to prison for nonpayment thereof. Then he called the King his Master, a term, wherewith formerly his tongue was unacquainted, (whom neither by word or letter he would ever acknowledge under that nation) tendering himself to be disposed at his pleasure. 6. No, Quoth the King, The remarkable Dialogue betwixt the King and Arch Bish. I will not be both party and judge, and proceed against you as I might by the Common-Law of the Land. I bear more respect to your order, whereof you are as unworthy as of my favour: having formerly had experience of your malice in smaller matters, when you so rigorously used my Chaplains attending on me in their ordinary service beyond the Seas; ● Antiquitates Britiannicae ut prius. so that though I sent my Letters unto you, you as lightly regarded what I wrote, as what they pleaded in their own behalf. Wincelsey having but one guard for all blows, persisted in his submission, desiring (a precedent unparalleed) that the King would give him his blessing: No, said the King, it is more proper that you should give me your blessing. But, well, I will remit you to your own great Master the Pope, to deal with you according to your deserts. But the Archbishop loathe belike to-go-to Rome, and staying longer in England, than the King's command, and (perchance) his own promise, lurked in a Covent, at Canterbury, till fourscore b Annal. Eccl. August. Cant. Monks were by the Kings command thrust out of their places for relieving him out of their charity; and were not restored till the aforesaid Archbishop was banished the Kingdom. 7. Not long after he appeared before Pope Clement the fift, at Bordeaux, Wincelsey finds no ●avour from the Pope, and why. where having been so great a stickler for his Holiness, (insomuch that his present disfavour with the King was originally caused by his activity for the Pope) he might rationally have expected some courtesy. But though he had used both his hands to scrape treasure for the Church of Rome; the Pope would not lend his least finger to his support, but suspended him from office and benefit of his place, till he should clear himself from the crime of Treason wherewith he was charged. Whether done to procure reputation to the Justice of the Court of Rome; where, in public causes, men, otherwise privately well deserving, should find, no more favour there, than they brought innocence thither: Or because (which is most probable) the Pope loved the Archbishopric, better than the Archbishop; and knew during his suspension, both to increase his profit, and improve his power in England, by such cunning Factors, as he employed in the business; namely, William de Testa, and Peter Amaline, both strangers, to whom the Pope committed the sequestration of Canterbury, whilst the cause of Wincelsey did as yet depend undetermined. 8. These by Papal Authority, A signal piece of Justice done by foreign Sequestrators. summoned before them John Salmon Bishop of Norwich, for exacting the first-fruits of vacant Benefices, from the Clergy of his Diocese. The case was this. Some sixty years since, Pandulph, an Italian, and Pope's Legate (a perfect Artist in progging for money) being Bishop of Norwich, c Harpsfield Hist Eccl. Aug. in Seculo 13. cap. 15. pretending his Church to be in debt, obtained of his Holiness the first-firuits of vacant Benefices in Norfolk, and Suffolk, to discharge that engagement. This Grant to him, being but personal, local, and temporary, was improved by his Successors to a constant revenue; yea (covetousness being an apt Scholar, and profit an easy lesson) this example was followed by other English Bishops in their respective Dioceses. Behold here a piece of exemplary Justice. Who could have looked for less (the illegality of these payments appearing) but that the Clergy should be eased of them? Whereas these foreign Sequestrators did order, that generally throughout England, the first-fruits of all spiritual promotions falling voided next, for three years should be paid over to the Pope's Chamber at Rome; only d Antiquitates Britan. p. 208. Cathedral, and Conventual-Churches were excepted herein. No reason is rendered, why the burden fell on Parish-Churches; except any will say, that the Ass must bear more than the Horse; and the load is best laid on that beast, which hath least mettle to kick it off, and throw it down: England's galled back●● changes a full fly for an hungry one. the poor Parochial Clergy being most unable to resist the usurpation of his Holiness. 9 Afterwards, this William Testa, who according to his name, came over an empty shell, but departed with the kernel of the English wealth, complained of, for his extortion a C●ntra intemperantem Testa 〈◊〉 publi●e in Parliaments querlae quod Clerum immoderatè emu●geret, Harpssield, p. 431. to the Parliament, was called home, and Peter a Spanish Cardinal sent in his room; where he concluded and celebrated a marriage, betwixt Prince Edward and Isabel, the King of France his Daughter. Towards the bearing of his charges, this Cardinal required twelve mark of all Cathedrals, and Convents; and of Parish-Churches eight pence out of every mark of their yearly revenue. But the King made him content with the moiety of his demand. 10. Mean time intolerable were the taxes, which the English Clergy paid to Rome. The infinite wealth Rome yearly drained from England. The Poets feign Arethusa, a River in Armenia, to be swallowed up by the earth, and running many miles under the Ocean, in Sicily (they say) it vents itself up again. But (without any fiction) the wealthy streams, flowing from a plentiful spring in England, did suddenly disappear, and being insensibly conveyed in invisible channels, not under, but over the Sea, were found far off to arise afresh at Rome, in the Pope's Treasury; where the Italians, though (being themselves bred in a clear and subtle Climate) they scorned the dulness of the wits, and hated the gross air of this Island, yet hugged the heaviness of the gold thereof; this Kingdom being one of the best places for their profit. Although proud b In Consut. Apolog Harding saith, that the Pope's yearly gains out of England were but as a GNAT to an ELEPHANT. Oh the overgrown Beast of Rome's Revenues! 11. The death of King Edward the first, The death & character of K. Edward the first. gave a great advancement to the Pope's encroaching. A worthy Prince he was, 1307 fixed in his generation betwixt a weak Father, 35. and son; as if made wise and valiant by their Antiperistasis. Equally fortunate in drawing, and sheathing the sword; in war, and peace: having taught the English loyalty, by them almost forgotten; and the Welsh, subjection, which they never learned before. In himself religiously disposed; founded the famous c Camd. Brit. in Cheshire. Abbey of Val-royal for the Cistercians in Cheshire, and by Will bequeathing thirty two thousand pounds to the Holy War. Obedient, not servile to the See of Rome. A so to the pride, and friend to the profession of the Clergy: whom he watered with his bounty, but would not have to spread so broad, as to justle, or grow so high as to overtop the Regal Authority; Dying in due time for himself, almost seventy year old; but too soon for his Subjects, especially for his Son, whose giddy youth lacked a guide to direct him. In a word, As the Arm of King Edward the first was accounted the measure of a yard, generally received in England: so his actions are an excellent model, and a praiseworthy platform for succeeding Princes to imitate. 12. Edward his Son, Wincelsey at the request of K. Edward the second restored to his Arch. Bishopric. by Letters to the Pope, requested, that Robert Wincelsey might be restored to his Archbishopric, which was done accordingly, though he returned too late to Crown the King; which solemnity was performed by Henry Woodlock, Bishop of Winchester. Here let the peaceable Reader part two contrary reports from fight together, both avowed by Authors of credit. d Harpsfield Hist. Ecc. Aug pag. 440. Some say, Wincelsey, after his return, received his profits maimed and mangled, scarce amounting to half; and that poor pittance he was fain to bestow to repair his dilapidated Palace. Others report, his revenues not lessened in quantity, and increased in the entireness, were paid him all in a lump; insomuch, that hereby (having learned thrift in exile to live of a little) he speedily became the richest of all his e Antiq. Brit pag. 209. ex Adame Mum●●ten. Predecessors; so that he gained by losses; and it was his common Proverb, that, There is no hurt in adversity, where there hath been no iniquity; and many make his future success, and evidence of his former innocence. 13. The calamitous Reign of King Edward the Second, Anno Regis Ed. 2. 1. afforded little history of the Church, Anno Dom. 1307. though too much of the Commonwealth except it had been better. The character of K Edward the second. A debauched Prince this Edward was; His beauty being the best (not to say only) commendable thing about him: He had an handsome man-case, and better it had been empty with weakness, than (as it was) ill filled with viciousness. Pierce Gaveston first corrupted him, maugre all the good counsel that Robert, Archbishop of Canterbury, and all his good friends, 5. could give him. 1312 And, when Gaveston was killed and taken away, the King's badness was rather doubled, then diminished; exchanging one pander to vice for two, the two Spencers. In a word, the Court was turned Tavern, Stews, Stage, Playhouse: wherein as many vain and wanton Comedies were acted before the King in his life time, so a sad, and sorrowful Tragedy was acted by him a● his death. 14. Robert Bruce, King of Scotland, The satal defeat of the English in Scotland. encouraged by the laziness of King Edward, thought this a sit time to recover his Country, and which the English detained from him. Wereupon he regained Berwick, inroaded England, invaded Ireland. King Edward in wrath advanceth against him, with an Army rather dancing then marching, fit for a Masque, 7. than a Battle: 1314 their horses rather trapped then armed: In all points it appeared a triumphant Army, save that no field as yet was fought by them. Thus, excluding all influence of Divine Providence, and concluding 'twas Fortune's duty to favour them, at Sterling they bid the Scots battle, wherein ten thousand of our men are by our own Authors confessed to be slain. There fell the flowere of the English Nobility, the King with a few, hardly saving himself by flight. Thus, as Malleus Scotorum, the Hammer, or mauler of the Scots, is written on the Tomb of King Edward the first, in Westminster: Incus Scotorum, the Anvil of the Scots, might as properly be written on the Monument (had he any) of Edward the second. 15. But leaving these fights, 7. we proceed to other Polemical Digladiations, 1314 more proper for our Pen; Nine Eminent Schoolmen of the English Nation. namely the disputes of SCHOOLMEN, which in this King's Reign were heightened to perfection; Formerly those were termed Scholastici, who in the Schools were Rethoricians, making therein Declamatory Orations. Such Exercises ceasing in this Age, the Term was Translated to signify those who bused themselves in Controversial Divinity, though some will have them so called, from Scolion a Commentary, their studies being generally nothing else then illustrations of the text of Peter Lombard, the Master of the Sentences. Take them here together at one view, intending to resume them again in their several Characters. Name. Anno Dom. 1314. Nourished. Anno Regis Ed. 2. 7. Title. Order. 1. Alexander. Hales. 1240. Henry the third. Dr Irrefragabilis, or, Dr Doctorum. Franciscan. 2. Roger Bacon. 1280. Edward the first. Dr Mirabilis. Franciscan. 3. Richard Middleton, or, De Media Villa. 1290. Edward the first. Dr Fundatissimus. Franciscan. 4. John Duns Scotus. 1308. Edward the second. Dr Subtilis. Franciscan. 5. Gualther Burley. 1337. Edward the third. Dr Approbatus. Secular Priest. 6. John Baconthorpe. 1346. Edward the third. Dr Resolutus. Carmelite. 7. William Ocham. 1347. Edward the third. Dr Singularis, or, Pater Nominalium. Franciscan. 8. Robert Holcot. 1349. Edward the third. Dr Dominican. 9 Thomas Bradwardine. 1350. Edward the third. Dr Profundus. Secular Priest. Born at, Bred in, Buried in, Or night Hales in Gloucestershire. Hales, ibidem. The Franciscan Church in Paris. Oxford, in Merton Col. Oxford. Uncertain whether at Middleton-Stony in Oxford- shire, or Middleton Cheny in Northampton- shire. Oxford, or, Paris. Paris. Dunstan (contracted Duns) in Emildon Parish in Northumb. Merton College in Oxford. Colen. Merton College in Oxford. Paris. Baconthorpe in Norfolk. Blackney Abbey in Norfolk. The Church of his Order in London. Ocham in Surrey. Merton College. Munchin in Bavaria. Holcot in Northamptonshire. Oxford. Northampton, where he died of the Plague. Bradwardine in Hereford-shire. Merton College in Oxford. St Anselme's Chapel in Canterbury. Besides, many other Schoolmen of inferior note, which we pass by in silence; Now we may safely dare all Christendom besides to show so many Eminent School-Divines, bred within the compass of so few years; insomuch that it is a truth what a foreign a Alexander Minutianus in Epistola. writer saith, Scholastica Theologia, ab Anglis, & in Anglia, sumpsit exordium, fecit incrementum, pervenit ad perfectionem. And although Italy falsely boasteth that Britain had her Christianity first from Rome; England may truly maintain, that from her (immediately by France) Italy first received her School-Divinity. 16. Of these Schoolmen, Alex. Hales their Father and Founder. Alexander Hales goeth the first, Master to Thomas Aquinas, and Bonaventure, whose livery in some sort, the rest of the Schoolmen may be said to wear, insisting in his footsteps. At the command of Pope Innocent the fourth, he wrote the body of all School-Divinity in four Volumes. He was the first Franciscan who ever took the degree of Doctor in the University (who formerly counted the height of a degree inconsistent with the humility of their order) as appeareth by the close of his Epitaph. Egenorum fit primus Doctor eorum. So great an honourer of the Virgin Mary, that he never * Pits descript. Ang. denied such who sued to him in her name: As since our Mr Fox is said never to have denied any who begged of him for Jesus Christ. 17. Roger Bacon succeeds. Bacon accused for a Conjurer. O what a sin is it to be more learned than ones Neighbours in a barbarous age! being excellently skilled in the Mathematics (a wonder-working Art, especially to ignorant eyes) he is accused for a Conjurer by Hieronymus de Esculo, Minister general of his Order, and afterwards Pope, by the name of Nicholas the fourth. The best is, this Hieronymus before he was a Pope was not Infallible, and therefore our Bacon might be scandalised by him; however he was committed to Prison at Rome, by Pope Clement the fourth, and remained in durance a considerable time, before his own innocence, with his friends endeavours, could procure his enlargement. 18. For mine own part, Many Bacons in one, make a confusion. I behold the name of Bacon in Oxford, not as of an Individual man, but Corporation of men; No single Cord, but a twisted Cable of many together. And as all the Acts of Strong men of that nature are attributed to an Hercules: All the predictions of Prophesying women to a Sibyl; So I conceive all the achievements of the Oxonian Bacons in their liberal studies, are ascribed to ONE, as chief of the name. And this in effect is confessed by the most learned and ingenious Orator b Sir Isaac Wake in his Rex Platonicus, pag. 2●9, 210. of that University. Indeed we find one Robert Bacon who died Anno, One thousand two hundred forty eight, a Learned Doctor, and Trithemius styleth John Baconthorpe, plain Bacon, which addeth to the probability of the former assertion. However this confounding so many Bacons in one, hath caused Anticronismes in many Relations. For how could this Bacon ever be a reader of Philosophy in Brasennose College, Founded more than one Hundred years after his death; so that his Brazen head (so much spoken of, to speak) must make time past to be again, or else these inconsistences will not be reconciled. Except any will salve it with the Prolepsis of Brasennose Hall, formerly in the place where the College is now erected. I have done with the Oxford Bacons, only let me add, that those of Cambridg, Father and Son, Nicholas and Francis, the one of Bennet, and the other of Trinity College, do hold [absit in vidia] the Scales of desert, even against all of their name in all the world besides. 19 John Duns Scotus succeeds, Duns Scotus, why so called. who some will have called Scotus, ob c Sixtut Senensis. profundi ssimam dicendi obscuritatem, from his profound obscurity in writing: Indeed there was one Heracletus, to whom cognomen Scotinon d Seneca in Epist. fecit orationis obscuritas, but others conceive him so called, either from Scotland his Country, or John Scott his father. Nor was he called Duns, as some will have it contractedly from Dominus, but from the place of his Nativity, though three Kingdoms earnestly engage to claim him for their Countryman. England. It is thus written at the end of his Manuscript works in Merton College in Oxford, Three Kingdoms lay claim to his birth. whereof he was Fellow; Explicit a Camd. Brit. in Northumberland. Lectura a Subtilis in Vniversitate Parisiensi Doctoris Joannis Duns, nati in quadam villula parochiae de Emidon vocata Dunston, in Comitatu Northumbriae, pertinente Domui Scholarium de Merton-hall in Oxonia. Scotland. Although John Scott dissembled himself an Englishman, to find the more favour in Merton College, living in an age wherein cruel Wars betwixt England and Scotland; yet his Tomb erected at Colen is bold to tell the truth, whereon this Epitaph, b Archbish. Spotswood in his History of the Church of Scotland. Scotia me genuit, Anglia suscepit, Gallia edocuit, Germania tenet. Besides, the very name of Scotus, a voweth him to be a Scotchman. Ireland. He is called Joannes Duns, by abbreviation for Dunensis, that is born at * Hugh Cavel. in vita Scoti. Doun●, an Episcopal See in Ireland, where Patricius, Dubricius, and St Columba lie interred. And it is notoriously known to Critics, that Scotus signifieth an Irishman in the most ancient exception thereof. I doubt not but the Reader will give his verdict, that the very Scotiety of Scotus belongeth to England as his Native Country, who being born in Northumberland, which Kingdom in the Saxon Heptarchy extended from Humber to Edinburgh Frith; it was a facile mistake for Foreiners to write him a Scotchman on his Monument. As for the name of Scotus, it is of no validity to prove him that Countryman; as a common-Sir-name amongst us, as some four years since, when the Scotch were enjoined to departed this Land, one Mr English in London, was then the most considerable Merchant of the Scotch Nation. The sad manner of Scotus his death is sufficiently known, who being in a fit of a strong Apoplexy, was by the cruel kindness of his over-officious friends, buried whilst yet alive, and recovering in the grave, dashed out his brains against the Coffin, affording a large field to such wanton wits in their Epigrams, who could make sport to themselves on the sad accident of others. 20. I had almost over-seen John Baconthorpe, Low, but learned Baconthorpe. being so low in stature, as but one remove from a Dwarf, of whom one saith, Ingenio c Johannes Trissa Nemausensis in libro de viris illustribus. magnus, corpore parvus erat. His wit was Tall, in body small. Insomuch that Corpus non tulisset, quod ingenium protulit, his body could not bear the Books which his brain had brought forth. Coming to Rome (being sent for by the Pope) he was once hissed d Baleus in ejus vita. at in a Public Disputation, for the badness forsooth of his Latin and pronunciation; but indeed because he opposed the Pope's power in dispencing with Marriages, contrary to the Law of God, whose e Jacobus Calcus Papiensis. judgement was afterwards made use of by the defenders of the divorce of King Henry the eight. 21. William Occam sided with Lewis of Bavaria against the Pope, Occam a ●●list 〈◊〉. maintaining the Temporal power above the Spiritual; he was fain to fly to the Emperor for his safety, saying unto him, Defend me gladio, & ego te defendam verbo. Defend me with thy sword, and I will defend thee with my word. This Occam was Luther's chief (if not sole) School-man, who had his works at ● is finger's end; loving him no doubt the better for his opposition to the Pope. 22. Robert Holcot was not the meanest amongst them, Holcots sudden death. who died of the Plague at Northampton, just as he was reading his Lectures on the seventh of Ecclesiasticus; wherein as many Canonical truths, as in any Apocrypha chapter; and although as yet in his public reading he was not come to the last verse thereof (so proper for mortality) we may charitably believe he had seriously commented thereon, Bale descript. 〈◊〉 Cent. fift. pag. 434. in his private meditations. Whatsoever thou takest in hand, remember the end, and thou shalt never do amiss. 23. Thomas Bradwardine bringeth up the rear, The just praise of Tho. Bradwardine. though in learning and piety (if not superior) equal to any of the rest, witness his worthy book against Pelagianisme, to assert the freeness of God's grace in man's conversion, which he justly entitleth, De causa Dei, of God's cause; for as God is a Second in every good cause, so he is a Principal in this, wherein his own honour is so nearly concerned. And though the Psalmist saith, plead thine own cause O Lord; yet in this age (wherein Miracles are ceased) God pleadeth his cause, not in his Person, but by the proxy of the tongues, and pens, hands, and hearts, of his Servants. This Bradwardine was afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, and how highly esteemed, let Chaucer * In the Nuns Prieststale. tell you. But I ne cannot boult it to the brens As can the holy Doctor St Austin, Dr Boece, or the Bishop Bradwardin. This testimony of Chaucer by the exact computation of time, written within forty years after Bradwardines' death, which addeth much to his honour, that in so short a time his memory was in the peaceable possession of so general a veneration, as to be joined in company with St Augustine and Boethius, two such eminent persons in their several capacities. 24. The Schoolmen principally employed themselves in knotty and thorny Questions of Controversial Divinity; Schoolmen busied in needless difficulties. Indeed as such who live in London, and like populous places, having but little ground for their foundations to build houses on, may be said to enlarge the breadth of their houses in height (I mean increasing their room in many stories one above another; so the Schoolmen in this age, lacking the latitude of general learning and languages, thought to enlarge their active minds by mounting up. So improving their small bottom with towering Speculations, though some of things mystical, that might not, more of things difficult, that could not, most of things curious that need not be known unto us. 25. Their Latin is generally barbarous, Excuses for their bad latin. counting any thing Eloquent that is Expressive, going the nearest way to speak their own Notions, though sometimes trespassing on Grammar, abusing if not breaking * Opus operatum Priscian's head therein: Some impute this their bald and threadbare language, to a design that no vermin of Equivocation should be hid under the ●ap of their words; whilst others ascribe it to their want of change, and their poverty in learning, to procure better Expressions. 26. Yet these Schoolmen agreed not amongst themselves in their judgements. Their several divisions in judgement. For Burley being Scholar to Scotus, served him as Aristotle did Plato his Master, maintaining a contrary faction against him. Ocham his Scholar, father of the Nominals, opposed Scotus the founder of the Reals; which two sactions divided the Schoolmen betwixt them; Holcot being a Dominican, stiffly resisted the Franciscans, about the conception of the Virgin Mary, which they would have without any original sin. However the Papists, when pressed that their Divisions Mar their Viritie, (a mark of the Church whereof they boast so much) evade it, by pleading that these poines are not the side only, in the out skirts of Religion, and never concluded in any Council to be the Articles of faith. 27. All of these Schoolmen were Oxford, All Oxford, most Merton College▪ most Merton College men. As the setting up of an eminent Artist in any place of a City, draws Chapmen unto him to buy his wares, and Apprentices to learn his Occupation. So after Roger Bacon had begun School-Divinity in Merton College, the whole Gang and Genius of that house successively applied their studies thereunto, and many repaired thither from all parts of the Land for instruction in that nature. Meantime Cambridg men were not Idle, but otherwise employed, more addicting themselves to preaching, whereof though the world took not so much notice, positive Divinity not making so much noise as controversial (where men engage more earnestness) yet might be more to God's glory, and the saving of the souls of men. 28. Some will wonder, Why School-Divinity not so used in Oxford, after this Age. seeing School-Divinity was so rise in Oxford in this Age, for some hundred years together (viz. from towards the end of Henry's, to the end of Edward's Reign, both the third of their names) how the study thereof, should sink so suddenly in that University, which afterwards produced not such eminent men in that kind. But hereof several reasons may be assigned: 1. The Wars betwixt York and Lancaster soon after began; a Controversy indeed, which silenced School-velitations, Students being much disheartened with those martial discords. 2. Once in an Age the appetite of an university altars, as to its diet in learning, which formerly filled (not to say surfeited) with such hard questions, for variety sake, sought out other employments. 3. The sparks of Scholars wits, in School-Divinity, went out for want of fuel in that subject, grown so trite and threadbare, nothing could be, but what had been said of the same before. Wherefore fine wits, found out other ways to busy themselves. 4. Only information of the brain, no benefit to the purse, accrued by such speculations, which made others in after ages, to divert their studies, à Quaestionibus, ad Quaestum, from Metaphysical Queries, to Case-divinity, as more gainful, and profitable; best enabling them for hearing Confessions, and proportioning Pennance accordingly. Since the Reformation, School-Divinity in both the Universities, is not used (as anciently) for a sole-profession by itself, to engross all a man's life therein, but only taken as a preparative quality to Divinity; Discreet men not drowning, but dipping their minds in the study thereof. 28. Return we now to the Commonwealth which we left bad, The sad distemper of England at this time. and find amended, as an old fore without a plaster in cold weather; King Edward rather wilsul then weak, (if wilsulness be not weakness, and sure the same effects are produced by both, ruin and destruction) slighted his Queen's company, and such a Bed, if left (where Beauty without Grace) seldom standeth long empty. Queen Isabel blinded with fury, mistook the party who had wronged her, and revengeth her husband's faults on her own conscience, living incontinently with R. Mortimer; a man martial enough, and of much merit otherwise, save that an Harlot is a deep pit, therein invisibly to bury the best deserts. The two Spencers ruled all at pleasure, and the King was not more forward to bestow favours on them, as they free to deal affronts to others their superiors in birth and estate. Thus men of yesterday, have Pride too much to remember what they were the day before; and providence too little to foresee what they may be to morrow. The Nobility (than petty Kings in their own Countries) disdained such Mushrooms should insult over them; and all the Spencers insolences being scored on the King's account, no wonder if he (unable to discharge his own engagements) was broken by suretyship for others. 29. I find it charged on this King, King Edward accused for betraying his privileges to the Pope. that he suffered the Pope to encroach on the dignity of the Crown, to the great damage, and more dishonour of the Nation. Indeed his father left him a fair stake, and a winning hand, (had a good Gamester had the playing thereof) having recovered some of his privileges from the Papal usurpation, which since it seems his Son had lost back again, though the particulars thereof in History do not so plainly appear. Only it is plain, that to support himself, and supply his necessities, he complied with the Clergy (a potent party in that age) favourably measuring out the causes of their cognisances; for although in the Reign of his Father, an hedge was made by an Act in that nature, betwixt the Spiritual and Temporal Courts; yet now a Ditch (an new act) was added to the former scene. So that hereafter (except wilfully) they could not mutually trespass on each others Jurisdictions. RICHADO SEYMERE, Necessario meo. INter Amicum meum & Necessarium hoc pono discriminis, quod ille ad bene esse, Hic, ad meum esse quodammodo requiratur; Quo nomine Tu mihi es salutandus, qui sine te planè mancus mihi videor. Tuâ enim artifici dextrâ, usus sum, per totum hoc opus in scutis Gentilitiis depingendis. Macte, vir Ingenue, ac Natales tuos, Generosos satis, novo splendore illustriores reddito. 1. Colleges, Anno Regis Ed. secun 9 yet, Anno Dom. 1316. were few, and Students now many in Oxford: Exeter College founded by Bishop Stapleton. whereupon Walter Stapleton, (Bishop of Exeter) founded and endowed one therein, by the name of Stapletons' Inn, since called Exeter College. This Bishop was one of high Birth and large Bounty, being said to have expended a years' revenues of his (this rich) Bishopric in the Solemnity of his instalement. He also founded Hart-Hall in Oxford. But oh the difference betwixt the Elder and Younger Brother, though Sons to the same Father! the one carrying away the whole Inheritanoe, whilst the other sometimes hath little more than himself left unto Him, as here this Hall is altogether unindowed. 2. This worthy Bishop had an unworthy and untimely death some ten years after. Who afterwards was barbarously murdered. For being Lord Treasurer, and left by the King in his absence, to govern, the (than mutinous) city of London, the Citizens, (not without encouragement from the Queen) furiously fell upon him, and in Cheapside most barbarously butchered him, and then (as hoping to bury their murder with his body) huddled him obscurely into a hole. But afterward to make his Ghost some reparation and stop the clamour of the Clergy, the Queen ordered the removing and interring of his Body and his Brothers (a valiant Knight slain on the same account) in the Cathedral of Excter. One would wonder this Bishop was not made a Martyr and Sainted in that Age, save that his suffering was of civil concernment, and not relating to Religion. 3. This House hath since found two eminent Benefactors, Sir William Petre his bounty first, Sir William Petre (born of honest Parentage in Exeter) principal Secretary to four successive King and Queens. One who in ticlish and turning times, did good to himself, (got a great estate) injurious to none, (that I ever heard, or read of) but courteous to many, and eminently to this College, wherein he bestowed much building, and augmented it with eight Fellowships. 4. The other George Hackwel Doctor of Divinity, Dr Hackwel built this Chapel. late Rector thereof, who though married, and having children, (must it not be a quick and large fountain, which besides filling a Pond, had such an over flowing stream?) bestowed more than one thousand pounds in building a beautiful Chapel. This is He who wrote the Learned and Religious Apology for Divine Providence, proving that the World doth not decay. Many begin the reading thereof with much prejudice, but few end it, without full satisfaction, converted to the Author's Opinion, by his unanswerable Arguments. 5. This College consisteth chief of Cornish and Devonshire men, Western men here most proper. the Gentry, of which latter, Queen Elizabeth used to say, were Courtiers by their birth. And as these Western men do bear away the Bell for might and sleight in wrestling, so the Scholars here have always acquitted themselves with credit in Palaestra literarie. The Rectors of this House anciently were annual, (therefore here omitted) fixed, but of latter years, to continue the term of their lives. Rectors. 1 John Neale. 2 Tho. Glaster. 3 Tho. Holland. 4 John Prideaux. 5 George Hackwel. 6 Conant. Bishops. John Prideaux Bishop of worcecester. Tho. Winniff Bishop of Lincoln. Benefactors. Edmund Stafford, Bishop of Exeter. Mr. John Piriam, Alderman of Exeter. Sir John Ackland Knight, expending (besides other Benefactions) 800. pound in building the Hall. * I am informed that Dr. Prideaux in a Dedication to one of his Sermons, hath reckoned all the Worthy Writers of this house but as yet I have not seen it. Learned Driters. Judge DODDERIDGE. George Hackwell. John Prideaux. Sir Simon Baskervil. Dr. Veluain. Nath. Carpenter Norrington. George Kendal. So that lately therein were maintained, one Rector, twenty three Fellows, a Bible-Clerk, two Pensioners, Servants, Commoners and other Students to the number of two hundred. 6. Clergymen began now to complain, The King's courteous answer to the Prelate's complaints. that the Lay-Judges entrenched on their Privileges, and therefore they presented a Petition to the King in his Parliament at Lincoln, requesting the redress of sixteen grievances. To most of them the King returned a satisfactory answer, and so qualified his denials to the rest, that they could not but content any reasonable disposition. 7. These Concessions of the King were digested into Laws, Made a Printed Statute under the title of Articuli Cleri. and are printed at large in the Statutes known by the title of Articuli Cleri. Whereon Sir Edward Coke in the second part of his Institutes, hath made no less learned than large Commentary. So that though the Law of circumspectè agatis had stated this difference; Yet it seems this Statute (as Circumspectivus agatis) was conceived very requisite. 8. Moreover, these Statutes did not so clearly decide the difference betwixt the Spiritual and Temporal Jurisdictions, Yet the controversy between the two Jurisdictions still continued. but that many contests happened afterwards betwixt them, no longer ago then in the fift of King James, when the Doctors of the Commons under Richard Bancroft (Archbishop of Canterbury their General) opposed the Judges about the indeterminable controversies of Prohibitions. Add hereunto, that the Clergy claimed to themselves the most favourable interpretation of all Statutes in their own behalf, whilst the Temporal Judges (in the not sitting of Parliaments) challenged that privilege to themselves. 9 The most lasting Monument of the memory of woeful King Edward the second, 17 was the building of Orial College in Oxford. 1324 Indeed some make Him, Orial College built by King Ed. the 2. and others Adam Brown his Almoner Founder thereof, and both perchance truly, the King allowing, his Almoner issuing money for the building and endowing thereof. Others will have it, that his Almoner persuaded him on conscientious Principles to this good work, pertinently all eadging and pressing this instance, to prove that the King's nature not bad in itself, but too yielding to the impressions of others. Now whereas the other Alms of this King were perishing, as relieving only poor for the present, these, as more lasting, have done good to many Generations. 10. I meet with no satisfactory reason of the name which some will have to contain something of Easternes therein: Quere about the name thereof. So situated comparatively to some more ancient Foundation. Others deduce it from Criolium an eminent room in * M. Paris in vitis 23. Ab. 5 Albani p. 100 King's nursing Fathers to this house. Monaesteries, and I cannot but smile at such who will have O Royal, as a Pathetical admiration of Princely Magnificence. 11. However, I do not deny, but that the Kings of England have been very indulgent to this Foundation. For besides, King Edward the second the Founder thereof, his Son King Edward gave unto them the Hospital of Saint Bartholmews nigh Oxford, with Lands to maintain eight poor people, subject to the government of the Provost and Fellows of this College. Besides, King James being informed of some Legal defects in this Foundation, granted them a new Corporation Cavill-proof against all exceptions. 12. This College being much decayed, Lately rebuilded most decently. Anthony Blencow late Provost, bequeathed twelve hundred pounds to the new building of a Front thereof: Which being done, lest it should be a disgrace to the rest of the Fabric, the whole College is rebuilt in a most decent manner. Provosts. Anno Dom. 1324. Adam Brown. Anno Regis Ed. secun 16 William de Leverton. William de Hankesworth. William Daventre. William Colyntre. John Middleton. John Possell. William Corff. Thomas Lintlewarden. Henry Kayle. Nicholas Barry. John Carpenter. Walter Lyhart. John Hales. Henry Sampson. Thomas Hawkins. John Taylower. Thomas Cornish. Edmund Mylforde. James Morc. Thomas Ware. Henry Myn. William Haynes. John Smith. Roger Marbeck. John Belly. Anthony Blencowe. Dr. Lewes. Dr. Tolson. Dr. Sanders. Benefactors. John Frank gave four Fellowships. John Carpenter Bishop of Worcester, gave one Fellowship. William Smith Bishop of Lincoln gave one Felship. Richard Dudley D. D. gave two Fellowships, & two Exhibitions. Bishops. John Carpenter Bishop of Worcester. Learned Writers. William Allen, Cardinal. * Before or after of Christ-church. Sr Walter Raleigh. William Prin. So that lately were maintained therein, one Provost, eighteen Fellows, one Bible-Clerk, twelve Exibitioners, with Commoners and College Officers amounted to one hundred and sixty. 13. Let us cast our eye on the Commonwealth only, War between the Queen and King. as it is the Ring wherein the Diamond of the Church is contained, and that now full of Cracks, caused by the several state-factions. The two Spencers ruled all things till the Queen and her Son (who politicly had got leave to go beyond the Seas) returned into England with a Navy and Army landing in Suffolk; She denounceth open war against her Husband, unlessse he would presently conform to her desires. 14. The King proclaimed that a thousand pound should be given to Him that brought the head of Roger Mortimer. Counter-proclamations, and counterrumours. The Queen proclaimed (such who had the better purse may give the greater price) that whosoever brought the head of the young Spencer (it seems his Father was not so considerable) should have two thousand pounds. The Queen's party gave out that the King of France had sent over a vast Army for her assistance, Anno Regis Ed. secun 18 and the King's side Anti-rumoured (who could raise reports easier than Armies) that the Pope had excommunicated all such who sides against him: Anno Dom 1326 now though both reports were false, they made true impressions of hope in such hearts as believed them. 15. Three ways were presented to King Edward, The King unable to fight. Fight, Flight, and Concealment, the first he was unable to do, having no effectual Forces, only able for a time to defend the Castle of Bristol, till many of his Complices were taken therein: a Tower therein (given out to be undermined) being indeed undermonied with bribes to the defenders thereof. Here the elder Spencer was taken and executed. 16. Flight was no less unsafe than dishonourable, And flee. For his Kingdom being an Island, the Sea would quickly put a period thereunto. Indeed there was some thoughts of his Flight into Ireland, which was no better than out of a dirty way, into a very Bogg, besides great the difficulty to recover the Sea, and greater to pass over it, all Ports and passages were so way-layed. 17. Concealment was at the last resolved on, After a short concealment is taken. not as the best; but only way of his security, for a time he lay hid amongst the Welsh (not able to help, but willing to pity him as a Native of their Country) concealed in the Abbey of Neath, till men are sent down with money (no such ligh: as the shine of silver wherewith to discover a person enquired for) and soon after he was betrayed into their hands. The younger Spencer taken with him, is hung on a Gallows fifty foot high, and the promised two thousand pounds were duly paid, and equally parted betwixt several persons employed in his apprehension. 18. Many Persons of quality were sent down from the Parliament then sitting, King Edward resigneth his Crown. to King Edward, to Kenelworth Castle, to move (alias to command) him to resign the Crown, which at last he sadly surrendered. Sir William Trussel a Lawyer of great [abused] abilities (being rather to make then find a precedent in this kind) improved his wits in the formalities thereof. Soon after, Prince Eward his Son is Crowned King, whose Father is now no more than plain Edward of Caernarvon, though his mother (whose title was Relative to, and a Derivative from her Husband the dethroned King) was now more Queen Isabel then ever before. Thus the degradation of a Knight (as some have informed me) extendeth not to his Wife, who by the courtesy of England, if once, is ever a Lady. 19 Edward late King, He is rejected by his own wife. with many Letters Solicited to be admitted into the Queen's company. All in vain, she found embraces at a less distance, dearer unto her, preferring the society of a Lord, who, in effect, had deposed a King, before a King, who had deposed himself: She made many excuses of sickness, and indisposition to enjoy him. So easily can that Sex make plausible pretences, that they cannot, what they will not do. 20. Roger Mortimer, And cruelly murdered. whose lust and revenge was equally unsatiable, could not be quiet whilst King Edward was alive: he feared King Edward was might play an after game of affection in his Subjects, in order therefore to his death, he is removed from Kenelworth (where the Earl of Leicester his Keeper was suspected too, sympathising with his sorrow) unto Berkley Castle, where he was barbarously butchered, being struck into the Postern of his body with a hot spit, as it is generally reported. 21. Nothing now remaineth in this King's reign, A brace of loyal Subjects. save to take notice, how the Clergy (understand such who were Active (for Newters, shall pass for none) stand affected in this great State-difference. I find not enough to call a number of the Bishop's cordial to the King. For besides Walter Stapleton Bishop of Exeter (of whom before) only John Stratford Bishop of Winchester hearty adhered unto him, and yet this Stratford was employed on a message from the Parliament to the King at Kenelworth, to persuade him to resign sign the Crown, though having no other design, Anno Dom. 1326. than the King's safety therein. He hoped that in this tempest the casting out of the Lading, Anno Regis Ed. secun 19● would save the Hulk of the Ship, and the surrendering of the Sceptre, secure the King's person. 22. With John Stratford let me couple Robert de Baldock (though no Bishop, And a Loyal Priest-Chancelour. a Bishops mate) as a Priest and Chancellor of England. This man unable to assist, resolved to attend the King, and was taken with him in Wales. Hence was he brought up to London, and committed to Adam Tarleton Bishop of Hereford. Here the shadow of Tarleton Mitre, (if pleased to put forth his power) might have secured this his Guest-prisoner from any danger, whereas on the contrary, it is more than suspicious that he gave a signal, to the tumultovous people to seize his person. For he was dragged to Newgate, and there paid his life for his Loyalty: yet was never heard to complain of the dearness of his pennyworth. If any violence was secretly offered unto his person, he might endure it the more patiently, having read, * St. Mat. 10. 24. that the Disciple is not above his Master, nor the servant better than his Lord. This Baldock was a good Justicer, nor charged in our Chronicles with any misdemeanour, save faithfulness to an unfortunate Master, and his Memory will travers his Innocence, as confessing the Fact, but denying any fault therein. 23. But we have more than a good number of such Bishops, W. Reinolds unthankful to the King. which ungratefully sided with the Queen, against her Husband, and their Sovereign. Walter Reynolds Archbishop of Canterbury leads their Van, preferred to that See, at the King's great importunity, and by the Pope his Power of Provision. On the same token that, a Far better Man, Thomas Cobham by name, Deane of Salisbury, (so learned and pious a person, that he was generally called the good Clergymen) legally elected by the Commons, was put by, by the Pope, to make room for this Reinolds. He afterwards complied with the Queen, (his new Mistress) against his old Master, active to perform his desires. This some seek in vain to excuse, by pleasing Her imperious spirit, and this Arch-Bishops fearfulness, alleging, that cowardliness is rather a defect in nature, than default in Morality. 24. A word by the way of the nature of the Pope's provisions (lately mentioned) which now began to be a general grievance of our Nation. The nature of the Pope's provisions. When any Bishopric, Abbot's place, Dignity or good Living (Aquila non capit muscas) was like to be void, the Pope (by a profitable Prolepsis to himself) predisposed such places to such successors as he pleased. By this devise he defeated (when so pleased) the Legal election of all Convents, and rightful presentation of all Patrons. He took up Churches before they fell, yea, before they ever stumbled: I mean, whilst as yet no suspicion of sickness, in Incumbents younger and healthier than his Holiness himself. Yea, sometimes no Act of Provision, was entered in scriptis in the Court, only the Pope was pleased to say by word of mouth, (and who durst confute him?) he had done it. So that Incumbents to Live, who otherwise had a rightful Title from their Patrons, were, (to purchase their peace) glad to buy of the Pope's provisions. Yea, his Holiness sold them aforehand to several persons, so that not he who gave the first, but the most Money, carried away the preferment. 25. Next we take notice of Henry Burwash Bishop of Lincoln, Hen. Bishop of Lincoln bad. lately restored to the favour of King Edward, and by him lately esteemed. Yet no sooner did the Queen appear in the field, with an army, against him, but this Bishop was the first, and for wardest, who publicly repaired unto Her. This Burwash was he, who by mere might, against all right and reason, took in the Land of many poor people, (without making also the least reparation) therewith to complete his Park at Tinghurst. These wronged persons, though seeing their own Bread, Beef, and Mutton, turned into the Bishop's Venison, durst not contest with him who was Chancellor of England, though neither Law, Anno Regis Ed. secun 18 nor equity in this his Action; Anno Do. 13 m only they loaded him with curses and execrations. This mindeth me of a Modern accident, when, (some twenty years since) a Knight went about injuriously to enclose the Commons of a Town, and demanded of his Builiffe what the railing in of the same would amount to; to whom his servant answered, that if he would take in the Commons, the Country would find him rail, as here they did this injurious Bishop. Otherwise let me say, that enclosures made without oppression, are a grand enriching both to private persons and to the Commonwealth. 26. Here let the Reader smile or frown, Smile or frown. I am resolved to write what I find recorded in a * Godwin in the Bishop of Lincoln. Grave Author, deriving it no doubt from good intelligence. This Bishop Burwash is said after his death, to have appeared to one of his former familiar friends, apparelled Like a Forester all in Green a, with his Bow and Quiver of Arrows, and his Bugle horn hanging by his side: to him he complained that for the injuries done by him to poor, whilst living, he was now condemned to this penance, to be the Park-keeper of that place, which he so wrongfully had enclosed. He therefore desired him to repair to the Canons of Lincoln, and in his name to request them, that they would take order, that all hedges being cut down, and Ditches filled up, all might be reduced to their property, and the poor men be restored to their inheritance. It is added moreover, that one W. Batheler, was employed by the Canon's aforesaid, to see the premises performed, which was done accordingly. 27. This pretended Apparition seems inconsistent with the nature of Purgatory, A grave foolery. as usually by Papists represented to people. Surely the smoke thereof would have sooted his Green suit, and the Penance seems so slight and light for the offence, as having so much liberty and pleasure in a place of Command. Some Poets would have fancied him rather conceived himself turned Acteon-like, into a Deer, to be daily hunted by his own Hound; (guilt of Conscience) until he made restistution. But it seems there be degrees in Purgatory, and the Bishop not in the Prison itself, but only within the Rules thereof, privileged to go abroad, (whether on his Parel, or with his Keeper, uncertain) till he could procure Suffrages for his Plenary relaxation. 28. Adam Tarlton Bishop of Hereford, A Devil preaching. is the last we will insist on, born in that City, where afterward he became Bishop, yet not honoured, but hated, and feared in the place of his Nativity. He was the grand Engineer, and contriver of all mischief against the King. Witness the Sermon preached by him at Oxford, before the Queen (then in hostile pursuit after her Husband) taking for this Text the words of the sick Son of the Shunamite) My head, my head. Here his wit and malice endeavoured to reap, what Gods Spirit did never intentionally sow, and urged that a bad King (the distempered head of a State) is past Physic, or Chirurgery to be cured by Receipts or Plasters, but the only way is to cut it off from the Body. 29. His writing was worse than his Preaching: And as bad writing. For when such Agents set to keep King Edward in Berkley Castle, were (by secret Order from R. Mortimer) commanded to kill him, they by letters addressed themselves for advice to this Bishop (than not far off at Hereford) craving his Counsel, what they should do, in so difficult and dangerous a matter. He returned unto them a Riddling Answer, altogether unpointed, which carried in it Life and Death, yea, Life or Death, as variously construed, resolved to be guided and governed wholly by his direction, not to dispute, but do what from him was recommended unto them, as knowing him able both in Conscience and Policy to advise them. Life, Anno Dom. 1326 and Death. Anno Regis. Ed. sec●● 19 To kill King Edward you need not to fear it is good. A strange apparition. Life. To kill King Edward you need not, to fear it is good. Death. To kill King Edward you need not to fear, it is good. 30. This Adam Tarlton was afterwards accused of Treason, Arraigned for treason, he escapes the the first time. in the beginning of the reign of King Edward the third, and arraigned by the King's Officers, when in the presence of the King, he thus boldly uttered himself, My Lord the King, with all due respect unto your Majesty, I Adam, an humble Minister and member of the Church of God, and a consecrated Bishop, though unworthy, neither can, nor aught to answer unto so hard Questions, without the connivance, and consent of my Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, my immediate Judge under the Pope, and without the consent of other Bishops who are my Peers. Three Arch-Bishops were there present in the place, Canterbury, York, and Dublin, by whose intercession, Tarlton escaped at that time. 31. Not long after, Arraigned again, and protected by the Clergy. he was arraigned again at the King's Bench, the news whereof so startled the Clergy, that the foresaid Arch-Bishops erected their standards, I mean, set up their Crosses, and with ten Bishops more, attended with a numerous train of well-weaponed servants, advanced to the place of judicature. The King's Officers frighted at the sight, fled away; leaving Tarlton the Prisoner alone at the Bar; whom the Arch-Bishops took home into their own custody, denouncing a curse on all such who should presume to lay violent hands upon him. 32. The King offended hereat, caused a jury of Laymen to be impanelled, Cast the third time by a Lay-jury and proscribed. and to inquire according to form of Law, into the actions of the Bishop of Hereford. This was a leading case, and the first time that ever Laymen passed their verdict on a Clergyman. These Jurors found the Bishop guilty, whereupon the King presently seized on his Temporals, he proscribed the Bishop, and despoiled him of all his moveables. However, afterwards he came off, and was reconciled to the King, and by the Pope made Bishop of Winchester, where he died, a thorough old man and blinded with age, many envying so quiet a death, to one who living had been so turbulent a person. But these things happened many years after. SECT. To Master THOMAS WILLIAMS And Master WILLIAM VANBRUG of London Merchants. AStronomers affirm that some Planets; [Saturn, Jupiter etc.] are by many degrees greater than the Moon itself; And this they can easily evidence by Demonstration. However the Moon is bigger, and shows brighter to men's eyes, because of the Vicinity thereof; Whilst other Stars are dimmed, and diminished by their distance. He is not the happiest man who has the Highest friends (too remote to assist him) whilst others lesser might be nearer at his need. My own experience can avouch the truth thereof, in relation to your Courtesies bestowed upon me. SOon after his death, King Edward was much lamented by those of whom in his life time he was never beloved. Whether this proceeded from the mere mutability of men's minds (weary to loiter long in the lazy posture of the same affection.) Defunctus amabitur Idem. Or whether it proceeded from the pride of Mortimer, whose insolence grew intolerable. Or whither it was because his punishment was generally apprehended to be too heavy for his fault; So that Deposition without death, or (at the worst) death without such unhuman cruelty had been sufficient. One of our English * King Edward the second half-sainted. Poet-Historians acquainteth us with a passage, which to my knowledge appeareth not in other Authors. At Gloucester entombed fair, and buried Where some say God showed for him great grace Sith that time, Anno Dom. 1326 with Miracles laudisied Oft times, Anno Regis Ed. tertii 1. in divers many case As is written there, King John Harding in the life of K, Ed. the second. in that same place. For which King Richard, called the second To translate him was purposed whole and sound. It is much that one but a small Saint whilst alive, should be so great an one when dead, as to be miraculously illustrious. But every man may believe his proportion. 2. Indeed great was the conformity betwixt this King Edward and that King Richard, A pair of Kings well matched. both being secundi, the second of their name: but not secundi, happy in their success. And had King Richard the second known aforehand what casualty did attend him, no wonder if he secretly sympathized with his condition. Both sons of valiant and beloved Fathers, both of proper and amiable persons. Both debauched by the ill Counsel of their dissolute companions. Both deposed from their Crowns. Both murdered, whilst prisoners in a Clandestine (and as some report self same) way of Cruelty. 3. Ingenuous people are very loath to believe King Edward the third accessary to his Father's death, King Edward not active in his father's deposing. otherwise then by accepting the Crown which he should have resused, and antedating his own Sovereignty. Which may be excused by his tender years, thirteen as some, fifteen as others compute them. Nor is it a weak argument of his innocence with impartial people, because he reigned above fifty years, and lived to be a thorough old man. An happiness promised by God to such who are obedient to their Parents. Besides, it is considerable, that this King having a numerous issue of active children of both Sex's none visibly appear a cross unto him, for any notorious undutifulness. 4. The former part of this King's reign affords but little Church-History, His admirable success in his wars. as totally taken up with his achievements in Scotland and France, where his success by Sea and Land was above belief and even to admiration. He conquered both before his face and behind his back. Whence he came and whither he went. North and South, the one in his person, the other by his substitutes in his absence. Insomuch that he got more than he knew what to do with, exhausting the Land to man, the Cities which he had gained. Herein he stands without a parallel, that he had both the Kings he fought against, viz. John de Dalois of France, and David the King of Scotland his prisoners at one time, not taken by any cowardly surprise, but by fair fight in open field. 5. It soundeth much to the commendation of his modesty and moderation, And humility. that intending to found an Order of Knighthood at his Castle of Windsor, * Others say in London Town. where he had these two Royal prisoners. In the institution thereof he neither had any insolent relation to his own conquest, nor opprobrious reflection on his enemy's captivity, but began the innocent Order of the Garter, unreferring to any of his former achievements. But more hereof in due time. 6. The King and State began now to grow sensible of the great gain he Netherlands got by our English Wool, England hitherto ignorant in curious Clothing. in memory whereof the Duke of Burgundy not long after instituted the order of the Golden Fleece, wherein indeed the Fleece was ours, the Golden theirs, so vast their Emolument by the Trade of Clothing. Our King therefore resolved, if possible to reduce the Trade to his own Country, Anno Regis. Ed. tertii 11 who as yet were ignorant of that Art, Anno Dom. 1336. as knowing no more what to do with their Wool, than the sheep that wear it, as to any Artificial and curious Drabery, their best clothes then being no better than Freezes, such their coarseness for want of skill in their making. But soon after followed a great alteration, and we shall enlarge ourselves in the manner thereof. 7. The intercourse now being great betwixt the English and the Netherlands (increased of late since King Edward married the Daughter of the Earl of Hainalt) unsuspected Emissaries, The King's Agents tempt the Dutch apprentices. were employed by our King into those Countries, who wrought themselves into familiarity with such Dutch men as were Absolute Masters of their Trade, but not Masters of themselves, as either Journeymen or Apprentiees, These bemoaned the slavishness of these poor servants, whom their Masters used rather like Heathens than Christians, yea rather like Horses then Men. Early up and late in bed, and all day hard work, and harder fare (a few Herrings and mouldy Cheese) and all to enrich the Churls their Masters without any profit unto themselves. 8. But oh how happy should they be if they would but come over into England, To come over into England. bringing their Mystery with them, which would provide their welcome in all places. Here they should feed on fat Beef and Mutton, till nothing but their fullness should stint their stomaches: yea they should feed on the labours of their own hands, enjoying a proportionable profit of their pains to themselves, their beds should be good, and their bedfellows better, seeing the richest Yeomen in England would not disdain to marry their Daughters unto them, and such the English beauties, that the most envious Foreigners could not but commend them. 9 Liberty is a Lesson quickly conned by heart, And obtain their desire. men having a principle within themselves to prompt them in case they forget it. Persuaded with the premises, many Dutch servants leave their Masters and make over for England. Their departure thence (being picked here and there) made no sensible vacuity, but their meeting here altogether amounted to a considerable fullness. With themselves, they brought over their Trade and their Tools, namely, such which could not [as yet] be so conveniently made in England. 10. Happy the Yeoman's House into which one of these Dutchmen did enter▪ bringing industry and wealth along with them. Their welcome reception. Such who came in strangers within their doors, soon after went out Bridegrooms, and returned Son in laws, having married the Daughters of their Landlords who first entertained them. Yea, those Yeomen in whose houses they harboured, soon proceeded Gentlemen, gaining great estates to themselves, arms and worship to their estates. 11. The King having gotten this Treasury of Foreigners, The King politicly disperseth the Dutch. thought not fit to continue them all in one place, lest on discontent they might embrace a general resolution to return, but bestowed them thorough all the parts of the Land, that Clothing thereby, might be the better dispersed. Here I say nothing of the Colony of old Dutch, who frighted out of their own Country with an Inundation, about the reign of King Henry the first, (possibly before that Nation had attained the cunning of Cloath-making) were seated only in Pembrokeshire. This new Generation of Dutch was now sprinkled every where, so that England (in relation, I mean to her own Counties) may be speak these Inmates in the language of the Poet, Que regio in terris vestri non plena laboris? though generally (where left to their own choice) they preferred a Maritine Habitation. East. 1. Norfolk, Norwich Fustians. 2. Suffolk, Sudbury Bayes. 3. Essex, Colchester Says and Serges. 4. Kent, Rentish Broad-cloths. West. 1. Devonshire Kirses. 2. Gloucestershire 3. Worcestershire Cloth 4. Wales, Welsh Friezes. North. 1. Westmoreland, Kendal Cloth. 2. Lancashire, Manchester Cotton. 3. Yorkshire, Halifax Clothes. 4. South. 1. Somersetshire, Taunton Serges. 2. Hamshire 3. Berkshire. 4. Sussex Cloth. I am informed that a prime Dutch Cloth-maker in Gloucestershire, had the Surname of Web given him by King Edward there: a Family still famous for their manufacture, Observe we here that mid- England, Northamptonshire, Lincolnshire, and Cambridge, having most of Wo●l, have lest of clothing therein. 12. Here the Dutchmen found Fuller's earth, Fuller's earth a precious commodity. a precious Treasure, whereof England hath (if not more) better then all Christendom besides: a great Commodity of the Quorum to the making of good Cloth, so that Nature may seem to point out our land for the Staple of Drapery, if the idleness of her inhabitants be not the only hindrance thereof. This Fuller's Earth is clean contrary to our Jesuits, who are needless Drugs, yet still staying here though daily commanded to departed, whilst Fuller's earth, a precious ware is daily scoured hence, though by law forbidden to to be transported. 13. And now was the English Wool improved to the highest profit, woollen cloth the English wealth. passing through so many hands, every one having a fleece of the Fleece, Sorters, Kembers, Carders, Spinsters, Weavers, Fuller's, Dyer's, Pressers, Packers, and these Manufactures have been heightened to a higher perfection since the cruelty of the Duke de Alva drove over more Dutch into England. But enough of this subject, which let none condemn for a deviation from Church-history; First, because it would not grieve one to go a little out of the way, if the way be good, as this digression is for the credit and profit of our Country. Secondly, it reductively belongeth to the Church-History, seeing many poor people both young and old, formerly charging the parishes (as appeared by the accounts of the Church Officers) were hereby enabled to maintain themselves. 14. The extortion of the Pope being now somewhat aba●ed in England, The Pope's Italian Usurers turn Merchants. the Caursines or Lumbards' formerly the money Merchants of his Holiness, and the grand Usurers of England, did not drive so full a Trade as before. Wereupon they betake themselves to other Merchandise, and began to store England with foreign commodities, but at unreasonable rates, whilst England itself had as yet but little and bad shipping, and those less employed. 15. But now King Edward, But at last are prohibited by the King. to prevent the engrossing of Trade into the hand of Foreigners, and to restore the same to his native Subjects, took order, that these Aliens should no longer prey on the Radical moisture of his Land, but began to cherish Navigation in his own Subjects, and gave a check to such Commodities which Foreigners did import as in ancient Poems is largely described, whereof so much as concerneth our purpose, He made a Statute for Lombard's in this Land, Liber de custodia Maris extant, in Hacluits voyages, book 1. p. 191 That they should in no wise take on hand Here to inhabit here to charge and dsscharge, But forty days no more time had they large, This good King by wit of such appreise Kept his Merchants and the sea from mischief. But this was a work of time to perform, and took not full effect to the end of this King's reign, yea the Lombard's were not totally routed till the reign of King Richard the third. 16. About this time the Clergy were very bountiful in contributing to the King's necessities, A survey made of the Clergies Glebeland in proportion to their Benefices. Hereupon a survey was exactly taken of all their Glebeland, and the same (fairly engrossed in parchment) was returned into the Exchequer, where it remaineth at this day, and is the most useful Record for Clergy men, (and also for Impropriators as under their claim) to recover their right. Many a straggling Acre, wand'ring out of the way, had long since by Sacrilegious Guides been seduced into the possession of false owners, had not this Record directed them at last to their true proprietary. 17. The worst is, Partly useless by ill engrossing. whilst some Dioceses in this Terreer were exactly done, and remain fairly legible at this day, others were so slightly slubbered over that (though kept with equal carefulness) they are useless in effect, as not to be read. Thus I was informed, from a Clerk in that Office * Walt. Hillary. lately deceased, who when Living, was older and as able as any therein. And thus Manuscripts (like those men who wrote them) though starting with their equals, hold not all out to the same length, their humidum radical, (their ink I mean) not lasting alike in all Originals. 18. It was now generally complained of as a grand grievance, Clergymen engross all offices. that the Clergy engrossed all places of Judicature in the Land. Nothing was left to Laymen, but either military commands, as General, Admiral, etc. or such Judge's places as concerned only the very letter of the Common Law: and those also scarcely reserved to the Students thereof. As for Embassies into foreign parts, noblemans were employed therein, when expense, not experience was required thereunto, and Ceremony the substance of the service: otherwise when any difficulty in civil-law, than Clergymen were ever entertained. The Lord Chacellor was ever a Bishop, (as if against Equity to employ any other therein) yea that Court generally appeared as a Synod of Divines, where the Clerks were Clerks, as generally in Orders. The same was also true of the Lord Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequer. 19 Some imputed this to the pragmaticalness of the Clergy, Several opinions of the causes thereof. active to insinuate themselves into all employment, how improper soever to their profession. Others ascribed it to the King's necessity; The war engrossing the main of his men of merit; so that he was necessitated to make use of Clergymen. Others attributed it to the King's election (no way weak in head or hand, plotting or performing) finding such the fittest to serve him; who being single persons, and having no design to raise a family, were as knowing as any in the Mysteries of money, * Matters of weight. and safest to be entrusted therein. * The founding of Q. Col. in Oxford by R. Englesfield, But more hereof hereafter. 20. Robert Eglesfield Bachelor of Divinity, Chaplain to Queen Philippe, wife to King Edward the third, Anno Dom. 1340. founded a College on his own ground, Anno Regis. Ed. tertii 15. by the name of Queen's College (commending the Patronage thereof to his Lady the Queen, and to the Queens of England successively) which he endowed with Lands and Revenues for the maintenance of a Provost and twelve Fellows, which were to be augmented as the Revenues increased. 21. Now though this was called Queens, A pair of Princes bred therein. from their honorary Patronesses, a Rossus war wicensis M●●in Henric● quinto it may be styled Princes College from those pair of Students therein. Edward the black Prince, who presently after this foundation had his Education therein, and Henry the fift (as yet Prince of Wales) under Henry Beaufort Chancellor of this University and his Uncle, his Chamber was over the College gate, where his picture at this day remaineth in brass with this inscription under it In perpetuam rei memoriam. Imperator Britanniae, Triumphator Galliae, Hostium Victor, & sui, Henricus quintus hujus Collegii, Et cubiculi (minuti satis) Olim magnus Incola. which lodging hath for this sixteen years belonged to my worthy friend Mr. Thomas Barlow, that most able and judicious Philosopher and Divine, being a Library in himself, and keeper of another (that of Sir Tho. Bodlyes' erection) out of which he hath courteously communicated to me some rarities of this University. 22. Now according to the care and desire of the founder. Queen's nursing Mothers to this College. The Queens of England have ever been Nursing Mothers to this Foundation. O what advantage they have when lying in the bosoms of their Royal Consorts, by whom they cannot be denied what is equal, and of whom they will not desire what is otherwise. Thus Queen Philippe obtained of her Husband King Edward the third, the Hospital of St. julian's in Southampton, commonly called God's House. Queen Elizabeth, wife to King Edward the Fourth procured of him the Priory of Sherbourn in Hampshire, and Queen Mary by her intercession prevailed with King Charles for the perpetual Patronage of certain Benefices in the same County. 23. Nor let not our Virgin Queen be forgotten, Queen Elizabeth's singular bounty. as in effect Refoundresse of this from the third year of her reign, being informed that the Title of the Foundation thereof, with the lands thereunto belonging, were in question, and subject to eviction; by Act of Parliament conferred a sure Estate of the same. 24. I meet in the Records of the Tower Rolls, This College parted between two Archbishops. with a passage concerning this College, and though I do not perfectly understand, I will exemplify it. And * Ex Rot. Parl. Henrici quarti anno 13. a little after, upon divers matters moved between the said Archbishop, and the Archbishop b Henry Bowet of York, upon certain privileges pretended by the said Archbishop of York in the College called QUEEN-HALL in the University of Oxford. The said Archbishop of Canterbury in presence of the King and of the Lords promised, a Tho. Arundel. that if the said Archbishop of York could sufficiently show any Privilege, or specially of Record, wherefore the said Archbishop of Canterbury ought not to use his Visitation of the said College, he would then abstain, Saving to himself always the Visitation of the said Scholars abiding in the said College, according to the judgement and decrees, made and given by K. Richard the second, and by our Lord K. Henry that now is, as in the * See this recorded at large in the next Book. p. 164. Record thereof made, thereof more plainly is declared. It seems hereby (so far as I can apprehend) this College was so parted betwixt the two Metropolitans, that the dead Moiety, viz. the Lands and Revenues) thereof belonged to the inspection of the Archbishop of York, whilst the living half, namely the Scholars (especially in matters concerning their Religion) pertained to the Visitation of the Archbishop of Canterbury. Provosts. Anno Regis Ed. tertii 12. Richard de Retteford. John de Hotham. Henry Whitfield. Thomas de Carlisle. Roger Whelndale. Walter Bell. Rowland Byris. William Spenser. Thomas Langton. Christ Bainbridge. Edward Rig. John Pantry. William Denyse. Hugh Hodgeson. Thomas Francis. Lancelot Shaw. Alane Scot Barthol. Bowse field. Henry Robinson. Henry Airy. Barnabas Petter. Christopher Potter. Gerard Langbain. Benefactors. Anno Dom. 1346 Robert Langton. Thomas Langton. Edmund Grindal. Christo. Bainbridge. William Fettiplace. Henry Robinson. Henry Airy. Bishops. Henry Baufort Bp. of Winchester, and Cardinal of St. Eusebias. Christopher Bainbridge Archbishop of York, and Cardinal of St. Praxes. Henry Robinson Bp. of Carlisle. Barnabas Potter, Bp. of Carlisle. Learned Writers. 1 John Wickliff. Bailiol Merton and Queens colleges claim him and all perchance rightly) at several times. 2 John de Trevisa, of whom hereafter, anno 1397. This house hath lately been happy in learned Lawyers, Sir John Banks, Sir Ro. Berkley, Sir Tho. Tempest Attorney General of Ireland, Judge Atkins courteous to all men of my profession, and myself especially. Sr. Thomas Overbury. Christopher Potter in his excellent work of Charity Mistaken. * Eminent for his review of the Council of Trent. GERARD LANGBAIN. THOMAS BARLOW. So that at this present are maintained therein, one Provost, fourteen Fellows, seven Scholars, two Chaplains, two Clerks, and other Students about 160. 25. In the mean time the Pope was not idle, The Pope makes use of the King's absence. but laid about him for his own profit. Knowing King Edward could not attend two things at once. And therefore whilst he was busied about his wars in France, his Holiness bestirred him in England, cropping the flowers of the best Live in their bud before they were blown. Yea in a manner he may be said to seethe the Kid in the Mother's milk. So that before Live were actually void, He provisionally preprovided Incumbents for them, and those generally Aliens and his own Countrymen. 26. Though late, 15 the King got leisure to look on his own Land, 1343 where he found a strange alteration, The Statute of provisions reasonably made. for as France lately was made English by his Valour, England was now turned Italian by the Pope's Covetousness. In prevention therefore of future mischief, this Statute of Provision was made: whereby such forestall of Live to Foreigners was forbidden. 27. Our Authors assign another accidental cause of the King's displeasure with the Pope, Man's anger worketh God's pleasure. namely, That when his Holiness created twelve Cardinals at the request of the King of France, He denied to make one at the desire of this King of England. Surely it was not reasonable in proportion, that his Holiness giving the whole dozen to the King of France, might allow the advantage to the King of England. However betwixt both, this statute was made to the great enriching of the Kingdom, and contentment of the Subjects therein. 28. Yet this Law, Statures of Provisions not presently obeyed. of Provisions (as all others) did not at the first making meet with present and perfect obedience. The Papal party did struggle for a time, till at last they were patiented perforce finding the King's power predominant. True it is, this grievance did continue, and was complained of, all this, and most of the next King's Reign, till the Statute of praemunire was made, Anno Dom. 1345. which clinted the nail which now was driven in. Anno Regis. Ed. tertii 15. So that afterwards the Land was cleared from the encumbrance of such Provisions. 29. A good Author tells us, Papal power in England declines. Habent Imperia suos Terminos, huc cùm venerint, sistunt, retrocedunt, ruunt. Empyres have their bounds, whither when they come, they stand still, they go back, they fall down. This is true in respect to the Papal power in England. It went forward until the Statute of Mortmain was made in the reign of King Edward the first. It went backward slowly when this Statute of provisions, swiftly when this Statute of Praemunire was made. It fell down when the Papacy was abolished in the reign of King Henry the eighth. 30. Three years after the statute against the Pope's Provisions was made, The Pope takes wit in his anger. the King presented unto him Thomas Hatlife to be Bishop of Durham, 1346 one who was the King's Secretary, 21 and when this is, all is said that can be, in his commendation, as utterly devoid of all other Episcopal qualifications. However the Pope confirmed him without any dispute or delay; and being demanded why he consented to the preferment of so worthless a person, he answered, that rebus sic stantibus, if the King of England had presented an Ass unto him, he would have, confirmed him in the Bishopric. Indeed as yet his Holiness was in hope, that either the K. would revoke the foresaid statute, or else moderate the execution thereof. 31. This year, The institution of the Knights of the Garter. Authors generally agree (some few making it later, 1350 viz. 25 after John K. of France was taken prisoner) K. Edward instituted the Order of the Garter, consisting of 1. One Chief Guardian, or Sovereign, being the King of England. 2. Five and twenty Knights, whereof the first set were termed Founders, and their Successors ever since called Fellows or Companions of the Order. 3. Fourteen Canons resident being Secular Priests. 4. Thirteen Vicars, or Chorol Priests. 5. Twelve Military Gentlemen of the meaner sort decayed in age, and estate, commonly called the poor Knights of Windsor. 6. One Prelate of the Garter, being always the Bishop of Winchester. 7. One Chancellor thereof, being anciently the Bishop of Salisbury (in whose Diocese Windsor is) but lately a Lay-Person. The truly Honourable and well experienced Statesman and Traveller Sir Thomas Row (if I mistake not) was the last Chancellor of the Garter. 8. One Register, being always the Dean of Windsor. 9 One Usher, who is one of the Ushers of the King his Chamber) called the Black Rod. 10. A chief Herald added for the more Solemnity by K. Henry the 5. and called Garter. This Order the K. founded within his Castle of Windsor, to the honour of Almighty God, and the blessed Virgin Mary, and of the glorious Martyr St. George, and to the exaltation of the holy Catholic Faith. 32. Four Essentials are requisite in the Persons Eligible into this Order, The qualification of these Knights that they be Gentlemen of Name and Arms by Fathers and Mother's side, for three descents. Secondly, that he be without spot or foul reproach, understand it not convicted of Heresy, or attainted of Treason. Thirdly, that he have a competent estate to maintain the dignity of the Order. Fourthly, that he never fled in the day of battle, his Sovereign Lord or his Lieutenant in being in the field. 33. Their habiliments are either ordinary, Their habits. as a Blue Ribbon with the picture of St. George appendent, and the Sun in his Glory on the left shoulder of their Cloak) added as some say by King charles) being for their daily wearing; or extraordinary, as their Collar of S. S. their Purple Mantle, their Gown, Kirtle, Chaperon, and chief their Garter. This being made of Blue is with, Hony Soit qui male pense in Golden Letters, enchased with precious stones, fastened with a Buckle of Gold, and worn on the left leg of the Fellows of this Order. 34. They take an Oath, Their Oath. that to their power, during the time that they are Fellows of the Order, they shall defend the honour, quarrel, rights, and Lordships of their Sovereign, that they shall endeavour to preserve the honour of the Order, and without fraud or Covin, well observe the Statutes thereof. This is taken absolutely by the Natives of this Kingdom, but by Foreigners relatively, and in part, with their reference to some former Order. 35. They oblige themselves, Other Rites they are bound to observe. first, to be personally present, (without a just cause specified to, and accepted by the Sovereign or his Deputy) at Windsor on the Festival of St. George. Secondly, that if coming within two miles of that place, (except hindered by some important business) they repair thither, Anno Regis Ed. tertii 26. put on their Mantles, Anno Dom. 1350. (lying constantly Leigers there) proceed to the Chapel and there make their Offering. Thirdly, that they be never openly seen without their GEORGE'S which they shall neither engage, alien, Fell, nor give away on any necessity whatsoever. Lastly, that they take order their Garter at their death, be safely and solemnly sent back to the Sovereign, to confer the same on one to succeed him in the Order. 36. I have done when I have told that their places may be vacated, Order how voided. on three occasions. First by death, which layeth this (as all other) honour in the dust. Secondly, by deprivation on the persons misdemeanour or want of the foresaid qualifications. Thirdly, by session, or surrender, when a Foreign Prince (entereth into enmity with this Crown) is pleased to send his Garter back again. 37. Excess in Apparel began now to be great in England, Excess in apparel restrained. which made the State take order to retrench it. Some had a project, that men's Cloatthes might be their signs to show their Birth, Degree, or Estate, so that the quality of an unknown person might at the first sight be expounded by his Apparel. But this was soon let fall as impossible. Statesmen in all Ages (notwithstanding their several laws to the contrary) being fain to connive at men's R●ot in this kind, which maintaineth more poor people than their charity. However, the ensuing passage must not be omitted. 38. Item that the Clerks which have a degree in a Church, 37 Cathedral, 1361 Collegial, or in Schools, Rot. Tur. Lon. anno Ed. ter. 37. and the King's Clerks which have such an estate that requires Fur, do, and use according to the constitution of the same, and all other Clerks which have above two hundred marks rend per annum, use, and do as Knights of the same rent. And other Clerks under that rent, use as Squires of an hundred pound rend. * Pellure in the French Original. And that all those, aswell Knights as Clerks, which by this Ordinance may use Fur in Winter, by the same manner may use it in Summer. 39 Pass we now from soft Furr, Clergymen enjoined to take up arms. to hard Steel, I mean a command from the King for the arming of all Clergymen. 40. And besides this, 43 the King commands, 1368 and requires all the Prelates there assembled, Rot. in Tur. Londin. anno Ed. tertii. that in respect of the great danger and damage, which perhaps might happen to the Realm and Church of England, by reason of this war, in case his Adversary should enter the Kingdom to destroy and subvert the same, that they will put to their aid in defence of the Kingdom, and cause their Subjects to be arrayed, aswell themselves, and their religious men, as Parsons, Vicars, and other men of holy Church whatsoever, to abate the malice of his Enemies, in case they should enter the Kingdom, which Prelates granted to do, this in aid and defence of the Realm and holy Church. And so the Parliament ended. Here we see, More se●●ed than hurt. In hosts publicos omnes homo miles, none are dispensed with, to oppose an invading enemy. But where were these Foreign Foes, France, and Scotland, being now both of them ordered into a defensive posture, whose invasion was expected? Possibly these dangers were represented through State-Multiplying Glasses, to quicken the care, and continue the Taxes on the English Nation. 41. The Lords and Commons in Parliament began now to find themselves much aggrieved, A petition against Clergy men's employment in Secular places. that the Clergy engrossed all Secular Offices, and thereupon presented the ensuing Petition to the King, according to this effect insisting only in the substance thereof. 42. And because that in this present Parliament it was declared to our Lord the King, 45 by all the Earls, 1370 Barons, Ex Rot. Parl. in Turr. Lond. in 45. Ed. tertii. and Commons of England, that the Government of the Kingdom, hath been performed for a long time, by the men of Holy Church, which are not * Justifiables in the French Originals, 〈◊〉, whether whether not able to do justice, or not to be justified in their employment, as improper for it. justifiable in all cases, whereby great mischiefs and damages, have happened in times past, and more may happen in time to come in disheriting of the Crown and great prejudice of the Kingdom for divers causes that a man may declare— that it will please our said Lord the King, Anno Dom. 1370 that the Laymen of the said Kingdom which are sufficient and able of estate, Anno Regis. Ed. tertii 45. may be chosen for this, and that no other person be hereafter made Chancellor, Treasurer, Clerk of the Privy Seal, Barons of the Exchequer, Chamberlains of the Exchequer, controller, and all other great Officers and Governors of the said Kingdom, and that this thing be now in such manner established in form aforesaid, that by no way it may be defeated or any thing done to the contrary in any time to come; Saving always to our Lord the King, the Election and removing of such Officers, but that always they be Laymen, such as is abovesaid. 43. To this Petition the King returned, The Answer (in effect) a denial. that he would ordain upon this point as it shall best seem to him by the advice of his good Council. He therefore who considereth the present power of the Clergy, at the Councel-Table, will not wonder, if all things remained in their former Condition, till the Nobility began more openly to favour John Wickliff his Opinions, which the next Book, God willing, shall relate. 44. We will close this with a Catalogue of the Arch-Bishops of Canterbury, Simon Mepham Archbishop of Canterbury. Contemporary with King Edward the third, and begin with Simon Mepham made Archbishop in the first year of his reign, so that the Crown and the Mitre may seem in some sort to have started together, only here was the odds, the King was a young, (yea, scarce a) man, whereas the Archbishop was well stricken in years. Hence their difference in holding out, the King surviving, to see him buried and six more (whereof four Simons inclusively) heartbroken as they say with grief. For when John Grandison Bishop of Exeter (making much noise with his Name, but more with his Activity) refused to be visited by him, (the Pope siding with the Bishop) Mepham so resented it, that it cost him his life. 45. John Stratford was the second, John Sratford his successor. Consecrated first Bishop of Winchester on the Lord's day, whereon it was solemnly sung, many are the afflictions of the Righteous, whereof he was very apprehensive then, and more afterwards, when his own experience had proved a Comment thereon. Yet this might comfort him, whilst living, and make others honour his memory, that a good Conscience without any great crime, generally caused his molestation. For under King Edward the second, he suffered for being too loyal a Subject, (siding with the King against the Queen and her Son) and under King Edward the third, he was molested for being too faithful a Patriot, namely, in pitying his poor Countreymens' taxations, for which he was accused for correspondency with the French, and complying with the Pope, (Pope and King of France then blowing in one Trumpet) whereat King Edward was highly incensed. 46. However Stratford did but say what thousands thought, His last his best days. viz. that a peace with France was for the profit of England, especially as proffered upon such honourable conditions. This the Archbishop was zealous for, upon a threefold account, First, of Piety, to save the effusion of more Christian blood. Secondly, of Policy, suspecting success, that the tide might turn, and what was suddenly gotten, might be as suddenly lost. Thirdly, on Charity, sympathising with the sad condition of his fellow Subjects, groaning under the burden of Taxes to maintain an unnecessary war. For England sent over her wealth into France, to pay their victorious Soldiers, and received back again honour in exchange, whereby our Nation became exceeding proud, and exceeding poor. However the end (as well as the beginning of the Psalm) was verified of this Archbishop, the Lord delivereth them out of all, dying in great honour and good esteem with the King, a strong argument of his former innocence. 47. The third was Tho. Bradwardine, Tho. Bradwardine the third Archbishop. whose election was little less than miraculous. For Commonly the King refused whom the Monks chose: the Pope rejected whom the Monks and King did elect, whereas all interests met in the choice of Bradwardine. Yea, which was more, the Pope as yet not knowing that the Monks and the King had pre-elected him, of his own accord (as by supernatural instinct) appointed Bradwardine for that place, who little thought thereon. Thus Omne tulit punctum, and no wonder, seeing he mingled his profitable Doctrines with a sweet and amiable conversation: Camden in Eliz. indeed he was skilled in School Learning, which one properly calleth Spinosa Theologia, and though some will say, can figs grow on thorns, yet his thorny Divinity produced much sweet devotion. 48. He was Confessor to king Edward the third, whose miraculous victories in France, The best Archbishop of that See. some impute more to this man's devout prayers: Then either to the Policy or Prowess of the English Nation He died before he was enthronized few months after his consecration, though now advanced on a more Glorious and durable Throne in Heaven, where he hath received the Crown from God, who here defended the * He wrote de Causae Dei. Cause of God. I behold him as the most pious man who from Anselm (not to say Augustine) to Cranmer, sat on that Seat. And a better St. Thomas (though not sainted by the Pope) than one of his predecessors commonly so called. 49. Simon Islip was the fourth, Simon Islip next Archbishop. a parsimonious (but no avaricious) man, thrifty whilst living, therefore clandestinely Enthronized, and when dead, secretly interred without any solemnity: Yet his frugality may be excused (if not commended herein) because he reserved his estate for good uses, founding Canterbury College in Oxford: Excipe Merton College. Thus generally Bishops founders of many Colleges therein, denominated them either from that Saint to whom they were dedicated, or from their See, (as Exeter, Canterbury, Durham, Lincoln) putting thereby a civil obligation on their Successors to be (as Visitors, so) Benefactors thereunto. This Canterbury College is now swallowed up in Christ Church, which is no single Star as other Colleges, but a Constellation of many put together. 50. Simon Langham is the fifth, Langham, Witlesee, and Sudbury. much meriting by his munificence to Westminster Abbie. He was made Cardinal of St. Praxes, and by the Pope Bishop of Preneste in Italy, with a faculty to hold as many Ecclesiastical preferments as he could get. Hereupon he resigned his Archbishopric of Canterbury, lived for a time at Avenion in France, and there buried (according to his own directions) in a temporary Tomb, in a Religious house of his own, till three years after removed to Westminster. William whitlesee succeeded him, famous for freeing the University of Oxford, from the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Lincoln, formerly the Diocesan thereof. As for Simon Sudbury, the last Archbishop of Canterbury, in the reign of King Edward the third, of him, God willing, hereafter. The end of the third Book. THE Church-History OF BRITAIN. The Fourth Book. FROM THE FIRST APPEARING OF JOHN WICLIFFE. Until the Reign of KING HENRY The Eighth. SIC OMNI TEMPORE VERDO printer's or publisher's device LONDON, Printed in the Year, M.DC.LU To the Right Honourable, JAMES HAY, EARL of CARLISLE, VISCOUNT DONCASTER, BARON of SAULEY and WALTHAM. WE read in * 1 Chro. 11. 13. Holy-writ, when the Israelites fled before the Philistines, who spoilt a field of Barley, how Eleazar the Son of Dodo, made them pay dear for their Trespass, so stopping them in the full speed of their Conquest, that he saved Israel by a great Deliverance. Inspired Truths need not the Security of humane History, to pass them into our Belief. However, other writers afford Examples, how one man, in a manner, hath routed a whole Army, and turned the flight of his party, into an unexpected Victory. Thus the * George Buchanan Scholar Hist. b. 6. p. 55. Chronicles inform us, that when the Scots fled from the Danes (at a place called Long-Carty) one HAY an Husbandman, then at Plough (with his two Sons) snatching the Yoke into his hand (it is the man makes the weapons, not the weapons the man) not only stopped the Enemies further pursuit, but beat them back with a great Overthrow. Whose valour, King KENETH the second, (seven hundred years since) rewarded, with as much ground of the best in Scotland, as a Falcon flew over at one flight before it did take a stand. And the memory hereof is continued in your Arms, who doth carry a Chronicle in your Coat, Crest, and Supporters. Let none quarrel at your Supporters, being two men holding each an Yoke in his hand, seeing they are the Supporters general of all mankind, Eccles. 5. 9 Solomon (being himself a King) observing that the King himself is maintained by husbandry. Besides, those Yokes procured the Scotch Liberty, who otherwise had been miserably enslaved to the Danish Insolence. And if the bearing of arms were so ancient amongst the Jews, as the Rabbis will have it, it is proportionably probable that the Posterity of Shamgar gave the * Judg. 3. 31. GOAD for the Hereditary Ensigns of their Family. Nor must your Motto be forgotten, CONSCIENTIA MILLE SCUTA, A good Conscience is a thousand shields, and every one of proof against the greatest peril. May your Honour therefore be careful to preserve it; seeing lose the Shield, and lose the Field, so great the concernment thereof. No Family in Christendom hath been Ennobled on a more Honourable Occasion, hath flourished for longer continuance, or been preserved in a more miraculous manner. It is * Titus Livius libro 2. do. reported of the Romance FABII, no less numerous than valiant (three hundred and sixty Patritians flourishing of them at once) they were all slain in one Battle, one only excepted, who being under Age to bear Arms, was preserved alive. A great Fatality befell your Family, in a fight at Duplin-Castle (in the Reign of our Edward the first) when the whole Household of * Camd. Brit. in Scot Strath-erne, pag. 705. HAYES was finally extirpated, and not one of them visible in the whole World. Only it happened that the Chief of them left his Wife at home big with Child, from whom your Name is recruited, all springing as it were from a dead Root, and thence deriving a Postume Pedigree. This puts me in hopes, that God who so strangely preserved your Name in Scotland, will not suffer it so soon to be extinct in England, but give you Posterity by your Noble Consort, when it shall seem seasonable to his own will and pleasure. All that I will add is this, that seeing your Honour beareth three smaller Shields, or In-Escutchions, in your Arms, the shadow of the least of them, with its favourable reflection, is sufficient effectually to protect and defend the weak endeavours of Your most obliged Servant and Chaplain, THOMAS FULLER. THE CHURCH-HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Anno Regis BOOK IU. Anno Dom. 1. THe Romanists observe, Ed. 3. 45. that several advantages concurred to the speedy propagation of Wicliffs opinions, 1371. as namely, Several causes of the speedy spreading of Wicliffs Doctrine. the decrepit age of Edward the third, and infancy of Richard his successor, being but a child, as his Grandfather was twice a child, so that the reins of Authority were let lose. Secondly, the attractive nature of Novelty, drawing followers unto it. Thirdly, the enmity which John of Gaunt bore unto the Clergy, which made him, out of opposition to favour the Doctrine and person of Wicliffe. Lastly, the envy which the a Harpsfield in his Historia Wicliffiana ca▪ 1. Pope had contracted by his exactions and collations of Ecclesiastical benefices. We deny not these helps were instrumentally active in their several degrees, but must attribute the main to Divine providence, blessing the Gospel, and to the nature of truth itself, which though for a time, violently suppressed, will seasonably make its own free, and clear passage into the world. 2. And here we will acquaint the Reader, Wicliffe guilty of many errors. that being to write the History of Wicliffe, I intent neither to deny, dissemble, defend, or excuse any of his faults. We have this treasure (saith the b 2 Cor. 4. 12. Apostle) in earthen vessels; and he that shall endeavour to prove a pitcher of clay, to be a pot of gold, will take great pains to small purpose. Yea; should I be over-officious to retain myself, to plead for Wicliffs faults, that glorious Saint would sooner chide than thank me, unwilling that in favour of him, truth should suffer prejudice. He was a man, and so subject to error, living in a dark Age, more obnoxious to stumble vexed with opposition, which makes men reel into violence, and therefore it is unreasonable, Anno Dom. 1371. that the constitution and temper of his positive opinions, Anno Regis Ed. 3. 45. should be guessed by his Polemical Heat, when he was chafed in disputation. But besides all these, envy hath falsely fathered many foul aspersions upon him. 3. We can give no account of Wicliffs parentage, The learning of Wicliffe birth, place, or infancy, only we find an ancient a Camd Brit. in the Bishopric of Darham family of the Wicliffs in the Bishopric▪ of Durham, since by match united to the Brake●buries, persons of prime quality in those parts. As for this our Wicliffe, history at the very first meets with him a Man, and full grown, yea, Graduate of b Balcus Cent. 6. numero. ●. Merton College in Oxford. The fruitful soil of his natural parts, he had industriously improved by acquired learning, not only skilled in the fashionable Arts of that Age, and in that abstruse, crabbed divinity, all whose fruit is thorns: but also well versed in the Scriptures; a rare accomplishment in those▪ days. His public Acts in the Schools, he kept with great approbation, though the echo of his popular applause sounded the Alarm to awaken the envy of his adversaries against him. 4. He is charged by the Papists, Wicliffe accused for ambition and discontent. as if discontent first put him upon his opinions. For having usurped the c Harpsfield 〈◊〉▪ Wicliffiana cap. 1. Headship, of Canterbury College▪ (founded by Simon Iselep, since like a tributary brook, swallowed upon the vastness of Christ-Church) after a long suit, he was erected by sentence from the Pope, because by the Statutes, only a Monk was capable of the place. Others add, that the loss of the Bishopric of Worcester which he desired, incensed him to revenge himself by innovations; and can true doctrine be the fruit, where ambition and discontent hath been the root thereof? Yet such may know, that God often sanctifies man's weakness to his own glory; and that wife Architect makes of the crookedness of men's conditions, straight beams in his own building, to raise his own honour upon them. Besides, these things are barely said, without other evidence; and if his foes affirming be a proof, why should not his friend's denial thereof be a sufficient resutation? Out of the same mint of malice another story is coined against him, how Wicliffe being once graveled in public disputation, preferring rather to say none— then nothing, was forced to affirm, that an d Idem ibidem. accident was a substance. Yet me thinks, if the story were true, such as defend the doctrine of accidents subsisting in the sacrament without a substance, might have invented some charitable qualification of his paradox, seeing those that defend falsehoods, aught to be good fellows and help one another. 5. Seven years Wicliffe lived in Oxford, The employment of Wicliff in Oxford. in some tolerable quiet, having a Professors place, and a cure of souls. On the week days in the Schools proving to the learned what he meant to preach; and on the Lord's day preaching in the Pulpit, to the vulgar, what he had proved before. Not unlike those bvilders in the second Temple, holding a c Nehemiah 4. 17. Sword in one hand, and a Trowel in the other; his disputations making his preaching to be strong, and his preaching making his disputations to be plain. His speculative positions against the Real Presence in the Eucharist, did offend and distaste, but his practical Tenants against Purgatory, and Pilgrimages, did enrage and bemadd his adversaries: so woundable is the dragon, under the left wing, when pinched in point of profit. Hereupon they so prevailed with Simon Sudbury, Archbishop of Canterbury, that Wicliffe was silenced, and deprived of his benefice. Notwithstanding all which, he wanted nothing secretly, supplied by invisible persons, and he felt many a gift from a hand that he did not behold. 6. Here it will be seasonable to give in a List of Wicliffes' Opinions, Difference in the number of Wicliffs opinions. though we meet with much variety in the accounting of them. 1. Pope a Harpsfield in Hist. Wicliffiana, p. 684. Gregory the eleventh, observed eighteen principal Errors in his Books, and Wicliffe is charged with the same b Fox Martyr. p. 398. number, in the Convocation at Lambeth. 2. THOMAS c Idem. p. 401. ARUNDEL, Archbishop of CANTERBURY, in a Synod held at Preaching-Friers, in London, condemned three and twenty of his Opinions; the ten first for heretical, and the thirteen last for erroneous. 3. In the Council at Constance, d Idem p. 414. five and forty Articles of false Doctrines were exhibited against WICLIFFE, then lately deceased. 4. THOMAS WALDENSIS computeth fourscore Errors in him. 5. JOHN e Harpsfield Hist Wicliffe, pag 669. LUCK, Doctor of Divinity in Oxford, brings up the account to two hundred sixty six. Lastly, and above all, JOHN f In hystoria Hussitarum in Pr●l●g. T●mi pri●i. COCLEUS (it is fit that the latest Edition should be the largest) swells them up to full three hundred and three. Wonder not at this difference, as if Wicliffe's Opinions, were like the Stones on Salisbury-plain, falsely reported, that no two can count them alike. The variety ariseth, first, because some count only his primitive Tenets, which are breeders, and others reckon all the fry of Consequences derived from them. Secondly, some are more industrious to seek, perverse to collect, captious to expound, malicious to deduce far distant Consequences; excellent at the inflaming of a Reckoning, quick to discover an infant or Em●rio-errours, which others overlook. Thirdly, it is probable, that in process of time, Wicliffe might delate himself in supplemental and additional Opinions, more than he at first maintained: and it is possible that the Tenants of his followers in after ages might be falsely fathered upon him. We will tie ourselves to no strict number or method, but take them as find them, out of his greatest adversary, with exact Quotation of the Tome, Book, Article, and Chapter, where they are Reported. THOMAS WALDENSIS accuseth WICLIFFE to have maintained these dangerous heretical OPINIONS. To. Bo Art Chap. OF THE POPE. 4 2 1 1 1. That it is blasphemy to call any Head of the Church save Christ alone. 1 2 3 39 2. That the election of the Pope by Cardinals, is a device of the devil. 1 2 1 2 3. That those are Heretics, which say that Peter had more power than the other Apostles. 1 2 1 4 4. That James, Bishop of Jerusalem, was preferred before Peter. 1 2 3 41 5. That Rome is not the Seat in which Christ's Vicar doth reside. 1 2 3 35 6. That the Pope, if he doth not imitate Christ and Peter in his life, and manners; is not to be called the Successor of PETER. 1 2 3 38 7. That the Imperial and Kingly authority are above the Papal Power. 1 2 3 48 8. That the doctrine of the infallibility of the Church of Rome, in matters of faith, is the greatest blasphemy of Antichrist. 1 2 3 54 9 That he often calleth the Pope Antichrist. 1 2 3 32 10. That Christ meant the Pope, by the * Mat. 24. 15. abomination of Desolation, standing in the holy place. OF POPISH PRELATES. 1 2 2 16 11. That from the words, and works, and a Ex verbo, opere, & taciturnitate Praelatorum. silence of Prelates in Preaching, it seemeth probable, that they are Devils incarnate. 1 2 3 57 12. That Bishop's Benedictions, Confirmations, Consecrations of Churches, Chalices, etc. be but tricks to get money. OF PRIESTS. 1 2 3 71 13. That plain Deacons and Priests may preach without licence of Pope or Bishop. 1 2 3 60 14. That in the time of the Apostles, there were only two Orders, namely, Priests and Deacons, and that a Bishop doth not differ from a Priest. 3 68 15. That it is lawful for Laymen to absolve no less, then for the Priests. 2 128 16. That it is lawful for Clergymen to marry. 61 17. That Priests of bad life, cease any longer to be b Waldensis in several places of his book. Priests. OFFA THE CHURCH. 1 2 8 18. That he defined the Church to consist, only of persons predestinated. 1 2 1 12 19 That he divideth the Church into these three members, Clergymen, Soldiers, and Labourers. 1 4 3 37 20. That the Church was not endowed with any immovable possessions, before Constantine the great. 1 4 3 16 41 21. That it is no Sacrilege to take away things, consecrated to the Church. 3 143 22. That all beautiful building of Churches, is blame-worthy, and savours of hypocrisy. OF TITHES. 1 2 3 65 23. That Parishioners by him were exhorted, not to pay Tithes to Priests of dissolute life. 1 2 3 64 24. That Tithes are pure alms, and that Pastors ought not to exact them by Ecclesiastical censures. OF THE SCRIPTURE. 1 2 2 23 25. That wise men leave that as Impertinent, which is not plainly expressed in Scripture. 1 2 2 26 26. That he slighted the authority of General Counsels. OF HERETICS. 2 81 27. That he called all Writers since the thousandth year of Christ, Heretics. OF PRAYER. 3 23 25 28. That men are not bound to the observation of Vigils, or Canonical hours. 3 11 29. That it is vain for Laymen to bargain with Priests for their prayers. 3 21 30. That to bind men to set and prescript forms of Prayers, doth derogate from that liberty God hath given them. 3 8 31. That to depress the benefit of other men's purchased Prayers, he recommended all men, to hope, and trust in their own righteousness. OF ALMS. 1 2 3 71 32. That we ought not to do any Alms to a sinner, whilst we know him to be so. OF THE SACRAMENTS. 3 45 46 33. That Chrism, and other such ceremonies are not to be used in Baptism. 2 99 34. That those are fools, and presumptuous, which affirm, such infants not to be saved, which die without Baptism: and also, That he denied, that all sins are abolished in Baptism. 2 108 2 98 35. That Baptism doth not confer, but only signify grace, which was given before. 2 26 36. That in the Sacrament of the Altar, the Host is not to be worshipped, and such as adore it are Idolaters. 37. That the substance of bread and wine, still remain a This is scattered in several places of his book. in the Sacrament. 2 55 38. That God could not, though he would, make his body to be at the same time, in several places. 1 109 39 That the Sacrament of Confirmation is not much necessary to salvation. 3 147 40. That Confession, to a man truly contrite, is superfluous, used by Antichrist, to know the secrets, and gain the wealth of others. 2 130 41. That that is no due Marriage, which is contracted, without hope of having children. 2 163 42. That extreme Unction is needless, and no Sacrament. OF ORDERS. 2 2 2 15 43. That Religious Sects confound the unity of Christ's Church, who instituted but one order of serving him. 2 109 44. That he denied all sacred initiations into Orders, as leaving no character behind them. 3 91 45. That Vowing of Virginity is a Doctrine of Devils. OF SAINTS. 3 130 46. That such Christians, who do worship Saints, border on Idolatry. 3 133 47. That it is needless to adorn the shrines of Saints, or to go in Pilgrimage to them. 3 124 48. That miracles conceived done at Saints shrines, may be delusions of the Devil. 125 3 115 49. That Saints prayers (either here, or in heaven) are only effectual for such as are good. OF THE KING. 1 2 3 79 50. That it is lawful in Causes Ecclesiastical, and matters of faith, after the Bishop's sentence, to appeal to the secular Prince. 1 3 1 81 51. That Dominion over the creature is founded in grace. 1 3 3 83 52. That God devesteth him of all right who abuseth his power. OF CHRIST. 1 2 3 43 53. That Christ was a man, even in those three days, wherein his body did lie in the grave. 1 2 3 44 54. That the Humanity of Christ being separated, is to be worshipped with that adoration which is called LATRIA. 1 1 3 44 55. That Christ is the Humanity by him assumed. OF GOD. 2 160 56. That God loved David and Peter as dearly, when they grievously sinned, as he doth now when they are possessed of glory. 1 2 3 82 57 That God giveth no good things to his enemies. 2 135 58. That God is not more willing to reward the good, then to punish the wicked. 59 That all things a Waldensis in several places layeth this to his charge. come to pass by fatal necessity. 1 1 1 13 60. That God could not make the world otherwise than it is made. 1 1 1 10 61. That God cannot do any thing, which he doth not do. 62. That God cannot make that something should return into nothing. 7. Here the ingenuous Reader must acknowledge, Much pity that Wicliffs own books are lost. that many of these opinions are truths, at this day publicly professed in the Protestant Church. For the rest, what pity is it that we want Wicliffe's works, to hear him speak in his own behalf. Were they all extant, therein we might read the occasion, intention, and connexion of what he spoke; together with the limitations, restrictions, distinctions, qualifications, of what he maintained. There we might see, what was the overplus of his passion, and what the just measure of his judgement. Many phrases, heretical in sound, would appear orthodox in sense. Yea, some of his poisonous passages, dressed with due caution, would prove not only wholesome, but cordial truths; many of his expressions wanting, not granum ponderis, but salis, no weight of truth, but some grains of discretion. But now alas! of the a Aenea● Silvius H●●● Bohem. pag. 78. two hundred books, which he wrote, being burnt, not a tittle is left, and we are said to b So Jo. Bale contelleth, Cent. 6. p. 451. borrow the bare titles of them from his adversaries; from whom also these his opinions are extracted, who winnow his works, c Luke 22. 31. as Satan did Peter, not to find the cor●●, but the chaff therein. And how can did some Papists are in interpreting the meaning of Protestants, appears by that cunning d See the book called Calvino Turcismus. Chemist, who hath distilled the spirits of Turkism, out of the books of Calvin himself. 8. Now a Synod was called by Simon Sudbury, 50. Archbishop of Canterbury, 1376 at Paul's in London (the Parliament then sitting at Westminster) whither Wicliffe was summoned to appear; Wicliff appears before the Synod in Saint Paul's. who came accordingly, but in a posture and equipage different from expectation. Four Friars were to assist; the Lord Piercy to usher; John, Duke of Lancaster, to accompany him. These Lords their enmity with the Prelates, was all Wicliffes' acquaintance with them; whose eyes did countenance, hands support, and tongues encourage him, bidding him to dread nothing, nor to shrink at the company of the Bishops; for, they are all unlearned (said they) in respect of you. Great was the concourse of people; as in populous places, when a new sight is to be seen, there never lack look is on: and to see this manbaiting, all people of all kinds flocked together. 9 The Lord Piercy, The brawl betwixt the Bishop, and the Lords in the Church. Lord Marshal of England, had much ado to break thorough the crowd in the Church; so that the bustle he kept with the people, highly offended the Bishop of London, profaning the place, and disturbing the Assembly. Whereon followed a fierce contention betwixt them; and left their interlocutions should hinder the entireness of out discourse, take them verbatim in a Dialogue, omitting only their mutual railing; which, as it little became persons of honour to bring; so it was flat against the profession of a Bishop to return; who, by the Apostles e 1 Tim. 3. 3. precept, must be patiented, not a brawler. Bish. Courtney. Lord Piercy, if I had known before hand, what masteries you would have kept in the Church, I would have stopped you out from coming hither. Duke of Lancast. He shall keep such masteries here, though you say nay. Lord Piercy. Wicliffe, sit down, for, you have many things to answer to, and you need to repose yourself on a soft seat. Bish. Courtney. It is unreasonable, that one, cited before his Ordinary, should sit down during his answer. He must, and shall stand. Duke of Lancast. The Lord Piercy his motion for Wicliffe is but reasonable. And as for you my Lord Bishop, who are grown so proud, and arrogant, I will bring down the pride, not of you alone, but of all the Prelacy in England. Bish. Courtney. Do your worst Sir, Duke of Lancast. Thou bearest thyself so brag upon thy f His Father Hugh Courtney Earl of Devon-shire. parents, which shall not be able to help thee; they shall have enough to do to help themselves. Bish. Courtney. My confidence is not in my Parents, nor in any man else, but only in God in whom I trust, by whose assistance I will be bold to speak the truth. Duke of Lancast. Rather than I will take these words at his hands, Anno Dom. 1376. I'd pluck the Bishop by the hair out of the a Fox Martyr. pag. 303. & Harpsfield in Hist. Wicliffiana cap. 5. pag. 683. Church. Anno Regis Ed. 3. 50. These last words, though but softly whispered by the Duke, in the ear of one next unto him, were notwithstanding overheard by the Londoners; who, enraged that such an affront should be offered to their Bishop, fell furiously on the Lords, who were fain to departed for the present, and for a while by flight, and secrecy to secure themselves; whilst, what outrages were offered to the Duke's palace, and his servants, Historians of the State do relate. 10. Wonder not that two persons, Why the Archbishop and Wicliffe silent the while. most concerned to be vocal, were wholly mute at this meeting; namely, Simon the Archbishop, and Wicliffe, himself. The former (rather acted, then active in this business) seeing the brawl happened in the Cathedral of London, left the Bishop thereof to meddle, whose stout stomach, and high birth, made him the meeter match to undertake such noble adversaries. As for Wicliffe, well might the Client be silent, whilst such Council pleaded for him. And the Bishops found themselves in a dangerous Dilemma about him; it being no pity to permit, nor policy to punish, one protected with such potent patrons. Yea, in the issue of this Synod, they only commanded him to forbear hereafter, from preaching, or writing his doctrine; and, how far he promised conformity to their injunctions, doth not appear. 11. In all this Synod, Wicliff● opinions marvellously spread, and why. though Wicliffe made but a dumb show, rather seen then heard, yet the noise of his success sounded all over the Kingdom▪ For, when a suspected person is solemnly summoned, and dismissed without censure; vulgar apprehensions, not only infer his innocence, but also conclude, either the ignorance, or injustice of his adversaries. In public assemblies, if the weaker party can so subsist, as not to be conquered, it conquers in reputation, and a drawn battle is accounted a victory on that ●ide. If Wicliffe was guilty, why not punished? if guiltless, why silenced? And it much advantaged the propagating of his opinions, that at this very time happened a dangerous discord at Rome, long lasting, for above forty years, and fiercely followed; begun betwixt Vrban the 6th, and Clement the 7th. One living at Rome, the other residing at Avignon. Thus Peter's Chair was like to be broken, betwixt two sitting down at once. Let Wicliffe alone to improve this advantage; pleading, that now the Romish Church, having two, had no legal head; that this monstrous apparition presaged the short life thereof; and these two Anti-popes', made up one Antichrist. In a word, there was opened unto him a great door of utterance, made out of that crack, or cleft, which then happened in this seasonable schism at Rome. 12. Edward, The death & character of King Edward the third. the third of that name, 1377 ended his life, 51. having reigned a Jubilee, full fifty years. A Prince no less successful, then valiant; like an Amphibion, He was equally active on water, and land. Witness his naval-victory nigh Sluice, and land-conquest at Chresce, Poitiers, and elsewhere. Yet his achievements in France, were more for the credit, than commodity; honour, than profit of England. For, though the fair Provinces, he Conquered therein, seemed fat enough to be stewed in their own liquor; I mean, rich enough to maintain themselves; yet we find them to have sucked up much of our English sauce, to have drained the money, and men of this land to defend them. This made King Edward, to endeavour to his power, to preserve his people from Popish extortions, as knowing, that his own taxes did burden, and the addition of those other would break the backs of his Subjects. He was himself not unlearned, and a great favourer of learned men; Colleges springing by pairs out of his marriagebed; namely, Kings-Hall, founded by himself in Cambridg; and Queens-Colledg, by Philippe his wife in Oxford. He lived almost to the age, and altogether to the infirmities of King David, but had not, with him, a virgin- Abishag, a virgin-Concubine, to heat him: Anno Regis Ed. 3. 51. but (which is worse) in his decrepit age, kept Alice Pierce, a noted strumpet, to his own disgrace, and his peoples disprofit. For, she (like a bad tenant, which, holding an expiring lease without impeachment of waste, cares not what spoil he maketh thereon) sensible of what ticklish terms she stood on, snatched all she could rape and rend, unto herself. In a word, the bad beginning of this King, on the murder of his Father, must be charged on his Mothers, and Mortimer's account. The failings at his end may be partly excused, by the infirmities of his age; the rather because whilst he was himself, he was like himself; and, whilst master of his own actions, he appeared worthy of all commendations. Ric. 2▪ 1. Richard the second, his Grandchild by Edward the Black Prince, succeeded him, being about twelve years of age, and lived under his Mothers and Uncle's tuition. 13. A Parliament was called a Westminster, Laity bandying against the Clergy in Parliament. wherein old bandying betwixt the Laity, and the Clergy. The former moving, a Ex Rotulis in Terre Londinensi primo Ricardi 2. That no officer of the Holy Church should take pecuniary sums, more or less, of the people, for correction of sins, but only enjoin them spiritual penance, which would be more pleasing to God, and profitable to the soul of the offender. The Clergy stickled hereat, for, by this craft they got their gain; and, no greater penance can be laid on them, than the forbidding them to impose money-penance on others. But here the King interposed, That Prelates should proceed therein as formerly, according to the laws of the Holy Church, and not otherwise. Yea, many things passed in this Parliament in favour of the Clergy; as that, That all Prelates and Clerks shall from henceforth commence their suits against purveyors and buyers disturbing them (though not by way of crime) by actions of trespass, and recover triple damages. Also, That any of the King's Ministers, arresting people of the Holy Church in doing Divine Service, shall have imprisonment, and thereof be ransomed at the Kings will, and make gree to the parties so arrested. 14. About this time Wicliffe was summoned personally to appear before Simon, 2 Archbishop of Canterbury, 1378 and the rest of the Bishops, Wicliff wonderfully preserved from prosecution. in his Chapel at Lambeth. He came accordingly, and now all expected he should be devoured, being brought into the Lions Den. When, in comes a Gentleman, and Courtier, one b Antiq. Bit. pag. 258. & Fox. p. 505. Lewis Clifford, on the very day of examination, commanding them, not to proceed to any definitive sentence against the said Wicliffe. Never before was the Bishops served with such a prohibition: all agreed, the messenger durst not be so stout, with a Mandamus in his mouth, but because backed with the power of the Prince that employed him. The Bishops struck with a panic fear, proceeded no farther; the rather because the messenger so rudely rushed into the Chapel, and the person of this John Wicliffe was so saved from heavy censure, as was once the doctrine of his c Mark 11. 32. godly namesake, for they feared the people. Only the Archbishop summoned a Synod at London, himself preaching at the opening thereof. We find nothing of his Sermon, but his Text was excellent, Watch and pray. Four constitutions he made therein, d Linwoods' provincials, lib. 5. fol. 183. three whereof concerned Confession, grown now much into discredit, and disuse, by Wicliffs doctrine, and therefore conceived more needful, to press the strict observation thereof. 15. In the Parliament, Transactions in the Parliament of Gloucester. kept at Gloucester this same year, the Commons complained, that many Clergymen, under the notion of Sylva caedua, lop-wood, took tithes even of timber itself: Requesting, that, in such cases, prohibitions might be granted, to stop the proceed of the Court-Christian. It was moved also, that Sylva caedua (though formerly accounted wood above twenty years old) might hereafter be declared that, which was above the growth of e Ex Rot. in Terre Londin. 2 Richardi 2. parte, primâ, numero 45. ten years, and the same to be made free from tithes. But this took no effect, the King remitting things to their ancient course. To cry quits with the Commons in their complaints, the Archbishop of Canterbury enveigh'd as bitterly, of the Franchises infringed, of the Abby-Church of Westminster: wherein Robert de Hanley, Esquire, with a servant of that Church, were both despitefully, and horridly slain therein, at the high Altar, Anno Dom. 1378. even when the Priest was singing high Mass, Anno Regis Ric. 2▪ 2. and pathetically desired reparation for the same. 16. Some of the Lords rejoined on their parts, Sanctuaries shrewdly shaken. that such sanctuaries were abused by the Clergy, to protect people from the payment of their due debts; the aforesaid Hanlay being slain in a quarrel on that occasion. And, whereas upon the oaths, and examination of certain Doctors in Divinity, Canon, and Civil Law, it appeared, that immunity in the Holy Church were only to be given to such, who, upon crime, were to lose life or limb, the same was now extended to privilege people, in actions of account, to the prejudice of the creditor. They added moreover, that neither God himself (saving his perfection) nor the Pope (saving his Holiness) nor any Lay-Prince could grant such privilege to the Church: and the Church, which should be the favourer of virtue, and justice, a Ex Rot. Tur. Londin. 2. Ric. 2 part 2 num. 28. ought not to accept the same, if granted. The Bishops desired a day to give in their answer, which was granted them: but I find not this harsh string touched again all this Parliament; haply for fear, but to make bad music thereon. Complaints were also made against the extortion of Bishop's Clerks; who, when they should take but b Ibid num 46. eight pence, for the probate of a Will, they now exacted greater sums than ever before: to which, as to other abuses, some general reformation was promised. 17. In the next Parliament called at Westminster, Aliens debarred from holding benefices. one of the greatest grievances of the Land was redressed, 1379 namely, 3. foreiners holding of Ecclesiastical benefices. For, at this time the Church of England might say with Israel, * Lam. 5. 2. Our inheritance is turned to strangers, our houses to aliens. Many Italians, who knew no more English, than the difference between a teston and a a shilling, a golden noble and an angel in receiving their rents, had the fattest live in England by the Pope collated upon them. Yea, many great c See the Catalogue of their names and numbers in Mr Fox. pag. 562. Cardinals, resident at Rome (those hinges of the Church must be greased with English revenues) were possessed of the best prebend's, and Parsonages in the Land, whence many mischiefs did ensue. First, they never preached in their Parishes: Of such shepherds it could not properly be said, that, he d John 10. 12. leaveth the sheep, and fleeth; who (though taking the title of shepherd upon them) never saw their flock, nor set foot on English ground. Secondly, no hospitality was kept for relief of the poor: except they could fill their bellies on the hard names of their Pastors, which they could not pronounce; Lord Cardinal of Agrifolio, Lord Cardinal d St Angelo, Lord Cardinal Veverino, etc. Yea, the Italians genrally farmed out their places to Proctors, their own Countrymen; who, instead of filling the bellies, grinded the faces of poor people: So that, what betwixt the Italian hospitality, which none could ever see; and the Latin Service, which none could understand: the poor English were ill fed, and worse taught. Thirdly, the wealth of the Land leaked out into foreign Countries, to the much impoverishing of the Commonwealth. It was high time therefore for the King, and Parliament, to take notice thereof; who now enacted, that no aliens should hereafter hold any such preferments, nor any send over unto them, the revenues of such Benefices. As in the Printed Statutes more largely doth appear. 18. Whiles at this time Clergy and Laity cast dirt each in others faces, The Rebellion of Wat Tyler, and Jack Straw. and neither washed their own: to punish both, burst forth the dangerous rebellion of Wat Tiler, and Jack Straw, with thousands of their cursed company. These all were pure Levellers (inflamed by the abused eloquence of one John Ball, an excommunicated Priest) who, maintaining, that no Gentry was Jure Divino, and all equal by nature, When Adam delved, and Eve span, Who was then the Gentleman? endeavoured the abolishing of all civil, Anno Regis Ric. 2 4. and spiritual degrees, Anno Dom. 1380 and distinctions. Yea, they desired to levelly men's parts, as well as their purses; and, that none should be either wealthier, or wiser than his fellows; projected the general destruction of all, that wore a pen-and-ink-horn about them, or could write, or read. To effect this design, they pretended the people's liberty, and the Prince's honour: and, finding it difficult to destroy the King, but by the King, they advanced the name, to pluck down the thing signified thereby; crying up, that, all was for King Richard. They seemed also to be much for Reformation; which cloak they wore, to warm themselves therewith, when naked, and first setting-up; but afterwards cast it off in the heat of their success, as not only useless, but burdensome unto them. 19 The rabble divided into three compapanies. As the Philistines a 1 Sam. 13. 17. came out in three companies, to destroy all the swords and Smiths in Israel: so this rabble of Rebels, making itself tripartite, endeavoured the rooting out of all pen-knives, and all appearance of learning. One in Kent, under the aforesaid Wat, and John: the second in Suffolk; the third under John Littstarre, a Dier in Norfolk. The former of these is described in the Latin verses of John Gower, Prince of Poets in his time; of whom we will bestow the following translation. Watte vocat, cui Thome venit, neque Symme retardat, Betteque Gibbe simul Hykke venire jubent. Colle furit, quem Gibbe juvat nocumenta parantes, Cum quibus ad damnum Wille coire vovet. Grigge rapit, dum Dawe strepit, comes est quibus Hobbe, Lorkin & in medio non minor esse putat. Hudde ferit, quos Judde terit, dum Tebbe juvatur, Jakke domosque viros vellit, & ense necat. Tom comes, thereat, when called by Wat, and Simm as forward we find, Bet calls as quick, to Gibb, and to Hykk, that neither would tarry behind. Gibb, a good whelp of that litter, doth help mad Coll more mischief to do; And Will he doth vow, the time is come now, he'll join with their company too. Davie complains, whiles Grigg gets the gains, and Hobb with them doth partake, Lorkin aloud, in the midst of the crowd, conceiveth as deep is his stake. Hudde doth spoil, whom Judde doth foil, and Tebb lends his helping hand, But Jack, the mad patch, men and houses doth snatch, and kills all at his command. Oh the methodical description of a confusion! How doth Wat lead the front, and Jack bring up the rear? (For, confusion itself would be instantly confounded, if some seeming superiority were not owned amongst them.) All men without surnames (Tiler was but the addition of his trade, and Straw, a mock-name, assumed by himself; though Jack Straw would have been John of Gold, had this treason took effect) so obscure they were, and inconsiderable. And, as they had no surnames, they deserved no Christian-names, for their heathenish cruelties: though, to get them a name, they endeavoured to build this their Babel of a general confusion. 20. Many, The barbarous outrages by them committed. and heinous were the outrages by them committed; especially, after they had possessed themselves of London. All shops, and cellars were broken open; and they now rusled in silk, formerly rattling in leather; now soaked themselves in wine, who were acquainted but with water before. The Savoy in the Strand, being the Palace of John Duke of Lancaster, was plundered: so was the Hospital of St John's; and Sr Robert Hales, Lord Prior therein, and Treasurer of England, slain. But, as their spite, was the keenest at, so the spoil the greatest on the Law; well knowing, that, while the banks thereof stood fully in force, the deluge of their intended Anarchy, could not freely overflow. They ransacked the Temple, not only destroying many present Pleas, written between party and party, (as if it would accord Plaintiff and Defendant, to send them both jointly to the fire) but also abolished many ancient Records, to the loss of Learning, and irrecoverable prejudice of posterity. The Church fared as ill as the Temple; and Simon Sudbury, Archbishop of Canterbury, after many indignities offered him, was at last by them beheaded on Tower-Hill, patiently ending his life, and dying a State-Martyr. But most fiercely fell their fury on the Dutch in London (offended, belike, with them for engrossing of Trade) and these words, bread and cheese, were their neck-verse, or Shibboleth, to distinguish them; all pronouncing broad and cause, being presently put to death. Of all people, only some a See Godwins Catalogue of the Bishops of Norwich in Hen Spencer. Franciscan Friars found favour in their sight, whom they intended to preserve. What quality, to us occult, commended them to their mercy? Was it because they were the most ignorant of other Friars, and so the likest to themselves? But, perchance, these Rebels (if demanded) were as unable to render a reason, why they spared these, as why they spoilt others; being equally irrational in their kindnesses, as in in their cruelties. 21. Judas & Wat Tyler paralleled. When I read that passage of Judas in the Counsel of b Acts 5. 37. Gamaliel, it seemeth to me plainly to describe the rising, increase, and ruin of these Rebels; 1. Rising. There risen up Judas of Galilee in the days of the taxing: so Tiler appeared, and this rebellion was caused by poll-money, heavily imposed by the King, and the arrears thereof more cruelly exacted by his Courtiers that farmed it. And pity it is, so foul a rebellion could pretend so fair an occasion, for the extenuating thereof. 2. Increase. And drew away much people after him: so the snowball increased here. John c In his book called Vox Clamantis, lib. 1. cap. 14. Gower telleth us in his parallel of the martyring of Simon Sudbury, Archbishop of Canterbury, with Thomas Becket, his predecessor. Quatuor in mortem spirarunt foedera Thomae; Simonis & centum mille dedere necem. But four conspired Thomas his blood to spill; Whiles hundred thousands Simon help to kill. Nor was this any poetical Hyperbole, but an historical truth, if the several numbers of their three armies were summed up together. 3. Ruin. He also perished, and all, even as many as obeyed him, were dispersed: so here, no sooner was Wat Tiler, their General (as I may term him) killed by valiant Wallworth, the Lord Mayor of London, and his assistance (for it was John a Weavers funeral Monuments, p. 693. Cavendish, Esquire, that dispatched him with a mortal wound) in Smithfield; and Jack Straw, their Lieutenant-General, legally b Stow Survey of London, pag. 55. beheaded (too brave a death for so base a fellow) but all the rest mouldered away, and vanished. In memory of Sr William Wallworths' valour, the Arms of London, formerly a plain Cross, were augmented with the addition of a Dagger, to make the coat in all points complete. Happy, when the Cross (as first there in place) directeth the Dagger, and when the Dagger defendeth the Cross: when Religion sanctifieth power, and power supporteth Religion. 22. But, Cope chargeth all this rebellion on Wicliffs doctrine. Alanus Copus (for, he it is, whose Ecclesiastical History of England, goes under the name of Harpsfield) heavily chargeth all this rebellion on the account of Wicliffe's doctrine. Whose scholars (saith c In his Histo. Wicliffiana, cap. 12. he) to promote their Master's opinions, stirred up this deadly, and damnable sedition, and sounded the first trumpet thereunto. Adding moreover, that Wicliffe's tenet, that, Dominion is founded in grace: and, that a King guilty of mortal sin, is no longer Lord of any thing, was Cos hujus seditionis, The whetstone of this sedition. But, to what liar the whetstone doth properly belong, will presently appear. 23. It is no news for the best of God's children, His malicious slander confused. to be slandered in this kind. Jeremy was d Jer. 37. 13: traduced, Thou fallest away to the Chaldeans. St Paul was e Acts 24. 5. accused, We have found this man a pestilent fellow, a mover of sedition. Yea, our Saviour himself was f John 19 12. charged, that, He made himself a King, and was a traitor to Caesar. But, as these were soul, and false aspersions: so will this appear, if we consider, 1. When John Ball was executed at St Alban, and Jack g See his confession at large in Stow's Survey of London, p. 54. Straw at London, not the least compliance with Wicliffe, or his doctrine, is either charged on them, or confessed by them. 2. No wild beast will pray on his own kind. Now, it is certainly known, that John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster was the principal Patron, and supporter of Wicliffe, whose life they sought to destroy, and whose Palace in the Strand they pillaged. 3. Wicliffe himself came within the compass of their destructive principles, designing the death of all, who wore a pen and ink. And, that Wicliffe had both pen and ink, Cope himself doth know, and the Court of Rome, with shame and sorrow will confess. 4. Wicliffe lived some years after, and died peaceably possessed of the Living of Lutterworth in Leicester-shire. Surely, had he been reputed the inflamer of this rebellion, the wisdom of the King, and Council, would have taken another order with him. 5. Amongst the articles laid to the charge of Wicliffe, and his followers, in this King's Reign, examined at Oxford, and elsewhere, not a tittle of this rebellion is pressed upon them. Which their malicious adversaries would not have omitted, if in any hope to make good that accusation against them. 6. Whereas it is charged on Wicliffe, that he held, that, Dominion was founded in grace, which occasioned this rebellion; we know this, that Huss, his scholar, though he did hold, that a King, being in mortal sin, was only called a King aequivoca denominatione; yet the same Huss confesseth (to use his own h Huss Tract. de Decimis, pag. 128. See Bishop Davenants 30 Determination. words) Ipsum Deum approbare hujusmodi Regem, quoad esse Principem exterius, That God himself allows such a King to be a Prince in all outward matters. So that, leaving him to Divine Justice, he never dreamt of any resistance, or rebellion to be made against him. 7. The modern Protestants (heirs, say the Papists to Wicliffe's doctrine) so far abominate these Rebels their levelling, and ignorant principles, that they are known, both to maintain distances of people, and to have been the restorers of lost, yea, the revivers of dead learning, and languages: How had the Mathematics measured their own grave? Greek turned barbarism? Hebrew (as it readeth) gone backward, never to return again, had not Protestant Critics, with vast pains and expense, preserved them? 8. It is more suspicious, that this rebellion came out of the Franciscan Covent, because some of these, belike, were the rebels white-boyes; and (as is afore mentioned) to be spared in a general destruction. In a word. I wonder, how many ingenuous Papists can charge Wicliffe of rebellion, in maintaining, Dominion to be founded in grace; when the Grandees of their own Religion, Aquine, Cajetane, Bellarmine, Suarez, maintain, that Dominion is so sounded in grace [in the Pope,] that a King, by him excommunicate, may lawfully be deposed, and murdered. 24. William Courtney, Archbishop Courtney persecutes the Wicliffians. Archbishop of Canterbury, 1382 (in the place of Simon Sudbury lately slain) made cruel Canons in a Synod at London, 6. against the maintainers of Wicliffe his opinions. And I wonder that in Linwoods' Constitutions, no mention at all of any Canons made by this Archbishop, who sat above ten years in the See. As for the heavy persecution which soon after he raised against Robert Rug, Thomas Britwell, Nicholas Herford, Philip Ripiagton, etc. nothing can be added to what Mr Fox hath related. 25. In my mind it amounteth to little less than a Miracle, Wicliff his miraculous deliverance. that during this storm on his Disciples, Wicliffe their Master should live in quiet: Strange that he was not drowned in so strong a stream as ran against him; whose safety (under God's providence) is not so much to be ascribed to his own strength in swimming, as to such as held him up by the Chin; the greatness of his Noble supporters. About this time he ended his Translation of the Bible into English, (a fair Copy whereof in Queen's College in Oxford, and two more in the University Library) done no doubt in the most Expressive language of those days, though sounding uncouth to our ears, The Knabe of Jesus Christ, for Servant; Acts 8. And Philip Baptised the Gelding, for Eunuch; so much our tongue is improved in our age. As for the report of Polydore Virgil, making him to fly out of England in the time of Edward the third, Et in magno pretio apud Bohemos fuisse, and to have been of high esteem amongst the Bahemians: It is true of Wicliffe's Writings, but not of his Person, who never departed his Native Country. 26. Not long after, His quiet death. therein he ended his life, 1384 at his cure at Lutterworth in Leicester-shire, 8. of the Palsy. a Leland. excrenico tenerisis Monisteria. Admirable, that a Hare so often hunted with so many Packs of Dogs should die at last quietly sitting in his form. Parsons the Jesuit snarls at Mr Fox, for counting Wicliffe a Martyr in his Calendar, as so far from suffering violent death, that he was never so much as imprisoned for the opinion he maintained. But the phrase may be justified in the large acception of the word, for a witness of the truth: Besides, the body of Wicliffe was Martyred as to shame, though not to pain, (as far as his adversaries cruelty could extend) being taken up and burnt many years after his death, as God willing we shall show hereafter. 27. William Wickam, New College built by Bish. Wickam about this time b It was begun Anno, 1375. finished his beautiful College in Oxford; 1386 some have raised a Scandal of him, 10. that he was no scholar at all, from which the very meanest scholar in his foundation can acquit him, by that rule in Logic, Quod efficit tale magis est tale, what maketh the same is more the same. Anno Regis Ric. 2▪ 10. By which his learning must be inferred, whose bounty caused so many learned men. Anno Dom. 1386 Now because the maxim runneth with a limitation, Si sit tale, if it be the same; the truth hereof also appears from the learned a Doct. Martin who wrote a book in vindication of his learning. pen, who writing Wickams' life, have proved him to have been a sufficient Scholar, skilled in other Arts, as well as in practical Mathematics and Architecture. 28. Now as Solomon, Industry and judgement in Architecture, the cause of his advancement. when about to build his house at Millo, b 1 Kings seeing Jeroboam to be an industrious man, made him Master of his Fabric: So Edward the third, discovering the like sufficiency in this great Clerk, employed him in all his stately structures, witness this in Motto at Windsor Castle, This made Wicham; meaning that the building of that Castle gave occasion to his wealth and honour; whereas on this College he might write, This wickam made. The building and endowing thereof, being the effect of his bounty alone; hence it is that this College giveth the Arms of Wickam, viz. two Cheverons betwixt three Roses, each Cheveron alluding c Rex Platonicus, p. 144. to two beams fastened together (called couples in building) to speak his skill in Architecture. 29. This College he built very strong, A Castle College designed for defence. out of a design d So say the Statutes of this College. that it should be able to hold out a Siege of itself, if need so required it, though may it never have a temptation in that kind, to try the strength of the walls thereof. Indeed this College with Bourges in France, may lay claim to the name of Bituris. Turribus abinis inde vocor Bituris. So called from two Towers therein, as this hath the like; one over the Gate, the other over the Porch in the entrance into the Hall; so that it may seem a Castle-Colledg, and made as well for defence as habitation. So that at this present is maintained therein, a Warden, Seventy Fellows and Scholars, Ten Chaplains, Three Clerks, One Organist, Sixteen Choristers, besides Officers and servants of the Foundation, with other Students, being in all One Hundred Thirty Five. 30. Pass we now from his Orchard of grown Trees, 1392. to his Nursery of Grafts, 16. the College at Winchester, A College at Winchester built also by Bish. Wickam. which few years after the same Bishop finished; not much inferior to the former for building and endowments, as wherein he established One Warden, Ten Fellows, Two Schoolmasters, and Seventy Scholars, with Officers, and Servants, which are all maintained at his charge; out of which School he ordained should be chosen the best Scholars always to supply the vacant places of the Fellows of this College. 31. As his Charity, His care for his kindred. so his Faith (he that provideth not for his house is worse than an Infidel) appeared in this his Foundation; ordering that his own Kinsmen should be preferred before others. Let their parents therefore but provide for their Nursing when Infants, their breeding when Children, and he hath took order for their careful teaching at Winchester when youth; liberal living at Oxford when men; and comfortable subsistence in their reduced age, in those many and good patronages he hath conferred on the College. And truly as these his Kindred have been happy in him, so Wickam hath been happy in his Kindred; many of them meriting the best preferment, without any advantage of his relation. And as this Wickam was the first in that kind so provident for his Kindred, his practice hath since been precedential to some other Colleges, as the Statutes of this house are generally a direction to other later foundations. To take our leave of this Bishop, whosoever considers the vast buildings, and rich endowments made by this Prelate (besides his expense in repairing the Cathedral at Winchester) will conclude such achievements impossible for a Subject, until he reflect on his vast Offices of preferments, being Bishop of Winchester, Rector of St martin's Le Grand, holding twelve prebend's in Comendam with it, Anno Dom. 1392. Lord Privy-Seal, Chancellor, and Treasurer of England; besides other places of meaner consequence. Anno Regis Ric. 2. 16. Wardens. Rich. Toneworth. Nich. Wickam. Tho. Cranely. Rich. Malsorde. Jo. Bouke. Will. Escot. Nich. Osylbury. Tho. Chandler. Walt. Hill. Will. Porter. Jo. Read. Jo. Young. Jo. London. Hen. Cole. Ral. Skinner. Tho. White. Mart. Culpepper. George Rives. Arth. Lake. Pink. Stringer. Marshal. Benefactors. Mr Rawlins. Sr Rich. Read, K t Dr Newman. Dr Reeve, Ward. Dr Martin. Rob. Bell. Dr Smith. Bishops. Will. Warham. Archbish. of Cant. Will. Wainffet, Bish. of Winchester. Jo. White, Bish. of Winchester. Tho. Bilson, Bish. of Winchester. Will. Knight, Bish. of Bath & Wells. James Turbervil, Bish. of Exeter. Rob. Sherbourne, Bish. of Chichester. Arth. Lake Bish. of Bath and Wells. Learned Writers. Tho. Harding. Tho. Nele. Nich. Sanders. Nich. Harpsfield. Will. Reynolds. * He was brother to Doct John Reynolds the great protestant. Tho. Hid. Jo. Martial. Tho. Stapleton. Jo. Fen. Rich. White. * He wrote a History of England. Jo. Pits. All violent maintainers of the Popish Religion. Sr HEN. WOOTTON. Dr Tooker Dean of Lichfield. Dr James Cook, Arch-Dec. of Winch. Sr. Tho. Rives, (besides other elegant works) for his VICAR'S PLEA. Sr James Hassee. Sr Hen. Martin. Dr Merideth, Dean of Wells. ARTHUR LAKE, Bish. of Bath and Wells. William Twisse. John White. One may defy the suspicion of flattery, if adding Dr Harris, the reverend Warden of Winchester; Dr Rich. Zouch, not beholden to his Noble extraction, for his Repute, founded on his own worth, and Books reprinted beyond the Seas; Dr Merick, late Judge of the Prerogative; but it is better to leave the characters of their worth to the thankfulness of the next Age to describe. 32. Lately the Pope's usurpation was grown so great, Good Laws in due season. in entrenching on the Crown, that there was an absolute necessity, seasonably to retrench his usurpation. For albeit the Kings of England were as absolute in their demeans, their Prelacy and Clergy as learned, their Nobility as valiant and prudent, their Commons as free and wealthy, Anno Dom. 1393. as any in Christendom; Yet had not some Laws of Provision now been made, England had long since been turned part of St Peter Patrimony in demeans: Yea, the Sceptre wrested out of their King's hands, her Prelates made the Pope's Chaplains and Clerks, Nobility his servants and vassals, Commons his slaves and villains, had not some seasonable Statutes of Manumission been enacted. 33. For now came the Parliament wherein the Statute was enacted, The Maul-popes' Statute of praemunire. which mauled the Papal power in England, Some former laws had pared the Pope's nails to the quick, but this cut off his fingers, in effect, so that hereafter his hands could not grasp and hold such vast sums of money as before. This is called the Statute of PRAEMUNIRE; and let not the Reader grudge the reading thereof, which gave such a blow to the Church of Rome, that it never rcovered itself in this Land, but daily decayed till its final destruction. Whereas the Commons of the Realm in this present Parliament, have sued to our redoubted Lord the King, grievously complaining, that whereas the said our Lord the King and all his liege people, aught of right, and of old time were wont to sue in the King's Court, to recover their Presentments to Churches, prebends, and other benefices of holy Church, to the which they had right to present, the Conisance of Plea of which Presentment belongeth only to the King's Court, of the old right of his Crown, used and approved in the time of all his Progenitors, Kings of England: And when judgement shall be given in the same Court upon such a Plea and Presentment, the Arch-Bishops, Bishops, and other Spiritual persons, which have Institution of such Benefices, within their jurisdictions, be bound and have made Execution of such Judgements by the King's commandments of all the time aforesaid, without interruption, (for another Lay person cannot make such execution) and also be bound of right to make execution of many other of the King's commandments, of which right the Crown of England hath been peaceably seized, as well in the time of our said Lord the King, that now is, as in the time of all his Progenitors till this day. But now of late divers Processes be made by the Bishop of Rome, and censures of Excommunication upon certain Bishops of England, because they have made execution of such commandments, to the open disherison of the said Crown, and destruction of our said Lord the King, his Law, and all his Realm, if remedy be not provided. And also it is said, and a common clamour is made, that the said Bishop of Rome hath ordained, and purposed to translate some Prelates of the same Realm, some out of the Realm, and some from one Bishopric into another within the same Realm, without the King's assent and knowledge, and without the assent of the Prelates, which so shall be translated, which Prelates be much profitable and necessary to our said Lord the King, and to all his Realm: By which translations (if they should be suffered) the Statutes of the Realm should be defeated, and made void, and his said liege Sages of his Council without his assent and against his will, carried away and gotten out of his Realm, and the substance and treasure of the Realm, shall be carried away, and so the Realm destitute as well of Council, as of substance, to the final destruction of the same Realm, And so the Crown of England which hath been so free at all times, that it hath been in no earthly subjection, but immediately subject to God in all things, touching the reality of the same Crown, and to none other, should be submitted to the Pope, & the Laws & Statutes of the Realm by him defeated, & avoided at his will, in the perpetual destruction of the Sovereignty of the King, our Lord, his Crown, his Regality, & of all his Realm, which God defend. And moreover the Commons aforesaid say, that the things so attempted be clearly against the King's Crown and Regality, used and approved of the time of all his Progenitors. Wherefore they, and all the liege Commons of the same Realm, will stand with our said Lord the King, and his said Crown, and his Regality, in the cases aforesaid, and in all other cases attempted against him, his Crown, and his Regality, in all points, to live and to die. And moreover they pray the King, and him require by way of justice, that he would examine all the Lords in Parliament, as well Spiritual as Temporal, severally, and all the States of the Parliament, how they think of the cases aforesaid, which be so openly against the King's Crown, and in derogation of his Regality, and how they will stand in the same cases with our Lord the King, in upholding the rights of the said Crown, and Regality. Whereupon the Lords Temporal so demanded, have answered every one by himself, that the cases aforesaid be clearly in derogation of the King's Crown, and of his Regality, as it is well known, and hath been of along time known, and that they will be with the same Crown, and Regality, in these cases especially, and in all other cases which shall be attempted against the same Crown and Regality, in all points with all their power. And moreover it was demanded of the Lords Spiritual there being, and the procurators of others being absent their advice and will, in all these cases, which Lords, that is to say, the Arch-Bishops, Bishops, and other Prelates being in the said Parliament, severally examined, making protestations, that it is not their mind to deny nor affirm, that the Bishop of Rome may not Excommunicate Bishops, nor that he may make translation of that if any Execution of Processes, made in the King's Court (as before) be made by any, and censures of Excommunication to be made against any Bishops of England, or any other of the King's liege people, for that they have made execution of such commandments, and that if any executions of such translations be made of any Prelates of the same Realm, which Prelates be very profitable and necessary to our said Lord the King, and to his said Realm, or that the sage people of his Council without his assent, and against his will, be removed and carried out of the Realm, so that the substance and treasure of the Realm may be consumed, that the same is against the King and his Crown, as it is contained in the petition before named. And likewise the same procurators every one by himself, examined upon the said matters, have answered and said in the name, and for their Lords as the said Bishops have said and answered, and that the said Lords Spiritual will, and aught to be with the King in these cases, in lawfully maintaining of his Crown, and in all other cases touching his Crown, and his Regality, as they be bound by their Liegeance. Whereupon our said Lord the King, by the assnt aforesaid, and at the request of his said Commons, hath ordained and established, that if any purchase, or pursue, or cause to be purchased or pursued in the Court of Rome, or elsewhere, any such translations, processes, sentences of Excommunications, Bulls, Instruments, or any other things whatsoever, which touch the King, against him, his Crown and his Regality, or his Realm, as is aforesaid; and they which bring within the Realm, or them receive, or make thereof notification, or any other execution whatsoever within the same Realm or without, that they, their notaries, procurators, maintainers, abettors, fantors, and councillors, shall be put out of the King's protection, and their Lands, and Tenements, Goods, and Chattels, forfeit to our Lord the King: and that they be attached by their bodies, if they may be found, and brought before the King and his Council, there to answer to the cases aforesaid, or that process be made against them, by Praemunire facias, in manner as it is ordained in other Statutes of Provisors: and other which do sue in any other Court in derogation of the Regality of our Lord the King. 43. Something of the occasion, The occasion of this Statute. name, and use of this Statute; the first is notoriously known from the Papal encroachments on the crown. No Bishopric, Abathie, Dignity, or rectory, of value in England was likely to fall, but a successor in reversion was by the Pope's provisions, fore-appointed for the same. To make sure work, rather than they would adventure to take the place at the first rebound, Anno Dom. 1392. they would catch it before it light on the ground. Anno Regis Ric. 2▪ 16. This was imputed to the Pope's abundance, yea superfluity of care, 〈◊〉 ●etur vacuum in the Church; and rather than a Widow Benefice should mourn itself to death, a second husband had his Licence for marriage before the former was deceased. But great parishes, where small the profit, and numorous the people; and where indeed greatest care ought to be had of their souls, were passed by in the Pope's Bulls. His Holiness making no provisions for those Live, which Live had no provisions for his Holiness. 35. Some will have it called Praemunire, Why called Praemunire. from fencing or fortifying the Regal power from foreign assaults; as indeed this was one of the best bulworks and sconces of Sovereignty. Others that Praemunire signifieth the Crown fortified before the making of this Statute, as fixing no new force therein, but only declaring a precedent, and foregoing, just right and due thereof. Others conceive the word [Praemonere] turned by corruption of barbarous transcribers, interpreters, and pronouncers into Praemunire. Others allege the figure of the effect for the cause, and the common Proverb, Praemonitus, Praemunitus. Most sure it is that Praemunire sacias, are operative words, in the form of the Writ grounded on the Statute, which may give denomination to the whole. 36. It may seem strange such a Statute could pass in Parliament, where almost sixty Spiritual Barons, Pope's covetousness odious to the Clergy. (Bishops and Abbots) Voted according to Papal Interest; except any will say, that such who formerly had much of a Pope in their bellies, had now more of Patriots in their breast, being weary of Rome's exactions. Indeed no man in place of power or profit, loves to behold himself buried alive, by seeing his successor assigned unto him, which caused all Clergymen to hate such superinductions, and many friends to the Pope, were foes to his proceed therein. 37. This Law angered all the veins in the heart of his Holiness, The Pope's Letter against this Statute. the Statute of Mortmain put him into a sweat, but this into the sit of a fever. The former concerned him only mediately in the Abbeys his darlings, this touched him in his person; and how choleric he was, will appear by the following Letter, here inserted (though written some fifty years after) to make the story entire. MArtinus Episcopus, The Original of this Bill was in the Study of Sir Nichol. Bacon, L. C ancellor, whence the Archbish. of Armagh had this his Copy, from which that of S Robert Cottons is derived. servus servorum Dei, 1393. Dilecto filio nobili viro Jobanni, 16 Dust Bedsord, Salutem & Apostolicam Benedictionem. Quamvis dudum in regno Anghae, jurisdictio Romanae Ecclesiae, & liberatas Ecclesiastica suerit oppressa, vigore illius Execrabilis Statuti, quod omni divinae, & humanae rationi contrarium est: Tamen adhuc non suit ad tantam violentiam prolapsum, ut in Sedis Apostolicae, nuncios & Legatos manus temerè mitterentur; sicut ●evissimè sactum est in persona dilecti filii Johannis de Oisis Palatii Apostolici causarum auditoris, & in praesato regno Nunlii, & collectoris nosiri, quem audivimus ex hâc sola causa, quod literas Apostolicas nostro nomine praesentabat, fuisse per aliquos de ipso regno carceribus mancipatum. Quae injuria nobis, & Apostolicae sedi illata, animum nostrum affecit admiratione, turbatione, & molestia singulari: Miramur enim, stupescimus & dolemus, quod tam FOEDILM, & TURPE FACINUS in illo regno commissum sit, contrà sedem B. Petri, & Nuntios ejus, praesertim cum literae illae nostrae, nil aliud quam salutem animarum, honorem regni, & per omnia paternas, & sanctas admonitiones continerent. Fuit enim semper etiam apud gentiles, qui nullam tenebant verae fidei rationem inviolabile nomen Nuncii; at● Legati etiamsi ab hostibus mitterentur semper salvi, & hodiè apud Saracenos, & Turcos, à quibusciam tutè destinantur, legationes & literae; etiamsi illis ad quos deferuntur molestae sint & injuriosae. Et nuncius noster, vir humanus & moderatus, Anno Dom. 1393. & continua conversatione notissimus in regno Angliae, quod devotione fidei, & cultu divino se jactat omnes alias Christianas rationes superare turpiter captus est, nihil impium, nec hostile deferens, sed literas salutares & justas. Sed revereantur aliquando illi qui sic contumaciter & superbè Ecclesiam Dei contemnent, & Sedis Apostolicae authoritatem, nè super ipsos eveniat justa punitio ex Christi judicio, qui cam instituit, & fundavit: Caveant nè tot cumulatis offensis Deum irritent, ad ultionem & tarditatem supplicii gravitate compensent. Non videbatur eis satis offendisse Deum Statuta condendo contra vicarium ejus, contra Ecclesiam & Ecclesiae caput, nisi pertinacitèr perseverantes in malo proposito, in Nuntium Apostolicum violentas manus injicerent? Quod non dubitamus tuae Excellentiae, quae Ecclesiae, & regni honorem diligit displicere, & certi sumus quod si fuisses in Anglia, pro tua naturali prudentia, & pro side, & devotione, quam geres erga nos, & Ecclesiam Dei illos incurrere in hunc furorem nullatenus permisisses. Verùm cum non solum ipsis qui hoc fecerunt, sed toti regno magna accederit ignominia, & dietim si perseverabit in errore, accessura sit major: generositatem tuam, in qua valdè confidemus, exbortamur, & affectuose rogamus, ut circa haec provideas, prout sapientiae tuae videbitur, honori nostro, & Ecclesiae, ac saluti regni convenire. Datum Romae apud Sanctos Apostolos, VI Kal. Junii Pontificatus nostri Anno 12 more. Give Winners leave to laugh, and Losers to speak, or else both will take leave to themselves; The less the Pope could by't, the more he roared, and as it appears by his language, he was highly offended thereat. This penal Statute as a Rod was for many years laid upon the desk, or rather locked up in the cupboard. No great visible use being made thereof, until the Reign of King Hen. 8. whereof hereafter. 38. Since the Reformation, More scared than hurt. the professors of the Common-Law have taken much advantage out of this Statute, threatening therewith such as are active in the Ecclesiastical jurisdictions, as if their deal tended to be the disherison of the Crown. A weapon wherewith they have rather flourished then struck, it being suspicious, that that appearing sword is but all Hilt, whose Blade was near drawn out, as this charge hath never been driven home against them; but herein let us hearken to the Learned judgement of Sr Thomas Smith, Secretary of State, who well knew the interest of his Sovereign therein. 39 Because the Court, a Sir Thomas smith's judgement herein. which is called Curia Christianitatis, is yet taken for an extern and foreign Court, and differeth from the Polity and manner of Government of the Realm, Com. wealth of Eng. 3. book 11 Chap. and is another Court (as appeareth by the Act and Writ of Praemunire, then Curia Regis aut Reginae; yet at this present this Court as well as others, hath her force, power, authority, rule, and jurisdiction from the Royal Majesty, and the Crown of England, and from no other foreign Potentate or power, under God; which being granted (as indeed it is true) it may now appear by some reason, that the first Statute of Praemunire, whereof I have spoken, hath now no place in England, seeing there is no pleading alibi quam in Curia Regis ac Reginae. All I will add of this Statute is this; That it hath had the hard hap not to be honoured with so many Readins therein, as other Statutes. Perhaps because not bringing in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in proportion to the pains which must be laid out thereon; and therefore I would invite some ingenious in our Common-Law, (and with such no doubt it aboundeth) to bestow their learned endeavours thereon, to their own honour, and advancement of the truth in so noble a subject. 40. Many poor souls at this time were by fear or flattery moved to abjure the truth, 19 and promise future conformity to the Church of Rome. 1395 In proof whereof, The solemn form of an abjuration. let not the Reader think much to peruse the following Instruments; Anno Dom. 1395. First, Anno Regis Ric. 2. 19 for the authenticness thereof, being truly copied out of the Originals of the Tower. Secondly, because it contains some extraordinary formalities of abjuration. Lastly, because the four persons mentioned therein, have escaped Mr Fox his observation, seeing no drag-net can be so carefully cast, as to catch all things which come under it. a Ex Rotul● Clausa●. de Anno Regni Regis decimo nono Richardi secundi membrana 18 Memorand. quod primo die Septembris, Anno Regni Regis Richardi Secundi post Conquestum decimonono Will. Dynet, Nic. Taillour, Nic. Poucher, & Will. Steynour de Notyngham, in Cancellar. ipsius Regis personaliter constituti sacra divisim prestiterunt sub eo qui sequitur tenore. I WILLIAM DYNET, before yhow worshipefull father and Lord Archbishop of Yhorke, and Yhother Clergy with my free will and full avysede swear to God and to all his Saints upon this holy Gospels yat from this day forward I shall worship images with preying and offering unto hem in the worschep of the saints that yey be made after. And alsoe I shall never more despise pygremage ne states of holy church, in no degree. And alsoe I shall be buxum to the laws of holy church and to yhowe as mine Archbishop and to mine oyer Ordinares and Curates and keep you laws upon my power and meynten hem. And alsoe I shall never more meynten, ne tochen, ne defenden errors, conclusions, ne teachings of the lollard, ne swych conclusions and teachings that men clepyth lollard doctryn, ne I shall her books. Ne swych books ne hem or any suspeict or diffamede of Lolardery resceyve, or company withal wittingly or defend in you matters, and if I know any switch, I shall with all the haste that I may do yhowe or else your ne'er officers to wyten, and of her books. And also I shall excite and stir all you to good doctrine yat I have hindered with mine doctrine up my power, and also I shall stoned to your declaration who es heresy or error and do thereafter. And also what penance yhe wool for yat I have done for meyntening of this false doctrine in mind me and I shall fulfil it, and I submit me yet to up my power, and also I shall make no other gloze of this my oath, bot as ye words stoned, and if it be so that I come again or do again this oath or eny party thereof I yhelde me here cowpable as an heretic and to be punished be the law as an heretic, and to forfeit all my gods to the Kings will withowten any other process of Law, and yerto I require ye notary to make of all this, ye which is my will, an instrument again me. Et ex habundanti idem Will. Dynet eodem die voluit & recognovit quod omnia bona & Catalla sua mobilia nobis sint forisfca in casu quo ipse juramentum praedictum seu aliqua in eodem juramento contenta de cetero contravenerit ullo modo. 41. We have here exemplified this Abjuration just according to the Originals, Take it faults and all. with all the faults, and Pseudographie thereof. For I remember in my time an under-Clerk at Court, threatened to be called before the Green-Cloath for an Innovation from former Bills, though only writing. Sinapi with an S. contrary to the common custom of the Clerks of the Kitchen, formerly writing of it with a C. so wedded are some men to old orders, and so dangerous in their judgement is the least deviation from them. 42. The Archbishop of York mentioned therein, Some observations on this abjuration. was Tho. Arundel then Chancellor of England, and in all probability this Instrument was Dated at York. For I find, that at this very time Tho. Arundel, to humble the Londoners (then reputed disaffected to the King) removed the Terms and a Godwin in his Catalogue of the Arch-Bishops of York. Courts to York, where they continued for some short time, and then returned to their ancient course. Whereas he is enjoined point-blank to worship Images, it seemeth that the modern nice distinction of worshipping of Saints in Images, was not yet in fashion. It appeareth herein that Relapse after Abjuration, was not as yet (as afterwards) punishable with death, but only with forfeiture of goods to the Crown. 43. This year a Godly, 23. Learned, 1397 and Aged Servant of God ended his days, The death of John de Trevisa. viz. John de Trevisa, a Gentleman of an ancient b carew's Survey of Cornwall, p. 114. Family, (bearing Gules, a Garb, OR) born at Crocadon in Cornwall, a Secular Priest, and Vicar of Berkeley; a painful and faithful Translator of many and great Books into English, as Policronicon, written by Ranulphus of Chester, Bartholomeus de rerum proprictatibus, etc. But his masterpiece was the Translating of the Old and New Testament, justifying his act herein by the example of Bede, who turned the Gospel of St John in English. 44. I know not which more to admire, Who Translated the Bible into English. his ability, that he could, his courage, that he durst, or his industry that he did perform so difficult and dangerous a task, having no other commission, than the c Balaeus de Script. Angl. cent. 7. numero 18. command of his Patron, THOMAS Lord BERKELEY. Which Lord, (as the said d Pelicronicon fol. 2. Trevisa observeth) had the Apocalypse in Latin and French (then generally understood by the better sort as well as English) written on the roof and walls of his Chapel at Berkeley; and which not long since, (viz. Anno 1622.) so remained, as not much defaced. Whereby we may observe, that midnight being past, some early risers, even than began to strike fire, and enlighten themselves from the Scriptures. 45. It may seem a Miracle, Yet escaped persecution. that the Bishops being thus busy in persecuting Gods servants, and Trevisa so obnoxious to their fury, for this Translation, that he lived and died without any molestation. Yet was he a known enemy to Monkery, witness that, (among many other) of his Speeches, that he had read how Christ had e Balaeus ut prius. sent Apostles and Priests into the world, but never any Monks or begging Friars. But whether it was out of reverence to his own aged gravity, or respect to his Patron's greatness, he died full of honour, quiet, and age, little less than ninety years old. For, 1. He ended his Translation of Policronicon, (as appeareth by the conclusion thereof) the 29th of Edward the third, when he cannot be presumed less than 30. years of age. 2. He added to the end thereof, fifty f Pitzeus de Scrip. Angla. (some say more) years of his own historical observations. Thus as he gave a Garb or Wheat-sheaf for his Arms; so, to use the g Micah 4. 12. Prophet's expression, the Lord gathered him as a sheaf into the floor, even full ripe and ready for the same. 46. We may couple with him, As did his contemporary Geoffery Chaucer. his contemporary, Geoffrey Chaucer, born (some say) in Berke-shire, others in Oxford-shire, most and truest in London. If the Grecian Homer had seven, let out English haven three places contest for his Nativity. Our Homer (I say) only herein he differed. Maeonides nullas ipse reliquit opes: Homer himself did leave no pelf. Whereas our Chaucer left behind him a rich and worshipful estate. 47. His Father was a Vintner in London; His parentage and arms. and I have heard his Arms quarrelled at, Anno Dom. 1399. being Argent and Gules strangely contrived, Anno Regis Ric. 2▪ 23. and hard to be blazoned. Some more wits have made it the dashing of white and red wine (the parents of our ordinary Claret) as nicking his father's profession. But, were Chaucer alive, he would justify his own Arms in the face of all his opposers, being not so devoted to the Muses, but he was also a son of Mars. He was the Prince of English Poets; married the daughter of Pain Roëc, King of Arms in France, and sister to the Wife of John of Gaunt, King of Castille. 48. He was a great Refiner, He refined our English tongue. and Illuminer of our English tongue (and, if he left it so bad, how much worse did he find it?) witness Leland thus praising him, Praedicat Algerum meritò Florentia Dantem, Italia & numeros, tota Petrarche tuos. Anglia Chaucerum veneratur nostra Poëtam, Cui veneres debet patria lingua suas. Of Alger Daunts, Florence doth justly boast, Of Petrarch brags all the Italian coast. England doth Poet Chaucer reverence, To whom our language owes its eloquence. Indeed Verslegan, a learned a In his restitution of de caied intelligence, p. 203. Antiquary, condemns him, for spoiling the purity of the English tongue, by the mixture of so many French and Latin words. But, he who mingles wine with water, though he destroys the nature of water, improves the quality thereof. 49. I find this Chaucer fined in the Temple two shillings, A great enemy to Friars. for striking a Franciscan Friar in Fleetstreet, and it seems his hands ever after itched to be revenged, and have his pennyworths out of them, so tickling Religious-Orders with his tales, and yet so pinching them with his truths, that Friars in reading his books, know not how to dispose their faces betwixt crying and laughing. He lies buried in the South-Isle of St Peter, Westminster, and since hath got the company of Spencer and Drayton (a pair-royal of Poets) enough (almost) to make passengers feet to move metrically, who go over the place, where so much Poetical dust is interred. 50. Since the Abjuration last exemplified, A short quiet in the Church we meet in this King's Reign no more persecution from the Bishops. We impute this not to their pity, but other employment, now busy in making their applications to the new King, on the change of government, King Richard being now deposed. 51. He was one of a goodly person, The character of King Rich, the second. of a nature neither good nor bad, but according to his company, which commonly were of the more vicious. His infancy was educated under several Lord Protectors successively, under whom his intellectuals thrived, as babes battle with many nurses, commonly the worse for the change. At last he grew up to full age, and empty mind, judicious only in pleasure, giving himself over to all licentiousness. 52. As King Richard was too weak to govern; Conspired against by Hen. the fourth. so Henry Duke of Lancaster, his Cousin-germane, was too wilful to be governed. Taking advantage therefore of the King's absence in Ireland, he combined with other of the discontented Nobility, and draws up Articles against him; some true, some false, some both; as wherein truth brought the matter, and malice made the measure. Many misdemeanours (more misfortunes) are laid to his charge. Murdering the Nobility, advancing of worthless Minions, sale of justice, oppression of all people with unconscionable taxations. For, such Princes as carry a fork in one hand, Anno Regis Hen. 4▪ 1. must bear a rake in the other; and must covetously scrape to maintain, what they causelessly scatter. 53. Looseness brings men into straits at last, And resigneth the Crown. as King Richard may be an instance thereof. Returning into England, he is reduced to this doleful Dilemma; either, voluntarily, by resigning, to depose himself; or violently, by detrusion, to be deposed by others. His misery, and his enemy's ambition admit of no expedient. Yea, in all this Act his little judgement stood only a looker-on, whilst his fear did what was to be done, directed by the force of others. In hopes of life he solemnly resigneth the Crown, but all in vain. For, cruel thiefs seldom rob, but they also kill; and King Henry his Successor could not meet with a soft pillow, so long as the other wore a warm head. Whereupon, not long after, King Richard was barbarously murdered at Pomfret-Castle. But of these transactions, the Reader may satisfy himself at large, out of our civil Historians. 54. Only we will add, The baseness of the disloyal Clergy. that the Clergy were the first that led this dance of disloyalty. Thomas Arundel, now Archbishop of Canterbury, in the room of William Courtney deceased, made a Sermon on samuel's words, Vir dominabitur populo. He shown himself a Satirist in the former, a Parasite in the later part of his Sermon, a Traitor in both. He aggravated the childish weakness of King Richard, & his inability to govern; magnifying the parts and perfections of Henry, Duke of Lancaster. But, by the Arch-Bishops leave, grant Richard either deservedly deposed, or naturally dead without issue, the right to the Crown lay not in this Henry, but in Edmond Mortimer, Earl of March, descended, by his mother Philippe, from Lionel, Duke of Clarence, elder son to Edward the third. This the Archbishop did willingly conceal. Thus in all State-alterations, be they never so bad, the Pulpit will be of the same wood with the Councel-board. And thus ambitious Clergymen abuse the silver trumpets of the Sanctuary; who, reversing them, and putting the wrong end into their mouths, make, what was appointed to sound Religion, to signify Rebellion. 55. But whilst all other Churches in England rung congratulatory peals to King Henry his Happiness, The courageous conscience of the Bishop of Carlisle. one jarring bell almost marred the melody of all the rest, even Thomas Marks, Bishop of Carlisle. For, when the Lords in Parliament, not content to Depose King Richard, were devising more mischief against him, up steps the aforesaid Bishop, formerly Chaplain to the King, and expresseth himself as followeth: There is no man present, worthy to pass his sentence on so a Bishop Gedwin in the Bishops of Carlisle. great a King, as to whom they have obeyed as their lawful Prince, full two and twenty years. This is the part of Traitors, Cutthroats, and Thiefs. None is so wicked, none so vile, who, though he be charged with a manifest crime, we should think to condemn, before we heard him. And you, do ye account it equal to pass sentence on a King anointed, and Crowned, giving him no leave to defend himself? How unjust is this! But let us consider the matter itself. I say, nay openly affirm, that Henry, Duke of Lancaster (whom you are pleased to call your King) hath most unjustly spoiled Richard, as well his Sovereign as ours, of his Kingdom. More would he have spoken, when the Lord Marshal enjoined him silence, for speaking too much Truth, in so dangerous a time. Since, it seems some Historians have made up what more he would have said, spinning these his Heads into a very large Oration, though tedious to none, save those of the Lancastrian faction. 56. Here, Innocency the lest Armour. if ever, did the Proverb take effect, Truth may be blamed, but cannot be shamed, for although the rest of the Bishops, being guilty themselves, condemned him, as discovering more Covent-devotion (who originally was a Monk of Westminster) than Court-discretion, in dissenting from his Brethren; Yet generally he was beheld as Loyalties a Confessor, Anno Dom. 1400. speaking what became his calling, Anno Regis Ric. 2▪ 2. in discharge of his conscience. Yea, for the present, such the reverence to his integrity, no punishment was imposed upon him. 57 Marks was conceived in the judgement of most moderate men, Activity will he tampering. abundantly to have satisfied his conscience with his speech in Parliament. But how hard is it to stop an active soul in its full speed? He thought himself bound, not only to speak, but do, yea, and suffer too, (if called thereunto) for his Sovereign. This moved him to engage with Henry Hotspur, and other discontented Lords, against King Henry, on whose defeat this Bishop was taken prisoner, and judicially arraigned for high Treason. 58. This is one of the clearest distinguishing characters, A Bishop not triable by his Peers. betwixt the Temporal, and Spiritual Lords; that the former are to be tried per pares, by their Peers, being Barons of the Realm; the later are by Law and custom allowed a Trial only by a Jury of able and substantial persons. Such a Mr Selden, in a late small Treatise of Parliaments. men found Bishop Marks guilty of Treason, for which he was condemned and sent prisoner to St Alban. 59 The King would gladly have had a fair riddance of this Bishop, A seasonable expedient. whom he could not with credit keep here, nor send hence. As to deprive him of life it was dangerous in those days, when some Sacredness was believed inherent in Episcopal persons. Here his Holiness helped the King with an handsome expedient, to salve all matters, by removing Marks to be Bishop of b Godwin in his Bishops. Samos in Grecia. I find three Grecian Islands of the same name, and a critic c Carolus Stephanus in dictionario poetico. complaineth they are often confounded. The best is, it is not much material, of which of them Marks was made Bishop, having only a Title (to starve in state) without a penny profit thereby. But before his translation was completed, he was translated into another world. The End of the Fourteenth CENTURY. SECT. II. Anno Regis TO Sir GERRARD NAPIER OF Dorcetshire, Anno Dom. BARONET. I Have read that a Statute was made to retrench the number of great men's keeping their Retainers, in the Reign of King Hen. 7th; and that politicly done in those nutinous times, to prevent Commotions, lest some popular person should raise a little Army, under the covert of his great Attendance. A Law improved to Rigour, though certainly (as all other penal Statutes intended but to terror) insomuch that the Earl of Oxford (more meriting of King Hen. 7th then any other subject) was even * Lord Verulum in his Life, p. 211. delivered to the King's Attorney, and (as report saith) Fined fifteen thousand Marks for exceeding the proportion legally allowed. I confess we live in as dangerous days, and affording as great jealousies as those: But I have cause to be right glad (as deeply concerned therein) that though a Statute hath forbidden many to depend on one, none hath prohibited one to depend on many Patrons: But any Author of a Book may multiply them Sance-number, as driving on no hurtful design, but only the protection of his own endeavours. On this account I tender these my Labours unto you, knowing the very Name of NAPIER acceptable to all Scholars, ever since the Learned Laird of Marchistowne (no stranger to your blood, as I am informed) by his Log-arithmes, contracted the pains (and so by consequence prolonged the time and life) of all employed in Numeration. 1. KIng Henry being conscious that he had got and did keep the Crown by a bad Title, Hen 4▪ 10. counted it his wisest way, 1408. to comply with the Clergy, King Henry bloody against ●oor Christians. it 〈◊〉 his Regal power against the Pope's encroachments. whose present power was not only useful, but needful for him. To gain their favour, he lately enacted bloody Laws, for the extirpation of poor Christians, under the false notion of Heretics, a Statute 2 of Hen. 4. c. 15. condemning them to be burnt. A torment unheard of in such cases till that time: and yet it appeareth, that the Pope, in this Age, was not possessed of so full power in England (whatsoever the Catholics pretend;) but that this politic Prince kept the reins, though lose, in his own hand. For in this b 1 Henry 4th, fol. 19 time it was resolved, that the Pope's Collector, though he had the Pope's Bull for that purpose, had no jurisdiction within this Realm; and that the Arch-Bishops and Bishops of England, Anno Dom. 1408. were the Spiritual Judges in the King's behalf. Anno Regis Hen. 4. 10. As it was also a Statute 2 Hen. 4. cap. 3. enacted, if any person of Religion, obtained of the Bishop of Rome, to be exempt from obedience, regular or ordinary, he was in a praemunire. Yea, this very Statute, which gave power to a Bishop in his Diocese to condemn an Heretic, plainly proveth, that the King by consent of Parliament directed the proceed of the Ecclesiastical Court, in cases of Heresy; so that the Pope, even in matters of Spiritual cognizance, had no power over the lives of English subjects. 2. The first on whom this cruel Law was hanselled, William Sautre the protomertyr of English protestants. was William Sautre, formerly parish Priest of St Margaret, in the town of Lin, but since of St Osith in the City of London. This was he, whose Faith fought the first Duel with Fire itself, and overcame it. Abel was the first Mary of men, St Stephen the first of Christian men; St Alban the first of British Christians, and this Sautre the first of English Protestants, as by Prolepsis I may term them. Scrivener's use with gaudy flourishes to deck and garnish the initial characters of Copies, which superfluous pains may be spared by us, in adorning this leading letter in the pattern of patience, seeing it is conspicuous enough in its self, died red with its own blood. Some charge this Sautre with fear and fickleness, because formerly he had abjured those Articles, (for which afterwards he died) before the Bishop of Norwich. But let those who severely censure him, for once denying the truth, and do know, who it was that denied his Master thrice, take heed they do not as bad a deed more than four times themselves. May Sautre's final Constancy be as surely practised by men, as his former Cowardliness no doubt is pardoned by God. Eight Errors were laid to his charge in order as followeth. 1. Imprimis, He saith that he will not worship the Cross, on which Christ suffered, but only Christ that suffered upon the Cross. 2. Item, That he would sooner worship a temporal King, than the aforesaid wooden Cross. 3. Item, That he would rather worship the bodies of the Saints, than the very Cross of Christ, on which he hung if it were before him. 4. Item. That he would rather worship a man truly contrite, than the Cross of Christ. 5. Item, That he is bound rather to worship a man, that is predestinate, than an Angel of God. 6. Item, That if any man would visit the Monuments of Peter and Paul, or go on Pilgrimage to the Tomb of St Thomas, or any whither else, for the obtaining of any temporal benefit, he is not bound to keep his vow, but may distribute the expenses of his vow upon the alms of the poor. 7. Item, That every Priest and Deacon is more bound to preach the word of God, then to say the Canonical hours. 8. Item, That after the pronouncing of the Sacramental words of the body of Christ, the bread remaineth of the same nature, that it was before, neither doth it cease to be bread. 3. These were the opinions, Thomas Arundel, Archbishop of Canterbury, solemnly pronounceth Sautre an heretic convicted. wherewith Sautre is charged in their own Registers, which if read with that favour, which not charity but justice allows of course to humane frailty, will be found not so heinous, as to deserve Fire and Faggot, seeing his expressions are rather indiscreet, than his positions damnable. But Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury; before whom Sautre was convented, in the Convocation, at St Paul's in London, principally pinched him; with the last, about Transubstantiation in the Sacrament. Thus their cruelty made God's Table a Snare to his servants: when their other Nets broke, this held; what they pretended a Sacrifice for the living and dead, proved, indeed, the cause of the sacrificing of many innocents', and cavils about the corporal presence, was the most compendious way to dispatch them: for the denial whereof, the aforesaid Archbishop solemnly pronounced Sautre an Heretic convicted. 4. Here happened a passage in Sautre, Sautres indiscreet denying of himself. which I must not omit; which either I do not understand, or cannot approve in him. For being demanded whether or no, he had formerly abjured these opinions he denied the same, whereas, his formal abjuration of them, the last year, before the Bishop of Norwich, was produced in presence; an action utterly inconsistent with Christian sincerity, to deny his own deed; except any will say that he was not bound to accuse himself, and to confess in that Court, (what he had done elsewhere) to his own prejudice. Thus offenders, which formerly have confessed their fact, in their private examinations before a Justice of Peace, yet plead not Guilty, when they are brought before the Assizes, accounting themselves innocent, in that Court, till, by the verdict of the Jury, they are proved otherwise. However I am rather inclined to suspect my ignorance, then condemn his innocence, conceiving there is more on his side, then appeareth in his behalf. 5. The Reader. Sautre by a second sentence is adjudged to be degraded and deposed. I presume will pardon our largeness, (which we will recompense, with brevity in the rest) in relating the proceed against this first Martyr, who being, as I may say, the eldest, and the Heir in our History, may justly challenge a double portion thereof. Yea, the Archbishop, who in his condemnation did not follow, but make a precedent therein, was very punctual and ceremonious in his proceed, that he might set the fairer copy, for the direction of posterity; and that the formality of his exemplary justice, might, for the terror of others, take the deeper impression in all, that did see it, or should hear thereof. And now his former abjuration plainly appearing, Arundel, by a second sentence, adjudged him refallen into Heresy, and incorrigible, and therefore to be degraded and deposed. 6. For lest Priesthood should suffer in the person of Sautre, The order of his degradation. (and all the Clergy present, out of a religious sympathy, were tender of the honour of their own profession) he was there solemnly degraded in order as followeth. From the order of 1. Priest. 2. Deacon. 3. Sub-Deacon. 4. Acolyte. 5. Exorcist. 6. Reader. 7. Sexton. By taking from him 1. The Patin, Chalice, and plucking the Chasule from his back. 2. The New Testament and the Stole. 3. The Alb, and the Maniple. 4. The Candlestick, Taper, Urceolum. 5. The Book of Conjurations. 6. The Book of Church-Legends. 7. The Key of the Church door and Surphee. How many steps are required to climb up to the top of Popish Priesthood! but, as when a building is taken down, one would little think, so much timber and stone, had concurred thereunto, until he sees the several parcels thereof, lie in ruinous heaps; so it is almost incredible, how many trinkets must be had to complete a Priest? but that here we behold them solemnly taken asunder in Sautres degradation. And now he no longer Priest, but plain Layman, with the tonsure, on his crown razed away, was delivered to the Secular power, with this compliment, worth the nothing: Beseeching the Secular Court, that they would receive favourably the said William unto them thus recommitted. Anno Dom. 1408. But who can excuse their double-dealing herein from deep hypocrisy, Anno Regis Hen. 4 10. seeing the Bishops, at the same time, (for all their fair language) ceased not to call upon the King, to bring him to speedy execution. 7. Hereupon the King in Parliament issued our his Warrant to the Major and Sheriffs of London, The Kings warrant for the burning of Sautre. that the said William being in their custody, should be brought forth into some public or open place, within the liberty of the City, and there really to be a Fox Martyr. pag. 477. out of whom the effect of this story is taken. burned to the great horror of his offence, and manifest example of other Christians; which was performed accordingly. Thus died this worthy man; and though we be as far from adoring his Relics, as such adoration is from true Religion, yet we cannot but be sensible of the value of such a Saint: Nor can we mention his memory, without paying an honourable respect thereunto. His death struck a terror into those of his party, who hereafter were glad to enjoy their conscience in private, without public professing the same. So that now the ship of Christ tossed with the tempest of persecution, had all her sails took down; yea, her mast cut close to the deck, and without making any visible show, was fain to lie poor and private, till this storm was over-passed: the Archbishop Arundel being most furious and cruel, in detecting and suppressing all suspected of piety. 8. Synods of the Clergy were never so frequent before or since, A surfeit of Synods in Arch Bishop Arundels' time. as in his time, when scarce a year escapted without a Synod called, or continued therein. Most of these were but Ecclesiastical meetings for secular money. Hereupon, a covetous ignorant Priest, guilty of no Greek, made this derivation of the word Synodus (far fatched in itself, but coming close to him) from Crumena sine nodo, because at such assemblies, the purse ought ever to be open, whthout knots tied thereon, ready to disburse such sums, as should be demanded. Indeed the Clergy now contributed much money to the King, having learned the Maxim commended in the Comedian, b Terent Adelph. Pecuniam in loco negligere maxumum interdum est lucrum. And perceiving on what ticklish terms their state stood, were forced to part with a great proportion thereof to secure the rest, c Vide infrà in hist. of Abbeys, lib. 2. cap. 1. the Parliament now shrewdly pushing at their temporal possessions. For, although in the first year of King Henry, the Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland came from him to the Clergy with a compliment, that the King only d Antiq. Brit. pag. 273. & Harpsfield hist. Ang. pag. 618. out of whom the following table of Synods is composed. desired their prayers, and none of their money (Kingdoms have their honeymoon, when new Princes are married unto them) yet how much afterwards he received from them, the ensuing draught of Synods summoned in his days doth present. Place. Precedent. Preacher. Text. Money granted the King. The other Acts thereof. 1. Saint Paul's in London. The Prior, and Chapter of Canterbury in the Arch-Bishops absence. William Bishop of Rochester. Cor meum diligit Principes Israel. Nothing at this time, but the Clergies prayers required. The King at the request of the Universities promised to take order with the Pope's Provisions, 1399 & provensions, 1. that so learned men might be advanced. St Gregory his day made holy. 2. Saint Paul's in London. 2 Thomas Arundel. 1400 A Tenth, and half. For, a single Tenth was first proffered him, and he refused it. Nothing else of moment passed, save Sautres condamnation. 3. Ibidem. 4 Idem. 1402. At the instance of the Earl of Somerset, of Lord Ross the Treasurer, a Tenth was granted. The Clergy renewed their Petition of Right to the King, that they should not be proceeded against by temporal Judges, nor forced to sell their goods, for provision for the Kings Court. No answer appears. 4. Ibidem. 6. Henry Bishop of Lincoln, 1404 the Archbishop being absent in an Embassy. A Tenth towards the King's charges in suppressing the late Rebels. Constituted that the obsequies of every English Bishop deceased, should be celebrated in all the Cathedrals of the Kingdom. 5. Ibidem. 7. Thomas Arundel. 1405 A Tenth; when the Laity in Parliamt. gave nothing. Nothing or consequence. 6. Ibidem. 8. Henry Beaufort Bish. 1406 of Winchest. the Archbishop being absent. Thomas, Bishop of Carlisle. Magister adest, & vocat te. A Tenth. Nothing of moment. 7. Ibidem. 10. Thomas Arundel. 1408 John Monk of St Augustine in Canterbury. Faciet unusquisque opussuum. This Synod was principally employed, in suppressing of Schism; and the following Synod in the same year to the same purpose. 8. Saint Paul's in London. Idem. Anno Dom. 1408. John Botel general of the Franciscans. Vos vocati estis in uno corpore. 9 Ibidem. Anno Regis Hen. 4 10 Henry Bishop of Winchester, the Archbishop being abroad in an Embassy. John Langdon, Monk of Canterbury. Stellae dederunt lumen. A Tenth, and a Subsidy granted, saith a Antiq. Brit. p. 274. Matthew Parker; but, b Harpsfield Ecc. Ang pag. 616. others say, the Clergy accused themselves, as drained dry with former payments. Also the Pope's Agent, progging for money, was denied it. 1411. Little else save some endeavours against Wicliffs opinions. 13. 10. Ibid. Thomas Arundel. John God-mersham Monk of Canterbury. Diligite lumen sapientiae omnes qui praeestus. A Tenth. 1412. The Clergy compained to the King, of their grievances, but received no redress. The Pope's Rents sequestered into the King's hands, during the Schism betwixt Gregory the 12th, and Benedict. 14. We will not avouch these all the conventions of the Clergy in this King's Reign, (who had many subordinate meetings in reference to their own occasions) but these of most public concernment. Know this also, that it was a great invitation (not to say an enforcement) to make them the more bountiful in their contributions to the King, because their leaders were suspicious of a design now first set on foot, in opposition to all Religious Houses (as then termed) to essay their overthrow. Which project now, as a Pioneer, only wrought beneath ground, yet not so insensibly, but that the Church-Statists got a discovery thereof, and in prevention, were very satisfying to the King's Pecuniary desires. Insomuch, that it was in effect but ask and have, such their compliance to all purposes and intents. The rather because this King had appeared so zealous to arm the Bishops, with terrible Laws, against the poor naked Lollards, as than they were nicknamed. 9 Now we pass from the Convocation to the Parliament, Anno Regis Hen. quart. 14. only to meddle with Church-matters therein: Anno Dom. 1412. desiring the Reader to dispense in the Margin with a new Chronology of this King's Reign; A new Crhonologie. assuring him that whatsoever is written, is taken out of the Authentic Records of the Parliament in the Tower. 10. It was moved in Parliament, A severe motion against the Welsh. that no Welshman, Bishop or other, be Justice, Chamberlain, Chancellor, Treasurer, Sheriff, Constable of a Castle, Receiver, Escheator, Coroner, or chief Forester, or other Officer whatsoever, or * Ex rot. Par. in tur. Lond. in hoc anno. Keeper of Records, or Lieutenant in the said Offices, in any part of Wales, or of Council to any English Lord, not withstanding any Patent made to the contrary. Cum clausula non obstante, Licet Wallicus natus. 11. It was answered; that the King willeth it except the Bishops, Moderated by the King. and for them and others, which he hath found good and loyal liege's towards him, our said Lord the King will be advised by the advice of his Council. 12. Such as wonder why the Parliament was so incensed against the Welsh, The cause of his auger. (seeing Henry Prince of Wales, was their own Countryman born at Monmouth) may consider, how now, or very lately, Owen Glendowre, a Welsh Robber, (advanced by the multitude of his followers into the reputation of a General) had made much sepoil in Wales. Now commendable was the King's charity, who would not return a national mischief for a personal injury, seeing no man can cause the place of his Nativity, though he may bemoan and hate the bad practices of his own Nation. 13. The King's courteous exception for the Welsh Bishops, The Quaternion of welsh Bps. who and what at this time. putteth us upon a necessay enquiry, who and what they were, placed in Sees at this time. St Davids. Landaffe Bangor St Asaph. Guido de Dona. Thomas Peberell. Richard Yong. John Trebaur. Or of Anglesey. A true Briton by birth, witnessed by his Name. He was at the present Lord a Godwin. Catal. of Bps. in S. David's Treasurer of England. In whom the King much confided, though T. Walsingham be pleased to dash his Memory, that he was the cause of much mischief. His Surname speaks him English by extraction, and he was of no remarkable activity. He might be English or Welsh by his Name, but I believe the latter. A man of merit sent by the King into Germany, to give satisfaction of King Henry's proceed. Second of that Christian and Surname, Bishop of that See, a Welshman no doubt, he was sent (saith T. Walsangham) to Spain to give account of the Kings proceed. Very loyal at the present, but after his return home, he sided with Owen Glendowre. But though the English at this time, were so severe against the Welsh, King Henry the seventh (born in the bowels of Wales at Pembroke, and assisted in the gaining of the Crown by the valour of his Countrymen) some years after plucked down this partition-wall of difference betwixt them; admitting the Welsh to English Honours, and Offices, as good reason, equality of merits, should be rewarded with equality of advancement. 14. Sir John Tiptoff (made afterwards Earl of Worcester) put up a Petition to the Parliament, The Petition of the Lords and Commons to the King against Lollards. touching Lollards, which wrought so on the Lords, that they joined a Petition to the King, Anno Regis. Hen. 4 14. according to the Tenor following. To our most redoubted and gracious Sovereign the King. YOur humble * Contracted by myself (exactly keeping the words) out of the Original. Son, HENRY PRINCE OF WALES, and the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in this present Parliament, humbly show, That the Church of England hath been, and now is, endowed with temporal possessions, by the gifts and grants as well of your Royal progenitors, as by the Ancestors of the said Lords Temporal, to maintain Divine Service, keep Hospitality, etc. to the Honour of God, and the souls health of your Progenitors, and the said Lords Temporal. Yet now of late, some, at the instigation of the Enemy, against the foresaid Church and Prelates, have as well in public Sermons, as in Conventicles, and secret places called Schools, stirred and moved the people of your Kingdom to take away the said temporal Possessions from the said Prelates, with which, they are as rightly endowed, as it hath been, or might be, best advised or imagined, by the Laws and Customs of your Kingdom, and of which they are as surely possessed, as the Lords Temporal are of their inheritances. Wherefore in case that this evil purpose be not resisted by your Royal Majesty, it is very likely that in process of time, they will also excite the people of your Kingdom, for to take away from the said Lords Temporal, their possessions and heritage's, so to make them common to the open commotion of your people. There be also others, who publish, and cause to be published evilly and falsely among the people of your Kingdom that Richard late King of England, (who is gone to God, and on whose soul, God thorough his Grace have mercy) is still alive. And some have writ and published divers false pretended prophecies to the people; disturbing them, who would to their power live peaceably, Serve God, and faithfully submit and obey you their Liege Lord. Wherefore may it please your Royal Majesty in maintenance of the honour of God, conservation of the Laws of the holy Church, as also in the preservation of the estate of You, your Children, Anno Regis Hen. quart. 14. and the Lords aforesaid, and for the quiet of all your Kingdom, to ordain by a Stature, in the present Parliament, by the assent of the Lords aforesaid, and the Commons of your Kingdom, that in case any man or woman, of what estate or condition they be, preach, publish, or maintain, hold, use, or exercise, any Schools, if any Sect or Doctrine hereafter against the Catholic faith, either preach, publish, maintain, or write a schedule, whereby the people may be moved to take away the Temporal Possessions of the aforesaid Prelates, or preach, and publish, that Richard late King, who is dead, should still be in full life, or that the Fool in Scotland is that King Richard who is dead; or that publish or write, any pretended Prophecies to the commotion of your people. That they and every of them, be taken, and put in Prison, without being delivered in Bail, or otherwise, except by good and sufficient mainprize, to be taken before the Chancellor of England, etc. 15. See we here the Policy of the Clergy, The Prince made a party against Wicklivites. who had gained Prince Henry (set as a Transcendent by himself in the Petition to their side, entering his Youth against the poor Wicklivites, and this Earnest engaged him to the greater Antipathy, against them, when possessed of the Crown. 16. Observe also the Subtlety of the Clergy in this medley Petition, Complication or Royal and Prelatical interest. interweaving their own interest with the Kings, and endeavouring to possess him, that all the Adversaries to their Superstitions, were Enemies also and Traitors to his Majesty. 17. Now as Conventicles were the Name of disgrace cast on, Wicklivists their Schools. Schools was the term of Credit owned by, the Wicklivists for the place of their meeting. Whether because f Acts 19 9 the School of Tyrannus, wherein St Paul disputed, was conceived by them Senior in Scripture to any material Church; Or that their teaching therein was not in entire discourses, but admitted (as in the Schools) of interlocutory opposition on occasion. 18. By Lollards all know the Wicklivites are meant, Lollards why so called. so called from h Trithemius in Chron. Anno 1315. Walter Lollardus one or their Teachers in Germany; (and not as the i Of S. Aug. Cont. M. S. Anno 1406. Monk alluded, quasi lolia in ar â Domini) flourishing many years before Wickliff, and much consenting with him in judgement. As for the word Lollard retained in our Statutes since the Reformation, it seems now as a generical name, to signify such who in their opinions oppose the settled Religion of the Land, in which sense, the modern Sheriffs are bound by their Oath to suppress them. 19 The Parenthesis concerning King Richard [Who is gone to God, and on whose Soul God through his Grace have Mercy] is according to the Doctrine of that Age. For they held all in Purgatory, gone to God, A charitable parenthesis. because assured in due time of their happiness; yet so that the suffrages of the Living were profitable for them. Nor feared they to offend King Henry by their charitable presumption of the final happy estate of King Richard his professed Enemy, knowing he cared not where King Richard was, so be it, not living and sitting on the English Throne. 20. As for the report of King Richard's being still alive, King Richard why believed alive. it is strange any should believe it; if it be true, that his Corpse for some days, were at London exposed to open view: understand it done at distance, lest coming too near, might discover some violence offered on his person. It is probable that the obscurity of his burial (huddled into his grave at Langley in Hertford-shire) gave the lustre to the report, that he was still alive, believed of those who desired it. 21. Whereas this Law against Lollards, No Woman Lollard Martyr. extended to Women, though many of the weaker Sex, were in trouble upon that account; Yet on my best enquiry, I never found any one put to death. Anna Ascough being the first, who in the reign of King Henry the Eight, was burnt for her Religion. 22. A g Nectar Boetius. lib. 16. Scotch Writer tells us, Who meant by the fool in Scotland. that King Richard fled disguised into Scotland, discovered himself to, and was honourably entertained by Robert the King thereof. Adding that Richard who would not more of the world, gave himself wholly to Contemplation, lived, died. and buried at Sterling, possibly some Mimic might personate him there, and is the Fool mentioned in this Petition. 23. Hereupon it was, that the poor Lollards were prosecuted, Cruel persecution. with such cruelty, that the prisons were full of them; many forced to abjure, and such who refused, used without mercy, as in Mr Fox is largely related. 24. Thomas Arundel, Archbishop Arundel going to Visit Oxford. Archbishop. of Canterbury, came to Oxford, with a pompous train, accompanied with many persons of Honour, and particularly with his Nephew, Thomas Fitzallen, Earl of Arundel; His intent was juridically to Visit the University, expecting to be solemnly met, and sumptuously entertained, according to his place and dignity. 25. But see the spite of it, Is resisted by the Chancellor. Richard Courtney, the Chancellor of Oxford, (whom by his Surname and high Spirit, I should guests descended from the Earls of Devonshire) with Benedict Brent, and John Birch, the two Proctors, denied the Archbishop entrance into the University under the notion of a Visitor, though as a Stranger, great Prelate, and Privy Councillor, all welcome was provided for him and his Retinue. Arundel was angry with the affront, and finding force both useless (the Scholars siding with the Chancellor) and inconsistent with his gravity, was fain fairly to retreat, re infectâ, to London; the rather because the Chancellor had submitted the cause in controversy to the hearing and determining of his Majesty. 26. King Henry at the joint instance of both parties, The King determines the cause for the Archbishop. summoned them to Lambeth, to hear and determine the controversy; the Chancellor of Oxford produceth an Army of large Bulls of the Pope: Archbishop Arundel brought forth one Champion, viz. An Instrument in the Reign of King Richard the second, wherein the King adjudged all their Papal Privileges void, as granted to the damage of the Crown, and much occasioning the increase of Lollards; not that it was so done intentionally by his Holiness (for who can suspect the Pope turn Lollard?) but accidentally it came to pass, that thy University of Oxford freed from Archiepiscopal Visitation, by virtue of those Bulls, the Wicklivists therein escaped from Consistorian censure. Hereupon King Henry pronounced sentence on the Arch-Bishops side, Febr. 9 Friday. as by the ensuing Instrument will plainly appear. ET ulterius tam anctoritate sua regia, quàm virtute submissionis praedictae sibi factae adtune ibidem arbitratus fuit, ordinavit, consideravit, decrevit, & adjudicavit, quod Praedictus Archiepiscopus & Successores sui in perpetuum habeant Visitationem & Jurisdictionem in Vniversitate praedictâ, tam Cancellarii Commissariorum, quàm Procuratorum ejusdem Vniversitatis, qui pro tempore fuerint, nec non omnium Doctorum, Magistrorum, regencium & non-regencium, ac Scholarium ejusdem Vniversitatis quorumeunque, eorumque Servientium, aliarnmque personarum cujuscunque status & condicionis extiterint, & etiam ejusdem Vniversitatis ut Vniversitatis, & quod Cancellarius, Commissarii, Procuratores Vniversitatis praedictae, qui pro tempore fuerunt, eorumque Successores, & omnes alii in dicta Vniversitate pro tempore, commorantes futuris temporibus eidem Archiepiscopo, & Successoribus suis in visitatione & Jurisdictione Vniversitatis praedictae etiam ut Vniaersitatis, in omnibus pareant & obedient. Et quod nec dictus Cancellarius, Commissarii, nec Procuratores Vniversitis praedictae, nec eorum Successores, nec aliquis alius in Vniversitate praedicta aliquod privilegium seu beneficium exemptionis ad excludendum praefatum Archiepiscopum seu Successores suos de Visitatione & Jurisdictione praedictis, in Vniversitate antedicta colore alicujus Bullae seu alterius tituli cujuscunque erg a praedictum Archiepiscopû seu Successores suos, clament, habeant, seu vendicent, ullo modo in futurum. Et quod quotiens Cancellarius, Commissarii, vel locum-tenens ipsorum, vel alicujus ipsorum, vel Procuratores dictae Vniversitatis qui pro tempore fuerint, vel eorum Successores, sive aliquis eorum impedierint vel impedierit, praefatum Archiepiscopum vel Successores suos, aut Ecclesiam suam praedictam; aut ipsorum vel alicujus ipsorum Commissarium, vel Commissarios, de hujusmodi Visitatione sive jurisdictione dictae Vniversitatis vel in aliquo contravenerint, vel aliquis eorum contravenerit, dictis, arbitrio, ordinacioni, sive judicio per praefatum Ricardum nuper Regem factis, sive arbitrio, judicio, decreto, considerationi vel ordinacioni, ipsius Domini nostri Regis Henrici in hoc casu, vel si aliquis dictae Vniversitatis in futurum impedierit dictum Archiepiscopum, vel Successores suos, aut Ecclesiam suam praedictam, aut ipsorum, vel alicujus ipsorum Commissarium, vel Commissarios, de Visitatione sua aut jurisdictione antedicta, vel in ali●uo contravenerit dictis, arbitrio, ordinacioni, sive judicio per praefatum Ricardum nuper Regem in forma praedictâ, factis, vel arbitrio, judicio, decreto, considerationi vel ordinationi ipsius Domini nostri Regis Henrici. Et quòd Cancellarius, Commissarii vel Procuratores Vniversitatis praedictae tunc non fecerint diligentiam & posse eorum ad adjuvandum dictum Archiepiscopum vel Successores sous, aut Ecclesiam suam praedictam, seu Commissarium vel Commissarios suos in hujusmodi casu, ac etiam ad puniendum hujusmodi impediments & resistenets. Quòd totiens omnes Franehesiae, libertates, & omnia privilegia ejusdem Vniversitatis in manus Domini Regis vel haeredum suorum seisiantur, in eisdem manibus ipsorum Domini Regis vel haeredum suorum remansura, quousque praedictus Archiepiscopus vel Successores sui pacificam Visitationem & jurisdictionem in sorma praedicta, in dicta Vniversitate habuerit vel habuerint, & etiam tociens Cancellarius, Commissarii, & Procuratores ejusdem Vniversitatis, qui pro tempore fuerint, & eorum Successores, ac Vniversitas praedicta solvant, & teneantur folvere ipsi Domino nostro Regi Henrico & haeredibus suis mille Libras legalis Monetae Angliae. Concordat cum Originali, GULIELMUS RYLEY. Afterwards the King confirmed the same, with the consent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament, as in the Tower Rolls doth plainly appear. 27. See we here the grand difference, The effect of the Statute of Praemunire. betwixt the Pope's power in England, before and after the Statute of Praemunire. Before it, his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was authentical, and his Bulls received next to Canonical Scripture. Since, that Statute hath broken off their best Seals, wherein they cross the Royal Power; and in all things else, they enter into England mannerly with, good King by your leave Sir, or else they were no better than so much waste Parchment. 28. This doth acquaint us with a perfect Character of King Henry the fourth, Farewell to K. Henry the fourth. who though courteous, was not servial to the Pope. And * Fourth book of his Instit. of the Jurisd. of Courts. page 228. Sr Edward Cook accounteth this his Oxford action (though unwilling to transcribe the Instrument for the tediousness thereof) a noble act of Kingly power in that Age, and so we take our farewell of King Henry the fourth, not observed (as all English Kings before and after him) to have erected and endowed any one entire house of Religion, as first or sole Founder thereof, though a great Benefactor to the Abbey of Leicester, and College of Fotheringhay in Northamptonshire; his Picture is not so well known by his Head as his Hood, which he weareth upon it in an antic fashion peculiar to himself. 29. At the Commons Petition to the King in Parliament, Chaumberdakyns banished England. that all Irish begging-Priests, Hen. 5 1413 called * Rotuli in Turre in hoc anno. The death of T. Arundel. Chaumberdakyns should avoid the Realm before Michaelmas next, 1. they were ordered to departed by the time aforesaid, upon pain of loss of goods and imprisonment during the King's pleasure. 30. I had almost forgotten, that just a month before the death of King Henry the Fourth, Thomas Arundel, Arch-Bishops of Canterbury expired; famished to death, not for want of food, but a throat to swallow it, such the swelling therein, that he could neither speak nor eat for some days. I may safely report, what others observe, how he, who by his cruel Canons, forbade the food to the soul, and had pronounced sentence of condemnation, on so many innocents', was now both starved, and strick dumb together. Henry Chichely succeeded him in the place, whose mean birth interrupted the Chain of Noble Archbishop, his two predecessors and successors, being Earls sons by their extraction. 31. The Prelates and Abbots especially, The Clergy jealous of King Henry's activity. began now to have the activesoul of King Henry in suspicion; For working heads are not so willing to follow old ways, Hen. 5 1414. 2. as well-pleased to find out new ones. Such a meddling soul, must ne sent out of harms-way: If that the Clergy found not this King some work abroad, he would make them new work at home. Had his humour happened to side with the Lollards, Anno Regis. Hen. 2 8. Henry the fifth would have saved King Henry the Eight much pains in demolishing of Monasteries. Anno Dom. 1414. 32. Hereupon the Clergy cunningly gave vent to his Activity, Divert it on a war in France. by divertting it, on a long war upon the French, where his Victories are loundly sounded forth by our State Historians. A war of more credit than profit to England in this King's Reign, draining the Men and Money thereof. Thus Victorious Bays bear only barren Berries (no whit good for food, and very little for Physic) whilst the Peaceable Olive drops down that precious liquor, making the face of man to shine therewith. Besides, what this King Henry gained, his Son as quickly lost in France. Thus though the Providence of Nature hath privileged Islanders by their entire position to secure themselves, yet are they unhappy in long keeping their acquisitions on the Continent. 33. Now began the Tragedy of Sir John Oldcastle, The sad story of Sir John Oldcastle. so largely handled in Mr. Fox, that his pains hath given Posterity a Writ of Ease herein. He was a vigorous Knight, whose Martial Activity, wrought him into the affections of Joan f Camd. Brit. in Kent. D: lafoy Pole Baronesse of Cobham, the Lord whereof he became, (sed quaere, whether an Actual Baron) by her Marriage. 34. As for the Opinions of this Sir John Oldcastle, His belief. they plainly appear in his Belief, which he drew up with his own hand, and presented it first to the King, then to the Archbishop of Canterbury, wherein some things are rather coursely then falsely spoken. He knew to speak in the Language of the Schools (so were the meetings of the Wicklivists called) but not scholastically; and I believe he was the first that coined, and last that used the distinction of the Church Militant, divided into Priesthood, Knighthood, and Commons, which had no great harm therein, as he explained it. As for * In his 3 conversion. Persons his charging him with Anabaptistical Tenets, it is pity that the words of a plain meaning man should be put on the Wrack of a Jesuits malice, to extort by deduction what never was intended therein. 35. But a worse accusation is charged on his Memory, He is charged of Treason. that he was not only guilty of Herese but Treason. But by the way, it appeareth that Lolardisme then counted Heresy was made Treason by Statute, and on that account Heresy and Treason, signify no more than Heresy, and then Heresy according to the abusive language of that Age was the best serving of God in those days. But besides this, a very formal Treason is laid to this Lords account in manner following. It is laid to his charge, that though not present in the person with his Council, he encouraged an Army of Rebels, no fewer than twenty thousand, which in the dark thickets (expounded in our Age into plain pasture) of St Giles Fields nigh London, intended to seize on the King's Person, and his two Brothers, the Dukes of Bedford and Gloucester. Of this numerous Army, thirty six are said to be hanged and burnt, though the Names of three are only known, and Sr Roger Acton Knight, the only person of quality named in the design. 36. For mine own part, The Author intricated. I must confess myself so lost in the Intricacies of these Relations, that I know not what to assent to. On the one side, I am loath to load the Lord Cobham's memory with causeless crimes, knowing the perfect hatred the Clergy in that Age beard unto him, and all that look d towards the reformation in Religion. Besies, that 20000 men should be brought into the field, and no place assigned whence they were to be raised, or where mustered, is clogged with much improbability. The rather because only the three persons, as is aforesaid, are mentioned by name of so vast a number. 37. On the other side, Leaveth all to the last day. I am much startled with the Evidence that appeareth against him. Anno Dom. 1414. Indeed I am little moved with what T. Walsingham writes, Anno Regis Hen. quint. 2. (whom all later Authors follow, as a flock the Bell-wether) knowing him a Benedictine Monk of St Albans, bowed by interest to partiality; but the Records of the Tower, and Acts of Parliament therein, wherein he was solemnly condemned for a Traitor as well as Heretic, challenge belief. For with what confidence, can any private person, promise credit from Posterity to his own Writings, if such public Monuments, be not by him entertained for authentical: Let Mr Fox therefore, be this Lord Cobham's Compurgator, I dare not; and if my hand were put on the Bible, I should take it back again. Yet so, that, as I will not acquit, I will not condemn him, but leave all to the last day of the * Rom. 2. 5. Revelation of the righteous judgement of God. 38. This is most true, The Lord Cobham taken in Wales. that the Lord Cobham made his escape out of the Tower, wherein he was imprisoned; fled into Wales, here he lived four years, being at last discovered, and taken, by the Lord Powis. Yet so, that it cost some blows and blood to apprehend him, till a Woman at last with a Stool broke the Lord Cobham's Legs, whereby being lame he was brought up to London in a Horse-litter. 39 At last he was drawn upon a hurdle to the Gallows, His double death. his Death as his Crime being double, hanged and burned, for Traitor and Heretic. Hence some have deduced the Etymology of Tyburn, from Tie and burn, the necks of offending persons being tied thereunto, whose legs and lower parts were consumed in the flame. 40. Stage-Po●t; Unjustly made the Buffoon in plays. have themselves been very bold with, and others very merry at, the Memory of Sr John Oldcastle, whom they have fancied a boon Companion, a jovial Roister, and yet a Coward to boot, contrary to the credit of all Chronicles, owning him a Martial man of merit. The best is, Sr John Falstaff, hath relieved the Memory of Sr John Oldcastle, and of late is substituted Buffoon in his place, but it matters as little what petulant Poets, as what malicious Papists have written against him. 41. Richard Fleming Doctor of Divinity, Lincoln Col. founded. designed by the Pope Archbishop of York, but (to please King Henry the fifth) contented with the Bishopric of Lincoln, about this time founded a College, named Lincoln-Colledg in Oxford. It fared the worse because he died before it was fully finished, and the best Guardian to an Orphan-foundation comes far short of the Father thereof. Yet was this House happy in two bountiful Benefactors, Thomas Beckington Bishop of Bath and Wells, who (according to the ingenuity of that Age) hath left his Memory in a Beacon with a Tun on the Walls, and Thomas Rotherham Archbishop of York, adding five Fellowships thereunto. 42. Here I wonder what made f Bri. Twine in miscellaniis. Nicholas Pont, N Pont. great Anti L-incolnian. Fellow of Merton College, and Scholar enough) to be such a backfriend to this College in the infancy thereof, enveying bitterly against it. This is that Pont whose Faith many distrust, for his violent writing against t Pitz. Anno 1410. Wickliff, but whose Charity more may dislike, for his malice to this innocent College, except it was, that he foresaw it would produce in time, worthy Champions of the Truth, Opposers of his erroneous Opinions, as indeed it hath, though I be unable to give a particular Catalogue of them. 43. Indeed I could much desire (were it in my power) to express my service to this foundation, The Author some weeks in, though not of this house. acknowledging myself for a quarter of a year in these troublesome times (though no member of) a dweller in it. I will not complain of the dearness of this University, where seventeen weeks cost me more than seventeen years in Cambridge (even all that I had) but shall pray that the students therein be never hereafter disturbed upon the like occasion. 44. Amongst the modern worthies of this College still surviving, The Arch-Casuists of our Church and Age. Dr Robert Saunderson (late Regius Professor) moveth in the highest Sphere; as no less plain and profitable, then able and profound Casuist (a learning almost lost amongst Protestants) wrapping up sharp thorns in rosy leaves, I mean hard matter in sweet latin and pleasant expressions. Rectors. Anno Regis. Hen. 5▪ 8. 1. Mr. Gul. Chamberlain. 2. Mr. John Beke. 3. Mr. Jo. Tristrope. 4. Dr. Geo. Srangwayes. 5. Mr. Gul. Betham. 6. Mr. Tho. Bank. 7. Mr. Tho. Drax. 8. Dr. Jo. Cottisford. 9 Mr. Hugo Weston. 10. Mr. Christ. Hargrave. 11. Dr. Fra. Babington. 12. Mr. Hen. Henshaw. 13. Mr. John Bridgter. 14. Mr. John Tatam. 15. Dr. John Vnderhill. 16. Dr. Rich. Kilbie. Dr. Paul Hudd. Bishops. Anno Dom. 1421. Jo. Vnderhill Bp. of Oxford. Benefactors. 1. John Forrest Dean of Wells. 2. John Southam Archdeacon of Oxford. 3. William Findern Esquire. 4. Henry Beauford Cardinal Bp. of Winchester. 5. John Bucktot. 6. Joh. Crosly Treasurer of Linc. 7. William Batz. 8. Edward Derby. 9 Will. Dagril Maj. of Oxford. 10. Will. Bish. 11. Edmund Audley. 12. Joan Traps. 13. Rich Kilbie late Rector. Learned Writers. * Pitz. de Script. Ang. 6 p. 801. William Harris, whose Writings are much esteemed by the Papists Richard Thornton So that at the present are maintained, one Rector, fourteen Fellows, two Chaplains, four Scholars, which with Servants and other Commoners, lately made up, seventy two. 43. We must not forget John Williams, Bishop of Lincoln builds them a new Chapel. Bishop of Lincoln, bred in Cambridge, related only to this House as Visitor thereof. Here finding the Chapel, (built by John Forrest Dean of Wells in the Reign of King Henry the sixth) old, little, and inconvenient, he erected a far fairer Fabric in the room thereof. He had a good Precedent of a Cambridge man's bounty to this House, even Thomas Rotherham Fellow of King's College, and Master of Pembroke Hall therein, whom Bishop Williams succeeded, as in the Bishopric of Lincoln, and the Archbishopric of York, so in his Liberality to this Foundation. 44. On the last of August, 9 Aug. 31. King Henry the fifth ended his life, 1422 in France; The death and character of King Henry the fift. one of a strong and active body, neither shrinking in cold, not slothful in heat, going commonly with his head uncovered, the wearing of Armour was no more cumbersome unto him then a Cloak. He never shrunk at a wound, nor turned away his Nose for ill favour; nor closed his eyes for smoke or dust; in Diet none less dainty, or more moderate: his sleep very short, but sound, fortunate in fight, and commendable in all his Actions, verifying the Proverb, that an ill Youth, may make a good Man. The Nunnery of Zion was built and endowed by him; and a College was by him intended in Oxford, had not death prevented him. 45. As for Katherine de Valois, Q Katherine married again. Daughter to Charles the sixth King of France, Anno Dom. 1422. widow of King Henry, Anno Regis Hen. sexti 1. she was afterward married to, and had issue by, Owen ap Tudor a noble we●chman, and her body lies at this day, unburied in a lose Coffin at Westminster, lately showed to such as desire it, and there dependeth a story thereon. 46. There was an old prophecy among the English (observed by a Philip Commineus. foreigners to be the greatest Prophecy-mongers, But never buried. and whilst the Devil knows their diet, they shall never want a dish to please the Palate) that an English Prince born at Windsor, should be unfortunate in losing what his Father had acquired. Whereupon King Henry forbade Queen Katherine, (big with Child) to be delivered there; who out of the corrupt principle, Nitimur in vetitum, and affecting her Father, before her Husband, was there brought to bed of King Henry the sixth, in whose Reign the fair victories woven by his Father's valour, were by Cowardice, Carelessness, and Contentions, unraveled to nothing. 47. Report, By her own desire. the greatest (though not the truest) Author avoucheth, that sensible of her faultindisobeying her Husband, it was her own b Speed Chron. p. 661. desire and pleasure, that her body should never be buried, If so, it is pity but that a Woman, (especially a Queen) should have her will therein. Whose dust doth preach a Sermon of duty to Feminine, and of Mortality to all Beholders. 48. But this story is told otherwise by other authors, Alii aliter. namely, that she was c Stow's survey of London p. 507. buried near her Husband King Henry the fift, under a fair Tomb, where she hath a large Epitaph, and continued in her grave some years, until King Henry the Seventh laying the foundation of a new Chapel, caused her Corpse to be taken up; but why the said Henry, being her Great Grandchild, did not order it to be re-interred, is not recorded; if done by casualty and neglect very strange, and stranger if out of design. 49. In the minority of King Henry the sixth, The Parliament appoint the King's Councillors. as his Uncle, John Duke of Bedford, managed martial matters beyond the seas; so his other Uncle, Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, was chosen his Protector at home, to whom the Parliament then sitting appointed a select number of privy Councillors, wherein, only such as were spiritual persons fall under our observation. 1. Henry Chichley Archbishop of Canterbury. 2. John Kempe Bishop of London. 3. Henry Beauford Bishop of Winchest. lately made Lord Cardinal. 4. John Wackaring Bishop of Norwich, privy seal. 5. Philip Morgan; Bishop of Worcester. 6. Nic. Bubwith Bishop of Bath and Wells, Lord Treasurer. So strong a party had the Clergy in that Age, in the privy Council, that they could carry all matters at their own pleasure. 50. It was ordered in Parliament, A strict law for the Irish Clergy. that all Irishmen living in either University, 1423. should procure their Testimonials, 2. from the Lord Lieutenant or Justice of Ireland, as also find sureties for their good behaviour, during their remaining therein. They were also forbidden to take upon them, the Principality of any Hall or House, in either University, but that they remain under the discipline of others. 51. Hitherto the Corpse of John Wickliff had quietly slept in his grave, Wickliff quietly buried 41. years. about one and forty years after his death, 1428. till his body was reduced to bones, 6. and his bones almost to dust. For though the Earth in the Chancel of Lutterworth in Leicester-shire, where he was interred, hath not so quick a digestion with the Earth of Acheldama, to consume Flesh in twenty four hours, yet such the appetite thereof, and all other English graves, to leave small reversions of a body after so many years. 52. But now such the Spleen of the Council of Constance, Anno Regis. Hen. sixth. 6 as they not only cursed his Memory, Anno Dom. 1428. as dying an obstinate Heretic, Ordered 〈◊〉 ungraved 〈◊〉 a Heretic. but ordered that his bones (with this charitable caution, if it may be discerned from the bodies of other faithful people) to be taken out of the ground and thrown fare off, from any Christian burial. 53. In obedience hereunto Richard Fleming Bishop of Lincoln, His 〈◊〉 burnt and drow●●d, Diocesan of Lutterworth, sent his Officers (Vultures with a quick sight scent at a dead Carcase) to ungrave him accordingly. To Lutterworth they come, Sumner, Commissarie, Official, Chancellor, Proctors, Doctors, and the Servants (so that the Remnant of the body would not hold out a bone, amongst so many hands) take, what was left, out of the grave, and burned them to ashes, and cast them into Swift a Neighbouring Brook running hard by. Thus this Brook hath conveyed his ashes into Avon; Avon into Severn; Severn into the narrow Seas; they, into the main Ocean. And thus the Ashes of Wickliff are the Emblem of his Doctrine, which now, is dispersed all the World over. 54. I know not whether the Vulgar Tradition be worth Remembrance, None can drive a nail● of wax. that the Brook into which Wickliff his Ashes were poured, never since overflowed the Banks. Were this true (as some deny it) as silly is the inference of Papists attributing this to Divine Providence, expressing itself pleased with such severity on a Heretic, as simple the collection of some Protestants, making it an effect of Wickliff his sanctity. Such Topical accidents are good for Friend and Foe, as they may be bowed to both; but in effect good to neither, seeing no solid Judgement will build where bare fancy hath laid Foundation. 55. It is of more consequence to observe the differences betwixt Authors, Difference betwixt Authors. some making the Council of Constance to pass this sentence of condemnation as Master Fox doth, inserting (but by mistake) the History thereof, in the Reign of King Richard the second, which happened many years after. But more truly it is ascribed to the Council of Sienna, except for sureness both of them joined in the same cruel edict. 56. Here I cannot omit what I read in a * Hall in the life of 〈◊〉 Fisher, p. 〈◊〉 Popish Manuscript (but very lately printed) about the subject of our present discourse. Wickliff traduced. 57 The first unclean BEAST that ever passed thorough * O! th● 〈◊〉 Oxonford (I mean Wickliff by Name) afterwards chewed the Cud and was sufficiently reconciled to the Roman faith, as appears by his Recantation, Living and Dying conformable to the holy Catholic Church. 58. It is strange that this Popish Priest alone, should light on his Recantation, which, I believe, no other eyes, before or since, did behold. Besides, if, (as he saith) Wickliff was sufficiently reconciled to the Roman Faith, why was not Rome sufficiently reconciled to him? using such cruelty unto him so many years after his death. Cold encouragement, for any to become Romists Converts, if (notwithstanding their reconciliation) the bodies must be burnt so many years after their death. 59 But though Wickliff had no Tomb, A Monk's charity to Wickliff, he had an Epitaph, such as it was, which a Monk afforded him, and that it was no worse, thank his want, not of malice, but invention, not finding out worse expressions. The k Walsing Ypodig. Neust p. 3●2 Devil's Instrument, Church's Enemy, People's confusion, Heretics Idol, Hypocrites Mirror, Schisms Broacher, hatreds sour, Anno Dom. 1430. lies forger, flatteries sink, who at his death despaired like Cain, Anno Regis. Hen. 6. 8. and stricken by the horrible Judgements of God, breathed forth his wicked Soul to the dark mansion of the black Devil. Surely He with whose Name this Epitaph beginneth and endeth, was with the maker clean thorough the contrivance thereof. 59 Henry Beaufort Bishop of Winchester, A conditional privy Council. Cardinal Sancti Eusebij, but commonly called, Cardinal of England, was by consent of Parliament made one of the King's Council, with this condition, that he should make a * Ex Archivis tur. London. Protestation to absent himself from the Council, when any matters were to be treated betwixt the King and Pope, being jealous belike, that his Papal would prevail over his Royal interest. The Cardinal took the Protestation, and promised to perform it. 60. The Clergy complained in Parliament to the King, Privilege of Convocation. that their Servants which came with them to Convocations, were often arrested, to their great damage, and they prayed that they might have the same Privilege, which the Peers and Commons of the Kingdom have, which are called to Parliament, which was granted accordingly. 61. Great at this time was the want of Grammar Schools, and the abuse of them that were even in London itself; Want of Grammar Schools complained of. for they were no better then Monopolise, it being penal for any (to prevent the growth of Wicklivism) to put their Children to private Teachers; hence was it that some hundreds were compelled to go to the same School, where, to use the words of the Records, the Master's waxed rich in money, and learners poor in cunning. Whereupon this grievance was complained on in Parliament by four eminent Ministers in London, viz. Mr. William Lichfield Parson of All-Hallow's the More. Gilbert, Parson of St. Andrews Holbern. John Coat, Parson of St. Peter's Cornhill. John Needle, Master of the House of St. Thomas Acre's, and Parson of Colchrich. To these it was granted by the Advice of the Ordinary, or Archbishop of Canterbury to erect five Schools (Needle the last named having a double licence for two places) in their respective Parishes, which are fitly called the five vowels of London, which Mute in a manner before, began now to speak and pronounce the Latin Tongue. Know that the house St. Thomas Acres was, where Mercer's Chapel standeth at this day. About this time the Lady Eleanor Cobham, Elianour Duchess of Gloucester commended by Mr. Fox for a Confessor. so called from the Lord Cobham her Father, 1433 (otherwise Elianour Plantagenet by her Husband) was married unto Humphrey the King's Uncle Duke of Gloucester. 11. She was it seems a great Savourer and Favourer of Wickliff his Opinions, and for such Mr. Fox hath ever a Good word in store. Insomuch that he maketh this Lady a Confessor, Sr. Roger Only, (alias Bolignbroke) her Chaplain, a Martyr, assigning in his Calendar, the eleventh and twelfth of February for the days of their commemoration. But Alanus Copus, (namely Harpsfield under his name) falls foul on Mr. Fox for making Sr. Roger a Martyr, Made Traitor by A. C. who was a Traitor, and Elianour this Duchess a Confessor, who by the consent of our Chroniclers Robert Fabian, Edward Hall, etc. was condemned (after solemn penance and carrying a Taper barefoot at Paul's Cross) to perpetual banishment, for plotting with Only his Chaplain, (an abominable Necromancer) and three others by witchcraft to destroy the King, Anno Regis. Hen. sixth. 11. so to derive the Crown to her Husband, Anno Dom. 1433. as the next heir in the Line of Lancaster. But Cope-Harpsfield pincheth the Fox the hardest, for making Margaret Jourdman (the witch of Eye) a Martyr, who was justly burnt for her witchcraft. Other small errors we omit, where of he accuseth him. In answer hereunto, Mr. Fox makes a threefold return, ingeniously confessing part of the charge, Mr. Fox His ingenious confession. flatly denying part, and fairly excusing the rest. He confesseth, and take it in his own words, that the former Edition of his Acts and Monuments, was a First Volume, pag. 920. HASTILY RASHED up at the present in such shortness of time, (fourteen months, as I remember, too small a term for so great a Task) that it betrayed him to many mistakes, as when he calleth Sir Roger Only a Knight, who was a Priest by his profession. Adding moreover, that had he thought no b Pag. 921. imperfections had passed his former Edition, he would have taken in hand a second recognition thereof. He flatly denyeth that his Martyr-making of Margaret Jourdman the Witch of Eye, His flat denial. I here (saith) profess, confess and ascertain, both you (Cope-Harpsfield He meaneth) and all English men both present, and all posterity hereafter to come, that Margaret Jourdman I never spoke of, never thought of, never dreamt of, nor did ever hear of, before you named her in your Book yourself. So fare it is off that I, either with my will, or against my will, made any Martyr of Her. He excuseth the aforesaid Duchess Elianour, His ten Conjectures in behalf of the Duchess. alleging ten Conjectures (as he calleth them) in her vindication. 1. Sir Roger Only took it upon his death, that He and the Lady were innocent of those things for which they were condemned. 2. It was usual for the Clergy in that Age, to load those who were of Wickliff his persuasion (such this Duchess) with no less false than feule aspersions. 3. Sir Roger Only wrote two Books, (mentioned by c As in his 8th Cent. cap. 4. Bale) the one of his own innocency, the other Contra Vulgi Superstitiones. It is not therefore probable he should be so silly a Necromancer, who had professedly confuted Popular Superstitions. 4. The Accusation of this Duchess began not until after the Grudges betwixt the Duke her Husband, and the Cardinal * I see not how this is much material in her defence. of Winchester, about the year 1440. 5. It is not probable if the Duchess intended such Treason against the King's life, (as to consume him by burning a wax candle) that she would impart a plot of such privacy to four persons, viz. Sir Roger, Margaret Jourdman, Mr. Thomas Southwell, and john Hume; seeing five, may keep counsel, if four be away. 6. So heinous a treason against the King's person, if plainly proved, would have been more severely punished, with death no doubt of all privy thereunto. Whereas this Lady escaped with Exile, and john Hume had his life pardoned, which being so foul a fact, would not have been forgiven, if clearly testified against Him. 7. She is accused in our Chronicles, (Harding, Polycronicon, etc.) for working Sorcery and Enchantments AGAINST the Church and the King. Now how can Enchantments be made AGAINST the Church, which is a Collective Body, consisting of a Multitude of Christians? and reader in my weak opinion this Conjecture carrieth some weight with it, Anno Dom. 1433. Balaam himself can tell us, Anno Regis. Hen. 11▪ 6. There is no Sorcery against Jacob, not soothsaying against Israel. If any interpret Against the Church, that is, the Laws and Canons of the Church, Num. 23. 23. the Sense is harsh and unusual. This rendereth it suspicious that her Enchantments against the Church, was only her disliking and distasting the errors and Superstitions thereof. 8. This Witch of Eye (saith Fabian) lived near Winchester, a Presumption (as Mr. Fox conjectureth) that the Cardinal of Winchester had a hand in packing this accusation. 9 Polydore Virgil maketh no mention thereof, otherwise sufficiently quicksighted in matters of this nature. 10. Why may not this be false, as well as that King Richard the third, his accusing of jane Shore for bewitching of his withered arm. These conjectures are not Substantial enough severally to subsist of themselves, yet may they be able to stand in complication (in the whole Sheaf, though not as single Arrows) and conduce not a little towards the clearing of her innocence. For my own part, 23. A moderate way. it is passed my Skill to seour out stains, inlaid in the memory of one diseased more than two hundred years ago. I see her credit stands condemned, by the generality of Writers; and as it is above the power of the present Age, to pardon it, so it is against all pity, cruelty to execute the same, some after-evidences appearing with glimmering light in her vindication. Let her Memory therefore be reprieved till the day of Judgement, when it is possible, Micah 7. 9 that this Lady, bearing here, the indignation of God for her sins, may in due time have her cause pleaded, and judgement executed for her, and her righteousness be brought into light. Sure I am she fared no whit the better, for her surname of Cobbam, odious to the Clergy of that Age on the account of Sir john Oldcasile Lord Cobham, though these two were nothing of kin. The best is she left no issue to be ashamed of her faults, if she were guilty, the best evidences of whose innocence are in the Manuscript Books of J. Leyland, which as yet I have not had the happiness to behold. At this time William Heiworth sat Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, The meanest Bishop above the mightiest Abbot. being translated thither from being Abbot of St. Alban. Wonder not that he should leave the richest Abbey of England (where he took place of all of his Order) and exchange it for a middle-sized Bishopric. For first, even those who most admire the holiness and perfection of Monasticallife, do grant the Episcopal Function above it in all Spiritual respects. Secondly, in Temporal Considerations the poorest Bishop was better (and might be more beneficial to his Kindred) than the richest Abbot, seeing he by will might bequeath his estate to his Heirs, which no Abbot, (incapable in his own/ persons of any Propriety) could legally do, whose goods belonged to his Convent in common. This Bishop Heiworth deserved not ill of his Cathedral Church of Litchfield. Litchfield's Cathedral. Indeed the body of the Church was built by Roger de Clinton Bishop thereof, 1433 in the reign of King Henry the first, 11. who increased the number of the prebend's, and surrounded Litchfield with a ditch bestowing, much cost on the invisible Castle, which now is vanished out of sight. Afterwards Walter de Langton his successor in the reign of King Edward the first was a most munificent Benefactor thereunto, laying the foundation of the Chapel of the Virgin Mary, and (though dying before it was finished) bequeathing a sufficient sum of money for the finishing thereof. He also fenced the Close of the Church about with a high wall, and deep ditch, adorning it with two beautiful gates, the fairer on the west, the lesser on the South side thereof. He expended no less than two thousand and pound in beautifying the shrine of Saint Chad his predecessor. 65. But now in the time of the aforesaid William Heyworth, Anno Regis Hen. 6▪ 11. the Cathedral of Litchfield was in the vertical height thereof, Anno Dom. 1433. being (though not augmented in the essentials) beautified in the Ornamentals thereof. The nearest Pile in England. Indeed the West front thereof is a stately Fabric, adorned with exquisite imagery, which I suspect our age is so far from being able to imitate the workmanship, that it understandeth not the History thereof. 66. Surely what Charles the fifth is said to have said of the City of Florence, Charles the fifth of Florence. that it is pity it should be seen save only on Holidays; as also that it was fit that so fair a City should have a Case and Cover for it to keep it from wind and weather, so in some sort, this Fabric may seem to deserve a shelter to secure it. 67. But alas it is now in a pitiful case indeed, An ingenious design. almost beaten down to the ground in our civil dissensions. Now lest the Church should follow the Castle; I mean, quite vanish out of view, I have at the cost of my worthy friend here exemplified the Portraiture thereof: and am glad to hear it to be the design of ingenious persons to preserve ancient Churches in the like nature, (whereof many are done in this, and more expected in the next part of Monasticon) seeing when their substance is gone, their very shadows will be acceptable to posterity. 68 The Commons in Parliament complained to the King, A grievance complained on. that whereas they had sold great wood of twenty years' growth and upwards, to their own great profit, and in aid to the King in his wars and shipping, the Parsons and Vicars impleaded such Merchants as bought this Timber, for the Tithes thereof, whereby their estates were much damnified, the King and the Kingdom disserved. 69. They also complained, With great earnestness. that when such Merchants troubled in the Courts Christian addressed themselves for remedy to the Chancery, and moved therein for a Prohibition, which in such cases is to be granted unto them, by virtue of a Statute made in the forty fift year of King Edward the third, yet such a writ of Prohibition and attachment, was against all law and right denied them. Wherefore they humbly desired the King to ordain by authority of the present Parliament, that such, who shall find themselves grieved, may hereafter have such writs of Prohibition and upon that Attachments aswell in the Chancery as in the Kings and Common-Bench at their choice. * Ex Archivis in Tur. Londin. undecimo▪ Hen. sexti. And that the said Writs of Prohibition and Attachment issuing out of the said Benches, have the said force and effects, as the Original writs of Prohibition and Attachment so issuing out of the Chancery of our Lord the King. 70. To this it was returned, Yet not fully redressed. the King will be advised, the civilest expression of a Denial. However we may observe that for a full hundred years (viz. from the middle of King Edward the third, to and after this time) no one Parliament passed wherein this Grievance was not complained on. So that an Acorn might become an Oak, and good Timber in the term, wherein this molestation for the Tithes of wood, (under the pretence of Silua Cedua) did continue. But it seems it was well Ordered at last, finding future Parliaments not complaining thereof. 71. At this time William Linwood finished his industrious and useful work of his Constitutions. William Linwood his Constitutions set forth. He was bred in Cambridge, first Scholar of Gonvile, than Fellow of Pembroke-Hall. His younger years he spent in the study of the Laws, whereby he gained much wealth, and more reputation. Afterwards (quitting his practice) he betook himself to the Court, and became Keeper of the Privie-Seale unto King Henry the fifth, who employed him on a long and important Embassy into Spain and Portugal. 72. Linwood being no less skilful in Civil than Canon Law, First employed Ambassador into Portugal. performed the place with such exemplary industry and judgement, that had not the King's sudden death prevented it, he had been highly advanced in the Commonwealth. Afterwards he reassumed his Officials place of Canterbury, and then at spare hours collected and digested the Constitutions of the fourteen latter Archbishops of Canterbury, from Stephen Langton to Henry Chicheley, unto whom he dedicated the Work, submitting the censure thereof to the Church. 73. A worthy Work, highly esteemed by foreign Lawyers not so particularly Provincial for England, His work printed and prized beyond sea. but that they are useful for other Countries, his Comment thereon being a Magazine of the Canon-Law. It was printed at Paris, 1505. (but at the cost and charges of William Bretton, an honest Merchant of London) revised by the care of Wolfgangus Hippolius, and prefaced unto by Jodocus Badius. This Linwood was afterward made Bishop of Saint david's, whose works (though now beheld by some as an Almanac out of date) will be valued by the judicious whilst Learning and Civility have a being. CENT. XV. Anno Regis▪ TO Mr THOMAS RICH, Anno Dom. [Late] of LONDON, Esquire. Great is the praise S. Paul * Rom. 16. 23. gives to Gaius, styling him his host, and of the whole Church. Surely the Church then was very little, or Gaius his house very large. Now Hosts commonly are Corpulent persons, but Gaius not so, it being more than suspicious that he was afflicted with a faint body, as may be collected from the words of † 3 John 2. S. John, I wish that thou mayst prosper and be in health, even as thy soul prospereth. You are Sir the Entertainer-general of good men; many a poor Minister will never be wholly Sequestered, whilst you are living, whose Charity is like to the wind which cannot be seen, but may be felt: And God hath dealt with you more bountifully then with Gaius, blessing you in all dimensions of Soul, Body, and Estate; and my prayers shall never be wanting for the continuance and increase thereof. 1. THis year began the smart and active Council of Basil, Hen. 6▪ 12. to which our Ambassadors were to represent both their Sovereign, 1434. and the English Nation; English Ambassadors sent to Basil. where they were received with honour and respect, the reputation of King Henry his Holiness adding much to their credit; Foreigners there being very inquisitive of them, to be satisfied in the particulars of his devotion, which by them was represented much to their Master's advantage. But it is worth our pains to peruse the Commission they carried with them. REx omnibus quos etc. Anno Dom. 1434 salutem. Anno Regis Hen. 6. 12. Sciatis quòd, cum juxta decreta Constantiensis Concilii, praesens Concilium Basileense actualiter celebretur sub sanctissimo Patre Domino Eugenio Papa quarto. Nos eidem Concilio, nedum ex parte ejusdem Concilii per suos Oratores nobis ex hac causa specialiter destinatos, verum etiam Apostolicis & Imperialibus, ac aliorum quamplurimorum sanctae Matris Ecclesiae Patrum & Principum saecularium literis creberrimè instigati, ad Dei laudem, sanctae Matris Ecclesiae prosperitatem optatam & honorem, & praesertim ob fidei Catholicae exaltationem interesse cupientes, variis & diversis causis rationabiliter praepediti, quo minus personaliter eidem interesse poterimus, ut vellemus, venerabiles Patres Robertum Londoniensem, Philippum Lexovieasem, Johannem Roffensem, Johannem Bajocensem, & Bernardum Aquensem Episcopos, ac carissimum consanguineum nostrum Edmundum Comitem Moritonii, dilectos nobis Nicholaum Abbatem Glastoniensem, Willielmum Abbatem Ecclesiae beatae Mariae Eborum, & Willielmum Priorem Norwincensem, nec non dilectos & fideles nostros Henricum Broumflete Militem, Magistrum Thomam Broun utriusque Juris Doctorem, Sarum Decanum, Johannem Colluelle Militem, Magistrum Petrum c Or Maurison. Mauricii Doctorem in Theologia, & Magistrum Nicholaum David Archidiaconum Constantiensem & Licentiatum in utroque Jure, nostros Ambassiatores, Oratores, veros, & indubitatos Procuratores, Actores, Factores, & Nuncios speciales constituimus, facimus & deputamus per praesentes, dantes & eis & ipsorum majori parti potestatem & mandatum tam generale quam speciale nomine nostro & pro nobis in eodem Concilio interessendi, tractandi, communicandi & concludendi tam de hiis quae fidei Orthodoxae fulcimentum, Regumque ac principum pacisicationem concernere poterunt, nec non de & super pace perpetua guerrarúmve abstinentia inter Nos & Carolum Adversarium nostrum de Francia, ac etiam tractandi, communicandi & appunctuandi, consentiendi insuper, & si opus fuerit dissentiendi hiis, quae juxta deliberationem dicti Concilii inibi statui, ac ordinari contigerit. Promittentes & promittimus bona fide nos ratum, gratum, & firmum perpetuò habiturum * Habiturum in M.S. totum, & quicquid per dictos Ambassiatores, Oratores, & Procuratores nostros aut majorem partem eorundem, actum, factum, seu gestum fuerit in praemissis, & in singulis praemissorum, & hoc idem cum de & super hiis certiorati fuerimus quantum ad nos & Christianum Principem attinet, executioni debitae curabimus demandare. In cujus rei testimonium has liter as nostras fieri fecimus patentes. Dat. July 10. 1. sub Magni Sigilli nostri testimonio in Palatio nostro West. 10 die Julii. Per Concilium. THe King to all whom &c. Greeting. a The Latin running on all in one continued sentence, we are said to divide it into many, for the mere clearness. Know that according to the Decrees of [the late] Council of Constance, the present Council of Basil is actually celebrated under the Most Holy Father, Lord Eugenius the fourth Pope. We being often instigated to be present at the same Council, not only on the behalf of the same Council, by their Orators, especially dispatched to us, for that purpose, but also by the Letters Apostolical and Imperial, and the Letters of very many other Fathers of the Holy Mother Church, and of Secular Princes. And we desiring to be present thereat, to the praise of God, prosperity of the Holy Mother Church, and her desired Honour, and chief for the exaltation of the Catholic Faith, being on just reason hindered with many and several occasions, cannot (as we would) be personally present thereat. Wherefore by these presents we constitute, make, and depute, the venerable Fathers, Robert Bishop of London, Philip Bishop of b A City in Normandy. Lisieux, John Bishop of Rochester, John Bishop of Baieux, & Bernard Bishop of Aix, and our most dear Cousin Edmund Earl of Morton, our beloved Nicolas Abbot of Glasto, William Abbot of St Maries in York, and William Prior of Norwich, and our beloved and trusty Henry Broumflete, Knight, Mr Thomas Broun Doctor of Laws Dean of Sarum, John Colluelle, Knight, Mr Peter Fitz-Maurice D. D. and Mr Nicholas David Archdeacon of Constance, & Licentiat in both Laws, our Ambassadors, Orators, true and undoubted Proctors, Actors, Factors, and special Messengers; Giving, and we give to them, and the greater part of them, Power and Command, as well general, as special, in our Name, and for Us, to be present in the same Council, to treat, debate, and conclude as well of these things which may concern the support of the Orthodox Faith, the Pacification of Kings and Princes, as also upon either a perpetual Peace, or else a Cessation from War, betwixt Us and Charles of France our Adversary. Impowring them also to treat, common, and appoint, moreover to consent, and if need be, dissent, in those things which shall happen there to be established and ordained according to the deliberations of the aforesaid Council. Promising, and we do promise, on good faith, that whatsoever shall be acted, done, or managed, in the premises, and every one of them by our aforesaid Ambassadors, Orators, and Proctors, or the greater part of them, we shall have and account for ratified, welcome, and firm for ever. Habiturum in M. S. And when we shall be certified of and upon the same, we shall care to command the due execution, so far as appertaineth to Us, and a Christian Prince. In witness whereof, We have made these our Letters Patent. Given under our Great Seal, being our witness, in our Palace at Westminster, July 10. So eminent an Instrument of so great importance must not pass without some of our observations thereupon. 2. The Council of Basil is said to be assembled according to the Decrees of the late Council of Constance, Why the Pope declines general Counsels in our age. wherein it was constituted, that within so many years a General Council should be called. For seeing the Church was subject to contract Rust in Doctrine and manners, frequency of Counsels, was conceived the best way to scour the same. But the Pope lately hath willingly forgotten this Canon, no General Council being called since that of Trent, wherein all the Power and profit of the Pope was secured under the Notion of Articles of the Faith: since which time his Holiness thought it not safe to tamper with a new Council, as which might impair, but could not improve his condition. 3. See we here fourteen Ambassadors sent to Basil, England must send four, might send more Bishops to a general Council. Bishops 5. Earl 1. (not that he was to vote in the Council, but only behold the transactions thereof) Abbots 2. Prior 1. Knights 2. Doctor in Divinity 1. Doctors of Law 2. all Interests being in them represented; When therefore we read in Roger Hoveden and a Simon Dunelmen. others, ad generale Concilium Domini Papae, quatuor Episcopi de Anglia tantùm Romam mittendi sunt, only four English Bishops are to be sent to Rome to a general Council of the Pope; understand it, that such a number is sufficient. England needed to send but so many, though, if pleased, might send more, confined by no other command save the King's free discretion. And seeing Basil was little above the half way to Rome, the journey being shorter, the more messengers were employed. 4. The three French Bishops sent by the King, English puissance in France. speak the great Command, which King Henry as yet had in France, especially (if as I take it) by Aquensis, Aix be mentioned, scited in the furthermost parts of Provence, though even now the English power in France was a waning. 5. John, Langdon the learned Bishop of Rochester. Bishop of Rochester, here mentioned, was John Langdon, intruded by the Pope into that Bishopric, to the apparent prejudice of the Archbishop of Canterbury. For the Bishop of Rochester was accounted Canterbury's Chaplain, to whom he owed his Spirituals, and Temporals as his Patron, and founder; though now the Pope, contrary to the Arch-Bishops will and right forced this Langdon into the place. But indeed he was a learned man (dying this year in his Embassy at Basil) and deserved far better preferment than the poor Bishopric of Rochester. But yet as some observe of Tailors, that they make the largest garments, when they have the least cloth allowed them; so the poor Bishopric of Rochester, hath fared better than many richer Sees, seeing Sacrilege would never feed on so bare a pasture. 6. Observe the Method in the Nomination of these Commissioners, Precedents for precedency. wherein no wonder if the Bishops precede so great an Earl; was it not fit that reverend Fathers should be placed before a dear Cousin? besides the employment being of Church concernment, Spiritual persons carried it clear in the race of dignity. More strange it is to find herein a Knight [Henry Broomflete] put before a Doctor of both Laws, and yet John Colevil, another Knight placed after the same Doctor. I confess the contest very ancient about priority betwixt a Knight and a Doctor of Law, ever since the comparison which a In orat. pro. Murena. Tully made betwixt Lucius Murena, a Knight of Rome, and Pub. Sulpitius a Lawyer, either of them standing for the Consulship. Though now in England the precedency of the Knight be indubitable, since preferment is taken from Civil Law, and the professors thereof shut up, as it were, in a narrow corner of their own faculty. But we leave the Critical Decision thereof, to his b Chassaneus la gloria mundi. lib. 9 pen who hath wrote a just Tract of the Glory (in truth of the Vanity) of this world, and exactly stated this particular, with all the circumstances thereof. 7. Whereas the King impowreth those his Commissioners to meddle in the point of his right of the Realm of France, A charitable and no impolitic offer. with King Charles his competitor, submitting his Title to be discussed in the Council, it carrieth with it a confidence of his own right, and charitable desire to save the effusion of Christian Blood; But this was not Council, but Camp-work; and we meet not with the mention hereof once touched on in this great Assembly. However, so wary was King Henry (or rather his Council) as not absolutely to tie up his title, to the decision of this Council, but to give his Commissioners a negative voice, in case they see cause to descent. 8. The general History of the Church reporteth the Acts of this Council, A contest betwixt the English and Castilaus about precedency. how they deposed Pope Eugenius, and substituted Felix in his room; for which, and other decisions therein, Rome beholds this Council but with bad eyes unto this day. We will only meddle with a difference therein, which concerned our own Nation. The Orators of several Kings began to take their places, according to their birthrights; dating their age from their Nations first receiving of Christianity. Here arose the controversy of course, about precedency, betwixt the English and Castille Ambassadors: the former alleging Britain's conversion by Joseph of Arimathea; which Alphonsus Garsias de Sancta Maria, Dean of Compostella and Segovia, Doctor of Law, and Ambassador for Castille, with a Speech c Ex Schedis Co●●onian●s. more tedious than his name and titles, much endeavoured to disprove, and his arguments may be reduced to these four heads: 1. First, he denied joseph's arrival in Britain, and imposed the proof thereof on the English who affirmed it, challenging them to produce any authentic Record for the same. 2. Secondly, he urged probability to the contrary, out of the Golden Legend, or Flores Sanctorum, where it is reported, how Titus, taking Jerusalem, caused a thick wall to be digged thorough, and therein found an aged man, who confessed himself to be Joseph Or Arimathea, there imprisoned by the Jews for burying of Christ; and that ever since he had been fed with-meat from heaven. Hence he inferred, that if Joseph were in durance all this while in the wall, he could not, as the English pretended, come over into Britain to plant the Gospel. 3. Thirdly, grant that Joseph, after his enlargement by Titus, preached in Britain, which must needs be after the year of our Lord, seventy and two, Spain long before had received the Gospel by the preaching of James the Apostle. 4. Fourthly, Be it granted, that Joseph did preach in England, it was but in a corner thereof, the grand body of Britain remaining pagan many hundred years after. These arguments he uttered with such an affected gravity, as if he could have made the matter the more by pronouncing the words the longer. 9 The English easily answered these exceptions, The English their answer. proving James to be slaughtered at Jerusalem by a Acts 12. 2. Herod, before his pretended preaching in Spain: seeing their own Countryman, and an b Rodericus Ximenius in concer. d. primatu cum praesule 〈◊〉. in Council Lateran. Anno. 1215. Archbishop of Toledo confesseth as much. They produced many ancient testimonies for the preaching of Joseph in Britain, the fond fable of his being kept in a wall being beneath confutation, as attested only by a worthless Author, Joannes de Voragine. Their allegation, that Britain was but partially converted, by his preaching, was but impertinent to the present purpose; the point controverted not being of the universality, but the antiquity of first receiving the Christian Faith. Besides, neither James, nor any other Disciple, ever converted a Kingdom totally, and entirely to Christianity. However, nothing was concluded in this controversy, always agitated, never decided. 1. In the Council of Pisa, Anno 1409. 2. In the Council of Constance, 1417. betwixt the Ambassadors of England and France. 3. In the Council of Sienes, before Martin the fifth, Pope: wherein Richard Fleming, Bishop of Lincoln, encountered France, Spain, and Scotland, about precedency. Lastly, betwixt England and Spain, in the Council of Basil, though therein nothing concluded; those politic Prelates accounting it better to keep both Princes in hope by discussing, then to put one into anger by deciding it. Yea, they loved to set up this controversy (as that of the precedence of Cambridg and Oxford in English Parliaments) out of design, sometimes to delay time; sometimes by starting it, to stop, and divert more dangerous disputes. 10. Henry Chichely, 15. Doctor of Law, 1437 Archbishop of Canterbury, All-Souls College in Oxford founded. Founded a College in Oxford, by the Name of All-Souls, for a Warden, and forty Fellows; which number by Statute was never to be augmented, or impaired; and all void places (by death, or otherwise) once in a year to be supplied. Wardens. Anno Dom. 1437. 1. Mr Rich. Andrews. 2. Mr Rog. Keys. 3. Mr Gul. Kele. 4. Mr Gul. Poteman. 5. Mr Jo. Stokie. 6. Tho. Hobbies. 7. Mr Gul. Brooke. 8. Mr Jo. Coale. 9 Mr Rob. Woodward. 10. Mr Rob. Stokelie. 11. Mr Jo. Warner. 12. Mr Seth Holland. 13. Mr Jo. Pope. 14. Mr Rich. Bar●er. 15. Mr Rob. Hovenden. 16. Dr Mocket. 17. Dr Ashley. Dr Shelden. Dr Palmer. Bishops. Anno Regis Hen. 6. 15. James Gouldwel, Bishop of Norwich, 1472. Gilbert Bourn, Bish. of Bath and Wells, 1554. Glyes Tomson, Bish. of Gloucester, 1611. Brian Duppa, Bish. of Sarum, Fellow of this House. Benefactors. King Henry the 6th at the procurement of the Founder, gave four Priories Aliens, viz. Alberbury, Rumney, Weeden-Pinkeney, and Languenith. Queen Elizabeth confirmed the Parsonage of Stanton Harcourt. Reginald Poole, Card. Archbishop of Canterbury. Sr William Peter, Fellow of this College, and Secretary to four Kings and Queens. Learned Writers. Sr Clement edmond's. Dr Gentilis an excellent Civilian. Dr Steward. Mr Diggs. So that at this present this College hath one Warden, forty Fellows, two Chaplains, three Clerks, six Choristers, besides Officers and Servants of the Foundation, with other Students, the whole number being seventy. The Fellows of this College are bound by their Statutes to be benè nati, spendidè vestiti, & mediocriter docti in plano cantu. Know Reader, I was promised by my respected friend, Dr Jeremy Taylor, (late Fellow of this house) well known to the world by his worth, a Catalogue of the Eminent Scholars thereof; but it seems the Press, (like Time and Tide) staying for no man, I have not been so happy seasonably to receive it. 11. Six years did this Archbishop survive the first Founding of this College. A tart jeer soberly returned. He was a worthy man in his generation, 1443 had not his vassalage to the Pope (the epidemical disease of those days) engaged him in cruelty against the poor professors of the truth. 21. May 3. Most of the Synods, called by him toward the latter end of his life, effected only the advance of money, the Clergy being very desirous to buy off the penalty of a Praemunire (so pernicious to their proceed) but could not completely compass the same. I have nothing else to observe of Archbishop Chichely, save the common tradition, how King Henry the sixth, acted herein by some misoclere-Countries (otherwise in himself friend enough to Churchmen) sent this Archbishop, for a New-years-gift, a shred-pie indeed, as containing pieces of cloth and stuff, of several sorts and colours, in jeer, because his father was a Tailor at Higham-Ferrars in Northamptonshire. The Archbishop thankfully received the gift, even after he had seen the entrails thereof, and courteously entertained the messenger, Anno Regis Hen 6 21. requesting him to return to his Grace, If my Lord the King do but as far exceed Henry the fifth (whom God assoil) his Father, Anno Dom. 1443 as my meanness hath gone beyond my poor father, he will make the most accomplished Monarch that ever was in Christendom. John Stafford, one of noble parentage, succeeded in the place of Chichely deceased. 12. This good precedent of the Arch-Bishops bounty, 24. may be presumed a spur to the speed of the King's liberality; 1446 who soon after Founded Eton College, The Founding of Eton College. incorporate by the name of Praepositi & Collegii Regalis Col. Beatae Mariae de Eaton juxta Windsor. It seemeth these words Beatae Mariae, are so necessary, that being left out in a Lease (wherein all the other Titles of the Foundation were inserted at large) the said a A bridgment of Judge Dyer's reports, Num. 379. Trin. Term. quarto Mariae. Lease was adjudged void for that omission. But know, this verdict passed in Queen Mary's days, when Regina Maria made the mention of Beatae Mariae, so essential thereunto. 13. Indeed it was high time some School should be founded, The bad Poetry of that Age. considering how low Grammer-Learning ran then in the Land, as may appear by the following Verses made for King Henry the Founder; as good no doubt as the generality of that Age did afford, though (scarce deserving Translation) so that the worst scholar in Eton College that can make a Verse, can make a better. Luce tua, qui natus erat, Nicolae, sacer Rex Henricus Sextus hoc stabilivit opus, Vnctum qui Lapidem postquam ponebat in Eton Hunc fixit Clerum commemorando suum. Astiterant illi tunc Pontifices in honorem Actus solennis Regis & Ecclesiae. Ex Orientali * Medlo. si bis septem pedetentim Mensurare velis, invenies Lapidem; In festo sancti Jacobi sanctam stabilivit Hic unctam Petram Regia sacra manus. Annis M. CCCC. sexto quarter Xque Regis & H. Regni quinto jungendo Vicena. Devout King Henry of that name the sixth Born (Nic'las) on thy day this building fixed. In Eton having placed a stone anointed In sign, it for the Clergy was appointed. His Prelates than were present, so the more To honour the King's acts and holy Chore. From Eastern midst, whereof just fourteen feet If any measure, they this stone shall meet; On holy James his day, the sacred hand Of Royal Henry caused this stone to stand. M. four Cs. forty six since Christ was born, When H. the Crown * Viz. Current otherwise, but 24 complete. twenty five years had worn. 14. This College consisteth of one Provost, A Bountiful Foundation, God continue it. Fellows, a Schoolmaster and Usher, with King's Scholars; Besides many Oppidanes, maintained there at the cost of their friends; so that were Eton, as also Winchester-School removed into Germany, they would no longer be accounted Scholae, but Gymnasia, a middle term betwixt a School, and an University. The Provostship of Eton is accounted one of the Gentilest, Anno Dom. 1446. and intirest preferments in England, the Provost thereof, being provided for in all particulars, Anno Regis Hen. 6▪ 24. to the very points of his hose (my desire is one tag of them may not be diminished) and as a pleasant * Prov. 28. 19 Courtier told King Henry the eighth, an hundred pound a year more then enough. Sir John Harrington in the continuation of Godwins Bish. in Bish. Day of Winchester. How true this is I know not, this I know, if some Courtiers were to stint the enough of Clergymen, even the most industrious of them should (with * Prov. 28. 19 Solomon's slothful man) have poverty enough. But take here a Catalogue of the Provosts of Eton. 1. Henry Seilver D. D. Almoner to King Henry the sixth. 2. William Wainflet, B. D. afterwards Bishop of Winchester. 3. John Clerk, B. D. died Provost, the 7th Novemb. 1447. 4. William Westbury, B. D. chosen Provost, Anno 1448. 5. Hen. Bost, B. D. he gave an hundred Marks, and twenty pounds per an. to the College, died the 7th Feb. 1503. 6. Roger Lupton, B. D. 7. Robert Aldridge, afterwards Bishop of Carlisle. 8. Sr Tho. Smith, Doct. of Law, of Queen's College in Cambridg, chosen, Anno 1554. 9 Henry Colle, D. D. and Law, chosen in the same year, 1554. 10. William Bill, D. D. Almoner to Queen Elizabeth, chosen July 5. 1559. 11. William Day, B. D. Dean also of Windsor, chosen Jan. 5. 1561. afterwards Bishop of Winchester. 12. Sir Henry Savile, Warden of Merton College in Oxford, chosen, 3 June 1596. eminent to all posterity for his magnificent Edition of Saint chrysostom in Greek. 13. Tho. Murrey, Esq Tutor and Secretary to King Charles, whilst Prince. 14. Sr Henry * Whose Life is excellently written by my worthy fried Mr Isaac Walton. Wotton, famous for several Embassies, chosen 1625. 15. Steward, Doct. of Law, and Dean of St Paul's. 16. Francis Rouse, Esabque; This Eton is a nursery to King's College in Cambridg. All that I will add, is, to wish, that the prime Scholars in this School may annually be chosen to the University, and when chosen, their places may fall accordingly, not by the death of those in King's College, but their advancement to better preferment in the Church and Commonwealth. 15. If we cast our eyes on the Civil estate, All quickly lost in France. we shall find our Foreign Acquisitions in France, 1447 which came to us on foot, 25. running from us on horseback. Nulla dies sine Civitate, fierce a day escaping wherein the French regained not some City or place of importance; so that the English, who under King Hen. 6. had almost a third of France, besides the City of Paris (another third in its self for Wealth and Populousness;) soon lost all on the Continent, to the poor pittance of Calais, and a little land, or (if you will) some large suburbs round about it. 16. Yet let not the French boast of their Valour, Occasioned by the English discords. but (under God's providence) thank our sins, and particularly our discords, for their so speedy recoveries. There were many Clefts and Chaps in our Councel-board; factions betwixt the great Lords present thereat, and these differences descended on their Attendants and Retainers; who putting on their Coats wore the Badges, as well of enmities, as of the Arms of their Lords and Masters: but behold them how coupled in their Antipathies. Deadly feud betwixt Edmund Beaufort, Anno Regis Hen 6 37. Duke of Somerset, Anno Dom. 1459. Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York. Humbhrey Plantagenet, Duke of Gloucester, Henry Beaufort Cardinal, Bishop of Winchester. Deadly feud betwixt William Delapole, Duke of Suffolk. John Holland, Duke of Exeter. Humphrey Stafford, Duke of Buckingham. Richard Nevil, Earl of Warwick. Humphrey Plantagenet, Duke of Gloucester, William Delapole, Duke of Suffolk, Richard Nevil, Earl of Warwick. Betwixt the three last there was as it were a battle Royal in this Cockpit, each of them hating and opposing another. In all these contests their ambition was above their covetousness; it being every ones endeavour not so much to raise and advance himself, as ruin and depress his adversary. 17. Two of the aforesaid principal persons left the world this year, The death of Humphrey Duke of Gloucester. and in the same month. First, Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, Son to King Henry the fifth; Uncle and Guardian to King Henry the sixth: A great Housekeeper. Hospitality being so common in that Age, none were commended for the keeping, but condemned for the neglecting thereof: He was much opposed by Queen Margaret (who would have none rule the King her husband, save herself) and accused of a treacherous design; insomuch that at a packed Parliament at Bury, he was condemned of high Treason, and found dead in his bed; not without rank suspicion of cruel practices upon his person. 18. His death is suspended betwixt Legal execution and murder; A fit work for a good pen. and his memory pendulous betwixt Malefactor and Martyr. However the latter hath most prevailed in men's belief, and the Good Duke of Gloucester is commonly his character: But it is proper for some Oxford man to write his just Vindication. A Manuel in asserting his memory being but proportionable for him, who gave to their Library so many and precious voluminous Manuscripts. As for those, who chewing their meat with their feet, whilst they walk in the body of St Paul's, are commonly said to Dine with Duke Humphrey; the saying is as far from truth as they from dinner, even twenty miles off: seeing this Duke was buried in Saint Alban, to which Church he was a great Benefactor. 19 The same Month with the Duke of Gloucester, The death of the rich Cardinal. died Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, and Cardinal; One of high descent, high spirit, and high preferments; hardly to be equalled by Cardinal Wolsey (otherwise but a pigmy to him in birth) for wealth and magnificence. He lent King Henry the 5th at once twenty thousand pounds, who pawned his Crown unto him. He built the fair Hospital of St Cross, near Winchester; and although Chancellor of the University of Oxford, was no grand Banefactor thereunto, in proportion to his own wealth (commonly called the Rich Cardinal) or the practices of his predecessors, Wickham, and Wainesleet. 20. The Bishops * The Clergy move in vain against the Statute of Praemunite. assembled in Parliament, laboured the recalling of the Act of Praemunire, and no wonder if galled horses would willingly cast off their saddles, but belike they found that statute girt too close unto them. The Lords and Commons stickling stoutly for the continuance thereof. And because this is the last time we shall have occasion to mention this Statute, and therefore must take our farewell thereof; it will not be amiss to insert the ensuing passage, as relating to the present subject, though it happened many years after. 21. One a Sum Jo. Davies in his Ca●● of Praemunire, fol. 83. Robert Lalor, An eminent instance in Ireland, of a priest indicted on the Statute of Praemunire Priest, a Native of Ireland, to whom the Pope had given the titulary Bishopric of Kilmore, Anno Dom. 1447 and made him Vicar-general of the See Apostolic, Anno Regis Hen. 6 25. within the Archbishopric of Dublin, etc. boldly and securely executed his pretended jurisdiction for many years, was indicted at Dublin, in Hillary Term, Quarto Jacobi, upon this Statute of Praemunire, made two hundred years before, being the sixteenth of Richard the second. His Majesty's learned Council did wisely forbear to proceed against him upon any latter Law (whereof plenty in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth) because Recusants (swarming in that Kingdom) might have their judgements convinced. That long before King Henry the eighth banished the Usurpation of the Pope, The King, Lords and Commons in England (though for the most part of the Romish Religion) made strict Laws for the maintenance of the Crown against any foreign Invasion. Whereupon after the party indicted had pleaded at large for himself, The Jury departed from the Bar, and returning within half an hour, found the prisoner guilty of the contempts whereof he was indicted; whereupon the Solicitor General moved the Court to proceed to judgement, and b Idem. fol 99 Sr' Dominick Sarsfield (one of the Justices of his Majesty's chief Pleas) gave judgement according to the form of the Statute, whereupon the Endictment was framed. Hence it plainly appears, that such Misdemeanours of Papists are punishable at this day, by virtue of those Ancient Statutes, without any relation to such as were enacted since the Reformation. 22. About this time Jack Cade raised his Rebellion, Cade & Straw like and unlike. like and unlike to the former commotion of Jack Straw. 1450 Like, 28. first because Jacks both, I mean, insolent, impudent, domineering Clowns. Secondly, Both of them were Kentish by their extractions. Thirdly, both of them pressed upon London, and there principally played their pranks. Fourthly, both of them after they had troubled the Land for a short time, were justly slain, and their numerous rabble routed and dispersed. In other remarkables, Cade differed from Jack Straw. First, Straw defied all Nobility and Learning, vowing and endeavouring their ruin and extirpation, whilst Cade pretended himself to be the Lord Mortimer, and next heir to the Crown, and no design against Learning is charged on his account. Lastly, Straw's Rebellion is (though most falsely) fathered by Popish writers on Wicliff and his adherents, to have occasioned (at leastwise connived at) his commotion; but I never met yet with any Romanists accusing the Lollards (as they term them) for having any hand in Cades Rebellion. 23. Now began the broils to break out betwixt the two houses of Lancaster and York, The wars begin betwixt York and Lancaster. so mutually heightened, 1455. that scarce a County betwixt York (the place whence generally their Armies started) and London, 34. (the Goal they both aimed to win) but a set Battle hath been sought therein, and if any one Shire lieth fallow in this kind, the next afforded a double crop in that nature, (besides other Counties in the Marches of Wales) as by the ensuing Catalogue will appear. Place. Betwixt. Time. Number slain. Conqueror. 1. St Albans in Hertfordshire. Richard Duke of York, and King Henry the 6th for Lancaster. Anno 1455. and 34th of King Hen. 6. in June. Slain on the King's side five thousand. On the the Duke's six hundred. York House. 2. Blore-heath in Staffordshire. Rich. Earl of Salisbury for York. James Touchet, L. Audley, for Lanc. Anno 1469. the 37th of Hen. 6. Septemb. 21. Two thousand 4 hundred, most Coshire men, slain on Lancast. side. York House. 3. Northampton. Anno Regis Hen. 6 34. Richard Earl of Warwick, Anno Dim. 1459. for York. King Hen. 6. for Lancaster. Anno 1460. 38 Hen. 6. 9 July. Ten thousand slain and drowned on both sides. York House. 4. Wakefield in Yorkshire. Richard Duke of York; Queen Margaret for Lancaster. In the same year, Decem. 31. Two thousand two hundred slain on York side, with their Duke. Lancaster. 5. Mortimor's Cross in Shropshire. Edward Earl of March, afterwards King, for York. Anno 1461. 39 Hen. 6. Feb. 2. Three thousand eight hundred slain on Lancaster side. York House. 6. St Albans in Hertfordshire. Richard Earl of Warwick for York. King Henry and Margaret his wife, in person for Lancaster. The same year and month, 17 Feb. About two thousand on both sides. Lancaster. 7. Towton in Nottinghamshire. Edward Earl of March, for York. King Hen. 6. Same year March 27. being Palm-Sunday. Thirty five thousand ninety and one on both sides. York House. 8. Hexham in Northumberland. John Nevil, Lord Montague. King Hen. 6. and the Queen. Anno 1464. 4 Edw. 4. May 15. Number great but uncertain. York House. 9 Banbury or Edgcot in the confines of Oxford and Northampton shire. William Herbert Earl of Pembroke for York. Robin of Ridsdale, alias Hilliard for Lancaster. Anno 1469. 9 Edw. 4. July 26. Five thousand slain in the place, most of them Welshmen. Lancaster. 10. Barnet in Middlesex. Richard Nevil Earl of Warwick for Lancaster. King Edw. 4. for York. Anno 1471. 11 Edw. 4. April 14. being Easter-day. Four thousand slain on both sides. York House. 11. Tewxbubury in Glocestershire. King Edw. 4. for York. Queen Margaret and Edward her son for Lancaster. In the same year on the 4th of May. Three thousand slain of the House Lancaster. York House. 12. Bosworth in Leicester-shire. King Rich. 3. for York. Henry Earl of Richmond for Lancaster. Anno 1485. 3 Rich. 3. August 22. About 4 thousand slain in all. Lancaster. Place. Betwixt. Anno Regis Hen. 6 34. Time. Number slain. Conqueror. 13. Stoak in Notingham-shire. John Delapole, Earl of Lincoln, for York. King Hen. 7. for Lancaster. Anno 1487. 2 King Hen. 7. June 16. About four thousand (whereof many Irish) slain on both sides. Lancaster, or rather the two houses united in King Henry the 7th. Besides many other Skirmishes, (corrivals with Battles) so that such who consider the blood lost therein, would admire England had any left. And such as observe how much it had left, would wonder it had any lost, such still the populousness thereof. But these things the Reader may best inform himself of, 1459 out of the State-Historians, 37. and particularly out of that Noble Italian Author (elegantly and expressively translated by the Earl of Monmouth) who hath written a large Volume, to the great credit of our English Nation, of the wars betwixt York and Lancaster. So that I could hearty wish that some English man, in requital of his courtesy, would write the Italian discords betwixt the Guelphs and Guibelines, 24. It was much, Magdalen College in Oxford Founded by Bishop Wainfleet. that in the midst of so many miseries of Civil Wars, William, sir-named Patin, from his Parents; but Wainefleet from the place of his nativity, now Bishop of Winchester, should Found the fair College, Dedicated to Mary Magdalen, in Oxford, for One Precedent, Forty Fellows, Thirty Demies, Four Chaplains, Eight Clerks, and Sixteen Choristers, which number can never be increased. But though this Foundation cannot be made broader or longer (admit of more members) yet may it be made deeper, and is capable of Benefactors charity to augment the maintenance of the aforesaid number. This William Wainefleet first Founded Magdalen-Hall hard by (as Scriveners use to try their pens on a small piece of paper, before they begin what they fairly intent to write) and afterwards undertook and finished this far more stately piece of Architecture. For whoso observeth the magnificence of the structure, the numerousness of the Corporation, the largeness of their endowments, and the mutual concinnity of all parts amongst themselves therein, may possibly find out a College which may exceed it in some, but hardly any that will equal it in all accommodations. Where nothing is wanting for health and pleasure, except some will say, that Mary Maudlin weepeth too much,, and the walks sometimes too wet and moist from the depressed situation thereof. 25. Nor hath this House been less fruitful than any with famous persons, The many Worthies bred therein. and it is observable that there is scarce a Bishopric in England, to which this College hath not afforded one Prelate at the least (doubling her files in some places) as by the ensuing Catalogue will appear. Precedents. Anno Regis Hen▪ 6▪ 37. Mr William Horneley. Anno Dom. 1459. Mr William Tybbard. Mr Rich. Mayewe. Mr John Clarmund. Mr Knolles. Mr Oglethorp. Mr Coal. Mr Coveney. Mr Laur. Humfride. Dr Nich. Bond. Dr Jo. Harding. Dr William Langton. Dr Accept. Frewen. Dr John Oliver. Dr Jo. Wilkinson. Dr Tho. Godwin. Benefactors. King Henry the seventh. Thomas Ingledue, Chaplain to the Founder. William Fitzallen. Earl of Arundel. John Forman. Dr Higden. Jo. Claimund. Pref. Robert Morewent. John Mullins Arch-Deac. of London. Dr John Warner, last Bishop of Rochester. Bishops. John Stokesley, Bishop of London, 1530. Thomas Cooper, Bishop of Winchester, 1584. John Longland, Bishop of Lincoln, 1521. Tho. Bentham, Bishop of Covent. and Lichfield. William Overton, Bishop of Covent. and Lichfield, 1609. Accept. Frewen, Bishop of Covent. and Lichfield, 1643. Henry Cotton, Bishop of Salisbury, 1598. Tho. Godwin, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 1584. Thomas Wolsey, Archbish. of York, 1515. John Peirce, Archbish. of York, 1588. John Vo●sey, Bishop of Exeter, 1520. William Bradbridg, Bish. of Exeter, 1578. Richard Mayo, Bishop of Hereford, 1504 John Harley, Bishop of Hereford, 1553. Thomas Bickley, Bishop of Chichester, 1585. Jo. Warner, Bishop of Rochester, 1637. Jo. Bullingham, Bishop of Bristol, and Gloucester, holding both together, 1581. John Cotes, Bishop of Chester, 1556. William Downham, Bishop of Chester, 1561. Owen Oglethorpe, Bishop of Carlisle, 1556. Writers. John a Pitz. de Brit. Script. p. 688. Clarmund, afterwards Precedent of Corpus Christi. John b Idem. p. 730. Hocker. Mich. c Bale, p. 755. Reniger. John Fox, Author of the Book of Martyrs. Thomas Cooper, who wrote the great Dictionary. Robert d Idem. p. 728. Crowley. Peter e Pitz. q. 755. Morving. Alan e Brian Twine Ant. Ac. Ox. in Catal. Procuratorum. Cope, Proctor of the University, 1558. Julius' Palmer, Mart. Dr Laurence Humfride. John Budden, Dr of Law, who wrote many men's lives in Elegant Latin. Dr Hen. Hammond. Dr Peter Heylyn. Give me leave to suspect this Catalogue of Precedents not complete (though set forth by their great f Vide in calce libri. Antiquary) both because Dr Higden (avowed g Vide Scots Tables. Precedent in the List of Benefactors) is therein omitted, as also Dr Walt. h L. Humfrid in the Life of Bishop Jewel, p. 71. Haddon, whom we find Precedent hereof in the beginning of Queen Mary. At this day there are therein a Precedent, Anno Dom. 1408. forty Fellows, Anno. Regis Ed. 4. thirty Demies, or Scholars, four Chaplains, eight Clerks, sixteen Choristers, one Schoolmaster and an Usher, three Readers; of Divinity, Natural and Moral Philosophy, besides divers Officers and Servants of the Foundation, with other Students, being in all two hundred and twenty. 26. King Henry being Conquered in a fatal Battle at Touton in Notingham-shire, Edward the fourth gaineth the Crown by Conquest. fled with his Queen into Scotland; 1461 and to make himself the more welcome, 1. resigned Berwick to the King thereof. Edward, Duke of York, his Adversary, Reigned in his stead by the name of Edward the fourth, who, next to God and his own right, had just cause to thak Richard Nevil, Earl of Warwick for his Crown. This was that Nevil, who for Extraction, Estate, Alliance, Dependants, Wisdom, Valour, Success, and Popularity, was superior to any English Subject since the Conquest. People's love he chief purchased by his Hospitality, keeping so open an House, that he was most welcome who brought the best stomach with him; the Earl charitably believing, that all who were men of teeth, were men of Arms. Any that looked like a man, might have in his house a full half yard of roast meat; namely, so much as he could strike through and carry away with his a Stow's Annals, pag. 421. Dagger; The Bear was his Crest, and it may be truly said, that when the Bear roared, the Lions of the Forest trembled, the Kings of England themselves being at his disposal. 27. This King's Reign affordeth very little church-story, Why little Church-Hist in this King's Reign. and therefore Mr Fox (whose industry would have found out Church-matter, if above ground) is feign to fill it up with foreign passages, or domestic relations of our civil differences. Indeed now the sound of all bells in the steeples was drowned with the noise of Drums and Trumpets: And yet this good was done by the Civil Wars, it diverted the Prelates from troubling the Lollards; so that this very storm was a shelter to those poor souls, and the heat of these intestine enmities, cooled the persecution against them. 28. Thomas Bourchier, Synod privileges broken and repaired. Archbishop of Canterbury, 1462 kept a Synod of his Clergy at London, 2. when Geoffery Longbrooke, a member thereof (as Proctor for Peter Courtney, Archdeacon of Exeter) was at the suit of Simon Nottingham, arrested by the Bailiffs of the Lord Major, Antiq. Brit. pag. 293. complaint being made hereof to the Convocation, they sent the Prior of Canterbury to the Major and Sheriffs, to restore the aforesaid Geoffery to his liberty, threatening them else with Excommunication; to prevent which the party was released. The Parliament sitting at the same time, bestowed many privileges on the Clergy. As for the other Synods in this King's Reign, being six, as I account them, little more than granting of Subsidies was propounded and concluded therein. 29. King Henry returned out of Scotland, King Henry returned routed and imprisoned. furnished with sufficient forces from James the third, 1463 to recover his Crown, 3. had success befriended him. But King Edward marched against him in person (one means of his being so fortunate in his fights, seeing in peace the master his eye maketh the fat horse, as the Princes in war the valiant horse-rider) totally defeated, took, and imprisoned him in the Tower. Here whilst Churchmen observe how tender-eyed the charity, Statesmen admire how blind the policy of that Age, in keeping King Henry alive. No such sure Prison for a Captive King, as a Grave, whose life (though in restraint) is a fair mark for the full aim of malcontents to practise his enlargement. As here it fell out in King Henry, who either slighted for his simplicity, that he could do not mischief, or reverenced for his sanctity, that he should suffer no ill, was preserved alive, and reserved thereby to be a future trouble to King Edward, who, though valiant to repel, was not wise to foresee dangers, and now conceiving himself secure, was viciously disposed, and given over to too much licentiousness. 30. Richard Nevil, The Earl of Warwick takes just distaste at King Edward. Earl of Warwick, 1465 is sent over into France to obtain the Lady Bona (Daughter to the Duke of Savoy) Wife to King Edward. 5. So powerful a spokesman could not but speed, and all things are concluded, save the meeting of the Parties and a Priest to marry them. Anno Regis Ed 4. 5. Mean time King Edward marrieth the Lady Elizabeth Grey, Anno Dom. 1463 the first English King who since the Conquest wedded his Subject; I might also add, and the first that matched with a Widow, seeing Elinor, Wife to King Henry the second, divorced from Lewis the younger, King of France, was properly neither maid, nor widow. Warwick stormeth hereat, that he had taken so much pains about nothing, highly sensible of the affront, seeing a potent Arm is not to be employed about a sleeveless errand. He resolves revenge, and because he could not make her Queen whom he desired, he would make him King whom he pleased. 31. Take hereof this cursory account: 8. After many bloody battles, 1468 King Edward was taken Prisoner at Wolney in Warwickshire, King Edward taken prisoner, and King Henry enlarged. and committed by the Earl of Warwick, to the custody of his Brother George Nevil, Archbishop of York. Henry is brought out of the Tower, shall I call him the sixth or the seventh, because dead, (though not in Law, in dignity, and once Deposed) he is now restored again to wear the Royal Robes, not so much as his own garments, but as the Livery the Earl of Warwick his liberality. However he acted a very short part of Sovereignty, wherein he revenged not any personal wrongs offered unto him in his restraint. For one who thrust him into the side with a sword, when he was Prisoner in the Tower, was afterwards pardoned by him, when restored to his former dignity. 32. Mean time the Archbishop allowed King Edward liberty to ride abroad and follow his pleasure; Edward escaped, flieth beyond sea, and returneth. now a careless Keeper giveth his Prisoner a warning, and showeth him a way to make his escape. King Edward followeth his hawking so long, that he taketh his own flight at last. Over he gets beyond the Seas to his Brother in law Charles, Duke of Burgundy, by whom he was supplied, to the proportion of a competent subsistence; but not enabled for the recovering of a Crown. However he returned into England, landed in the North, marched to York, desired to be received therein, as into the place whence he received his Title, but in no other notion than a Subject to King Henry, taking the Sacrament on the truth thereof; but having gotten the City as Duke, he kept it as King, contrary to his oath, for which his Children, are conceived to far no whit the better. 33. Let the State-Historians inform you with what various changes K. Edward made hence into the South, Recovereth the Crown by Conquest. and at last near Barnet, bid battle to, and defeated the Earl of Warwick, 10. slain with his Brother the Marquis Montague on the place. 1470 Learn also from them how King Henry was cruelly put to death, and his Son and Queen Margaret soon after overthrown at Tewxbury. For when a Royal Family is once falling, all things conduce to expedite their destruction. Henceforward King Edward (saving the differences of his own, with his Wife's Kindred) passed the remnant of his days in much peace, plenty, and pleasure. 34. In most of the Battles we may observe, Why most Armies make for London. it was the word general of the weaker side, for London, for London, as the most martial thrift to Conquer a Kingdom in a City. For such whose necessities can allow their Armies but little time to stay, do burn day light in pelting against petty Towns in the out skirts of a Land, especially if all other humane hopes be in one desperate push. Hence was it that so many Battles were fought about Barnet and St Alban (the Cockpit of War) the lines of all Armies drawn from the circumference of the Land, being the closer together, the nearer they approached London, the Centre in Trade and Wealth, though not in exact position thereof. 35. Come we now to a tamer contest, Brawls betwixt Mendicants and Secular Priests. and more proper for our pen, continuing all this King's time, betwixt the Begging Friars, and Secular Priests; the former not content to cry up the dignity of their own Order, Anno Dom. 1470. but cast contempt on the rest of the Clergy. Anno Regis Ed. 4. 10. But these bold Beggars met with as bold sayers ●ay, I mean, these Mendicants found their matches in the Secular Priests, effectually humbling their pride herein. For it was beheld as a most pestiferous doctrine, the Friars so heightening the perfection of begging, that according to their principles all the Priesthood and Prelacy in the Land, yea, by consequence the Pope himself did fall short of the sanctity of their Order. Yet hard was it for them to persuade his Holiness to quit Peter's Patrimony, and betake himself to poverty, although a Friar (Thomas Holden by name) did not blush to preach at Paul's Cross, that a Fox Acts and Mon. p. 717. Christ himself (as first Founder of their Society) was a Beggar, a manifest untruth, and easily confuted out of Scripture. 36. For vast the difference betwixt begging, Christ falsely traduced to be a beggar. and taking what the bounty of others doth freely confer, as our Saviour did from such who b Luke 8. 3. ministered unto him of their substance. We never read him begging any thing, save when from the c John 4. 7. Woman of Samaria, he asked water, a creature so common and needful, that it was against the law of nature to deny it him. Nor is it probable he was a Mendicant, who was rated in the Publicans Tole-Book, and paid Tribute unto d Mat. 17. 24. Caesar: Not to say that he was so far from begging, John 13. 29. that it was his custom (especially about the time of the Passeover) to relieve others, and Judas his Purse-bearer was his Almoner to distribute to the poor. 37. Here it will not be amiss to reckon up the principal Champions on both sides, Writers pro & con in the cause. whose pens publicly appeared. For Mendicants. Against Mendicants. 1. Henry f Piz, p. 660. Parker, a Carmelite, bred in Cambridg, living afterwards in Doncaster Covent, imprisoned for preaching. 2. Jo. g Idem. p. 673 Milverton, bred in Oxford, Carm. of Bristol, being excommunicated by the Bishop of London, and appealing to the Pope, found no favour, but was kept three years captive in St Angelo. 1. Thomas h Idem. p. 659 Wilton, Doctor of both Laws, and, say some, Dean of Saint Paul's, most zealous in his preach and dispute. 2. William Ivy i Idem. p. 654. Canon of St Paul's in London, who wrote very learnedly in the defence of Rich. Hill, Bishop of London, who imprisoned two Mendicants for their proud preaching. But after Pope Paul the second had interposed herein, concluding, quod Christus publicè mendicavit, pro damnata haeresi undique declarandam & conculcandam esse, the Mendicants let fall their Bucklers, and the controversy sunk in silence nevermore revived. 38. Never had England at once two Arch-Bishops of so high extraction as at this time, A prodigious fear at an Arch-Bishops installation. namely, Thomas Bourchier, Son of Henry Earl of Essex; and George Nevil, Brother to the Great Earl of Warwick. The latter is famous for a prodigious Feast, wherein, whoso noteth the number and quality of the Guests, (all the Nobility, most of the prime Clergy, many of the Great Gentry) will wonder where he got meat for so many mouths, whilst such, who number the dishes thereof, will more admire where he got mouths for so much meat. But see the Bill of fare. Quarters * Godwin in his Catalogue of the Bishops of York, pag. 65. of Wheat, 300 Tuns of Ale, 330 Tuns of Wine, 104 Pipe of Spiced Wine, 1 Fat Oxen, 80 Wild Bulls, 6 Wethers, 1004 Hogs, 300 Calves, 300 Geese, 3000 Capons, 3000 Pigs, 300 Peacocks, 100 Cranes, 200 Kids, 200 Chickens, 2000 Pigeons, 4000 Rabbits, 4000 Bitterns, 204 Ducks, 4000 Hernsews, 400 Pheasants, 200 Partridges, 500 Woodcocks, 4000 Plovers, 400 Curlews, 100 Quails, 100 Egrets, 1000 Rees, 200 Bucks, Does, Roes, more than 400 Hot Venison Pasties, 1506 Cold Venison Pasties, 4000 Dishes of Jelly parted, 1000 Dishes of Jelly plain, 4000 Cold Custards, 4000 Hot Custards, 2000 Pikes, 300 Bream, 300 Seals, 8 Porpaises, 4 Tarts, 400 Earl of Warwick, Steward. Earl of Bedford, Treasurer. Lord Hastings, controller; with many more Noble Officers. Servitors, 1000 Cooks, 62 Kitchiners, 515. People present at this Feast needed strong stomaches to devour, and others absent, stronger faith to believe so much meat at one time. Take the proportion by sheep, whereof magnificent Solomon spent but an a 1 King. 4▪ 23. hundred a day in his sumptuous Court; and here was ten times as many expended at this Feast, as he in a day's provision for all his numerous retinue. How long this entertainment lasted is uncertain, but by the Pork, Doves, and Woodcocks eaten therein, it plainly appears kept in Winter, when such are in season; and how the same can be reconciled with so much Summer Fowl as was here used, I little know, and less care to resolve. 39 But seven years after, 12. this Archbishop to entertain King Edward, 1472 made another Feast at More-Park in Hertford-shire, A second sadder in the conclusion. inferior to the former for plenty, yet perchance equalling it in price. For the King seized on all his Estate, to the value of twenty thousand prounds, amongst which he found so rich a Mitre, that he made himself a Crown thereof. The Archbishop he sent over prisoner to Calais in France, where Vinctus jacuit in summa inopia, he was kept bound in extreme poverty, justice punishing his former b Idem ibidem. prodigality, his hungry stomach being glad of such reversions (could he get them) which formerly the Voider had taken away at his Riotous Installation. 40. He was afterwards restored till his liberty and Archbishopric, 14. but never to the cheerfulness of his spirit, 1474 drooping till the day of his death. Scotland freed from the See of York. It added to his sorrow that the Kingdom of Scotland, with twelve Suffragan Bishops therein, formerly subjected to his See, was now by Pope Sixtus Quintus; freed from any further dependence thereon; St Andrews being advanced to an Archbishopric, and that Kingdom in Ecclesiastical matters, made entire within its self: Whose Bishops formerly repaired to York for their Consecration, not without their great danger, especially in times of hostility between the two Kingdoms. In vain did this Nevil plead for some compensation to be given his See in lieu of so great a loss, or at leastwise that some acknowledgement should be made of his former jurisdiction; the Pope powerfully ordering against it. Henceforward no Archbishop of York meddled more with Church matters in Scotland, and happy had it been if no Archbishop of Canterbury had since interested himself therein. 41. About this time John Goose, sole Martyr in this King's Reign, John Goose Martyr. suffered at Tower-Hill. Anno Dom. 1474. Let Papists who make themselves sport at the simplicity of his name, Anno Regis Ed. 4. 14. remember how their Pope Os porci or Swine's face, could change his name into Sergius, which liberty if allowed here, would quickly mar their mirth. This Goose when ready to suffer, desired meat from the Sheriff, which ordered his execution, and had it granted unto him. I will a Fox Act. & Mon. de Polychron. eat (saith he) a good competent dinner, for I shall pass a sharp shower ere I come to supper. 42. King Edward foreseeing his approaching death (who, King Edward preacheth his own Funeral Sermon. by intemperance in his diet, 1482 in some sort, 22. digged his grave with his own teeth) caused his own, and Wives kindred (sadly privy to the grudges betwixt them) to wait on him when he lay very sick on his bed. To these he made a passionate speech, to exhort them to unite, from the profit of peace, and danger of discord: and very emphatically urged it, insomuch, that seemingly they were his converts, and in token thereof shook hands together, whilst their hearts, God knows, were far asunder. This speech I may call King Edward his own Funeral Sermon, preached by himself (and it may pass also for the Funeral Sermon of his two Sons, finding no other obsequies at their burial) though very little was really thereby effected. Thus died King Edward, who, contrary to the ordinary observation, that men the elder the more covetous (as indeed dying-mens' hands grasp what is next, and hold it hard) was gripple in the beginning of his Reign, and more bountiful towards the end thereof. SECT. III. Anno Regis Anno Dom. TO JOHN FERRARS OF TAMWORTH Castle, Esquire. SIR! MOdest Beggars in London-streets, commonly choose twilight to prefer their Petitions; that so they may have light enough to discover Him to whom they sue, and darkness enough to cover and conceal themselves. This may make you the more to admire my boldness, who in a mere midnight (utterly unknowing you, and unknown to you) request you to accept this Dedication. But know Sir, though I know not your face, I know you are a FERRARS, inclined by your Extraction to a Generous Disposition, as I have found by one of your nearest Relations. 1. MIserable King Edward the fifth ought to have succeeded his Father; Ed. 5. but alas! 1483. He is ever pictured with a chasma, After More, no more. or distance, betwixt his head, and the Crown; and, by the practice of his Uncle, the Duke of Gloucester, chosen Protector (to protect him from any of his friends to come near him) was quickly made away, being a King in right, though not in possession; as his Uncle Richard was in possession, though not in right. All the passages whereof are so elegantly related by Sir Thomas More, that a man shall get little who comes with a fork, where Sr Thomas hath gone with a rake before him, and by his judicious industry collected all remarkables. Only (as proper to our employment) let us take notice of the carriage of the Clergy in these distractions. 2. Although most of the Prelates were guilty of cowardly compliance with King Richard, Clergy complying, not active. yet we find none eminently active on his side. Anno Dom. 1483 Indeed the Archbishop of Canterbury was employed to get Richard Duke of York, Anno Regis Ed. 5. 22. from his Queen-Mother in the Sanctuary in Westminster, and very pathetical he was in the persuading her to part with him: haply on a point of conscience, as fearing, if denied, some injury would be offered to the prejudice of the Church, and therefore more willing himself to woo him from her with eloquence, then that others should wrest him thence with violence. Yet he is generally conceived innocent here in, as not as yet suspecting any fraud in the Duke of Gloucester: except any will say, that it was a fault in him, that so great a Statesman was no wiser, then to have been deceived by his dissimulation. 3 But of the inferior Clergy, Dr Shaw, a popular preacher, made himself infamous to all posterity. Shaws shameless Sermon. His Sermon at St Paul's Cross had nothing but the text (and that in the a Eccles 23. 25. Spuria vitulamina non agent radices alias. Apocrypha) good therein; as consisting of two parts, defaming of the dead, and flattering of the living; making King Edward far worse than he was, and Duke Richard far better than ever he would be. He made King Edward the fourth, and the Duke of Clarence, both to be bastards, and Duke Richard only right begotten, so proclaiming Cicilie his Mother (still surviving) for a whore; all being done by secret instructions from Duke Richard himself, who hereby gave a worse wound to his Mother's credit, then that which at his birth he caused to her body, being (as it is commonly reported) cut out from her. With Shaw we may couple another brawling cur of the same litter, Pynkney the Provincial of the Augustinian Friar's, who in the same place used so loud adulation, he lost his credit, conscience, and voice, altogether. These two were all (and they too many) of the Clergy whom I find actively engaging on his party, whilst multitudes of the Lairy sided with him. So that through the popularity of the Duke of Buckingham, the Law-learning of Catesby, the City-interest of Shaw, (than Lord Major of London, and brother to the preacher) the rugged rigour of Ratclifse, and the assistance of other instruments in their several spheres, the Queen's kindred were killed, Ric. 3▪ 1. the Lord Hastings murdered, King Edward and his Brother imprisoned, and at last Richard Duke of Gloucester elected King of England. The sumptuous Coronation of King Richard. 4. His Coronation was performed with more pomp than any of his Predecessors; as if he intended with the glory thereof, so to dazzle vulgar eyes, that they should not be able to see the shame of his usurpation. Indeed some of our English Kings, who by undoubted right succeeded to the Crown, accounted their Coronation but a matter of course (which did not make but manifest them to be Kings) and so less curious in the pompous celebration thereof. But this Usurper apprehended this ceremony more substantial, and therefore was most punctual in the observation of it, causing all the Nobility, who held Lands in grand Sovereignty, to do their service in state: amongst whom Richard Dimock, Esquire, hereditary Champion by tenure, with a safe piece of valour (having so many to back him) cast down his Gauntlet, challenging any that durst oppose the title of King Richard, and (for aught I do know to the contrary) he afterwards made his challenge good in Bosworth field. And, because sure bind, sure find; he is said, and his Queen, to be Crowned again in York with great solemnity. 5. Soon after followed the murder of King Edward, King Edward and his brother stifled. and his Brother Richard Duke of York. It was high time they should set, when another already was risen in the throne. By a bloody bloudless death they were stifled with pillows, and then obscurely buried▪ The uncertainty of their interment gave the advantage to Perkin Warbeck, afterwards to counterfeit Richard Duke of York: so like unto him in age, carriage, stature, feature, favour, that he wanted nothing but success; to make him who did but personate Duke Richard, to pass current for the person of Duke Richard. 6. After this bloody act, Anno Regis Ric. 3. 2. King Richard endeavoured to render himself popular. Anno Dom. 1484 First by making good Laws in that sole Parliament kept in his Reign. King Richard vainly endeavoureth to ingratiate himself by making good Laws. Benevolence, malevolence, which formerly the subjects unwillingly willing had paid to their Sovereign (power, where it requests, commands; it not being so much thankworthy to grant, as dangerous to deny it) he retrenched, and reduced to be granted only in Parliament. He regulated Trading, which the Lombard's, and other foreigners had much engrossed, to the detriment of the English Nation. Now, although all people carry much of their love and loyalty in their purses, yet all this would not ingratiate this Usurper with them, the dullest nostrils resenting it done, not for love of virtue, but his own security. And, that affects none, which all palpably discover to be affected. 7. Next he endeavoured to work himself into their good will, As also by building of Monasteries. by erecting and endowing of Religious Houses; so to plausiblelize himself, especially among the Clergy. Thus he built one far North, at Middleham, and and a College in the Parish of a Stow's Survey of London, in Tower street Ward. Alhallows-Barking, hard by the Tower, as if he intended by the vicinity thereof, to expiate those many murders, which he therein had committed. Besides, he for his time dis-Forested Whichwood in Cam●dens B●●●●an Oxford shire pag▪ 374. out of John Rouse. Oxford-shire (than far more extended then in our Age) which his brother Edward had made Forest to the great grievance of the Country thereabouts. Yet all would not do, the people being more patiented for an injury done by King Edward, then thankful for the favour this Richard bestowed upon them. He is said also to have given to Queen's College in Cambridg c Stow in his Annals, p. 470. five hundred marks of yearly rent; though at this time, I believe, the College receives as little benefit by the Grant, as Richard had right to grant it. For, it was not issued out of his own purse, but given out of the lands of his enemy, the unjustly proscribed Earl of Oxford; who being restored by Henry the seventh, made a resumption thereof. 8. Duke Richard was low in stature, Art hath done more for King Richard, then ever nature did. crook-backed, with one shoulder higher than the other, having a prominent gobber-tooth, a warlike countenance which well enough became a soldier. Yet a modern ᵈ e George Buck Esqu; a claw-back to Crook-back. Author, in a Book by him lately set forth, eveneth his shoulders, smootheth his back, planeth his teeth, maketh him in all points a comely, and beautiful person. Nor stoppeth he here, but proceeding from his naturals to his morals, maketh him as virtuous, as handsome (which in some sense may be allowed to be true) concealing most, denying some, defending others of his foulest facts, wherewith in all ages since he standeth charged on record. For mine own part, I confess it no heresy to maintain a paradox in History, nor am I such an enemy to wit, as not to allow it leave harmlessly to disport itself for its own content, and the delight of others. Thus Cardan hath written his Encomium Neronis, and others (best husbandmen who can improve the barrenest ground) have by art endeavoured to praise as improbable subjects. But, when men shall do it cordially, in sober sadness, to pervert people's judgements, and therein go against all received Records, I say, singularity is the least fault can be laid to such men's charge. Besides, there are some Birds (Sea-pies by name) who cannot rise except it be by flying against the wind, as some hope to achieve their advancement, by being contrary, and paradoxal in judgement to all before them. 9 Soon after followed the execution of the Duke of Buckingham, The request of the Duke of Buckingham denied. King Richard his grand engineer, or, Master of the fabric of his preferment. The occasion thus; The Duke requested-required of King Richard (as confident that his merits were incapable of a denial) the Earldom of Hereford, and the hereditary Constable-ship of England, laying title to them by descent. Well did he ask both together, which would be granted both together. For the Earldom of Hereford was an Abishag, concubine to the former Kings of England, which had long lain in the Crown (whilst in the Lancastrian line) so embraced and interlaced therewith, that it was difficult to dissever them. And the affecting thereof proved as fatal to Buckingham, Anno Dom. 1484. as the desiring of the other was to Adonijah, Anno Regis Ric. 3. 2. being interpreted in both an ambition of the Kingdom. The Hereditary Constableship was conceived too unlimited a power to be trusted to a Subject, lest he should make more disorder, than he should mend therewith; so that in fine, both in effect were denied unto him. 10. Buckingham storms thereat, Buckingham surp●●●ed and beheaded. Shall a Coronet be denied him, by him, on whom he had conferred a Crown? Yet, what anger soever boiled in his ●eart, none ran over in his mouth, pretending very fair in his behaviour. But, hard it is to halt before a cripple, and dissemble before King Richard. The Duke withdraws to Brecknock in Wales, with his prisoner Bishop Morton of Elie (committed unto him by the King on some distaste) who tampered with him about the marriage of Henry Earl of Richmond, with the eldest Daughter of King Edward the fourth. The Duke carried himself so open therein, that (surprised by King Richard) his head was divorced from his body, before this marriage was completed. II. More cunning was Bishop Morton to get himself over into France, Morten make peace. there to contrive the Union of the two Houses of York and Lancaster. If, Blessed be the peacemakers, be pronounced of such as reconcile party and party: how much more must it be true of his memory, the happy instrument to unite those Houses, to the saving of the effusion of so much blood. Some will say, it was a design obvious to every capacity, to make such an union. But, we all know, when a thing is done, than it is easy for any to do it. Besides, it is one thing for men in their brains barely, and notionally to apprehend a project; and another (as our Morton did) to elect proportionable means, and, by the vigorous prosecution thereof, really to effect it. 12. A modern Writer in his voluminous book, Mr Pryn charged for charging Bishop Morton of ●reson. which he hath Entitled, The Rebellions, Treasons, Conspiracies, Antimonarchical practices etc. of the English Prelates, to swell his number, chargeth this Bishop Morton with Treason against King Richard the third. But, is it treason for one, in savour of the true heir, to oppose an Usurper in Title, and Tyrant in practice? Surely unbiased judgements behold Morton herein under a better notion. Had this Bishop been active on King Richard's side, how would the same Author have proclaimed him for a Traitor against King Henry the seventh? Thus I see an inevitable necessity, that Morton must be a Traitor whatsoever he did; and observe, that no practice will please which cometh from one, whose person, or profession is distasted. 13. But King Richard his cruelties had so tired out Divine patience, Earl Henry landeth at Milsord Haven that his punishment could be no longer deferred. 1585. Henry Earl of Richmond lands with an handful of men at Milford Haven. 3. A landing place politicly chosen, near Pembroke, the place of his Nativity, in the heart of his Countrymen, and Kinsmen, the Welsh (his grandfather Owen ap Theodore, alias, Tuthar, having thence his extraction) and far from London, the Magazine of King Richard's might. From Milford the Earl marched North-East, through the bowels of Wales; and, both his Army, and fame thereof, crevit eundo, grew by going. Many old Prophecies (the people about Leicester will load a stranger with them) were fulfilled in him, and this amongst the rest may be remembered. It was foretold, that in a great battle, which was to be fought near Leicester, whosoever should shoot the arrow first, should have the victory. This most understood, that the archer in the fight which should first let lose, should gain the day to his side. When behold the Earl of Richmond, bending his march out of Wales, to the middle of England, first passed Arrow, a rivulet in the confines of Worcester and Warwickshire, and accordingly proved victorious. For into Leicester-shire he came, and in the navel thereof is met by King Richard, and next morning both sides determine to try their fortunes in fight. This night the Earl had sweet and quiet rest, whilst King Richard his guilty conscience was frighted with hideous dreams, Anno Regis Ric 3 3. and fanciful apparitions, Anno Dom. 1485 as no wonder if no pillow could give him quiet sleep, who with a pillow had so lately smothered his Lord and Master. 14. The Battle is called the Battle of Bosworth (though fought full three miles from the a Burton in his description of Leicestershire. Town, The Battle of Bosworth. and nearer other Country Villages) because Bosworth is the next Town of not ethereunto. The Earls Army fell far short of the Kings in number, and Arms; equalled it in courage, exceeded it in cause, and success. Indeed the King's Army was hollow at the heart, many marching in his main battle, who were much suspected (and therefore purposely placed there to secure them from flying out) and fought as unwilling to overcome. Yet the scales of victory seemed for a long time so equal, that an exact eye could not discern on which side the beam did break. At last the coming in of the Lord Stanley with three thousand fresh men, decided the controversy on the Earls side. King Richard fighting (valiantly, so his friends; desperately, say his foes) fell in the midst of his enemies, and his corpse were disgracefully carried to Leicester, without a rag to cover his nakedness; as if no modest usage was due to him when dead, who had been so shameless in his cruelty when alive. The Crown ornamental being found on his head, was removed to the Earls, and he Crowned in the field, and Te Deum was solemnly sung by the whole Army. 15. Soon after King Henry married the Lady Elizabeth, Hen. 7 1. eldest Daughter unto King Edward the fourth, Henry the seventh his sixfold title to the Crown. whereby those Roses (which formerly with their prickles had rend each other) were united together. Yea, sixfold was King Henry his title to the Crown. First, Conquest. Secondly, Military election, the Soldiers crying out in the field, King Henry, King Henry. Thirdly, Parliamentary Authority, which settled the Crown on Him, and His Heirs. Fourthly, Papal confirmation, his Holiness, forsooth, concurring with his religious compliment. Fifthly, Descent from the House of Lancaster. But, that (all know) was but the backdoor to the Crown, and this Henry came in but by a window to that backdoor (there being some bastardy in his pedigree) but that was salved by post-legitimation. Sixthly, Marriage of King Edward's Daughter, the first and last being worth all the rest. Thus had he six strings to his bow, but commonly he let five hang by, and only made use of that one, which, for the present, he perceived was most for his own advantage. Yet, for all these his Titles, this politic Prince thought fit to have his Person well secured, and was the first King of England who had a standing Guard to attend him. 16. Thomas Bourchier Cardinal, 2. and Archbishop of Canterbury, 1586 had the honour first to marry, The death of Archbishop Bourchier. then to Crown King Henry and the Lady Elizabeth. And then having sitten in a short Synod at London (wherein the Clergy presented their new King with a tenth) quietly ended his life, having sat in his See two and thirty years. He gave an hundred and twenty pounds to the University of Cambridg, which was joyed with another hundred pounds which Mr Billingforth (Master of Bennet College) had some years before given to the said University; and this joint stock was put into a Chest, called at this day, the Chest of Billingforth and Bourchier; and Treasurers are every year chosen for the safe keeping thereof. 17. John Morton born (say some) at Bear, John Morton succeeded him. but more truly at St Andrews Milbourne in Dorcetshire (where a worshipful family of his name and lineage remain at this day) succeeded him in the See at Canterbury. He was formerly Bishop of Elie, and appointed by Edward the fourth, one of the Executors of his Will, and on that account hated of King Richard the third, the Excutioner thereof. He was, as aforesaid, imprisoned, because he would not betray his trust, fled into France, returned, and justly advanced by King Henry, first to be Chancellor of England, and then to be Archbishop of Canterbury. 18. Now began the Pope to be very busy by his Officers, A gift not worth the taking. to collect vast sums of money in England, Anno Dom. 1486 presuming at the King's connivance thereat, Anno Regis Hen. 7 2. whom he had lately gratified with a needless Dispensation, to Legitimate his Marriage with the Lady Elizabeth, his Cousin so far off, it would half pose a Herald to recover their Kindred; For, 1. Edward the third, on Philippe his Queen, begat 2. Lyonel Duke of Clarence, who on Elizabeth his Lady, begat 3. Philippe on whom Edward Mortimer, Earl of March, begat 4. Roger Earl of March, who on begat 5. Anne, on whom Richard Plantagenet Duke of York, begat 6. Edward the fourth king of England, who on Elizabeth woodvile, begat 7. Elizabeth his Eldest Daughter, who was married unto 2. John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, who of Katherine Swinford, begat 3. John de Beaufort, Duke of Somerset, who on begat 4. John Beausort, Duke of Somerset, who on Marg. Beauchamp, begat 5. Margaret on whom Edmund Tuther Earl of Richmond begat 6. Henry Earl of Richmond, afterwards (7th of that name) King of England. Neither Law, Divine or Civil, forbade marriage at this distance; but the Pope would be over-officious, both to oblige the King, and interest himself, as if no Princes could well be married, except the Pope had a finger in joining their hands together. 19 Exorbitancies of Sanctuaries retreuched. More material to the King was the help of his Holiness, 1487 to regulate the exorbitancies of abused Sanctuaries: 3. In this age could an offendor get such an house over his head, he accounted himself instantly innocent, though not is conscience, yet as to outward punishment, the King's enemies once Sanctuaried, daring him no less than the Jebusites in their strong fort of Zion defied David, a 2 Sam. 5. 6. Though shalt not come in hither,: The Pope therefore, in favour of the King, and indeed of equity itself, ordered, 1. b Lord Verulam in Hen 7. pag. 39 That if any Sanctuary man did by might or otherwise, get out of Sanctuary privily, and commit mischief and trespass, and then come in again, he should lose the benefit of Sanctuary for ever after. 2. That howsoever the person of the Sanctuary man was protected from his Creditors, yet his goods out of Sanctuary should not. 3. That if any took Sanctuary for cause of Treason, the King might appoint him keepers to look to him in Sanctuary. Surely had the King been pleased to interpose his own power, he might have reform these abuses; but he thought fit to make use of the Pope's Spiritual artillery, against these Spiritual Castles of Rebellion, that he might not seem to entrench on their lawful privileges, having formerly, at least in pretence, appeared a great Patron of Sanctuaries, and a severe punisher of the unjust infringers thereof. On which account this King (who was never uxorious husband, nor over-dutiful son in law, confined the Queen Dowager, his wife's Mother) to a Religious House in Bermansey, because three years since she had surrendered her two Daughters out of the Sanctuary at Westminster, Anno Regis Hen. 7 4. to Richard Duke of York. Anno Dom. 1488 20. A Synod was holden by Archbishop Morton at London, Two Synods at London. wherein the Luxury of the London a Antiquit. Brit. Pag. 298. Clergy in clothes (that City always the staple of bravery) with their frequenting of Taverns was forbidden; such Preachers also were punished, who with popular applause enveighed against Bishops in their absence; the next year also a Synod was called, but little therein effected, but vast sums of money granted by the Clergy to the King. 21. John Giglis an Italian, Italians good at getting and holding. about this time employed by the Pope, 5. got an infinite mass of money, 1489 having power from the Pope to absolve people from Usury, Simony, Theft, Manslaughter, Fornication, Adultery, and all crimes whatsoever, saving Smiting of the Clergy, and conspiring against the Pope; and some few cases reserved alone to his Holiness: This Gigies got for himself the rich Bishopric of Worcester; yea, we observe, that in that See a Team of Four b Godwin in his Catalogue of the Bishops of Nor. p. 5●0. Italians followed each other. 1. John Giglis. 2. Silvester Giglis. 3. Julius Medici's, afterwards Clement the 7th. 4. Hieronymis de Negutiis. Thus as weeds in a garden, once got in, hardly got out, as sowing themselves, so these Italians having planted themselves in that rich place, were never gotten out (pleading as it were prescription of almost forty years' possession) till the power of the Pope was partly banished England, and then Hugh Latimer was placed in the Bishopric. 22. Archbishop Morton, 10. as one much meriting from the Pope, 1494 was not noely honoured with a Cardinal's Hat, Rochester Bridg repaired by Pardons. of the title of St Anastatius, but also privileged from his Holiness, to visit all places formely exempt from Archiepiscopal jurisdiction. Impowring him also to dispense his Pardons where he saw just cause. Hereupon Rochester Bridge being broken down (Morton to appear a Pontifex indeed, bestowed remission from c Antiquit. Brit. p. 298. Purgatory for all sins whatsoever committed within the compass forty days, to such as should Bountifully contribute to the building thereof. 23. The King had more than a month's mind (keeping seven years in that humour) to procure the Pope to Canonize King Henry the sixth for a Saint. The King desired King Henry then the sixth to be Sainted. For English Saint-Kings so frequent before the Conquest, were grown great dainties since that time. France lately had her King Saint Lewis, and why should not England receive the like favour, being no less beneficial to the Church of Rome? Nor could the unhappiness of our King Henry (because Deposed from his Throne) be any just bar to his Saintship, seeing generally Gods best servants are most subject to the sharpest afflictions. His Canonising would add much Lustre of the Line of Lancaster, which made his Kinsman and mediate successor King Henry the seventh so desirous thereof. Besides, well might he be made a Saint who had been a Prophet. For when the Wars between Lancaster and York first began, Henry the sixth beholding this Henry the seventh, then but a Boy playing in the Court, said to the standers by, See this youth one day will quietly enjoy what we at this time so much fight about. This made the king with much importunity to tender this his request unto the Pope. A request the more reasonable, because it was well nigh forty years since the death of the Henry, so that only the skeletons of his virtues remained in men's memories, the flesh and corruption (as one may say) of his faults being quite consumed and forgotten. 24. Pope Alexander the sixth, The requisite● to a Canonization. instead of granting his request, acquainted him with the requisites belonging to the making of a Saint. First, that to confer that honour (the greatest on earth) was only in the power of the Pope, the proper judge of men's merits therein. Secondly, that Saints were not to be multiplied but on just motions, Anno Dom. 1494 lest commonness should cause their contempt. Anno Regis Hen. 7 10. Thirdly, that his life must be exemplarily holy, by the testimony of credible witnesses. Fourthly, that such must attest the truth of real Miracles wrought by him after death. Fifthly, that very great was the cost thereof, because all Chanters, Choristers, * The Latin is Parafrenarii. Bellringers (not the least clapper in the steeple wagging, except money was tied to the end of the rope) with all the officers of the Church of Saint Peter, together with the Commissaries and Notaries of the Court, with all the officers of the Pope's Bedchamber, to the very Lock-smiths, aught to have their several fees of such cononization. Adding that the total sum would amount to fifteen hundred Ducats a Antiq. Brit. pag. 229. of Gold. Tantae Molis erat Romanum condere Sanctum. Concluding with that which made the charges, though not infinite, indefinite, that the costs were to be multiplied, secundum Canonizati Potentiam, according to the power or dignity of the person to be Canonised. And certain it was, the Court of Rome would not behold this Henry the sixth in the notion he died in, as a poor prisoner, but as he lived a King, so long as he had this Henry his Kinsman to pay for the same. 25. Most of these requisites met in King Henry sixth, in a competent measure. These applied to King Hen. 6. First, the holiness of his life was confessed by all, save that some sullen persons suggested that his simplicity was above his Sanctity, and his life pious, not so much out of hatred, as ignorance of badness. As for Miracles, there was no want of them, if credible persons might be believed, two of whose Miracles it will not be amiss to recite. 25. Thomas Fuller, A brace of Miracles wrought by King Hen. 6. a very honest b Harp●field Hist. Ecclesiastica saeculo decimo quinto pag. 646. man, living at Hammersmith, near London, had a hard hap accidentally to light into the company of one who had stolen and driven away Cattle, with whom, though wholly innocent, he was taken, arraigned, condemned, and executed: When on the Gallows, blessed King Henry (loving justice when alive, and willing to preserve innocence after death) appeared unto him, so ordering the matter, that the halter did not strangle him. For having hung an whole hour, and taken down to be buried, he was found alive; for which favour he repaired to the Tomb of King Henry at Chertsey (as he was bound to do no less) and there presented his humble and hearty thanks unto him for his deliverance. The very same accident mutatis mutandis, of place and persons (with some addition about the apparition of the Virgin Mary) happened to Richard Boys, dwelling within a mile of Bath, the story so like, all may believe them equally true. 26. All the premises required to a Saint, appearing in some moderate proportion in Henry the sixth, especially if charitably interpreted (Saints themselves needs some favour to be afforded them) it was the general expectation that he should be suddenly Canonised. But Pope Alexander the sixth delayed, and in effect denied King Henry's desire herein, yea, Julius his next successor of continuance (not to mention the short lived Pius the third) continued as sturdy in his denial. 27. Men variously conjecture why the Pope in effect should deny to Canonize King Henry the sixth; a witty, Reasons why King Hen. 6. was not Sainted but tart reason is rendered by a Noble c The Lord Bacon. pen, because the Pope would put a difference betwixt a Saint and an Innocent: But others conceive King Henry not so simple himself, his parts only seeming the lower, being overtopped with a high spirited queen; more probable it is what another d See Mr Habington in the life of Ed. 4. saith, that seeing King Henry held the Crown by a false title, from the true heir thereof; the Pope could not with so good credit fasten a Saintship on his memory; But our great e Camd. Brit. ● Surrey. Antiquary resolveth all in the Pope's covetousness, In cause fuit Pontificis avaritia, demanding more than thrifty King Henry the seventh would allow; Who at last contented himself (by the Pope's leave hardly obtained) to remove his Corpse from Chertsey in Surrey, where it was obscurely Interred, Anno Regis Hen. 7 10. to Windsor Chappel, Anno Dom. 1494. a place of greater reputation. Thus is he whom Authors have observed twice Crowned, twice Deposed, twice Buried; the best was, though he was not Canonised, yet there was plenty of Popish Saints beside him, wherewith the Calendar is so overstocked, that for want of room they justle one another. 28. But the Saintship of Anselme, Archbishop Morton procureth the Sainting of Ansilm. Archbishop of Canterbury, 13. was procured on cheaper terms, 1497 though it cost Archbishop Marton much money, who procured the same. Indeed Anselme being alterius orbis Papa, the Pope of the English world (as the Archbishop of Canterbury was termed) no wonder if one Pope upon reasonable terms, did this courtesy for another. Besides, great was the merit of Anselme to the Church of Rome (little whereof goes far to obtain a Canonization) seeing he was the Champion and confessor of the Pope's cause, about investing of Bishops, against two Kings successively, William, Rufus, and King Henry the first. 29. Observable was the carriage of King Henry towards the Pope, The King's carriage to the Pope. the Clergy, and the poor Lollards. To the Pope he was submissive, not servile, his devotion being seldom without design, so using his Holiness, that he seldom stooped down to him in any low reverence, but with the same gesture he took up something in order to his own ends. 30. To the Clergy of desert he was very respectful, trusting and employing them in State affairs, more than his Nobility. To the dissolute and vicious Clergy he was justly severe, Severe to the vicious Clergy. and pared their privileges, ordaining that Clerks a Lord Verulam in Hen. 7. pag. 66. convict should be burnt in the hand; both that they might taste a corporal punishment, and carry a brand of infamy. But for this good act, the King himself was afterwards branded by Mock-King-Perkins proclamation for an execrable breaker of the Rights of Holy Church. He also made a b Statotes undecimo Hen. 7. cap. 2. Law, that begging scholars, though Clerks, should be reputed Vagabonds, without they show the Letters of the Chancellor of the University, from whence he saith he cometh. 31. To the Lollards (so were God's people nicknamed) he was more cruel than his predecessors: Sad to be the King's Convert. for he not only in the beginning of his Reign connived at the cruel persecutions which Jo. Halse Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield raised against them, 14. but towards the end of his Reign appeared in his person very bloody unto them, 1498 if the story be true which is very lamely delivered unto us. There was in Canterbury an old Priest so resolute in Wicliffs opinions, that none of the Clergy there could convince him of the contrary: The King casually coming thither in the month of May, undertook the Priest himself, though we never read before of his Majesty's disputing, save when he disputed Bosworth field with King Richard the third. The King, by what arguments we know not, converted this Priest, and then presently gave order he should be burnt, which was done c Fox Acts & Mon. pag. 556. accordingly. Surely there was more in the matter, than what appeared in the Record, or else one may boldly say, that if the Kings Converts had no better encouragement, this was the first he made, and the last he was ever likely to make. 32. Two most needless pieces of Cruelty were committed at this time, the one, an aged old man burnt in Smithfield, the other, one Joan Baughton widow, Needless cruelty. which seemeth a woman of some quality, as Mother to the Lady Young (who was afterwards Martyred) she being fourscore d Fox. Ibid. years of age, was burnt for an Heretic, posting her to the Stake which was going to the Grave. 33. William Smith, sometimes Fellow of Pembroke Hall in Cambridg, The Founding of Brasennose College. and Bishop of Lincoln, this year began the Foundation of Brasennose College in Oxford; I meet not with any satisfactory reason why so called, save the fancy of the Founder. Except any will say, it was so named, because built ᶜ where anciently Brasennose hall stood, though this does not so much resolve the Question, as put it a degree further off. Anno Dom. 1498 But when such who cavil at the name, Anno Regis Hen. 7 14. build a College, it shall be left at their free liberty to call it according to their own pleasure. This Bishop lived not to finish his intentions, and the resore after his death Richard Sutton Esq took upon him to perfect the same, and accomplished it accordingly. Principals. Bishops. Benefactors. Learned men. Matthew Smith. John Hawarden. Tho. Blanchard. Rich. Harris. Alex. Noel. Tho. Singleton. Dr Ratcliffe. Tho. Yates. Dr. Greenhil. Richard Barnes, Bishop of Durham. William Clifton. William Porter. Jo. Elton, alias Baker. Hum. Ogle. Edw. Derby. Jo. Claymond. Jo. Williamson. Brian Higden. Alexand. Noel. Joyce Frankland. Richard Harper. Sr Jo. port. Jo. Lord Mordant. Dr Jo. Barneston. Geo. Palin. Richard Caldwell, Doctor of Physic, and a Camdent Eliz. in Anno 1585. Founder of a Chirurgery Lecture in London. Ro. Bolton, a famous Preacher. So that at this present the College is much beautified with buildings, and ornaments, for the perfecting whereof, great sums have been expended within these few last years; maintaining a Principal, twenty Fellows, besides Scholars, Officers and Servants of the Foundation, in all Anno 1634. amounting to one hundred eighty six. Cheshire-men, whose Country is called Nobilitatis Altrix, and those of Lancashire (most commendable ob bonitatem habitudinis & decorem aspectus) are in this College most proper for preferment. 34. John Morton Cardinal and Archbishop of Canterbury deceased, The Death of Archbishop Morton. many condemned him in his life for acting and putting the King forward to be burtheniome to his Subjects with his Taxes; 1500 but his innocence appeared after his death, 16. that he rather tempered the King's covetousness then otherwise: He was a Learned man, and had a fair Library (Rebussed with More in text and Tun under it) partly remaining in the possession of the late Earl of Arundel. I find him in the Catalogue of the Benefactors of St. John's College in Cambridg, understand it by his Executors, otherwise the first Brick of that House was laid nine years after the Arch-Bishops death. Now as this was a sad year at Canterbury, wherein their good Archbishop departed, so was it a joyful year at Rome for the coming in of that Jubilee, which brought men and money there: yet many went to Rome in effect, which stayed in England, by commuting their journey into money, which was equally meritorious, the Pope's Officers being come over to receive the same. The End of the Fifteenth CENTURY. THE Church-History OF BRITAIN. The Fifth Book. CONTAINING THE REIGN OF KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. SIC OMNI TEMPORE VERDO printer's or publisher's device LONDON, Printed in the Year, M.DC.LU To the Right Honourable, LIONEL CRANFIELD, EARL of MIDDLESEX, Anno Regis BARON CRANFIELD OF CRANFIELD, etc. Anno Dom. SAint PAUL gave a great charge to * 2 Tim. 4. 13. Timothy to bring the Cloak which he left at Troas, but especially the Parchments. Here we have the Inventory of a Preachers estate, consisting of a few clothes and Books, what he wore, and what he had written. But the Apostles care was not so much concerned in his clothes (which might be bought new) as in his Writings, where the damage could not be repaired. I am sadly sensible (though far be it from me to compare Scribbling with Scripture) what the loss of a Library (especially of Manuscripts) is to a Minister, whose Books have passed such hands which made riddance of many, but havoc of more. Was it not cruelty to torture a Library, by maiming and mangling the Authors therein? neither leaving nor taking them entire. Would they had took less, that so what they left might have been useful to others. Whereas now, mischievous Ignorance did a prejudice to me, without a profit to its self, or any body else. But would to God all my fellow Brethren, which with me bemoan the loss of their Books, with me might also rejoice for the recovery thereof, though not the same numerical Volumes. Thanks be to your Honour, who have bestowed on me (the Treasure of a Lord-Treasurer) what remained of your Father's Library. Your Father, who was the greatest Honourer, and Disgracer of Students, bred in Learning. Honourer, giving due respect to all men of merit: Disgracer, who by his mere natural parts and experience, acquired that perfection of invention, expression and judgement, to which those who make learning their sole study do never arrive. It was a Gift I confess, better proportioned to your Dignity then my deserts, too great, not for your Honour to bestow, but for me to receive. And thus hath God by your bounty equivalently restored unto me, what the Locusts and the Palmer worm etc. have devoured, so that now I envy not the Pope's Vatican, for the numerousness of Books, & variety of Editions therein, enough for use, being as good, as store for state, or superfluity for magnificence. However hereafter I shall behold myself under no other notion then as your Lordsships' Library-keeper, and conceive it my duty, not only to see your Books dried and rubbed (to rout those moths which would quarter therein) but also to peruse, study and digest them, so that I may present your Honour with some choice Collections out of the same, at this ensuing History is for the main extracted thence, on which account I humbly request your acceptance thereof; whereby you shall engage my daily prayers for your happiness, and the happiness of your most Noble Consort. I have read how a Roman Orator, making a Speech at the Funeral of his deceased Mother in law, affirmed, that he had never been Reconciled unto her for many years: Now whilst his ignorant auditors condemned their mutual vindicativeness, the wiser sort admired and commended their peaceable dispositions, because there never happened the least difference between them, needing an agreement, as that bone cannot be set, which was never broken. On which account, that never any reconciliation may be between yourself and other self, is the desire of Your Honour's most bounden Beadsman, THOMAS FULLER. THE CHURCH-HISTORY OF BRITAIN. BOOK V. 1. GOD hath always been ambitious to preserve and prefer little things, Poor professors still preserved by God's providence. the Jews the least of all Nations, Hen. 7. 17. DAVID their King, 1501 least in his father's family; little Benjamin the Ruler; little Hill of Herman; the Virgin Mary, the lowliness of thy handmaiden: Gods children severally are styled his little ones, and collectively make up but a little flock, And surely it renders the work of grace more visible and conspicuous, when the object can claim nothing as due to itself. A pregnant proof hereof we have in Divine Providence, at this time preserving the inconsiderable pittance of faithful professors against most powerful opposition. This handful of men, were tied to very hard duty, being constantly to stand Sentinels against an Army of enemies, till God sent Luther to relieve them, and the work was made lighter, with more hands to do it, as in the sequel of our story, God willing, will appear. Mean time we must remember that Henry Dean succeeded in the place of Archbishop Morton, lately deceased, and enjoyed his honour but two years, then leaving it to William Warham, one well qualified with learning and discretion. 2. Now it is no small praise to Buckingham-shire, 22. that being one of the lesser Counties of England, 1506 it had more Martyrs and Confessors in it, Some burnt, some branded for the profession of the truth. before the time of Luther, than all the Kingdom besides: where William Tylsworth was burnt at Amersham, (the Rendezvous of God's children in those days) and Joan his only daughter, Anno Dom. 1506 and a faithful woman, Annos Regis Hen. 7 22. was compelled with her own hands to set fire to her dear a Fox his Acts and Monuments, I. Volume, p. 1010. father. At the same time sixty professors, and above, did bear faggots for their penance, and were enjoined to wear on their right sleeves, for some years after, a square piece of cloth, as a disgrace to themselves, and a difference from others. But what is most remarkable, a new punishment was now found our of branding them in the cheek. The b Fox 1011. manner thus: Their necks were tied fast to a post with towels, and their hands holden that they might not stir; and so the hot Iron was put to their checks. It is not certain whether branded with L for Lollard, or H for Heretic, or whether it was only a formless print of Iron (yet nevertheless painful) this is sure, that they c Gal. 6. 17. bore in their bodies the marks of the Lord Jesus. And no doubt they had so well learned our Saviour's d Mat. 5. 39 precept, that rather than they would have revenged themselves, by unlawful means, to them that smit them on the one cheek, they would have turned the other also. Surely Ecclesiastical constitutions did not reach thus far, as to impose any corporal torture: and whether there be any Statute of the Land that enjoins, (not to say permits) such punishments, let the learned in the Laws decide. This I am sure, if this was the first time that they fell into this (supposed) Heresy, by the Law they were only to abjure their errors; and if it were the second time, upon relapse into the same again, their whole bodies were to be burnt. Except any will say, that such as by these bloody Laws deserved death, were branded only by the favour of William Smith Bishop of Lincoln, and one may have charity enough to incline him to this belief, when considering the same William (Founder of Brazen-nose College in Oxford) was generally a lover of learning and goodness, and not cruelly disposed of himsself. However some of God's children, though burnt, did not dread the fire. And Father e Fox. p. 1011. R●ver, alias Reive, though branded at the time, did afterwards suffer at a stake; so that the brand at the first did but take livery and seisin in his cheek, in token that his whole body should afterwards be in the free and full possession of the fire. 3. They who desire further information of the number and names of such as suffered about this time, may repair to the Acts and Monuments of Mr Fox, only Thomas Chase of Amersham must not be here omitted, The cruel kill of Thomas Chase. being barbarously butchered by bloody hands in the Prison of Wooburne. Who to cover their cruelty, gave it out that he had hanged himself, and in colour thereof, caused his body to be buried by the high ways side, where a stake knocked into the grave, is the monument generally erected for Felons de Se. Fear not those (saith our Saviour) who kill the body, and afterwards have no more that they can do: But these men's malice endeavoured to do more, having killed his body, to murder his memory with slanderous reports; although all in vain. For the Prison itself did plead for the innocence of the prisoner herein, being a place so low and little, that he could not stand upright. Besides the woman that saw his dead body, (a most competent witness in this case) declared, that he was so loaden with Manacles and Irons, that he could not well move either hand or foot. But we leave the full discussing, and final deciding hereof to him, who makes inquisition for blood, at that day, when such things as have been done in secret, shall be made manifest. 4. By this time we may boldly say, that all the arrears of money due to the Pope, for Pardons in the year of Jubilee, five years since were fully collected, The Pope and King Hen 7. share the money for Pardons betwixt them. and safely returned to Rome, by the officers of his Holiness, the lagging money which was last sent thither, came soon enough to be received there. We wish the sellers more honesty, and the buyers more wisdom. Yet we envy Rome this payment the less, because it was the last in this kind, she did generally receive out of England. Mean time time King Henry the seventh did enter common with the f Antiq Brit. in Henri●● D●●co. Pope, having part allowed to connive at the rest. Thus whilst Pope and Prince shared the wool betwixt them, the people were finely fleeced. Anno Regis Hen. 7 22. Indeed King Henry was so thirsty, Anno Dom. 1506. I durst call him covetous, not to say fordid, had he been a private man, who knowing what ticklish terms he stood upon, loved a referve of treasure, as being (besides his claims of Conquest, match, and descent) at any time, a good title ad Corroborandum. (And we may the less wonder that this money was so speedily spent by his successor, a great part thereof being gotten by sin, was spent on sin:) Was it then charity or remorse, giving or resstoring, that hereupon King Henry the seventh Founded the rich Holpital of the Savoy in the Strand, 24. with the finishing whereof he ended his own life. 1508 And it is questionable whether his body lies in more magnificence in that stately and costly Tomb and Chapel of his own erecting, or whether his memory lives more lastingly in that learned and curious History, which the Lord Bacon hath written of his Reign? 5. Henry the eighth, Hen. 8 1. his Son, succeeded him, one of a beautiful person, and majestic presence, insomuch that his picture in all places is known at the first sight. Hen. 8. succeedeth his father. As for the character of his mind, all the virtues and vices of all his predecessors from the Conquest, may seem in him fully represented, both to their kind and degree, learning, wisdom, valour, magnificence, cruelty, avarice, fury, and lust; following his pleasures whilst he was young, and making them come to him when he was old. Many memorable alterations in Church and State happened in his age, as God willing, hereafter shall appear. 6. On the third day of June he was solemnly Married to the Lady Katherine Dowager, 1509 formerly wife to his brother Prince Arthur deceased. He marrieth the relict of his brother Arthur. Two Popes took the matter in hand to discuss and decide the lawfulness thereof, Alexander the sixth, and Pius the third; but both died before the business was fully effected. At last comes Pope Julius the second, and by the omnipotency of his dispensation, Sanders de schismate Anglicano, lib. 1. pag. 2. removed all impediments and obstructions, against the laws of God or man hindering or opposing the said marriage. We leave them for the present wedded and bedded together, and twenty years hence shall hear more of this matter; only know that this marriage was founded in covetous considerations, merely to save money, that the Kingdom might not be impoverished by restoring her Dowry back again into Spain, though hereupon a greater mass of coin was transported out of the Land, though not into Spain, into Italy. Thus such who consult with covetousness in matters of conscience, embracing finister courses to save charges, will find such thirst to prove expensive at the casting up of their audit; howe'er Divine Providence overruling all actions to his own glory, so ordered it, that the breaking off the Pope's power, with the banishing of Superstition out of England, is at this day the only surviving issue of this marriage. 7. The beginning of this King's Reign was but barren (as the latter part thereof, Abjured Lollards wear faggots. some will say, over-fruitful) with eminent Church-passages. And therefore we will spare when we may, and be brief in his first; that we may spend when we should, in the larger description of his latter years. Cruelty still continued and increased on the poor Lollards (as they call them) after abjuration, forced to wear the fashion of a faggot wrought in thread, or painted on their left sleeves, all the days of their lives; it being death to put on their clothes without that cognizance. And indeed to poor people it was true, Put it off, and be burned; keep it on, and be starved; seeing none generally would set them on work, that carried that badge about them. 8. On this account William Sweeting, and James Brewster were reimprisoned. Sweeting and Brewster burnt. In vain did a Fox, Volum. 2. pag. 12. Brewster plead, that he was commanded to leave off his badge, by the Controller of the Earl of Oxford's house, who was not to control the orders of the Bishops herein. And, as little did Sweetings plea prevail, that the Parson of Mary Magdalene's in Colchester, caused him to lay his saggot aside. Anno Dom. 1511 These, Anno Regis Hen. 8 4. Ohab. 18. like Isaac, first bore their faggots on their backs, which soon after bore them, being both burnt together in Smithfield. The Papists report, that they proffered at their death, again to abjure their opinions, the truth whereof one day shall appear. Mean time, if true, let the unpartial but judge, which were most faulty, these poor men for want of constancy in tendering, or their Judges, for want of charity, in not accepting their abjuration. 9 Richard Hunn, a wealthy Citizen of London, Richard Hunn murdered in Lallards-tower. imprisoned in Lollards Tower, for maintaining some of Wiclifss opinions, had his neck therein secretly broken. To cover their cruelty, they gave it out, that he hanged himself; but he Coroners inquest sitting on him, by necessary presumptions, found the impossibility thereof, and gave in their verdict, that the said Hunn was murdered. Insomuch that a Exam of Fox his Mart. for the month of Decemb. pag. 279. and 282. Persons hath nothing to reply, but, that the Coroners Inquest were simple men, and suspected to be infected with Wiclifsian heresies. But we remit the Reader to Mr. Fox for ssatisfaction in all these things, whose commendable care is such, that he will not leave an hoof of a martyr behind him, being very large in the reckoning up of all sufferers in this kind. 10. Cardinal Bainbrigg, Archbishop of York, being then at Rome, was so highly offended with Rivaldus de Modena, an Italian, his Steward (Others say his Physicain, and a Priest) that he fairly cudgeled him. This his passion was highly censured, as inconsistent with Episcopal gravity, who should be no b 1 Tim 3.3. striker. But the Italian shown a cast of his Country, and with c Godwin in C●t. of Bish. of York. pag. 72. poison sent the Cardinal to answer for his fact in another world, whose body was buried in the English Hospital at Rome. 11. Richard Fox Bishop of Winchester, The Founding of C●rpusChristi-Colledg in Oxford. Founded and endowed Corpus-Christi-Colledg in Oxford, bestowing thereon Lands, to the yearly value of four d Godwin in the Bishops of Winchester, pag. 297 hundred and one pounds eight shillings and two pence. And, whereas this Foundation is charactered by an Oxford e Pitzaeus de Acad. Oxon. pag. 36, man, to be Ex omnibus minimum, vel certè ex minimis unum, at this day it acquitteth itself in more than a middle equipage amongst other Foundations. Erasmus is very large in the praise thereof, highly affected with a Library, and Study of tongues, which, according to the Founders Will, flourished therein; insomuch that for some time it was termed, The College of the three learned Languages; f John White in libro diacosio, etc. Est locus Oxonii, licet appellare trilingue Musaeum, à Christi Corpore nomen habet. Sure I am, that for all kind of Learning, Divine and Humane, this House is paramount for eminent persons bred therein. Precedents. Bishops. Benefactors. Learned writers. John Claymond. Robert Nerwent. William Chedsey. William Butcher. Thomas Greeneway. William Cole. John Raynolds. John Spencer. Dr. Anian. Dr. Holt. Dr. Jackson Dr. Stanton. Cardinal Poole. John Jewel. Hugh Oldham, Bishop of Exeter. John Claymond, first Precedent. Mr Mordent. William Frost. Mrs Moor. Dr. John Raynolds. St George Paul, Knight. George Etheridge. * See more of him, Anno 1584. Richard Hooker. Brian Twine, the industrious Antiquary of Oxford. Dr. Jackson. So that a Precedent, Anno Regis Hen. 8 8. twenty Fellows, Anno Dom. 1516 twenty Scholars, two Chaplains, two Clerks, and two Choristers, besides Officers and Servants of the Foundation, are therein maintained, which with other Students, Anno 1634. made up threescore and ten. 12. This Hugh Oldham, in the front of Benefactors, Hugh Oldham his bounty. because he was Bishop of Exeter, for names-sake, intended his bounty to Exeter College. But, suffering a repulse from that Society (refusing at his a Godwin in the Bishops of Exeter, pag. 473. request to make one Atkin a Fellow) diverted his liberality to Corpus-Christi-Colledg: so bountiful thereunto, that, as Founder is too much, so Benefactor is too little for him. He was one of more piety than learning, courteous in his deeds, but very harsh and rugged in his speeches, making himself but bad Orations, yet good Orators, so many eloquent men were bred by his bounty. Nor let it be forgotten, that, as Fox, the Founder of this House, was Fellow and Master of Pembroke-Hall; so Oldham also had his education in Queen's b See Jo. Scot his Tables. College in Cambridg; so much hath Oxford been beholding to her Nephews or Sister's Children. But as once Ephron c Gen. 23. 15. said to Abraham, what is that betwixt me and thee? so, such their mutual affection, it matters not, what favour one Sister freely bestoweth on the other. 13. John Collet, Dean of Paul's, died this year [in the fifty third year of his age] of a pestilential sweeting, The death of Dean Collet. at Shene in Surry. He was the eldest (and sole surviving) child, of Sr, Henry Collet, Mercer, twice Lord Major of London, who with his ten Sons and as many Daughters, are depicted in a glass window, on the North-side of St Anthony's (corruptly St. Antlin) to which d Stow's Survey, p. 265. Church he was a great Benefactor. His Son John Founded the FREE-SCHOOL of St Paul's, and it is hard to say whether he left better Laws for the government, or Lands for maintenance thereof. 14. A Free-School indeed to all Natives or Foreigners of what Country soever, Founder of Paul's School. here to have their education (none being excluded by their Nativity, which exclude not themselves by their unworthiness) to the number of one hundred fifty and three (so many e John 21. 11. fishes as were caught in the net by the Apostles) whereof every year some appearing most pregnant (by unpartial examination) have salaries allowed them for seven years, or until they get better preferment, in the Church or University. 15. It may seem false Latin, that this Collet being Dean, of St Paul's, the School Dedicated to St Paul, and distanced but the breadth of the Street from St Paul's. Church, The Mercers made Overseers thereof. should not be entrusted to the inspection of his successors, the Dean and Chapter of Paul's, but committed to the care of the Company of the Mercers, for the managing thereof. But f In his Epistle unto Jodocus Jon●s. Erasmus rendereth a good reason, from the mouth and mind of Collet himself, who had found by experience many Laymen as conscientious as Clergymen in discharging this trust in this kind, conceiving also, that whole Company was not so easy to be bowed to corruption as any single person, how public and eminent soever. 16. For my own part, Out of provident prescience. I behold Collets act herein, not only prudential, but something Prophetical, as foreseeing the ruin of Church-lands, and fearing that this his School, if made an Ecclesiastical Appendent, might in the fall of Church-Lands, get a bruise, if not lose a limb thereby. 17. William Lily was the first Schoolmaster thereof, by Collets own appointment. An excellent Scholar, born at Odiam, in Hampshire, and afterward he went on Pilgrimage as far as g Pitzaeus de Ang. Scriptor. pag. 697. Jerusalem: In his return through Italy he applied himself to his studies, And because some perchance would be pleased to know the Lilies of Lily, (I mean his Teachers and Instructers) know that John Sulpitius and Pomponius Sabinus, two eminent Critics, were his principal informers. Returning home into his native Country well accomplished with Latin, Greek, and all Arts and Sciences, he set forth a Grammar, which still goes under his name, and is universally taught all over England. 18. Many were the Editions of this Grammar, ●is Grammar 〈◊〉. the first forth Anno 1513. Anno Dom. 1519 (when Paul's School was Founded) as appears by that instance, Anno Ragiss Hen. 8 11. Meruit sub Rege in Galliâ, relating to Maximilian the Germane Emperor, who then at the Siege of Therovenne in Flanders, fought under the banner of Kings Henry the eighth, taking an a Godwins Annals, pag. 16. hundred crowns a day for his pay. Another Edition Anno 1520. when audito Rege Doroberniam proficisci, refers to the King's speedy journey into Canterbury, there to give entertainment to Charles the fifth Emperor, lately landed at Dover. 19 Formerly there were in England almost as many Grammars as Schoolmasters, And privileged by authority. children being confounded, not only with their variety, but [sometimes] contrariety thereof, rules being true in the one, which were false in the other. Yea, which was the worst, a boy, when removed to a new School, lost all he had learned before: whereupon King Henery endeavoured an uniformity of Grammar all over his Dominions; that so youths, though changing their Schoolmasters, might keep their learning. This was performed, and William Lilies Grammar enjoined universally to be used Astipend of four pounds a year was allowed the King's Printer for Printing of it; and it was penal for any publicly to teach any other. I have been told how larely Bishop Buckeridge examining a Free-School in his Diocese of Rochester, the Scholars were utterly ignorant of Lilies rules, as used to others; whereat the Bishop exclaimed, what, are there Puritans also in Grammar? 20. I deny not but some since have discovered blasted leaves in out Lily, observing defects and faults therein, and commendable many persons pains in amending them; however it were to be desired, that no needless variations be made, and as much left of Lily as may be; The rather, because he submitted his Syntaxis to the judgement of b Pitzaeus ut prius. Erasmus himself, so that it was afterward printed amongst his works. Indeed Quae Genus was done by Thomas Robinson, and the Accidens (as some will have it) by other Authors, after Lily was dead, and Prince Edward born, of and for whom it was said Edvardus is my proper name. And thus we take out leave both of Lily and Pauls-School, flourishing at this day as much as ever, under the care of Mr John Langly, the able and Religious Schoolmaster thereof. 21. King Henry had lately set forth a Book against Luther, King Henry writes against Luther. endeavouring the confutation of his opinions as novel and unfound. None suspect this King's lack of learning, (though many his lack of leisure from his pleasures) for such a design; however it is probable, some other Gardener gathered the flowers (made the collections) though King Henry had the honour to wear the posy, carrying the credit in the title thereof. 22. To require his pains, Styled by the Pope Desender of the Faith. the Pope honoured him and his successors with a specious title. A Defender of the c Judas 3. Faith. Indeed it is the bounden Duty of every Christian, earnestly to contend for the faith which once was given to the Saints, but it is the Dignity of few men, and fewer Princes, to be able effectually to appear in Print in the Vindication thereof. 23. There is tradition, His: Jester's reply. that King Henry's Fool (though more truly to be termed by another name) coming into the Court, and finding the King transported with an unusual joy, boldly asked of him the cause thereof, to whom the King answered, it was because that the Pope had honoured him with a stile more eminent than any of his Ancestors; O good Harry (quoth the Fool) let Theu and I defend one another, and let the faith alone to defend itself. Most true it is, that some of his Successors more truly deserved the Title, than he to whom it was given: who both learnedly, then solidly engaged their pens in the asserting of true Religion. 24. At this time, Wolsey his unlimited power and pride. though King Henry wore the sword, Cardinal Wolsey bore the stroke, albo're the Land; being Legate de Latere, by virtue whereof he visited all Churches and Religious Houses, even the Friar's Observants themselves, notwithstanding their stoutness and stubbornness, that first d Fox Acts & Monumnets. opposed him. Papal and Royal power met in him, being the Chancellor of the Land, Anno Regis Hen. 8 13. and keeping so many Bisshopricks in Commendam, Anno Dom. 1521 his yearly income is said to equal, if not exceed the Revenues of the Crown. 25. The more the pity, that having of his own such a flock of preferment, nothing but the poor man's a 2 Sam. 12 3. Ewe-lamb would please him, He was the first confoundder of abbeys. so that being to Found two Colleges, he seized on no fewer than forty small Monasteries, turning their inhabitants out of house and home, and converting their means principally to a College in Oxford. This alienation was confirmed by the present Pope Clement the seventh, so that in some sort his Holiness may thank himself, for the demolishing of Religious Houses in England. 26. For the first breach is the greatest in effect: 16. And Abbeys having now lost their Virginity, A precedent quickly followed. (diverted by the Pope to other) 1524 soon after lost their Chastity, prostituted by the King to ordinary uses. And now the Cardinal was busied in building his College, consisting of several Courts, whereof the principal is so fair and large, it would have equaled any Prince's Palace, if findished according to the design, all the Chambers and other Offices being intended suitable to the magnificent Hall and Kitchen therein. 27. Indeed nothing mean could enter into this man's mind, but of all things his structures were most stately. Wolsey a Royal Has binger. He was the best Harbinger that ever King Henry had, not only taking up beforehand, but building up beautiful houses for his entertainments, which when finished [as white-Hall, Hampton-Court etc.] he either freely gave them to the King, or exchanged them on very reasonable considerations. 28. Some say he intended this his College, to be an University in an University, His vast design, why unknown. so that it should have therein by itself professors of all Arts and Sciences: but we may believe that all there go but by guess, as not knowing the Cardinal's mind, (who knew not his own) daily embracing new designs of magnificence, on the emergency of every occasion. Yet let not the greatness of his buildings swallow up in silence the memory and commendable devotion of Simon Islip Archbishop of Canterbury, who Founded Canterbury College, taken in with the Cardinal's unfinished Foundation. 29. However too tart and bitter was the expression of Rodulphus Gualterus a German, who comparing the Cardinal's project with his performance, An over-tart Sarcasme. said of him. instituit Collegium & absolvit Popinam, he began a College and built a Kitchen: For had he not been civilly defunct, before naturally dead, not a pane of glass, not peg of wood had been wanting in that Edifice. 30. More Wit than Truth was in another return, who being demanded what he thought concerning the ampleness of this Foundation, A second somewhat milder. made this homonymous answer, Fundatione nihil amplius, there is nothing more, [or more stately] then this Foundation: whereas indeed had not he himself been unexpectedly stripped of his estate, he had left more and better lands to this house, then King Henry conferred upon them, who conceiving Church-means fittest for Christ-Church, exchanged many of their best Manors for Impropriations. 31. This College did thrice change its name in seven years, Three names to one College. accounting it no small credit thereunto, that it always ascended, and was advanced in every alteration,; first called Cardinals College, than King's College, and at last Christ's Church, which it retaineth at this day. 32. King Henry took just offence that the Cardinal set his own b Rex Platonitus pagina 44. Arms above the Kings, The pride of the Cardinal humbled by others. in the Gatehouse, at the entrance into the College. This was no verbal but a real Ego & Rex meus, excusable by no plea in Manners or Grammar; except only by that (which is rather Fault than Figure) a harsh down right Hysterosis; but to humble the Cardinal's pride, some afterwards set up on a window, a painted c Idem. p. 45. Mastiff-dog, gnawing the spate-bone of a shoulder of Mutton, to mind the Cardinal of his extraction, being the Son of a Butcher, it being utterly improbable (that some have fancied) that that picture was placed there by the Cardinals own appointment, to be him a monitour of humility. Deans. Bishops. Benefactors. Anno Dom. 1524 Learned Writers. Anno Regis Hen. 8 16. 1. John Higdon. 2. Doct. Moor. 3. John Oliver. 4. Richard Cox. 5. Richard Martial. 6. George Carow. 7. Thomas Samson. 8. Thomas Goodwin. 9 Thomas Cooper. 10. John Piers. 11. Tobias Matthew. 12. William James. 13. Thomas Ravis. 14. John King. 15. William Goodwin 16. Richard Corbet. 17. Brian Duppa. 18. Fell. 19 Edward Reynolds. 20. John Owen. Richard Cox, Bishop of Eley, Thomas Goodwin, Bishop of Bath and Wells. Thomas Cooper, Bishop of Winchester. John Piers, Archbishop of york. Herbert Westphaling Bishop of Hereford. William James, Bishop of Durham. Thomas Ravis, Bishop of London. John King, Bishop of London. Richard Corbet, Bishop of Norwich. William Piers, Bishop of Bath & Wells. Brian Duppa, Bish. of Salisbury. Otho Nicholson, one of the Examiner's of the Chancery, bestowed eight hundred pound in building and furnishing a fair Library. Sir PHILIP SIDNEY. Sir WALTER RAWLEY. WILLIAM CAMDEN. Robert Gomersall JOHN GREGORY. Cartwright. Here I omit the many eminent Writers still surviving, Dr Merick Casaubon, and Dr George Morley, both no less eminent for their found Judgements; then patiented sufferings; Dr Barton Holiday, and Dr Jasper Main, who have refreshed their severer studies with Poetry, and sallies into pleasant learning, with many more in this numerous Foundation. Beholding, as for his wealth to King Heary the eighth, so for a great part of the Wit and Learning thereof to his Daughter Queen Elizabeth, whose Schoolboys at Westminster become as good Schoolmen here, sent hither (as to Trinity College in Cambridg) by her appointment; so that lately, there were maintained therein, One Dean, Eight Canons, Three public Professors of Divinity, Hebrew, and Greek, Sixty Students, Eight chaplains, Eight Singing-men, an Organist, Eight Choristers, Twenty four Almesmen; at this present Students of all sorts, with Officers and Servants of the Foundation, to the number of two hundred twenty three. 33. Know that John Higdon, Persecution in the cardinals college. first Dean of this College, was a great Persecutor of poor Protestants, as by the ensuing Catalogue will appear. a Such whose names are noted with a cross, did afterwards turn zealous Pa●●●. John Clark. John Friar. William Betts. John Frith. Goodman. Lawney. Henry Sumner. Nicholas Harmar. Richard Cox. Baley. Michael Drum. Richard Taverner. All these were questioned for their Religion, * F●x Acts & Mon. p. 1032. being cast into a prison in a deep Cave under ground, where the salt fish of the College was kept, the stench whereof made some of them to die soon after, and others escaped with great difficulty. Taverner was excellently skilled in Music, on which account he escaped, though vehemently accused, the Cardinal pleading for him, that he was but a Musician, though afterward he repent, to have set tunes to so many Popish ditties 34. We must not forget that all in the foresaid Catalogue, Christ-Church whose Christian names are expressed, were originally a Colony of Cambridgmen. Cambridg men, and invited by the Cardinal on promise of preferment, to plant his new Foundation; besides Florence, cain's de Antiq Cant. Acad. Dominican, John Akers, and many more famous for their Learning, which at this time removed to Oxford, seasonedboth with good Learning and true Religion. 35. Know also this, Wolsey's pride in his servants. John Higdon, first Dean, was he, of whom Cardinal Wolsey (when fallen into distress) did borrow two hundred pounds, therewith to pay and reward some of his poorest servants, giving them money on this condition, that hereafter they should serve no subject, but only the b Rex Platonicus, pag. 43. King himself, as if this had been suscipere gradum Simeonts, for those who so long had attended on a Lord-Cardinal. But this happened many years after; we return to this proud Prelate, while he flourished in the height of his Prosperity. 36. Their heads will catch cold, Wolsey turns his waiting into revenge. which wait bare for a dead Pope's Tiple-Crown. Wolsey may be an instance hereof, who, on every avoidance of St Peter Chair, was sitting down therein, when suddenly some one or other, clapped in before him. Weary with waiting, he now resolved to revenge himself on Charles the Emperor, for not doing him right, and not improving his power, in preferring him to the Papacy, according to his promioses and pretences. He intends to smite Charles through the sides of his Aunt, Katherine Queen of England, endeavouring to alienate the King's affections from her. And this is affirmend by the generality of our Historians, though some of late have endeavoured to acquit Wolsey as not the first persuader of the King divorce. 37. Indeed he was beholding, The scruple of the King's marriage. for the first hint thereof, to the Spaniards themselves. For, when the Lady Mary was tendered in marriage to Philip, Prince of Spain, the Spanish Ambassadors seemed to make some difficulty thereof, and to doubt her extraction, as begotten on a mother formerly married to her husbands elder brother. Wolsey now put this scruple into the head of Bishop longland's, the King's Confessor, and he insinuated the same into the King's conscience; advising him hereafter to abstain from the company of his Queen, to whom he was unlawfully married. Adding moreover, that after a divorce procured (which the Pope in justice could not deny) the King might dispose his affections where he pleased. And here Wolsey had provided him a second Wife, viz, Margarite, Countess of Alenzon sister to Francis King of France; though heavens reserved that place, not for the Mistress, but her Maid, I mean Anna Bollen, who (after the return of Mary, the French Queen for England, attended in France for some time on this Lady Margarite. 38. Tunder needs no torch to light it, The King willingly embraceth the motion. the least spark will presently set it on flame. No wonder if King Henry greedily resented the motion. Male issue he much wanted, and a young Female more on whom to beget it. As for Queen Katherine, he rather respected, then affected; rather honoured, then loved her. She had got an habit of miscarrying, scarce curable in one of her age, intimated in one of the King's private papers, as morbus incurabilis. Yet publicly he never laid either fault or defect to her charge; that, not dislike of her person or conditions, but only principles of pure conscience, might seem to put him upon endeavours of a Divorce. 39 The business is brought into the Court of Rome, The Pope a Captive. there to be decided by Pope Clement the seventh. But the Pope at this time was not sui juris, being a prisoner to the Emperor, who constantly kept a guard about him. 44. As for the Queen's Council, Fisher's short plea. (which, Anno Dom. 1529 though assigned to her, Anno Regis Hen. 8 25. appear not dearly accepted by her, as chosen rather by others for her, then by her for herself) I find at this present little of moment pleaded, or performed by them. Only Bishop Fisher affirmed, that no more needed to be said for the validity of the marriage, then, Whom God hath joined together, let no man put asunder. A most true position in itself, if he could have cleared the application thereof to his Royal Client, but Hoc restat probandum; the contrary, that God never joined them together, being vehemently urged by her adversaries. 45. Notwithstanding the Queen's absence, The pleas of the King's Council the Court proceeded: And first the King's Proctors put in their exceptions against both Bull, and Breve of Pope Julius the second, dispensing with the King's marriage with his brother's wife: viz. 1. That they were not to be found amongst the Original Records in Rome. 2. That they were not extant in Chartaphylacio, amongst the King of England's papers (most concerned therein) but found only in Spain, amongst the writings of a State-Officer there. 3. That in them it was falsely suggested, as if the same were procured at the instance of Henry, Prince of Wales, who then, not being above thirteen years old, was not capable of such intentions. 4. That the Date thereof was somewhat discrepant from the form used in the Court of Rome. 46. After this, Secrets sub sigillo thalami. many witnesses on the King's side were deposed: July 12. and though this favour is by custom indulged to the English Nobility, to speak on their Honours; yet the Canon-Law taking no notice of this their municipal privilege, and for the more legal validity of their testimonies, required the same on oath, though two Dukes, one Duchess, one Marquis, many Lords and Ladies gave in their depositions. These attested, 1. That both were of sufficient age, Prince Arthur of fifteen years, the Lady Katherine somewhat elder. 2. That constant their cohabitation, at board, and in bed. 3. That competent the time of the same, as full five months. 4. That entire their mutual affection, no difference being ever observed betwixt them. 5. That Henry, after his Brother's death, by an instrument produced in Court, and attested by many witnesses, refused to marry her, though afterwards altered by the importunity of others. 6. That, by several expressions of Prince Arthur's, it appeared, he had carnal knowledge of the Lady Katherine. The beds of private persons are compassed with curtains, of Princes vailed also with canopies, to conceal the passages therein, to which modesty admitteth no witnesses. Pity it is, that any, with Pharaoh, should discover what is exchanged betwixt Isaac and Rebekah; all which are best stifled in secrecy and silence. However, such the nature of the present cause, that many privacies were therein discovered. 47. Observe by the way, A shrewd retortion. that, whereas it was generally alleged in favour of the Queen, that Prince Arthur had not carnal Knowledge of her; because, soon after his marriage, his consumptionish body seemed unfit for such performances; this was retorted by testimonies on the King's side, his witnesses deposing, that generally it was reported and believed, the Prince impaired his health, by his over liberal payment of due benevolence. 48. It was expected that the Cardinals should now proceed to a definitive sentence, An end in vain expected. according as matters were alleged, and proved unto them. The rather because it was generally reported, that Campegius brought over with him a Bull Decretal, to pronounce a nulsity of the match, if he saw just cause for the same. Which rumour (like the silken fly wherewith Anglers cheat the fishes) was only given out to tempt King Henry to a longer patience, and quiet expectation of the event. Octo. 22. But by this time Queen Katherine had privately prevailed with the Pope, to advoke the cause to Rome, as a place of more indifferency for a plea of so high concernment. Whereupon Campegius took his leave of the King, and returned into Italy. 49. The Papists tell us, Love-Letters of King Hen. kept in the Vatican. that Cardinal Campegius sent over before him some amatorious Letters, which passed written with the Kings own hand, betwixt him and his dear Nan, as he termed her. These are said to import more familiarity than chastity betwixt them, and are carefully kept, and solemnly shown in the Vatican to strangers, especially of the English Nation, though some suspect them to be but forged. For though the King had wantonness enough to write such Letters, yet Anna Bollen had wit and warmess too much, to part with them. It would more advance the Popish project, could they show any return from her to the King accepting his offers, which they pretend not to produce. Our Authors generally agree, her de●●alls more inflamed the King's desires. For though perchance nothing more than a woman was wished by his wild sancy, yet nothing less than an husband would content her conscience. In a word, so cunning she was in her chastity, that the farther she put him from her, the nearer she fastened his affections unto her. 50. Still was the King's cause more delayed in the Court of Rome. No haste to end the King's cause at Rome. If a melancholic School-man can spin out a speculative controversy with his Pros and Con's, to some quires of paper, where the profit is little to others, and none to himself, except satisfying his curiosity, and some popular applause; no wonder if the Casuists at Rome (those cunning Masters of Defence) could lengthen out a cause of so high concernment, and so greatly beneficial unto them. For, English silver now was current, and out gold volant in the Pope's Courts, whither such masses of money daily were transported, England knew not certainly what was expended, nor Rome what received herein. Yea, for seven years was this suit depending in the Pope's Court; after which Apprenticeship, the Indentures were not intended to be canceled, but the cause still to be kept on foot, it being for the interest, to have it always in doing, and never done. For, whilst it depended, the Pope was sure of two great friends; but, when it was once decided, he was sure of one great foe, either the Emperor, or our King of England. 51. It was a Maxim true of all men, King and Queen both offended with Wolsey. but most of King Henry, Omnis mora properanti nimia. He (who would have not only what, but when he would himself) was vexed with so many delay, deferings, retardings, prorogations. prolongations, procrastinations, betwixt, two Popes (as one may say) Clement that was, and Wolsey that would be. So that all this while, after so much ado, there was nothing done in his business. which now was no nearer to a final conclusion, then at the first beginning thereof. Yea, now began Cardinal Wolsey to decline in the King's favour, suspecting him for not cordial in his cause, and ascribing much of the delay to his backwardness herein. More hot did the displeasure of Queen Katherine burn against him, beholding him as the chief engine, who set the matter of her Divorce first in motion. 52. Be it here remembered, that in persuading the King's Divorce, Wolsey looks two ways in this design. Wolsey drove on a double design; by the recess of the King's love from Queen Katherine, to revenge himself of the Emperor; by the access of his love to Margaret of Alenson, to oblige the King of France. Thus he hoped to gain with both hands, and presumed, that the sharpness of his two-edged policy should cut on both sides: when God, to prevent him, did both blunt the edges, and break the point thereof. For, instead of gaining the love of two Kings, he got the implacable anger of two Queens; of Katherine decaying, and Anna Bollen increasing in the King's affection. Let him hereafter look but for few fair days, when both the Sunrising, and setting, frowned upon him. SECT. II. TO Mr THOMAS JAMES OF BUNTINGFORD IN Hertford-shire. COrner Stones (two walls meeting in them) are polished with the more curiosity, and placed with more carefulness. So also corner bones (as I may say) which do do double duty, and attend the service of two joints, (in the Elbow and Knee) are rarely fixed by the providence of Nature. This Section being in the turning of Religions, (the) going out of the Old, and coming in of the New) ought to have been done with most industry, difficulty meeting therein with dark instructions. However I have endeavoured my utmost, (though falling short of the merits of the matter, and doubt not but you will be as) candid in the perusing, as I have desired to be careful in the writing thereof. KKnow now in the next year, Anno Regis Hen. 8 22. the Lords in Parliament put in a Bill of forty four particulars against Wolsey. Anno Dom. 1530. The most material was his exercising of power-Legative, Accused in Parliament and well defended by Mr Cromwell his servant. without leave, to the prejudice of the King's Crown and Dignity. The Bill is brought down into the House of Commons, where Mr Cromwell, than Servant to the Cardinal, chanced to be a Burgess. Here he defended his Master with such wit and eloquence, that even those who hated the Client, yet praised the Advocate who pleaded in his behalf. This was the first time, that public notice was taken of Cromwell his eminent parts, and advantageous starting is more than half the way in the race to preferment, as afterwards in him it came to pass. As for Wolsey, though at this time he escaped with life and liberty, yet were all his goods, of inestimable value, confiscated to the King, and he outed of most of his Ecclesiastical promotions. 2. Court-favourite's, Preferred 〈…〉 to York. when it is once past noon, Anno Dom. 1530 it is presently night with them, Anno Regis Hen. 8 22. as here it fared with wolsey. His enemies, of whom no want, follow the 〈◊〉 given unto him. For they beheld him, rather in a Sown, then as yet dead in the King's favour, and feared if his submission should meet with 〈◊〉 remembrance of his former services, they might produce his full 〈◊〉 to power and dignity. The rather because the Cardinal was cun 〈◊〉 to improve all to his own advantage, and the King (as yet) not cruel, 〈◊〉 too perfect in that lesson afterwards. His enemies would not trust the Cardinal to live at London, (nor at Winchester within fifty miles thereof) but got the King to command him away to York, sending him thither, whither his conscience long since should have sent him, namely to visit his Diocese, so large in extent, and reside therein. 3. Indifferent men thought that he had enough, 〈…〉 his Foes that too much, only himself that too little was left unto him. Pride accounts the greatest plenty, if without Pomp no better than Penury. Yet he had the whole revenues of York Archbishopric (worth then little less than four thousand pounds yearly) besides a large Pension paid him out of the Bishopric of Winchester. Was not here suel enough, had thee not been too much fire within, such his covetousness and ambition? 4. Earthly Kings may make men humbled, He states it at York. God alone humble. Wolsey began to state it at York as high as ever before, in proportion to his contracted revenues. Preparation is made in a Princely equipage for his Installation, attracting envy from such as beheld it. All is told unto the King, and all made worse by telling it, complaining Wolsey would never leave his pride, till life first left him. His old faults are revived and aggravated, and the King incensed afresh against him. 5. The Earl of Northumberland by the Commission from the King, Arrested of Treason and dieth. Arrested him of high-Treason, in his own chamber, at Cawood, By slow and short journeys he setteth forward to London, meeting by the way with contrary messages from the King; Sometimes he was tickled with hopes of pardon and preferment, sometimes pinched with fears of a disgraceful death, so that he knew not how to dispose his mind, to Mirth or Mourning. Age and anguish, brought his disease of the dysentery, the pain lying much in his guts, more in his heart. Especially aftger Sr William Kingston was sent unto him, who being Lieutenant of the Tower seemed to carry a restraint in his looks. Coming to Leicester he died, being buried almost as obscurely as he was born. 6. I know not whether or no it be worth the mentioning here, Wolsey's credulity befooled with dubious Prophecy. (however we will put it on the adventure) that Cardinal Wolsey, in his life time was informed by some Fortune-tellers, that he should have his end at Kingston. This his credulity interpreted of Kingston on Thames, which made him always to avoid the riding through that Town, though the nearest way from his house to the Court. Afterwards understanding that he was to be committed by the King's express order to the charge of Sr Anthony Hen. Lord Howard in his Book against Prophecies. chap. 28. fol. 130. Kingston, it struck to his heart, too late perceiving himself deluded by that Father of Lies in his homonymous prediction. 7. Anna Bollen did every day look fairer and fiarer in the King's eyes, The King deluded with delays at Rome. whilst the hopes of his marriage with her, seemed every day farther and farther from him. For, the Court at Rome meddled not with the merits of the causse, but fell upon by-points therein of lesser concernment. Yea, they divided his case into three a Hist. of Council of Trent, pag. 69. and twenty particulars; whereof the first was, Whether Prince Arthur had carnal knowledge with the Lady Katherine? This bare about a years debate; so that according to this proportion, King Henry would be, not only past marrying, but past living, before his cause should be decided. This news put him into a passionate pensiveness, the rather, because meeting with sadness here, many populous places in England, and Cambridg particularly, being at the present visited with the sickness. 8. But, it is an evil plague which brings no body profit. On this occasion Dr Cranmer retired to Waltham with two of his Pupils, Doct. cranmet comes to Waltham. the sons of Mr Cressey (a name utterly extinct in that Town where God hath fixed my present habitation) long before the memory of any alive. But, consulting Weavers a In Essex. Pag. 645. But see the former part of Cranmers' life until this time, in our History of Cambridg. Funeral-Monuments of Waltham-Church (more truly then nearly by him composed) I find therein this Epitaph, Here lieth Jon and Joan Cressy, On whose soulys Jesus haumercy. Amen. It seems paper sometimes in more lasting than brass; all the ancient Epitaphs in that Church being defaced by some barbarous hands, who perchance one day may want a grave for themselves. 9 The King coming to Waltham, Is employed by the King to the Pope. Dr Fox his Chaplain and Almoner (afterwards Bishop of Hereford) is lodged in Mr Cressy 's house: Discoursing about the King's Divorce; Cranmer conceived that the speediest course was to prove the unlawfulness of his Match by Scripture; whence it would follow, that the Pope at first had no power to dispense therewith; and that the Universities of Christendom would sooner and truer decide the case, than the Court of Rome. This passage Fox reports to the King; who, well pleased thereat, professes that this man had the b Fox Acts & Mon. 1861. Sow by the right ear: An ear which the King never left worrying, till he had got it off, and effected his will therein: Cranmer being sent for, comes to the King, who very lovingly entertains him. Indeed he was a most comely person, having an amiable eye (and as the soul sees much by the eye, so is it much seen in them) and pleasing countenance, as by his lively c Which I have seen at Chesthunt in the house of Sir Tho. Docres, done as I take it by Hans Holbein. Picture doth appear. Glad was the King to see, more to hear him enlarge himself on the former subject, that it was above the Pope's power to dispense with God's work in the King's case. And now what fit Nurse for the Child, than the own Mother; what person more proper to manage this matter then Cranmer himself, who first moved it. The King resolves, and Cranmer consents he should be sent to the Pope, there to make God his possition. Leave we Cranmer for a time, preparing himself for his long journey; and come briefly to state the King's Controversy out of God's Word, and several Authors who have written thereof. 10. It plainly appears that a marriage with a Brother's wife is unlawful, Marriage with Brother's Wives twice forbidden in Scripture. because expressly forbidden. LEVIT. 18. 16 Thou shalt not uncover the Nakedness of thy Brother's Wife, it is thy Brother's Nakedness. Wherein we have 1. A Prohibition. Thou shalt not uncover the Nakedness of thy Brother's Wife: See all these Laws are made to men; it being presumed that the weaker sex, (whose part it is to take, not tender; accept, not offer love) would be so modest, as not to adventure of themselves on any incestuous act, except first solicited by men thereunto. 2. The Reason thereof. It is thy Brother's Nakedness. God could according to his Dominion peremptorily have forbidden the same, without rendering a reason of his Prohibition; but that men might pay the more willing obedience to his Law, he maketh those who were to keep it, in some sort Judges of the justness thereof, endeavouring to convince their consciences, and make their souls sensible of the natural uncleanness of such an act. It is thy Brother's nakedness. Such marriages are again forbidden in another Text. Anno Dom. 1530 Nor can I render other reason of this Duplicate, Anno Regis Hen. 8. 22. whereas others are but once, that this should be twice prohibited; save, that God, foreseeing in his providence men's corrupt inclinations, prone here to climb over, did therefore think fit to make a double fence. LEVIT. 20. 21. And if a man shall take his Brother's Wife, it is an unclean thing; he hath uncovered his Brother's Nakedness, they shall be Childless. Here we have the Prohibition backed with a Commination of being Childless, which is variously interpreted, either that they shall never have children, or if having them, they shall not survive their Parents, or if surviving, they shall not be counted Children, but Bastards, illegitimate in the Court of Heaven. This Commination of being childless as applied ad hominem, fell heavy on King Henry the eighth; who sensible that his Queen, though happy often to conceive, was unhappy almost as often to miscarry. Henry his only Christian son, by her, died before a full year old; a second was nameless, as never living to the honour of Baptism; and of many blasted in the bud, Marry only survived to woman's estate. 11. Such as inquire into the nature of this Law find it founded in Nature itself, This proved to be a Law of Nature. being only declaratory of what true reason doth dictate to man. God in making this Law did not imprint a new writing in men's hearts, but only rub off some old rust from the same; wherefore it is added, Levit. 18. 27, 28. For all these abominations have the men of the Land done, which were before you, and the Land is defiled; that the Land spew not you out also, when ye defile it, as it spewed out the Nations that were before you. Surely the Land would never have vomited out the Heathen for not observing a positive precept, never immediately delivered unto them, which plainly shows it was imprinted in nature, though partly obliterated by their corrupt customs to the contrary; and their consciences in their Lucid Intervals were apprehensive thereof. This would make one the more to admire, that any should maintain, that this Law, the breach whereof made the Country to avoid her Pagan Inhabitants, should be only a Senders de schism. Angli. pag. 3. lex imposititia & Ecclesiastica, an imposed and Church-Law. To hear of a Church-Law amongst the Canaanites, is a strange Paradox. 12. It is objected this could not be a Law of Nature, The Objection to the contrary. because almost at the beginning of nature, men broke them by the consent and permission of the God of heaven: For Cain and Seth with the elder sons of Adam must be allowed to have married their own sisters, far nearer in nature then their Brother's Wife. 13. It is answered, Answered. when God first created mankind, it was his pleasure all men should derive their original from Eve, as she from Adam. For had he made (as one may say) two distinct houses of Mankind, what falling out and fight, what bickering and battleing would have been betwixt them. If men now adays descended from the loins of one general Father, and womb of one mother, are full of so fierce hatred, how many and keen may their differences be presumed, had they sprung from several Fountains, and then all their hatred would have been charged, not on their corruption, but on their Creation? God therefore (as the Apostle saith) Acts 17. 26. hath made of one blood all nations. Now in the beginning of Mankind absolute necessity gave Brethren liberty to marry their own sisters. Yea, God himself, interpretatively, signed and sealed the same with his own consent, because, his wisdom had appointed no other means without miracle, for the propagation of mankind. Anno Regis Hen. 8. 82. But when men began to be multiplied on the earth, Anno Dom. 1530 that necessity being removed, the light of Nature dictated unto them the unlawfulness of such marriages, and of some others more remote, as coming within the compss of Incest; though the corrupt practices of Pagans sometimes trespassed in that kind. God therefore being to give his Law to the Jews, cleared and declared that light of Nature, by his positive Law unto his people, to whom his Goodness gave a Garden, and sorbad a Tree, so inconsiderable were those few prohibited, to the many persons permitted them in marriage. For whereas there came out of a Ex●d. 12. 37. Egypt and six hundred thousand men, besides children, fifty persons at the most (counting those forbidden, as well by consequence as expressly) were interdicted unto them; amongst whom one was the Marriage with a Brother's Wife. For although God Permitted this by a judicial Law ro his own people in case of b Deut. ●5. 5. raising up seed to a Brother deceased childless (the Will of God being the Law of Laws;) yet otherwise it was utterly unlawful, as whereon God had stamped (as is aforesaid) a double Note of natural uncleanness. 14. The Law then of forbidding marriage with a Brother's Wife, God's Laws indispensable with by the Pope. being founded in nature, it was pride, and presumption in the Pope to pretend to dispense therewith. Indeed we read that the dispensation of the Gospel (to see it dealt and distributed to several persons) was committed to c 1 Cor. 9 ●●. St Paul (whose joint successor, with St Peter, the Pope pretends to be) but a Dispensation from the Law of God, to free men from the same, neither Paul nor Peter ever pretended unto. Let the Pope make relaxations of such Church Canons, which merely Ecclesiastical Authority hath made, there he may have the specious power to remit the rigour thereof at some times, places and persons, as he apprehendeth just occasion. But let him not meddle to grant liberty for the breach of Gods Law. The first Dispensation in this kind is what Satan in the Serpent gave our first Parents in Paradise, d Gen. 3. 4. you shall not surely die; and whether the Granter had less power therein, or the receivers less profit thereby, we their woeful posterity have little comfort to decide. 15. Nor doth it any thing alter the case, Carnal knowled not material in this controversy. (what was so much controverted in the Court of Rome) whether or no Prince Arthur had carnal knowledge of his Wife, seeing we may observe, that in the Court of Heaven Marriages bear date, not from their Copulation, but solemn Contact; And they thenceforward are esteemed Man and Wife before God. For it is e Deut. 22. 24. provided, that if a Damsel be betrothed to Husband still remaining a Virgin, and shall be lain with by another man, both of them shall be stoned to death, and she punished for an Adulteress he for humbling his Neighbour's wife. Be then the Lady Katherine known or unknown by Prince Arthur, due Benevolence is the effect, not the cause of Marriage, which was completed before God, and they two made one flesh, when solemnly joined together in the face of the Congregation. 16. Such a Marriage with a Brother's wife, No Christian utility inconsistent with honesty. thus appearing against the Law of God, it is strange that any should maintain that Publica honestas, public honesty, was the only obstacle of this marriage, which obstruction (say they) by the Pope's dispensation was removed, because Publica Utilitas, the Public Profit was greater, that redounded by permitting this match, Now suppose this all the obstacle, the Position is dangerous and unfound; For, first, Christians are not sensible of utility (as falsely so called) which stands at distance with Public Honesty. Secondly, the publikness of the Profit was not adequate to the publickness of the Scandal. The Profit or State-benefit thereby, only extended to the Crowns of England and France as concerned therein; whilst the Scandal dilated itself to the People of all Christian Provinces, justly offended thereat. And although we confess, that in this respect the world is narrower to Princes then to private persons, as not affording so fit matches unto them; yet Kings have no Commission to enlarge themselves herein, by the actual breach of God's Commandment. 17. Thus far the sum of the sense of Protestants and others, Armies of writer's pro & con in this point. no fewer than an hundred Authors, Anno Dom. 1530 writing at this time against this Marriage, Anno Regis Hen. 8▪ 22. all which were produced by the King in the next Parliament. Yet very many Papists professed their judgements in print, on the contrary side, both English and outlandish Divines: and (to give them their due) brought very plausible Arguments. Of all these, John Fisher Bishop of Rochester led the Front, whom some Catholics call St John, because beheaded like the Baptist, though on contrary accounts: John Baptist for saying, it is b Mark 6. 18. not lawful; John Fisher for saying, it is lawful for thee to have thy Brother's Wife. * We order them by the seniority of their writing. John Holiman John Clerk Cuthbert Dunstall Nicholas West Bishop of Bristol. Bath & Wells. London. Ely. Thomas Abel Edward Powel Richard Featherstone Ridley Englishmen, and Canonists. Francis Royas Alphonse de Veruez Alphonse de Castro Sepulveda Spaniards. Cardinal Cajetan Lewes Nugrola Italians. Egwinarus Baro Franciscus Duarenus Convanus c Properly people of France, living betwixt the Rivers of Garumna and Sequana. Celtae. Alvarus Gometius John Cochlaeus Portuguese. High-German. Ludovicus à Schora, a Low-Countryman. Erasmus, a greater Scholar then Divine, was very doubtful in his judgement herein. He is made by some modern Apocalyptical Commentaries to be the Angel flying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is (as they will have it) in a middle distance betwixt Heaven and Earth which how it agrees to the Text, I know not. It alludeth well to his dubious posture betwixt different opinions in Religion, and particularly in this Controversy, sometimes being for King Henry, and sometimes against him herein. 18. Return we to Cranmer employed now in his Embassy to Rome: Cranmer accompanies others in an Embassy to Rome. The state whereof lay on Thom. Bullen, Earl of Wilt-shire, but the strength of it (as to the disputing part) on Dr Cranmer, Dr Stokesley, Dr Carne, Dr Bennet, etc. so that a little University of Learned men went along thither. These were well armed with Arguments, being to carry a challenge to all the Canonists at Rome. Coming thither, they found the Pope in his Grandetza proffering his Toe to them, which none offered to kiss, save the unmannerly Spaniel (to say no worse of him) to the Earl of Wilt-shire, whom the Jesuit calls a d Father Flood, See Mason de minist. Ang. pag. 157. Protestant-Dog, for biting the Pope's Toe; But let him tell us what Religion those Dogs were of, which eat up e 2 Kings 9 36. Jezebel the harlot. The Earl presented the Pope a Book of Cranmers penning, proving God's Law indispensable with, by the Pope: A Book as welcome to his Holiness as a prison; beholding his own power therein limited and confined. Promise was made of a public Disputation, but never performed, Only the Pope (who is excellent at the making of nothing something, by the solemn giving thereof) made Cranmer supreme Penitentiary (an empty Title) throughout all his Dominions; This was only to stay his stomach for that time, in hope of a more plentiful Feast hereafter, if Cranmer had been pleased to take his repast on any Popish preferment. 19 Mean time King Henry employed his Agents to the Universities in several parts of Christendom, Foreign Universities determine for the King. to found their judgements in the matter of his Marriage. Some report that Reginald Poole, then living at Paris was practised upon by promise of preferment, to act the University there in favour of the King: but he being a perfect Katharinist declined the employment. Sr Richard Morisin, a learned Knight, was used by the King in Germany; a holinsh. in Hen. 8. pag. 923. Edmund Bonner, afterwards Bishop of London, employed in Italy, and William Langée, a Native Frenchman, made use of in his own Country; so that ten of the Universities subscribed the Case, that it was above the Pope's power to dispense with the positive Law of God. 1. Cambridg 2. Oxford England. May 3. b 2. Paris. 4. c 7. June. The Faculty of Paris 5. Orleans France. 6. d 1. Tholouss 7. e 1. Anjou 8. f 10. Bituriges 〈◊〉. France. 9 g 10. July Bononia 10. h 2. Octo. Milan Italy. Wonder not herein, at the silence of many Dutch Universities, Wittenberg, Heidelberg, Tubing, Bazil, that they interposed not their opinions herein; for these having formerly utterly exploded the Pope's power, were conceived partial, and therefore incompetent Judges in this point: Wherefore the King only solicited such Universities in this his Case, which [as yet] remained in fast and firm obedience to the See of Rome. 20. Of all the Universities declaring for the Pope's inability to dispense with God's positive command, The bold Declaration of the University of Bononia. most bold and daring (because largest, fullest clearest) was that of Bononia, the chief City in Romandiola, a Province of Peter's Patrimony, and that City the Pope's retiring place. Nor can I omit the conclusion of their Declaration. We confidently do hold and witness, that such Marriage is horrible, accursed, and to be cried out upon, and utterly abominable, not only for a Christian man, but for an Infidel, unfaithful or heathen, and that it is prohibited under grievous pains and punishments, by the Law of God, of Nature, and of man; and that the Pope, though he may do much, unto whom Christ gave the i Speeds Chro. in H. 8. p. 766. Keys of the Kingdom of heaven, hath no power to give a dispensation to any man to contract such Marriage. In witness whereof we confirm this our judgement, both under the Seal of our University, as also with the Seal of our College of Doctors of Divinity, and have subscribed it in the Cathedral Church of Bonony, this tenth of June, in the year of our Lord, 1530. 21. k De schismate Anglic. p. 60, 61. Sanders hath little to say against so many and clear decisions of the Universities; The Recusancy of other Universities. only he tells us, that all the King's Agents had not equal success in their Negotiations: and particularly that one Hutton, the King's instrument herein could not bow those of Hamborough and Lubeck, to express themselves against the Marriage. But surely these two places were only Gymnasia, for I find them not mentioned amongst the Dutch Universities. Also he saith that Richard Crook, another of the King's Emissaries, prevailed nothing on many German Professors, and particularly he praiseth the University of Colen, for their recusancy therein. As for such who subscribed on the King's side, he pretends that Bribes bought their judgements; as if our King Henry had learned from King l Eccles. 10. 19 Solomon, that Money recompenseth all things. The best is, the cleanly hands of the Court of Rome, had never, no doubt any bribes sticking to their fair fingers. But though that Englsh- Angels flew over to foreign Universities, yet there lieth a real distinction betwixt a Bribe and a Boon, freely bestowed, not to bow and bias their opinions; but to gratify their pains, and remunerate their industry, in studying of the point. 22. As for our English Ambassadors at Rome, Cranmer traveleth into Germany. finding themselves only fed with delays; no wonder if they were sharp set to return home. All came back again save Dr. Cranmer, who took a journey to the Emperor's court in Vie●●a. Here he grew acquainted with Cornelius Agrippa, who had written a Book of the Vanity of Sciences, having much of the Sciences, but more of the vanity in himself. Here also he conversed with many great Divines, and satisfied some of them out of Scripture and Reason, which formerly were unresolved in the unlawfulness of the King's Marriage. 23. A Parliament was now called, The Clergy 〈…〉 praemunire. wherein the Clergy were found guilty of a Praemunire, 1531 because they had too much promoted the Papal interest, and acted by virtue of his power, to the damage and detriment of the Crown of England; whereupon being willing to redeem their whole estates forfeited by 〈◊〉, they were glad to commute it into a sum of money: the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury alone, bestowed on the King, one hundred thousand pounds, to be paid by equal portions, in the same year, say some; in four years say others, and that in my opinion with more probability. 24. But the King would not be so satisfied with the payment of the money, Acknowledge the 〈…〉 of the Church. except also they would acknowledge him to be Supreme Head of the Church. This was hard meat, and would not easily down amongst them, however being thoroughly debated in a Synodical way, both in the upper and lower houses of Convocation; they did in fine agree, on this expression, cujus (Ecclesiae Anglicanae) singularem Protectorem, unicum & supremum Dominum, & (quantum per Christi leges licet) supremum caput ipsius Majestatem recognoscim●s. 25. This thus consented unto, Confirmed by Act of Parliament. and subscribed by the hands of the Clergy, (as appears at large in the Records and Acts of the Convocation) and so presented to the King in the name of his Clergy; was afterwards confirmed by Parliament, and incorporated into a solemn Act for the ratification thereof. 26. During these transactions, The death of Arch Bishop Warham. William Warham, 1532 Archbishop of Canterbury ended his life. 23. Aug. 23. A politic person, well learned in the Laws, generally reputed a moderate man, though (specially towards his latter end) a still and silent persecutor of poor Christians. He was first Parson of Barley in Hertford-shire (as appears by an a Weavers Funeral Mon. inscription in that Church) thence rising by degrees to great preferment. In his Will he requested his Successor not to sue his b Antiq. Brit. pag. Executors for Dilapidations, as having expended some thousands of pounds in repairing his several Palaces. We verily believe his request was granted, seeing Cranmer was free from all exacting in that kind. Sede vacant, John Stokesly Bishop of London, was Precedent in the Convocation. 27. Messengers are sent into Germany for Thomas Cranmer, Cranmer sent for, and unwilling, accepteth the Archbishopric. to find him out, and fetch him home with all possible speed, the Archbishopric of Canterbury waiting his acceptance thereof. The Post easily doth the first, but Cranmer prolonged his journey by c Fox Acts & Mon. p. 1703. seven weeks, at the least, hoping that in the mean time the King might forget him, and confer the place on another, being really unwilling to embrace the preferment, having aliquid intus, something within him, which reluctated against those superstitions through which he must wade in the way thereunto. But there lieth no Nolo Episcopare against King Henry his Volo te Episcopum esse; It being as mortal to refuse favours from him, as to offer injuries to him. Cranmer therefore now come home, must in his own defence be Archbishop, who, to serve the King and salve his own conscience, used the expedient of a Protestation, whereof hereafter. 28. The Philosopher gives us this note of direction, A preparative to Cranmers just defence. whereby to find out a virtue, viz. that it is accused by both Extremes. Thus Liberality is charged by Prodigals to be Covetousness, by Covetous men to be Prodigality. By the same proportion Cranmer appears a worthy Prelate, taxed by Papists to be an Heretic, by others [no Papists] as guilty of Superstition. We will endeavour his just defence, conceiving the Protestants cause much concerned therein, the Legality of his Consecration having an influence on all the Bishops made by him, Anno Regis Hen. 8 23. that of the Bishops making an impression on the Priests and Deacons by them ordained, Anno Dom 1532 and their rightful ordination, deriving validity to the Sacraments by them administered to all the members of the Church of England. 29. A Papist a Becan contro: Angl. c. 4. q. 9 n. 6. objects, Cranmer lawfully consecrated. non fuit consecratus ab ullo Episcopo, sed à solo Rege intrusus, that he was consecrated by no Bishop, but thrust in by the King alone. The falseness whereof doth appear on public Record, still to be seen in the Register, being solemnly consecrated by John b Regist. Cramn. fol. 5. Lincoln. John Exeter. 24. Mar. 30. Henry St Asaph. 1533 and none that pretendeth to skill in Canon Law, can deny the number insufficient for such a performance. 30. Another urgeth him uncapable of a Bishopric as debarred by Bigamy, His double marriage no ba● unto him. even by the censure of the c 1 Tim. 3. 2. Apostle, Let a Bishop be the husband of one wife, Cranmer being successively twice married. It is Answered, such successive marriage is no Bigamy; the Apostle only forbidding the having of many wives at once, (a fault fashionable amongst the Jews, then and many years after, by the testimony of d In dial. cum Tryph. Justine Martyr) and the same is so expounded also by e Eph. 83. S Hierom. praecipit ut sacerdotes singulas uno tempore habeant uxores. 31. But grant Cranmer guilty but of one wife at once, Bishops, married in the Primitive times. even that made him (as his adversaries rejoin) uncapable of the Archbishopric, because Prohibited by the Canons, To which we answer, that f Sozomenus lib. 1. cap. 11. Spiridion, g Baptistae Mantuenus. St. Hilary, h In carmine de vitâ suâ. Gregory Nazianzen, and many other Bishops, eminent for Learning and Sanctity in the Primitive times, are confessed married men by authentic Authors, in the best times accounted no bar to their Episcopal function. Yea, the Romanists are concerned to allow Cranmer a lawful Archbishop, because allowing such as were Consecrated by him, as Thomas Thyrlby, Bishop of Ely, Anthony Kitchen, Bishop of Landaff, for lawful Bishops, to whom he could not derive any orders, if not legally invested therein himself. 32. Pass we now to such acceptions which a m Will, Pryn in his antipathy of prelacy to Monarchy, pag. 131. Modern writer (zealous against Popery) taketh against him, Cranmer took not the like Oath with his predecessors. being no fewer than nine, as if he intended what they want in weight to make up in number. 1. That he took the like Oath to the Pope which his Predecessors have done, and therefore was deeply charged of perjury by Martin a Papist. * The copy of his protestation. 33. I Answer, he took not the like Oath. His Predecessors took it absolutely and simply. Not so Cranmer. Not that he was guilty of any clandestine equivocation or mental reservation therein, but publicly entered a solemn Protestation, remaining on Record in his n Ex Regist. Cranmer. fol. 4. office in manner and form following. IN Dei nomine, Amen, Coram nobis, etc. Non est, nec erit meae voluntatis aut intentionis per hujusmodi juramentum vel juramenta, qualiterque verba in ipsis posita sonare videbuntur me obligare ad aliquid, ratione eorundem, posthac dicendum, faciendum, aut attentandum, quid erit, aut esse videbitur contra legem Dei, vel contra illustrissimum Regem nostrum Angliae, aut Rempublicam hujus sui Regni Angliae, legesve, aut praerogativa ejusdem; & quòd non intendo per hujusmodi juramentum vel juramenta quovis modo me obligare, quo minùs liberè loqui consulere, & consentire valeam, in omnibus & singulis reformationem Religionis Christianae, gubernationem Ecclesiae Anglicanae, ac praerogativam coronae ejusdem Reipublicae! uè commoditatem quoquo modo concernentibus, & ea ubique exequi & reformare, quae mihi in Ecclesiâ Anglicanâ reformanda videbuntur. Anno Dom. 1533 secundum hanc interpretationem, Anno Regis Hen. 8. 24. & intellectum hunc, & non aliter, neque alio modo dictum juramentum me praestiturum protestor, & profiteor, etc. This Protestation he did not privately smother in a corner, but publicly interposed it three several times, viz. once in the Chapter-house before authentic witnesses; again, on his bended knees at the High-Altar, many people and Bishops beholding him when he was to be consecrated; and the third time, when he received his Pall in the same place. 34. Secondly, No cavil but a just charge. he accuseth him for having a hand in the condemnation and execution of Lambert, Frith, and other Godly Martyrs. This indeed cannot be denied. For though I am loath that Cranmers' head should (by the weight and violence of his causeless detractors) be plucked under water, where he was innocent, I will leave him to sink or swim by himself where he was guilty. Only adding, In many things we offend all. 35. His third accusation, A happy match in the event. he was a chief man in accomplishing King Henry's Divorce, which a Mr Pryn, pag. 132. occasioned much trouble, dissension, and war. But he might have remembered, which also produced the peerless Princess Queen Elizabeth, who perfected the Reformation, and by her long peaceable and victorious Reign, brought much honour, wealth and renown to our Nation. Besides, that Divorce is generally defended by Protestant writers, whose judgements this accuser will rely on when it makes for his purpose. 36. Fourth accusation, A Rebel's weapon. the Lincolnshire Rebels, in their six Articles of their grievances presented to King Heary the eighth complain, that this Archbishop, and other Prelates of his Graces late promotion, had b Mr Pryn ut prius. subverted the Faith of Christ, etc. 37. I Answer, Ill used against a loyal subject. they were the Lincolnshire Rebels that said it, and this their pretended subverting of the saith, was the reforming and confirming thereof; Cranmer serving the God of his Fathers in that way which they termed Heresy. Welltherefore might this cavil have been waved, good only to swell the Volume. 38. Fifth Cavil, The grand cavil. though Matthew Parker reports (as this c Mr Pryn, pag. 133. Delator confesses) that Cranmer opposed this act of the six Articles at first, than caused it to be moderated, and at last to be repealed in King Edward's days, but others seem to imply that he gave consent thereunto at first. 39 To this I Answer three things: Answered. First, to imply is far less than to express, and such implications are often the bare surmises of a biased apprehension. Secondly, to seem to imply, is less than to imply, nulla videntur quae non sunt. Thirdly, the Others by him mentioned, aught to have been nominated, this Author generally giving no scant measure in such wares; so that his margin (commonly over-thronged) is here quite empty of quotations. Inopem nunc copia secit. We may assure ourselves he would have alleged such Other Authors, but for several substantial reasons, whereof this was one, because he had none to allege. And shall an uncertain, un-named No body, be believed against Cranmer, before Mr Fox, and Dr Parkers clear testimonies in his behalf? 40. Seventh Cavil. Violent no just depriving. He suffered Martyrdom, not while he was a Bishop, but when degraded and deprived. What of this? does this tend any thing to the disgrace of him or his order, seeing such an injurious and violent degradation, deprived him not of his Episcopal indelible character, so that still in right he remained a Bishop? 41. Eight Cavil. God send valour at last. He failed more in his Martyrdom, by reason of his cowardly recantation, thorough hopes of life, and restitution to his former dignity, than any of his fellow Martyrs. Answer, It is confessed: But his final constancy may well cover his intermediate failings. Better it is faintly and fearfully to bear in our body the marks of our Lord Jesus, then stoutly and stubbornly to endure the brands of our own indiscretion. 42. Last Cavil. Remember not what God had forgotten. He was condemned for high Treason, for an act done by him as an Archbishop, and Councillor of State, for which he professed both his sorrow a Mr Pryn, 134. and repentance. Did he so indeed, by the confession of this his adversary? The more unworthy man his accusor, after this his sorrow and repentance to upbraid him therewith. Mr Pryn might also remember that the two Lord chief Justices were in the same Treason (whose Education made them more known in the Laws of the Land) and our Cranmer was last and least in the fault, it being long before he could be persuaded to subscribe to the disinheriting of Queen Mary. 43. We appeal to the unpartial Reader, upon the perusal of the premises, whither an ordinary charity, might not, yea ought not to have passed by these accusations, and whether the memory of Archbishop Cramner may not justly say of Mr Pryn, as once the King of b An appeal to any indifferent. Israel, of the King of Syria, wherefore consider I pray you, and see how he seeketh a quarrel against me? Indeed so great is his antipathy against Episcopacy, that if a Seraphim himself should be a Bishop, he would either find or make some sick feathers in his wings. 44. Cranmer was now settled in his Archbishopric, Cranmer Divorceth King Henry. and the first eminent act of his office was exercised in the King's Divorce. A Court is called in the Priory of Dunstable in Bedford-shire, as a favourable place, indifferently distanced, but five miles from Amphil, where Queen Katherine resided. With Cranmer were the Bishops of London, Winchester, Bath, and Lincoln, with many other great Prelates. These summoned Queen Katherine to appear before them, full fifteen days together, on whose refusal they not only adjudged her contumacious, but also pronounced her match with the King as null and unlawful by Scripture; and soon after it was proclaimed, that hence forward none should call her Queen, but the Dowager of Prince Arthur. And thus a few days had dispatched that Divorce, which had depended many years in the Court of Rome. 45. And now I cannot call King Henry a Bachelor, Who Marrieth a Lady, and a Bollen. because once married; nor a married man, because having no wife; nor properly a widower, because his wife was not dead. But he therefore a single, or rather a separated person, remaining so (if at all) but a very short time, as soon after solemnly married to the Lady Anna Bollen, of whom largely hereafter. 46. Now began Elizbeth Barton to play her tricks, The Imposture of Elibeth Barton. commonly called the holy Maid of Kent, though at this day of Kent alone is left unto her, as whose Maiden-ship is vehemently suspected, and holiness utterly denied; she was famous on a double account. First, for knowing secrets past, and indeed she could tell any thing which was told her; conversing with Friars her familiars, and other folk's Confessors, who revealed many privacies unto her. Secondly, she was eminent for foretelling things to come, and some of her predictions hit in the mark, procured to the rest the reputation of prophecy with credulous people. She foretold that King Henry should not be King a full twelve month, except he reassumed Queen Katherine to be his Wife. 47. I am hearty sorry that the gravity of John Fisher, Fisher & More befooled by her forgery. Bishop of Rochechester should be so light, and the sharp sight of Sr Thomas More so blind, as to give credit to so notorious an Impostrix, which plunged them both into the King's deep displeesure. As for Elizabeth Burton, soon after she was executed, with many of her complices and complotters. The Papist at this day, unable to defend her forgery, and unwilling to confess her cheating, seek to salve all by pleading her to be distracted. Thus if succeeding she had been praised (and perchance Canonised) for her devotion; now failing she must be pardoned and pitied for her distraction. 48. We may remember, Bish. Fisher imprisoned for refusing the Oath of Supremacy. how, not long since, the Clergy did own, and recognize King Henry the eighth, for Supreme Head of the Church, which was clearly carried by a plurality of voices in the Convocation. John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, was the only eminent Clergyman, who openly opposed it. One obnoxious to the King's dispeasure, on a threefold account; first, for engaging so zealously, (above the earnestness of an Advocate) against the King's Divorce. Secondly, for tampering with that notable Impositrix, the holy maid of Kent. Thirdly, for refusing the Oath of Supremacy, for which he was now imprisoned. Indeed this Bishop lost himself (both with his friends and his ●oes) by his inconstancy at the first, seeing he who should have been as stayed as the Tower, was as wavering as the Weathercock, neither complying with the King, nor agreeing with himself; but would and would not, acknowledge the King's Supremacy. But at last he fixed himself on the negative, and resolutely continued therein till the day of his death, of whom more largely hereafter. 49. The Clergy in the Province of York did also for a long time deny the King's Supremacy. The Convocation of York denies the King's Supremacy. Indeed the Convocation of York hath ever since struck Talies' with that of Canterbury, though not implicitly) unanimously post-concurring therewith; But here they dissented, not because more Knowing in their judgements, or tender in their consciences, but generally more superstitious, and addicted to Popery. Insomuch that they sent two LETTERS to the King (I conceive them written, one from the upper, the other from the lower house of Convocation) wherein they acquainted his Highness with their judgements, (interlacing many expressions of general submission) and their Reasons in a large discourle, why they could not acknowledge him to be Supreme Head of the Church. 50. Give me leave to suspect Edward Lee, Edw. Loe Archbishop of York a furious Papist. De Scriptoribus Drit. in Edwardo Sexto. Archbishop of York, for a secret fomentor of this difference. He was a virulent Papist, much conceited of his own Learning, (which made him to write against Erasmus) and a persecutor of Protestants; witness John Bale, convented before him for suspicion of heresy, who in vain earnestly pleaded Scripture in his own defence, till at last he casually made use of a distinction out of Scotus, which the Archbishop more valued, than all which he had before more pertinently alleged out of the Old and New Testament. 51. King Henry wrote a fair and large Letter to the Convocation of York, King Henry his answer to York Convocation. too long here to be inserted, (though otherwise I have a good a Communicated unto me by my good friend Dr Littleton. Copy thereof) wherein the King began mildly to make the passage for his Supremacy into their consciences, by a Rational and Argumentative way. He disclaimed all design by fraud to surprise, or by force to captivate their judgements, but only to convince them of the Truth, and Equity of what he desired. He b It is printed in the second part of the Cabal. declavered the sense of Supreme Head of the Church, (though offensive in the sound to ignorant ears) claiming nothing more thereby, then what Christian Princes in the Primitive times assumed to themselves, in their own Dominions, so that it seems he wrought so far on their affections, that at last they consented thereunto. 52. Here I wonder at the cavil of the Papists, A couseless cavil. which being so causlese, should be so clamorous, accusing us to have a c Harding against Jewel. Parliament Religion, a Parliament Faith, a Parliament Gospel; and d Scultingus. another addeth Parliament Bishops, and a Parliament Clergy. Whereas upon serious examination it will appear, that there was nothing done in the Reformation of Religion, save what was acted by the Clergy in their Convocations, or grounded on some Act of theirs, praecedent to it, with the advice, counsel, and consent of the Bishops and most eminent Churchmen; confirmed upon the Postfact, and not otherwise, by the Civil Sanction, according to the usage of the best and happiest times of Christianity. 53. By the same proportion in the days of Queen Mary the Popish Religion, The Cavil retorted. might have been styled a Parliament Religion, because after the same had been debated on, and concluded of in the Convocation, it was confirmed by the Queen, Lords and Commons, by the Act of Parliament. SECT. III. Anno Regis To the Right Worshipful, Anno Dom. Sir RICHARD SHUGBOROUGH OF SHUGBOROUGH in Warwickshire. MAster Haward returned this answer to Queen Mary (demanding the causes of his coming to Court) that it was partly to see Her Highness, and partly that Her Highness should see him; an answer, which though more witty than Courtlike; yea, more blunt, then witty, she took in good part. You will not be offended at this my Dedication, partly that I may know you, partly that I may be known unto you. Besides, being informed, that you love to have your Hospital Table handsomely attended with Ancient Servitors; I presumed that this Section, containing much of memorable Antiquity, would not be unwelcome unto you. 1. NOw though nothing was done in matters of Religion, Hen. 8 25. but what was fairly and largely discussed; 1533 first by the most Learned of the Clergy; The Clergy bind themselves to the King. yet this year the Clergy in the Convocation so submitted themselves to the King, that each one severally promised in verbo Sacerdotis, never henceforth to presume to allege, claim, or put in ure, any new Canons, unless the Kings most Royal Assent might be had unto them, and this soon after the same was ratified by Act of Parliament. 2. And here it will be worth my pains, A fourfold sort of Convocations. and the Readers perusal to observe the differences between English Synods or Convocations, which may eminently be distinguished into four ranks, such as were, 1. Called before the Conquest. Anno Regis Hen. 25 2. Called since the Conquest, but before the Statute of Praemunire was made. 3. Called after the aforesaid Statute, but before another made in the Reign of King Henry the eighth, wherein the Clergy were bound up, for doing aught, without the Royal assent. 4. Called after the twenty fifth year of the Reign of King Henry the eighth. These did plainly differ in the several manners of their meeting, and degrees of power, of their acting in Spiritual matters. 3. As for Counsels, Kings Acted in Church matters before the Conquest. called before the Conquest, whilst the Pope's power, had not as yet Lorded it over the Kings of England, the Kings ever were (if not in person) in power present thereat; as by perusing Sr Henry spelman's Councils plainly doth appear. Yea, matters both of Church and Commonwealth were often dictated and concluded in the same Meeting, Communi consensutam, Cleri quam a Sir Henry Spelman, Anno 605. pag. 118. Populi Episcoporum, procerum, comitam, nec non omnium Sapientum, Seniorum populorumque totius Regni. 4. For the second sort (called after the Conquest, Of the second sort of Convocations. but before the Statute of Praemunire) the Arch-Bishops of Canterbury or York, used-upon all extraordinary, and immergent cases, toties, quoties, as their own discretions adjudging necessary or convenient, to assemble the Clergy of their respective Provinces, at what place they pleased, dontinuing Convocations in them so long, or dissolving them, as soon as they pleased. And this they did, either as Metropolitans, or Primates, or as Legati Nati to the Pope of Rome, without any leave from the King afore obtained, and such Canoas', and Constitutions then and there concluded on, were in that Age (without any further Ratification) obligatory to all subjected to their jurisdiction. Such were all the Synods from Lanckfranck to Thomus Arundel, in whose time the Statute of Praemunire was enacted. 5. A Third sort of Convocation succeeds: For after the Statute of Praemunire was made, Of the third sort of Convocations. (which did much restrain the Papal power, and subject it to the Laws of the Land) when Arch-Bishops called no more Convocations by their sole and absolute command, but at the pleasure of the King, as oft as his necessities and occasions with the distresses of the Church did require it. Yea, now their meetings were by virtue of a Writ or Precept from the King, and it will not be amiss here to exemplify the form thereof. 6. REX, The form of ancient Writs of Convocations. etc. Reverendissimo in Christo Patri, A. Canturiensi Archiepiscopo totius Angliae primati, & Apostolicae sedis legato salutem. Quibusdam arduis & urgentibus negotiis, defensionem & securitatem Ecclesiae Anglicanae, ac pacem, tranquillitatem, & bonum publicum & desensionem Regni nostri, & subditorum restrorum ejusdem concernentibus, vobis in fide & dilectione, quibus nobis tenemini rogando mandamus, quatenus praemissis debito intuitu attentis & ponderatis universos & singulos Episcopos nostrae Provinciae, ac Decanes, & Praecores Ecclesiarum Cathedralium Abbates, Priores & alios Electivos Exemptos, & non Exemptos. Nec non Archidiaconos, Conventus, Capitula, & Collegia, totumque Clerum, cujuslibet Dioeceseos ejusdem Provinciae, ad conveniendum eorum vobis in Ecclesia Sancti Pauli London, vel alibi prout melius expedire videritis, cum omni celeritate accommoda modo debito convocari faciatis; Ad tractandum, consentiendum, & concludendum, super praemissis & aliis, quae sibi clarius proponentur, tunc & ibidem exparte nostrâ. Et hoc sicut nos & statum Regni nostri, & honorem & utilitatem Ecclesiae praedictae diligitis nullatenus omittatis. Teste me ipso, etc. 7. In this Writ we may observe, first, Observations thereon. that from the word Convocari faciatis, the word Convocation took its denomination, being formerly called Synods, as lately (since our Scotizing) termed Assemblies. Secondly, that clause, in Ecclesia Sancti Pauli London, vel alibi prout melius expedire videritis, pointeth at a power placed, or rather a Liberty left to the Arch-Bishops, to call their Synods elsewhere, in case they adjudged it more convenient. But because the Arch-Bishops, and Bishops, might the better attend their business in Parliaments (henceforward commonly kept at the same time with Convocations) Sr Paul's in London was generally preferred for the place of their convention. Thirdly, this Writ was used even after the Reformation, mutatis mutandis, namely, the title of Apostolical Legate to the Archbishop being left out, as also the names of Priors, and Abbots are extinguished. Lastly, of this third Sort of Convocations, was all those kept by Thomas Arundel and the Arch-Bishops of Canterbury his successors, unto Thomas Cranmer; or if you will, from the sixteenth of Richard the second, unto the twenty fifth of King Henry the eighth. These Convocations did also make Canons (as in Lynwood his Constitutions do appear) which were binding, although none other, then Synodical authority did confirm them. 8. The last sort of Convocations remains, The last sort of Convocations. called since the Statute, the twenty fifth of King Henry the eighth, that none of the Clergy should presume to attempt, allege, claim, or put in ure, any Constitutions or Ordinances Provincial, or Synodals, or any other Canons, Constitutions, or Ordinances Provincial, (by whatsoever name or names they may be called) in their Convocation in time coming; (which always shall be assembled by the King's Writ) unless the same Clergy may have the Kings most Royal Assent and Licence to make, promise and execute such Canons, Constitutions and Ordinances Provincial, or Synodical, upon pain of every one of the said Clergy doing the contrary to this Act, and thereof convicted, to suffer imprisonment, and making Fine at the Kings will. Since this year, from Archbishop Cranmer to Archbishop Laud, all Convocations (so long as they lasted) are born tongue-tied, till the King did cut the string thereof with his Letters Patent, allowing them leave to debate on matters of Religion. Otherwise, what they conclude, are arrows without piles; daggers without points; too blunt to pierce into the practice of others, but sharp enough to wound themselves, and bring them within the compass of a Praemunire. Yea, even such Convocations with the Royal assent, subject not any (for recusancy to obey their Canons) to a civil penalty in person or property, until confirmed by Act of Parliament 9 This I humbly conceive to be the difference betwixt the three kinds of Convocations, The Author's submission. submitting what I have written to the censure and correction of the Learned in the Law, conscious of my own ignorance therein, as indeed such skill neither is to be expected or required in one of my profession, who am ready with willingness, yea, with cheerfulness, yea, with thankfulness to God and man, publicly to recall, and retract what any such convince me to have mistaken herein; hoping that my stumbling in so dark a subject, may prevent the failing of others. 10. There goeth a tradition (taken up by many without examination) that anciently the Clergy sat as one body with the Parliament, A vulgar Error. and were not divided till in the Reign of King Henry the eighth, as a * Calebut Downing. modern Author hath written in a Tract. But when I asked of Him, where he had read the same, he cited a French Letter of Cardinal Sadolets. Strange that a Foraigner should be more seeing herein, than any of our Native Authors and Records that I ever could behold. But it may be, the Error had its Original hence, because anciently Bishops sitting in the Parliament, did not always appear personally, or by the proxy of men of their own order, but sometimes sent one or more of the inferior Clergy to represent them, if it be true what I have read in a small English book, bearing the name of Mr Selden (but I question whether avowed by him) of the proceed in Parliament. 11. John Fryth sealed the Truth with his blood, The Martyrdom of John Fryth. one who justly may be said aged sixty at six and twenty (so young was he Martyred) such his learning, Anno Dom. 1533 gravity, Anno Regis Hen. 8 25. and constancy. It was chief charged on him, that he denied the believing of the real presence in the Sacrament (understand him de modo; thereof) to be an Article of the Faith, though confessing Christ really present, in the bread, so he might not be compelled to the worshipping thereof. But these things are set down largely in Mr Fox. Only I will add, that persons out of groundless suggest two scandals on this good man, and his wife's memory. One that he was guilty of some practice against the State, merely because he was committed to the Tower. The other that his wife being beyond the Seas with Mr Tyndal, expressing himself, content with the will of God, that for her sake she would not have the glory of God hindered, desired to be rid of her husband's life, that Mr Tyndal might the more freely enjoy her company. Thus this Jesuit, being himself a Bastard, measureth others by the chastity of his own Parents. Indeed the aforesaid Tyndal much exhorted Fryth to patiented suffering, but not as those Cowardly Captains, which encourage others to fight, and themselves forsake the field, because afterwards he valiantly brought up the rear, and suffered for the same cause two years after. 12. John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, Bishop Fisher's Letter for new clothes and a Confessor. was now prisoner in the Tower, 1534 where he was but coursely used, as appears by a Letter to Mr Secretary Cromwell. 26. a Ex literis in Bibliothecâ Cottoniana. FUrthermore I beseech you to be good Master unto me in my necessitic, for I have neither Shirt, nor Suit, nor yet other Clothes, that are necessary to me to wear; but that be ragged and torn to shamefully. And now in mine Age, my stomach may not away but with a few kind of meats, which if I want, I decay forthwith, and fall into coffs, and diseases of my body, and cannot keep myself in health. And, as our Lord knoweth, I have nothing left unto me for to provide any better, but as my b Robert Fisher. brother of his own purse layeth out for me, to his great hindrance. Wherefore good Master Secretary, eftsoon I beseech you to have some pity 'pon me, and let me have such things as bar necessary for me in mine Age, and especially for my health; and also that it may please you by your high wisdom, to move the King's Highness to take me unto his gracious favour again, and to restore me unto my liberty, out of this cold and painful Imprisonment; whereby ye shall bind me to be your poor beadsman for ever unto Almighty God, who ever have you in his protection and custody. Other twain things I must also desire upon you; first, oon is, that itt may please you, that I may take some Priest within the Tower, by th'assignment of Master Lieutenant, to have my confession against my holy tym. That other is, that I may borrow some books to stir my devotion mor effectually these holy days, for the comfortte of my soul. This I beseech you to grant me of your charity. And thus our Lord send you a merry Christenmas, and a comfortable to your heart desire. Att the Tower this xxij. day of December. Your poor Beadsman JOHN ROFFE. His first petition for clothes was granted him, (having exchange thereof at his execution) and it is probable the other two petitions being so reasonable were not denied him. 19 During his durance in the Tower, he was often and strictly examined, Ann. Regis Hen 8. 27. before Sir Edmund Walsingham Lieutenant thereof, His often exminations. by Thomas Bedyll, and Richard Layton Clerks of the Council, and was sworn in verbo Sacerdotii, to answer to many Interrogatories, but chief concerning four subjects. First, Off 〈…〉 about the King's Divorce; wherein he was always constant to what he had printed of the unlawfulness thereof. Secondly, about His Supremacy, which (at last) he peremptorily denied. Thirdly, about his concealing the Imposture of Elizabeth Barton, the Maid of Kent; wherein, he confessed his weakness, and over-easy belief; but utterly denied any ill Intentions to the King's Person. Fourthly, about the Statute of Succession, wherein (as appears by his Letter to * Extant in Sir Thomas Cottons Library. Secretary Cromwell) he was content to subscribe, and swear to the body, but not to the Preamble thereof. 20. Which words therein, Taketh offence ● the Preface 〈…〉. so offensive to Fisher (except there be any other unprinted Preface to this Statute) were these: The Bishop a See in printed Statutes, 25 of Hen. 8. cap. 22 p. 558. of Rome and See Apostolic, contrary to the great and inviolable grants of Jurisdiction by God immediately to Emperors, Kings, and Princes, in Succession to their Heirs hath presumed in times past to invest, who should please them to inherit in other men's Kingdoms and Dominions: which thing we Your most humble Subjects, both Spiritual and Temporal, do most abhor and detest. 21. Here I know not whether more to commend the policy or charity of Archbishop Cranmer desiring in a Letter to b ex Litt. MS. in Bib Corion. Secretary Cromwell that this partial subscription which Bishop Fisher proffered, Archbishop Cranmer his 〈◊〉 charity. to the Statute of Succession, might be accepted: adding that good use mighe be made thereof, to the King's advantage, such general reputation the World had of this Bishop's Learning, and of Sir Thomas Moor's: both which, it seems, went the same path and pace, and in this point, started, 〈◊〉, and stopped together. Indeed, it was not good to strain such fine springs too high, which possibly moistened with mild usage, might in process of time, have been stretched to a further compliance. But, it seems, nothing at present would satisfy, except both of them came up to the full measure of the King's demands. 22. As for Bishop Fisher his concealing the pretended Prophecies of Elizabeth Barton, Fisher concealing barton's forgeries. waved. it was so fare waved, that he was never indicted for the same. And indeed he made an ingenuous Plea for himself; namely, that the said Elizabeth had told him, she had acquainted the King therewith; yea, he had assurance thereof from the c in his Letter to the King, in bib. Cotton. Archbishop. And therefore, knowing the King knew of it; before, he he was loath to hazard His displeasure in that, which was not revealing what was unknown, but repeating what would be unwelcome to His Grace. 23. But not long after, Y●t how indicted, why condemned. he was arraigned of high Treason, and it will not be amiss to insert the sting of the Indictment out of the Original. DIversis Domini Regis veris, * May 7. subditis falsè malitiosè & proditoriè loquebatur & propalabat videlicet. * His 〈◊〉 were spoken May 7. in the Tower of London, but he arraigned afterwards. The King hour Sovereign Lord is not Supreme Head ynerthe of the Cherche of England. In dicti Domini Regis immund. despect. & vilipendium manifest. Of this he was found guilty, had Judgement, and was remanded to the Tower, where, for a time, we leave him, and proceed. 24. Thus was the power of the Pope totally abolished out of England, Papists unjustly charge us for Schismatics. whereof the Romanists at this day do bitterly complain, but can revenge themselves no other way, save by aspersing us as guilty of Schism and Separation for rending ourselves from the Mother-Church. Blame us not, if loath that the Church of England (in whose Doctrine and Discipline we were born, and bred, and desire to die) should lie under so foul and false an Imputation, which by the following Narrative may fully be confuted. 25. Three things are Essential to justify the English Reformation, Three Essentials in Reformation. from the scandal of Schism, to show, that they had 1. Just cause for which 2. True authority by which 3. Due moderation in what they deceded from Rome. 26. The first will plainly appear, The gross errors in Popery. if we consider the abominable Errors, which contrary to Scripture and Primitive practice were then crept into the Church of Rome. As the denying the Cup to the Laity; Worshipping of Images; locking up the Scriptures in Latin, and performing prayers in an unknown Tongue, with the monstrosity of Transubstantiation, unexcusable practices. Besides, the Behemoth of the Pope's Infallibility, and the Leviathan of his Universal Jurisdiction, so exclaimed against by Gregory the great, as a Note of Antichrist. 27. Just cause of Reformation being thus proved, The impossibility of 〈◊〉 general Council. proceed we to the Authority by which it is to be made. Here we confess the most regular way, was by order from a Free and General Council, but here alas no hope thereof. General it could not be, the Greeks not being in a capacity of repairing thither; nor Free, such the Papal Usurpation; For before men could try the Truth, hand to hand, by dint of Scripture (the Sword and Buckler thereof, by God's appointment) the Pope took off all his Adversaries, at distance, with (those Guns of Hellish Invention) his Infallibility and Universal Jurisdiction, so that no approaching his presence to oppose him, but with certainty of being precondemned. 28. Now seeing the Complaints of the conscientious in all Ages, The power of a Nationall Church well improved. against the Errors in the Romish Church, met with no other entertainment than frowns and frets, and afterwards fire and faggot, it came seasonably into the minds of those who steered the English Nation, to make use of that power which God had bestowed upon them. And seeing they were a National Church under the civil command of one King, He by the advice and consent of his Clergy in Convocation, and great Council in Parliament, resolved to reform the Church under His inspection from gross abuses crept into it, leaving it free to other Churches either to follow His example, or continue in their former condition: and on these terms was the English Reformation first advanced. 29. But the Romanists object, Objection to the contrary. that England being first converted to Christianity, by the zeal and care of the Church of Rome, (when Pope Gregory the great scent Augustine over to preach here) cannot, not only without great Ingratitude, but flat undutifulness departed from the Church which first taught it true Religion. It is answered, Answer 1. First, this Argument reacheth not west of Severne into Wales, where the ancient Britain's by general confession, were converted before the time of Augustine. Secondly, Answer 2. this first favour received from Rome, puts not on England so strict and servile an obligation of perpetual continuance, that she may and must not serve God without ask her leave. It ties England only to a fair and grateful respect, which she always tendered, till the Insolency of the Church of Rome, made Us unwilling to pay, and Her unworthy to receive it. Thirdly, Answer 3. some strength may be allowed to this Objection, if Rome could be proved the same in Doctrine and Discipline, when under the Reign of King Henry the eighth, England divided itself from it, with Rome, when in the time of Gregory the great, it was converted by God's blessings on his endeavours. But since that time the Church of Rome hath been much corrupted in Opinions and practice, easy to prove, but that it is not the set work of our History. 30. But again the Papists object, 2. Objection of the Romanists. that the most judicious Protestants do ingeniously confess, that the Church of Rome maintaineth all the Fundamentals of Religion. England therefore cannot be excused from Schism, for dividing from that Church, which, by their own confession, still retaineth the true Foundation of Christianity. 31. It is answered: The Answer. if some Protestants be so civil in their censures on Papists, it appears thereby, though they have left Rome, they have not lost their courtesy, nor their Charity. But grant (which is disputable) the Errors of the Church of Rome not Fundamental, they are Circa-Fundamental, grating on the very Foundation. Besides, we are bound to avoid, not only what is deadly, but what is hurtful; not only what may destroy the life, but what may prejudice the health of our Souls. But our Adversaries persist to object, 3. Objection. that our Reformation took its rise, from King Henry's pride, to pluck down a Power which crossed His designs, from His covetousness to compass the Revenues of Abbey, and from His wantonness, to exchange His old Embrace, for new ones. Well therefore may the English blush at the Babe, when they behold its Parents, and be ashamed of their Reformation, considering the vicious Extraction thereof. Answ. The Answer. Malice may load the Memory of K. Henry about His demerit; yet grant the charge true, that bad inclinations first moved Him to the Reformation, yet He acted therein nothing, but conformable to the Law Divine and Humane. It is usual with God's wisdom and goodness, to suffer Vice to sound the first Alarm to that fight, wherein Virtue is to have the Victory. Besides, King Henry's Reformation hath since been Reform, by successive Princes of England, who cannot justly be taxed with any vicious reflection therein. 32. It remaineth that we take notice of the moderation of the Reformers, The moderation of Reformers. who being acted not with an Opposition to all which the Papists practised, but with an Affection to Truth, disclaimed only the Ulcers and Sores, not what was sound of the Romish Church, retaining still what was consonant to Antiquity, in the Four first General Counsels. 33. Matters thus ordered, The Conclusion of the Contest. had the Romanists been pleased to join with us, there had been no complaining of Schism either in their Streets, or ours. But such their pride and peevishness, to persist obstinate, to this day incense many people (who listen more to the loudness, than weigh the justness of Complaints) accusing us of wilful Separation; But the Premises well considered, England may say to Rome, * Gen. 38. 29. Pharez, the breach be upon thee, who (with * 2 Kings 11. 14. Athaliah, crying Treason, treason, being herself the prime Traitor) taxeth us with Schism, when she the only Schismatic. 34. We enter now on a subject, The Pope's revenues out of England. which we must not omit, such is the concernment thereof, in our History; yet which we cannot complete, so intricate the nature thereof, and so short and doubtful our intelligence therein; namely, to give a general estimate (particulars being impossible) of the Papal Revenues of England. 35. Here be it premised that I humbly conceive, Greatest under King Hen. 3. the Pope's Income ran the highest in England under King Henry the third, and King Edward the first, before the Statute of Mortmain (and after it that of Praemunire) was made, for these much abated his Intrado. And although, I deny not, but under King Henry the eighth, he might receive more Money, (as then more plentiful in England) yet his profit formerly, was greater, if the standard of Gold and Silver be but stated proportionably. 36. However, the vast sums Rome received hence at the time of Reformation, Pope's profit by sale of Trinkets. will appear by the ensuing commodities. For, first Agnus Dei's, this is here set by Synecdoclie, to signify all Popish Trinkets, Medals, consecrated Beads, etc. which I as little know what they be, as Papists, why they use them: Of these were yearly brought over from Rome, into England, as many, as would fill the shop of a Haberdasher of Holy Wares. Now, though their prices were not immediately paid into the Pope's purse, but to such his subordinate Officers who traded therein; Yet they may be accounted part of the Papal Revenues (the King hath what the Courtiers have by His consent) and if such trading was not permitted unto them, the Pope must either abate of his Train, or find his Officers other ways of subsistence. 37. Secondly, By his Annates. for Annates, so called, because they were the entire Revenues of one Year (in the nature of first Fruits) which the Bishops and inferior Clergy paid to the Pope; We have no light concerning the latter, but can present the Reader with an exact account, what every Bishop in England, (new elected or translated to a See) paid at his entrance to his Holiness. BISHOPRIC paid a This Catalogue was extracted our of Bishop Godwin. Canterbury 10000 F. Besides for his Pall 5000. F. London 3000. F. Winchester 12000. D. Elie 7000. D. Lincoln — Coventrey and Lichfield 1733. D. Salisbury 4500. * This standeth for Crown. Cr. Bath and Wells 430. D. Exeter 6000. D. Norwich 5000. D. Worcester 2000 F. Hereford 18000. F. Chichester 333. F. Rochester — St. David's 1500. F. Landaffe. 700. F. Bangor. 126. F. St. Asaph 126. F. York, 10000 D. Besides for his Pall 5000. D. Durham 9000. F. Carlisle 1000 F. In this account [F] stands for Florenes, being worth 4s— 6d. in our English money. [D] for single Ducats sufficiently known for 8 shillings. Lincoln's, not being valued, I behold as a mee● casual omission in this Catalogue; but can render a reason, why Rochester not rated, who being accounted as Chaplain, to the Archbishop of Canterbury, (and anciently in his Donation) may be supposed valued in the high valuation of his Patron. That Bath and Wells then so high in Wealth, should be so low in first Fruits (whereat my b Quod miror Godw in his Catalogue of Bishops, p. 447 By appeas. Author wonders) plainly shows that Favour was fashionable, (as in all other Courts, so) in the Court of Rome. The rest of the English Bishoprics were not in being, before the Reformation. 39 Thirdly, by Appeals; The Pope having learned this policy from the Council of Jethro to Moses, * Exod. 18. 22. every Great thing they shall bring unto thee; but every Small matter they (viz: the 70 Elders) shall Judge; reserved to himself the definitive sentence in all high Controversies, which brought no small profit unto him. 40. Fourthly, By King Athelwolth's Pension. by K. Athelph's Pension given by him to the Pope, Anno 852. whereof largely before; A distinct payment from Peter pence, (with which some confound it) as stinted to three hundred c See Sir Henry Spelman's Councils, p. 353. By his Dispensations. Marks; whereas the other were casual, and increased according to the number of Houses. 41. Fiftly, for Dispensations. Oh the charity of the Pope, to lay heavy Burdens on men's consciences, (without command from God's Word) too heavy for them to bear! but then so merciful he was, for Money to take them off again; thus Licences to marry within degrees forbidden; for Priests [base] Son's, to succeed their Fathers in a Benefice, and a hundred other particulars brought yearly a Nemo scit, into the Papal Treasury. 42. Sixtly, By Indulgencies. Indulgencies are next, though I know not how essentially distinguished from Dispensations, nor dare warrant the distinction, that the former was against, the other above Canon Law. As when Abbeys, and other places were freed from Episcopal Jurisdiction, and many other Privileges and Exemptions both personal and conventual. 43. Seventhly, By Legatine Levies. by Legatine Levies, these though not Annual, yet came [almost] as often, as the Pope's needs, or covetousness would require them. 44. Eighthly, By Mortuaries. Mortuaries, due, at the death of great Prelates, though, I find not in what manner and proportion they were paid. 45. Ninthly, By Pardons. Pardons; He saveth his credit the best, who makes no conjecture at the certainty of this Revenue. And though the Pope, (as then too politic openly to confess his profit by granting; so since) be too proud publicly to bemoan his loss, by stopping of these Pardons, yet is he secretly and sadly sensible of a great emptiness in his Treasure thereby. 46. Tenthly, By Peter-pences. Peter-pences succeed, granted by Ina, King of the West Saxons to Pope Gregory the second, Anno 626. It was a penny paid for every Chimney that smoked in England, which in that Hospital Age had few smoaklesse ones; the device of cipher Tunnels or mock-Chimneys merely for uniformity of building, being unknown in those days. Indeed, before the Conquest, such only paid Peter-pences, who were worth * See Spelman's Council, p 625. thirty pence in yearly revenue, or half a mark in goods, but afterwards it was collected generally of all solvable Housekeepers, and that on most heavy penalties. 47. Now though none can tell what these amounted to, To what they amounted. yet conjecture may be made, by descending to such proportions, which no rational man will deny. Allowing nine thousand Parishes (abating the odd hundreds) in England and Wales, a hundred houses in every Parish, two chimneys in every house, one with another, it ariseth unto a yearly sum of seven thousand five hundred pounds. Here I say nothing of the intrinsical value of their Penny, worth two pence in our Age. 48. Eleventhly, By Pilgrimages. Pilgrimages follow, many persons of quality going yearly to Rome, sometimes perchance with bare feet, but never with empty hands. But the Pope's principal harvest was in the Jubilee (which of late recurred every five and twenty years) when no fewer than two hundred thousand strangers have been counted at Rome at once. Of these, more than the tenth part may be justly allowed English, it being always observed, that distance increaseth devotion; and the farthest off, the forwardest, in Will-worship of this nature. 49. Twelfthly, By Tenths. we conclude with Tenths, and on what Title they were paid to the Pope, largely hereafter. 50. Here we speak not of the accidentals, All cannot be truly counted. as Legacies bequeathed by the deaths of Princes and great Persons, and other Casualties, and Obventions; Sixtus the fourth being wont to say, that a Pope could never want Money, while he could hold a Pen in his hand; (understand him to grant general Indulgencies) though Luther's holding a pen in his hand, hath since much marred his Mart herein. Now certainly Demetrius could tell better, what was gotten by making * Acts 19 27. silver Shrines for Diana, than S. Paul himself: and while some Protestants compute the Papal profit, to be a hundred and fifty thousand pounds per annum, some more, some less, (but all making it above the King's Revenues) they do but state his Income at random. 51. Only Polidore Virgil, Polidore Virgil Collector of the English Peter-pences. if alive, and willing, were able to give a certain account of the Peter pence, (a good guess at the rest of Papal Revenues) knowing them, as well, as the Beggar knows his dish, as holding the Basin into which they were put, being Collector general of Peter pence all over England. But this Italian was too proud to accept them as gratuities, (in which nature they were first given) but exacted them in the notion of a Rent and Tribute due to the Pope his Master. 52. This is that Polidore Virgil, Be-lawrelleth the Choir of Wells. who was Dignitary of the Cathedral of Wells, (and, as I take it, Archdeacon of Taunton) on the Choir whereof he bestowed Hang flourished with the Laurel Tree, and as I remember, wrote upon them, SUNT POLIDORI MUNERA VIRGILII. But would he had spared his benefaction to the Church of Wells, on condition he had been no Malefactor to the Church of England, yea, to Religion and Learning in general, if it be true what commonly is reported. 53. For he wrote a Latin History of Britain, A Malefactor to Posterity for burning MS. from the Original of the Nation, until Anno Dom. 153. the year of King Henry the eighth, out of many rare Manuscripts, which he had collected together. Now, partly to raise the reputation of his own Writings, (that he might seem no lazy Transcriber) partly, to render himself out of the reach of confutation (being suspected not over-faithfull in his Relation) he is said to have burnt all those rare Authors, which he could compass into his possession. Thus Tyrantlike he cut down those stairs whereby he ascended the Throne of his own knowledge. If this be true, the World may thank Polidore Virgil, for his work, the Inventione Rerum; but have cause to chide, (not to say, curse) his Memory, for his Act the Perditione Librorum. 54. I have met with a paper of Verses, Two-edged Verses. which like a two-edged Sword cut on both sides, plainly at Polidore Virgil, but obscurely at a later Plagiary, and in my opinion, not unworthy to be inserted. Leyland's supposed Ghost. Am I deceived? or doth not Leyland's Ghost Complain of wrong sustained after death; As Virgil's Polidore accused his host, The Tracian King for cruel breach of Faith, And Treasures gained, by stopping of his breath? Ah greedy Guardian! t' enjoy his goods, Didst plunge his Princely Ward into the floods. Am I deceived? or doth not Leyland's spirit Complain with th' Ghosts of English Notaries Whom Polidorus Virgil robbed of merit, Bereft of Name, and sacks of Histories, While (wetch) he ravished English Libraries. Ah! wicked Book-thief whosoever did it, Should One burn all, to get one single Credit? Am I deceived? or doth not Leyland's spirit Make heu & cry, for some Book-treasure stealth, Rifling his works, and razing Name & Merit, Whereby are smothered a Prince-given wealth, A Learned Writer's Travel, Wits, and Health. All these he spent to do his Country pleasure, O save his name, the world may know his treasure. I am deceived, for Leylands ghost doth rest, From plaints & cries, with souls of blessed men; But Heaven and Humane Laws cannot digest, That such rare fruits of a laborious Pen, Came to be drowned in such a thankless Den. Thus Heaven and all Humanity doth sue, That Leyland dead, may have his Titles due. Who this second Plagiary was, complained of for plundering Leyland, if the Reader cannot conjecture, I will not tell, such the honour I bear to his admirable performances, though herein not to be excused. 55. Papal power thus extinguished in England; How Papal power in England was cantoned. it is worth our enquiry, where the same for the future was fixed, which we find, not entirely settled in any One, but according to justice, and equity, divided amongst many Sharers therein. 56. And first, God first had his share. Give unto God the things which are Gods. What the Pharisees said, was true in the Doctrine, though false in the Use thereof, (as applied to our Saviour whom they mistook for a mere man * Mark 7. Who can forgive sins but God alone?) This paramount power no less blasphemously than arrogantly usurped by the Pope, claiming an absolute and authoritative pardoning of Sins, was humbly and justly restored to the high God of Heaven. 57 Restitution was made to the second Person in the Trinity, Christ his due. of that Universal jurisdiction over the whole Church as belonging to Christ alone, 1 Pet. 2. 25. who is the Shepherd and Bishop of our souls, and a badge of Antichrist for the Pope proudly to assume the same. 58. To the Holy Ghost was restored that Infallibility, The holy Spirit his portion. which to him doth properly pertain, as being the Spirit of Truth, which neither will deceive, nor can be deceived, John 15. 26. & 16. 23. and which hath promised to lead his Church in general into all Truth; but never fixed any inerrability, on any particular person, or succession of single persons whatsoever. 59 And now give unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's. The King comes to claim His own right, The King assumes his share. what the Kings of Judah (his Predecessors in Sovereignty) had by the Word of God, and Christian Emperors by the practice of the Primitive times, did possess. In order whereunto the Parliament did notify and declare, that Ecclesiastical power to be in the King, which the Pope had formerly unjustly invaded. Yet so, that they reserved to themselves (besides other privileges which we leave to the Learned in the Law) the confirming power of all Canons Ecclesiastical; so that the person or property of Refusers, should not be subjected to temporal penalty without consent of Parliament. 60. Of this power thus declared in the King, part thereof He kept in Himself, as to call, and dissolve Convocations at His pleasure; to grant or deny them Commission to debate of Religion; to command Archbishops and Bishops to be chosen in vacant Sees; to take order for the due Administration of the Word and Sacraments. 61. The other part of power Ecclesiastical, the King passed over to the Archbishop of Canterbury, as His Substitute; first, to grant Faculties in cases not repugnant to the Law of God, necessary for Honour and Security of the King, formerly wont to be remedied in the See of Rome. Secondly, to determine Causes Ecclesiastical in his Court, whence lay an Appeal to the Court of Delegates, etc. 62. The representative Clergy had power by the King's leave, to make Canons and Constitutions, whilst each Bishop in his respective Diocese, Priest in his Parish, were freer than formerly in execution of their Office, acquitted from Papal dependence. 63. Lastly, every English Layman, was restored to his Christian Birth right, namely, to his judgement of practical discretion (in perusing the Scriptures in his own Language) formerly swallowed up in the Ocean of the Pope's Infallibility. Thus on the depluming of the Pope every bird had his own feather: in the partage whereof, what he had gotten by sacrilege, was restored to God; what by Usurpation, was given back to the King, Church, and State; what by Oppression, was remitted to particular Christians. SECTION III. Ann. Reg. TO Master HENRY BARNARD, Ann. Dom. LATE OF LONDON, Merchant. THough lately you have removed your habitation into Shropshire, My pen is resolved to follow after and find you out: Seeing the hand of your bounty hath had so long a reach, let the legs of my gratitude take as large a stride: When you shall be disposed to be Solitary, and desirous to have Society, at the same time peruse this Book, whereby you shall attain your desired Condition. FOR twelve Months had Bishop Fisher (formerly condemned) now lived in durance, Hen. 8. 27. June 22. and so was likely to continue, 1535. until (in all probability) his soul at the same time, Fisher made Cardinal. should be freed from two Prisons, I mean, that of his body, and that of the Tower. For, his life could do the King no hurt, whose death might procure Him hatred, as of one generally pitied for his age, honoured for his learning, admired for his holy conversation. Besides, it was not worth the while, to take away his life, who was not only mortalis, as all men; and mortificatus, as all good men; but also moriturus, as all old men, being past seventy six years of age. But now an unseasonable act of the Pope accelerated his execution, in making him Cardinal of S. Vitalis; a title which Fisher so little affected, that he professed, If the Hat lay at his feet, he would not stoop to take it up. 2. His Holiness could not have studied a more destructive way against Fisher's life, The King enraged thereat. than to fasten this injurious favour upon him. This heightened the King's anger into fury against him. He expounded the Pope's act, or rather the act expounded itself (as capable of no other comment) as done in his defiance, and therefore a Warrant is sent to the Lieutenant for his execution. Let not the Reader grudge his pains, if we describe this Bishop, from his cradle, to (I cannot say his coffin, or winding-sheet, being made to believe he had neither, but) his grave: The rather, because I collected the same out of his Manuscript-life, compiled by Richard Hall, of Christ College in a Pitscus de Script. Angliae, pag. 803. Cambridge, and communicated unto me by a worthy b Mr. Huls, Esq. Beadle of Cambridge. friend. Only be it premised, that the same Hall was a stiff Roman Catholic, and therefore accordingly must abatement be made in his relations. 3. This John Fisher, Bishop Fisher his birth, and breeding. born at Beverly in York shire, of Robert, his Father (a wealthy-man, and a kind of Merchant) Anno 1459, was by his Parents sent to Cambridge to have his education in Michael House, under Mr. William Melton, his Tutor. Admitted 1484. Commenced Bachelor Master of Arts 1488. 1491. made Proctor 1495. Doctor 1502. Master of the House, thereabouts. Bishop of Rochester 1504 Chancellor of Cambridge chosen 1505. confirmed, 1514. He was Chaplain, and Confessor to the Lady Margaret, Countess of Richmond, at whose instance, and by whose advice, She founded, and endowed Christs●, and S. John's- College in Cambridge. Employed in building of the latter (her posthume College of S. John's) and effectually advancing that work, he wanted the accommodation of a convenient Lodging, when Dr. Thomas Wilkinson, Precedent of Queen's College, opportunely departed this life: and that Society requested Bishop Fisher to succeed in his place, which he gratefully accepted, faithfully discharged, and thereby had the advantage to finish his new College in the less time, to his greater contentment. 4. Here I meet with two descriptions of Fisher, Different characters of Fisher. as contrary each to other, as the Religions of the two Describers, whereof the one was a rigid Papist, the other a zealous Protestant: HALL., In his aforesaid Manuscript. ASCHAM. Commendatitiarum, Ep. 1. Fisher is made by him a very wealthy man, having much plate, and furniture, of a great value; and, as for his Library, no Bishop in Europe had the like unto him, insomuch as he intended (as appeareth somewhere in his Letter to Erasmus) to found a College of his own: but afterwards, reversing his resolution, in his life-time he bestowed all his rich plate, furniture, and Books, on S. John's in Cambridge, and borrowed the same of it again by Indenture under his hand and seal, for his use during life. But it happened, that at his attainture the King's Officers seized on all he had. Joannes c In favour of Fisher I have left the words untranslated. Fisherus, Episcopus Rofensis, dum falsam doctrinam nimis perversè defendit, optimas literas in hoc Collegio, suis ornamentis, & suis divitiis denudavit. Hic vir nut● suo rexit hoc Collegium; & propterea in manu ejus posita sunt clarissima ornamenta, quae Domina Margareta buic Collegio elargita est.— Ejus perversa doctrina, & illum vitâ, & nos summis divitiis nostris privavit. For mine own part, I conceive no Covetousness (much less such Sacrilege) can be charged on Fisher's account, it being notoriously known, that King Henry the eighth (Who formerly favoured him) proffered to remove him from Rochester, to Lincoln, or Elie, (triple the other in Revenue) which Fisher refused, both in word, and print; Habeant alii (saith d In his Dedic. Epist. to the Bishop of Wint in his place against Occolampadius.— Variance betwixt Papists about Fisher's wealth. he) proventus pinguiores etc. being used to say, He would not change his little old wife, to whom he had been so long wedded, for a wealthier. 5. It is no wonder if a Papist, and a Protestant, cannot agree about Fisher's character, when we find two stiff Papists at a vast distance about his Estate. Hall, as is aforesaid, makes him very wealthy, which is not improbable, considering, he had a paternal bottom, whereon; competency of revenue, wherewith; long continuance of time, wherein; and commendable frugality, whereby to build an estate. Not to speak that he served a good Mistress, the Lady Margaret, known to have rich coffers, and her Confessor could command the keys thereof. But on the contrary, Sanders e De Schism. Ang lib. 1. pag. 123. makes him as poor as Job; insomuch, that Soldiers coming to seize on his supposed wealth, found (what was quickly told) nothing at all belonging to him, save a great barred-chest. These, from the facing of Iron, concluded the lining thereof Silver at least: and, having broken it open, found nothing therein but Sackcloth, and a Whip; which put them all to penance, and sound lashed their covetous expectation. But, leaving his life, come we now to the manner of his death. 6. After the Lieutenant of the Tower had received the Writ for his execution, He welcomes the news of his death. because it was then very late, and the Prisoner asleep, he was loath to disease him from his rest. But in the morning, before five of the clock, he came to him in his chamber, in the Bell-Tower, finding him yet asleep in his bed, and waking him, told him, He was come to him on a message from the King, to signify unto him, that His pleasure was he should suffer death that forenoon. Well! (quoth the Bishop) if this be your errand, you bring me no great news, for I have looked a long time for this message, and I must humbly thank His Majesty, that it pleaseth Him to rid me from all this worldly business. Yet, let me by your patience sleep an hour or two, for I have slept very ill this night, not for any fear of death, I thank God, but by reason of my great infirmity, and weakness. 7. The King's pleasure is farther (said the Lieutenant) that you shall use as little speech as may be, Yet labours to preserve his life. especially of any thing touching His Majesty, whereby the people should have any cause to think of Him, or His proceed otherwise than well. For that (said he) you shall see me order myself, as, by God's grace, neither the King, nor any man else, shall have occasion to mislike of my words. With which answer the Lieutenant departed from him, and so the Prisoner, falling again to rest, slept sound two hours, and more; And, after he was awaked, called to his man to help him up. But first commanded him, to take away his shirt-of-haire (which customably he wore) and to convey it privily out of the house; and, instead thereof, to lay him forth a clean white shirt, and all the best apparel he had, as cleanly brushed as might be. And, as he was arraying himself, his man, seeing in him more curiosity, and care, for the fine, and cleanly wearing of his apparel that day, than was wont, demanded of him, What this sudden change meant? saying, That his Lordship knew well enough, that he must put off all again, within two hours, and lose it. What of that? (said he) Dost not thou mark, that this is our marriage-day? and, that it behoveth us therefore to use more cleanliness for solemnity thereof. 8. About nine of the clock the Lieutenant came again, Prepareth himsef for his death. and, finding him almost ready, said, He was now come for him. Then said he to his man, Reach me my furred-Tippet to put about my neck. Oh my Lord! (said the Lieutenant) what need ye be so careful for your health for this little time, being, as yourself knows, not much above an hour? I think no otherwise (said he) but yet in the mean time, I will keep myself as well as I can. For, I tell you truth, though I have, I thank our Lord, a very good desire and willing mind to die at this present, and so trust of his infinite mercy and goodness he will continue it, yet will I not willingly hinder my health in the mean time one minute of an hour, but still prolong the same, as long as I can, by such reasonable ways and means as Almighty God hath provided for me. And with that, taking a little book in his hand, which was a New Testament lying by him, he made a cross on his forehead, and went out of his prison-dore with the Lieutenant, being so weak, as that he was scant able to go down the stairs, wherefore at the stairs-foot he was taken up in a chair between two of the Lieutenant's men, and carried to the Tower-gate, with a great number of weapons about him, to be delivered to the Sheriff of London for execution. 9 And, He advanceth to the place of his execution. as they were come to the uttermost precinct of the liberties of the Tower, they rested there with him a space, till such time as one was sent before to know in what readiness the Sheriffs were to receive him. During which space he risen out of his chair, and standing on his feet, leaned his shoulder to the wall, and lifting his eyes towards Heaven, he opened a little Book in his hand, and said, O Lord! this is the last time that ever I shall open this book, let some comfortable place now chance unto me, whereby I thy poor servant may glorify thee in this my last hour. And with that, looking into the Book, the first thing that came to his sight were these words, Haec f joh. 17. 3, etc. est autem vita aeterna, ut cognoscant te solum verum Deum, & quem misisti Jesum Christum. Ego te glorificavi super terram, opus consummavi quod dedisti mihi etc. and with that he shut the Book together, and said, Here is even learning enough for me to my lives end. And so the Sheriff being ready for him, he was taken up again among certain of the Sheriff's men, with a new and much greater company of weapons than was before, and carried to the Scaffold on the Tower-hill, otherwise called East-Smithfield, himself praying all the way, and recording upon the words which he before had read. 10. When he was come to the foot of the Scaffold, The manner of his mounting the scaffold. they that carried him offered to help him up the stairs, but, said he, Nay Masters, seeing I am come so fare, let me alone and ye shall see me shift for myself well enough: And so went up the stairs without any help, so lively, that it was a marvel to them that before knew his debility and weakness. But as he was mounting the stairs, the Southeast Sun shined very bright in his face, whereupon he said to himself these words, lifting up his hands, Accedite ad eum, & illuminamini, & facies vestrae non confundentur. By that time he was upon the Scaffold, it was about ten a clock; where the Executioner, being ready to do his office, kneeled down to him (as the fashion is) and asked him forgiveness. I forgive thee (said he) with all my heart, and I trust thou shalt see me overcome this storm lustily. Then was his gown and tippet taken from him, and he stood in his doubler and hose in sight of all the people, whereof there was no small number assembled to see the execution. 11. Being upon the Scaffold, His Speech to the people. he spoke to the people in effect as followeth: Christian people, I am come hither to die for the faith of Christ's holy Catholic Church, and I thank God hitherto my stomach hath served me very well thereunto, so that yet I have not feared death; wherefore I desire you all to help and assist with your prayers, that at the very point and instant of death's stroke, I may in that very moment stand steadfast without fainting in any one point of the Catholic Faith, free from any fear. And I beseech Almighty God of his infinite goodness to save the King and this Realm, and that it may please him to hold his holy hand over it, and send the King a good Council. These words he spoke with such a cheerful countenance, such a stout and constant courage, and such a reverend gravity, that he appeared to all men, not only void of fear, but also glad of death. 12. After these few words by him uttered, His execution. he kneeled down on both his knees, and said certain prayers. Among which (as some reported) one was the hymn of Te Deum laudamus, to the end; and the Psalm, In te Domine speravi. Then came the Executioner and bound an handkerchief about his eyes; and so the Bishop lifting up his hands and heart to heaven, said a few prayers, which were not long, but fervent and devout. Which being ended, he laid his head down over the midst of a little block, where the Executioner, being ready with a sharp and heavy Axe, cut asunder his slender Neck at one blow, which bled so abundantly, that many (saith my Author) wondered to see so much blood issue out of so lean and slender a body: Though in my judgement, that might rather have translated the wonder from his leanness to his age, it being otherwise a received tradition, That lean folk have the most blood in them. 13. Thus died John Fisher in the seventy seventh year of his age, His age, and statu●e. on the two and twentieth of June, being S. Alban's day, the Protomartyr of England, and therefore with my Author most remarkable. But surely no day in the Romish Calendar is such a Skeleton, or so bare of sanctity, but (had his death happened thereon) a Priest would pick a mystery out of it. He had a lank, long body, full six foot high, toward the end of his life very infirm, insomuch that he used to sit in a chair when he taught the people in his Diocese. 14. His corpse (if our Author speaketh truth) was barbarously abused, His mean, not to say (if true) barbarous burial. no winding-sheet being allowed it, which will hardly enter into my belief. For, suppose his friends durst, his foes would not afford him a shroud, yet some neuters betwixt both (no doubt) would have done it out of common civility. Besides, seeing the King vouchsafed him the Tower, a noble prison; and beheading, an honourable death; it is improbable He would deny him a necessary equipage for a plain and private burial. Wherefore when Hall tells us, That the Soldiers attending his execution, could not get spad●s to make his grave therewith, but were fain with halberds, (in the North-side of the Church yard of All-Hallows Barking) to dig a hole wherein they cast his naked corpse: I listen to the relation as inflamed by the Reporters passion. Be it here remembered, that Fisher in his life-time made himself a Tomb on the North-side of the Chapel in S. John's- College, intending there to be buried, but therein disappointed. This Fisher was he who had a Cardinal's Hat sent him, which (stopped at Calais) never came on his head; and a Monument made for him, wherein his body was never deposited. 15. Our Author reporteth also, An impudent improbable Lie. how Queen Anna Bolen gave order his head should be brought unto Her (before it was set up on London bridge) that She might please Herself at the sight thereof, and like another Herodias insult over the head of this John Her professed enemy. Nor was she content alone to revile his ghost with taunting terms, but out of spite, or sport, or both, struck Her hand against the mouth of this dead head brought unto her; and it happened, that one of Fisher's teeth, more prominent than the rest, struck into her hand, and not only pained Her for the present, but made so deep an impression therein, that She carried the mark thereof to Her grave. It seems this was contrary to the proverb. Mortui non mordent. But enough, yea, too much of such damnable falsehoods. Pass we from Fisher to More, his fellow prisoner, whom Fisher's execution had not mollified into conformity to the King his pleasure, as was expected. 16. Son he was to Sir John More, Sir. Tho. More's extraction and education. one of the Judges of the King's Bench, who lived to see his Son preferred above himself. Bred a Common-Lawyer, but withal, a general Scholar, as well in polite, as solid learning: a terse Poet, neat Orator, pure Latinist, able Grecian: He was chosen Speaker in the House of Commons, made Chancellor first of Lancaster-Dutchie, then of all England, performing the place with great integrity and discretion. Some ground we have in England, neither so light, and lose as sand; nor so stiff and binding as olay, but a mixture of both, conceived the surest soil for profit, and pleasure to grow together on: such the soil of this Sir Thomas More, in which facetiousness and judiciousness were excellently tempered together. 17. Yet some have taxed him, Charged for his overmuch jesting. that he wore a feather in his cap, and wagged it too often: meaning, he was overfree in his fancies and conceits. Insomuch, that on the Scaffold (a place not to break jests, but to break off all jesting) he could not hold, but bestowed his scoffs on the Executioner and standers-by. Now, though innocency may smile at death, surely it is unfit to flout thereat. 18. But the greatest fault we find justly charged on his memory, A great Anti-Procestant. is his cruelty in persecuting poor Protestants, to whom he bore an implacable hatred. Insomuch much that in his life-time be caused to be inscribed, as parcel of his Epitaph on his Monument at Chelsey, that he ever was Furibus, Homicidis, Haereticisque molestus; a passing good praise, save after the way which he there calleth Heresy, pious people worship the God of their fathers. He suffered the next month after Fisher's execution in the same place, July 6. for the same cause July 6. and was buried at Chelsey, under his Tomb aforesaid, which being become ruinous, and the Epitaph scarce legible, hath few years since been decently repaired at the cost (as I am informed) of one of his near Kinsmen. 19 At this time Katherine Dowager, The death and character of Qu. Katherine Dowager. whom we will be bold still in courtesy to call a Queen (notwithstanding King Henry's Proclamation to the contrary) ended her woeful life at Kimbolton. Jan. 8. A pious woman toward God (according to Her devotion) frequent in prayer, which She always performed on Her bare knees, nothing else between Her and the earth interposed; little curious in Her clothes, being wont to say, She accounted no time a Sanders de Schismate Anglicano. lost, but what was laid out in dressing of Her; though Art might be more excusable in Her, to whom Nature had not been over-bountifull: She was rather stayed, than stately; reserved, than proud; grave from Her cradle, insomuch that She was a matron, before She was a mother. This Her natural gravity increased with Her apprehended injuries, settled in Her reduced age into an habit of melancholy, and that terminated into a consumption of the spirits. She was buried in the Abby-Church of Peterborough, under an Hearse of black Say; probably by Her own appointment, that She might be plain when dead, who neglected bravery of clothes when living. A noble b Lord Herbert in his Henry the eighth. pen tells us, that in intuition to Her corpse here interred, King Henry, at the destruction of Abbeys, not only spared the Church in Peterborough, but also advanced it into a Cathedral. If so, it was civilly done of Him not to disturb Her in Her grave whom He had so disquieted in Her bed. The news of Her departure was not unwelcome to Queen Anna Bollen, who, though too good a Christian to desire Her death, was too wife a woman to be over-sorrowfull for the same: seeing formerly She was the King's Wife but by sequestration, the true possessor of His bed being yet alive; whereas now c Gen. 26. 22. Rehoboth, She conceived God had made room for her. 20. This Anna Bollen was great-grand-childe to a Citizen, The character of Queen Anna Bollen. Sir Jefferie Bollen, Lord Major of London; grandchild to Sir William Bollen Knight, who lived respectedly in his Country; daughter to Thomas Bollen Earl of Wiltshire, a great Courtier: and, she had Her birth in England; blood, by her d Daughter to Thomas Earl of Ormond. Grandmother, from Ireland; and breeding in France, under Mary the French Queen: so that so many relations meeting in Her, accomplished Her with an acceptable behaviour to all qualities and conditions of people. Of an handsome person, and beautiful face; and therefore that e Sanders de Schismate Anglicano. pen that reports Her lean-visaged, long-sided, gobber-toothed, yellow-complexioned, with a wen in her neck, both manifests his malice, and disparageth the judgement of King Henry, whom all knew well read in books, and better in beauties; who would never have been drawn to so passionate a love, without stronger loadstones to attract it. This Queen, remembering how Her Predecessor lost the King's love with her over-austerity, tuned Herself to a more open and debonair behaviour, even generally to all with whom She conversed. Which being observed by Her adversaries, was improved by them to Her overthrow; so that She, but for a very short time had the sole and peaceable possession of Her Husband. In a word, She was a great Patroness of the Protestants, Protector of the persecuted, Preferrer of men of merit (among whom Hugh Latimer) a bountiful Reliever of the poor, and the happy Mother of Queen Elizabeth. 21. On the eighth of June began a short, The first reform Convocation. but sharp Parliament (dissolved the eighteenth of July following) effecting much in little time, June 8. matters it seems being well prepared aforehand, 9 and the House assembled not to debate, but do the King's desires. The parallel Convocation began the day after, being one new-modelled, and of a fashion different from all former Convocations. Therein the Lord Cromwell, prime Secretary, sat in state above all the Bishops, as the King's Vicar, or Vicegerent-Generall in all spiritual matters. Deformi satis spectaculo (saith my f Godw●●●'s Annals, Anno Dom. 1536. Author) indocto Lacio coetui praesidente sacratorum Antistitum, omnium, quos ante haec tempora Anglia unquam habuisset, doctissimorum. In one respect, that place had better become the person of King Henry, than this Lord His Proxy, all allowing the King a very able Scholar. But Cromwell had in power and policy what he lacked in learning, if he may be said to lack it, who, at pleasure, might command the borrowing thereof, from the best brains and pens of those of his own party in the Convocation. 22. This Convocation consisted of two Houses: The silence in the Abbots of the Convocation. the Lower, of the Clerks, and Proctors, of their respective Cathedrals, and Dioceses, with the Deans, and Arch-Deacons therein: the Upper, of the Bishops, with the Lord-abbots', and Priors (I mean so many of them as voted as Barons in Parliament) as may appear by their several g Concordatum erat per Honorandum virum [Cromwell] & Reverendos Epi●copos Abbates & Priores Domus superioris. Acta Convocationis celebrat, An. 1536. fol. antepenul. ●— subscriptions. However, I find not the Abbot's active in any degree, in canvasing matters of Religion. Whether this proceeded from any desire of ease, their laziness being above their learning; or, out of humility, counting it more proper to permit such disputes to the sole disposal of the Bishops, as most concerned therein; or, out of fear, loath to stickle on religion, knowing on what ticklish terms they stood. For, in this very Parliament, all Abbeys, which could not dispend 200 li. a year, were dissolved, and bestowed on the King; and those rich Abbots (which had more than so many thousands yearly) knew that Maxim in Logic to be true, Magis & minùs non variant speciem, More and less do not alter the kind; and, might say with him on the Cross, They were in the same condemnation, though as yet the sentence was not passed upon them. 23. We will observe the daily motions in this Convocation, The Diurnal of this Convocation: as with mine own hand I have faithfully transcribed them out of the Records: Hugh Latimer, Bishop of Worcester, June 16. made the Latine-Sermon, taking for his Text h Luke 16. 8. The children of this world are in their generation wiser than the children of light. On the Friday following, Richard Gwent, Archdeacon of London, was presented, and confirmed Prolocutor, in this Convocation. On the same day Master William Peter, Doctor of the Laws, came into the House, as deputed from his Master the Lord Cromwell, who could not be present, because of his greater employment in Parliament. This Dr. Peter claimed the highest place in the House, as due to his Master the Lord Cromwell, i Records of Cant. An. Dom. 1536. fol. 9 & petiit dictum locum sibi, tanquam Procuratori dicti Magistri; and he (shall I say requested? or) required the same precedency, as due to him, being his Proctor, and obtained it accordingly, without any dispute. Though some, perchance, might question, whether a Deputies Deputy (as one degree farther removed) might properly claim His place, 21. who was primitively represented. Next Wednesday came in the Lord Cromwell in person, and having judiciously seated himself above all, tendered unto them an Instrument to be publicly signed by all the Convocation, concerning the nullity of the King's marriage with the Lady Anna Bollen. 24. Some ten days before, Cranmer solemnly divorceth Anna Bollen from the King. Archbishop Cranmer at Lambeth had held an open Court, in the presence of Thomas Audley, Lord Chancellor; Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, and most of the Privy Council. Wherein the King and Queen were cited to appear, as they did by their Proxies, Doctor Richard Samson being the Kings, and Doctor Nicholas Wootten the Queens. Then proceeded the Archbishop to discuss the validity of their marriage, and at the last, by his definitive Sentence, pronounced the same invalid, frustrate, and of none effect. No particular cause is specified in that Sentence, (still extant in the Record) and though the Judge and Court seemed abundantly satisfied in the Reasons of this Nullity, yet concealing the same unto themselves, they thought not fit to communicate this treasure to posterity; except they shut their coffers on purpose, because there was nothing in them. Sure I am, there is no dashing on the credit of the Lady, nor any the least insinuations of inchastity in that Instrument; Praeclara Domina, & Serenissima Regina, being the worst titles that are given her therein. 25. Men may justly marvel what King Henry meant by this solemn and ceremonious Divorce, What might be the King's designs in this divorce. which the edge of the Axe, Ann. Dom. 1536. or Sword was more effectually to perform the day after, Ann. Regis Hen. 8. 28. Her death being then designed. Was it because He stood on this punctilio or criticism of credit, that He might not hereafter be charged with cruelty for executing His Wife, that first He would be divorced from Her, and so cannot be said to put His Queen, but Anna Bollen to death? Or, did He first but barely intent Her divorce, and afterwards suspecting this would not make sufficient avoidance in His bed, to clear all claims, took up new resolutions to take away Her life? Or, was it because He conceived the execution would only reach the root, the Queen Herself, and not blast the branch, the Lady Elizabeth, whom by this divorce He desired to render illegitimate? Whatever His aims were, He got Her divorce confirmed both by Convocation and Parliament, interesting all equally therein, that hereafter none should accuse Him of this act, but first they must condemn themselves. However, after-ages take the boldness to conceive, that the greatest guilt of Anna Bollen was King Henry's better fancying of another, which made Him, the next day after Her death, to mourn so passionately for Her in the embraces of a new and beautiful Bride, the Lady Jane Seymour. 26. But, The Convocation buxom to please the King in all things. to return to the Convocation. That Instrument of Divorce was no sooner tendered therein, but all subscribed it. The Papists willingly, the Protestants faintly, but all publicly. Yea, in this Convocation nothing was propounded in the King's name, but it passed presently. Oh the operation of the purge of a Praemunire, so lately taken by the Clergy (and an hundred thousand pounds paid thereupon!) How did the remembrance thereof still work on their spirits, and made them meek and mortified? They knew the temper of the King, and had read the Text, k Amos 3. 8. The lion hath roared, who will not fear? Gardiner the fox, durst not so much as bark to oppose the King, nor the proudest in the place. As for Edmond Bonner, archdeacon of Leicester, present, and active in this Convocation, I may say, Bonner was no Bonney yet, but a perfect Cromwellist, and as forward as any to promote his designs. 27. On the Friday following, A Catalogue of erroneous opinions complained of in the Convocation. Mr. Gwent the Prolocutor, July 23. brought to the Upper House of Convocation, a Book containing the Mala dogmata, those erroneous doctrines, than (as he complained) publicly preached, printed, and professed; requesting reformation thereof, that order might be taken against the future propagation of such dangerous positions. Behold them here transcribed out of the Record, partly for novelty-sake (because to my knowledge never printed before) and partly, because (though many wild and distempered expressions be found therein, yet) they contain the Protestant Religion in oar, which since, by God's blessing, is happily refined. 28. The Protestation of the Clergy of the Lower House, Erroneons opinions (as then accounted) complained of in the Convocation. within the Province of Canterbury, with declaration of the faults and abuses which heretofore have, and now be within the same, worthy special reformation: IN very humble and reverend manner, with protestation, That we the Clergy of the Lower House within the Province of Canterbury, nother in word, deed, or otherwise, directly, or indirectly, intent any thing, to speak, attempt, or do, which, in any manner of wise may be displeasant unto the King's Highness, our most dread Sovereign Lord, and supreme Head of the Church of England; but in all things, according to the command of God to be most obedient to His Grace, to Whom accordingly we submit ourselves, minding in no wise by any colourable fashion, to recognize, privily, or apertly the Bishop of Rome, or his usurped authority, or in any wise to bring in, defend, or maintain the same, into this noble Realm, or Dominions of the same: but that the same Bishop of Rome, with his usurped authority, utterly for ever with his inventions, rites, abuses, ordinances, and fashions, to be renounced, forsaken, extinguished and abolished; And that we sincerely addict ourselves to Almighty God, his laws, and unto our said Severeign Lord the King, our supreme Head in earth, and His Laws, Statutes, Provisions and Ordinances made herewithin His Grace's Realm. We think in our consciences and opinions these errors and abuses following, to have been, and now to be, within this Realm, causes of dissension, worthy special reformation. It is to were, 1. That it is commonly preached, taught and spoken, to the slander of this noble Realm, disquietness of the people, damage of Christian souls, not without fear of many other inconveniences and perils, That the Sacrament of the Altar is not to be esteemed: For divers light and lewd persons be not ashamed or afeard to say, Why should I see the sacring of the high Mass? Is it any thing else but a piece of bread, or a little predie round Robin? 2. Item, That they deny Extreme Unction to be any Sacrament. 3. Item, That Priests have no more authority to minister Sacraments than the Laymen have. 4. Item, That Children ought not in any wise to be confirmed of the Bishops afore they come to the age of discretion. 5. Item, That all Ceremonies accustomed in the Church, which are not clearly expressed in Scripture, must be taken away, because they are men's inventions. 6. Item, That all those are Antichrists, that do deny the Laymen the Sacrament of the Altar▪ sub utrâque specie. 7. Item, That all that be present at Mass, and do not receive the Sacrament with the Priest, are not partakers of the said Mass. 8. Item, That it is preached and taught, That the Church, that is commonly taken for the Church, is the old Synagogue; and, that the Church is the congregation of good men only. 9 Item, It is preached against the Litany, and also said, That it was never merry in England, since the Litany was ordained, and Sancta Maria, Sancta Catharina etc. sungen and said. 10. Item, That a man hath no freewill. 11. Item, That God never gave grace nor knowledge of holy Scripture to any great estate or rich man, and that they in no wise follow the same. 12. Item, That all Religions and Professions, whatsoever they be, are clean contrary to Christ's religion. 13. Item, That it be preached and taught, That all things ought to be common, and that Priests should have Wives. 14. Item, That Preachers will in no wife conform themselves ad Ecclesiam Catholicam, nor admit or receive Canonices, & probatos Authores, but will have their own fancies and inventions preached and set forward. 15. Item, That Images of Saints are not in any wife to be neverenced. And, that it is plain idolatry and abomination to set up any lights before any Images, or in any place of the Church the time of Divine Service, as long as the Sun giveth light. 16. Item, That it is idolatry to make any Oblations. 17. Item, That it is as lawful to christian a Child in a Tub of water at home, or in a Ditch by the way, as in a Font-stone in the Church. 18. Item, That the Water in the Font-stone is alonely a thing conjured. 19 Item, That the Hallowed oil is no better than the Bishop of Rome his grease or butter. 20. Item, That Priests crowns be the Whore's marks of Babylon. 21. Item, That the Stole about the Priest's neck is nothing else but the Bishop of Rome's rope. 22. Item, That Images, Ann. Regis Hen. 8. 28. as well of the Crucifix, as of other Saints, are to be put out of the Church, and the Relics of Saints in no wise to be reverenced. And, that it is against God's commandment, that Christian men should make courtesy or reverence to the Image of our Saviour. 23. Item, That it is no sin or offence to eat white meats, eggs, butter, cheese, or flesh in the Lent, or other Fasting-days commanded by the Church, and received by consent of Christian people. 24. Item, That it is lawful to eat flesh on Good-Friday, as upon Easter-day, or other times in the year. 25. Item, That the sinner offending in the Lent, or other high Feasts of the year, is worthy no more punishment that he that transgresseth in any other time. 26. Item, That Confession auricular, Absolution, and Penance, are nother necessary nor profitable in the Church of God. 27. Item, That auricular Confession is only invented and ordained to have the secret knowledge of men's hearts, and to pull money out of their purses. 28. Item, That the ghostly Father cannot give or enjoin any penance at all. 29. Item, That it is sufficient for a man or woman to make their confession to God alone. 30. Item, That it is as lawful at all times to confess to a Layman as to a Priest. 31. Item, That confession is but a whispering in a Priest's care, and is as well to be made, a multitude being present, as secretly. 32. Item, That it is sufficient that the sinner do say, I know myself a sinner. 33. Item, That Bishop's Ordinaries and Ecclesiastical Judges have no authority to give any sentence of excommunication or censure; ne yet to absolve or lose any man from the same. 34. Item, That it is not necesssary or profitable to have any Church or Chapel to pray in, or to do any divine service in. 35. Item, That the Church was made for no other purpose, but other to keep the people from wind and rain, other else that the people upon Sundays and Holidays should resort thither to have the Word of God declared unto them. 36. Item, That bury in Churches and Churchyards be unprofitable and vain. 37. Item, That the rich and costly ornaments in the Church are rather high displeasure than pleasure or honour to God. 38. Item, That it is pity that ever the Mass, Matins, Evensong, or any other Divine Service was made, or suffered to be read, said, or sung within any Church, because it is only to the deluding of the people. 39 Item, That Saints are not to be invocated or honoured: and that they understand not, nor know nothing of our Petitions, nor can be Mediators or Intercessors betwixt us and God. 40. Item, That our Lady was no better than another woman; and like a bag of pepper or saffron when the spice is out: and that she can do no more with Christ than another sinful woman. 41. Item, That it is as much available to pray unto Saints, as to hurl a stone against the wind: and that the Saints have no more power to help a man, than a man's wife hath to help her husband. 42. Item, That Dirige, Commendations, Mass, Suffrages, Prayers, Alms-deeds, or Oblations, done for the souls of them that be departed out of this world, be but vain and of no profit. 43. Item, That the Souls departed go strait to Heaven, other to Hell. 44. Item, That there is no mean place between heaven and hell, wherein souls departed may be afflicted. 45. Item, That if there be a place where they be punished, God is not yet born, nor he that shall redeem the world. 46. Item, That Prayers, Suffrages, Fasting, or Alms-deeds, do not help to take away any sin. 47. Item, That there is no distinction of sins after this sort, sin to be venial, and sin to be mortal. 48. Item, That all sins, after that the sinner be once converted, are made by the merits of Christ's passion venial sins, that is to say, sins clean forgiven. 49. Item, That Almighty God doth not look for, nor yet require of a sinner after his conversion from sin any fasting, almsdeed, or any other penance; but only that the sinner be sorry for his sins, amending his life, and sinning no more. 50. Item, That hallowed-water, hallowed-bread, hallowed-candles, hallowed-ashes, hallowed-palm, and such like ceremonies of the Church are of none effect, and to be taken as trifles and vanities to seduce the people. 51. Item, That Holidays ordained and instituted by the Church are not to be observed and kept in reverence, inasmuch as all days and times be like: and that servile works, as ploughing and carting may be done in the same, without any offence at all, as in other ferial days. 52. Item, That the singing or saying of Mass, Matins or Evensong, is but a roreing, howling, whistleing, mumming, tomring and juggling: and the playing at the Organs a foolish vanity. 53. Item, That pilgrimage, fasting, alms-deeds, and such like are not to be used: and that a man is not bound to the Church, but only to the preaching. 54. Item, That it is sufficient and enough to believe, though a man do no good works at all. 55. Item, That men be not content to preach of certain abuses found in pilgrimages, in fasting, in prayer, in invocation of Saints, in reverencing of Images, in alms-deeds, but they will have needs the thing self taken away, and not enough the abuses to be reform. 56. Item, That by preaching, the people have been brought in opinion and belief, that nothing is to be believed, except it can be proved expressly by scripture. 57 Item, That it is preached and taught, that forasmuch as Christ hath shed his blood for us and redeemed us, we need not to do any thing at all but to believe and repent, if we have offended. 58. Item, That there is of late a new Confiteor made after this form, Confiteor Deocoeli & terrae, peccavi nimis cogitation, locutione, & opera, mea culpa. Ideo deprecor majestatem tuam, ut tu Deus deleas iniquitatem meam, & vos orare pro me. 59 Item, That it is preached, that because auricular Confession hath brought forth innumerable vices, it is clearly to be taken away. 60. Item, That the canon of the Mass is the comment of some foolish, unlearned Priest: and that the names of the Saints there expressed are not to be rehearsed. 61. Item, That water running in the channel or common river, is of as great virtue as the holy-water. 62. Item, That holy-water is but jugg'led water. 63. Item, That the holy-water is more savoury to make sauce with than the other, because it is mixed with salt; which is also a very good medicine for an horse with a galled back: yea, if there be put an onion thereunto, it is a good sauce for a gibbet of mutton. 64. Item, That no humane constitutions or laws do bind any Christian man, but such as be in the Gospels, Paul's Epistles, or the New Testament: and that a man may break them without any offence at all. 65. Item, That besides seditious preaching, letting unity to be had, there are many slanderous and erroneous books that have been made and suffered to go abroad indifferently, which books were the more gladly bought, because of these words, Cum privilegio: which the ignorant people took to have been an express approbation of the KING, where it was not so indeed. 66. Item, That where heretofore divers books have been examined by persons appointed in the Convocation, and the said books found full of heresy and erroneous opinions, and so declared, the said books are not yet by the Bishops expressly condemned, but suffered to remain in the hands of unlearned people, which ministereth to them matter of argument, and much unquietness within the Realm. 67. Item, That Apostates, abjured persons, and of notable ill conversation, and infamed, have without licence of the King's Grace, or the Ordinary, taken upon them to preach slanderously. 29. The Reader hath no sooner perused these opinions, Distempered expressions partly excused. but well he may conceive himself to have put his hand into jeremy's basket of figs, * Jer. 24. 3. Those that are good, exceeding good; and those that are bad, exceeding bad: Most of these tenants being true in themselves, grounded on God's Word, and at this day professed by the Protestants; But blended with these are some, rather expressions than opinions (and those probably worse spoken than meant, worse taken than spoken) which we will not go about in any degree to defend, only may the unpartial Reader take this into consideration. It happeneth in all heights and heats of oppositions, as in horseraces; wherein the Rider, if he doth not go beyond the post, cannot come to the post, so as to win the prize; for being upon the speed, he must go beyond it that he come to it, though afterwards he may rain and turn his horse back again to the very place of the mark. Thus men being in the heat of contest upon the very career of their souls, because of their passions, cannot stop short at the very mark they aim at, but some extravagancies must be indulged to humane infirmity, which in their reduced thoughts they will correct and amend. As some Protestants, no doubt, now lashing out so fare in their language, retrenched them afterwards to a just proportion of truth. 30. Two contrary interests visibly discovered themselves in the Upper-house of this Convocation betwixt the Bishops therein; Two contrary parties in the Convocation. and certainly in the Lower-house, their Clerks and Chaplains adhered to the parties of their Lords and Masters. An honourable * Lord Herbert in the Life of Henry the 8th. pen hath stated the principal parties, whom we implicitly follow herein; only, where he mentions their bare Sees, we will add their names and surnames for the better clearing thereof: Protestants Papists for the Reformation. against Reformation. 1. Thomas Cranmer, Archb. of Canterbury. 1. Edward Lee, Archb. of York. 2. Thomas Goodrig, Bishop of Elie. 2. John Stokesley, BP. of London. 3. Nich: Shaxton, Bishop of Sarum. 3. Cuthbert Tunstall, BP. Durham. 4. Hugh Latimer, Bishop of Worcester. 4. Steven Gardiner, B. Winchester. 5. Edw: Fox, Bishop of Hereford. 5. Rob: Sherborne, BP. Chichester. 6. John Hilsley, Bishop of Rochester. 6. Richard Nix. BP. of Norwich. 7. Will: Barlow, Bishop of S. David's. 7. John Kite, Bishop of Carlisle. Oh! what tugging was here betwixt these opposite sides? (For, I dare not take Bishop Latimer's phrase, as he took it out of his text, Betwixt the children of this generation, and the children of light) whilst with all earnestness they thought to advance their several designs. But, as when two stout and sturdy travellers meet together, and both desire the way, yet neither are willing to sight for it, in their passage they so shove & shoulder one another, that dividing the way betwixt them both, and yet neither ge● the same; so these two opposite parties in the Convocation were fain at last in a drawn battle to part the prize between them, neither of them being conquering, or conquered: but, a medlie-Religion, as an expediment, being made betwixt them both, to salve (if not the consciences) the credits of both sides. 31. Some Zelots of our Age will condemn the Laodicean temper of the Protestant-Bishops, because if stickling to purpose, The Protestant Bishops their moderation vindicated. and improving their power to the utmost, they might have set forth a more pure and perfect Religion. Such men see the faults of Reformers, but not the difficulties of Reformation. These Protestant-Bishops were at this time to encounter with the Popish-Clergie, equal in number, not inferior in learning; but, fare greater in power and dependencies. Besides, the generality of the people of the Land being nuzzled in ignorance and superstition, could not on a sudden endure the extremity of an absolute Reformation. Should our eyes be instantly posted out of midnight into noonday, certainly we should be blinded with the suddenness and excellency of the lustre thereof. Nature therefore hath wisley provided the twilight, as a bridge, by the degrees to pass us from darkness to light. Yea, our Saviour himself did at the first connive at the carnality of his Apostles, and would not put now a Mat. 9 17. wine into old bottles for fear of breaking. Yea, he had some commandments, which as yet b john 16.12. they were not able to bear; and therefore till they could bear them, his wisdom did bear with them. Thus the best of Artists do not always work to the height of their own skill, but according to the aptness of the instruments wherewith, and the capacity of the subjects whereon, they employ themselves. 34. And here we present the Reader with the aforesaid medley-Religion passed in this Convocation, The draught of the twilight Religion, confirmed in this Convocation. and confirmed with Royal assent; requesting him, though it be somewhat long, not to grudge his time and pains, seriously to peruse it. Partly for the authenticalness thereof, being by me transcribed out of the Acts of the Convocation: partly for its usefulness, showing by what degrees the Gospel insinuated itself into the souls of men. What said Zeresh, Haman's c Esther 6. 13. wife to her husband? If thou hast begun to fall before Mordecai, thou shalt not prevail against him, but shalt surely fall before-him. Seeing Popery began even now to reel and stagger, within few years we shall have it tumble down and lay prostrate with the face thereof at the footstool of truth. 35. HENRY the Eight, by the grace of God, KING of England, and of France, defensor of the Faith, Lord of Ireland, and in earth Supreme Head of the Church of England; to all, singular, our most loving, faithful, and obedient Subjects, greeting, AMongst other cures appertaining unto this Our Princely Office, whereunto it hath pleased Almighty God of his infinite mercy and goodness to call Us, We have always esteemed and thought, like as We also yet esteem and think, that it most chief belongeth unto Our said charge, diligently to foresee and cause, Ann. Regis. Hen. 8. 28. That not only the most holy Word and Commandments of God should most sincerely be believed, and most reverently be observed and kept of Our Subjects; but also that unity and concord in opinions, namely, in such things as do concern Our Religion, may increase & go forthward, and all occasion of dissent and discord, touching the same, be repressed and utterly extinguished. For the which cause, We being of late to Our great regrete, credibly advertised of such diversity in opinions, as have grown and sprongen in this Our Realm, as well concerning certain Articles necessary to Our salvation, as also touching certain other honest and commendable ceremonies, rites, and usages, now a long time used and accustomed in Our Churches, for conservation of an honest polity, and decent and seemly order to be had therein: minding to have that unity and agreement established through Our said Church concerning the premises. And, being very desirous to eschew, not only the dangers of souls, but also the outward unquietness, which, by occasion of the said diversity in opinions (if remedy were not provided) might perchance have ensued; have not only in Our own Person, at many times taken great pain, study, labours, and travails; but also have caused Our Bishops, and other the most discreet and best learned men of Our Clergy of this Our whole Realm, to be assembled in Our Convocation, for the full debatement and quiet determination of the same. Where, after long and mature deliberation had, of, and upon the premises, finally they have concluded, and agreed upon the most special points, and Articles; as well such as be commanded of God, and are necessary to our salvation, as also divers other matters, touching the honest ceremonies, and good and politic orders, as is aforesaid. Which their determination, debatement, and agreement, for so much as We think to have proceeded of a good, right, and true judgement, and to be agreeable to the laws, and ordinances of God, and much profitable for the establishment of that charitable concord, and unity in Our Church of England, which We most desire, We have caused the same to be published, willing, requiring, and commanding you to accept, repute, and take them accordingly. And farther, We most hearty desire, & pray Almighty God, that it may please him, so to illuminate your hearts, that you, and every of you, may have no less desire, zeal, and love to the said unity and concord, in reading, divulging, and following the same, than We have had, and have, in causing them to be thus devised, set forth, and published. And, for because We would, the said Articles, and every of them, should be taken, and understanden of you, after such sort, order & degree, as appertaineth accordingly; We have caused by the like assent & agreement of our said Bishops, & other learned men, the said Articles to be divided into two sorts; where of the one part containeth such as be commanded expressly by God, and be necessary to our salvation; and the other containneth such things as have been of a long continuance, for a decent order & honest polity, prudently instituted & used in the Church of Our Realm, & be for that same purpose & end to be observed & kept accordingly, although they be not expressly commanded of God, nor necessary to our salvation. Wherefore, We will & require you to accept the same, after such sort as We have here prescribed them unto you, & to conform yourselves obediently unto the same: whereby you shall not only attain that most charitable unity & loving concord, whereof shall ensue your incomparable commodity, profit & lucre, as well spiritual as other; but also you shall not a little encourage Us to take farther travails, pains, & labours, for your commodities in all such other matters, as in time to come, may happen to occur, and as it shall be most to the honour of God, the profit, tranquillity & quietness of all you Our most living Subjects. The principal Articles concerning our Faith. First, As touching the chief and principal Articles of our Faith, it is thus agreed, as hereafter followeth; by the whole Clergy of this Our Realm. We will, that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach Our people by Us committed to their spiritual charge, that they ought and must most constantly believe and defend all those things to be true which be comprehended in the whole body and Canon of the Bible; and also in the three Creeds or Symbols, whereof one was made by the Apostles, and is the common Creed which every man useth: The second was made by the Council of Nice, and is said daily in the Mass: and the third was made by Athanasius, and is comprehended in the Psalm, Quicunque vult. And, that they ought, and must take and interpret all the same things, according to the selfsame sentence and interpretation, which the words of the selfsame Creeds or Symbols do purport, and the holy approved doctrines of the Church do entreat and defend the same. Item, That they ought, and must repute, hold, and take all the same things for the most holy, most sure, and most certain and infallible words of God, and such as neither aught, he can altered, or convelled by any contrary opinion or authority. Item, That they ought, and must believe, repute, and take all the Articles of our Faith contained in the said Creeds, to be so necessary to be believed for man's salvation. That, whosoever being taught, will not believe them, as is aforesaid, or will obstinately affirm the contrary of them; he, or they, cannot be the very members of Christ, and his Spouse the Church, but be very Infidels or Heretics, and members of the Devil, with whom they shall perpetually be damned. Item, That they ought, and must, most reverently and religiously observe and keep the selfsame words, according to the very same form and manner of speaking, as the Articles of our Faith be already conceived and expressed in the said Creeds, without altering in any wise, or varying from the same. Item, That they ought, and must utterly refuse and condemn all those opinions contrary to the said Articles, which were of long time passed, condemned in the four holy Counsels, that is to say, in the Council of Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus, and Chalcedon, and all other since that time in any point consonant to the same. The Sacrament of Baptism. Secondly, As touching the holy Sacrament of Baptism, We will, that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach Our people committed by Us unto their spiritual charge, that they ought, and must of necessity believe certainly all those things, which have been always by the whole consent of the Church, approved, received, and used in the Sacrament of Baptism; that is to say that the Sacrament of Baptism was instituted and ordained in the New Testament by our Saviour JESUS CHRIST, as a thing necessary for the attaining of everlasting life, according to the saying of Christ, d john 3. 5. No man can enter into the kingdom of heaven, except he be born again of water, and the Holy Ghost. Item, That is offered unto all men, as well Infants, as such as have the use of reason, that by Baptism they shall have remission of sins, and the grace and favour of God, according to the saying of Christ, e Mark 16. 16. Whosesoever believeth, and is baptised, shall be saved. Item, That the promise of grace & everlasting life, (which promise is adjoined unto this Sacrament of Baptism) pertaineth not only unto such as have the use of reason, but also to infants, innocents', and children: and, that they ought therefore, and must needs be baptised; and, that by the Sacrament of Baptism they do also obtain remission of their sins, the grace and favour of God, and he made thereby the very sons and children of God. Insomuch as infants and children dying in their infancy shall undoubtedly be saved thereby, and else not. Item, That infants must needs be christened, because they be born in original sin, which sin must needs be remitted, which cannot be done but by the Sacrament of Baptism, whereby they receive the Holy Ghost, which exerciseth his grace and efficacy in them, and cleanseth and purifieth them from sin by his most secret virtue and operation. Item, That children, or men, once baptised, can, ne aught ever to be baptised again. Item, That they ought to repute, and take all the Anabatists, and the Pelagians their opinions, contrary to the premises, and every other man's opinion agreeable unto the said Anabaptists, or Pelagians opinions in this behalf, for detestable heresies, and utterly to be condemned. Item, That men, or children, having the use of reason, and willing and desiring to be baptised, shall by the virtue of that Holy Sacrament obtain the grace and remission of all their sins, if they shall come thereunto perfectly and truly repentant, and contri●e of all their sins before committed: and also perfectly and constantly confessing and believing all the Articles of our Faith, according as it was mentioned in the first Article. And finally, If they shall also have firm credence and trust in the promise of God, adjoined to the said Sacrament, that is to say, that in and by this said Sacrament which they shall receive, God the Father giveth unto them, for his son Jesus Christ's sake, remission of all their sins, and the grace of the Holy Ghost, whereby they be newly regenerated and made the very children of God, according to the saying of S. John, and the Apostle S. Peter, f Acts 2. 38. Do penance for your sins, and be each of you baptised in the name of Jesus Christ, and you shall obtain remission of your sins, and shall receive the gift of the Holy Ghost. And according also to the saying of S. Paul, g Tit. 3. 5. God hath not saved us for the works of justice which we have done, but of his mercy by baptism, and renovations of the Holy Ghost. Whom he hath poured out upon us most plentifully, for the love of Jesus Christ our Saviour, to the intent that we being justified by his grace, should be made the inheritors of everlasting life, according to our hope. The Sacrament of Penance. Thirdly, concerning the Sacrament of Penance, We will, that all Bishops, and Preachers, shall instruct and reach Our people committed by Us unto their spiritual charge, that they ought, and must constantly believe, that that Sacrament was institute of Christ in the New Testament as a thing so necessary for man's salvation, that no man, which after his baptism is fallen again, and hath committed deadly sin, can without the same be saved, or attain everlasting life. Item, That like as such men, which after Baptism do fall again into sin, it they do not penance in this life, shall undoubtedly be damned even so, whensoever the same men shall convert themselves from their naughty life, and do such penance for the same as Christ requireth of them, they shall without doubt attain remission of their sins, and shall be saved. Item, That the Sacrament of perfect, Penance, which Christ requireth of such manner persons, consisteth of three parties, that is to say, Contritrition, Confession, and the Amendment of the former life, and a new obedient reconciliation unto the laws, and will of God, that is to say, exterior acts in works of charity, according as they be commanded of God, which be called in Scripture, b Luke 3. 8. The worthy fruits of penance. Furthermore, As touching Contrition which is the first part, We will, that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach Our people committed by Us unto their spirtival charge, that the said Contrition consisteth in two special parts, which must always be conjoined together, and cannot be dissevered; that is to say, The penitent and contrite man must first knowledge the filthiness and abomination of his own sin, unto which knowledge he is brought by hearing and considering of the will of God, declared in his laws; and feeling and perceiving in his own conscience, that God is angry and displeased with him for the same. He must also conceive not only great sorrow and inward shame, that he hath so grievously offended God, but also great fear of God's displeasure towards him, considering he hath no works or merits of his own, which he may worthily lay before God, as sufficient satisfaction for his sins. Which done, then afterward with this fear, shame and sorrow, must needs succeed and be conjoined, the second part, that is to wit, a certain faith, trust and confidence of the mercy and goodness of God, whereby the penitent must conveive certain hope and faith, that God will forgive him his sins, and repute him justified, and of the number of his elect children, not for the worthiness of any merit or work done by the penitent, but for the only merits of the blood and passion of our Saviour JESUS CHRIST. Item, That this certain faith and hope is gotten, and also confirmed and made more strong by the applying of Christ's words and promises of his grace and favour contained in his Gospel & the Sacraments instituted by him in the New Testament. And therefore to attain this certain faith, the second part of Penance is necessary, that is to say, Confession to a Priest, if it may be had; for the asolution given by the Priest was institute of Christ to apply the promises of God's grace and favour to the penitent. Wherefore, as touching Confession. We will, that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach Our people committed by Us to their spiritual charge, that they ought, and must certainly believe, that the words of absolution, pronounced by the Priest, be spoken by the authority given to him by Christ in the Gospel. Item, That they ought and must give no less faith and credence to the same words of absolution, so pronounced by the Ministers of the Church, than they would give unto the very words and voice of God himself, if he should speak unto us out of heaven, according to the saying of Christ, i john 20. 23. Whose sins soever ya do forgive, shall be forgiven; whose sins soever ye do retain, shall be retained. And again in another place, Christ saith, k Luke 10. 16. Whosoever heareth you, heareth me. Item, That in no wise they do contemn this Auricular Confession, which is made unto the Ministers of the Church, but that they ought to repute the same as a very expedient and necessary, mean, whereby they may require and ask this absolution at the Priest's hands, at such time as they shall find their conscience grieved with mortal sin, and have occasion so to do, to the intent, they may thereby attain certain comfort and consolation of their consciences. As touching to the third part of Penance, We will, that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach Our people committed by Us to their spiritual charge, that although Christ & his death be the sufficient oblation, sacrifice satisfaction and recompense, for the which God the Father forgive and remitteth to all sinners, not only their sin, but also eternal pain one for the same, yet all men truly penitent, contrite and confessed, must needs also bring forth the fruits of penance, that is to say, Prayer, Fasting, Alms deeds: and must make restitution or satisfaction in will and deed to their neighbours in such things as they have done them wrong and injury in, and also must do all other good works of mercy and charity, and express their obedient will in the executing and fulfilling of God's commandments outwardly, when time, power, and occasion shall be ministered unto them, or else they shall never be saved. For, this is the express precept and commandment of God, l Luke 3. 8. Do you the worthy fruits of penance. And S. Paul saith, m Rom. 6. 19 Like as in times past you have given and applied yourselves, and all the members of your body, to all filthy living and wickedness, continually excreasing the same; in like manner now, you must give and apply yourselves wholly to justice, excreasing continuoslly in purity and cleanness of life. And in another place he saith, n 1 Cor. 9 27. I chastise and subdue my carnal body, and the affections of the same, and make them obedient unto the spirit. Item, That these precepts and works of charity, be necessary works to our salvation, and God necessarily requireth, that every penitent man shall perform the same whensoever time, power and occasion shall be ministered unto them so to do. Item, That by penance and such good works of the same, we shall not only obtain everlasting life, but also we shall deserve remission or mitigation of these present pains and afflictions in this world, according to the saying of Saint Paul, o 1 Cor. 11. 31. if we would correct and take punishment of ourselves, we should not be so grievously corrected of God. And Zecharias the Prophet saith, p Zech. 1. 3. Turn yourselves unto me, and I will turn again unto you. And the Prophet Esay saith, q Isa. 58. 7, 8, 9, etc. Break, and deal thy bread unto the hungry, bring into they house the poor man, and such as want harbour. When thou seest a naked man, give him clothes to cover him with, and refuse not secure and help the poor and needy, for he is thine own flesh. And, if thou wilt thus do, then shall thy light glister out as bright as the sun in the morning, and thy health shall sooner arise unto thee, and thy justice shall go before thy face, and the glory of God shall gather thee up, that thou shalt not fall. And, whensoever thou shalt call upon God, God shall hear thee: and, whensoever thou shalt cry unto God, God shall say, Lo! here I am ready to help thee; then shall thy light overcome all darkness, and thy darkness shall be as bright as the sun at noon-days: and then God shall give unto thee continual rest, and shall fulfil thy soul with brightness; and shall deliver thy body from adversity: and then thou shalt be like a garden, that most plentifully bringeth forth all kind of fruits, and like the wellspring that never shall want water. These things, and such other, should be continually taught and inculked into the ears of Our people, to the intent to stir and provoke them unto good works, and by the selfsame good works to exercise and confirm their faith and hope, and look for to receive at God's hand mitigation and remission of the miseries, calamities and grievous punishments, which God sendeth to men in this world for their sins. The Sacrament of the Altar. Fourthly, As touching the Sacrament of the Altar, We will that all Bishops & Preachers shall instruct and teach Our people committed by Us unto their spiritual charge, that they ought, and must constantly believe, that under the form & figure of bread & wine, which We there presently do see & perceive by outwards senses, is verily, substantially & really contained and comprehended the very selfsame body and blood of our Saviour Jesus Christ, which was born of the Virgin Mary, and suffered upon the Cross for our redemption. And, that under the same form and figure of Bread and Wine, the very selfsame body and blood of Christ is corporally, really and in the very substance exhibited, distributed, and received unto, and of all them which receive the said Sacrament. And, that therefore the said Sacrament is to be used with all due reverence and honour; and, that every man ought first to prove and examine himself, and religiously to try and search his own conscience before he shall receive the same, according to the saying of S. Paul, Whosoever eateth r 1 Cor. 11. 27. this body of Christ unworthily, or drinketh of this blood of Christ unworthily, shall be guilty of the very body and blood of Christ. Vers. 28, etc. Wherefore let every man first prove himself, and so let him eat of this bread, and drink of this drink; for, whosoever eateth, or drinketh it unworthily, he eateth and drinketh to his own damnation, because he putteth no difference between the very body of Christ, and other kinds of meat. Justification. Fiftly, As touching the order and cause of our Justification, We will, that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach our people committed by Us to their spiritual charge, that this word Justification signifieth remission of our sins, and our acceptation or reconciliation into the grace and favour of God, that is to say, our perfect renovation in Christ. Item, That sinners attain this justification, by contrition and faith joined with charity, after such sort and manner as we before mentioned and declared. Not, as though our contrition, or faith, or any works proceeding thereof, can worthily merit or deserve to attain the said justification: for the only mercy and grace for the Father promised freely unto us for his Son's sake Jesus Christ, and the merits of his blood and passion, be the only sufficient and worthy causes thereof. And yet, that, notwithstanding, to the attaining of the same justification, God requireth to be in us, not only inward contrition, perfect faith and charity, certain hope and confidence with all other spiritual graces and motions; which, as we said before, must necessarily concur in remission of our sins, that is to say, our justification: but also he requireth and commandeth us, that after we be justified, we must also have good works of charity and obedience towards God, in the observing and fulfilling outwardly of his laws and commandments. For, although acceptation to everlasting life be conjoined with justification, yet our good works be necessarily required to the attaining of everlasting life. And, we being justified be necessarily bound, and it is our necessary duty to do good works, according to the saying of S. Paul, s Rom. 8. 12, etc. We be bound not to live according to the flesh, and to fleshly appetites; for if we live so, we shall undoubtedly be damned. And contrary, if we will mortify the deeds of our flesh, and live according to the spirit, we shall be saved. For, whosoever be led by the spirit of God, they be the children of God: And Christ saith, t Mat. 19 17. If you will come to heaven, keep the commandments. And Saint Paul, speaking of evil works, saith, u Gal. 5. 21. Whosoever commit sinful deeds, shall never come to heaven. Wherefore, We will, that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct & teach Our people committed by Us unto their spiritual charge, that God necessarily requireth of us to do good works commanded by him, and that not only outward and civil works, but also the inward spiritual motions and graces of the Holy Ghost: that is to say, to dread and fear God, to love God, to have firm confidence and trust in God, to invocate and call upon God, to have patience in all adversities, to have sin, and to have certain purpose and will not to sin again, and such other like motions and virtues. For Christ saith, w Mat. 5. 20. Except your righteousness shall exceed the righteousness of the Scribes and Pharisees, ye shall in no case enter into the kingdom of heaven: that is to say, We must not only do outward civil good works, but also we must have these foresaid inward spiritual motions, consenting and agreeable to the law of God. Articles concerning the laudable Ceremonies used in the Church of Christ; and first of Images. As touching Images, truth it is, that the same have been used in the Old Testament, and also for the great abuses of them, sometime destroyed and put down. And in the New Testament they have been also allowed, as good Authors do declare. Wherefore We will, that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach Our people committed by Us to their spiritual charge, how they ought and may use them. And first, that there be attributed unto them, that they be representers of virtue and good example. And, that they also be by occasion, the kindlers and stirrers of men's minds, and make men oft to remember and lament their sins and offences, especially the images of Christ and our Lady. And, that therefore it is meet that they should stand in the Churches, and none otherwise to be esteemed. And, to the intent that rude people should not from henceforth take such superstition as in time past, it is thought, that the same hath used to do. We will, that Our Bishops and Preachers diligently shall teach them, and according to this doctrine reform their abuses: for, else there might fortune idolatry to ensue, which God forbidden. And as for sensing of them, and kneeling and offering unto them, with other like worshippings, although the same hath entered by devotion, and fall'n to custom, yet the people ought to be diligently taught, that they in no wise do it, nor think it meet to be done to the same images; but only to be done to God and in his honour, although it be done before the images, whether it be of Christ, of the Cross, of our Lady, or of any other Saint beside. Of honouring of Saints. At touching the honouring of Saints, We will, that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach Our people committed by Us unto their spiritual charges, that Saints, now being with Christ in heaven, be to be honoured of Christian people in earth, but not with that confidence and honour which are only due unto God, trusting to attain at their hands that which must be had only of God. But, that they be thus to be honoured, because they be known the elect persons of Christ, because they be passed in godly life out of this transitory world: because they already do reign in glory with Christ: and, most speically to laud and praise Christ in them for their excellent virtues, which he planted in them, for example of, and by them, to such as yet are in this world, to live in virtue and goodness: and also not to fear to die for Christ and his cause, as some of them did. And finally, to take them in that they may, to be the advancers of our prayers and demands unto Christ. By these ways, and such like, be Saints to be honoured and had in reverence, and by none other. Of Praying to Saints. As touching Praying to Saints, We will, that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach Our people committed by Us unto their spiritual charge, that albeit, grace, remission of sin and salvation cannot be obtained, but of God only, by the mediation of our Saviour CHRIST, which is only sufficient Mediator for our sins; yet, it is very laudable to pray to Saints in heaven everlastingly living, whose charity is ever permanent to be Intercxessors, and to pray for us, and with us, unto Almighty God, after this manner: All holy Angels and Saints in heaven, pray for us, and with us, unto the Father, that for his dear son Jesus Christ his sake, we may have grace of him, and remission of our sins, with an earnest purpose, (not wanting ghostly strength) to observe and keep his holy commandments, and never to decline from the same again unto our lives end. And in this manner we may pray to our blessed Lady, to Saint John Baptist, to all, and every of the Apostles, or any other Saint particularly, as our devotion doth serve us: so that it be done without any vain superstition, as to think that any Saint is more merciful, or will hear us sooner than CHRIST; or that any Saint doth serve for one thing more than another, or is parrone of the same. And likewise we must keep Holidays unto God, in memory of him and his Saints, upon such days as the Church hath ordained their memories to be celebrate, except they be mitigated and moderated by the assent and commandment of Us the Supreme Head, to the Ordinaries, and then the Subjects ought to obey it. Of Rites, and Ceremonies. As concerning the Rites and Ceremonies of Christ's Church; as to have such vestments in doing God's service, as be, and have been most part used: as sprinkling of Holy water to put us in remembrance of our Baptism, and the blood of Christ sprinkled for our redemption upon the Cross: Giving of Holy-bread to put us in remembrance of the Sacrament of the Altar, that all Christian men be one body mystical of Christ, as the bread is made of many grains, and yet but one loaf; and to put us in remembrance of the receiving of the holy Sacrament and body of Christ, the which we ought to receive in right charity, which in the beginning of Christ's Church men did more often receive, than they use now adays to do: Bearing of Candles on Candle-mas-day, in memory of Christ the spiritual Light, of whom Siemeon did prophesy, as is read in the Church that day: Giving of Ashes on Ash wednesday, to put in remembrance every Christian man in the beginning of Lent, and penance, that he is but ashes and earth, and thereto shall return, which is right necessary to be uttered from henceforth in our Mother-tongue always on the Sunday: Bearing of Palms on Palm-Sunday, in memory of the receiving of Christ into Jerusalem a little before his death; that we may have the same desire to receive him into our hearts: Creeping to the Cross, and humbling ourselves to Christ on Good Friday before the Cross, and there offering unto Christ before the same, and kissing of it in memory of our redemption by Christ made upon the Cross: Setting up the Sepulture of Christ, whose body after his death was buried: The hallowing of the Font, and other like exorcisms and benedictions by the Ministers of Christ's Church, and all other like laudable Customs, Rites and Ceremonies, be not to be contemned and cast away, but to be used and continued, as things good and laudable, to put us in remembrance of those spiritual things that they do signify, not suffering them to be forgotten, or to be put in oblivion, but renewing them in our memories from time to time; but none of these Ceremonies have power to remit sin, but only to stir and lift up our minds unto God, by whom only our sins be forgiven. Of Purgatory. Forasmuch as due order of charity requireth, and the Book of Macca bees, and divers ancient Doctors plainly shown, That it is a very good and charitable deed to pray for Souls departed; and, forasmuch also as such usage hath continued in the Church so many years, even from the beginning: We will, that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach Our people committed by us unto their spiritual charge, that no man ought to be grieved with the continuance of the same; and, that it standeth with the very due order of charity, a Christian man to pray for Souls departed, and to commit them in our prayers to God's mercy, and also to cause other to pray for them in Masses and Exequys, and to give alms to other to pray for them, whereby they may be relieved and helped of some part of their pain. But, forasmuch as the place where they be, the name thereof, and kind of pains there also, be to us uncertain by Scripture, therefore this, with all other things, we remit to Almighty God, unto whose mercy it is meet and convenient for us to commend them; trusting that God accepteth our prayers for them, referring the rest wholly to God, to whom is known their estate and condition. Wherefore it is much necessary that such abuses be clearly putaway, which under the name of Purgatory. hath been advanced, as to make men believe, that through the Bishop of Rome's Pardons, Souls might clearly be delivered out of Purgatory, and all the pains of it. Or, that Masses said at Scala coeli, or otherwhere in any place, or before any Image, might likewise deliver them from all their pain, and send them strait to heaven. And other like abuses. 36. Nothing else of moment passed in this Convocation, The Convocation dissolved, and what acted in Parliament. save that on the 20 of July, Edward Bishop of Hereford, July 20. brought in a Book containing the King's Reasons, conceiving it unfit, in Person, or by Proxy, to appear at the General Council, lately called by the Pope at Mantua, (afterward removed to Trent) and then the Convocation having first confirmed the King's Reasons, was dissolved. It was transacted in relation to Church, or Churchmen, in the contemporary x See them in the Statutes at large. Parliament: 1. That Felons for abjuring Petty Treason, should not have y Cap. 1. Clergy. 2. That every Ecclesiastical and Lay-Officer shall be sworn to renounce the Bishop of Rome, and his authority, and to resist it to his power, and to repute any Oath taken in the maintenance of the said Bishop, or his authority, to be void. And the refusing the said Oath being tendered z Cap. 10. , shall be adjudged High Treason. 3. That Fruits, during the vacation of a Benefice, shall be restored to the next Incumbent, a Cap. 11. whose charge for first shall begin from the first vacation. 4. Which Spiritual persons shall be resident upon their Benefices, and which not; and for what causes. 5. Release of such who have obtained Licences from b Gap. 16. the See of Rome. But all these are set down at large in the printed Statutes, and thither we refer the Reader for satisfaction: as to our History of Abbeys to be informed about the Rebellion in the North, occasioned in this year by these alterations in Religion. 37. Towards the end of this year, The birth, b●eeding, frist persecution, & far travelling of William Tyndal. the faithful servant of God, Ann. Dom. 1536. Octob. 7. William Tyndall, alias c Balcus, de script Brit. pag. 658. Hichins, was martyred at Fylford in Flanders, born about Wales, bred first in Oxford, then in Cambridge, after Schoolmaster to the children of Mr. Welch, a bountiful housekeeper in Gloucestershire. To his house repaired many Abbots of that County (as indeed no one Shire in England had half so many mitred ones, which voted in Parliament) and Clergymen, whom Tyndal so welcomed with his discourse against their superstitions, that afterwards they preferred to forbear Master Welch his good cheer rather than to have the sour sauce therewith, Master Tyndal's company. But this set their stomaches so sharp against him, that he was forced to quit Gloucestershire, and tender his service to Cuthbert Tunstall, Bishop of London, a great Scholar himself, and therefore probable to prove a Patron to learned man. Him Tyndal presented in vain, with an Oration out of Isocrates, which he had translated into English. But, though he sued for himself in two tongues, Greek, and English, both proved ineffectual; the Bishop returning, That he had moe already than he could well maintain. On this denial, over hasts Tyndal beyond the seas; and, after much travelling, fixeth at last at Antwerp, where he became Clerk to the Company of English Merchant-Adventurers. 38. Here he began with the New Testament, (as of most concernment to man's salvation) and with the help of John Frith, the Baruch to this Jeremy) translating it out of the Greek Original, He translateth the New, and most part of the Old Testament. finished, printed, and published it. Then he proceeded to the old, and accomplished it from Genesis to Nehemiah inclusively, but translated none of the Prophets, (save e Bal. ut pritùs. Jonah) being prevented by death. I presume he rendered the Old Testament out of the Latin, his best friends not intituling him to any skill at all in the Hebrew. And remarkable it was, that sailing to Hamborough to print the Pentateuch, he lost all his Books and Copies by f Fox Martyrol, vol. 2. pag. 364. shipwreck, which doubled his pains in re-translating it. But here he lighted on the help of Miles Coverdale, afterward Bishop of Exeter, to assist him; and safely they went through their work, even when the Sweating-sickness swept away thousands in the City, with a general mortality: As if the useful sweeting of their brains, were a preservative against the hurtful sweeting of their bodies. And indeed painfulness in a lawful calling, is the best antidote against a public infection. 39 Yet none will deny, Faults in his Translation confessed and excused. but that many faults needing amendment, are found in his Translation; which is no wonder to those who consider; First, such an undertaking was not the task for a man, but men. Secondly, no great design is invented, and perfected at once. Thirdly, Tyndal, being an exile, wanted many necessary accommodations. Fourthly, his skill in Hebrew was not considerable; yea, generally Learning in Languages was then but in the infancy thereof. Fiftly, out English tongue was not improved to that expressivenesse, whereat at this day it is arrived. However, what the undertook was to be admired as glorious; what he performed, to be commended as profitable; wherein he failed, is to be excused as pardonable, and to scored on the account rather of that Age, than or the Author himself. Yea, Tyndal's pains were useful, had his Translation done no other good than to help towards the making of a better; our last Translators having in express charge from King JAMES, to consult the Translation of Tyndall. 40. But, when the Testament of Tyndal's Translation came over into England, Tyndal and his Translation both martyred with fine. oh! how were the Popish Clergy cut to the heart? How did their blear-eyes smart at the shining of the Gospel in a vulgar Tongue? Down must their Dagon, if this Ark be set up: down their Diana, if Paul be permitted to preach to the people. Some said, that the Bible ought not to be translated; some, that it could not be, that it was g Fox. u● piùs. impossible: Others, that the translating thereof would make men rebel against the King; and why I pray? seeing they shall read therein h Rem. 13. 1. Let every soul be subject to the higher powers, etc. and many other places pressing obedience. Some were not so much angry with the Text, as with Tyndal's Comment, his Preface before, and Notes upon the same: In fine, they did not only procure his Book to be publicly burnt in Paul's Churchyard, but also their malice (which hath long arms to reach at such distance) contrived, and effected the strangling and burning of Tyndal in Flanders. 41. Bale calleth him the Apostle of the English. And indeed, A parallel betwixt; S. Paul, and Tyndal. some general parallel (fare be it from me to enforce it to an absolute conformity) may be observed betwixt Saint Paul, and out Tyndal: S. Paul withstood, and defeated the power of j Acts 13. 8. Elymas the Sorcerer: Tyndal, with the grace and gravity of his company put a k Fox, p. 367. Magician out of countenance, being brought thither to show a cast of his skill by enchanting. S. Paul, in Thyatira, converted his l Acts 16. 33. Jailor, and all his household: Tyndal, during his year and half durance, converted his keeper, his daughter, m Fox, ut priùs. and other of family. Saint Paul was in perils by waters, in perils by robbers, in perils amongst n 2 Cor. 11. 26. false brethren: so was Tyndal, whom one Philip's, pretending much friendship, by cunning insinuation betrayed to his destruction. We take our leaves of Tyndal, with that testimony which the Emperor's Procurator or Attorney-General (though his adversary) gave of him, Homo fuit doctus, pius, & bonus: He was a learned, a godly, and a good-natured man. SECTION IU. TO CLIFFORD CLIFTON, Esquire. I Know not of what place properly to name and inscribe you, whether of Middlesex, Ann. Dom. where you have your present Dwelling; or of Nottinghamshire, Ann Reg. , whence first you fetched your Name; or from Derbyshire, and other neighbouring Counties, wherein you are Heir apparent to a fair Inheritance. I envy not your deserved Happiness, but only observe it is almost as difficult to fix a rich man, as a beggar; the one for his variety, the other for his want of habitation. But be you styled from what Place you please, be pleased also to accept this expression of my service unto you. All that I will add is, that seeing two Ancient and Honourable Families (the one of Norman, the other of Saxon extraction) have met in your name, may their joint Virtues the united in your nature. Create the King's profit at this time from the Office for the ' Receipt of Tenths and First fruits, The beginning of the First-fruits Office. which was now first set up in London, 1537. and something must be observed of the original thereof: Hen. 8. 29. Such moneys formerly were paid to the Pope, who, as Pastor Pastorum, claimed Decimas Decimarum. Entituling himself thereunto, partly from Abraham, (a Priest) paying o Gen 14. 20 & Heb. 7. 4. Tithes to Melchizedeck the high Priest; partly from the Levites in the Mosaical Law, paying the Second Tithes, that is, the Tithes of their Tithes to the Priest: Thus shall you offer an heave offering unto the Lord, of all your p Num. 18. 28. Tithes, which ye receive of the children of Israel, and ye shall give thereof the Lords heave-offering to Aaron the Priest. Hereupon, the Pope had his Collectors in every Diocese, who sometimes by Bills of Exchange, but generally in specie, (to the great impoverishing of the Land) yearly returned the Tenths and First-fruits of the English Clergy to Rome. 2. But the Pope being now dead in England, the King was found his Heir at Common Law, Commissioners employed to 〈◊〉 all Ecclesistical preferments. as to most of the power, and profit, the other had usurped. But now as the Clergy changed their Land lord, so their Rents were new rated (and, I believe somewhat raised) Commissioners being employed in all Counties, (the Bishop of the Diocese being always one of them) to value their yearly revenue, Ann. Dom. 1537. that so their Tenths and First-fruits may be proportioned accordingly. These Raters were the chiefest persons in all Counties under the degree of Barons, and I had a project to presence their names, as of men of unquestionable extraction, none as yet standing on the ruins of Abbeys to heighten their mean birth into the repute of Gentility. Surrey. Nicholas Carew, Knights. Matthew Broun Thomas Stidolfe, Esquire. John Banister, Gentleman. Huntingdon-shire. Richard Sapcot, Knights. Laurence Taylard, John Gostwick, Esquires. John Goodrick, Devon-shire. William Courtney, Knights. Thomas Dennis, John Birnall, Major of Exeter. John Hull, Auditors. William Simonds, John Ford, Auditors. John Southcote, Somerset-shire. William Stourton, Kntis. John Horsey, Andrew Lutterell, Thomas Speke, Esq s Hugh Powlet, Henry q In this method they are named. Capel, Knight. William Portman, Gent. Roger Kinsey, Auditor. Stafford-shire. John Talbot, Knights. John Gifford, Walter Wrotley, Esquire. John Wrotely, Gentleman. Cheshire. John Holford, Knight. Peter Dutton, Knight. George Booth, Esq s Thomas Aston, Richard Ligh, William Brereton, But my design failed, when I found the return of the Commissioners names into the Office so defective, that in most Counties they are wholly omitted. 3. These Commissioners were impowered by the King, Instructions given to the Commissioners. to send for the Scribes and Notaries of all Bishops and Arch-Bishops and Arch-deacons, to swear the Receivers and Auditors of Incumbents, to view their Register-books, Easter-books, and all other writings, and to use all other ways to know the full value of Ecclesiastical preferments, with the number and names of Persons enjoying the same. They were to divide themselves by Three and Three, allotting to every number so many Deaneries, and to inquire the number and names of all Abbeys, Monasteries, Priories, Brotherships, Sisterships, Fellowships, etc. Houses religious and conventual, as well r Transcribedwith my own hand out of the original in the Office. Charterhouse, as others, (these carthusians being specified by name, because proudly pretending privileges of Papal exemption) and meeting together to certify into Exchequer, (at the time limited in their Commission) the true value of such Places or Preferments. Herein, Reparations, Fees of (in't) s No Clerk in the Office could read this word. were not to be deducted, but perpetual Rents, Pensions, Alms, Synods, Fees paid out yearly to Persons, were to be allowed. 4. This being a work of time exactly to perform, Some years spent in the work. took up some years in the effecting thereof. Devon-shire and Summer set were done in the twentyseventh, Staffordshire, and many other Countries, in the thirty-fourth of King Henry the eighth, and most of Wales not till the reign of King Edward the sixth. Yea, I am credibly informed, that in Ireland, (to which Kingdom such Commissions were afterwards extended) the Commissioners partly tired with their troublesome work, partly afraid to pass the dangerous hill of Rushes (in Irish, Sleve Logher) never came into the County of Kerry, the South-west extremity of that Island. So that the Clergy thereof, (though the poorest of the poorest in Ireland) enjoy this privilege, that they are presently put into their Live, (or Benefices rather) without any payments. 5. But no such favour was allowed to any place in England, where all were unpartially rated, Vicaridges why so high-rated. and Vicaridges valued very high according to their present revenue by personal Perquisites. In that Age, he generally was the richest Shepherd, who had the greatest flock; where Oblations from the living, and Obits for the dead, (as certainly paid, as Predial Tithes) much advanced their Income. In consideration whereof, Vicaridges (mostly lying in Market-Towns, and populous Parishes) where set very high, though soon after those Obventions sunk with superstition: And the Vicars, in vain, desired a proportionable abatement in the King's book; which once drawn up, were no more to be altered. 6. Now Queen Mary, a Princess, Q▪ Marry remits Tenths and First-fruits. whose conscience was never purse-ridden, as one who would go to the cost of Her own principles, did by Act of Parliament exonerate, acquit and discharge the Clergy from all First-fruits. As for Tenths, the same * 2 & 3 Phillip & Mary, cap. 4. Statute ordereth them to be paid to Cardinal Poole, who from the same was to pay the Pensions allowed by Her Father to Monks and Nuns at the dissolution of Abbeys: yet so, that when such persons, who were but few and aged (all named in a Deed indented) should decease, all such payments of the Clergy, reserved nomine decimae, should cease, and be clearly extinct and determined for ever. 7. But Her Sister Q. Elizabeth succeeding Her, Q. Elizabeth resumeth them. and finding so fair a flower, as First fruits & Tenths fallen out of Her Crown, was careful quickly to gather it up again, and get it re-sett therein. A Princess most to forgive injuries, but inexorable to remit debts who knowing that necessitous Kings are subject to great inconveniences, was a thrifty improver of Her treasure. And, no wonder if She were exact (though not exacting) to have Her deuce from the Clergy, who herein would not favour her grand favourite Sir Christopher Hatton, (who by the way was Master of this first-fruits Office, and was) much indebted unto Her for moneys received. All which arrears Her Majesty required so severely and suddenly from him, that the grief thereof cost his life. I say, this Queen in the first of Her t See the Stat. 1 Eliz. cap. 4. Reign resumed first-fruits and tenths only with this case to Parsonages not exceeding ten marks, and Vicaridges ten pounds, that they should be freed from first-fruits. A clause in this Statute, impowering the Queen to take all that was due unto Her from the first day of this Parliament, was so improved by her Officers in the Exchequer, (who sometimes have none of the softest palms to those that fall into their hands) that many Ministers were much vexed thereby: Yea, one u M. Parker Ant. Brit. in vitâ Reginalldi. Peli. observeth that the courtesy intended to the Clergy by Q. Mary in remitting their tenths, proved in event an injury to many, so vexed about their arrears. 8. In vain have some of late beaved at this Office, which is fastened to the State, The state profit, and policy of this Office. with so considerable a revenue, as it advanced thereunto by tenths and first-fruits. The former certain, the latter casual as depending on the uncertain deaths of jucumbents, and such as succeed them. Many indeed accuse such payments, as Popish in their original. But could that be superstitious, which was plucked down by Queen Mary, and set up again by Queen Elizabeth? Besides, suppose them so, in their first foul fountain, since being shifted, yea strained through the hands of Protestant Kings, Tenths have their old property altered, and acquire no doubt a new purity to themselves. And the Advocates for this Office, do pertinently plead, that there ought to be a badge of subjection * Some say, such a vectigal from the Clergy is mentioned in Bede. of the Clergy to the Secular power, by public acknowledgement of their dependence thereon, which by such payments is best performed. 9 John Lambert, John Lambert condemned, and why. alias Nicolson, bred in Cambridge, had lately been much persecuted by Archbishop Warham, about some opinions he held against the corproal presence in the Sacrament. And now being fallen into fresh troubles on the same account, 1538. to make the quicker work (following the precedent of S. Paul, appealing to Caesar) he appeals to the King. Who having lately taken upon him the title of the Supreme head of the Church of England, Herald 8. 20. Nou. 10. would show that head had a tongue could speak in matters of Divinity. In Whitehall, the place and day is appointed, where an ACT-ROYAL was kept; the King himself being the Opponent, and Lambert the Answerer; and where His Highness was worsted or wearied, Archbishop Crammer w Fox. Acts & Mon. supplied His place, arguing, though civilly, shrodely, against the truth and his own private judgement. 10. Was not this worse than keeping the clothes of those who killed S. Stephen, Cranmers unexcusable cowardly dissimulation. seeing this Archbishop did actually cast stones at this Martyr, in the Arguments he urged against him. Nor will it excuse Cranmers cowardice and dissimulation to accuse Gardiner's craft and cruelly, who privily put the Archbishop on this odious act, such Christian courage being justly expected from a person of his parts and place as not to be acted by another, contrary to his own conscience. I see not therefore what can be said in Cranmers behalf, save only that I verily hope, and steadfastly believe, that he craved God's pardon for this particular offence, and obtained the same on his unfeigned repentance. And because the face of men's faults is commonly seen in the glass of their punishment, it is observable, that as Lambert now was burnt for denying the corporal presence, so Cranmer (now his Opponent) was afterwards condemned and died at Oxford for maintaining the same opinion; which valour, if sooner shown his conscience had probably been more cleared within him, and his credit without him to all posterity. 11. A match being now made up by the Lord Cromwel's contrivance, Dutchmen broach strange opinions. betwixt King Henry and the Lady Anne of Cleve; Dutchmen flocked faster than formerly into England; Many of these had active souls, so that whilst their hands were busied about their manufactures, their heads were also beating about points of Divinity. Hereof they had many rude notions, too ignorant to manage them themselves, and too proud to crave the direction of others. Their minds had a bystream of activity more than what sufficed to drive on their Vocation, and this waste of their souls, they employed in needless speculations, and soon after began to broach their strange opinions, being branded with the general name of Anabaptists. 24. These Anabaptists for the main, are but Donatists now dips, and this year their name first appears in our English Chronicles; for, I * Stoe in his Chron p. 576. read that four Anabaptists, three men and one woman, all Dutch, bare faggots at Paul's Cross, and three days after a man and woman of their sect was burnt in Smithfield. 12. It quickly came to the turn of Queen Anne of Cleve to fall, Queen Anne of Cleve why divorced. if not into the displeasure, out of the dear affection of King Henry the eighth. 27. Hen 8. 31. She had much of Katherine Dowager's austerity, 1539. little of Anna Bollen's pleasant wit, less of the beauty of Jane Seamour. Some feminine impotency, that She answered not Her creation, was objected against Her, though only Her precontract with the Son of the Duke of Lorraine was publicly insisted on, for which by Act of Parliament now sitting, She was solemnly divorced. 13. King Henry durst not but deal better with Anne of Cleve than with such His Wives, The reparations the King made her. which were His native Subjects: not so much for love of Her, Ann. Dom. 1539. as for fear of Her Brother the Duke of Cleve, Ann. Regis Hen. 8. 31. considerable (if not much in Himself) in His union with the Protestant Princes of Germany. Wherefore He restored Her all Her Jewels, assigned Her precedency above all English, (save His own that should be Queen, and Children) graced Her with a new-devised stile of, His adopted Sister, (by which from henceforward He saluted Her in His Letters, and She in Answer subscribed Herself) allotted Her Richmond-House for Her retirement, with an augmentation of means for Her maintenance. And now let Her be glad that She escaped so well, seeing all, which had reference to King Henry's bed, came off gainers, if savours of their own lives, and reputations. She returned no more into Her own Country, but living, and dying, Anno a Stow's Funeral Monuments, p. 513. 1557. in England, was buried in Westminster. Church at the head of King Sebert, in a Tomb not yet finished; none other of King Henry's Wives having any, and this Anne but half a Monument. 14. In the last Parliament, Reformation goes backwards. Reformation running a race with Superstition, hardly carried it by the heads-length, but it was hoped, that in this new Parliament (now sitting) true Religion would run her Rival quite out of distance: Whereas alas! it not only stood still, but went backwards, the SIX ARTICLES being therein enacted, that whip with six knots, each one (as heavily laid on) fetching blood from the backs of poor Protestants. 15. K. Henry was much blamed for passing this Act. King Henry justly blamed. Indeed, Power and Profit being the things politic Princes chief desire; King Henry had already attained both by his partial Reformation. Power, by abolishing the Pope's usurpation, in His Dominions; Profit, by seizing on the lands and goods of suppressed Monasteries. And thus having served His own turn, His zeal wilfully tired to go any farther, and (only abolishing such Popery as was in order to his aforesaid designs) He severely urged the rest on the practice of His Subjects. 16. Herein he appeared like to Jehu King of Israel, Compared with King Jehu. who utterly rooted out the foreign Idolatry of BAAL, (fetched from the Zidonians, and almost appropriated to the family of Ahab) but still worshipped the CALVES in DAN, and BETHEL, the state-Idolatry of the Kingdom; So our Henry, though banishing all outlandish superstition of Papal dependence, still reserved and maintained home bred Popery, persecuting the Refusers to submit thereunto. 17. For, The six bloody Articles. by the persuasion of Bishop Gardiner (in defiance of Archbishop Cranmer, and the L. Cromwell, with might and main opposing it) it was enacted: 1. That in the Sacrament of the Altar, after consecration, no substance of bread or wine remaineth, but the natural body and blood of Christ. 2. That the Communion in both kinds is not necessary ad salutem, by the law of God to all persons. 3. That Priests, after Orders received, may not Marry by the Law of God. 4. That Vows of Chastity ought to be observed. 5. That it is meet and necessary, that private Masses be admitted and continued in Churches. 6. That auricular Confession must be frequented by people, as of necessity to salvation. Laws, bad, as penned; worse, as prosecuted, which by some Bishop's extensive interpretations, were made commensurate to the whole body of Popery. 18. Indeed, The L. Cromwel's design miscarrieth. the Lord Cromwell (unable to right his own) had a design to revenge himself on the opposite party, by procuring an Act, That Popish Priests convict of Adultery, should be subject to the same punishment with Protestant Ministers that were married. But Gardiner, by his greatness, got that law so qualified, that it soon became lex edentula, Ann. Reg. Hen. 8. 32. whilst the other remained mordax, death being the penalty of such who were made guilty by the six Articles, though Nicholas Shaxton of Salisbury, Ann. Dom. 1540 and Hugh Latimer of Worcester, found the especial favour to save themselves by losing of their Bishoprics. 19 And now began Edmond Bonner, 〈…〉. alias Savage, (most commonly called by the former, but too truly known by the later name) newly made Bishop of London, to display the colours of his cruelty therein, which here I forbear to repeat, because cited at large by Mr. Fox. For, I desire my Church-History should behave itself to his Book of Martyrs, as a Lieutenant to its Captain, only to supply his place in his absence, to be supplemental thereunto, in such matters of moment which have escaped his observation. 20. Matchmakers betwixt private persons seldom find great love for their pains, Cromwell falls into the King's displeasure, and people's hatred. betwixt Princes often fall into danger, as here it proved in the L. Cromwell, the grand contriver of the King's marriage with Anne of Cleve. On him the King had conferred Honours so many, and so suddenly, that one may say, The crudities thereof lay unconcted in his soul, so that he could not have time to digest one Dignity before another was poured upon him. Not to speak of his Mastership of the Jewelhouse, he was made Baron, Master of the Rolls, the King's Vicar-general in spiritual matters, Lord Privie-Seale, Knight of the Garter, Earl of Essex, Lord Great Chamberlain of England. And my b Camden's Brit. in Essex, p. 454. Author observeth, that all these Honours were conferred upon him in the compass of five years, most of them possessed by him not five months; I may add, and all taken from him in less than five minutes, with his life on the scaffold. 21. This was the cause why he was envied of the Nobility and Gentry, Why Cromwell was deservedly envied. being by birth so much beneath all; by preferment so high above most of them. Besides, many of his advancements were interpreted not so much Honours to him, as Injuries to others, as being either in use improper, or in equity unfit, or in right unjust, or in conscience unlawful for him to accept. His Mastership of the Rolls, such who were bred Lawyers, conceived it fit for men of their profession. As for the Earldom of Essex conferred upon him, though the title lately became void by the death of Bourchier the last Earl without Issue-male (and so in the strictness of right in the King's free disposal) yet because he left Anne, a sole Daughter behind him, Cromwel's invading of that Honour, bred no good blood towards him amongst the kindred of that Orphan, who were honourable, and numerous. His Lord great Chamberlainship of England, being an Office for many years Hereditary in the Ancient and Honourable House of Oxford, incensed all of all that Family, when beholding him possessed thereof. His Knighthood of the Garter, which custom had appropriated to such, who by three degrees at least could prove their Gentile descent, being bestowed on him, did but enrage his Competitors thereof, more honourably extracted. As for his being the King's Vicar-General in Spiritual matters, all the Clergy did rage thereat, grudging much, that K. Henry the substance, and more, that Cromwell, His shadow, should assume so high a Title to himself. Besides, Cromwel's name was odious unto them, on the account of Abbeys dissolved, and no wonder, if this Samson plucking down the pillars of the Popish-Church, had the rest of the structure falling upon him. July 9 These rejoiced when the Duke of Norfolk arrested him for Treason at the Councel-Table, whence he was sent Prisoner to the Tower. 22. And now to speak impartially of him, Cromwell's admirable parts. though in prison. If we reflect on his parts and endowments, it is wonderful to see how one quality in him befriended another. Great Scholar he was none (the Latin Testament gotten by heart being the masterpiece of his learning) nor any studied Lawyer, (never long-living, if admitted in the Inns of Court) nor experienced Soldier, (though necessity cast him on that calling, when the Duke of Burbone besieged Rome) nor Courtier in his youth, (till bred in the Court, as I may call it, of Cardinal Wolsey's house:) and yet, that of the Lawyer in him, so helped the Scholar; that of the Soldier, the Lawyer; that of the Courtier, the Soldier; and that of the Traveller so perfected all the rest (being no stranger to Germany, well acquainted with France, most familiar with Italy) that the result of all together made him for endowments eminent, not to say, admirable. 23. It was laid to his charge; Articles charged upon the Lord Cromwell. First, that he had exceeded his Commission, in acting many things of high conseqsence, without acquainting the King therewith; dealing therein, though perchance wisely for the State, not warily for himself. Indeed, it is impossible for such Officers, managing not only multitudes, but multiplicity of matters, but that in some things they must mistake. As in c Prov. 10. 19 many words there wanteth not iniquity: so in the Actors of many affairs, faults are soon found out. He was also accused to set at liberty certain persons not capable of it; for granting Licenses and Commissions destructive to the King's authority; for being guilty of Heresy himself, and favouring it in others. Traitorous speeches were also charged upon him, spoken two years before in the Church of S. Peter's in the Poor, in Broad street; the avouchers thereof pretending, that, as hitherto they had concealed them for love of themselves (fearing Cromwel's greatness:) so now, for the love of the King, they revealed the same. Indeed, on the first manifesting of the King's displeasure against him, the foes of Cromwell had all their mouths open, and his friends their mouths shut up. 24. The mention of S. Peter's in Broad-street, An injurious Act to many poor people charged on the Lord Cromwell. mindeth me of a passage, not unworthy to be recited, of an injury offered by this Lord Cromwell, to many poor men in the same Parish. And, because every one is best able to tell his own tale, take it in the words of John d Survey of London, p. 187. Stow, being himself deeply concerned therein: The Lord Cromwell having finished his house in Throgmorton-street in London, and having some reasonable plot of ground left for a garden, caused the pales of the gardens, adjoining to the North part thereof, on a sudden to be taken down, two and twenty foot to be measured forthright into the North of every man's ground, a line there to be drawn, a trench to be cast, a foundation laid, and an high brickwall to be builded. My father had a garden there, and there was an house standing close to his South-pale: this house they loosed from the ground, and bare upon rulers into my father's garden two and twenty foot, ere my father heard thereof: no warning was given him, nor other answer, (when he spoke to the Surveyors of that work) but that their, Master, Sir Thomas, commanded them so to do: no man durst go to argue the matter, but each man lost his land; and my father paid his whole rent, which was six s●illings eight pence the year, for that half which was left. Thus much of mine own knowledge have I thought good to note, that the sudden rising of some men, causeth them to forget themselves. I am moved the rather to believe our Author herein, because elsewhere he alloweth this Lord his deserved praise for his virtues, and especially his Hospitality, affirming, e Survey of London, p. 74. he had often seen at the Lord Cromwell's gate, above two hundred persons served twice every day, with meat, and drink sufficient. Nor can I see what may be said in excuse of this oppression, except any will plead, that Abimelech's servants violently f Gen. 21. 26. took away the wells from Abraham, and yet Abimelech himself never knew more or less thereof. 25. As for the passionate expressions of Cromwell; The worst passionate Speech objected against him. a g Sir I. Strode of Parubam in Dorcetshire. Knight, aged well-nigh eighty, whose Mother was Daughter to the Lord Cromwell's Son, hath informed me, That the principal passage, whereon the Lord's enemies most insisted, was this, It being told the L. Cromwell, that one accused him for want of fidelity to the King; Cromwell returned in passion, Were he here now, I would strike my dagger into his heart; meaning, into the heart of the false Accuser; and therein guilty of want of charity to his fellow-subject, not of loyalty to his Sovereign. But, seeing the words were a measuring cast as uttered (though not as intended) to whom they should relate, the pickthank Repeater avowed them uttered against the King Himself. So dangerous are dubious words, and ambiguous expressions, when prevalent power is to construe, and interpret the meaning thereof. 26. Ten days after his Arrest, His Speech on be scaffold. he was attainted of high Treason in Parliament. and brought on the Scaffold the next week to execution. Here he spoke the following words unto the people, which the Reader is requested the more seriously to peruse, July 19 that thereby he may be enabled to pass (if concerned therein) his verdict in what Religion this Lord died. I Am come hither to die, 29. and not to purge myself, as some think peradventure that I will. For, if I should so do, I were a very wretch, and miser. I am by the law condemned to die, and thank my Lord God that hath appointed me this death for mine offence. For, since the time that I have had years of discretion, I have lived a sinner, and offended my Lord God, for the which I ask him hearty forgiveness. And it is not unknown to many of you, that I have been a great traveller in this world, and, being but of base degree, I was called to high estate, and since the time I came thereunto, I have offended my Prince, for the which I ask Him hearty forgiveness, and beseech you all to pray to God with me, that he will forgive me. And now I pray you that be here, to bear me record, I die in the Catholic Faith, not doubting in any Article of my faith, no, nor doubting in any Sacrament of the Church. Many have slandered me, and reported, that I have been a bearer of such as have maintained evil opinions, which is untrue. But I confess, that like as God by his Holy Spirit doth instruct us in the truth: so the Devil is ready to seduce us, and I have been seduced, but bear me witness that I die in the Catholic Faith of the Holy Church. And I hearty desire you to pray for the King's Grace, that He may long live with you in health, and prosperity: and that after Him, His son Prince Edward, that goodly imp, may long reign over you. And, once again, I desire you to pray for me, that so long as life remaineth in this flesh, I waver nothing in my faith. And so making his Prayer, etc. The general terms wherein this his Speech is couched, hath given occasion for wise men to give contrary censures thereof. Fox in his Marginal Note on this Speech, pag. 515. A true Christian Confession of the Lord Cromwell at his death. Lord Herbert in the Index of his History, under C. Cromwell died a Roman-Catholick, notwithstanding he had been such a destroyer of the Church. True it is, so wary were Cromwell's expressions, that Luther and Bellarmine might in their own persons have said the same, without any prejudice to their own principles, and many conceive that the most, which these his words amount to, will but make him an six-Articles Protestant. 27. But let Cromwell's politic Speech be in part expounded by his plain Prayer which he immediately after made, His Prayer, whereby his Speech may be interpreted. (too long here to insert, but set down at large in Mr. Fox) and which speaketh him a true Protestant. And if negative Arguments avail aught in this matter, no superstitious crossing of himself, no praying to Saints, no desiring of prayers for him after his death, etc. may evidence him no Papist in the close of his life. Indeed, Anti-Cromwellists count this controversy (of the Religion he died in) not worth the deciding, no Papists conceiving the gain great to get him on their side, and some Protestants accounting the loss as little to part with him. However, this right aught to be done to his Memory, in fixing it on its own principles, and not misrepresenting the same to posterity. 28. Remarkable is that passage in his Speech, Heaven is just in Barths' injustice. wherein he confesseth himself, by Law condemned to die, because a story dependeth thereupon. Not long ago an Act had passed in Parliament, That one might be attainted of Treason by Bill in Parliament, and consequently lose his life, without any other legal trial, or being ever brought to answer in his own defence. The Lord Cromwell was very active in procuring this Law to pass, insomuch that it is generally believed, that the Arm and Hammer of all King Henry's Power, could never have driven on this Act through both Houses, had not Cromwell first wimbled an hole for the entrance thereof, and politicly prepared a major part of Lords and Commons to accept the same. For, indeed otherwise it was accounted a Law injurious to the liberty, which reason alloweth to all persons accused, and which might cut out the tongue of Innocency itself, depriving her of pleading in her own behalf. Now, behold the hand of Heaven! It happened that this Lord first felt the smart of this rod which be made for others, and was accordingly condemned before ever he was heard to speak for himself. — Nec lex est justior ulla Quam necis artifices arte perire suâ. Most just it is, that they bade Laws who make, Should themselves first of their own Laws partake. Thus, those who break down the banks, and let in the stream of Arbitrary power, (be it into the hands of Prince or People) are commonly the first themselves which without pity are drowned in the deluge thereof. 29. Thus fare I have swum along with the wind and tide of all our English Historians, Yet the Lord Cromwell by a great person acquitted herein. in charging of Cromwell herein. But I find one * Sir Edward Coke, Part 4. of Institut. in Jurisdiction of Courts, p. 37. Author of strong credit (such he needs to be, who swims against the stream) acquitting the said Lord, deriving his intelligence from Sir Thomas Gawdie, a grave Judge, then living, who acquainted him as followeth, King Henry commanded the L. Cromwell to attend the Chief Justices, and to know, whether a man that was forthcoming might be attainted of high Treason by Parliament, and never called to his answer? The Judges answered, That it was a dangerous question; and, that the high Court of Parliament ought to give examples to inferior Courts for proceeding according to justice, and no inferior Court could do the like, and they thought the high Court of Parliament would never do it. But, being by the express commandment of the King, and pressed by the said Earl to give a direct answer, they said, That if he be attainted by Parliament, it could not come in question afterwards, whether he was called, or not called to answer: and the Act of Attainder being passed by Parliament did bind, as they resolved. The party against whom this was intended, was never called in question, but the first man after the said resolution, that was so attainted, and never called to answer, was the said Earl of Essex: whereupon that erroneous and vulgar opinion amongst our Historians grew, That he died by the same Law which he himself had made. 30. But, His exemplary gratitude. grant this Lord Cromwell faulty in this and some other actions, in the main he will appear a worthy person, and a great instrument of God's glory in the reforming of Religion, and remarkable for many personal eminencies. Commonly when men are (as in a moment) mounted from meanness to much wealth and honour, first they forget themselves, and then all their old friends and acquaintance. Whereas on the contrary, here gratitude grew with his greatness, and the Lord Cromwell conferred many a courtesy on the Children from whose Fathers Master Cromwell had formerly received favours. As he was a good Servant to his Master, so was he a good Master to his Servants, and foreseeing his own full, (which he might have foretold without the Spirit of Prophecy, some half a year before) he furnished his Men, which had no other livelihood to subsist by, with Leases, Pensions, and Annuities, whereby after his death they had a comfortable maintenance. 31. One so faithful to his Servants, His care for his Children. cannot be suspected for an Infidel in not providing for his family, of his own children. It was not therefore his ambition, but providence, that on the same day wherein he was created Earl of Essex, he procured Gregory his Son, (which otherwise had been then but a Lord by courtesy) to be actually made Baron Cromwell of Oke-ham. Which honour, because inherent in the Son, was not forfeited on his Father's attainture, but descends at this day on his Posterity. 32. We will conclude his story with this remarkable instance of his humility: An eminent instance of his humility. Formerly there flourished a notable family of the b Camden's Brit. in Lincolnshire. Cromwell's at Tattershall in Lincolnshire, especially since Sir Ralph Cromwell married the younger Sister and Coheir of William the last Lord Deincourt. Now there wanted not some flattering Heralds (excellent Chemists in Pedigrees to extract any thing from any thing) who would have entitled this Lord Cromwell to the Arms of that ancient Family, extinct (in the issue male thereof) about the end of King Henry the sixth. His answer unto them was, That he would not wear another man's coat, for fear the right owner thereof should pluck it off over his ears: and preferred rather to take a new coat, (viz. * See Vincent in the Earls of Essex. AZure, Or, a Fess inter three Lions rampant, Or a Rose Gules, betwixt two Choughs proper) being somewhat of the fullest; the Epidemical disease of all Arms given in the Reign of Henry the eighth. 33. After the execution of the Lord Cromwell, Men of different judgement meeting at their death. the Parliament still sitting, a motley execution happened in Smithfield, three Papists hanged by the Statute for denying the King's supremacy, and as many Protestants burned at the same time and place, by virtue of the six Articles, dying with more pain, and no less patience. Papists. Protestants. Edward powel. Robert Barns, Doctor of Divinity. Thomas Abley. Thomas Gerard, Rich: Fetherston. William a Godwin in Henry the 8. pag. 131. Jerom, Bachelors of Divinity. This caused was by the difference of Religions in the King's Privy Council, wherein the Popish party called for the execution of these b Fox in his Book of Martyrs 2 volume, p. 529. Protestants, whilst the Protestant Lords in the Council, (out of policy to repress the others eagerness, or if that failed, out of desire to revenge it) cried as fast, that the Laws might take effect on the Papists. And whilst neither side was able to save those of their own opinions, both had power to destroy those of their opposite party. They were dragged on hurdles, coupled two and two, a Papist and a Protestant, (cattle of different kinds yoked to draw, or rather to be drawn together) insomuch as a c Sanders de schismate Angl. lib. 1. pag. 192. Romanist professeth, that to the three Papists this their unequal matching was to them, ipsâ morte graulus & intolerabilius, more heavy and intolerable than death itself: But the Protestants expressed not such distaste hereat, not angry out of principles of pride, for the joining of their bodies together, but grieved out of the grounds of charity, that their souls soon after, should so fare be parted asunder. A stranger, standing by, did wonder, (as well he might) what Religion the King was of, his sword cutting on both sides, Protestants for Heretics, and Papists for Traitors, of whom in the same month, Laurence Cook, Prior of Doncaster, and six others, were sent the same way, for the same offence. 34. But to return to such Acts of the Parliament as concern the Church, A Statute made for recovery of Tithes. therein a Statute was made, commanding every man d 32 Hen. 8. cap. 7. fully, truly, and effectually to divide, set out, yield or pay all and singular Tithes and Offerings, according to the lawful customs and usages of the Parishes and Places where such Tithes or Duties shall grow, arise, come or be due. And remedy is given for Ecclesiastic persons before the Ordinary; and for Laymen, that claimed appropriated Tithes by grant from the Crown, in the Secular Courts by such actions as usually Lay-possessions had been subject to. The occasion of which Statute is intimated in the Preamble thereof, because in few years past many presumed more contemptuously, and commonly than in times past, had been seen or known to subtract and withdraw their lawful and accustomed Tithes. Encouraged thereunto for that that divers Lay-people having Tithes to them and their beires had no due remedy by order and course of the Ecclesiastical Laws to recover their right. And no wonder, seeing their Sovereign had set them so large, and so late a precedent in destroying of Abbeys, if subjects thought that in their distance and proportion they might also be bold to detain the Rites of the Church, especially because it seemed unreasonable, that they should receive wages who did no work, and that the hire of the labourers in the vineyard should be given to lazy lookers on. This Statute, in favour of Lay-impropriators, was beneficial to the Clergy to recover their predial Tithes at Common-Law, being equally advantaged by that which was not principally intended for them, because of the concurrence of their interest, in case of Tithes. A e 32 Hen. 8. cap. 38. Statute also made, That it was lawful for all persons to contract marriage, who are not prohibited by God's law. For although Gregory the great (who had not less learning, but more modesty, than his successors) did not flatly forbid the marriage of Cousin Germane as unlawful, but prudentially dissuade it as unfitting; yet after-popes' prohibited that and other degrees further off, thereby to get money for Dispensations. What a mass these amounted unto, their own Auditors can only compute, seeing f 1 Kings 10. 22. Solomon himself sent ships but every third year to Ophir for gold; whereas his Holiness, by granting such faculties from those Indies, made annual returns of infinite profit. And this Law came very conveniently to comply with King Henry's occasions, who had the first fruits thereof, and presently after married Katherine Howard, Cousin German to Anna Bollen his second Wife, which, by the Canon-Law, formerly was forbidden without a special Dispensation first obtained. 35. But now to step out of the Parliament into the Convocation, Acts of this year's Convocation. a place more proper for our employment, there we shall find Archbishop Cranmer landing in his Barge at Pauls-wharf, and thence proceeding on foot with the Cross carried before him into the Choir of Paul's; where, at the high Altar Bishop Bonner officiated (if I speak properly) a Mass of the Holy Ghost, Doctor Richard Cox Archdeacon of Ely, preached a Latin Sermon on this text, Vos estis salterrae. Richard Gwent Doctor of Law and Archdeacon of London, was chosen Prolocutor. Then intimation was given, that the KING allowed them liberty to treat of matters in Religion, to peruse the Canons de simonia vitanda, with other Ecclesiastical constitutions; to continue the good ones, and make new ones protemporis exigentiâ. In the third Session on Friday, several Bishops * Transcribed with my own hand, out of the Records of Canterbury. were assigned to peruse several Books of the Translation of the New Testament, in order as followeth: 1 Archbishop Cranmer 1 Matthew 2 John g Longland. Lincoln 2 Mark 3 Stephen h Gardiner. Winchester 3 Luke 4 Thomas i Goodrick. Elie 4 John 5 Nicholas k Heath. Rochester 5 Acts of the Apostles 6 Richard l Samson. Chichester 6 Romans 7 John m Capon. Sarum 7 ● Corinthians 8 William n Barlow. S. David's 8 Galatians Ephesians Philippians Colossians 9 John o Bell. Worcester 9 1/2 Thessalonians 10 Robert p Parsew. S. Asaph 10 Timothy Titus Philemon 11 Robert q Holgate. Landaffe 11 1/2 Peter 12 John r Skip. Hereford 12 Hebrews 13 Thomas s Thyrlby. Westminster. 13 James 1/2 2/3 John Judas 14 John t Wakeman. Gloucester 14 Revelation 15 John u Chambers. Peterborough 15 Why Edmond Bonner Bishop of London then and there present, had no part in this perusal allotted him, as I find no reason rendered thereof, so I will not interpose my own conjecture. 39 In the sixth Session, Words in the Testament which Gardiner desired might be preserved entire in the Translation. Gardiner publicly read a Catalogue of Latin words of his own collection out of the Testament, and desired that for their genuine and native meaning, and for the majesty of the matter in them contained, these words might be retained in their own nature as much as might be; or be very fitly Englished, with the least alteration, being in number and order here inserted: Ecclesia Poenitentia Pontifex Ancilla Contritus * Acta Synod. Cant. an. 1541. pag. 48, 49. Olacausta Justitia Justificare Idiota Elementa Baptizare Martyr Adorare Dignus Sandalium Simplex Tetrarcha Sacramentum Simulachrum Gloria Conflictationes Ceremonia Mysterium Religio Spiritus sanctꝰ Spiritus Merces Confiteor tibi Pater Panis praepositionis Communio Perseverare Dilectus Sapientia Pietas * Take faults and all, as in the Original. Presbyter Lites Servus Opera Sacrificium Benedictio Humilis Humilitas Scientia Gentilis Synagoga Ejicere Misericordia Complacui Increpare Distribueretur orbis Inculpatus Senior Conflictationes Apocalypsis Satisfactio Contentio Conscientia Peccatum Peccator Idolum Prudentia Prudenter Parabola Magnifico Oriens Subditus Didragma Hospitalitas Episcopus Gratia Charitas Tyrannus Concupiscentia Cisera Apostolus Apostolatus Egenus Stater Societas Zizania * Though sensible of Tautology, (otherwise spelled) I durst not vary from the Original. Mysterium Christus Conversari Profiteor Impositio manuum Idololatria Dominus Sanctus Confessio Imitator Pascha Innumerabilis Inenarrabilis. Infidelis Paganus Commilito Virtutes Dominationes Throni Potestates Hostia 35. The judicious Reader hath no sooner perused these words, The Papists plot therein. but presently he sorts them in two ranks: First, some few untranslatable, without loss of life or lustre: these are continued in our English Testament entire, it being conceived better that Ministers should expound these words in their Sermons, than altar them in their Texts. But besides these, most of the second sort, are not so emphatical in themselves, but that they may be rendered in English, without prejudice of truth, Wherefore Gardiner's design plainly appeared in stickling for the preserving of so many Latin words to obscure the Scripture; who, though wanting power to keep the light of the Word from shining, sought out of policy to put it in to a dark Lantern; contrary to the constant practice of God in Scripture, levelling high hard expressions to the capacity of the meanest. For foreign terms are always brought in, like Joseph with an w Gen. 42. 23. Interpreter. x Mat. 1. 23. Emmanuel doth not pass without an Exposition, God with us: nor y Mat. 7. 34. Ephatha escape, but Commented on, be thou opened: Besides, the Popish Bishop multiplied the mixture of Latin names in the Testament, to teach the Laity their distance, who though admitted into the outward Court of common matter, were yet debarred entrance into the Holy of Holies of these mysterious expressions, reserved only for the understanding of the high Priest to pierce into them. Moreover, this made Gardener not only tender, but fond to have these words continued in kind without Translation; because the profit of the Romish Church was deeply in some of them concerned: Witness the word Penance (which according to the vulgar sound, contrary to the original sense thereof) was a magazine of Will-worship, and brought in much gain to the Priests, who were desirous to keep that word, because that word kept them. I find not what entertainment Gardiner's motion met with, it seems so suspended in success, as neither generally received nor rejected. 36. In a following Session, Mar. 10. Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury, Cranmer stickleth for the Universities approbation. informed the House, That it was the King's will and pleasure, that the Translation both of the Old and New Testament should be examined by BOTH UNIVERSITIES. This met with much opposition in the House, all the Bishops, (Ely and S. David's excepted) making their Protests to the contrary. These affirmed, the Universities were much decayed of late, wherein all things were carried by Young Men, whose judgements were not to be relied on, so that the Learning of the Land was chief in this Convocation. But the Archbishop said, he would stick close to the will and pleasure of the King his Master, and that the Universities should examine the Translation. And here (for aught I can find to the contrary) the matter ceased, and the Convocation soon after was dissolved. 37. The cruel prosecution of the Protestants still continued on the six Articles. Hen. 8. 36. And yet the Parliament now somewhat abated the illegal fury thereof: 1544. for formerly any active Officer of the Bishops, The six Articles somewhat mitigated. at his pleasure molested all suspected persons, and prosecuted some to death. But afterwards it was required, That such Offenders should first be found guilty, by a Jury of Twelve men; a rub to the wheels of their cruelty, that it saved the lives of some, and prolonged the deaths of others. 38. Now began the last Parliament in the King's Reign, Hen. 8. 37. Nou. 24. wherein many things of consequence were enacted: 1545. First, The Acts of the last Parliament in this King's Reign. an Act against Usury. a See the printed Statutes of this year. Secondly, for Tithes in London. Thirdly, for an exchange of Lands betwixt the King's Majesty, and Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury, Robert Holegate Archbishop of York, and Edmond Bonner Bishop of London; which the King annexed to the Duchy of Lancaster. Fourthly, an Act for union of Churches, not exceeding the value of six pounds. Lastly, that Doctors of the Civil Law, being married, might exercise Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction. 39 At this time also, The original of Stews. by the King's command, were the Stews suppressed. A line or two, I hope, will not defile our Church-History, in the description and detestation of such filthy persons, and practices. There stood a place on the South bank over against London, called the Stews, where live-fish were formerly kept, there to be washed in Ponds from their slime and muddiness, to make the more wholesome and pleasant food, which was the original use of these Stews, and the proper b Camden's Brit in Middling. meaning of the word. Ann. Dom. 1545. Afterwards the place was converted to a worse use, Ann. Reg. Hen. 8.37. but still retaining its own name from the scouring of Fish to the defileing of Men: Brothel-houses being built there, and publicly permitted by the State. These were sixteen in number, known by the several signs, whereof one was the Cardinal's c Stower Survey of London, pag. 449. Hat, and it is to be feared, that too many of the Clergy (than forbidden marriage) were too constant customers to it. Such who lived in these Colleges of lust were called single Women, and pity it was so good a name should be put upon so lewd persons. 40. Divers Constitutions were made in the eighth year of King Henry the second, The regulation of the Stews. for the regulating of these Houses, whereof some may inoffensively, yea, profitably be inserted. 1. No Stew-holder should keep open his doors on the Holy days, or keep any in his house on those days. 2. No single woman to be kept against her will, if out of remorse of conscience she would leave that lewd life. 3. No Stew-holder to receive any man's wife, or any woman of religion. 4. No man to be drawn or enticed, into any of those houses, and the Constables and Bailiffs were every week to search the same. They were not to sell Bread, Ale, Flesh, Fish, Wood, Cole, or any Victuals. This was done partly, because they should not engross those Trades, being the livelihood of more honest people: and partly left simple Chapmen in seeking for such necessaries should be inveigled into sin. d Stow us priùs. Such women living and dying in their sinful life were excluded Christian burial, and had a plot of ground fare from the Parish-Church appointed for them, called The single-womans' Churchyard. 41. These Cautions and Constitutions could not make them, The impossibility to Legitimate, what in itself is unlawful. who are bad in themselves, to be good, though happily keeping some who were bad, from being worse. Such a toleration of sin being utterly unlawful. For though Natural poisons may by Art be so qualified and corrected to make them not only not noxious, but in some cases (as wisely applied) cordial. Yet Moral poisons, I mean, things sinful of themselves can never be so ordered and regulated, but that still they will remain pernicious and unlawful; The only way to order and amend, being to remove, and extirpate them. 42. Yet there wanted not those (better idle, than so employed) who endeavoured with Arguments to maintain; some (so shameless) the necessity, Argument pro and con about Stews. but more the conveniency of such Brothel-houses. No wonder if wanton wits, pleaded for wanton women. Whoredom (like the Whores was painted over with politic Reasons for the permission thereof, which may easily be washed away if the following Parallel be but seriously perused. 1. Man's infirmity herein since his Natural corruption is grown so general, it is needful to counive at such Houses, as a kind of remedy to prevent worse incontinency with Married women, the whole land being the cleaner for the public Sinks or Sewer of the Stews. 2. As Moses c Mark 10. 5. permitted Divorcement to the Jews. Stews may be connived at on the same account for the hardness of men's hearts. Ann. Reg. Hen. 8. 37. 3. Ann. Dom. 1545. Strange women were no strangers in Israel itself under their best Kings; two of that trade publicly known, pleaded before King f I Kings 3.16. Solomon. These were publicly repaired unto and known by the attire g Prov. 7.10. of an Harlot. 4. Many great Family were preserved thereby, whose younger Brethren abstaining from Marriage, did nont cumber the same with numerosity of Children. 5. Such Stews are Fashionable in foreign Nations; yea, in Rome itself. 6. The suppressing of Stews would not make men more chaste, but more close: not more sincerely honest, but secretly wanton. In all populous places, male-incontinency will meet with a female counterpart, and so reciprocally. 1. It is absurd to say, and belibelleth Divine Providence, That any thing is really Needful that is not Lawful. Such pretended necessity created by bad men must be annihilated by good Laws. Let Marriage run in its proper channel, being permitted to all persons, and then no need of such noisome sinks which may well be dammed up. The malady cannot be accounted a remedy: For whilst Matrimony is appointed and blessed by God to Cool the heat of Lust, Whoredom doth double the drought thereof. 2. Christian's ought not so much to listen to Moses his permission, as to Christ his reprehension thereof. Besides some faults had a cover for them in the twilight of the Law, which have none in the sunshine of the Gospel. 3. Christian's must conform themselves to the necessary members and commendable Ornaments of the Jewish Commonwealth, f 1. Kings 3. 16. but not to the wens and ulcers thereof. f Prov. 7. 10. 4. Where Harlots have preserved one house, they have destroyed an hundred. Besides, we must not do Evil, that Good may come thereof. Nor can many Children be accounted evils to men, which are blessings from God. 5. Let the Paramount Whore tolerate Whores, which as a branch of Popery was now banished England; more honour it is for us to go before foreign Nations in Reformation, than to follow them in their Corruptions. 6. This undeniable truth is sodly granted. Perchance there may now be more English-folk Adulterers, but England was then an Adultress, so long as Stews were openly licenced. It was a Nationall sin, when publicly permitted; which now is but personal, though too generally committed. Thus Chastity, by the countenance of Authority, got at last a final conquest of Wantonness. Indeed formerly, in the one and twentieth year h R●b Fabian in his Chronicle, Anno 1506. of Henry the seventh, for a time the Stews were closed up; but afterwards opened again, though reduced from sixteen to twelve; but now, by the King's commandment, this regiment of sinners was totally and finally routed, the King's pleasure herein proclaimed by sound of Trumpet, and their Houses peopled with other Inhabitants of honest conversation. 43. We lately mentioned the exchange of land, Prelates their loss by pomp. betwixt the King, and the two Archibishops. On which account be it remembered (though I find not the exact year) Otford in Kent was given the King, whereof thus our great i Camden in his Brit. in Kent, Pag. 328. Antiquary, William Warrham Archbishop of Canterbury built Otford for himself and his successors, so sumptuously, that for to avoid envy, Cranmer, who next succeeded him, was constrained to exchange it with King Henry the eighth. Can the Clergy have found out the mean betwixt baseness, & bravery; too sordid, & too sumptuous; they might have fixed themselves therein with the more security. Whilst their Palaces built so big as to receive, and so beautiful as to invite the King an His Court, made (especially if lying near London) covetousness to long after them. And, although some competent consideration was given in exchange, yet politic Prelates disliked such commutations, as which gauged the root of Episcopal lands, from their first property, and ancient foundation. 44. The last person of quality, The character of Anne Ashcough. which suffered martyrdom in this King's Reign, June 2. was Anne Ashcough alias Kyme. She was worshipfully extracted, Ann. Dom. 1546. the Daugther of Sir William Ashcough of Kelsay in Lincolnshire, of the age of twenty five years. Whose wit, beauty, learning, and religion, Ann. Dom. 1546. procured her much esteem on the Queen's side of the Court, Ann. Regis Hen. 8. 38. and as much hatred from the Popish persecuting Bishops. But the k Parson● in his Exam. of. Jc. F●x hisS●●●s in the m●●●th of Jane. Jesuit condemns her for leaving her Husband, at home, and gadding to Gospel, and gossip it at Court, always subscribing herself, not by her married, but maiden surname: the rather, because, being often examined, what reason she could give of forsaking her Husband, she refused to answer to any, save to the King alone. Master Fox turneth off the whole matter to John Bale; and, I having his Manuscript in my hand, thought fit to insert this his following account thereof, though not knowing whether the same will give the Reader satisfaction. 45. A match was made, Her plea for leaving her husband. by the power of their Parents, betwixt Mr. Kyme his Son in Lincoln shire, and Sir William Ashcough his eldest Daughter, who chanced to die before the completing thereof. Sir William, loath to lose so rich an Heir, and having paid part of her Potion, for lucre's sake compelled this Anne, his second Daughter, to supply her Sister's place, and to marry him against her own will and consent, notwithstanding, the marriage once past, she demanded herself like a Christian Wife, l Bales Manuscript, p 91, 92. and bore him two Children. In process of time, by oft reading of the sacred Bible, she clearly fell from all Papistry, to a perfect belief in Jesus Christ. Whereupon, her Husband was so offended, that (by suggestion of the Priests) he violently drove her out of his house. And she, on this occasion, sought from the Law a Divorce; and, because of his cruel usage, would not return unto him again: thinking herself free from that uncomely kind of coacted marriage, by the doctrine of Saint Paul, m 1 Cor. 7.15. But, if the unbelieving depart, let him departed. A brother or sister is not under bondage in such cases: But God hath called us to peace. This is the effect, of what our Author speaketh in more words. Now, whether this rule laid down by Saint Paul, betwixt Christian, and Heathen, be also commensurate betwixt Protestant, and Papist, is not my work to decide. Perchance, she would only answer to the King, for her behaviour towards her Husband, as hoping for some tenderness from His Highness, because of some general conformity, in the first part of her Case with the Kings: as Who for by respects was first married to, then divorced from His Brother's Wife. 46. Her several examinations are largely penned by herself, extant in Mr. Fox, She is first rached, and then burn●. where the Reader may find them. But be it remembered, that, whereas heresy only was charged upon her, without the least suspicion of Treason, yet was she racked to detect some Court Ladies of her opinion, by the Lord Wriothisly the then, and Sir Robert Rich, the n Fox, p. 1239. next Lord Chancellor. But, whether it was noble in these Lords, or legal in these Lawyers, or conscientious in these Chancellors, to rack one already condemned to death, belongeth to others to determine. Their cruelty extorted no discovery from her, whose constancy now made recompense for her former infirmities. If it be true what is charged upon her, that before she had twice subscribed the Real Presence in the Sacrament of the Altar, but zealously died at last in the earnest denial thereof, being amongst those, who according to the precept in the o Isa. 24.15. Prophet, glorified the Lord in the sires. Her suffering in Smithfield was most solemnly performed, where three men, Nicolas Belevian, Priest of Shropshire; John Lacells, Gentleman, of the Household of King Henry the eighth; and John adam's, a poor Tailor of London, were all burnt together. Three couple of qualities, meeting together in four persons, Clergy, and Laity; Male, and Female; Gentle, and Simple, made the fuel of the same fire. 47. John Bale registers this Anne Ashcough, Her Prose, and Po●●●y. amongst the number of his English learned Writers, for her Examinations, Letters, and Poems, wrote with her own hand; though the p Parsons, utpriùs. Jesuit jeers him for his pains, as if no works, save those of the needle, became her sex. I have seen a Manuscript of her Verses (afterwards printed at Marpurge in Germany) and must confess, I better approve her Charity in the four last, than her Poetry in all rest: Yet Lord I thee desire, Ann. Reg. Hen. 8.38. Let them not taste the hire For that they do to me, Of their iniquity. However those that have drunk deeper than she of Helicon, Ann. Dom. 1546. would be loath to pledge her in the bitter cup of Martyrdom. So I take my leave of her memory. 48. Now began the troubles of Queen Katherine Parr, The King marrieth KatbarineParr. whom the King married some two years since. For He, either being, or believing Himself wronged by His last Wife, whom He married for a Maid, resolved now to take a Widow to Wife, who had given proof of her chastity and loyalty to her former Husband, and thereupon married this Katherine, the Daughter of Sir Thomas Parr of Kendal, the Relict of John Nevil Lord Latimer, one of great piety, beauty & discretion. Next to the Bible, She studied the King's disposition, observing Him to Her utmost. And need She had of a nimble soul, to attend at all times on His humour, whose Fury had now got the addition of Frowardness thereunto. She was rather Nurse, than Wife unto Him, who was more decayed by sickness & intemperance, than old age. 49. Yet sometimes She would presume to discourse with the King about points of Religion, The conspiracy of Her enemies against Her. defending the Protestant-Tenents by Scripture, and reason: and sometimes would hold up the King very close hard at it. This displeased Him, who loved looseness and liberty, in His clothes, arguments, and actions, and was quickly observed by Gardiner, and others, who were the Queen's enemies. Hereupon, taking advantage of an unhappy juncture of time, Gardiner drew up Articles against Her, and had got them subscribbed with the Kings own hand, to remove Her to the Tower. Whither had She been sent, Vestigia nulla retrorsum, without doubt She had followed the way of His former Wives in that place. 50. But Divine Providence ordereth all things to fall out for the good of God's children. Chancellor Wriothesly put the paper of those Articles (precious jewels) in no worse cabinet than his own bosom. Hence it casually fell out, By God's Providence defeated. was taken up by one of the Queen's servants, and brought to Her Grace, who, on Her sickness, and submission to the King, obtained His pardon, signed ad sealed unto Her with may kisses and embraces. As for such Her enemies, who came at the present to attach Her (intending, by virtue of the Kings Warrant, to send Her the shortest way to Her long home) they were sent back with what made worse rumbling than a flea in the ear, even the taunts and threats of the enraged King against them. 51. And yet Pasons tell q In his Exam. of Fox his Martyrs, in June, c. 10. p. 433. us, that, not with standing the King purposed to have burned Her, if He had lived. Parsons his wild intelligence. I know not whence he derived this his strange intelligence, and therefore justly suspect the truth hereof: The rather, because I find Her in great grace with the King, as appeareth by the good language, and great Legacy He gave Her in His Will, which here we thought fit to transcribe, both for the rarity thereof, and because containing many passages, which may reflect much light upon our Church-History. IN the name of God, Testamentum Regis HENRICI octavi. and of the glorious and blessed Virgin our Lady S. Marry, and of all the holy company of Heaven: We HENRY by the grace of God, King of England, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, and in earth immediately under God the supreme Head of the Church of England, and also Ireland, of that name the eight; calling to Our remembrance the great gifts and benefits of Almighty God given unto Us in this transitory life, give unto him Our most lowly and humble thanks, acknowledging Ourselves insufficient in any part to deserve or recompense the same. But fear that we have not worthily received the same, and considering further also that We be (as all mankind are) mortal and born in sin; believing nevertheless, and hoping, Ann. Dom. 1546. that every Christian creature living here in this transitory and wretched world, under God dying in steadfast and perfect faith, endeavouring and exercising himself to execute in his life-time, Ann. Regis Hen. 8. 38. if he have leisure, such good deeds and charitable works as Scripture commandeth, and as may be to the honour and pleasure of God, is ordained by Christ's passion to be saved and attain Eternal life: Of which number We verily trust by his grace to be one. And that every creature, the more high that he is in estate, honour and authority in this world, the more he is bound to love, serve and thank God, and the more diligently to endeavour himself to do good and charitable works to the laud, honour and praise of Almighty God, and the profit of his soul. We also calling to remembrance the dignity, estate, honour, rule and governance that Almighty God hath called Us unto in this world, and that neither We, nor any other creature-mortal knoweth the time, place, when nor where, it shall please Almighty God to call him out of this transitory world, willing therefore and minding with God's grace before our passage out of the same, to dispose and order Our later mind, Will and Testament, in that sort, as We trust it shall be acceptable unto Almighty God, our only Saviour Jesus Christ, and all the holy Company of Heaven: and the due satisfaction of all godly brethren in earth, have now, being of whole and perfect mind, adhering wholly to the right faith of Christ and his doctrine, repenting also Our old and detestable life, and being in perfect will and mind, by his grace, never to return to the same, nor such like. And minding, by God's grace, never to vary therefrom as long as any remembrance, breath, or inward knowledge doth, or may remain within this mortal body; most humbly and hearty do commend and bequeath Our soul to Almighty God, who in Person of the Son redeemed the same with his most precious body and blood in time of his passion: And for Our better remembrance thereof hath left here with us Us, in his Church militant, the consecration and administration of his precious body and blood, to Out no little consolation and comfort, if We as thankfully accept the same, as he lovingly and undeservedly on man's behalf, hath ordained it for our only benefit, and not his. Also, we do instantly require, and desire the blessed Virgin Mary his mother, with all the holy Company of Heaven, continually to pray for Us whiles We live in this world, and in the time of passing out of the same, that We may the sooner attain Everlasting life after Our departure out of this transitory life, which We do both hope and claim by Christ's passion; And for my body, which when the soul is departed, shall then remain but as a cadaver, and so return to the vile matter it was made of, were it not for the crown and dignity which God hath called Us unto, and that We would not be counted an Infringer of honest worldly policies and customs when they be not contrary to God's laws, We would be content to have it buried in any place accustomed for Christian folks, were it never so vile, it is but ashes, and to ashes it shall return. Nevertheless, because We would be loath, in the reputation of the people, to do injury to the Dignity which We are unworthily called unto, We are content, and also by these presents, Our last Will and Testament, to will and order, That Our body be buried and entered in the Quire of Our College of Widsor, middle-way between the Stalls and the high Altar, and there to be made and set, as soon as conveniently may be done after Our decease by Our Executors at Our costs and charges, if it be not done by Us in Our life-time, an honourable Tomb for Our bones to rest in, which is well onward and almost made, therefore already with a fair grate about it, in which We will also, that the bones and body of Our true and loving Wife Queen Jane be put also; And, that there be provided, ordained and set, at the costs and charges of Us, or of our Executors, if it be not done in Our life-time, a convenient Altar honourably prepared and apparelled with all manner of things requisite and necessary for daily Masses there to be said perpetually while the world shall endure; Also We will, that the Tombs and Altars of King Henry the sixth, and also of King Edward the fourth Our great Uncle and Grandfather, be made more Princely, in the same place where they now be, at Our charge; And also will, and specially desire and require, that where and whensoever it shall please God to call Us out of this transitory world to his infinite mercy & grace, be it beyond the sea, or in any other place without Our Realm of England, or within the same, that Our Executors, as soon as they conuniently may, shall cause all Divine Service accustomed for dead folks to be celebrated for Us, in the next and most proper place where it shall fortune Us to departed out of this transitory life; And ever, that We will that whensoever and wheresoever it shall please God to call Us out of this transitory life to his infinite mercy and grace, be it within the Realm or without, that Our Executors in as goodly, brief and convenient haste as they reasonably can or may order, prepare and cause Our body to be removed, conveyed and brought into the said College of Windesor, and the Service of Placebo and Dirige, with a Sermon and Mass on the morrow at Our costs and charges devoutly to be done, observed and solemnly kept, there to be buried and interred in the place appointed for Our said Tomb to be made for the same intent, and all this to be done in as devout-wise as can or may be; And We will and charge Our Executors that they dispose and give almesto the most poor and needly people, that may be found, common beggars as much as may be avoided, in as short space as possible they may after Our departure out of this transitory life One thousand marks of lawful money of England, part in the same place and thereabout where it shall please Almighty God to call us to his mercy, partly by the way, and part in the same place of Our burial after their discretions; And to move the poor people that shall have Our alms to pray hearty unto God for the remission of Our offence and the wealth of Our soul. And We will, that with as convenient speed as may be done after Our departure out of this world (if it be not done in Our life) that the Dean and Canons of Our Free Chapel of Saint George within Our Castle of Windesor shall have Manors, Lands, Tenements, and Spiritual promotions to the yearly value of uj C. pounds over all charges made sure to them and to their successors for ever upon these conditions hereafter ensuing, and for the due accomplishment and full performance of all other things contained with the same in the form of an Indenture, signed with Our own hand, which shall be passed by way of Covenant for that purpose between the said Dean and Canons, and Our Executors, (if it pass not between Us and the said Dean and Canons in Our life) That is to say, the said Dean and Canons, and their successors forever, shall find two Priests to say Masses at the said Altar, to be made where We have before appointed our Tomb to be made and stand. And also after Our decease keep yearly Four solemn Obits for us within the said College of Windesor, and at every of the same Obits to cause a solemn Sermon to be made, and also at every of the said Obits to give to poor people in alms Ten pounds, and also to give for ever yearly to thirteen poor men, which shall be called Poor Knights, to every of them Twelve pence a day, and once in the year yearly for ever a long Gown of white cloth with the Gatter upon the breast embroidered with a Shield and Cross of Saint George within the garter and a mantle of red cloth, and to such one of the thirteen poor Knights, Ann. Dom. 1546. as shall be appointed to be head and governor over them, iij li. ujs. viij d. yearly for ever over and beside the said xij. d. by the day. And also to cause every Sunday in the year for ever a Sermon to be made at Windesor aforesaid, Ann. Reg. Hen. 8.38 as in the said Indenture and Covenant shall be more fully and particularly expressed, willing, charging and requiring Our Son Prince EDWARD, all Our Executors and Counsellors, which shall be named hereafter, and all other Our Heirs and Successors, which shall be Kings of this Realm, as they will answer before God Almighty at the dreadful day of judgement, that they, and every of them, do see that the said Indenture and Assurance to be made between Us and the said Dean & Canons, or between them and Our executors, and all things therein contained, may be duly put in execution, and observed and kept for ever perpetually according to this Our last Will and Testament. And as concerning the order and dispostion of the Imperial Crown of this Realm of England and Ireland, with Our Title of France, and all dignities, honours, preeminences, prerogatives, authorities and jurisdictions to the same annexed or belonging, and for the sure establishment of the succession of the same. And also for a full and plain gift, disposition, assignment, declaration, limitation and appointment with what conditions Our Daughters MARY and ELIZAsBETH shall severally have, hold and enjoy the said Imperial Crown, and other the premises after Our decease; and for default of Issue and Heirs of the several bodies of Us and of Our Son Prince EDWARD lawfully begotten and His Heirs; And also for a full gift, disposition, assignment, declaration, limitation and appointment to Whom, and of what estate, and in what manner, form and condition the said Imperial Crown, and other the premises, shall remain and come after Our decease; And for default of Issue and Heirs of the several bodies of Us, and of the said Son Prince EDWARD, and of Our said Daughters MARY and ELIZABETH lawfully begotten, We by these presents do make and declare Our last Will and Testament concerning the said Imperial Crown, and all other the premises, in manner and form following: That is to say, We will, by these presents, that immediately after Our departure out of this present, life, Our said Son Prince EDWARD shall have and enjoy the said Imperial Crown, and Realm of England and Ireland, Our Title of France, with all dignities, honours, preeminences, prerogatives, authorities and jurisdictions, lands and possessions to the same annexed, or belonging unto Him and to His Heirs of His body lawfully begotten; And for default of such Issue of Our said Son Prince EDWARD's body lawfully begotten, We will the same Imperial Crown, and other the premises, after Our two deceases, shall wholly remain and come to the Heirs of our body lawfully begotten, of the body of Our entirely beloved Wife Queen Katherine that now is, or of any other Our lawful Wife that We shall hereafter marry, and for lack of such Issue and Heirs, We will also that after Our decease, and for default of Heirs of the several bodies of Us and of our said Son Prince EDWARD's lawfully begotten, the said Imperial Crown and all other the premises, shall wholly remain and come to Our said Daughter MARY, and the Heris of Her body lawfully begotten, upon condition that Our said Daughter MARY after Our decease shall not marry, not take any Person to Her Huband without the assent and consent of the Privy Counselors, and others, appointed by Us to Our dearest Son Prince EDWARD aforesaid, to be of Counsel, or of the most part of them, or the most of such as shall then be alive thereunto, before the said marriage, had in writing, sealed with their seals. All which conditions We declare, limit, appoint and will by these presents, Ann. Reg. Hen. 8.38. shall be knit and invested to the said estate of our Daughter MARY in the said Imperial Crown, Ann. Dom. 1546. and other the premises, And if it fortune Our said Daughter MARY to die without Issue of Her body, lawfully begotten, We will that after Our decease, and for default of Issue of the several bodies of Us, and of Our said Son Prince EDWARD, lawfully begotten, and of Our Daughter MARY; the said Imperial Crown, and other the premises, shall wholly remain to come to Our said Daughter ELIZABETH, and to the Heirs of Her body, lawfully begotten, upon condition, that our said Daughter ELIZABETH, after Our decease, shall not marry, nor taken any Person to Her Husband without the assent and consent of the Privy Counsellors, and others, appointed by ●●s to be of Counsel with Our said dearest Son Prince EDWARD, or the most part of them, or the most part of such of them as shall be then alive, thereunto, before the marriage had in writing, sealed with their seals, which Condition We declare, limit and appoint, and will by these presents, shall be to the said estate of Our said Daughter ELIZABETH in the said Imperial Crown, and other the premises knit and invested; And if it shall fortune Our said Daughter ELIZABETH to die without Issue of Her body, lawfully begotten, We will that after Our decease, and for default of Issue of the several bodies of Us and of our said Son Prince EDWARD, and of Our said Daughters MARY, and ELIZABETH, and said Imperial Crown, and other the premises, after Our decease, shall wholly remain and come to the Heirs of the body of the Lady FRANCES, Our Niece, eldest Daughter to Our late Sister the French Queen, lawfully begotten, and for default of such Issue of the body of the said Lady FRANCES, We will that the said Imperial Crown, and other the premises, after Our decease, and for default of Issue of the several bodies of Us, and of Our Son Prince EDWARD, and of Our Daughters MARY, and ELIZABETH, and of the Lady FRANCES, lawfully begotten, shall wholly remain and come to the Heirs of the body of the Lady ELINOR Our Niece, second Daughter to Our said Sister the French Queen, lawfully begotten. And if it happen the said Lady ELINOR to die without Issue of Her body, lawfully begotten, We will that after our decease, and for default of Issue of the several bodies of Us, and of Our said Son Prince EDWARD, and of Our said Daughters MARY, and ELIZABETH, and of the said Lady FRANCES, and of the said Lady ELINOR, lawfully begotten, the said Imperial Crown, and other the premises, shall wholly remain and come to the next rightful Heirs. And we sill that if Our said Daughter MARY do marry without the consent and assent of the Privy Counselors and others appointed by Us to be of Counsel to Our said Son Prince EDWARD, or the most part of them as shall then be alive thereunto, before the said marriage had in writing, sealed with their seals, as is aforesaid, that then and from thenceforth for lack of Heirs of the several bodies of Us and of Our said Son Prince EDWARD, lawfully begotten, the said Imperial Crown shall wholly remain, be, and come to Our said Daughter ELIZABETH, and to the Heirs of Her body lawfully begotten, in such manner and form, as though Our said Daughter MARY were then dead without any Issue of the body of Our said Daughter MARY, lawfully begotten, Any thing contained in this Our Will, or any Act of Parliament or Statute to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding; And in case Our said Daughter the Lady MARY do keep and perform the said Condition expressed, declared and limited to Her estate in the said Imperial Crown, and other the premises in this Our last will declared. And that Our said Daughter ELIZABETH do not keep and perform for Her part the said condition declared and limited by this Our last Will to the estate of the said Lady ELIZABETH in the said Imperial Crown of this Realm of England and Ireland, Ann. Dom. 1546. and other the premises, Ann. Regis Hen. 8. 38. We will that then ●and from thencesorth after Our decease, and for lack of Heirs of the several bodies of Us and of Our said Son Prince EDWARD, and of Our said Daughter MARY, lawful begotten, the said Imperial Crown and other the premises shall wholly remain and come to the next Heirs lawfully begotten of the body of the said Lady FRANCES, in such manner and form as though the said Lady ELIZABETH were then dead without any Heir of Her body lawfully begotten, Any thing contained in this Will, or in any Act or Statute to the contrary not withstanding, the remainders over for lack of Issue of the said Lady FRANCES lawfully begotten to be an continue to such persons like remainders and estates as is before limited and declared. And We being now at this time (thanks to Almighty God) of perfect memory, Names of the Executo. s. do constitute and ordain these personages following Our Executors and Performers of this Our last Will and Testament, willing, commanding and praying them to take upon them the occupation and performance of the same as Executors, Tho: Cranmer. that is to say, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Wriothesly Chancellor of England, the Lord St. John greater Master of Our House, Edw. Seymour. John Dudley. the Earl of Hartford great Chamberlain, the Lord Russell Lord Privy Seal, the Viscount Lisle high Admiral of England, the Bishop Tonstall of Duresme, Sir Anthony Browne Knight Master of our Horses, Sir Edward Montague Knight, chief Judge of the Common Pleas, Justice Bromley, Sir Edward North Knight Chancellor of the Augmentations, Sir William Pagett Knight Our chief Secretary, Sir Anthony Denny, Sir William Herbert Knights chief Gentlemen of Our Privy Chamber, Sir Edward Wotton Knight, and Mr. Doctor Wotton his brother, and all these We will to be Our Executors and Counsellors of the Privy Counsel with Our said Son Prince EDWARD, in all matters concerning both his private affairs and public affairs of the Realm, willing and charging them, and every of them, as they must and shall answer at the day of judgement, wholly and fully to see this my last Will and Testament performed in all things with as much speed an diligence as may be, and that none of them presume to meddle with any of Our treasure, or to do any thing appointed by Our said Will alone, unless the most part of the whole number of these Co-executors do consent, and by writing agree to the same; And will that Our said Executors, or the most part of them, may lawfully do what they shall think most convenient for the execution of this Our Will without being troubled by Our said Son, or any other, for the same. Willing further, by Our said last Will and Testament, that Sir Ed mund Peckham Our trusty servant and yet Cofferer of Our house, shall be Treasurer, and have the receipt and laying out of all such treasure and money as shll be defrayed by Our Executors for the performance of this Our last Will, straightly charging and commanding the said Sir Edmund, that he pay no great sum of money, but he have first the hands of Our said Executors, or of the most part of them, for his discharge touching the same; charging him further, upon his allegiance, to make a true account of all such sums as shall be delivered to his hands for this purpose; And since We have now named and constituted Our Executors, We will and charge them, that first and above all things, as they will answer before God, and as We put Our singular trust and confidence in them, that they cause all Our due Debts, that can be reasonably showed and proved before them, to be fully contented and paid as soon as they conveniently can or may after Our decease without longer delay, and that they do execute these points first, that is to say, the payment of Our debts, with redress of injuries, if any such can be duly proved (though to Us they be unknown) before any other part of this Our Will and Testament, Our Burial, Exequys, and Funerals, only except. Furthermore, We will that all such Grants and Gifts as We have made, given or promised, to any which be not yet perfected under Our sing or any Our seals, as they ought to be, and all such recompense for exchanges, sales, or any other thing or things as aught to have been made by Us, and be not yet accomplished, shall be perfected in every point towards all manner of men for discharge of Our conscience, charging Our Executors and all the rest of Our Counselors to see the same done, performed, finished and accomplished in every point, foreseeing that the said Gifts, Grants, and Promises and Recompense, shall appear to Our said Executors, or the most part of them, to have been granted, made, accorded, or promised, in any manner of wise. Further, according to the laws of Almighty God, and for the fatherly love which We bear to Our Son Prince EDWARD, and to this Our Realm, We declare Him according to justice, equity, and conscience, to be Our lawful Heir, and do give and bequeath unto Him the succession of Our Realms of England, and Ireland, with Our Title of France, and all Our Dominions, both on this side the seas, and beyond, a convenient portion for Our Will and Testament to be reserved. Also, We give unto Him all Our plate, stuff of household, artillery, ordnance, ammunition, ships, cables, and all other things and implements to them belonging, And money also and jewels, saving such portions as shall satisfy this Our last Will and Testament, charging and commanding Him on pain of Our curse, seeing He hath so loving a Father of Us, and that Our chief labour and study in this world is to establish Him in the Crown Imperial of this Realm after Our decease, in such sort as may be pleasing to God, and to the wealth of this Realm, and to His own honour and quiet, that He be ordered and ruled both in His marriage, and also in ordering the affairs of the Realm, as well outward, as inward; And also in all His own private affairs, and in giving of Offices of charge by the advice and counsel of Our right entirely beloved Counselors, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Wriothesly Chancellor of England, the Lord St. John great Master of Our house, the Lord Russell Lord Privy Seal, the Earl of Hertford great Chamberlain of England, the Viscount Lisle high Admiral of England, the Bishop Tonstall of Duresme, Sir Anthony Browne Knight, Master of Our horses, Sir William Pagett Our chief Secretary, Sir Anthony Denny, Sir William Herbert, Justice Montague, and Bromley, Sir Edward Wotton, Mr. Doctor Wotton, and Sir Edward North, whom We ordain, name, and appoint, and by these presents signed with Our hand, do make and constitute Our Privy Counsel with Our said Son, and will, that they have the governance of Our most dear Son Prince EDWARD, and of all Our Realms, Dominions, and Subjects, and of all the Affairs public and private, until he shall have fully completed the xviijth year of his age. And, for because the variety and number of things, affairs, and matters are, and may be, such as we not knowing the certainty of them before cannot conveniently prescribe a certain order or rule unto Our said Counselors for their behaviours and proceed in this charge which We have now, and do appoint unto them, about Our said Son, during the time of his minority aforesaid, We therefore for the special trust and confidence which We have in them, will, and by these presents, do give and grant full power and authority unto Our said Counselors, that they all, or the most part of them, being assembled together in Counsel, or if any of them fortune to die, the more part of them which shall be for the time living being assembled in Counsel together, Ann. Dom. 1546. shall, Ann. Reg. Hen. 8. 38. and may make, devise, and ordain what things soever they, or the more part of them, as aforesaid, shall, during the minority of Our said Son, think meet, necessary, and convenient, for the benefit, honour, and surety of the weal, profit, and commodity of Our said Son; His Realms; Dominions; or Subjects, or the discharge of Our conscience. And the same things devised, made, or ordained by them, or the more part of them aforesaid, shall, and may lawfully do, execute and accomplish, or cause to be done, executed and accomplished by their discretions, or the discretions of the more part of them, as aforesaid, in as large and ample manner, as if We had or did express unto them by a more special Commission under Our Great Seal of England, every particular cause that may chance or occur during the time of Our said Sons minority, and the selfsame manner of proceeding, which they shall for the time think meet to use and follow. Willing and charging our said Son, and all others, which shall hereafter be Counselors to Our said Son, that they never charge, molest, trouble, or disquiet Our aforesaid Counselors, nor any of them, for the devising or doing, nor any other person for the doing of that they shall devise, or the more part of them, devise or do, assembled, as is aforesaid. And, We do charge expressly the same Our entirely beloved Counselors and Executors that they shall take upon them the rule and charge of Our said Son and Heir, in all His causes and affairs, and of the whole Realm, doing nevertheless all things as under Him and in His name, until Our said Son and Heir shall be bestowed and married by their advice, and that the xviijth year be expired, willing and desiring furthermore Our said trusty Counselors, and then all Our trusty and assured Servants; and thirdly, all other Our loving Subjects, to aid and assist Our forenamed Counsellors in the execution of the premises during the aforesaid time. Not doubting but they will in all things deal so truly and uprightly, as they shall have cause to think them well chosen for the charge committed unto them, straightly charging our said Counselors and Executors, and in God's name exhorting them for the singular trust and special confidence which We have and ever had in them, to have a due and diligent eye, perfect zeal, love and affection to the honour, surety, estate, and dignity of Our said Son, and the good state and prosperity of this Our Realm; And that all delays set apart, they well aid and assist Our said Counselors and Executors to the performance of this Our present Testament and last Will, in every part, as they will answer before God at the day of judgement, Cum venerit judicare vivos & mortuos; and furthermore for the special trust and confidence which we have in the Earls of Arundel, and Essex, that now be, Sir Thomas Cheny Knight Treasurer of Our household, Sir John Gage Knight controller of Our household, Sir Anthony Wingfield Knight Our Vice Chamberlain, Sir William Peter Knight one of Our two principal Secretaries, Sir Richard Rich Knight, Sir John Baker Knight, Sir Ralph Sadler Knight, Sir Thomas Seymour Knight, Sir Richard Southwell, and Sir Edmund Peckham Knights, they, and every of them, shall be of Counsel, for the aiding and assisting of the forenamed Counselors and Our Executors, when they or any of them shall be called by Our said Executors, or the more part of the same. Item, We bequeath to Our Daughters MARY and ELIZABETH's marriage, they being married to any outward Potentate, by the advice of the aforesaid Counselors (if We bestow Them not in Our life time) Ten thousand pounds in money, plate, jewels, and householdstuff, for each of Them, or a larger sum, as to the discretion of Our Executors, or the more part of them, shall be thought convenient, Willing Them on My blessing to be ordered as well in marriage, as in all other lawful things by the advice of Our forenamed Counselors, And in case They will not, than the sums to be minished at the Counselors discretions. Further, Our Will is, that from the first hour of Our death until such time as the said Counselors can provide either of Them, or both, some Honourable marriages, They shall have each of Them MMM li. ultra reprisas to live upon, willing and charging the aforesaid Counselors to limit and appoint to either of Them such sage Officers and Ministers for orderance thereof, as it may be employed both to Our Honour and Theirs; And for the great love, obedience, chasteness of life and wisdom being in Our forenamed Wife and Queen, We bequeath unto Her for Her proper use, and as it shall please Her to order it, MMM li. in plate, jewels, and stuff of household, besides such apparel is it shall please Her to take as She hath already; And further, We give unto Her M li. in money, with the enjoying of Her Dowry and Jointure, according to Our Grant by Act of Parliament. Item, for the kindness and good service that Our said Executors have showed unto Us, We give and bequeath unto each of them such sums of money, or the value of the same as hereafter ensueth: First, to the Archbishop of Canterbury uc marks, to the Lord Wriothesly ucli. to the Lord St. John ucli. to the Lord Russell ucli. to the Earl of Hertford ucli. to the Viscount Lisle ucli. to the Bishop of Duresme CCC li. to Sir Anthony Browne CCC li. to Sir William Pagett CCC li. to Sir Anthony Denny CCC li. to Sir William Herbert CCC li. to Justice Montague CCC li. to Justice Bromley CCC li. to Sir Edward North CCC li. to Sir Heward Wotton CCC li. to Doctor Wotton CCC li. Also, for the special love and favour that We bear to Our trusty Counselors and other Our said Servants, hereafter following, We give and bequeath unto them such sums of money, or the value thereof as is tottad upon their heads: First, to the Earl of Essex CC li. to Sir Thomas Theny CC li. to the Lord Herbert CC li. to Sir John Gage CC li. to Sir Thomas Seymour CC li. to John Gage CC li. to Sir Thomas Darcy Knight CC li. to Sir Thomas Speke Knight CC marks, to Sir Philip Hobbey Knight CC marks, to Sir Thomas Paston CC marks, to Sir Morrice Barkeley CC marks, to Sir Ralph Sadler CC li. to Sir Thomas Carden CC li. to Sir Peter Newtas CC marks, to Edward Bullingham CC marks, to Thomas Audeley CC marks, to Edmund Harman CC marks, to John Pen C marks, to Henry Nevile a C li. to William Symbarbe C li. to Richard Cook C li. to John Osborne C li. to David Vincent C li. to James Rufforth Keeper of Our house here C marks, to Richard Cecil Yeoman of Our Robes C marks, to Thomas Strenhold Groom of Our Robes C marks, to John Rowland Page of Our Robes L li. to the Earl of Arundel Lord Chamberlain CC li. to Sir Anthony Wingfield Vice-Chamberlain CC li. to Sir Edmond Peckham CC li. to Sir Richard Rich CC li. to Sir John Baker CC li. to Sir Rich Southwell CC li. to Mr. Doctor Owen C li. to Mr. Doctor Wendy C li. to Mr. Doctor Cromer C li. to Thomas Alssop C marks, to Patrick C marks, to John Ailef C marks, to Henry Forest C marks, to Richard Ferrer C marks, to John Holland C marks, to the four Gentlemen Ushers of Our chamber (being daily Waiters) a hundred pound in all; And We will that Our Executors, or the most part of them, shall give Orders for the payment of such Legacies as they shall think meet to such Our ordinary Servants, as unto whom▪ We have not appointed any Legacy by this Our present Testament. Finally, this present Writing in Paper We ordain and make Our last Will and Testament, and will the same to be reputed and taken to all intents and purposes for Our good, strong, available, most perfect and last Will and Testament, And We do declare all other Wills and Testaments made at any time by Us to be void and of none effect. ¶ In witness whereof, We have signed it with Our hand in Our Palace at Westminster the thirtieth day of December, in the year of our Lord God 1546. after the computation of the Church of England, and of Our Reign the xxxviijth year, being present, and called to Witness the Persons which have written their names: John Gate. Ed: Harman. William Saint-Barbe. Henry Nevil. Richard Cook. David Vincent. Patrick. George Owen. Thomas Wendy. Robert Kewicke. William Clerk. 51. This the Will was drawn up some two years since, When this Will was made. before He went to Bologne, as is intimated in a passage, Be it beyond the sea, etc. which now was only fairly written over again, without any alteration, save that Stephen Gardiner was expunged from being one of His Executors. It seems, that formerly (finding none substituted in Gardiner's room) He appointed seventeen Executors, that so a decisive Vote might avoid equality of Voices. And, although in this Will, provision is made for multitude of Masses to be said for his soul, yet * Fox, Acts and Mon. p. 1291. one (pretending to extraordinary intelligence herein) would persuade us, that K. Henry intended in His later days so thorough a Reformation, as not to have left one Mass in the Land, if death had not prevented Him. 52. Amongst His Servants in ordinary attendance, to whom Legacies were bequeathed, Legacies scarcely paid. Richard Cecil there named Yeoman of the Robes, was the Father to William Cecil afterwards Baron of Burghly and Lord Treasurer of England. Thomas Sternhold, Groom of the Robes (and afterwards of the * Balens Cent. pagin. 728. ab intim●s cubiculis Bed chamber to King Edward the sixth) was one of them who translated the Psalms into English Meeter, being then accounted an excellent Poet; though he who wore bays in those days, deserveth not ivy in cur Age. Now, seeing by the rules of justice, and the Kings own appointment, His Debts were to be paid before His Legacies; and, seeing many of His personal debts remained unsatisfied till the days of Queen Elizabeth, probably most of these Legacies were never paid, especially to inferior persons: As if it were honour enough for them to have such sums bequeathed unto, though never bestowed upon them. 53. Whereas mention in this Will of a Monument well onwards and almost made, Monument made for the King by the Cardinal. it is the same which Cardinal Wolsey built For King Henry, and not for himself, as is commonly reported. Wherefore, whereas there goeth a tale, That King Henry one day finding the Cardinal with the workmen making His Monument, should say unto him, Tumble yourself in this Tomb whilst you are alive, for when dead, you shall never lie therein; it is a mere fiction, the Cardinal originally intending the same for the King, as appeareth by the ancient Inscription * Godwin in Hen 8. p. 200. thereupon, wherein King Henry was styled LORD (not KING) of Ireland, without addition of supreme Head of the Church, plainly showing the same was of ancient date in the days of the Cardinal. 54. Whereas the Lady Mary and Elizabeth, Why His Nieces more at liberty than his Daughters. Their marriages are so severely conditioned, that if made without consent of the Council, They were to forfeit Their right to the Crown, men interpret it as provided in terrorem, and not otherwise. Yet, this clause was it which afterwards put so plausible a pretence on Wyatt his rebellion; which, though made of rotten cloth, had notwithstanding a good colour thereon. Now, whereas the King's Nieces (the Daughters to Mary His younger Sister) were not clogged in this His Will with such restrictions concerning their Marriages, the plain reason was, because both of them were already married before this Will was made: Frances the elder, to Henry Grace marquis Dorset, (afterward Duke of Suffolk) and Eleanour the younger, to Henry Clifford Earl of Cumberland. 55. The Portion of but ten thousand pounds a piece left to His two Daughters, Ten thousand pounds the portion of a Princess. was not much unproportionable to the value of money as it went in that Age, though a sum small for such an use in our days. And I have heard, that Queen Elizabeth being informed that Doctor Pilkington Bishop of Durham had given ten thousand pounds in marriage with his Daughter; and, being offended that a Prelate's daughter should equal a Princess in portion, took away one thousand pounds a year from that Bishopric, and assigned it for the better maintenance of the Garrison of Barwick. 56. Very much of His own abitrarinesse appears in this Will of King Henry, Much of arbitrariness in this Will. entalling the Crown according to His own fancy, against all right, and reason. For, first, how unjust was it, that His female issue by Queen Katherine Parr, His last Wife (had He had any) should inherit the Crown before Mary and Elizabeth His eldest Daughters by His former Wives? If Mary and Elizabeth were not His lawful Children, how came They by any right to the Crown? If His lawful Children, why was Their birthright and seniority not observed in succession? Well it was for Them that Henry Fitz Roy His natural Son (but one of supernatural and extraordinary endowments) was dead, otherwise (some suspect) had He survived King Edward the sixth, we might presently have heard of a K. Henry the ninth; so great was His Father's affection, and so unlimited His power to prefer Him. 57 But the grand injury in this His Testament is, The Scotish Line quite left out. That He quite passeth over the Children of Margaret, His eldest Sister, married into Scotland, with all Her issue, not so much as making the least mention thereof. 58. Great indeed, (when this Will was first made) was the antipathy, which for the present possessed Him against the Scotch, with whom then He was in actual war, though at other times, when in good humour, very courteous to His kindred of that extraction. For, most sure it is, that when Margaret Douglas, His Sister's Daughter, was married to Math. Earl of Lenox, He publicly professed, That in case His own Issue failed, He should be right glad some of Her body should sacceed to the Crown, as it came to * Henry Lord Darly her Son, Father to King James. pass. 59 Of the eleven Witnesses, Legatees Witnesses in Kings Will. whose names are subscribed to His Will, the nine first are also Legatees therein, and therefore (because reputed Parties) not sufficient Witnesses had it been the Will of a private person. But, the Testaments of Princes move in an higher sphere, than to take notice of such Punctilloes, and (foreigners being unfit to be admitted to such privacies) domestical Servants were preferred as the properest Witnesses, to attest an Instrument of their Lord and Master. 60. It is but just with God, that He who had too much of His Will done, Little of His Will performed. when living, should have the less, when dead, of His Testament performed. The ensuing Reformation swept away the Masses and chantry Priests founded to pray for His soul. The Tombs of Henry the sixth, and Edward the fourth, (the one the last of Lancaster, the other the first of York, the Titles of both which Houses met in this Henry) remain at this day in statu quo priùs, without any amendment. Where, by the way, seeing in this Will King Henry the sixth, is styled his Uncle, I cannot make out the relation in the common sense of the word, except any will say, that King's Uncles (as their Cousins) are oft taken in a large and favourable acception. But the main wherein His Will miss the intent is in that the Scotch Line, neglected and omitted by Him, (ordinary Heirs are made in Heaven, Heirs to Crowns in the Heaven of Heavens) came in Their due time to the Throne, Their undoubted Right thereunto recognized by Act of Parliament. 61. After the making of this his Will, His disease, and the manner of His death. He survived a full Month, falling immediately sick. He had sesque corpus, a body and half, very abdominous & unwieldy with fat, and it was death to Him to be dieted, so great His appetite, and death to Him not to be dieted, so great His corpulency. But now all His humours repaired to one place, and settled themselves in an old sore in His thigh, which quickly grew to be greatly inflamed. Here flame met with fire, the anguish of the sore, with an hot and impatient temper, so that during his sickness, few of His Servants durst approach His presence. His Physicians, giving Him over, desired some, who tendered the good of His soul, to admonish Him of His estate. But such, who could fly with good tidings, would not halt to Him with ill news. Besides, lately a Law was made, That none should speak any thing of the King's death. Which Act, though only intended to retrench the Predictions and mock-Prophesies of Soothsayers, yet now all the Courtiers (glad of so legal a covert for their cowardice) alleged it, to excuse themselves to inform the King of Nis approaching end. At last Sir Anthony Denny went boldly unto Him, and plainly acquainted Him of His dying condition; whereupon, Archbishop Cranmer was by the King his desire sent for, to give him some ghostly counsel and comfort. 62. But before Cranmer (then being at Croidon) could come to Him, His hope expressed by speechless gesture. He was altogether speechless, but not senseless. The Archbishop exhorted Him to place all His trust in God's mercies through Christ, and besought Him, that (if He could not in words) He would by some sign or other testify this His hope. Who then wringed the Archbishop's hand as hard as He could, and shortly after expired, having lived fifty five years, and seven months; Jan. 28. and thereof reigned thirty seven years, nine months, and six days. 63. As for the report of Sanders, Lying Slanders. that King Henry perceiving the pangs of approaching Death, called for a great bowl of white wine, and drinking it off, should say to the company, We have lost all; it is enough to say, it is a report of Sanders. As loud a lie is it what he affirmeth, that the last words heard from His mouth were, The Monks, the Monks, and so gave up the ghost. This may go hand in hand with what another Gatholick * Rich. Hall in his Manuscript-Life of Bishop Fisher. relates, that a black Dog (he might as truly have said a blue one) licked up His blood, whilst the stench of His corpse could be charmed with no embalming, though indeed there was no other noisomeness than what necessarily attendeth on any dead body of equal corpulency. 64. Vice's most commonly charged on His memory are: His Vices and Virtues. 1. Covetousness, He was an eminent Instance, to verify the Observation, Omnis prodigus est avarus, vast His profusiveness, (coming a fork, after a rake) not only spending the great Treasure left Him by His Father; but also vast wealth beside, and yet ever in want, and rapacious to supply the same. Secondly, Cruelty, being scarce ever observed to pardon any Noble person, whom He condemned to death. I find but two black swans in all the currant of His Reign, that tasted of His favour herein. And therefore when Arthur * Godwin in Hen. 8. p. 181. Lord Lisle imprisoned, and daily expecting death in the Tower, was unexpectedly set free, he instantly died of soddain joy; so that it seems King Henry's pity proved as mortal as His cruelty. Thirdly, Wantonness, which cannot be excused; But these faults were (if not over) even poised with His virtues, of Valour, Bounty, Wisdom, Learning and love of Learned men, scarce one Dunce wearing a Mitre all His days. 65. The Monument mentioned in His Will, Why K. Henry's Monument never perfected. as almost made, was never all made, but left imperfect, whereof many reasons are rendered. Some impure it to the very want of workmen, unable to finish it, according to the exactness wherewith it was begun; a conceit in my mind, little better than scandalum seculi, and very derogatory to the Art and Ingenuity of our Age. * Godwin in Hen. 8. p. 113. Others more truly ascribe it to the costliness thereof, which deterred His Successors from finishing of it. Indeed, King Henry the seventh in erecting His own Monument in His Chapel at Westminster, did therein set a Pattern of despair for all Posterity to imitate. And yet Sanders * De schis Angl. pag. 216. tells us, That Queen Mary had a great mind to make up His Tomb, but durst not for fear a Catholic should seem to countenance the memory of one dying in open schism with the Church of Rome. As for His imperfect Monument, it was beheld like the barren Figtree, bearing no fruit, and cumbering the * Luke 13. 7. ground, (I mean the Chapel wherein it stood) and therefore it was, since these Civil Wars, took down, and sold by order of Parliament. 66. In the Reign of Queen Mary, Card. Poole his project. it was reported, that Cardinal Poole (whose spleen generally vented itself against dead-men's bodies) had a design, with the principal Clergy of England, to take up and burn the body of King Henry the eighth. This plot is said to be discovered by Doctor Weston * Fox Acts and Mon. p. 2102. Dean of Westminster. But because Weston was justly obnoxious for his scandalous living (for which at that time he stood committed to the Tower) and bore a personal grudge to the Cardinal, his report was the less credited, as proceeding from revenge, and desire to procure his own enlargement. 67. Indeed, when a Vault, The bones of K. Hen. abused. seven years since, was pierced in the midst of the Choir at Windesor, therein to inter the corpse of King CHARLES, they lighted on two Coffins therein. Now (though no memory alive could reach the same, yet) constant tradition, seconded with a * See more hereof at the burial of K. Charles. coincidency of all signs and circumstances concluded these Coffins to contain the bones of King HENRY the eighth, and His dear Queen JANE SEYMOUR. And yet the bigness of the Coffin, (though very great) did not altogether answer that Giantlike proportion, which posterity hath fancied of Him. The end of the Fift Book. THE Church-History OF BRITAIN. THE sixth BOOK: BEING The History of Abbeys in ENGLAND: Of their Original, Increase, Greatness, Decay, and Dissolution. To the Right Honourable, WILLIAM COMPTON, Son and Heir to the Right Honourable, JAMES, Baron COMPTON of COMPTON, AND Earl of NORTHAMPTON. HAving formerly proved at a In several Dedicatory Epistles in my Pisgah Sight. large, That it is lawful for any, and expedient for me, to have Infant-Patrons for my Books, let me give an account why this parcel of my History was set apart for your Honour, not being cast by chance, but led by choice to this my Dedication. First, I resolved with myself to select such a Patron for this my History of Abbeys, whose Ancestor was not only of credit, and repute, in the Reîgn; but also of favour and esteem in the affection of King HENRY the Eighth. Secondly, he should be such (if possible to be found) who had no partage at all in Abbey-Lands at their dissolution, that so his judgement might be unbiased in the reading hereof. Both my Requisits have happily met in your Honour, whose direct Ancestor, Sir WILLIAM COMPTON, was not only chief Gentleman of the Bedchamber to the aforesaid KING, but also (as a noble b The Lord Herbert in his History, page 8. pen writing his Life, informeth us) the third man in His favour, in the beginning of His Reign: yet had he not a shooe-latchet of Abbey-Land, though nothing surely debarred him save his own abstinence: as there is none in all your ancient Paternal estate, for I account not what since by accession of Matches hath accrued unto it. Thus are you the Person designed for my purpose, and I believe very few (if any) in ENGLAND, can wash their hands in the same Basin, to have no Abbey-lands sticking to their fingers; and thus being freest from being a Party, in due time you will be fittest to be a Judge, to pass unpartial sentence on what is written on this subject. And now let me make your Lordship smile a little, acquainting you with a passage in the Legend, of NICHOLAS a Popish Saint: They c Lib. Festival. in die S. Nichol. fol. 55. report of him, That when an Infant hanging on his Mother's breast, he fasted Wednesdays and Fridays, and could not be urged to suck more than once a day. But, good my Lord, be not so ceremonious, or rather superstitious, to imitate his example: Wean not yourself, until you be weaned, and let all days be alike to your Honour. I dare assure you, no spark of Sanctity the less for a drop of milk the more. A good case is no hindrance to a precious jewel, and a healthful body no abasement to a holy soul. And when your Lordship shall arrive at riper years, consult your own Extraction, as the best Remembrancer of worthy behaviour. In whose veins there is the confluence of so many Rivulets, that a mean Herald, by the guidance thereof upwards, may be led to the fountains of the most of the English Nobility. All I will add is this, as you give three Helmets for your Arms, may you be careful to take the fourth, even the d Eph. 6. 17. helmet of salvation. An Helmet which here is worn close, whilst Soldiers in the Church-Militant we see but in part, but hereafter shall be born (like the Helmet of Princes) with the beaver open in the Church-Triumphant, when we shall see as we are seen. The desire of Your Honour's most engaged Beadsman, THOMAS FULLER. The History of Abbeys in ENGLAND. Primitive MONKS, with their Piety and Painfulness. WHen the Furnace of Persecution in the Infancy of Christianity was grown so hot, First Monks caused by persecution. that most Cities, Towns, and populous Places were visited with that Epidemical Disease, many pious men fled into Deserts, there to live with more safety, and serve God with less disturbance. No wild humour to make themselves miserable, and to choose and court their own calamity put them on this project, much less any Superstitious Opinion of transcendent Sanctity in a Solitary life, made them willingly to leave their former Habitations. For, whereas all men by their Birth are indebted to their Country, there to stay and discharge all civil relations, it had been dishonesty in them, like Bankrupts to run away into the Wilderness to defraud their Country their Creditor, except some violent Occasion (such as Persecution was) forced them thereunto: and this was the first Original of Monks in the world so called from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because living alone by themselves. 2. Here they in the Deserts hoped to find Rocks, Their pious employment in a solitary life. and Stocks, yea, Beasts themselves more kind than Men had been to them: What would Hid, and Heat, Cover, and keep Warm, served them for clothes, not placing (as their Successors in after-Ages) any Holiness in their Habit, folded up in the affected Fashion thereof. As for their Food, the Grass was their Cloth, the Ground their Table, Herbs and Roots their Diet, wild Fruits and Berries their Dainties, Hunger their Sauce, their Nails their Knives, their Hands their Cups, the next Well their Wine-cellar; But what their Bill-of-fare wanted in Cheer, it had in Grace; their Life being constantly spent in Prayer, Reading, Musing, and such like pious Employments. They turned Solitariness itself into Society, and cleaving themselves asunder by the divine Art of Meditation, did make of one, two, or more, opposing answering, moderating in their own Bosoms, and busy in themselves with variety of Heavenly recreations. It would do one Good, even but to think of their Goodness, and at the rebound and second hand to Meditate on their Meditations. For if ever Poverty was to be envied it was here. And I appeal to the moderate men of these Times, whether in the height of these woeful Wars, they have not sometimes wished, (not out of Passionate distemper, but serious recollection of themselves) some such Private Place to retire unto where, out of the noise of this Clamorous World, they might have reposed themselves, and served GOD with more Quiet. 3. These Monks were of two sorts, They vowed no Poverty, Chastity, or Obedience. either such as fled from actual, or from imminent Persecution. For when a danger is not created by a timorous Fancy, but rationally represented as probable, See 〈◊〉 Virgil. le 〈…〉, lib. 761. in such a case, the Principles of Prudence, not out of Cowardice, but Caution, warrant men to provide for their Safety. Neither of these bound themselves with a wilful Vow to observe Poverty, but Poverty rather vowed to observe them, In Sixt●s Seine si lib 6. 〈◊〉. 332. waiting constantly upon them. Neither did they vow Chastity, though keeping it better than such as vowed it in after-Ages. As for the Vow of Obedience, it was both needless and impossible in their Condition, having none beneath or above them, living alone, and their whole Covent, as one may say, consisting of a single Person; And as they entered on this Course of Life, rather by Impulsion than Election; so when Peace was restored, they returned to their former homes in Cities and Towns, resuming their Callings, which they had not left off, but for a time laid aside. The first British Monks that we meet with in this kind, were immediately after the Martyrdom of Saint Alban; for then, saith Gildas, Qui superfuerant sylvis ac desertis, abditisque speluncis se occultaverunt; Such as survived, hide themselves in woods and deserts, and secret dens of the earth. As long after on the like Occasion, when the Pagan Saxons, and Danes, invaded this Island, many religious Persons retired themselves to Solitary lives. Voluntary MONKS, embracing that Life, not for Necessity, but Conveniency. AFter these succeeded a Second Sort of Monks leading a Solitary Life, Silver Monks succeeded the former golden ones. when no visible need forced them thereunto, as neither feeling nor fearing any apparent Persecution; Yet these considering the inconstancy of humane matters, that though they had Prosperity for the present, it might soon be changed into a contrary condition, if either the restless endeavours of the Devil took effect, or sinful Christians were rewarded according to their deserts, freely chose a Loan life, also prompted perchance thereunto by their own Melancholy disposition. 2. Afterwards it was counted convenient, Fetched from wand'ring in the wilderness to dwell together. that such who hitherto dwelled desolate in Deserts, scattered asunder, should be gathered together to live under one Roof, because their Company would be Cheerful in Health, and Needful in Sickness one to another. Hence these two words, though contrary to sound, signify the same: Monasterium, Coenobium, A place containing men living Alone. In common. For though they were sequestered from the rest of the World, yet they enjoyed mutual Society amongst themselves. And again, though at solemn times they joined in their Public Devotions and Refections, yet no doubt, they observed hours by themselves in their Private Orisons: Of these, some were Gardeners like Adam, Husbandmen like Noah, caught Fish with Peter, made Tents with Paul, as every man was either advised by his Inclination, or directed by his Dexterity, and no Calling was counted Base that was found Beneficial. Much were they delighted with making of Hives, as the Emblem of a Covent for Order and Industry; wherein the Bees under a Master their Abbot, have several Cells, and live and labour in a regular discipline. In a word, they had hard hands and tender hearts, sustaining themselves by their labour, and relieving others by their Charity, as formerly hath been observed in the Monks of Bangor. 3. Take a taste of their Austerity who lived at Vall Rosine, The discipline of British 〈◊〉 under S. David. since called Minevea in Pembrokeshire, under the Method of S. David. They were raised with the crowing of the a 〈◊〉 Hist Eccl. Angl. p. 40. Cock from their beds, and then betook themselves to their prayers, and spent the rest of the day in their several calling; when their task was done, they again bestowed themselves in prayers, meditations, reading & writing; and at night when the heavens were full of stars, they first began to feed, having their temperate repast to satisfy hunger on bread, water, and herbs. Then the third time they went to their prayers, and so to bed, till the circulation of their daily employment returned in the Morning. A spectacle of virtue and continence, who although they received nothing, or any thing very unwillingly of others, yet were so fare from wanting necessaries, that by their pains they provided sustenance for many poor people, Orphans, Widows, and Strangers. 4. Here as we cannot but highly commend the integrity of their Hearts herein, Superstition unawares occasioned by them. so we must withal bemoan, that what in them was intentionally good, proved occasionally evil, hatching Superstition under the warmth of their Devotion. For though even these as yet were free from humane Ordinances and Vows, yet Will-worship crept in insensible in the next Age, (Tares are easier seen grown than growing) and error and vitlousnesse came in by degrees. The Monks afterwards having sufficiency turned lazy, then getting wealth waxed wanton, and at last endowed with superfluity became notoriously wicked, as hereafter shall appear. Thus as Pliny reporteth of the GAGATE-stone, that set a fire it burneth more fiercely if water be cast on, but is extinguished if oil be poured thereupon: So the zeal of Monastic men was inflamed the more with the bitter water of affliction, whilst in prosperity the oil of plenty quenched their piety. So ill a Steward is humane corruption of outward happiness, oftener using it to the Receivers hurt, than the Givers glory. Of Superstition, which was the fundamental fault in all Abbeys. THis was one main fault in all English Abbeys, Abbeys built on the sand of superstition. that the Builders did not dig deep enough to lay the Foundation, as grounded on the foundered and mouldering bottom of superstition. For every Monastery was conceived a magazine of merit both for the Founder, his Ancestors, and Posterity. And although all these Dotations did carry the title of pure Alms, yet seriously considered, they will be found rather forced than free, as extorted from men with the fear of Purgatory, one flash of which fire believed, is able to melt a miser into charity; yea, which is worse, many of their foundations had their mortar tempered with innocent blood: For which we may conceive afterwards, they sped never a whit the better. To give some instances of many. 2. Wolpher, Peterborough Abbey founded to exp●ate murder. King of the MERCIANS, having murdered Wolphald, and Rufine, his own Sons, with cruel and barbarous Immanity, because they had devoted themselves unto Christ, and embraced his Religion; afterwards turning Christian himself, b Cambd. Brit. in Northamptonshire. Middleton being on the same occasion. Idem in Dorce●. to wash away the stain of his impiety, built that famous Abbey, since known by the name of Peterborough. 3. King Athelstance drowned his brother Edwine, having put him into a little Wherry, or Cockboat, without any tackling or furniture thereunto (to the end he might impute his wickedness to the waves) and afterwards as a satisfaction to appease his Ghost, built the fair Abbey of Middleton in Dorsetshire. 4. To join to these two houses of Monks, So also the Nunnery of Ambresbury. one of Nuns, (such society hath not been unacceptable) Aelfrith, second Wife to King Edgar, having contrived the death of Edward her Son-in-law, King of England, murdered him by a company of Hackster's and Villain's, at her appointment, at Corfe-Castle in Dorsetshire) to pave the way for the Succession of her Son Etheldred to the Crown) afterwards built the stately Nunnery of c Harpsfield Hist. Eccl. Angl. saec. 10. p. 188. Ambresbury, with some other religious Houses. 5. It is confessed, Suspicious therein might be a great fault herein. that wilful murder may be pardoned in Christ, and they who deny it are guilty (as much as lies in their power) of a worse soul-murder in their uncharitable opinion; Yet this we say, that all the chantings of the Monks and Nuns in their Covents could not drown the noise of innocent blood. And if these Founders of Abbeys thought that their murder could be expiated by raising such beautiful buildings, their most polished marble and costly carved pieces were in the expression of the Prophet, but d Ezck. 22. 28. daubing over their damnable sins with untempered mortar. But though Abbeys long since have been demolished, we leave their Founders to stand or fall to their own Maker, when his all-seeing Eye hath discerned betwixt the Errors of their Judgement, and Integrity of their Affections, endeavouring that, which they conceived was to the glory of God, and advance of true Religion. Of the several Orders of Monks and Nuns in England. SO much of the Superstition of the Founders, An heap of Monkish Orders in England. come we now to their Superstition, and other notorious sins, who lived in these foundations. But first we will premise their several Orders. Herein we pretend not to any critical skill: For though every Minister of God's Word (whereof I am the meanest) is a spiritual Herald to derive and deduce the Pedigrees and Genealogies of any Institution, which hath its Original in God's Word, yet they are not bound (not to say it is a learned Ignorance) to be skilled in the Deductions, Divisions, and Sub-divisions of these Orders, which have no foundation in the Scripture. Yea, hear what c Matth. Park, An. Dom. 1257. pag. 949. Matthew Paris, being a Monk of S. Alban saith, Tot jam apparuerunt Ordines in Angliâ, ut ordinum confusio videretur inordinata. It is possible then for my best diligence to commit an Error, and impropriety in Reckoning them up. For what wonder is it if one be lost in a wood, to which their numerous Orders may well be resembled, though in all this wood there appears not one plant of God's planting, as one of their own f Rob. Witgift Abbot of Wellow. Abbot's most remarkably did observe. In a word, when the g Exod. 8. 13, 14. Frogs of Egypt died out of the houses, out of the villages, and out of the fields, They gathered them together upon heaps, etc. And give us leave in like manner confusedly to shovel up these Vermin, now dead in England. 2. First, Benedictines the primitive Monks in England. come forth the Benedictines, or Black Monks, so called from S. BENEDICT, or BENET, an Italian, first Father and Founder of that Order, Augustine the Monk first brought them over into England, and these black Birds first nested in Canterbury, whence they have flown into all the parts of the Kingdom. For as h Clem. Reyner De antiq Ordin is S. Benedict. one rightly observeth, all the Abbeys in England, before the time of King William the Conqueror (and some while after) were filled with this Order. Yea, all the Abbeys in England, of the first magnitude, which had Parliamentary Barons (abate only the Prior of the Hospitallers of S. John's in London) were of this Order, and though the Augustinians were their Seniors in Europe, they were their Juniors in England. Now as Mercers, when their old Stuffs begin to tyre in Sale, refresh them with new Names to make them more vendible: So when the Benedictines waxed stolen in the world, the same Order was set forth in a New Edition, corrected and amended under the names, first of CLUNIACKS: these were Benedictines sifted through a finer search, with some additionals invented and imposed upon them by Odo Abbot of Cluni, in Burgundy, who lived Anna Domini 913. But these Cluniacks appeared not in England till after the Norman Conquest, and had their richest Covents at Barnestable in Devon-shire, Pontefract and Meaux in Yorkshire, etc. 2. CISTERCIANS, so called from one Robert, living in Cistercium, in Burgundy aforesaid, he the second time refined the drossy Benedictines, and Walter Especk, first established their Brotherhood in England at Rival in Yorkshire, besides which, they had many other pleasant and plentiful habitations, at Warden and Woburne in Bedford shire, Buckland and Ford in Devon shire, Bindon in Dorsetshire, etc. The Bernardine Monks were of a younger House, or under-Branch of the Cistercians. 3. Of GRAND-MONT, which observed S. Benet's Rule, were brought into England, Anno 1233, and were principally fixed at Abberbury in Shropshire. The Family of these Benedictines, taken at large, with their Children, and grandchildren, of under-Orders springing from them, were so numerous and so richly endowed, that in their Revenues they did match all the other Orders in England, especially if the Foundations of Benedictine Nuns be joined in the same reckoning, I doubt not but since these Benedictines have had their crudities deconcocted, and have been drawn out into more slender threads of sub-divisions. For, commonly once in a hundred years starts up some pragmatical person in an Order, who out of novelty altars their old Rules (there is as much variety and vanity in Monks Cowls, as in Courtiers Cloaks) and out of his fancy adds some observances thereunto. To cry quits with whom after the same distance of time, ariseth another, and under some new Name reformeth his Reformation, and then his late new (now old) Order is looked on as an Almanac out of Date, wanting the Perfection of new and necessary Alterations. 3. A scandal hath lately been raised, Scandalum Benedictinorum. much in dishonour of these Benedictines, viz: That all the ancient English Monks before the Conquest, were only of the Order of S. Equitius. Some highly concerned to confute this Report, wrote over to our Antiquaries in England, for their Judgements herein; from whom they received this following Answer. a Extant in Clem Reynere de Apostolatu Benedictinorum in Angli●, pag. 202. QUoniam hâc nostra aetate exorta est controversia de Monachatu Gregorii magni & Augustini Cantuariensis, Sociorúmque ejus quos Gregorius in Angliam de s●o Monasterio praedicandi Evangelii causa destinâsse legitur: quibusdam ipsos ordini Benedictino addicentibus quibusdam vero id acriter pernegantibus & ipsos Ordini S. Equitii sive alicui alii ascribentibus; Nos qui multum temporis in rebus vetustis tam civilibus quàm sacris, atque iis imprimis quae ad Britanniam nostram potissimum spectant, impendimus, rogati ut testimonium perhiberemus veritati, cum neutrius partis prejudiciis simus obnoxii. Dicimus & affirmamus, nos duo solùm Monachorum genera in primis Saxonicae apud majores nostros Ecclesiae temporibus: unum eorum qui Aegyptiensium mores secuti, in hac Insulâ florebant, ante adventum Augustini: alterum eorum qui Benedictini Augustino itineris erant comites. Hanc traditionem à patribus ad filios derivatam esse testamur, atque ita derivatam, ut non levibus innitatur fabulis, aut ambitiosis partium conjecturis, quin eam ipsam vetusta signatae fidei exhibent apud nos monumenta. Ab Augustino insupper ad Henricum octavum per petuo in hac Insulâ viguit Benedictina Institutio: nec Augustino recentiorem ejusve originem, originisve recentioris vestigium ullibi comperimus. Tantum abest Equitianum aliquem in hâc Insula fuisse Ordinem, ut nulla omnino hujusmodi neque ordinis neque nominis mentio in vetustis, quibus versamur, tabulariis, habeatur. Sanè aliorum fere omnium in hâc Insulâ origines ita observavimus, ut unius cujusque etiam minimi ingressum suo anno consignatum habeamus: solius Benedictini ordinis originem ante▪ Augustini saeculum non invenimus; ipsius saeculo floruisse apertè re reperi mus. Unde exploratissimum nobis esse profitemur, non alterius ordinis fuisse ipsum sociósque ejus quam Benedictini; qui ideo proculdubi●, tam altas radices in Anglia egerit, quoniam primi illi Monachi à Gregorio in Insulam destinati, Regulae Benedictinae professores extiterunt. Robertus Cotton. Johannes Seldenus. Henricus Spelman. Gulielmus Cambdenus. England may see 400 years, yet not behold 4 such Antiquaries her Natives at once, the four wheels of the Triumphant chariot of truth for our British History. This Quaternion of Subscribers, have stick'n the point dead with me that all ancient English Monks were Benedictines. Which Order lasting above one thousand years in this Land, hath produced about two hundred and fifty Writers of Name and note, as Pitzeus * Catalogue, p. 966. accounteth them. 4. What this S. Equitius was, H●e and Cry after S. Equitius. (pretended Founder of our first English Monks) is worth our enquiry. Sure he could not be that Equitius, of whom the African Bishops complained in the Council of Carthage, That by indirect courses he had invaded the Priesthood; desiring by their b Acta Council. sect. 32. & 60. Legates (whom they sent to the Emperor) That he might be expelled that Office. Yet he, in defiance of their endeavours, went about to disturb the peace of the Church. More probable it is, he was either Equitius a Deacon in the Apamean Church, (flourishing in the fourth Century) and famous for his faith and fervency in Religion in c Theodoret. lib. 3. cap. 27. assisting Marcellus Bishop thereof, to demolish the Temple of Jupiter, or else his contemporary Equitius, Consul of Rome with Gratian, An. 378, or some other unknown unto us. But be he, who he himself or any other pleaseth (brother, if they will, to S. George on Horse back) he was never father of any Monks in England. 5. I intended to present the Reader, Why habits of Monks not here presented. with the habits of Benedictines, and all other Orders for the fashion, matter, and colour thereof. But understanding the industrious work called Monasticon, is coming forth (which hath the speed of this my Book, for a Term or two) wherein that Subject is handled at large, I thought better to forbear. Partly, because I presume Master Dadsworth (an eminent instrument in that useful work) better acquainted, than I am, with their Tailors: partly, because my wardrobe of their clothes (coming so long after his) will be beheld, but as from the second hand fetched from Long lane, and his new bought out of the Draper's- shop. 6. The Augustinian Monks succeed, Augustinian Monks. younger than the Benedictines in England, though older in Europe. For S. Augustine of Hippo, (on whom these Monks would willingly recover themselves) was S. Benet's Senior by sixty years. I cannot believe, that they came over into England (what some affirm) precise, Anno 636, (others 640.) when Birinus was Bishop of Dorchester, or that d Joseph●● Pamphil●● in his Cronicon Augustin. 1059, they were seated in London, being rather inclined to believe, that Eudo the Dapifer (Sewer, if you please) to King Henry the first, first brought them into England, Anno 1105 and that S. John's at Colchester was the prime place of their residence. However, I find that Waltham. Abbey (for Benedictines at the first) had its Copy altered by King Henry the second, and bestowed on Augustinians. 7. These Augustinians were also called Canons Regular, Whether H be a letter. where, by the way, I meet with such a nice distinction, which dishearrens me from pretending to exactness in reckoning up these Orders. For, this I find in our English e Cbaucer in the Ploughman's Tale. Ennius: And all such other Counterfaitours Canons, Canons and such disguised Boen God's enemies and Traitors His true religion hau soul despised. It seems the H here amounteth to a letter so effectual as to discriminate Canons, from Canons, (though both Canonici in Latin) but what should be the difference betwixt them, I dare not interpose my conjecture. I have done with these Augustinians when I have observed, that this Order in England afforded * Reckoned up by Pi●zeus in Iudic●, p. 974. threescore and ten eminent Writers, and one in Germany worth them all in effect, I mean Martin Luther, who by his writings gave a mortal wound to all these Orders, yea, and to the root of the Romish Religion. 8. Gilbertine Monks, Gilbertine Monks. may be the third, a mongrel Order, observing some select Rules partly of S. Bennet, partly of S. Augustine. So named from Gilbert (son to Joceline a Knight) Lord of Sempringham in Lincolnshire, where 1148, first they were planted. Whereupon, this- Order may boast, that it alone is a native and Indegena, (whereas Benedictines are by original Italians; Augustinians, African; Carthusians, French; Dominicans, Spanish; etc.) pure English by the extraction thereof. This Gilbert, unhandsome, but not unlearned, erected this Order, (contrary to Justinians constitution, who forbade double Monasteries) wherein men and women lived together, (though secluded) under one roof. He survived to see thirteen Houses of this his own Order, and in them seventeen hundred Gilbertine Brothers and Sisters. Yet I find no Writer of this Order, conceiving them so well busied with their Company in their Convent, they had little leisure for the writing of Books. 9 Carthusian Monks make up a Mess, Carthusian Monks. much famed for their mortified lives and abstinence from all flesh; one Bruno first founded them in the Dolphinate in France, Anno 1080, and some 60 years after they were brought over into England. I wonder men fasting so much, should have so high spirits, no Order standing more stoutly on their privileges, insomuch when the means of all Covents were valued in the Reign of * Some years before the dissolution of Abbeys. King Henry the eighth, a peculiar clause was added to the Patent of the Commissioners, impowering them particularly to rate Charter-house in London. However, their Books (there being eleven * Pitzeus in Indice, p. 973. learned Authors of English Carthusians) contain much tending to mortification, and out of them Parsons the Jesuit hath collected a good part of his Resolutions. 10. So much of Monks, Monks and Friars how they differ. come we now to Friars, and it is necessary to premise what was the distinction betwixt them. For though some will say, the matter is not much, if Monks and Friars were confounded together, yet the distinguishing of them condueeths much to the clearing of History. Some make Monks the Genus, and Friars but the Species, so that all Friars were Monks, but è contra all Monks were not Friars. Others, that Monks were confined to their Cloisters, whilst more liberty was allowed to Friars to go about and preach in neighbouring Parishes. Others, that Monks were in those Convents who had a Bishop over them, as Canterbury, Norwich, Durham, etc. but never any Friars in such places where the Bishop was the supreme, and they in some sort had the power of his Election. I see it is very hard just to hit the joint so as to cleave them asunder at an hairs breadth, Authors being so divided in their opinions. But the most essential difference, whereon we most confide is this, Monks had nothing in propriety, but all in common; Friars had nothing in propriety, nor in common, but being Mendicants, begged all their subsistence from the charity of others. True it is, they had Cells or Houses to dwell, or rather hid themselves in (so the Foxes have holes, and the Birds of the air have nests) but all this went for nothing, seeing they had no means belonging thereunto. Yea it hath borne a tough debate betwixt them, Whether a Friar may be said to be Owner of the clothes be weareth? and it hath been for the most part overruled in the negative. 11. It will be objected, Objection to null the distinction, that many Convents of Friars had large and ample revenues (as will appear by perusing the Catalogue in Speed's Tables) amounting to some hundreds (though never thousands) by the year, some Friar's barns well-nigh as wealthy as some Monks (rather every pretended Lazarus, a Dives) holding, though not severally to themselves, jointly amongst themselves, most rich endowments. Here also it will be in vain to fly to the distinction of Cresis and Chresis, of using and owning, seeing the Monks will lay a claim to that distinction, and challenge as great an interest therein as the Friars themselves. 12. I have nothing to return in answer hereunto, Answered. save only that, Olim verò non fuit sic, from the beginning [of the Institution of Friars] it was not so, these additions of Lands unto them, are of later date, and, believe it, not of their seeking, but their Benefactors casting upon them. 13. However, Criticism in this subject not material. nothing more common than to make Monks and Friars both Synonyma's and reciprocal, and for my own part, I pass not, if in this my History I have committed the same, and hereafter shall be guilty of greater mistakes. Foresters laughed at the ignorance of that Gentleman, who made this difference betwixt a Stag and a Hart, that the one was a red, the other a fallow deer, being both of a kind, only different in age, and some other circumstances in Venarie. I may make the like sport to some Popish Reader, (and much good let it do him) in differencing some Orders which are the same, and identifying other Orders which are distinct, but the matter is of no dangerous concernment. May we be but careful to order f Psal. 50. 23. our conversations aright, that God may show us his salvation, and it matters not much if we commit errors, and discover ignorance in ordering Friars, not in their exact number and seniority. These premised, we begin with their four Elemental Orders. 14. Wickliff constantly inveigheth against Friars, What means by Wickliffe's CAIM. under the name of CAIM. Had it been Cain, I should have suspected his allusion to the words of the Apostle, They have gone in the * Judas ver. 11. way of Cain, but now am at a loss, and had so continued, had I not lighted on a railing Hexastick of an uncharitable Rythmer, (a base fellow may show an honest man the way) who thus letteth fly at them: Per decies binos Sathanas capiat Jacobinus, Propter & errores Jesu confunde Minores, Augustienses, Pater inclyte, stern per enses, Et Carmelitas tanquam falsos Heremitas Sunt Confessores Dominorum, seu Dominarum Et seductores ipsarum sunt animarum. C. Carmelites A. Augustinians I. Jacobines M. Minorites or Dominicans. Franciscans. Friars. And thus at last we have the great mystery unfolded, whom Wickliff therein did intent. 15. Of these Dominicans were the first Friars, Dominican Friars. which came over into England, Anno 1221, being but twelve (an Apostolical number) with Gilbert de Fraxineto their Prior first landed at Canterbury, fixed at Oxford, but richly endowed at London, they were commonly called Black Friars, Preaching Friars, and Jacobine Friars. They took their name from S. Dominick born at Calogora in Spain, and Hubert de Burg● Earl of Kent, was their prime Patron, bestowing his Palace in the Suburbs of London upon them, which afterwards they sold to the Archbishop's of York, residing therein, till by some transactions betwixt King Henry the eighth and Cardinal Wolsey, it became the Royal-Court, now known by the name of Whitehall. Afterwards by the bounty of Gregory Rocksly Lord Major of London, and Robert Kilwarby Archbishop of Canterbury, they were more conveniently lodged in two Lanes on the bank of Thames, in a place enjoying great privileges, and still retaining the name of Black Friars. No fewer than g Pitzeus in Indice, p. 981. fourscore famons English writers are accounted of this Order. At this day, as beyond the Seas, they are much condemned for being the sole active managers of the cruel Spanish Inquisition, so they deserve due commendation for their Orthodox judgements in maintaining some Controversies in Divinity of importance against the Jesuits. 16. Franciscans follow, Franciscan Friars. commonly called Grey Friars and Minorites, either in allusion to Jacob's words, h Gen. 32. 10. Sum Minor omnibus beneficiis Tuis, or from some other humble expressions in the New Testament. They received their name from S. Francis, born in the Duchy of Spoletum in Italy. Canonised by Pope Gregory the ninth, about two years after whose death the Franciscans came over into England, and one Diggs (Ancestor of Sir Dudley Diggs) bought for them their first seat in Canterbury: who afterwards were diffused all over England. For skill in School-Divinity they beat all other Orders quite out of distance, and had a curious Library in London (built by Richard Whittington) in that Age costing five hundred and fifty pounds, which quickly might be made up, if (as it is reported) an i Reyn. in Ap. Benedict. pag 162. hundred marks were expended in transcribing the Commentaries of Lyra. 17. We must not forget that one Bernard of Sienna about the year 1400, Sub-reformations of Franciscans. refined the Franciscans into Observants, no distinct metal from the former, but different from them as steel from iron. K. Edward the fourth first brought them into England, where they had six famous Cloisters; since which time there have been a new Order of Minims begun beyond the Seas, conceiving the comparative of Minor too high, they have descended to Minimus, according to our Saviour's own words, He that is a [minime] or the least among you, the same shall be greatest: and I much admire that none have since begun an Order of Minor-Minimo's; the rather, because of the Apostles words of himself, who am less than the least of all saints. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. As I may say, a subter-subterlative in his humility. As for other Diminutives of Franciscans or Minorites beyond the Seas, Recollects, Penitentiaries, Capuchins, etc. seeing they had their rise since the fall of Abbeys in England, they belong not to our present enquiry. Sufficeth it that this Order, during the extent of our story, afforded in England an hundred and ten learned Writers. 18. Carmelites, Carmelites their first coming into England. or White Friars, come next, so named from Mount Carmel in Syria, brought over into England in the Reign of King Richard the first, by Ralph Ereeborn: and placed at Alnewicke in Northumberland in a wilderness (sic canibus catulos) most like unto Carmel in Syria. Whose Convent at their dissolution in the Reign of King Henry the eighth, Speed Catalogue. pag. 795. was at low rates, in that cheap County, valued at one hundred ninety four pounds and seven shillings per annum, to justify our former observation, that even Mendicant Friars had Houses endowed with revenues. 19 This foundeth something to the commendation of the English Carmelites, A great privilege of English Carmelites. That their Order lost not the vigour thereof by being poured into Cisterns (mediately derived from other Countries) but as our w Reynerus de Apostolatu Beneditinorum, p. 164. Author telleth us, Hi cum primis Monachis Britonum & Scotorum ex Aegypto & Palestinâ in Britanicas Insulas Monochatum Intulerunt, That Monkery and (Carmelite) Friary came out of Egypt and Palestine into Britain. Thus they will allow us to have superstition immediately thence without any circle from Rome, but are highly offended (and stickle mainly to the contrary) That we should fetch true Religion thence (with the ancient observation of Easter) but this forsooth, we must receive at the second hand from Rome, and be ordered according to her directions therein. 20. Another thing also is alleged in the praise of our Carmelites, And praise of their industry. That they were most careful in keeping the Records of their Order, that the List being lost of the Benedictines, Dominicans, etc. (save here or there a broken link or two) Carmelites have preserved the successive series of their Provincials. Let them thank John Bail herein, once one of them, (though they be pleased to jeer him as forsaking it for the love of his dear Dorothy) who in his youth made the Catalogue out of love to his Order, and in his old age preserved it out of his general affection to antiquity, and it will not be amiss here to represent it. Provincial. His County. Began. Ruled. Lies buried in 1. Ralph Freburne. Northumberland. 1240 14 Anwick. 2. Henry de Hanna. Brunham. 1254 17 Stanford. 3. Roger Grostwick. Norfolk. 1272 05 Brunham. 4. William Hamberg. Surrey. 1278 03 London. 5. Will: Ludlington. Lincoln. 1289 05 Stanford. 6. Will: Newenham. Cambridge. 1303 02 Cambridge. 7. Rich: Wellwen. Hartford. 1305 04 Hutchin. 8. William Pagham. Kent. 1309 03 Meth, in Ireland. 9 John Barkemsted. Hartford. 1312 07 London. 10. Richard Blyton. Lincoln. 1319 06 Lincoln. 11. John Walsingham. Norfolk. 1326 03 Avinion. 12. John Baconthorp. Norfolk. 1329 04 London. 13. John Blexam. Oxford. 1333 02 Oxford. 14. John Poleshed. Suffolk. 1335 07 York. 15. John Folsham. Norfolk. 1340 06 Norwich. 16. Walter Kelham. York. 1345 05 Alverston. 17. Will: Lubbenham. Coventrie. 1353 01 Coventrie. 18. John Counton. York. 1359 03 London. 19 Thomas Broun. London. 1362 17 London. 20. Robert Ivory. London. 1379 13 London. 21. John Kiningham. Suffolk. 1393 05 York. 22. Steph: Patrington. York. 1399 15 London. 23. Thomas Walden. Essex. 1414 16 Rouen. 24. Jo: Keninghall. Norfolk. 1430 13 Norwich. 25. Nic: Kenton. Suffolk. 1444 12 London. 26. Jo: Milverton. Bristol. 1456 11 London. 27. John Sutton. Doncaster. 1465 03 Doncaster. 28. Jo: Find. Lincoln. 1482 14 Boston. 29. Rob: Love. Norfolk. 1505 07 Norwich. 30. Richard Ferris. Oxford. 1513 03 Oxford. 31. john Bird. Warwick. 1516 03 Chester. 32. Robert Lesbury. Northumberland. 1519 03 Chester. This Order was vertical, and in the highest exaltation thereof in the Reign of King Edward the fourth, under Nicholas Kenton their twenty fifth Provincial, they reckoned no fewer than n Pitz. de script. An. pag. 659. fifteen hundred of their Order. But when john Milverton his Successor, began (in favour of Friary) furiously to engage against Bishops, and the Secular Clergy, the Carmelites good masters and dames began to o Idem, p. 674. forsake them, and they never recovered their credit, till they were utterly dissolved. john Bird the one and thirtieth (some say last) Provincial of this Order, zealously impugned the Pope's Primacy in his Sermons, for which he was made the first Bishop of Chester, and was * Godwin in the Bishops of Chester. ejected that See in the Reign of Queen Mary, because he was married. 21. We must not forget how the Carmelites boast very much of one Simon Stock of their Order, The Legend of Simon Stock. a Kentish-man, or rather Kentish-boy, which being but twelve years of age, went out into the Woods and there fed on Roots and Wild fruit, living in the Trunk of an hollow-Tree, whence he got the Surname of p Rein. in Apost. Benedict p. 164. Stock, having a Revelation, That soon after some should come out of Syria, and confirm his Order, which came to pass when the Carmelites came here. He afterwards became Master-Generall of their Order (to whom the respective Provincials are accountable) and is said to be famous for his miracles. Let Syria then boast no longer of the sanctity of their Simon Stulites (so called it seems, because constantly living about a Stone-pillar) our Simon Stock may mate their Simon Stone in all particulars of holiness, though (under the Rose be it spoken) Mr. Richard Stock, the painful Minister of S. All-hallowes Broad-street in London for r Stow's Survey of Lond. p, 821. 32 years did advance God's glory more than both of them. 22. Augustinian Eremites lag last, Augustinian Eremites. of fare later date than Augustinian-Monks, as who first entered England, Anno 1252, and had (if not their first) their fairest habitation at S. Peter's the Poor, London, thence probably taking the denomination of Poverty (otherwise at this day one of the richest Parishes in the City) because the said Augustinian-Eremites went under the notion of Begging-Fryers. Mean time, what a mockery was this, that these should pretend to be Eremites, who, instead of a wide Wilderness lived in Broad street, London, where their Church at this day belongeth to the Dutch-Congregation. To give these Augustine-Fryers their due, they were good Disputants; on which account they are remembered still in Oxford by an Act performed by Candidates for Mastership, called Keeping of Augustine's. 23. So much for the four principal sort of Friars. Trinltarian Friars: The following Orders being but additional descants upon them, with some variations of their Founders: Amongst whom were the Trinitarians, for whom Robert Rooksley built first an House at Mottingden in Kent; they were called also Robertines, and the Redemptione Captivorum, whose work was to beg money of well-disposed people for the ransoming of Christians in Captivity with the Pagans. A charitable employment, and God himself in some sort may seem Sovereign of their Order, s Psal. 79. 11. & 146. 7. who looseth the Prisoner, and their sighing cometh before him. My t Weavers Fun. Mon. p. 143. Author telleth me that he conceiveth them suppressed in England before the general dissolution of Priories, though conjecturing at no cause thereof. Sure I am, 'twas not because sublatâ causâ tollitur effectus, plenty of Christian Captives then and since remaining amongst the Pagans, nor will I be so uncharitable as to suspect some indirect deal in their misapplying Contributions; but leave the reason to the enquiry of others. 24. The Bonehomes or Good men succeed them, Bonehomes, or good men. being also Eremites brought over into England by Richard Earl of Cornwall, in the Reign of King Henry the third, his Brother. So styled (not exclusively of other Orders, but) eminently because of their signal goodness. Otherwise the conceit of the u john Owen. Epigrammist, admiring that amongst so many Popes, there should be but five Pious, lies as strongly here, That amongst so many Orders of Friars, there should be but one of Good men. But indeed the Apostle himself makes a Good man a degree above a Righteous man: w Rom. 5. 7● For scarcely for a Righteous man will one die, yet peradventure for a Good man some would even dare to die. 25. These Bonehomes, Their rich Revenues. though begging Friars, (the poorest of Orders) and Eremites, (the most sequestered of begging-Fryers) had two (and I believe no more) Covents in England; absolutely the richest in all the Land, (Monks only excepted) the one in Asheridge in Buckingham shire, now the Mansion of the truly Honourable E. of Bridgewater, where I am informed more of a Monastery is visible this day than in any other house of England. It was valued at the dissolution yearly at four hundred forty seven pounds eight shillings halfpenny. The other at Edington in Wiltshire, now known for the hospitality of the Lady Beuchampe dwelling therein: Valued, when dissolved at five hundred twenty one pounds twelve shillings halfpenny. It seems that these Friars (though pretending to have nothing nec in proprio, nec in communi) would not cast their Caps (I should say their Cowls) at rich Revenues, if bestowed upon them, but contentedly (not to say cheerfully) embrace the same. 26, I am afraid I have wronged the Crouched Friars in their seniority, Crouched Friars. who about the same time, if not before the Bonehomes, viz: 1244, came over into England with the Pope's Authentic, and this unusual privilege, That none should reprove their Order, or upbraid them, or command them, under pain of x M●●. Park in Anno 1244. Excommunication. They carried a Cross some say on their Staves; others, on their Backs, called in French, a Crouch; and justly might they be angry, if their Properness were debased into Deformity on the same mistake whereon Edmund Crouch-back, Brother to King Edward the first ( y Jo. Harding. one of the comeliest men alive) is misrepresented to Posterity for Crooked-backed, merely for assuming the Cross on Him in the Holy War. The place of Crouched-Fryers in London still retaineth their name. 27. Soon after, Friars of the Sack & Bethlemites. one year, viz: 1257, produced two new Orders: so that I know not how to martial their Priority, except to avoid Contests they will be pleased discreetly to use the Expedient betwixt the Company of Merchant Tailors and Skinners in London, to take their precedency yearly by turns. Both of them were fixed in Cambridge. The first, the Brethren, De Poenitentiâ jesu, (otherwise Brethren of the Sack) whose Cell since is turned into Peter-house. The other Bethlemites dwelling somewhere in z Mas. Park in Anno 1257. Trumpington-street, and wearing a Star with five Rays on their backs. But their Star proved but a Comet, quickly fading away, and no more mention found of them in English Authors. 28. I will conclude with the Robertines, Friar's Robertines. confounded by a Weavers Fun. Mon. p. 143. some, distinguished by b Rein. de Ben. Apost. p. 166. others from Friars Trinitarians. These own their original to one Robert Flower, son of Took Flower, who had been twice Major of York (the name lately remaining in that City) who forsaking the fair lands left him by his Father, betook himself to a solitary life about the Rocks in Niddsdale in Yorkshire, and it seems at Knaresborough the first and last House was erected for his Order. c In his Hist. in anno 1239. Matthew Paris reports that his Tomb abundantly cast forth a Medicinal Oil, which possibly might be, the dissolving of some Gums used about his body, and other natural causes may be assigned thereof. 29. For mine own eyes have beheld in the fair Church of Ilminster in Somersetshire, Sweeting moisture out of Tombs no Miracle. the beautiful Tomb of Nicholas Wadham of Myrefield Esquire, and Dorothy his Wife (Founders of the uniform College of Wadham in Oxford) out of which in Summer sweats forth an unctuous moisture with a fragrant smell, (which possibly an active fancy might make sovereign for some uses) being nothing else than some bituminous matter (as by the colour and scent doth appear) used by the Marbler in joining the chinks of the stones, issuing out chief thereabouts. 30. So much of Monks and Friars, Why so various the number of Monks. as great being the variety amongst Historians about their number, as amongst Critics in reckoning up the Original Languages, and the difference almost proceedeth on the same account; for as the miscounting of Dialects for Tongues causelessly multiplieth the number of those Languages: So many mistaking gradual for specifical differences amongst Orders, have almost doubled their true number on that misprision. Master d Acts & Mon. p. 260. Fox in the Reign of King Henry the third, reckoneth up no fewer than an hundred and two Male-Orders of Monks and Friars (no Nuns being cast into the account) but therein he confineth not himself to such as only were extant in England: but taketh in the whole compass of Christendom therein to make up his Catalogue. We have work enough upon our hands to insist upon such Orders as found footing in our Land, especially the most principal of them. For other inferior Orders I purposely omit (besides the grand ones of Templars and Hospitallers, because largely handled in my Holy War) As the Order of the Blessed Mary of reward which Mr. Lambert confounds with the Crouched and Trinitarian Friars, for which my e Rein de Apost. Benedict. in Ang. p. 162. Author falls foul with his memory, affirming these to be three distinct Orders, Habitu, fine, & constitutionibus. (Distinctions enough of all conscience to diversify them) and therefore greater the wonder that Mr. Lambert's pen should leap over this triple ditch to confound them into one Order. 31. The aforesaid f Idem. Author also chargeth him, A Catholic causeless accusation of Mr. Lambert. as if he made his perambulation about Kent, as done merely out of spiteful design to disgrace the Romish Religion, never mentioning any Convent without mocking at them, adding moreover, That his Book contains fabulas ineptas, & crassa mendacia. Mean time he advances john Stow to the skies (though confessing him fare inferior to Mr. Lambert in learning) for his sedulous distinguishing of those Orders, and concludeth that Stow's Antiquities of London for the worth and truth thereof have often passed the Press, whilst the other his Description of Kent underwent the hand of the Printer no more than once. Nor stops he here, but useth so slovenly an expression (it is well it is in Latin) calling his Book Charta Cacata, which (saving reverence to the Reader) may be returned on the foul of mouth of him who first uttered it. 32. Now I conceive, Justly disproved. not only Queen Elizabeth's poor people at Greenwich (so are the Almes-men there termed in a fair House, which this Mr. Lambert charitably g Cambd. Brit. in Kent. founded for them) engaged to assert their good Patron, but also that all ingenious English men are obliged in his just vindication from this unjust aspersion. Indeed, his Book is a rare piece of learning, and he in age and industry the true successor to Leland in the studies of English Antiquity, and the height thereof above common capacity, the sole cause that his Book (as also his worthy work on the Saxon Laws) hath no oftener passed the Impression. His labours are feasts for scholars, not (like Stow's works) daily far for common people. Thus the Draper may sooner sell forty els of freeze and course cloth, than the Mercer four yards of cloth of gold, as only for the wearing of persons of prime quality. Nor doth the slow-selling of a book argue it to be a drug, wanting real worth in its self, seeing this railing Reinerius his own Book (notwithstanding the pompous Title thereof, Apostolatus Benedictinorum in Angliâ) though printed nine and twenty years since, viz: 1626., hath not (on my best enquiry) as yet been honoured with a second Edition. 33. Before we take our farewell of Friars, Antipathy betwixt Friars and Parish-Priests. know there was a deadly Antipathy betwixt them and Parish-Priests: For the former slighted the later, as good alone to take Tithes, and like Hackney post-horses only to run the stage in the Masse-book, secundùm usum Sarum, Ignorant and unable to preach. Wherefore the Friars, when invading the Pulpit, would not say to the Parson, By your leave Sir, but proudly presuming on their Papal Privileges, assumed it to themselves, as forfeited to them, for the Parson's want of skill or will to make use of it. But these Vultures had the quickest sight and scent about Corpse, flocking fastest to men of fashion when lying on their Deathbeds, whose last Confessions were more profitable to the Friars, than half the Glebeland that year to the Priest of the Parish. 34. This plainly appeareth out of Erasmus in his Dialogues, In Eras●●● his Jeast-earnest Dialogue. who though perchance therein, he doth Lucian it too much, yet truth may be discovered under the varnish of his scoffing wit. He, in his Dialogue entitled, FUNUS: tells us how Sir George the rich Knight being formerly confessed to the Friars, the Parochial Pastor refused to bury him, because he could not give an account to God of this his sheep, as unacquainted with his final estate, and this case commonly happened in England, the occasion of much heartburning betwixt them. 35. Monks also hated Friars at their hearts, Monks why hating Friars. because their activity and pragmaticalness made Monks be held as idle and useless; yea, as mere Ciphers, whilst themselves were the only Figures of reckoning and account in the Church. 36. h Hist. Angl. in Hen. 3. pag. 949. Matthew Paris a Benedictine Monk of S. Alban, was a backfriend to Friars, and on all occasions hath a good word in store for them, thus speaking of the coming in of the Brethren of the Sack, as also of the Order of Betblemites, he welcomes them with this Compliment, That now there were so many Orders in England, that of them there was an inordinate confusion. 37. Indeed, Friars stinted to 4 Orders. the Pope at last grew sensible that the world began to groan, as weary with the weight of Friars. Who, if multiplying proportionably in after-Ages, would so increase, there would be more mouths to beg alms, than hands to relieve them; and therefore they were stinted to the aforesaid four Cardinal Orders, of Dominicans, Franciscans, Carmelities, and Augustinian Eremites: These boasted themselves to be like the i Erasmus Dialogues in Fun. four Evangelists, though (the number alone excepted) no conformity betwixt them. And they more like unto God's four k Ezek. 14. 21. sore judgements, wherewith he useth to afflict a sinful Nation. 37. Come we now to Nuns, The numerousness of Nuns. almost as numerous in England as Monks and Friars, as having (though not so many Orders) more of the same Order. The weaker sex hath ever equalled men in their devotion. Often exceeded them in superstition, as in the one instance of Gilbertines may appear. These were an Hermaphrodite Order, as is aforesaid, admitting both men and women under the same roof, and during the life of Gilbert their first Founder for seven hundred Brethren, there were l Weavers Fun. Mon. pag. 148. eleven hundred Sisters entered into that Order. None can be so exact in reckoning up the Nuns as the Friars, because that sex afforded no Writers to acquaint us with the Criticisms of their observances. 38. We will insist only on three sorts: The ancientest and poorest Nuns. 1. The Ancientest: 2. The Poorest: 3. The latest Nuns in England: Of the first sort we account the she Benedictines, commonly called black Nuns, but I assure you, penny white, being most richly endowed. The Poorest follow, being the strict Order of S. Clare, a Lady living in the same time, and born in the same Town with S. Francis: and her Nuns did wear a like habit in colour with the Franciscans. I am charitably inclined to believe that these were the least bad amongst all the Professions of Virginity. 39 The Brigettean Nuns were the latest in England, Brigetteans the last Order of Nuns. first settled here in the second year of King Henry the fifth, Anno Dom. 1415, dissolved with the rest of all Orders, Anno 1538, so that they continued here only one hundred three and twenty years; an Order to be loved on this account, That it was the last in England. Bridget Queen of Sweden, gave them their name and institution. Men and Women living under the same roof: the Women above, the Men beneath, and one Church common to both. By their Order their House was to be endowed plentifully at the first, whereon they might live without wanting or begging, as well in dear as cheap years, and after their first foundation they were uncapable of any future benefactions, Si posteatotus m Tho. Walsingham in Hen. 5. in Anno 1413. mundus possessiones & praedia eis offerret, quicquam omninò recipere non liceret: If afterwards the whole world should proffer them farms and possessions, it was utterly unlawful for them to accept any thing thereof: as indeed, additions to such who had plenty before, is rather a burden than a benefit. 40. The mysterious number of Brigetteans might not exceed the number of eighty five. The mystical number of Brigetteans. which forsooth was the number of Christ's Apostles and Disciples put together, and thus they were precisely to be qualified: 1. Sisters, sixty. 2. Priests, thirteen. 3. Deacons, four. 4. Lay-brothers, eight. In all Eighty five Where, by the way, know we must reckon seventy two Disciples, (which the n Luke 10. 1. Evangelist makes but just seventy, and also put in S. Paul for the thirteenth Apostle, or else it will not make up the sum aforesaid, but it is all even with discreet persons, be it over or above it. This Order constantly kept their Audit on All-Saints Eve, October 31, and the day after All-Souls being the third of November, they gave away to the poor all that was left of their annual Revenue, conceiving otherwise it would putrify and corrupt if treasured up, and be as heinous an offence, as the Jews when preserving Manna longer than the continuance of one day. These Brigetteans had but one Convent in England, at Zion in Middlesex, built by King Henry the fifth, but so wealthy, that it was valued yearly worth at the dissolution, o Th' Walsinghan ut priù●. One thousand nine hundred forty four pounds eleven shillings eight pence farthing. 41. No Convents of Nuns in England more carfully kept their Records than the Priory of Clarkenwell, Spcel's Catal. of Religious Houses, p. 793. to whose credit it is registered. That we have a perfect Catalogue of their Prioresses, from their foundation to their dissolution (defective in all other Houses) according to the order following: viz: 1. Christiana. The Prioresses of Clerkenwell. 2. Ermegard. 3. Hawisia. 4. Eleonora. 5. Alesia. 6. Cecilia. 7. Margery Whatvile. 8. Isabella. 9 Alice Oxeney. 10. Amice Marcy. 11. Denys Bras. 12. Margery Bray. 13. Joan Lewkenor. 14. Joan Fullham. 15. Ratherine Braybroke. 16. Luce Attwood. 17. Joan Viene. 18. Margaret Blakewell. 19 Isabella Wentworth. 20. Margaret Bull. 21. Agnes Clifford. 22. Katherine Greene. 23. Isabella Hussey. 24. Isabella Sackvile. Had the like care continued in other Convents, it had contributed much to the clearness of Ecclesiastical History. 42. Sir Thomas chaloner (Tutor, as I take it, to Prince HENRY) not long ago built a spacious House within the Close of that Priory, A good exchange. upon the Frontispiece whereof these Verses were inscribed, not unworthy of remembrance: Casta fides superest, velatae tecta Sorores Ista relegatae deseruere licèt: Nam venerandus Hymen hic vota jugalia servat, Vestalémque focum ment fovere studet. chaste Faith still stays behind, though hence be flown Those veiled Nuns, who here before did nest: For reverend Marriage, Wedlock vows doth own, And sacred Flames keeps here in Loyal breast. I hope and believe the same may truly be affirmed of many other Nunneries in England, which now have altered their properity on the same conditions. 43. So much for the several dates of Monks and Friars: Exactness in dates not to be expected. wherein if we have failed a few years in the exactness thereof, the matter is not much. I was glad to find so ingenuous a passage in Pitzeus, so zealous a Papist, with whom in this point I wholly concur: He speaking of the different Aeraes of the coming in of the Augustinians into England, thus concludeth: In r Pitz. in Indice Illust. Angl. script. p, 974. tantâ sententiarum Varietate veritatem invenire nec facile est, nec multùm refert. The best is, though I cannot tell the exact time wherein every Counter was severally laid down on the Table; I know certainly the year wherein they were all thrown together and put up in the bag, I mean the accurate date of their general dissolution, viz: Anno One thousand five hundred thirty and eight, on the same sign that Sanders observeth a grand providence therein, That Jesuits began beyond the Seas at the very same time: we will not higgle with so frank a chapman for a few months under or over, but taking his Chronology herein de bene esse, one word of the name of that Order, first premising a pleasant story. 44. A Countryman, A pleasant story. who had lived many years in the Hercinian woods in Germany, at last came out into a populous City, demanding of the people therein, What God they did worship? It was answered him, They worshipped Jesus Christ. Whereupon, the wild Wood man asked the names of the several Churches in the City; which were all called by the sundry Saints to whom they were consecrated. It's strange, said he, that you should worship JESUS CHRIST, and he not have one Temple in all your City dedicated unto him. But it seems Ignatius Loyola, Founder of this new Order, finding all other Orders consigned to some SAINT or other, whence they take their denomination, intended at last peculiarly to appropriate one to JESUS: That as at that holy name every knee should bow: So all other Orders should do homage, and submit to this his new one of Jesuits. 45. Here, Jesuats different from Jesuits. had not better eyes than mine own made the discovery (being beholden to M. Chemnitius therein) I had never noted the nice difference betwixt JESUATS and JESUITS so near in name, though not in time; but it seems in nature distinguished. The former began at Sienna in Italy in the year 1366, of whom thus Sabellicus, Colligebantur ab initio domesticatim simplici habitu amicti, multâ innocentiâ & pietate viri, victum sibi labour & operâ quaeritantes. Apostolici ab initio Clerici nuncupati. Hi neque sacris initiantur, neque celebrant Missarum solemnia, tantùm orationi vacant, Jesuati ab eo dicti, quòd Jesu Regis summi frequens sit nomen in illorum ore, etc. Men of much innocence and piety were gathered in the beginning from house to house, clothed in poor habit, and seeking their own livelihood with labour and pains, called from the beginning Apostolical Clerks. These neither were entered into Orders, neither did celebrate the solemnity of Masses, but only bestowed themselves in prayer, therefore called Jesuats, because the name of Jesus was so frequent in their mouths. But it seems these jesuats sunk down in silence, when the jesuits appeared in the world, the former counting it ill manners in likeness of name to sit so near to those, who were so far their betters. 56. All Orders may be said eminently extant in the jesuits to and above the kind, Jesuits the best buttresses of the Romish Church. the degree thereof, and indeed they came seasonably to support the tottering Church of Rome: For, when the Protestants advantaged with Learning and Languages, brought in the Reformation; Monks & Friars were either so ignorant as they could not, so idle as they would not, or so cowardly that they durst not make effectual opposition, as little skilled in Fathers, less in Scripture, and not at all versed in Learned Languages. As for the Franciscans, I may say of them, they were the best and * See Cent. 14. pag. ●40. worst scholars of all Friars: The best, as most sublime in School-Divinity: worst, for if before their entrance into that Order they knew not learning, they were enjoined not to study it. Besides, Monks and Friars were so clogged with the observances of their Orders, that it confined them to their Cells, and rendered them useless in a practical way. Wherefore, to balance the Protestants, the jesuits were set on foot, obliged to these studies (out of fashion with Monks & Friars) wherein they quickly attained a great eminency, as their very adversaries must confess. And, as their heads were better furnished than other Orders, so their hands were left at more liberty, (not tied behind their backs in a large posture of Canonical idleness) whence they are become the most active and pragmatical Undertakers in all Christendom. 57 I cannot but commend one policy in the jesuits, Jesuits policy. which conduceth much to their credit; namely, whereas other Orders of Monks and Friars were after their first institution sifted (as I may say) through many other searches, still taking new names according to their Subs-de-re-reformation. The jesuits since their first foundation have admitted of no new denomination, but continue constant to their primitive constitution; chief, because sensible that such after refinings fix an aspersion of (at leastwise a comparative) impunity on their first institution, and render their first Founders cheaper in the world's valuation, whilst the jesuits still keep themselves to their foundation, as begun and perfected at once, and are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all of a lump, all of a piece, which unity amongst themselves maketh them the more considerable in their impressions on any other Adversaries. 58. They had two most ancient and flourishing Convents beyond the Seas, In England like Astrologers in Rome. Nola in Italy, as I take it, where their House it seems gives a Bow for their Arms, and La-Fletcha in France, where they have an Arrow for their Device; whereupon, a Satirical wit thus guirded at them: and I hope I shall not be condemned as accessary to his virulency, if only plainly translating the same. Arcum Nola dedit, dedit his La-Fletcha Sagittam Illis, quis nervum, quem meruêre, dabit? Nola to them did give a Bow, La-Fletch an Arrow bring: But who upon them will bestow (What they deserve) a string? I have done with these Jesuits, who may well be compared unto the Astrologers in Rome, of whom the Historian doth complain, Genus est hominum * Tacit. Hist. lib. 1. quod in Civitate nostrâ & vetabitur semper & retinebitur, There is kind of men in our City who will always be forbidden, and yet always be retained therein. So, though many severe Laws have been made against them, yet either such their boldness in adventuring, or our State-mildnesse in executing the Statutes against them, that always they are driven hence, and always they stay here, to the great disturbance of ours, and advancement of their own Religion. 59 Here I purposely omit the Houses for Leprous people, Leprous people not mentioned herein. though indeed they deserved more charity than all the rest; and I may say, this only was an Order of Gods making, when he was pleased to lay his afflicting hand on poor people in that loathsome disease. I take Burton-Lazars in Leicester-shire to be the best endowed house for that purpose. But as that disease came into England by the Holy War, so ( * In my Holy War. as we have elsewhere observed) it ended with the end thereof. And God of his goodness hath taken away the Leprosy of Leprosy in England. SECTION II. To the Right Worshipful, RALPH SADLEIR of STANDON, Esq. AND ANNE, his virtuous Consort. IT was enacted by a Law made in the 27th year of the Reign of K. HENRY the eighth, That whosoever retained Abbey-lands, after the dissolution passed unto them from the Crown, should keep a standing. House, or else forfeit every month Twenty Nobles, recoverable from them in any Court of Record. True it is, King JAMES was graciously pleased (in the 21 of His Reign) to repeal this Act and burn this Rod, for which many under the Lash (who will not pay) still own thanks to his Memory. But suppose this penal-Statute still in force, you may defy all Informers for any advantage they may get against you for the same. Indeed you are possessed of the fair Covent of WESTBURY in Gloucester-shire, and that on as Honourable Terms as any Lands in England of that nature are enjoyed, bestowed on your Grandfather Sir RALPH SADLEIR by King HENRY the Eighth, partly in reward of the good service he had done to Him the Father, partly in encouragement to what he might do to His three Children, to all which he was Privy Counsellor. Yet no danger of penalty to you, whose House is known to be the Centre of Hospitality, whence even Abbot's themselves (and they best skilled in that Lesson) might Learn to keep a bountiful Table, where all are welcomed; the Rich for Courtesy, when their occasions bring them; the Poor for Charity, when they bring their occasions to pass by your Habitation. Indeed, the Inne-holders' of London give for the Motto of the Arms of their Company, I WAS A STRANGER, AND YE TOOK ME IN. But seeing our Saviour chief intended such, who did not sell, but give entertainment to strangers; more properly are the words appliable to yourself, and other-self, whose House is so the Inne-generall to all poor people, that the Neighbourhood of a great and good Common, is not so advantageous as their vicinity thereunto. I doubt not but as you often have relieved CHRIST in his poor Members, he will in due time receive you both into his House, wherein there be many Mansions of everlasting Happiness. Abbeys engrossed trade, impoverished Parish. Priests, encouraged Offenders. THE specious pretences of piety, Abbot's Farmers, Tanners, Brewers. and contempt of the world, Abbots and Monks, were notoriously covetous, even to the injury of others: Witness their renting and stocking of Farms, keeping of Tan-houses, and Brew-houses in their own hands. For, though the Monks themselves were too fine-nosed to dabble in Tan-fatts, yet they kept others (bred in that trade) to follow their work. These Covents having bark of their own woods, hides of the cattle of their own breeding and killing: and (which, was the main) a large stock of money to buy at the best hand, and to allow such Chapmen they sold to, a long day of payment, easily eat out such who were bred up in that vocation. Whereupon, in the one and twentieth of King Henry the eighth, a Statute was made, That no Priest, either Regular or Secular, should on heavy penalties hereafter meddle with such mechanic employments. 2. Secondly, Abbot's ●ab Parish Vicar's by appropriations. they impoverished Parish-Priests, by decrying their performances, and magnifying their own merits. Alas! what was the single devotion of a silly Priest in comparison of a Corporation of Prayers (twisted Cables to draw down blessings on their Patron's heads) from a whole Monastery? And, suppose (which was seldom done) the Parson in the Parish preaching to his people, yet Sermons in a Church once constituted were needless, as ministering matter of Schisms and disputes, and at the best only profiting the present: whilst prayers benefitted as well the absent, as the present, dead, as living. But especially prayers of Monasteries commanded Heaven, pleased with the holy violence of so many and mighty petitioners. By these and other artifices they undermined all Priests in the affections of their own people, and procured from Pope and Prince, that many Churches Presentative, with their Glebes and Tithes, were app-ropriated to their Covents, leaving but a poor pittance to the Parish Vicar: though the Pope (as styling himself but a Vicar) ought to have been more sensible of their sad condition. 3. Besides appropriation of such Churches, And other Priests from exemption from Tithes: Abbeys also wronged Parish-Priests, by procuring from the Pope Paschal the second, Anno Dom. 1100, in the Council of Mentz, that their Demesnes, Farms, and Granges (anciently paying Tithes like the Lands of other Laymen) should hereafter be free from the same. But this exemption was afterwards by Pope Adrian the fourth, about the year 1150, justly limited and restrained: Religious Order being enjoined the payment of Tithes of whatsoever increase they had in their own occupation (save of new improvements by culture of pasture of their cattle, a Vid. Alex. 4. in 6. de dec. c. 2. Statuto & In. Not. 8. tom. 2. p. 4. 10. Edit. Coloniens. and of garden fruits. Only three Orders, namely, the Cistertians, Templars, and Knights-Hospitallers (otherwise called of S. John's of Jerusalem) were exempted from the general payment of all Tithes whatsoever. 4. And, Freedom from Tithes goeth by favour. why Cistertians rather than any other Order? Give me leave to conjecture three Reasons thereof: 1. Adrian the fourth, our none Countryman, was at first a Benedictine-Monke of S. Alban, and these Cistertians were only Benedictines refined. 2. They were the Benjamins, one of the youngest remarkable Orders of that Age, and therefore made Darlings (not to say Wantoness) by the Holy Father the Pope. 3. It is suspicious, that by bribery in the Court of Rome, they might obtain this privilege, so beneficial unto them. For, I find, that K. Richard the first disposed his Daughter Avarice to be married to the Cistertian-Order, as the most grasping and gripping of all others. I leave it others to render Reasons why Templars and Hospitallers, being mere Laymen, and divers times of late, adjudged in the Court of Aides in b Le Bret. Advoc. ex la dicte cour. Playdoie 27. Paris, no part of the Clergy should have this privilege to be exempted from Tithes. But we remember they were Swordmen, and that aweth all into obedience. 5. However the Lateran-Councell, Confined to Lands given before the Lateran Council. holden Anno 1215, Ordered, That this privilege of Tithe-freedome to the aforesaid three Orders, should not extend to Postnates (as I may term them) to Covents erected since the Lateran-Councell, nor to Lands since bestowed on the aforesaid Orders, though their Covents were erected before that Council. Therefore when the covetous Cistertians (contrary to the Canons of that Council) purchased Bulls from the Pope to discharge their Lands from Tithes: Henry the fourth, pitying the plea of the poor Parish Priest, by Statute nulled such c Anno 2 Hen. the fourth, cap. 4. Bulls, and reduced their Lands into that state wherein they were before. 6. Once it was in my mind to set to down a Catalogue (easy to do, Offend none in a captious Age. and useful when done) of such houses of Cistertians, Templars, and Hospitallers, which were founded since the Lateran Council, yet going under the general notion of Tithe-free, to the great injury of the Church. But since on second thoughts, I conceived it better to let it alone, as not sure on such discovery of any blessing from those Ministers which should gain, but certain of many curses from such Laymen who should lose thereby. 7. Now, A price in the hand, but no heart. when King Henry the eight dissolved Monasteries, there was put into His hand an opportunity and advantage to ingratiate Himself and His memory for ever; namely, by restoring Tithes appropriated to Abbeys, to their respective Parishes. But, whether He wanted mind; or minding, or both, God would not do Him so much honour, that He should do so much honour to God, and his Church; being now past like Lay-fees with the rest of the Abbey-land, to the great impairing of the just maintenance of Ministers. 8. Lastly, Sancturies Sewers of sin. one grand mischief (to omit many others) done by Monasteries, was by the privileges of Sanctuaries, whereby their houses became the sink and centre of sinners, to the great dishonour of God, and obstruction of justice. 9 And here I commend the memory of Turketill, The conscientious Abbot of Crowland. once Abbot of Crowland, being confident that the Reader will join with me in his commendation. Such vast immunities were bestowed on that Covent by Witlaffe, King d In Gulphi Histor. pag. 856. of Mercia, that if any Officer did follow an Offender, of what nature soever, to fetch him out of that Liberty, he was to have his right foot cut off. Strange exchange! when a legal Presecutor is made a Malefactor, and the Malefactor an Innocent; such the converting power of a Monkish Asylum. But in process of time, and depredation of the Danes, this privilege was lost, and proffered afterwards by some Saxon Kings to be restored; which Turketill would never consent unto: and take it in the e Idem p. 879. Authors own words, Antiquam verò loci impunitatem vel immunitatem nullo modo consensit acquirere, ne sceleratis & impiis refugium à publicis legibus videretur in aliquo praebere, & cum hujusmodi maleficiis compelleretur, vel in aliquo contra conscientiam suam cohabitare, seu consentire. This Privilege other Churches of S. Alban, Beverly, Westminster, did accept. Such Sanctuaries were grievances constantly complained of in Parliaments, till Richard the second first began, Henry the fourth and seventh proceeded to regulate them as abused and usurping, and Henry the eighth utterly abolished them as useless and unlawful. Of the prime Officers and Officines of Abbeys. The Officers in Abbeys were either supreme, The Abbot. as the Abbot; or (to use a Canonical term) a In Vitis viginti trium Abbatum S. Alban. pag. 170. Obediential, as all others under him. The Abbot had Lodgings by himself, with all Offices thereunto belonging. The rest took precedencies according to the Topical Statutes of their Covents, but for the generality, they thus may be marshaled. 2. First the Prior, The Prlor. who, like the Precedent (under the Master) in our Colleges in Cambridge, was next to the Abbot. Note by the way, that in some Covents, which had no Abbots, the Prior was Principal, as the Precedent in some b Magd. Corp. Christi. Tr●n. & S. john's. Oxford-Foundations; and, being installed Priors, some voted as Barons in Parliament, whereof formerly, as the Prior of Canterbury, and Coventrie. But, when the Abbot was Superintendent, there the person termed Prior was his subordinate, who in his absence, in mitred Abbeys, by courtesy was saluted the Lord Prior. 3. Secondly, The Subprior. the Subprior, (as Hugo Balciam, Subprior of Elie, Founder of Peterhouse) Quaere whether any compliment descended so low as to Lord the Subprior in the absence of the Prior and Abbot. As for the third Prior, and fourth Prior (for such Diminutives c In the subscri. of the Chron. of the August. of Cant. p. 2294. appear) they come not within the suspicion of so much favour. 4. Thirdly, The Secretary. the Secretary, who was the Register, Auditor, and Chancellor of the Covent, it being proper to his place to write and return Letters, and manage the most learned employments in the Monastery. 5. With him the Camerarius, The Chamberlain. or Chamberlain, may seem to contest for precedency, as keeping the keys of the Treasury, issuing out and receiving in all considerable sums of money; in which notion the Chamberlain of London holdeth his name. 6. Fiftly, The Cellerer. the Cellarius, or Cellerarius, a Place of more power and profit, than the name may seem to import. He was the Burser who bought in all provisions, and appointed the pittances for the several Monks, and in some Houses he was d John Brakeland. Secundus Pater in Monasterio, as in the Abbey of Bury, where a large part of the Buildings was assigned for his Residence, and Lands for his Maintenance. These Cellerers were brave blades, much affecting Secular gallantry. For, I find it e Burchard, inde Index G●s. 8. Gal. complained of, that they used to swagger with their swords by their sides like lay-Gentlemen. 7. The remaining Officers are best reckoned up by the Canonical rooms (as I may term them) in an Abbey, The Gatehouse. each giving denomination to him who had the inspection thereof. I begin with the Gatehouse, and its relative the Porter; an office, I assure you, of some trust in an Abbey, to know what guests, and when (especially at the postern) are to be admitted thereunto. The Refectory. 8. The next room is the Refectorium: and Refectorius the f Chron. August. Cant. p. 2294. Controller thereof. It was the Hall wherein the Monks dined together, and sometimes the Abbot on great solemnities graced them with his presence, when he had g In Vitis p. 141. Vastellum, that is, not common bread, but vastell bread, h See glossary of Will. Somner. or simnels for his diet. 9 Adjoining to it was the Locutorium, The Parlour. or Parlour, because there leave was given for the Monks to discourse, who were enjoined silence elsewhere. Thus we read how Paul the fourteenth Abbot of S. Alban, made it penal for any to talk in the Cloister, Church, Refectory, or Dormitory. 10. The Oriol. Oriolium, i In Vitis p. 100 or the Oriol, was the next room. Why so called, some of the namesake College in Oxford are best able to satisfy. Sure I am, that small excursion out of Gentleman's Halls in Dorcetshire (respect it East or West) is commonly called an Orial. The use hereof is known for Monks, who were in latitudine morbi, rather distempered than diseased to dine therein, it being cruelty to thrust such into the infirmary, where they might have died with the conceit of the sickness of others. 11. Dormitorium, The dormitory. the dormitory, where they all slept together, it being ordered in the Council k Sub Ludou. Imp. Au. 816. cap. 134. of Aquisgrane, Nisi in Dormitorio cum caeteris absque causae inevitabili, nemo dormire praesumpserit. 12. Lavatorium succeeds, The Laundry. generally called the Laundrey, where their clothes were washed. Haply it was also the place (such in the Westside of Westminster-cloysters) where all the Monks at the Conduit washed their hands, there being as much good fellowship in washing, as eating together. 13. Scriptorium remains, a room where the Chartularius was busied in writing, especially employed in the transcribing of these Books: Their 1. Ordinals, containing the Rubric of their Missal, and Directory of their Priests in Service. 2. Consuetudinals, presenting the ancient customs of their Covents. 3. Troparies. 4. Collectaries, wherein the Ecclesiastical Collects were fairly written. 14. Next this the Library, The Library. which most great Abbeys had exactly furnished with variety of choice Manuscripts. 15. All is marred if the Kitchen be omitted, The Kitchin. so essential a requisite in an Abbey, with the Larder and Pantrey the necessary suburbs thereof. 16. Come we now their Abbey-Church, The several parts in the Church. where we first meet their 1. Cloisters, consecrated ground, as appears by their solemn Sepultures therein. 2. Navis Ecclesiae, or Body of the Church. 3. Gradatorium, a distance containing the ascent out of the former into the Quire. 4. Presbyterium, or the Choir, on the right side whereof was the Stall of the Abbot, and his; on the lief side the Prior, and his moiety of Monks, who alternately chanted the Responsals in the Service. 5. Vestiarium, the Vestiarie, where their Copes and Clothes were deposited. 6. A Vaulta, l In Vitis, pag. 225. a Vault, being an arched-room over part of the Church, which in some Abbeys (as S. Alban) was used to enlarge their dormitory, where the Monks had twelve beds for their repose. 7. Concameratio, being an arched-room betwixt the East-end of the Church, and the m In Vi●●s, pag. 521. High Altar, so that in Procession they might surround the same, founding their fancy on n Psal. 26. 6. David's expression,— and so will I compass thine Altar, O Lord. As for the other Rooms of the Church; Cerarium, where their wax candles were kept; Campanile, their Steeple; Polyandrium, the Churchyard, and sometime the Charnel-house, let such be consulted with, who have written large Volumes on this subject, who will also inform them of the Dignities and Duties of the Preceptor, Sacrist, Sub-sacrist, Capellane, ostiary, Vestiarie, Ceroferarie, etc. belonging thereunto. The remaining Rooms of an Abbey stood a distance from the main structure thereof. To begin with the best first: Eleëmosynaria, or the Almorie, being a building near, or within the Abbey, wherein poor and impotent persons did live maintained by their Charity. 17. Secondly, The Centurie. Sanctuarium, of the Centurie, wherein Debtors taking refuge from their Creditors, Malefactors, from the Judge, lived (the more the pity) in all security. 18. Thirdly, The Firmorie. Infirmarium, or the Firmorie (the Curatour whereof Infirmarius) wherein persons downright sick (trouble to others, and troubled by others, if lodging in the dormitory) had the benefit of Physic, and attendance private to themselves. No Lent, or Fasting-days came ever the threshold of this room; Sickness being a Dispensation for the eating of Flesh. It was punishable for any to eat therein, except solemnly designed for the place. 19 At distance stood the Stables, The Stables. where the Stallarius, or Master of the Horse did command; and under him o In V●tis, etc. pag. 97. the Provendarius, who, as his name imports, provided Provender for the Horses. These were divided into four ranks, and it would puzzle all the Jockeys in Smithfield to understand the meaning of their names. 1. Manni, being Geldings for the Saddle of the larger size. 2. Runcini, Runts, p Wat's in Glossar. at the end of Mat. Paris. small Pad-Nags: like those of Galloway or Goonehely. 3. Summarii, Sumpter-horses. 4. Averii, Cart, or Plough-horses. This was the quadripartite division of the Horses of William, the two and twentieth Abbot of S. Alban, on the token that he lost an hundred Horses in one year. 20. One room remains, The Ga●le. last named, because least loved, even a Prison for the punishment of incorrigible Monks, who otherwise would not be ordered into obedience. It was a grand penance imposed on the q In Vitis, pag. 52. Delinquents, to carry about the Lantern, (though light, an heavy burden) but such contumacious Monks as would not be amended therewith, the Abbot had tetrum & fortem carcerem, a strong and hideous Prison, where their Obstinacy was corrected into Reformation. 21. We omit other rooms, The Grange. as Vaccisterium, the Cow-house; Porcarium, the Swine-stie; as having nothing peculiar therein, but concurrent with those offices in other houses. As for Granges, being Farms at distance, kept and stocked by the Abbey, and so called (as it seemeth) à grana gerendo (the Overseer whereof was commonly called the Prior of the Grange) because sometimes many miles from the Monastery, they come not within the reach of our present discourse. Only I add, in Female Foundations of Nunneries, there was a correspondency of all the same essential Officers, and Offices. 22. Expect not of me a List of those mean Officers in the Abbey, Barbarous names and Offices. whose employment was not so base, as their names barbarous, and of English extraction. Such were, 1. Coltonarius, Cutler. 2. Cupparius. 3. Potagiarius. 4. Scutellarius Aulae. 5. Salsarius. 6. Portarius. 7. Carectarius Cellerarii. 8. Pelliparius, Parchment-Provider. 9 Brasinarius, Maltster. All these appeared at the Hali-mote, or Holy Court of the Cellarer, and it is the degrading the soul of a Scholar (best pleased in a progressive motion to attain elegancy) to stoop to the understanding of such base and unlearned Etymologies. 23. Note that the Offices aforesaid in the smaller Abbeys were but one fair entire room, Rooms in small, houses in great Abbeys. which in greater Monasteries were a distinct structure, with all under-Offices attendant thereupon. Thus the Firmorie in the Priory of Canterbury had a refectory thereto belonging, a Kitchen, a Dortour distributed into several Chambers that one might not disturb another; and a private Chapel for the devotions of the diseased. Their Almerie also was accommodated with all the aforesaid appurtenances, and had many distinct Manors consigned only to their maintenance. 24. It were alien from our present purpose to speak of Cells, The use of Cells. which were aut pars, aut proles, of all great Abbeys, sometime so fare off, that the Mother-Abbey was in England, the Childe-Cell beyond the Seas, and so reciprocally. Some of these were richly endowed, as that of Windham in Norfolk, which, though but a Cell annexed to S. Alban, yet was able at the Dissolution to expend of its own Revenues, seventy two pounds per annum. These were Colonies into which the Abbeys discharged their superfluous numbers, and whither the rest retired when Infections were feared at home. 25. Thus have we run through the main Rooms in all great Abbeys, The Honours in Canterbury Priory. though besides the same, particular Abbeys had particular Houses known to those of their own Covent by peculiar denominations. It were endless for one to instance in all these, and impossible to render a reason of their names, except he were privy to the fancies of the Founders. Thus we meet with a pile of building in the Priory of Canterbury, called, the Honours; but, why so termed, my good friend, and great r Mr. William Somner in his Antiquit. of Canterbury. pag. 196. Antiquary, is fain to confess his own ignorance. Some general Conformities observed in all Covents. SUndry Orders were bound to observe several Canonical Constitutions. Rules calculated for the Benedictines, without any grand error will serve all Orders. However the rule of the ancient Benedictines, with some small variations according to time and place, hold true through most Monasteries. Some general heads whereof (the under-branches being infinite) we will here insert, it being hard, if amongst much dross, some gold be not found, to repair the pains of the Reader. We will contrive them into Canons, collected out of Authors, before, or in the days of Dunston. 1. Let Monks, (after the example of a Psal. 119. 164. David) praise God seven times a day. Seven times:] Some difference in reckoning them up, but the following computation is generally embraced. 1. At Cock-crowing: Because the b Psal. 119. 62. Psalmist saith, At midnight will I praise the Lord: and most conceive that Christ risen from the dead about that time. 2. Matutines: At the first hour, or six of the clock, when the Jewish morning sacrifice was offered. And at what time Christ's resurrection was by the Angels first notified to the women. 3. At the third hour, or nine of the clock before none: When according to S. Mark, Christ was condemned, and scourged by Pilate. 4. At the sixth hour, or twelve of the clock at high noon: When Christ was crucified and darkness over all the earth. 5. At the ninth hour, or three of the clock in the afternoon: When Christ gave up the ghost, and, which was an hour of public prayer in the c Acts 3. 1. Temple, and privately in his closet with d Acts 10. 30. Cornelius. 6. Vespers: At the twelfth hour, or six a clock in the afternoon: When the Evening-sacrifice was offered in the Temple, and when Christ is supposed taken down from the Cross. 7. At seven of the clock at night, (or the fir●t hour beginning the nocturnal twelve:) When Christ's agony in the garden was conceived began. The fift e This whole Chapter is the abridgement of CONGORDIA REGULARUM, collected by S. Bennet the Anian Abbot, but printed with a Comment, An. 1638. set forth by Friar Ae●ard. of these was performed at two of the clock in the morning: When the Monks (who went to bed at eight at night) had slept six hours, which were judged sufficient for nature. It was no fault for the greater haste to come without shoes, or with unwashen hands, (provided sprinkled at their entrance with holy-water) to this night's service. And I find not express to the contrary, but that they might go to bed again. But a flat prohibition after Matutines, when to return to bed was accounted a petty apostasy. 2. Let all at the sign given leave off their work, and repair presently to prayers. Sign:] This in England (commonly called the ringing Island) was done with tolling a bell; but in other Countries with loud strokes, as Nobleman's Cooks knock to the dresser, at which time none might continue their work Yea, the Canon was so strict, that it provided scriptores literam non integrent: That writers (a great trade in Monasteries) having begun to frame and flourish a Text letter, were not to finish it, but to break off in the middle thereof. 3. Let those, who are absent in public employment, be reputed present in prayers. Absent:] Hence it was, that anciently at the end of prayers, there was a particular commemoration made of them, and they by name recommended to Divine protection. 4. Let no Monk go alone, but always two together. Two:] That so they might mutually have, both testem honestatis, and monitorem pietatis. And this was done in some imitation of Christ's sending his Disciples to preach f Luke 10. 1. Two, and two before his face, that so they might alternately ease one another. 5. From Easter, to Whitsunday, let them dine always at twelve; and sup at six of the clock. Dine:] The Primitive Church forbade fasting for those fifty, days that Christians might be cheerful for the memory g Tertullian, Libro de corons militis. of Christ's resurrection. Immunitate Jejunandi à die Paschae Pentecosten usque gaudemus, and therefore more modern is the custom of fasting on Ascension Eve. 6. Let them at other times fast on Wednesdays, and Fridays, till three a clock in the afternoon. Three of the clock:] So making but one meal a day, but know that the twelve days in Christmas were in this Canon excepted. 7. Let them fast every day in Lent till six of the clock at night. Six a clock:] Stamping a character of more abstinence on that time. For though all a Monk's life ought to be a LENT, yet this, most especially, wherein they were to abate of their wont sleep and diet, and add to their daily devotion: Yet so, that they might not lessen their daily fare without leave from the Abbot, all things done without whose consent, will be accounted presumption, and not redound to reward; so that in such cases, obedience to their Superiors was better than the sacrifice of their own free abstinence. 8. Let no Monk speak a word in the Refectory, when they are at their meals. Speak a word:] Whilst their mouths are open to eat, their lips must be locked to speak. For proof whereof they corruptly cite the Apostles words, to h 2 Thes. 3. 12. eat their own bread with silence; whereas indeed it is, work with quietness, and therein a contented mind enjoined. Such might also remember Solomon's rule, Eat thy bread with joy. 9 Let them listen to the Lecturer reading Scripture to them, whilst they feed themselves. Listen:] This was i In regula Capite quinto. S. Austin ' s rule, Ne solae fauces sumant cibum, sed & aures percipiant Dei verbum. 10. Let the Septimarians dine by themselves after the rest. Septimarians:] These were weekly Officers, (not as the Abbot, Porter, etc. for term of life) as the Lecturer, Servitors at the table, Cook, who could not be present at the public refection: as the Bible-Clerks in Queens-Coll: in Cambrige (waiting on the Fellows at dinner) have a Table by themselves, their stomaches being set, to go an hour after all the rest. 11. Let such who are absent about business observe the same hours of prayer. Absent:] Be it by sea, or land, on ship, in house, or field, they were to fall down on their knees, and though at distance, and very briefly, yet in some sort to keep time, and tune with the Covent in their devotions. 12. Let none, being from home about business, (and hoping to return at night) presume foris mandicare, to eat abroad. Eat abroad:] This Canon was afterwards so dispensed with by the Abbot on several occasions, that it was frustrate in effect, when Monks became common guests at laymen's tables. 13. Let the COMPLETORIE be solemnly sung about seven a clock at night. COMPLETORIE:] Because it completed the duties of the day. This service was concluded with that Verticle of the Psalmist, k Psal 141. 3. Set a watch, O Lord, before my mouth, and keep the door of my lips. 14. Let none speak a word after the Completorie ended, but hasten to their beds. Speak a word:] For, they might express themselves by signs, and in some cases whisper, but so softly that a third might not overhear it. This silence was so obstinately observed by some, that they would not speak though assaulted with thiefs, to make discovery in their own defence. 15. Let the Monk's sleep in beds singly by themselves, but all (if possible) in one room. Singly by themselves:] To prevent that sin of Sodomy, whereof many were detected, and more suspected in after-Ages. One room:] For the comfort of their mutual society. 16. Let them sleep in their clothes, girt with their girdles, but not having their knives by their sides, for fear of hurting themselves in their sleeps. In their clothes:] Is slovenness any advantage to sanctity? This was the way, not to make the Monks to lie alone, but to carry much company about them. 17. Let not the youth lie by themselves, but mingled with their seniors. Seniors:] That their gravity may awe them into good behaviour. Thus husbandmen couple young colts with stayed horses, that both together may draw the better. 18. Let not the candle in the Dormitory go out all the night. Candle:] In case some should fall suddenly sick; and that this standing candle might be a stock of light, to recruit the rest, on occasion. 19 Let Infants, incapable of excommunication, be corrected with rods. Infants:] Such, all were accounted under the age of fifteen years (of whom many in Monasteries) whose minorities were beneath the censures of the Church. 20. Let the offenders in small faults (whereof the Abbot is sole Judge) be only sequestered from the table. Small faults:] As coming after grace to dinner, breaking (though casually) the earthen ewer wherein they wash their hands, being out of tune in setting the Psalm, taking any by the hand (as a preface forsooth to wantonness receiving Letters from, or talking with a friend without leave from the Abbot, etc. From the table:] Such were to eat by themselves, and three hours after the rest, until they had made satisfaction. 21. Let the offenders in greater faults be suspended from table, and prayers. Greater faults:] viz: Thest, adultery, etc. And Prayers:] This in effect amounted to the greater Excommunication, and had all the penalties thereof. 22. Let none converse with any excommunicated, under the pain of excommunication. None:] Yet herein his Keeper, (deputed by the Abot) was excepted. Converse:] Either to car, or speak with him. He might not so much as bless him, or his meat if carried by him: Yet to avoid scandal, he might rise up, bow, or bore his head to him, in case the other did first with silent gesture salute him. 23. Let incorrigible offenders be expelled the Monastery. Incorrigible:] Whom no correption with words, nor correction with blows, nor censures of excommunication would amend: Abscission is the only plaster for such an incurable Gangrene. 24. Let an expelled Brother, being readmitted on promise of his amendment, be set last in order. Last:] He was to lose his former seniority, and begin at the bottom. Know, that whosoever willingly quitted the Convent thrice, or was thrice cast out for his misdemeanours, might not any more be received. 25. Let every Monk have two Coats, and two Cowls, etc. Two:] Not to wear at once, (except in Winter) but for exchange, whilst one was washed. And when new clothes were delivered them, their old ones were given to the poor. 26. Let every Monk have his Table-book, Knife, Needle, and Handkerchief. Needle:] To mend his own clothes when torn. Handkerchief:] Which they wore on their left side, to wipe away rheum, or (as we may charitably believe) tears from their eyes. 27. Let the Bed of every Monk have a Mat, Blanket, a Sagum, properly the lower coat of a Soldier. Ruyg, and Pillow. Mat:] In Latin Matta, the Liars whereon are termed by S. Austin b Lib. 5. contra Faustum, cap. 5. Mattarii. a Blanket:] Laena, in Latin, quasi de lana, saith Varro, c De lingua Latina, lib. 4. made of thick wool. No down, feathers, nor flocks used by them, yea no linen worn on their bodies. The Abbot also every Saturday was to visit their beds, to see if they had not shuffled in some softer matter, or purloined some progge for themselves. 28. Let the Abbot be chosen by the merits of his life and learning. Merits:] Though he were the last in degree, and though he had the fewest voices, the better were to carry it from the greater number. But in after-Ages, to avoid schism, upon a parity of deserts the Senior was generally chosen by plurality of votes. 29. Let him never dine alone, and when Guests are wanting, call some Brethren unto his table. Alone:] Such as were relieved by his hospitality, are by Canonical Critics, sorted into four ranks: 1. Convive, guests, living in or near the City, where the Covent stood. 2. Hospites, strangers, coming from distant places, yet still of the same Country. 3. Peregrini, pilgrims, of another Nation, and generally travailing for devotion. Invited, or inviving themselves into the Abbey. 4. Mendici, beggars, who received their Alms without at the Gate. 30. Let the CELLARER be a discrect man, to give all their meat in due season. Discreet:] He needed to be a good Mathematician in the gauges of men's bellies, not allowing all food alike, but proportioning it to their several ages, labour, (for ancient Monks did work) appetites, etc. For this they allege the Primitive practice, when all goods kept in common were divided, though unequally, for the sums equally, as to their personal necessities, And a Acts 3. 45. they parted them to all men, as every man had need. 31. Let none be excused from the office of the COOK, but take his turn in his week. None:] The Abbot is excepted, and the Cellarer in great Covents; But know, this was only anciently used in primitive poor Monasteries, our English Abbeys having afterwards Cooks, and under-Cooks of Lay-people able to please the palliate of Apitius himself. 32. Let the Cook each Saturday when he goeth out of his Office, leave the linen and vessels clean and sound to his successors. Clean and sound:] Severe one Canon which I read, that is, To receive b XXV ●almarum percuss ovibus emendetur. Regula magis cap. 15. sect 10. twenty five claps on the hand for every default on this kind; And still more harsh what another rule enjoineth, That the Cook might c Regula S. Pacbomii, artic. 11. not taste what he dressed for others, not permitted to lick his own fingers: Understand it thus, though he might eat his own pittance, or dimensum, yet he must meddle with no more, left the tasting should tempt him to gluttony and excess. 33. Let the PORTER be a grave person, to discharge his trust with discretion. Grave:] Whose age might make him resident in his place. Discharge:] In listening to no Secular news, and (if casually hearing it) not to report it again; In carrying the keys every night to the Abbot, and letting none in, or out, without his permission. We leave this Porter in the peaceable possession of his Lodge; and by his leave, are let out of this tedious discourse. Only I will add, as the Proverb faith, The Lion is not so fierce as he is painted. So Monastical discipline was not so terrible in the practice, as in the precepts thereof. And as it is generally observed in Families, that the eldest Children are most hardly used, who, (as yet being but few, and their Parents in full strength) are taught, and tutoured, and nurtered, with much chiding, and correction; whilst more liberty is allowed to the younger brood, age abating their Parent's austerity, and sometimes turning their harshness into sondnesse unto them. So those fatherly rules fell most heavily on the Monks of the first foundation, their rigour being remitted to such who succeeded them, insomuch that in process of time, Monks turned very wantoness, through laziness and luxury; as hereafter (God willing) shall appear. Of such Abbots who attained to be Parliamentary Barons. THE highest Civil honour the English Abbots arrived at, Numerous Abbots summoned to Parliament. was, that some were selected to be Barons in Parliament, and called to be Assistants to the King in His Great Council. To begin at the Reign of King Henry the third, (before whose time the footsteps of solemn summons to Parliament are almost worn out) in His time all Abbots and Priors of quality were summoned thither. Alas! this King lived a long time on Abbeys (the Patron said by His Chaplains) the most of His maintenance issuing out of the purses of Priories. It was but fitting therefore they should be consulted with, who were so much concerned in all public payments. In the forty ninth of His Regin, no less than sixty four a Dors. Glause 49 Hen. 3. 〈◊〉. 11. in scedula Abbots, and thirty six Priors, (a jolly number) with the Master of the Temple, were voluntary summoniti, out of the King's free will and pleasure (no right that they could claim themselves) summoned to Parliament. 2. But in after Parliaments the number of Abbots summoned thither, Who afterwards decline their troublesome service. was fluctuating, and uncertain, sometimes forty, as the twenty seventh of Edward the first; sometimes seventy five, as the twenty eight of the same King; fifty six in the first of Edward the second; and yet but fifteen in the second of His Reign. Indeed, when Parliaments proved frequent, some Priories fare from the place where they were summoned, the way long, the weather (especially in winter) tedious, travelling on the way costly, living at London chargeable: Some Priors were so poor they could not, more so covetous they would not put themselves to needless expenses: All so lazy, and loving their ease, that they were loath to take long journeys, which made them afterwards desire to be eased of their Honourable but Trouble some attendance in Parliament. 3. At last, Their number contracted to twenty six. King Edward the third resolved, to fix on a set number of Abbots, and Priors, not so many as with their numerousness might be burdensome to His Council; yet not so few but that they should be a sufficient representation of all Orders therein concerned, which being twenty six in number are generally thus reckoned up: 1. St. Alban. 2. Glassenbury. 3. St. Augustine's Cant. 4. Westminster. 5. Edmunds-bury. 6. Peterborough. 7. Colchester. 8. Evesham. 9 Winchelcombe. 10. Crowland. 11. Battle. 12. Reading. 13. Abington. 14. Waltham. 15. Shrewsbury. 16. Gloucester. 17. Bardney. 18. Bennet in the Holm. 19 Thorney. 20. Ramsey. 21. Hide. 22. Malmsbury. 23. Cirencester. 24. St. Marry York. 25. Selby. 26. With the Prior of St. John's of Jerusalem, first & chief Ba●on of England. None of these held of mean Lords by frank almonage, but all of the King in capite per Baroniam, having an entire Barony, to which thirteen Knights sees at least did belong. 4. Yet even after this fixation of Parliamentary Abbots in a set number the same was estsoons subject to variety. Doubtful Barons amongst the Abbots. The Prior of Coventry played at in and out, and declined his appearance there. So did the Abbot of Leicester, who may seem to have worn but half a Mitre on his head. So also the Abbot of St. James by Northhampton may be said to sit but on one hip in Parliament, he appears so in the twilight betwixt a Baron, and no Baron, in the summons thereunto. But afterwards the first of these three was confirmed in his place, the two last on their earnest request obtained a discharge. Partly, because they were summoned only interpolatis vicibus, and nor constantly; Partly, because they made it to appear, that they held not of the king a whole Barony in chief. 5. To these twenty six regular Barons, A short-lived Baroney made by K. Henry the eighth. King Henry the eighth added one more for a casting voice; viz: the Abbot of Tavistocke in Devon-shire, on this token, that being created in the eighth of His Reign he enjoyed not his Barony full twenty years, and acted so short a part on the stage of Parliament, that with Cato he might seem only ingredi ut exiret, to come in that he might go out. And, because some may be curious to know the manner of his creation, take here the form thereof: HENRICUS, etc. b Pat. 5. Hen 8. part. 2. in. 22. Sciatis quod certis considerationibus nos specialitèr moventibus & ob specialem devotionem, quam ad beatam Virginem Mariam matrem Christi, Sanctumque Rumonum in quorum Honore Abbatia de Tavistoke, quae de fundatione nobillium progenitorum nostroum, quondam Regum Angliae & nostro patro natu dedicata existit, gerimus & habemus, hinc est quod de gratia nostra speciall ac ex certa scientia, & mero motu nostris, volumus eandem Abbatiam, sive Monasterium nostrum gaudere honore, privilegio, ac libertatibus spirtualium Dominorum Parliamenti nostri Haredem, & successorum nostrorum, ideo concessimus, & per prasentes concedimus pro nobis Haeredibus, & sucessoribus nostris quantum in nobis est, dilecto nobis in Christi, Richardo Banham Abbati de Tavistocke pradicto & successoribus suis, ut corum quilibet qui pro tempore ibidem fuerit Abbas, sit & erit unus de spiritualibus, & religiosis Dominis Parliamenti nostri Haeredem & successorum nostrorum, gandendo honore, privilegio ac libertatibus ejusdem; Et insuper, de uberiori gratia nostra, affectando utilitatem, dicti nostri Monasterii, considerando ejus distantiam, ita quod si contingat aliquam Abbatem qui pro tempore fuerit, sore velesse absentem propter praedicti Monasterii utilitatem in non veniendo ad Parliamentum praedictum Haeredem, vel successorum nostrorum, quam quidem absentiam eidem Abbati perdonamus per praesentes; Ita tamen quod tunc solvet pro hujusmodi absentia cujuslibet Parliamenti integri in nostro Saccario, suum per attornatum quinque Marcas nobis haeredibus sive successoribus nostris, toties, quoties, hoc in futurum contigerit. In cujus, etc. Teste etc. Vicesimo tertio die Januarii, etc. Whereas this Charter affirmeth Tavistocke founded by King Henry's noble Progenitors; Some will wonder thereat, and the rather, because c Combdens Br. in Devon-shire: Ordulph, the son of Ordgare, Earl of Devon-shire is notoriously known for the Founder of this Monastery before the Conquest, and no English King appeareth eminently a Benefactor thereunto. Yet because the English Kings successively confirmed the Charters thereof, they were in a loyal compliment, acknowledge as the interpretative Founders of that Abbey. And as little children, whose parents decease in their infancy, innocently own their Fathers and Motherss-in-law, for their natural parents: So many Monasteries, whose first Founders, were in a manner forgotten as time out of mind, applied themselves to the present Kings (though but the Favourers) as to the Founders of their Corporations. 6. Know that besides these Abbots, Abbesses no Baronesses, though holding Baronies. there were four Abbesses, viz: of Shaftsbury, Barking in Essex, St. mary in Winchester, and Wilton, who held from the King an entire Baronry, yet never were summoned as Baronesses to Parliament; because that honour (frequent in Lay-people) was never conferred on any Ecclestastical Female. Yet were they (and almost all other Abbesses of any quality) saluted Ladies, as Earls Daughters are, by the courtesy of England, which custom hath made such a right, that they are beheld not only as unmannerly, but unjust, who in common discourse deny the same. However the aforesaid four Abbessos, though not called to Parliament, were solemnly d Pat. 5. Ed. 1. Dors. in. 11. Rot. Scutagii ejusd. an. in. 7. summoned by special Writs ad habendum servitium suum, that is, to have their full number of Knights in time of war, where the Ladies personal presence was not expected, but their effectual appearance by the proxies or their purses to supply the King's occasions. 7. Of all these, Prior of jerusalem chief Baton. the Prior of S. John's in Jerusalem, took the precedency, being generally of Noble extraction, and a Military person. Yea, not content to take place of all regular Barons, Primus Angliae Baro haberi voluit, saith my e Cambd. Brit. pag. 123. Author: He would be counted [simply] and [absolutely] the first, and chief Baron in England; though the expression, speaks rather his affectation, than peaceable possession of such priority. 8. Next him, Next the Abbot of S. Alban. the Abbot of S. Alban took place above all of his Order, to the no small grief and grudge of Glassenbury, seeing Joseph of Arimathea was two hundred years signior to S. Alban. But, who shall deny the Patriarch f Gen. 48. 14. Jacob the privilege of crossing his own hands, to prefer the younger before the elder? The same power (but on what pretence, let others inquire) the Pope assumeth to himself, whereby Adrian the fourth (once a Monk of S. Alban) gave that Convent the precedency. 9 As for the remaining Abbots, The careless order of the rest. we may observe a kind of a careless order observed in their summoning to (and consequently their sitting in) Parliament. Now seeing it will not enter into a rational belief, that their methodizing was merely managed by the will of the Clerk of the Writs, it must descend on the disposal of the King, calling them in what order He pleaseth. 10. Sure I am, Seniority not observed in the summons. these Abbots were not summoned according to their personal seniorities of their several instalments, nor according to the antiquity of their respective foundations: For, Waltham Abbot being ante-penultimus, as but founded by King Herold, is commonly fourteenth or fifteenth in the summons. Battle Abbey, which in this body of Abbeys, should be beneath the ankle, (as last of all save Selby) is commonly about the breast, the eight or ninth in number. 11. Nor are they ranked according to the richness of their annual Revenues; Not ranked by their wealth. for then (according to their Valuations at the Dissolution) they should be martialled according to the method here ensuing, when first I have premised a Note concerning the Abbey of Teuxbury in Gloucestershire. 12. This Abbot appeareth Parliamentary neither in any summons exhibited Teuxbury to be added to the Catalogue. by g Titles of borror, p. 728. Master Selden, most curious in this point; nor yet in the Catalogue of them presented by h Brit. p. 170. Master Cambden; and reverence to these worthy Authors hath prevailed with me so much that durst not insert him. However, since I am convinced in my judgement, he must be entered in the list; Partly, moved by the greatness of Revenues; Partly, because I find him registered by i In his Annual of K. Hen. 8. An. 1539. Bishop God. win, no less Critical than the former in Historical matters. Yet to please all parties, we will only add him in the Margin, and not enter him in the body of the Catalogue. lib. s. d. ob. q. 1. S. Peter, Westminster. 3977 6 4 1 1 2. Glassenbury, Somerset-shire. 3508 13 4 1 1 3. S. Alban, Hertford-shire. 2510 6 1 1 1 4. S. john's of Jerusalem, Middlesex. 2385 19 8 0 0 5. S. Edmunds-Bury, Suffolk. 2336 16 0 0 0 6. Reading, Berk-shire. 2116 3 9 0 1 7. S. mary's nigh York. 2085 1 5 1 1 8. Abington, Berk-shire. 2042 2 8 1 1 9 * Teuxbury valued at 1598. ●. ●. 3d. Ramsey, Huntingdon shire. 1983 15 3 0 1 10. Peterborough, Northamptonshire. 1972 7 0 1 1 11. Gloucester. 1550 4 5 1 0 12. S. Austin's, Canterbury. 1412 4 7 1 1 13. Evesham, Worcester-shire. 1268 9 9 0 0 14. Crewland, Lincolnshire. 1217 5 11 0 0 15. Wealtham, Effex. 1079 12 1 0 0 16. Cirencester, Gloucestershire. 1051 7 1 0 0 17. Battle, Suffex. 987 0 11 1 1 18. Tavystoke, Devonshire. 902 5 7 1 1 19 Hid, nigh Winchester. 865 1 6 1 1 20. Selby, Yorkshire. 819 2 6 0 0 21. Malinsbury, Wilts-shire. 803 17 7 0 0 22. Wivelscombe, Gloucestershire. 756 11 9 0 0 23. Middleton, Dorsetshire. 720 4 1 0 0 24. S. Bennet Hulm. Morthfolke. 677 9 8 0 1 25. Shrewsbury. 615 4 3 1 0 26. Thorny, * All these valuations are taken out of Speed's Catalogue of religious Houses, pag 787. Cambridge-shire. 508 2 5 0 0 27. Bardney, Lincolnshire. 429 7 0 0 0 The valuations of Coventry & Colchester, I cannot find; and in all these sums we have trusted Harpsfield, and Speed, both subject to many mistakes, those standing on stippery ground, who in point of computation, tread only on figures, and not on numbers at length. The Auditors in these accounts pretend to much exactness, descending to the fractions of halfpences and farthings, though much partiality was used therein, many of the Raters at the dissolution, being Ranters for the present, proved Purchasers for the future, of the lands. The Abbey of Ramsey, commonly called l Sir Rob. Cotton (under due name of Speed) in the description of Huntingdonshire. the RICH, is here but the ninth in number, according to the wealth thereof, whereby it plainly appears, that much favour was used in the undervaluing of that foundation. 13. We must know there were other Abbeys, Some Abbots, not Barons, richer than those that were. who, though not so high in Dignity, were richer in Endowments, than many of these Parliamentary Barons, viz: lib. s. d. ob. q. 1. Fountains, Richmondshire. 1173 0 7 1 0 2. Lewes, Suffex. 1691 9 6 0 1 3. S. Werburghs, Cheshire. 1073 17 7 1 0 4. Leicester. 1062 0 4 1 1 5. Marton, Surrey. 1039 5 3 0 0 6. Fournance, Richmondshire. 969 7 1 0 0 These had more Lands, at best were more highly valued, though not so Honourable a tenure, as holding of mean Landlords in frank almonage, And probably the Parliamentary Barons had more old rents, though these (as later foundations) greater incomes by improved demeans. 14. There also were Nunneries corrival in revenues with Parliamentary Abbeys, Shafts-bury the richest Nunnery. whereof Shafts-bury the chiefest, valued at— 1329 li.— 21 s.— 3d. So that the Countrypeople had a Proverb, That if the Abbot of Glassenbury might marry the Abbess of Shafts-bury, their Heir would have more land than the King of England. Barking in Essex, and Zion in Middlesex, fell not much short of Shafts-bury, being severally endowed with above a 1000 li. per annum. 15. Of all Counties in England, Gloucestershire was most pestered with Monks, having four mitred Abbeys, beside S. Austin's in Bristol (who sometimes passed for a Baron) within the compass thereof, viz: Gloucester, Teuxbury, Ciren-cester, and Wevelscome. Hence the topical wicked Proverb, deserving to be banished out of that Country, A profane proverb. being the profane child of superstitious parents: As sure as God is in Gloucestershire. As if so many Convents had certainly fastened his gracious presence to that place. 16. As Gloucestershire was the fullest of, No Country free from Monks. so Westmoreland the freest from Monasteries. It seemeth the Monks did not much care for that cold Country, nestling themselves but in one place, called Sharp, which they found so answering the name, that they sought warmer places elsewhere. As for the boasting of the men of the Isle of Wight, That they never had m Cambd. Brit. in the Isle of Wight. hooded Monks therein, were it so (their soil being so fruitful, and pleasant) it would merit more wonder, than that Ireland hath no Venomous creatures therein. Quare what meant by four Abbots peculiarly exempt. But their brag hath more of Mirth than Truth in it, seeing the Priory at Caris-brook, and Nunnery at Quarre evidence them sufficiently stocked with such Cattles. 17. I have done with this subject of Mitred Abbeys when we have observed that they were called ABBOT'S GENERAL, alias ABBOT'S n Sir. H. Spelman in Glossario verbo Abbas. SOVEREIGN, as acknowledging in a sort no Superior, because exempted from the Jurisdiction of any Diocezan, having Episcopal power in themselves. And here I would be thankful to any who would inform me, that seeing all these Abbots were thus privileged, how it came to pass that Four of them were especially termed ABBOTS o Titles of honour, pag. 727. EXEMPTI, viz: Bury, Waltham, S. Alban, and Evesham. I say seeing these were so called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, EXEMPT, as it were, out of the EXEMPTED, I would willingly be satisfied, what extraordinary Privileges these enjoyed by themselves above others of their own Order. Of the Civil benefits, and Temporal conveniences, accrueing to the State by the continuance of Abbeys. SO much of the greatness, Give Abbeys their due. somewhat of the goodness of Abbeys, if possibly it may be done without prejudice to truth. Surely some pretences (plausible at least) did ingratiate them with the Politicians of that Age, otherwise Prince, and people in those days (though blinded with ignorant zeal, yet worldly-wise) would never have been gulled into so long a toleration, yea veneration of them. 2. They were an easy and cheap outlet for the Nobility and Gentry of the land, They convenient to dispose youngest children in. therein to dispose their younger children. That younger son who had not metal enough to manage a sword, might have meekness to become a cowl. Which cowl in short time might grow up to be a Mitre, when his merits presented him to be Abbot of his Covent. Clap a vail on the head of a younger daughter (especially if she were superannuated, not over-handsome, melancholy, etc.) and instantly she was provided for in a Nunnery, where, without cost or care of her parents, she lived in all outward happiness, wanting nothing except (perhaps) it were an husband. This was a great cause of the long continuance of the English Nobility, in such pomp, and power, as having then no temptation to torture their Tenants with racking of rents, to make provision for their younger children. Indeed, sometimes Noblemen gave small portions with their children to the Covent (not such as would prefer them in marriage to one of their own quality) but generally Abbeys were glad to accept them with nothing, thereby to engage the Parents, and Brothers of such young men and maidens, to be the constant friends to their Covent, on all occasion at Court, and chief in all Parliaments. 3. One eminent instance hereof we have in Ralph Nevil, An eminent instance thereof. first Earl of Westmoreland, of that Family whom I behold as the happiest Subject of England since the Conquest, if either we count the number of his Children, or measure the height of the Honour they attained: He had by Margaret, his first Wife, Joan, his second Wife, 1. John, his eldest son, Lord Nevil, etc. 2. Ralph, in the right of Mary his wife, Lord Ferrars of Ously. 3. Maud, married to Peter Lord Mauley. 4. Alice, married to Sir Thomas Grace. 5. Philip, married to Thomas Lord Dacres of Gilsland. 6. Margaret, married to the Lord Scroop of Bolton. 7. Anne, married to Sir Gilbert Umfrevil. 8. Margery, Abbess of Bearking. 9 Elizabeth, a Nun. 1. Richard, Earl of Sarisbury. 2. William, in the right of Joan his wife, Lord Faulconbridge. 3. George, Lord Latimer. 4. Edward, Lord Abergavennie. 5. Robert, Bishop of Durham. 6. Thomas, in right of his wife, Lord a Mills, p. 393. Seymour. 7. Katherine, married to Thomas Duke of Norfolk. 8. Elianour, to Henry Earl of Northhumberland. 9 Anne, to Humphrey Duke of Buckingham. 10. Jane, a Nun. 11. Cicilie, to Richard Duke of York, and Mother to King Edward the fourth. See we here the policy of that age, in disposing of their numerous issue. More than the tithe of them was given to the Church, and I trow the Nuns (and Abbess especially) were as good Madams as the rest, and conceived themselves to go in equipage with their other Lady-Sisters. And, no wonder, if an Earl preferred his daughters to be Nuns; seeing no King of England, since the Conquest, had four Daughters living to woman's estate, but He disposed one of them to be a Votary. And Bridget, the fourth Daughter to King Edward the fourth, a Nun at Dartford in Kent, was the last Princess; who entered into a Religious Order. 4. They were tolerable Tutors for the education of youth (there being a great penury of other Grammar-schools in that Age) and every Covent had one, Children taught therein. or moe therein, who [generally gratis] taught the children thereabouts. Yea, they, who were lose enough in their own lives, were sufficiently severe in their discipline over others. Grammar was here taught, and Music, which in some sort sung her own Dirige (as to the general use thereof) at the dissolution of Abbeys. 5. Nunneries also were good Shee-schools, Conveniency of Shee-Colledges. wherein the Girls, and Maids of the Neighbourhood, were taught to read and work; and sometimes a little Latin was taught them therein. Yea, give me leave to say, if such Feminine Foundations had still continued, provided no vow were obtruded upon them (virginity is least kept where it is most constrained) haply the weaker sex (besides the avoiding modern inconveniences) might be heightened to an higher perfection than hitherto hath been attained. That sharpness of their wits, and suddenness of their conceits (which their enemies must allow unto them) might by education be improved into a judicious solidity, and that adorned with Arts, which now they want, not because they cannot learn, but are not taught them. I say, if such Feminine Foundations were extant now of days, haply some Virgins of highest birth, would be glad of such places, and I am sure their Fathers, and elder Brothers would not be sorry for the same. 6. They were the sole Historians, Monks the sole Historians, and why. in writing to preserve the remarkable passages of Church, and Commonwealth. I confess, I had rather any than Monks had written the Histories of our Land; yet rather than the same should be unwritten, I am hearty glad the Monks undertook the performance thereof. Indeed, in all their Chronicles one may feel a rag of a Monk's cowl; I mean, they are partial to their own interest. But in that Age there was a choicelesse choice, that Monks, or none at all, should write our English Histories. Swordmen lacked learning, Statesmen leisure to do it: it was therefore devolved to Monks and Friars, who had store of time, and no want of intelligence, to take that task upon them. And surely that industrious b An able Stationer in Little Britain, London. Bee hath in our Age merited much of posterity, having lately, with great cost and care, enlarged many Manuscripts of Monks (formerly confined to private Libraries) that now they may take the free air, and, being printed, publicly walk abroad. Mean time, whilst Monks pens were thus employed, Nuns with their needles wrote histories also; that of Christ his passion for their Altarclothes, and other Scripture- (and moe Legend-) stories in hang to adorn their houses. 7. They were most admirable good Landlords; Abbot's excellent Landlords. and well might they let, and set good pennyworths, who had good pounds-worths freely given unto them. Their yearly rent was so low, as an acknowledgement rather than a rent, only to distinguish the Tenant from the Landlord. Their fines also were easy; for, though every Convent, as a body politic, was immortal, yet because the same consisted of mortal Monks for their members, and an old Abbot for the head thereof, they were glad to make use of the present time for their profit, taking little fines for long leases. As for rent-beeves, sheep, pullein, etc. reserved on their leases, Tenants both paid them the more easily, as growing on the same, and the more cheerfully, because at any time they might freely eat their full share thereof, when repairing to their Landlords bountiful table. Insomuch, that long Leases from Abbeys were preferred by many before some Tenors of freeholds, as less subject to taxes, and troublesome attendance. 8. Their hospitality was beyond compare, And admirable Housekeepers. insomuch that Ovid (if living in that Age) who feigned famine to dwell in Scythia, would have fancied feasting an inhabitant of English Abbeys: Especially in Christmas-time, they kept most bountiful houses. Whosoever brought the face of a man, brought with him a Patent for his free welcome, till he pleased to departed. This was the method: where he broke his fast, there he dined; where he dined, there he supped; where he supped, there he broke his fast next morning: and so in a circle. Always provided, that he provided lodging for himself at night; Abbeys having great halls, and refectories; but few chambers, and dormitories, save for such of their own society. 9 Some will object, Objection against their hospitality. that this their hospitality was but charity mistaken, promiscuously entertaining some, who did not need, and moe, who did not deserve it. Yea, these Abbeys did but maintain the poor which they made. For, some Vagrants, accounting the Abbey-almes their own inheritance, served an apprenticeship, and afterwards wrought journeywork to no other trade than begging; all whose children were, by their father's copy, made free of the same company. Yea, we may observe, that generally such places wherein the great Abbeys were seated (some few excepted, where clothing began, when their Covent did end) swarm most with poor people at this day, as if beggary were entailed on them, and that laziness not as yet got out of their flesh, which so long since was bred in their bones. 10. All this is confessed; The same answered. yet, by their hospitality, many an honest and hungry soul had his bowels refreshed, which otherwise would have been starved; and, better it is, two drones should be fed, than one be famished. We see the heavens themselves, in dispensing their rain, often water many stinking bogs, and noisome lakes, which moisture is not needed by them (yea, they the worse for it) only because much good ground lies inseparably intermingled with them; so that, either the bad with the good must be watered, or the good with the bad must be parched away. 11. Of all Abbeys in England, Elie puts all Abbeys down for feasting. Elie bore away the bell for bountiful feast-making, the vicinity of the fens affording them plenty of flesh, fish, and fowl, at low rates. Hereupon the Poet, Praevisis aliis, Eliensia festa videre, Est, quasi praevisa nocte, videre diem. When other Feasts before have been, If those of ELIE last be seen, 'Tis like to one who hath seen night, And then beholds the day so bright. But, with the leave of the Poet's Hyperbole, other Abbeys, as Glassenbury, S. Alban, Reading, spurred up close to Elie, which, though exceeding them in feasts (the evidence oft of a miser) yet they equalled Elie in the constant tenor of house-keeping. The mention of Reading minds me of a pleasant and true story; which, to refresh my wearied self, and Reader, after long pains, I here intent to relate. 12. King Henry the eighth, A pleasant story of K Henry the eighth. as He was hunting in Windesor Forrest, either casually lost, or (more probable) wilfully losing Himself, struck down about dinnertime to the Abbey of Reading. Where, disguising Himself, (much for delight, more for discovery to see unseen) He was invited to the Abbot's table, and passed for one of the King's guard, a place to which the proportion of His person might properly entitle Him. A Sir-loyne of beef was set before Him (so Knighted, saith tradition, by this King Henry) on which the King laid on lustily, not disgracing one of that place, for whom He was mistaken. Well far thy heart, (quoth the Abbot) and here in a cup of sack I remember the health of His Grace your Master. I would give an hundred pounds on the condition I could feed so hearty on beef as you do. Alas! my weak and squeazie stomach will hardly digest the wing of a small rabbit or chicken. The King pleasantly pledged him, and hearty thanking him for His good cheer, after dinner departed, as undiscovered as He came thither. 13. Some weeks after, He proves a good Physician. the Abbot was sent for by a Pursuivant, brought up to London, clapped in the Tower, kept close-prisoner, fed for a short time with bread and water. Yet not so empty his body of food, as his mind was filled with fears, creating many suspicions to himself, when, and how he had incurred the King's displeasure. At last a sir-loyne of beef was set before him, on which the Abbot fed as the Farmer of his Grange, and verified the Proverb, That two hungry meals makes the third a glutton. In spring's King Henry out of a private lobby, where He had placed Himself the invisible spectator of the Abbot's behaviour, My Lord, (quoth the King) presently deposit your hundred pounds in gold, or else no going hence all the days of your life. I have been your Physician to cure you of your squeazie stomach, and here, as I deserve, I demand my fee for the same. The Abbot down with his dust, and glad he had escaped so, returned to Reading; as somewhat lighter in purse, so much more merrier in heart than when he came thence. Presages of the approaching ruin of Abbeys. THE wisest, and most religious amongst the Romanists, Oliban's prophecy of the Friar's fall. presaged, and suspected a downfall of these Covents, some years before it came to pass. For, when it was in the intention, and design of Richard Fox, Bishop of Winchester, to have built a Monastery; Hugh Oldham, Bishop of Exeter, dissuaded him, affirming, That such Covents possessed more already than they would long a Godwin in the Bishop of Winchester. enjoy. He advised him rather to bestow his bounty, on founding some College in the University, as which was likely to last longer, and certain to do more good, promising also his own utmost assistance in so pious an undertaking. This was done accordingly, Fox being the first Founder of, and Oldham a liberal Benefactor to CORPUS CHRISTI College in Oxford. 2. Add to this, Seconded by Abbot Whitgift. a Speech of Robert b Sir George Paul in Whitgift's life, p. 3. Whitgift, Abbot of Wellow (nigh Grimsbey) in Lincoln shire (Uncle to Archbishop Whitgift) who was wont to say, That they, and their religion (chief in relation to Monasteries) could not long continue, because (said he) I have read the whole Scripture over, and over, and could never find therein that our religion was founded by God. And, for proof of his opinion, the Abbot would allege that saying of our Saviour, Every planting, which my heavenly Father hath not planted, shall be rooted up. And, that he proved a true Prophet herein, the next Book will sufficiently evidence. 3. We will conclude with their observation (as an ominous presage of Abbeys Ominous burning of Abbeys, [often] by lightning. ruin) that there was scarce a great Abbey in England, which (once at the least) was not burnt down with lightning from heaven. 1. The Monastery of Canterbury burnt Anno 1145. And afterward again burnt Anno c Ex Hist, Ger●af●i. 1174. 2. The Abbey of Croyland twice d Ex Histor. Ingulphi. burnt. 3. The Abbey of Peterborow twice set on e Ex Chron. Peterb. Walteri Weeks. Hovedeni Gualteri. Coventr. Fabiani. fire. 4. The Abbey of S. mary's in York burnt. 5. The Abbey of Norwich burnt. 6. The Abbey of S. Edmondsbury f Ex Ghron. S. Edmond. Guil. Malme●b. burnt, and destroyed. 7. The Abbey of Worcester burnt. 8. The Abbey of Gloucester was also burnt. 9 The Abbey of Chichester burnt. 10. The Abbey of Glastenbury burnt. 11. The Abbey of S. Mary in Southwark burnt. 12. The Church of the Abbey of Beverley burnt. 13. The Steeple of the Abbey of Evesham burnt. I will not, with Master Fox, infer from such casualties, that God was more offended with Abbeys, than other buildings, a natural cause presenting itself of such accidents; namely, because the highest structures (whatever they are) are the fairest marks for lightning, and thunder. As if those active Meteors took the usurpation of such aspiring buildings in distaste, for entering their territory, and for offering, without leave, to invade the marches of the middle region of the air. And, if mountains of Gods own advancing thither, and placing there, pay dear for their honour, and frequently feel the weight of thunderbolts falling upon them, feriunt summos fulmina montes; no wonder if artificial buildings of men's making (whatsoever they be, Palaces, or Castles, or Churches, or Covents) have their ambition often humbled with thunder, and lightning, which casually melt and consume them. 4. Only we will add, Bells no effectual charm against lightning. that such frequent firing of Abbey-Churches by lightning, confuteth the proud Motto, commonly written on the Bells in their Steeples, wherein each Bell entitled itself to a sixfold efficacy; 1. Funera plango, Men's deaths I tell By doleful knell. 2. Fulgura Fulmina frango, Lightning and thunder, I break asunder. 3. Sabbata pango; On Sabbath, all To Church I call. 4. Excito lentos, The sleepy head, I raise from bed. 5. Dissipo ventos, The winds so fierce I do disperse. 6. Paco cruentoes, Men's cruel rage, I do assuage. Whereas it plainly appears, that these Abbey-steeples, though quilted with Bells almost cap a pee, were not of proof against the sword of God's lightning. Yea generally, when the heavens in tempests did strike fire, the Steeples of Abbeys proved often their tinder, whose frequent burning portended their final destruction; which now, God willing, we come to relate. Of the Essays and Offers to overthrow Abbeys before they took effect. GReat buildings commonly crack before they fall, Orders of Friars alterable according to the pleasures of their Founders. to give the dwellers therein warning to departed; so was it here in Abbeys. But may we here, first premise, as an Introduction, that it was placed in the power and pleasure of Princes and great persons, their Founders, to displace & exchange particular Orders, as sometimes Monks for Nuns, and reciprocally Nuns for Monks; white for grey Friars, and grey for white, as their fancy directed them: whereof we have plenty of instances. But all this made nothing to the loss of Monkery in general, though sexes or colours of Friars were altered, the same Bells did hang still in the steeple, though rung in changes to content several people. 2. Secondly, Particular Covents on misdemeanour dissolvable. particular Covents might be wholly dissolved upon their misdemeanour, as in Berklie Nunnery: Here a young man (left out of design by Earl Godwine) dissembled himself to be sick, who, in short space, so acquitted himself amongst the Votaries there, that all of them, with their Abbess, (whose age might have been presumed a protection for her honesty) were got with a De honestis onustas, de agnis lupus, Cambdens Brit, in Gloucestershire, out of Walterus Ma●aeus. child: upon complaint and proof whereof unto King Edward the Confessor, they were all driven out; and their Nunnery, with large revenues, bestowed upon Earl Godwine, by the aforesaid King, who was then accounted Patron of all Abbeys, which now fallen into His hands, by this foul lapse, He bestowed, as a Lay fee, upon this new Owner, wholly altering the property thereof. 3. Thirdly, Whole Orders routed out by the Pope for their faults. whole religious Orders might by order from the Pope be totally and finally extirpated. Here I pass by the Fratres Flagelliferi, or scourging Friars, religious Bedlams, who used publicly to whip themselves in the Marketplace, making velame of their own skins, thereon to write their follies in legible characters. I say I omit them; afterwards put down by the Pope himself: the rather because I find them not in England, or elsewhere, endowed with considerable revenues. I will insist on the Templars, whose numerous and wealthy fraternity was for their viciousness, by the Pope, in the Council of Vienna, dissolved all over Europe, and in England all or most of their land was given to the Knights b See Supplemo●t of the Holy War, chap. 1, 2, 3. Hospitallers. This was a great shaking of all religious Orders, the plucking out of these chief threads, made a in the whole cloth; men conceiving that in process of time the whole sheaf may be broken as well as the single Arrows, seeing, perchance, other Societies led lives not more religious, but less examined. 4. But the first terrible blow in England given generally to all Orders, The first stroke at the root of Abbeys. was in the Lay Parliament, as it is called, which did wholly Wicclifize, kept in the twelfth year of King Henry the fourth, wherein the c Thomas Walsingbam. Nobles and Commons assembled, signified to the King, that the temporal possessions of Abbots, Priors, etc. lewdly spent within the Realm, would suffice to find and sustain 150 Earls, 1500 Knights, 6200 Esquires, 100 Hospitals, more than there were. But this motion was mauled with the King's own hand, who dashed it, personally interposing Himself contrary to that character, which the jealous Clergy had conceived of Him, that coming to the Crown He would be a great d Being heard to say, That Princes had too little, and Religious men too much, Holinshed, pag. 514. enemy to the Church. But though Henry Plantagenet Duke of Lancaster was no friend to the Clergy, perchance to ingratiate himself with the people, yet the same Henry King of England His interest being altered, to strengthen Him with the considerable power of the Clergy, proved a Patron, yea, a Champion to defend them. However, we may say, that now the Axe is laid to the root of the tree of Abbeys; and this stroke for the present, though it was so fare from hurting the body, that it scarce pierced the bark thereof, yet bare attempts in such matters are important, as putting into people's heads a feasibility of the project, formerly conceived altogether impossible. 5. Few years after, The objection of covetousness against Abbeys (though not answered evaded by Archb. Chichesly. namely, in the second year of King Henry the fift, another shrewd thrust was made at English Abbeys, but it was finely and cleverly put aside by that skilful State-Fencer Henry Chichesly Archbishop of Canterbury. For the former Bill against Abbeys, in full Parliament was revived, when the Archbishop minded King Henry of His undoubted Title to the fair and flourishing Kingdom of France. Hereat, that King who was a spark in Himself, was inflamed to that design by this Prelate's persuasion: and His native courage ran fiercely on the project, especially when clapped on with conscience and encouragement from a Churchman in the lawfulness thereof. An undertaking of those vast dimensions, that the greatest covetousness might spread, and highest ambition reach itself within the bounds thereof: If to promote this project, the Abbeys advanced not only large and liberal, but vast and incredible sums of money, it is no wonder if they were contented to have their nails pared close to the quick, thereby to save their fingers. Over goes K. Henry into France, with many martial spirits attending him, so that putting the King upon the seeking of a new Crown, kept the Abbot's old Mitres upon their heads, and Monasteries tottering at this time, were (thank a politic Archbishop) refixed on the firm foundations, though this proved rather a reprieve than a pardon unto them, as will afterwards appear. Of the suppression of alien Priories. NExt followed the dissolving of alien Priories, The original of Priories aliens. of whose first founding and several sorts something must be observed. When the Kings of England by Conquest or Inheritance were possessed of many and great Territories in France (Normandy, Aquitaine, Picardy, etc.) many French Monasteries were endowed with lands in England. For an English kitchen or larder doth excellently well with a French hall. And whilst foreigners tongues slighted our Island (as barren in comparison of their own Country) at the same time, they would lick their lips after the full-fare which our Kingdom afforded. 2. Very numerous were these Cells in England relating to foreign Abbeys scattered all over the Kingdom. One John Norbury erected two for his part, the one at Greenwich, the other at Lewesham in Kent. Yea, e Cambd. Brit. in Lancashire. Roger de Poitiers, founded on in the remotest corner of the Land, in the Town of Lancaster; the richest of them all for annual income was that which f Idem in Lincolnshire. Tuo Talbois built at Spalding in Lincoln shire, giving it to the Monks of Angiers in France, g Harpsfield in Catal. religiosarum ● Edium, fol. 761. valued at no less than 878 lib. 18s. 3d. of yearly revenue. And it is remarkable, that as one of these Priories was granted before the Kings of England were invested with any Dominion in France (namely, Deorhirst in Gloucester shire, h Camb Brit. in Gloucestershire. assigned by the Testament of Edward the Confessor to the Monastery of S. Denis near Paris) so some were bestowed on those places in foreign parts, where our English Kings never had finger of power, or foot of possession. Thus we read how Henry the third annexed a Cell in Thredneedle-street in i Harpsfield, ut priùs, pag 763. London to S. Anthony in Vienna, and near Charingcross there was another annexed to the Lady Runciavall in Navarre. Belike men's devotion, in that Age, looked on the world as it lay in common, taking no notice how it was subdivided into private Principalities, but proceeded on that rule, k 1 Cor. 10. 28. The earth is the Lord's, and the fullness thereof, and Charity, though wand'ring in foreign parts, counted itself still at home, because dwelling on its proper pious uses. 3. These alien Priories were of two natures, some had Monks with a Prior resident in them, Alien Priories of two natures. yet not conventual, but dative and removable ad nutum of the foreign Abbey, to which they were subservient; Others were absolute in themselves, who though having an honorary dependence on, and bearing a subordination of respect unto French Abbeys, yet had a Prior of their own, being an entire body of themselves to all purposes and intents. The former not unlike Stewards managing profits for the behoof of their Master, to whom they were re sponsible. The later resembling retainers at large, acknowledging a general reference, but not accountable unto them, for the revenues they received. Now both these kinds of Priories peaceably enjoyed their possessions here, even after the revolt of those Principalities from the Crown of England: yet so, that during open hostility and actual war betwixt England and France, their revenues were seized and taken by the King, and restored again when amity was settled. 4. But King Richard the second, and King Henry the fourth, not so fair as their predecessors herein, not only detained those revenues in time of peace, but also diverted them from their proper use, and bestowed them on some of their Lay-servants. So that the Crown was little enriched therewith: especially if it be true what Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury averred in the house of Commons to the face of the Speaker, That these Kings l Antiq. Brit. pag. 274. were not half a mark the wealthier for those rents thus assumed into their hands. And a Synod of the Clergy in the last of Henry the fourth petitioned the King, That Laymen might not invade the possessions of alien Priories, * Harpsfield Hist. Ang. saet. decimo quinto ●ep. octavo. but those Foundations might be furnished, Native English substituted in their rooms; whose request, by reason of the King's death ensuing took no effect. But this doth intimate, (though I had rather learn than teach in so dark a point) that those alien Priories still stood undissolved by Act of State, with a possibility to revert to their former use, and though the King had fastened upon their profits by his absolute power, yet as yet they were not settled and established in the Crown by Act of Parliament. 5. But in the fourth year of King Henry the fift, Their dissolution. in the heat and height of His Wars with France, all such Priories alien, as were not conventual, were by Act of m Parliament Rolls Rastall. titul. Monasteries. Parliament dissolved, and bestowed on the King. It being conceived unsafe, that men, moving according to a foreign interest, having their affections leading them beyond the seas, and their actions following, (when befriended with secrecy) should be maintained in this Kingdom. Besides it tended to the manifest detriment of the State, that such should transport our coin and commodities into an enemy's Country, without returning a proportionable profit to the Commonwealth. Other alien Priories, which were conventual, survived until the general mortality of English Monasteries. These alien Priories were not conceived to have such a temptation to disloyalty, as the others, having their absolute subsistence here; and though the Monks therein were strangers in respect of their birth, they were counted Naturalised in a manner in regard of their education and livelihood. 6. The dissolving of these Priories, The dangerous influence of this predent. made a dangerous impression on all the rest. Say not that English Abbeys were unconcerned, because these strangers being rather suckers than branches of their tree, their growing was a burden, and their pruning off a benefit thereunto; for though Aliens in their Country, they were Allies in their Cause, there being an affinity betwixt all religious Foundations. And now here was an Act of State for precedent, That without sin of Sacrilege such Donations might be dissolved. Use was made hereof, beyond the King's intention, who, in this act not covetous, but politic, aiming rather to secure than enrich Himself: whereas now some Courtiers by His bounty tasting on the sweet of Abbey-lands, made their breakfasts thereon in the time of Henry the fift, which increased their appetites to dine on the same in the days of King Henry the eighth, not so glutted, but they could sup on the reversions left in the Reign of K. Edward the sixth. SECTION III. To the Honourable, the Lady MARY FOUNTAIN. MADAM, THough none can expect Courtship, many will require Congruity from me. Such will charge me with a great Impropriety, for dedicating a discourse of Monks and Friars to your Ladyship, where some passages of their wantonness, may occasion your blushing for them, who never blushed for themselves. But, know it done by design, that you may plainly perceive how far Marriage-chastity transcended forced and pretended virginity: or, if you please, how much a springing Fountain, is better than a standing-Pool soon subject to putrefaction. Your Family, though not a Nunnery, may be a Religious house, seeing God hath multiplied you into a whole Convent, I mean, the fourteen Children which you have at this present; I say have; for this reason is rendered, why the Children of Job (after his restitution) were not doubled unto him as his Cattle were, because they were utterly foregone, his Children only gone before; on which account those six removed from you, into a better world, still remain yours. God in due time translate you, and your worthy Husband, in a good old age, into the same Place of Happiness. Of Cardinal Wolsey's ominous suppressing of forty lesser Monasteries, therewith to build two Colleges. VAst were the revenues of Cardinal Wolsey, Wolsey's wealth and want. if we account both his Wives, and Concubines, I mean, the place whereon he resided, and Churches he held in Commendam; being at the same time, the Pope's Legate à latere, Archbishop of York, Chancellor of England, Bishop of Winchester, Abbot of S. Alban, besides other meaner preferments. Yet he found a Eccles. 5. 11. Solomon's observation true, When goods increase, they are increased that eat them: Insomuch, that his magnificent mind was poor in his plenty; & in the midst of his wealth, wanted means to compass his vast designs. Wherefore, intending to erect two fair Colleges, one, where he was born, in Ipswich; the other, where he was bred, in Oxford; and finding himself unable to endow them at his own charges, he obtained licence of Pope Clement 7 ●h, An. 1525, to suppress forty smaller Monasteries in England, and to lay their old land to his new foundations, which was done accordingly. For the Cardinal thought, that these petty Houses, like little sparks of diamonds, were inconsiderable in themselves, whereas they would make a fair show, if all put together into two jewels only, (his two Colleges) and he carry away all the credit thereof. 2. An action condemned by the conscientious in that Age, Wolsey his act justly censured. accounting it essential to charity, that the thing given be the proper goods of the Donour. Cast thy bread (saith b Eccles. 11. 1. Solomon) upon the water. It must be thy bread, otherwise, though c Prov. 9 17. stolen bread may be pleasant to men, it is nauseous and distasteful to the God of heaven; who, in such cases will not be the receiver, though man be the thief; solemnly disavowing the acceptance of such donations, witness his own words, d Isa. 61. 8. I hate robbery for burnt offering. 3. Plead not in the Cardinal's excuse, Fig leaves to cove● it, in vain. that the houses by him suppressed were of small value, it being as great, yea, greater sacrilege to invade the widow's mite, than the large gifts, which the rich Priests cast into Corban: because their bounties were but superfluous wenns, whilst hers was an essential limb; yea, as our Saviour, e Luke 21. 4. observes, the whole body of her estate. As probably, some of those poor Foundations were erected by Founders, like those of f 2 Cor. 8. 3. Macedonia, to their power, and beyond their power willing of themselves. As for the poor people, formerly living in these then-dissolved houses, they may be presumed more religious than others that were richer: poverty being a protection for their piety, and they unable to go to the cost of luxurious extravagancies. I find not what provision was afterward made for these helpless souls, thrust out of house and home; so that it is suspicious, that the Cardinal, notwithstanding his prodigious hospitality, made more beggars than ever he relieved. 4. Others allege, The miserable ends of the Cardinal's instruments herein. that these houses were still continued to the general end of pious uses: however, it was not fair to alienate them from the primitive intention of the Founders; yea, God himself seemed not well-pleased therewith. I know, that g Eccles. 9 1, 2. no man knoweth either love, or hatred, by all that is before them. All things come alike to all, there is one event to the righteous and to the wicked, etc. However, God's exemplary hand ought to be heeded in the signal fatality of such, as by the Cardinal were employed in this service: Five they were in number, two whereof challenging the field of each other, one was h Godwin his Annals of Hen. the eigh●h, Anno 1525. Yet Mr. Fox maketh the Lord Cromwell the principal person employed by the Cardinal therein. slain, and the other hanged for it. A third, throwing himself headlong into a well, perished wilfully. A fourth, formerly wealthy, grew so poor, that he begged his bread. The fifth Dr. Allen, one of especial note, afterward Archbishop of Dublin, was slain in Ireland. What became of the Cardinal himself, is notoriously known: and, as for his two Colleges, that in Ipswich (the emblem of its Builder, soon up, soon down) presently vanished into private houses; whilst the other, Christ-Church in Oxford, was fain to disclaim its Founder, and (being adopted the issue of the bounty of the King Henry the eighth) at this day owns not him for Father, who first gave it life, but who afterwards kept it from dying. In a word, this dissolution of forty small Houses caused by the Cardinal, made all the Forest of religious Foundations in England to shake, justly fearing the King would finish to fallen the oaks, seeing the Cardinal began to cut the underwood. Of the first Priory which was solemnly suppressed by King Henry the eighth. SOme six years after, Christ-Church Priory near Allgate first, and solely dissolved. whilst as yet all other Abbeys flourished in their height and happiness, as safe and secure as ever before; King Henry the eighth, for reasons best known to Himself, singled out the Priory of Christ-Church nigh Allgate in London, and dissolved the same. This He bestowed as a boon on Thomas a Hall's Chronicle, An. 1525. Audley Speaker in the Parliament; and indeed, it was an excellent receipt to clear his voice, to make him speak shrill, and loud for his Master. This shrewdly shook the freehold of all Abbeys, seeing now, two such great men, Wolsey and Audley, both in their times Lord-Chancellours of England, (and therefore presumed well versed in cases of conscience) the one a Divine first took, the other a Common-Lawyer first received such lands into their possession. 2. A word of the antiquity, The antiquity, wealth, and dignity thereof. wealth and dignity of this Covent, because in each respect it was remarkable. It was founded Anno 1108. by Queen b Harp●field in his Catalogue of Abbeys. Matilda, Wife to King Henry the first, dedicated to the holy Trinity, for Black Canons, or Canons-Regular, and one Norman (by name and nation) was first Prior thereof. In process of time it became rich in land and ornaments, and passed all the Priories in London or Middlesex, especially in this particular, that the Prior thereof was always an c Stow's Survey of London, p. 145. Alderman of London, namely, of Portsoken Ward (though otherwise their Covent standeth in Ealgate Ward) and used to ride amongst the Aldermen in a livery like the rest, save that his habit was in the shape of a spiritual person. In the year 1264, d Idem ibidem. Eustathius the eighth Prior of this Covent, because he himself was loath to deal in temporal matters, instituted Theobald Fitz-Ivo, Alderman in his place. They were most bountiful housekeepers, relieving all comers and goers, and got themselves much reputation for their hospitality. 3. Some conjecture this was King Henry's design in dissolving this Priory, A guess at King Henry's design. thereby to make a discovery in people's affections, how they resented the same. He dispatched this Covent first, as the forelorn hope is sent out before the body of the Army, which, if meeting with unsuspected dangers, may give timely notice to the rest, to advance no farther. And, if He had found the people much startled thereat, He could quickly knock off, retrench His resolutions, and (dexterous to decline envy for Himself) handsomely cast the same on His instruments employed therein. Others think, the King as yet had no such project in intention, but did it merely to gratify Sir Thomas Audley, whom He loved the better for hating Cardinal Wolsey, now beginning to fall, against whom he had bitterly inveighed in the Parliament. 4. As for the manner of the dissolving thereof, The Priory taken by composition. whereas all other Abbeys afterwards were stormed by violence (whatsoever is plausibly pretended to the contrary) this only was fairly taken by composition. For the Prior thereof was sent for by the King, commended for his hospitality, promised preferment as a man worthy greater dignity, which promise surely He performed, though the particulars of the agreement are not to be known. Whereupon, Anno 1531, the twenty third year of the King's reign, in the month of July, he surrendered the same to the King's use. As for the Canons, they were sent to other houses of the same Order; who now, being severally disposed in other Covents, they might serve them as Monitors to warn all the rest, seasonably to prepare for the time of their dissolution. 5. The rooting out of this Priory wrought a middle effect in people, The effect thereof upon the people. for they were neither dumb, nor clamorous thereat, but grumbled out their discontentment for a time, and then returned to their former temper. However at first they were so abstemious, that, whereas the Priory, Church and Steeple was e Idem, ut priùs. proffered to whomsoever would take it down, no man would undertake the offer. Whereupon, Sir Thomas Audley was fain to be at more charges than he could make of the materials; the workmen with great labour beginning at the top, loosed stone from stone, and throwing them down, most part of them were broken in the fall, and remained welesse. 6. What might move the King to single this Priory out of all the rest, This the ancientest of all Priories. to lead this sad dance, is variously conjectured. Indeed, this was the ancientest of all England of that Order since the Conquest, I mean, of Canon-Regulars, as our f Stow, ut priùs. Author telleth us. And therefore it was but reasonable, the oldest should go first, the firstborn should be first buried. But surely, no such consideration moved King Henry to this choice, who was not so methodical in His deeds of undoing. 7. As for the Lord Audley, At this day called the Dukes-Place. on whom this Priory was bestowed, Margaret his sole Daughter & Heir was married to Tho: Howard, Duke of Norfolk, who dwelled therein, and which from him was called the Dukes-Place. No ingenuous soul will envy so Honourable a person the accommodation of so handsome an habitation: only some, perchance, will bemoan that the Lords-Place (for so in their, and g Gen. 38. 17. Jacob's language, they called the Church) whither alone the numerous neighbour-inhabitants repaired for public service, should be so destroyed, that the people were for many years left Church-lesse, till their wants b viz. An Dom. 1621. very lately were supplied by the re-edifying thereof out of the ruins, by the charity of others; I am sure, none of the Heirs of Him, who demolished the same. Of the suppression of the Order of Observant Friars, and a preparatory for the dissolution of all the rest. IT is the practice of advised Physicians, Observant Friars why first falling under King Henry's displeasure. in purging of long corrupted bodies (where the ill humours may prescribe peaceable possession for many years) to proceed not violently, all at once; but gently, by degrees. The same course was embraced by King Henry in dissolving of Abbeys, gradually (and therefore the less visibly) to work their subversion, so to avoid the danger of a sudden and extreme alteration. And first He began with the Minorities, or Franciscan-Observant-Friers, whose chief seats were Greenwich, and Canterbury. Two motives mainly incensed Him against this Order; One, because two of their most eminent Fathers, Hugh Rich (Prior of a Covent in Canterbury) and Richard Risby, had tampered with Elizabeth Barton (alias the holy maid of Kent) and were convicted, and executed with her for high Treason. A second, because this Order generally manifested most contumacy and contempt against the King, in the matter of Queen Katharine's divorce, inveighing both in their sermons, a Sanders de Schis. Anglic. lib. 1. pag. 81. and disputations against the unlawfulness thereof, especially Elston and Payton, two famous Friars in London. A great b Idem, pag. 80. Papist beholds it as ominous, and a prognostic of sad success, that the Lady (afterward Queen) Elizabeth, just eleven months before, had been Christened in these Friar's Church in Greenwich, as if Her baptising therein portended, That those Friars should soon after be washed away from this their Covent. 2. Hereupon, Totally and finally dissolved. in the year of our Lord 1534, the aforesaid whole Order of Friers-Observant were suppressed, and Augustine-Friers substituted in their places. Nor were these Observants (like the Canon-Regulars in the last Chapter) disposed of in other Foundations, but totally and finally banished out of all Religious Societies. For, King Henry his smiles complemented the former out of their Houses, by their own willing condescension; whilst His frowns outed these as Delinquents, by a violent expulsion. Yea, probably, some of them had been expelled their lives, as well as their livings (two hundred of them being at once imprisoned) had not Sir Tho: c Sanders, p. 89. Wriotheslie, their great friend and favourer, seasonably interceded for them to the King, on hopes of some of their future conformity to His Majesty's desires. 3. Immediately after, The Supplication of Beggars, with the Sense thereof. a famous Petition, called the Supplication of Beggars, came into public view. It was made some years before by one Mr. Simon d Fox Monum. vol. 2. pag. 279. Fish a Gentleman of Grays-Inne, and solemnly presented by George Eliot an English-Merchant, and entertained by King Henry for a great rarity: Though indeed the same long since had been tendered Him by Queen e Idem ibidem. Anna Bollen, and the King acquainted with the passages therein. So that possibly, this Supplication might first come from some near His Majesty, as contrivers thereof. And, as Moses f Exod. 2. 8. was sent to be nursed unto her, who (though generally unknown) was indeed his own Mother which bore him: so Petitions may sometimes be recommended back to the same power that first framed them. Great ones delighting, not only for the greater solemnity, but also for their better security to transfer their intentions to be other entreaties; their private designs finding more acceptance, when passing under the notion of a public desire. The effect thereof was to complain, how a crew of strong, puissant, counterfeit-holy, idle beggars, and vagabonds, by their luxury starved a number of needy, impotent, blind, lame, and sick people, which otherwise might comfortably be maintained. As also to discover the foul enormities and filthy conversation used amongst those pretended pious Fraternities, as the same is set forth at large in the Book of Martyrs, whither we remit the Reader. 4. Only a word of the Geometry, The Geometry, Arithmetic, and Chronology of the Author thereof. Arithmetic, and Chronologie, used by the Author of this Supplication. For his Geometry, I conceive he faileth not much in proportion, when, in measuring the content of this Kingdom, he affirmeth, That they had got into their hands more than the third part of all the Realm. But, whereas he auditeth the Revenues of the Friars in England (besides their lands) to amount yearly to Four hundred thirty thousand three hundred thirty and three pounds, allowing their quarterage to arise out of Fifty two thousand Parishes, he highly over-reacheth their number, not completing g See Cambd. Brit. in his division of Brit. pag. 162. Ten thousand. Indeed, the Papists tell us of Ten thousand Churches in England destroyed all in one year, Millia dena unus Templorum destruit annus. Yet, these being Conventual, not Parochial Churches, add nothing to the former computation. Yea, should all the Chapels of Ease in this Land be admitted to take a new degree, and to commence Churches in this catalogue, it would not make up the number. But, it is given to Beggars, sometimes to hyperbolise, to make their case the more pitiful: and indeed, if we defalk a third part of that sum, yet still vast was the remainder of such Friar's revenues. But, whereas the said Author of this Supplication, saith, That four hundred years past these Friars had not one penny of this money; Quare, whether he be not mistaken in his Chronologie? and, whether some of the same profits accrued not to the Benedictines before the Conquest. 5. In answer to this, The Anti-supplication of the souls in Purgatory. an Anti-supplication was made, and set forth by Sir Thomas More (extant amongst his other works) called, The Supplication of the souls in Purgatory. The scope whereof is, to press the continuation of those lands, given to pious uses, for the good of the deceased, and that they might not be aliened without danger of Sacrilege. In this Supplication, pleasant dallying and scoffing are so intermixed with complaints, that the Author thereof discovereth himself more Satirist than Saint in his expressions. So hard it is for an Actor so to divest himself of himself, as not to vent some of his own humours, with the property of that person whom he is to represent. And, seeing Sir Thomas More would have his own jests when dying, no wonder if he makes others to jeer when dead. 6. These two Supplications pressing both together for audience and reception, The first Supplication best received. that of the Beggars on earth found the best entertainment. Whether because it came first, which we know is great advantage in Beggars, first come, first served: Or, because these Terrestrial beggars were nearer at hand (and so best able to manage their own suit) whilst those in Purgatory were conceived at a greater distance: Or, chief, because their Supplication suggested matter of profit to the King and His Courtiers; and such whispers sound loud, and commonly meet with attentive ears. And, as an introduction to the dissolution of all Abbeys, spies were sent forth to make strict discovery of men's behaviours therein. Indeed, the Lord Cromwell, Scout-Master-Generall in this design, stayed at the Court, whilst his subordinate Emissaries (men of as prying eyes, as afterwards they proved of gripple hands) sent unto him all their intelligence, in manner and form as in due time shall ensue. The lesser Monasteries bestowed on the King. NOW because some months were employed in that service before a perfect account was returned to the Lord Cromwell: The suppressing of the smaller Monasteries may here seasonably be inserted: For in the twenty seventh of the King's Reign Anno 1539, a motion was made in Parliament, A gainful motion made for the King. That to support the King's States, and supply His wants, all Religious Houses might be conferred on the Crown, which were not able clearly to expend above Two hundred pounds a year. 2. Some may report, Reported by mistake opposed by Bishop Fisher. that John Fisher Bishop of Rochester earnestly (though pleasently) opposed the motion, by alleging an Apologue out of Aesop, That the Helve of the Axe craved a Handle of the wood of Oaks only to cut off the Serebowes of the Tree, but when it was a complete Instramentall Axe, it felled down all the wood. Applying it, That the grant of these smaller Houses would in fine prove destructive to all the rest. But Fisher, being now in his grave, this could not be spoken in this Parliament; which, with more probability was formerly urged by him against Cardinal Wolsey in dissolving the forty Houses, whereof before. 3. This Proposition found little opposition in either Houses. Easily passed in Parliament. Henry the eighth was a King, and His necessities were Tyrants, and both suing together for the same thing, must not be denied: besides the larger thongs they cut out of other men's leather, the more entire they preserved their own hide, which made the Parliament to ease their own purses by laying the load on those lesser Houses, which they accordingly passed to the Crown. 4. The Lord Herbert in his a Of Henry 8, pag. 376. History complaineth, and that justly, That this Statute for dissolution of the lesser Monasteries doth begin very bluntly, A Preamble of importance restored out of the Records to the Printed Statute. without any formal Preamble in the Printed Books they are Published. It seemeth that herein he never searched the Record itself (otherwise industrious in that kind) to which a solemn Preface is prefixed, showing some Reasons of the dissolution, and pious uses, to which they were attained: In form as followeth: The Preamble is this: Forasmuch as manifest sin, vicious, carnal and abominable living, is daily used and committed commonly in such little and small Abbeys, Priories, and other religious houses of Monks, Canons, and Nuns, where the Congregation of such religious persons, is under the number of twelve persons, whereby the Governors of such religious Houses and their Covent, spoil, destroy, consume, and utterly waste, as well the Churches, Monasteries, Priories, principal Houses, Farms, Granges, Lands, Tenements, and Hereditaments, as the ornaments of the Churches, and their goods and Chattels, to the high displeasure of Almighty God, slander of good Religion, and to the great infamy of the King's Highness and the Realm, if redress should not be had thereof. And albeit that many continual Visitations hath been heretofore had by the space of two hundred years and more, for an honest and charitable reformation of such unthrifty, carnal, and abominable living, yet nevertheless little or no amendment is hitherto had, but their vicious living shamefully increaseth and augmenteth, and by a cursed custom so grown and infested, that a great multitude of the religious persons in such small Houses, do rather choose to rove abroad in Apostasy, than to conform themselves to the observation of good Religion; so that without such small Houses be utterly suppressed, and the Religion therein committed to the great and honourable Monasteries of Religion in this Realm, where they may be compelled to live religioussly for reformation of their lives, there can else be no redress nor reformation in that behalf. In consideration whereof, the King's most royal Majesty, being Supreme head in earth under God, of the Church of England, daily studying and devising the increase, advancement, and exaltation of true doctrine and virtue in the said Church, to the only glory and honour of God, and the total extirping and destruction of vice and sin, having knowledge that the premises be true, as well by the counts of his late visitations, as by sundry credible informations; considering also that divers and great solemn Monasteries of this Realm, wherein, thanks be to God, Religion is right well kept and observed, be destitute of such full numbers of religious persons as they ought and may keep, have thought good that a plain Declaration should be made of the premises, as well to the Lords spiritual and Temporal, as to other His loving Subjects, the Commons in this present Parliament assembled. WHEREUPON the said Lords and Commons by a great deliberation finally be resolved, That it is, and shall be much more to the pleasure of Almighty God, and for the honour of this His Realm, that the possessions of such small religious Houses, not being spent, spoiled and wasted for increase of maintenance of sin, should be used and converted to better uses; and the unthrifty religious persons so spending the same, to be compelled to reform their lives. And hereupon most humbly desire the King's Highness, that it may be enacted by authority of this present Parliament, That His Majesty shall have to Him and to Hit Heirs for ever, all and singular such Monasteries. His Majesty shall have and enjoy, etc. As it followeth in the printed b Cap. 28. Statute. In this Preamble two principles are laid down of infallible truth, Two principles which must not be questioned. and posterity must not be so presumptuous as to question them. 1. The smallest Convents were the greatest sinners, and they who had the least lands led the lewdest lives. 2. It was harder to reform little Covents than those that were greater. It seems such small Houses, like little fishes, could not be caught with the net of Reformation, as slipping through the holes thereof, and therefore no way to repress their faults except by suppressing their foundation. All I will add is, God first punished great Sodom, and spared little Zoar, (though probably also in fault) here Zoar was first punished, let great Sodom beware, and the larger Monasteries look to themselves. 5. And now adieu all religious Houses in England that could not clearly spend above Two hundred pounds per annum, Exact measuring to the standard of dissolution. and we must not believe any finister dealing was used by favour to wrack the revenues of some above, and out of dislike to shrink the rents of others, beneath the standard of dissolution, when Twenty shillings a year, under or over the aforesaid, sum, might save or destroy a small Monastery. As for such (if any in that posture) who had just Two hundred pounds, and no more, they were obnoxious to the Statute, whilst Five shillings more saved all, as that is a fair ball in the Tennis-Court, which toucheth the line, yet goeth over it. 6. Ten thousand persons were by this dissolution sent to seek their fortunes in the wide world, Many aged persons at a loss for livelihood. some indeed had Fathers or Friends to receive them, others none at all; some had Twenty shillings given them at their Ejection, and a new Gown, which needed to be of strong cloth to last so long till they got another. Most were exposed to want. I see no such certainty for a comfortable livelihood as a lawful calling, for Monkish profession was no possession, and many a young Nun proved an old Beggar. I pity not those who had hands and health to work, but surely the grey hairs of some impotent persons deserved compassion, and I am confident such, had they come to the doors of the charitable Reader hereof, should have had a meals meat and a night's lodging given unto them. 7. A clear Revenue of Thirty thousand pounds per annum, Abbey-lands politicly scattered among many purchasers. was here advanced to the Crown, (besides Ten thousand pounds in plate and moveables) though the King enjoyed it but a short time, as passing it away by grant, sale, and exchange to His Subjects. This was done by the politic counsel of the wise Lord Cromwell, not hoping that these small morsels to so many mouths should satisfy their hunger, but only intending to give them a taste of the sweetness of Abbey-lands. And here Papists plentifully rail upon him in scattering these Lands all abroad, that if any should be so scrupulous as to find fault with the fact, a general guiltiness should amount unto innocence: Thus say they, there is no fear that a man shall be condemned for felony, who hath so many receivers in the County; that scarcely a Judge can sit, and surely no Jury can be impanelled upon him, saving such who had been parties with him. 8. No fewer than Three hundred seventy five Covents (as Sanders doth account them) were dissolved at this time: sure I am, The number of the lesser Monasteries. none, was left standing in the whole Diocese of Bangor, where no Foundation was valued c See Speed his Catalogue of Valuations. at full seventy pounds per annum. 9 We must not forget how in the foresaid Preamble, Why the King cajoleth the great Monasteries. the King fairly claweth the great Monasteries: wherein, saith He, Religion thanks be to God is right well kept and observed, though He clawed them soon after in another acceptation. The truth is, King Henry could not suppress the lesser Abbeys but by the consent of the greater Abbots, whereof twenty six (as Barons) voted in the Parliament, who mollified them by this Commendation into a Concurrence with His desire. 10. However, Specious uses pretended on heavy penalties. most specious uses were pretended (though few perchance had faith firm enough to believe their full performance) That all should be done to the pleasure of Almighty God, and for the honour of the Realm. And particular care is taken in the Statute, as it is printed, for the reservation of many Rents and Services, Corrodice, and Pensions to Founders, Donours, and Benefactors. Order also was taken, that those to whom Abbey-lands were passed, should keep, or cause to be kept a continual House and Household in the same Site or Precinct. They were also to occupy yearly as much of the demeans in Tilledge as the Abbots did, or their Farmers under them, within the time of twenty years next before this Act, otherwise forfeiting to the King's Highness for every Month so offending 6 lib. 13s. 4 d. to be recovered to His use in any of His Courts of Record. The arrears whereof, if rigoroussly exacted, would amount to a vast sum from such Offenders, whose hospitality was contracted to a Shepherd and his Dog, neither relieving those that would work by industry, nor such who could not work by their charity. 11. These penalties stood in full force above eighty years, Such penalties graciously repealed by King james. viz: until the 21 of King james, when by Act of Parliament they were repealed. Indeed, such who are obnoxious to penal Statutes are only innocent by courtesy, and may be made guilty at their Prince's pleasure. And though such Statutes may be dormant as disused, they are never dead till revoked, seeing commonly Princes call on such Statutes when themselves are called on by their necessities. Many of the English Gentry knew themselves subject to such penalties, when instead of maintaining Tillage had converted the Granges of Abbeys into enclosures: And therefore provided for their own safety, when they * See the Statutes the 21 of K. James, c. 28. wrought the King to a revocation of those Statutes. 12. But the Courtiers grudged at this Grant and great Indulgence given by the King without any valuable compensation, some sticking not to say, Some grudge at so great a grant. That hereby the King at once gave His Subjects more than ever they gave Him in Subsidies, Benevolences, Contributions, or any other way whatsoever all the time of His Reign. Which, if so, Let no man's eye be evil, because the King's was so good to His Subjects. The Northern Rebellion occasioned by this dissolution. WHen all in the School are equally guilty, Northern Rebellion, and the Master beginneth at the bottom to correct the least boys first, no wonder if those in the highest form begin to shake; as here no doubt the bigger Abbeys did, except some few, who (to follow the Metaphor) like sturdy striplings (counting themselves above correction) began to prepare themselves to make resistance; hence presently arose the Northern Rebellion, wherein all the open Undertakers were North of Trent, though, no doubt, many secret Compliers South of Thames were engaged. 2. This Commotion began first in Lincoln shire, begun suppressed, punished, where the Rebels presented six Articles to the King, in the last whereof they complained, That divers Bishops of England of His Graces late promotion, had Subverted the Faith of CHRIST, (as they thought) which is, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Rochester, Salisbury, S. david's, and Dublin. 3. This Lincoln shire Commotion being quickly suppressed, and a right understanding begotten betwixt the King and His Subjects, the Rebellious humour removed into York●shire, where no fewer than fifty thousand, saith Sanders, were assembled in a body under Robert Ask (a mean Gentleman) their Captain, and one Diamond (though a knave of another suit) who termed himself the Earl of Poverty: yet this distemper also was seasonably cured by the King's pardon, and their submission, till soon after a great part of them fell into a relapse of Rebellion, carrying in their Ensigns the five wounds of our Saviour, the Chalice, wi●h the Host, and the Name of JESUS betwixt them; who being vanquished by the King's forces, under the command of the Earl of Shrewesbury, were condignly executed for the same. 4. Indeed Sanders, Excused by Sanders unjustly. (to whom it is as natural to defame, as for a stone to descend) complaineth, That the King executed those whom formerly He had pardoned for the same offence, contrary to God's proceed, with whom peccata remissa non recurrunt: yea, contrary to equity, and all common justice; but our Chronicles make it plain, that they ran on the score of a new Rebellion (their faults specifically not numerically the same) and justly suffered for their offences therein. 5. Thomas Lord Darcy, and the Lord Hussey (first and last Baron of his Family) were beheaded on this account: The first of these being much bemoaned both for what he had been (a marshal man of merit by sea and land) and for what he was, (decayed, being almost eighty, with old age) insomuch that there goeth a Tradition, that he had the King's Pardon in his pocket, and slept the while the sentence of condemnation was passed on him, and then produced it too late: such (it seems) were the rigorous proceed against him. Ask and Diamond were executed in this Rebellion, Persons executed. and so also were six Abbots, namely, of Sanley, Barling, Gerviaus, Whaley, Rivers, with the Prior of Berlington, besides many Gentlemen of prime account, whereof these the chief: Robert Constable, Thomas Piercy, Francis Bigot, Nicholas Musgrave, Nicholas Temple, Stephen Hamilton, Thomas Gilby, William Lomley, John Bulmar and his Wife. However, some pity may seem proper to these persons, as ignorantly zealous, and grieved to behold the destruction of the old Religion before they had received any competent instruction for a new. And thus was there a rout of the most ancient of the Northern Gentlemen of the Romish persuasion, who in the next Generation had scarcely rallied themselves again but they were routed the second time in the Rebellion of the Earls of Northu●berland and Westmoreland. The return of the Visitors of Abbeys. BY this time, the Instruments employed by the Lord Cromwell, The return of the L. Cromwell's agents. to make discovery of the vicious lives of Monks, and Friars, were all returned in their persons, or in their intelligence sent unto him. They were men, who well understood the Message they went on, and would not come back without a satisfactory answer to him that sent them, knowing themselves were likely to be no losers thereby. And now they had sound out water enough to drive the mill, (besides what ran by) a sufficient detection to effect the business. Of these, some were put in Commission to visit Abbeys, others moving in a lower, (but no less needful) sphere of activity. 2. Of these Commissioners the principal were Rich: Layton, The principal Commissioners. The: Legh, William Peter, Doctors of the Law; a L. Herbert in the Life of Hen. 8. p 398. Doctor John London Dean of Wallingford. Of the three former I can say nothing, but find the later (though employed to còrrect others) no great Saint himself. For afterwards he was publicly b Fox Acts & Mon p. 1221. where is a picture thereof. Their two-edged sword. convicted of perjury, and adjudged to ride with his face to the Horse-tale at Windosor and Ockingham with papers about his head, which was done accordingly. 3. Their power was partly Inquisitive, to search into the former lives of religious persons; partly Impositive, to enjoin them stricter rules for their future observation. It is hard to say, whether their eyes were more prying for what was past or hands more heavy for the time to come; and, most true it is, that betwixt both, many Monks formerly lazy in, were now weary of their present profession. 4. Some counted their Convents, Monk's we●ry of their lives. their Prisons, being thus confined; for, once out of the house, (without lawful cause and leave obtained) and never in again. It was a fine thing when they might, but sad case, when they must, live in their Monasteries; the Eighty six Articles of the Visitors, (looking with Janus partly backward, partly forward) did so vex them, that many who had hopes of others subsistence, cast off the Couls and Vails, and quitted their Convents. The second sort of insinuating Emissaries. THese Visitors were succeeded with a second sort of public Agents, Others undone by their own dissensions. but working in a more private way, encouraging the members in Monasteries to impeach one another: for seeing there was seldom such general agreement in any great Convent, but that factions were found, and parties did appear therein, these Emissaries made an advantageous use thereof. No Abbey could have been so soon destroyed, but by cunning setting it against itself, and secret fomenting of their own divisions. Whereupon, many being accused, did recriminate their Accusers, and hopeless to recover their own innocency, pleased themselves by plunging others in the like guiltiness. Others being conscious to themselves, prevented accusing, by confessing their faults, and those very foul ones. Insomuch that some have so much charity as to conceive, that they made themselves worse than they were, though it was a needless work for a Black-Moore to besoot his own face. 2. Yea, A charitable censure. some hold that as Witches long-tortured with watching and fasting, and pinched when but ready to nod, are contented causlessly to accuse themselves to be eased of the present pain; so some of these poor souls frighted with menaces, and fearing what might be the success, acknowledged all, and more than all against themselves, the truth whereof none on earth can decide. Soliciting and tempting Emissaries complained of by the Papists. THe Papists do heavily complain (how justly, God alone knoweth) that a third sort of Agents were employed, A devilish design, if true. to practise on the chastity of the Nuns, so to surprise them into wantonness. Some young Gallants were on design sent to some Covents, with fair faces, flattering tongues, store of gold, and good clothes, youth, wit, wantonness, and what else might work on the weaker sex. These having with much craft, screwed themselves into the affections of Nuns, and brought them to their lure, accused them afterwards to the King's Commissioners for their incontinence. A damnable act, if true, and which mindeth me of the ensuing story, here not impertinently inserted. 2. Some sixty years since, A memorable story. an English Gentleman had the chastity of his Wife in suspicion, jealous of a particular person, who kept her company. To put it to trial, this her Husband so contrived the matter, a private place was appointed, with all accommodations for such a deed of darkness, whither the Woman with her suspected Paramour, were by set design, (but wearing to them the visage of a seeming casualty) brought, and left together. Mean time her Husband made himself Master of a secret inspection out of the next room, where, with some of his friends, he was the witness of his Wife's dishonesty, and his own disgrace. Soon after he entered his action, sues for a divorce, and the Court seemed generally inclined to the granting thereof. 3. But a Reverend Judge there present, Sin plot, sin pay for. refused to consent thereunto, alleging it the duty of every Husband by his prayers, counsel, and all other lawful means to save and secure the chastity of his Wife; and not to tempt temptations to tempt her: who otherwise might charitably be presumed honest, if such a fore-plotted occasion had not debauched her, and this not the detecting, but first causing of her disloyalty. Seeing therefore in some sort he had been a Pander to his Wife, let him satisfy himself in the assurance of what was doubtful before, and bear the burden of his own betraying her. 4. How just this Judge's sentence was (all circumstances considered) I will not interpose. Application as far as concerns the matter in hand. Only in application to the present purpose, though I confess the relation betwixt Husband and Wife the nearest, (and therefore most obliging to their mutual preservation) the general Principles of Religion, and the Communion of Saints, toeth all Christians, as they tender the honour and glory of God, to preserve the consciences of others undefiled. It was therefore a mere Satanical trick, who is commonly called the c Mat, ' 4. 3. & Thes. 3. 5. Tempter in Scripture, first to solicit souls to sin, and after the committing thereof to be an d Rev. 12. 10. Accuser of the brethren. And seeing the Tempter is deeper guilty than the tempted, (as more active and voluntary) no reason that he should escape, and the other be punished. But all this discourse sinketh, the foundation failing, namely, if the premsses cannot be (which as yet are not) proved, that such indirect dealing was used in surprising of any Votaries into uncleanness. 5. But still the Papists go further, A complaint of the Papists. complaining of false returns, that many of these Enveiglers of Nuns met with impregnable pieces of chastity, (neither to be battered by force, nor undermined by fraud) who despairing to lie with their bodies, did lie on their reputations, making their fames to suffer in those false reports, which they returned to the King's Commissioners. And the following story is, I assure you, traditioned with very much credit amongst our English Catholics. 6. Two young Gentlemen (whose names for just cause I forbear) went to a Nunnery within twelve miles of Cambridge, A sad ●●ory, if true. in the nature of Travellers on the high way, who being handsomely habited, and late at night, were admitted into some out Lodgings of that Nunnery: next day their civil addresses to the Abbess were returned with such entertainment as became the laws of hospitality. Afterwards (producing or pretending a Commission to visit their Covent) they abode there certain days, and how bad soever they were, met with no counterpart to embrace their wanton proffers. However, at the return they gave it out, that nothing but their weariness bounded their wantonness, and that they enjoyed those Nuns at their own command. 7. One of the aforesaid Gentlemen, The Pedigree of this tradition. with great grief and remorse of heart did in private confess the same to Sir William Standly Knight, (afterwards employed in the Low Countries) avowing that nothing in all his life lay more heavy on his conscience than this false accusation of those Innocents': and the said Sir William told this passage to a noble Catholic still alive. All I will say to this story is this, that if this Sir Will: Standly was he, who contrary to his solemn Oath to the Earl of Leicester and the united States, betrayed the strong City of e Camden Eliz. in anno 1587. page 507. Daventer to the Spaniards, (and lived many years after in a f Idem. ibidem. neglected, forlorn condition) one so faithless in his deeds, may be presumed false in his words, and the whole credit of the relation may justly at least be suspected. Some Covents on examination appearing very virtuous. IT is confessed by unpartial people, Some Covents retaining their primitive piety. that some Monasteries of both sexes, being put to the test, appeared very commendable in their behaviour, so that the least aspersion could not justly be cast upon them. I read in one g Lord Herbert in Henry 8. page 399. Author, that some Societies behaved themselves so well, that their lives were not only exempt from notorious faults, but their spare times bestowed in writing books, painting, carvil, engraving; so that their Visiters became Intercessors for them. Amongst these, the Nunnery of Godstow near Oxford must not be forgotten, which as it hath a good name, (being a Bethel, that is, God's house or habitation) well answered thereunto, in the conditions of the people living therein. 2. But there were few such black swans, But too fe●●O preserve ●e ref. and these innocent Convents being inconsiderable in number, could not preserve the rest from ruin. Eight, and one, pious persons, are insufficient to save Sodom from destruction, b Gen. 18. if ten be the lowest number to which Divine Mercy will descend. The generality of Monasteries notoriously vicious. I Say the generality, Charitable premises. otherwise take any numerous Society, and where there be many people there will be many offenders; there being a i Gen. 7. 7. Cham amongst the Eight in the Ark; yea, a k Gen. 4. 1 Cain amongst the four primitive persons in the beginning of the world. I add, also notoriously vicious, 1 Jam. 3. 2. for, In many things we offend all. Yea, if the Visiters had been visited, they were conscious to themselves of many failings, which might make them more favourably to reflect on the infirmities of others. 2. Here I shall present the Reader with a black Bill of some eminent Malefactors, Read, and blush, and sigh. as I find them in my m Jeb. Speeds Hist. of Great Brit. p. 791. Col. 1. Author in the same nature. In Battle● Abbey. John Abbot Gregory Champion John Hamfield Sodomites. Richard Salchurst Clement Westfield John Jherom Thomas Cuthbert John Cross Clement Grigge William March Thomas Erambrook Richard Tovey John Hasting Thomas bayl John Austin In Canterbury. Richard Gomershan Nicholas Clement Thomas Farley Sodomites. William Lichfield William Cawston Thomas Morton John Goldingston John Ambrose Christoph: James Kept 3 married Whores. In St. Augustine. Thomas Barham a Whoremonger and a Sodomite. In Chichester John Champion, and Roger Barham, both of them natural Sodomites. In Cathedral Church John Hill had no less than thirteen Whores. In Windsor-Castle Nicholas Whyden had 4 George Whitethorn kept 5 Nicholas Spoter Kept 5 Robert Hun had 5 Robert Danyson kept 6 Whores. In Shulbred Monastery George Walden Prior of shulbred, had 7 John Standney had at this command 7 Nich: Duke to supply his. Venery had 5 Whores. In Bristol William, Abbot of Bristol, kept 4 Whores. In Maiden Bradley Richard, Prior of Mayden-Bradley, kept 5 Whores. In Bath Monastery Richard Lincombe had 7 Whores, and was also a Sodomite. In Abingdon Monastery Thomas, Abbot of Abingdon kept 3 whores, and had 2 children by his own Sister. In Bermondsey Abbey John White, Prior, or rather Bull of Bermondsey had 20 Whores. I find this Catalogue only in the third Edition of Speed, proving it a posthumeaddition after the Author's death, attested in the margin with the authority of n Cap. 21. sol. 183. Henry Steven his Apology for Herodotus, who took the same out of an English Book, containing the Vileness discovered at the Visitation of Monasteries. Thus this being but the report of a foreigner, and the Original at home not appearing, many justly abate in their belief of the full latitude of this report. Indeed, tradition is the only Author of many stories in this nature, amongst which the ensuing story entitleth it felt to as much probability as any other. 3. One Sir Henry Colt of Neither-Hall in Essex, A coltish trick served much in favour with K Henry the eighth for his merry conceits, suddenly took his leave of Him late at night, promising to wait on His Grace early the next morning. Hence he hastened to Waltham-Abbey, being informed by his setter's, that the Monks thereof would return in the night from Cheshunt-Nunnery, where they had secretly quartered themselves: Sir Henry pitched a Buckstall (wherewith he used to take Deer in the Forest) in the narrowest place of the Marsh where they were to pass over, leaving some of his Confederates to manage the same. 4. The Monks, upon the Monks of Waltham. coming out of the Nunnery, hearing a great noise made behind them, and suspecting to be discovered, put out the light they had with them, whose feet without eyes could find the way home in so used a path. Making more haste than good speed, they ran themselves all into the Net. The next morning Sir H. Colt brought, and presented them to King Henry, who had often seen sweeter, but never fatter Venison. 5. Here I cannot believe what is commonly told of underground Vaults leading from Fryeries to Nunneries, More talk than truth of underground Vaults. confuted by the situation of the place, through Rocks improbably, and under Rivers impossible to be conveyed. Surely had Wal tham Monks had any such subterranean contrivances, they would never have made use of so open a passage; and such Vaults extant at this day in many Abbeys extend but a few paces, generally used for the conveyance of water, or sewers to carry away the filth of the Covent. 6. More improbable it is, Provision made for their lust. (what is generally reported) that Abbots made provision for their lusts on their Leases, enjoining their Tenants to furnish them, (as with wood and coals, so) with fuel for their wantonness. A o Mr. Steven Martial. Reverend Divine hath informed me, that he hath seen such a passage on a Lease of the Abbey of Essex, where the Lessee was enjoined yearly to provide, Unam claram & lepidam puellam, ad purgandos renes, Domini Abbatis. 7. It was never my hap to behold any Instrument with such a lustful clause, Charity best in doubtful evidence. or wanton reservation therein, and shall hardly be induced to believe it: First, because such turpis conditio was null in the very making thereof. Secondly, because it was contrary to the Charta magna, as I may call it, of Monastical practice, Sinon cassè, tamen cautè; wherefore what private compact soever was by word of mou●h made betwixt them upon their Leases parole; sure all Abbots were, (if not so honest) so discreet, that no act in scriptis should remain, which on occasion might publicly be produced against them. 8. As for the instances of their private incontinence, A Solome in Zion Nunnery. they are innumerable. I will insist but in one happening just at this juncture of time; and which may be presumed very operative to the ruin of such Religious Houses. A Lettore certefying the incontynensye of the Nuns of Zion, with the Friores, and astore the act done, the Friores reconsile them to God. Endoised, To the Right Honourable, Master Thomas Cromwell, chief Secretary to the King's Highness. IT may please your goodness to understand that p He was one of Friars who (according to the constitution of your Order) lived here with the Brigitian Nuns. Bushope this day preached, and declared the Kings tytelle very well, and had a great Audyense, the Chorche full of people, one of the * I conceive this two proper names. Focaces in his said declaration, only called him false knave, with other foolish words; it was the foolish fellow, with the corled head that kneeled in your way when you came forth of the Confessores Chamber. I can no less do, but set him in prison, ut poena ejus sit metus aliorum: yesterday I learned many enormous things against Bushope, in the examination of the lay Brederen, first that Bushope persuaded tow of the Brederene to have gone their ways by night, and he himself with them, and to the accomplishment of that, they lacked but money to buy them seculere apparel. Further, that Bushope would have persuaded one of his lay-Brederen a Smithe, to have made a keay for the door, to have in the night time received in Wenches for him and his fellows, and especially a wife of Uxebridge, now dwelling not fare from the old Lady Derby, nigh Uxebridge: which wife his old customer hath been many times here at the grates communing with the said, and he was desirous to have her convoyed into him. The said Bushope also persuaded a Nun, to whom he was Cenfessour, ad libidinem corporis perimplendam And thus he persuaded her in Confession, making her believe, that whensover, and as oft as they should meddle together, if she were, immediately after, confessed by him, and took of him absolution, she should be clear forgeven of God, and it should be none offence unto her before God. And she written diveres and sundry Lettores unto him of such their foolishness and unthriftynesse, and would have had his Broden the Smithe to have polled out a bar of iron of the window, whereas the examined the Lady Abbas, that he might have gone in to her by night. q This Copy was taken out of the MS. Letters in the Lib. of Sir Simon Dewes. And that same window was their commoning place by night. He persuaded the Sextene that he would be in his contemplation in the Chorche by night, and by that means was many nights in the Chorche talking with her at the said gate to the Nun's Choir, and there was their meetingplace by night besides their day communications, as in cofession: It were too long to declare all things of him that I have heard, which I suppos it true. This afternoon I intent to make further serche, both of some of the Brederens, and some also of the Sisters of such like matters; if I found any thing apparent to be true, I shall God willing thereof sertefy your Mastorshipe tomorrow, by seven in the morning. And after this day I suppos there will be no other things to be known at yet here; for I have already examined all the Brederen, and many of them would gladly depart hense, and be right weary of their habbyte; such Religion, and feigned sanctetye, God save me fro. If Master Bedle had been here a Frior, and of Bushopes counsel, he would right well have helped him to have broghte his mattores to pass, without breaking uppe of any grate, or yet counterfeiting of keayes, such capassetye God hath sent him. From Syone this Sondaye xij. Decembere. By the speedy hand of your assured poor Priest, Richard * This was one of the Prime Visitors aforementioned. Layton. We will conclude this discourse with one observation, how through ignorance the true meaning of that word [Recluse] was in that Age abused: For, in pure Latin it signifieth, one set open, or let lose to their own liberty; * Hor. lib. 1. Epist. 5. Quid non ebriet as designat, operta recludit? whereas Recluse was taken in that Age for one close shut up: so that many Monks and Friars were Recluses indeed, not in the common acception, but true notation of that name. Abbots willingly unwillingly resigned their Monasteries to the King. SAnders saith, Monks persuaded into a resignation. that King Henry sent a large Instrument to every Monastery. fairly engrossed in Parchment, enjoining them all to subscribe, sign, and seal the same, with their seal conventual, upon the pain of His displeasure. It is not probable that such a formal Writing was sent unto them, drawn up beforehand by the King's Officers; but most certain it is (which amounts almost to as much in effect) a general intimation was given to all Houses, how acceptable such an act would be to the King. It was also pressed upon the said Monks, Friars, and Nuns, that they (through their viciousness) being obnoxious to the King's anger, this might, and would be done without their consent; so that it was better for them, rebus sic stantibus, to make a virtue of necessity; the rather, because this compliment conduced nothing to the King's right, (on whom the Parliament had already bestowed those Abbey-lands) but might add much to their own advantage, as being the way whereby their Pensions might the more easily be procured, largely allotted, and surely satisfied unto them. 2. The premises made such impression on the parties concerned therein, Strive who should be the foremost. that fearing the Lagge would be looked on with bad eyes, they ran, as it were, a race, in their resignations, who should be first and foremost therein. However they used several forms therein, some only condemning their lives for superstitious, but not confessing themselves personally vicious, as by the following Instrument may appear. The s Out of the Records of the Court of Augmentation. surrender of the Warden and Friars of S. Francis in Stanford. FOr as much as we, the Warden, and Freers, of the House of Saint Frances in Stanforde, commonly called the grey Freers in Stanforde, in the Country of Lincoln, do profoundly consider that the perfection of Christain lyving doth not conciste in the doom ceremonies, wearing of the grey cootte, disgeasing ourself after strange fashions, doking, and becking, in gurding our selves with a gurdle full of knots, and other like Papistical ceremonies, wherein we have been moost principally practised, and misselyd in times past; but the very true way to please God, and to live a true Christian man, with out all ypocrasie, and feigned dissimulation, is sincerely declared unto us by our Master Christ, his Evangelists, and Apostles. Being mindyd hereafter to follow the same; conforming our self unto the will and pleasure of our supreme head undre God in earth the King's Majestye; and not to follow henceforth the superstitious traditions of any forincycall potentate, or poor, with mutual assent, and consent, do submit our selves unto the mercy of our said sovereign Lord. And with like mutual assent, and consent, do surrender, and yield upe unto, the hands of the same, all our said house of Saint Frances in Stanforde, commonly called the grey Freers in Stanforde, with all Lands, tenements, gardens, meadows, waters, pondyards, feedings, pastures, comens, rents, reverssons, and all other our interest, rights, or titles, aperteying unto the same; most humbly beseeching His most Noble grace, to disspose of us, and of the same as best schall stoned with His most gracious pleasure. And farther, freely to grant unto every one of us His licens undre wreting and seal, to change our abites into secular fashion, and to receive such manner of livyngs, as other secular Priests commonly be preferred unto. And we all faithfully schall pray unto Almighty God long to preserve His moost noble grace, with increase of moche felicity and honour. And in witness of all and singular the premises, we the said Warden, and Covent of the grey Freers in Stanforde, to these presents have put our Covent Sceall the yeght day of Octobre, in the thyrtythe year of the Reign of our most sovereign King Henry the yeght. Factum Johannis Schemy Guardian. Per me Fratrem Johannem Robards. Per me Fratrem Johan. Chadwhort. Per me Fratrem Ricardum Pye. Per me Fratrem Johannem Clarke. Per me Fratrem Johannem Quoyte. Per me Fratrem Johannem Jarman. Per me Fratrem Johannen Yong. Per me Fratrem Johannem Lo well. Per me Fratrem Willielmum Tomson. 3. Other Resignations were far more humble and submissive, A more humble form of surrender. with an acknowledgement of their vicious and voluptuous lives; such was the surrender made by the Prior and Covent of S. Andrews in Northampton, which because very tedious, we shall only transcribe so much thereof as concerneth our present purpose. But as well as others our predecessors, called religious persons within your said Monastery, taking on us the habit of outward vesture of the said rule, only to the intent to lead our liffes in the idle quietness, and not in vertuose exercise, in a stately estimation, and not in obedient humility, have undre the shadow, or colour of the said rule and habit, vainly, detestably, and also ungodly, employed, yea rather devowred, the yearly revenues yssuing and coming of the said possessions, in continual in gurgitations and farcyngs of our carrion bodies, and of others, the supportares of our voluptuose and carnal appetite, with other vain and ungodly expensies; to the manifest subvertion of devotion, and clennes of lyvyng; and to the most notable slander of Christ's holy Evangely, which in the form of our profession, we did ostentate, and openly devaunt to keep moost exactly: withdrawing thereby from the simple, and pure minds of your grace's subjects, the only truth and comfort, which they ought to have by the true faith of Christ. And also the devyne honour, and glory, only due to the glorious Majesty of God almighty, stering them with all persuasions, enginings, and police, to dedd Images, and counterfeit relics, for our damnable lucre. Which our moost horrible abominations, and execrable persuasions of your grace's people, to detestable errors, and our long coveryd Ipocrysie cloaked with feigned sanctite; We revolving daily, and continually pondering in our sorrowful hearts, and thereby perseyving the botomlas gulf of everlasting fire, ready to devowre us, if persysting in this state of lyving, we should departed from this uncertain and transitory loffe, constrained, by the intolerable anguysh of our conscience, called as we trust by the grace of God, who would have no man to perish in sin: with heart's moost contrite, and repentante, prostrate at the noble feet of your moost royal Majestye, most lamentably do crave of your highness, of your abundant mercy, to grant unto us most grievous against God, and your Highness, your most gracious pardon, for our said sundry offences, omyssyons, and negligences, committed as before by us is confessed against your Highness, and your most noble Progenitors. And where your Highness, being Supreme head, immediately after Christ, of his Church, in this your royalme of England, so consequently general and only Reformator of all religious persons, there, have full authority to correct or dyssolve at your Grace's pleasure, and liberty, all Covents and religious companies abusing the Rewles' of their profession. And moreover to your Highness, being our soveraygn Lord, and undoubted fownder of your said Monastery, by dissolution whereof appertaineth only the original title, and proper inheritance, as well of all other goods movable and unmoveable, to the said Monastery in any wise appertaining or belonging, to be disposed, and employed, as to your graces most excellent wysdeme shall seem expedient and necessary. Per me Franciscum Priorem. Per me Johannem Sub-Priorem. Per me Tho: Smyth. Per me Tho: Golston. Per me Rob: Martin. Per me Jacob: Hopkins. Per me Ric: Bunbery. Per me Johannem Pette. Per me Jo: Harrold. Per me Tho: Barley. Per me Will: Ward. Per me Tho: Atterbury. Per me Will: Fowler. Other Resignations varying in their words met (for the main) in the matter, and were with all speed presented to the King's Visitors. As Schoolboys hope to escape with the fewer stripes for being the first in untying their points, those Convents promised to themselves the kindest usage, which were forwardest in their Resignations, though all (on the matter) fared alike. 4. Yea, Betwixt first and last no great difference. John de Warboise so called from the place of his nativity in Huntingdon shire (where my worthy friend Mr. William Johnson is well beneficed) though the a Speed in his description of Huntingdon-shire. first, with his sixty Benedicti Monks, who with solemn subscription renounced the Pope's Supremacy, and now as officious as any in surrendering his Convent to the King's Visitors, met with no peculiar and extraordinary civility above others of his Order. 5. Such Resignations sealed and delivered; the Visitors called for the Seals themselves (which now had survived their own use, having passed the last effectual Act) and these generally made of silver, were by the King's Officers presently broken in pieces. Such material Stamps being now abolished, it will be charity to preserve their Impressions, and exhibit them to posterity, which here we shall endeavour, rendering some probable reason how most of them refer to the Founders, or situation, or some remarkable action therein. The Seal of Arms of the Mitred Abbeys in England. IN presenting of them, The design of the work. I will not be confined to the strict terms of Blazoury, the rather, because some of their Arms may be presumed so ancient, as sitter to give Rules to, than take them from our modern Heraldry: And what my pen cannot sufficiently describe, therein the Reader may satisfy himself by his own eye: To which these Coats are presented in the last sheet of this Volume after the History of Waltham Abbey. 1. I will make a method of my own beginning (where the Sun ends) in the West: The Arms of Tavestocke. Tavestock in Devon shire gave Varrey Or and Azure, on a Chief Or, two Mulletts, Gules. 2. Glassenbury gave Vert (as I conjecture the Colour) a Cross Bottone Argent. Of Glossenbury. In the first Quarter the Woman with a Glory holding a Babe (radiated about his head) in her Arms, because [forsooth] by the direction of the Angel * See the first Cent. Paragr. 11. Gabriel their Church was first dedicated to the Virgin Mary. 3. Middleton in Gloucester-shire gave Sable, Of Middleton. three Baskets Argent replenished with Loaves of Bread, Gules. Had the number of the Baskets been either Seven or Twelve, some would interpret therein a reference to the Reversions preserved by Christ his command of the Loaves miraculously multiplied: whereas now they denote the Bounty of that Abbey in relieving the poor. 4. What Malmesbury in Wiltshire gave I cannot yet attain. Of Malmsbury 5. Abingdon gave a Cross flirt betwixt Martelletts Sable, Of Abingdon much alluding to the Arms of our English Kings before the Conquest, who, it seems were great Benefactors thereunto. 6. The Abbey of S. James in Reading, Of Reading. gave AZure three Scallop Shells Or. Here I know not what secret sympathy there is between S. James and Shells; but sure I am that all Pilgrims that visit St. James of Compos-Stella in Spain (the Paramount Shrine of that Saint) returned thence obsiti * Erasm●● in his Dialogue, called Peregrinatio Religionis e●go. conchis, all beshelled about on their clothes, as a religious Donative there bestowed upon them. 7. The Abbey of Hide, Of Hide. juxta Winton. gave Argent a Lion rampant Sable, on a cheiff of the second, four Keys Argent. 8. battle Abbey in Sussex gave Gules a Cross betwixt a Crown Or, Of Battle. in the first and third Quarter. A Sword (bladed Argent, hilted Or) in the second and fourth Quarter thereof. heat the Arms relate to the Name, and both Arms and Name to the fierce Fight hard by, whereby Duke William gained the English-Crown by Conquest, and founded this Abbey. Nor must it be forgotten, that a Text X pierced through with a dash, is fixed in the navel of the Cross. Now, though I have read, * Accidence of Arms. Letters to be little honourable in Arms, this cannot be disgraceful, partly because Church-Heraldrie moveth in a sphere by itself, partly because this was the Letter of Letters, as the received character to signify Christus. 9 S. Augustine's in Canterbury gave Sable a Cross-Argent. Of S. Augustine. 10. Cross we now the Thames, Of Gloucester. where Westward we first fall on S. Peter's in Gloucester, whose Dedication to that Apostle sufficiently rendereth a reason for the Arms thereof, viz AZure two Cross Keys (or two Keys Saltire) Or. 11. Teuxbury gave Gules, Of Teuxbury. a Cross of an antic form Or, a border Argent. 12. I will not adventure on the blazoning of the Arms of Winchcomb (having much conformity therein with Mortimer's Coat) but leave the Reader to satisfy his own eyes in the inspection thereof. Of Winchcomb. 13. I should be thankful to him who would inform me of the Arms of Cirencester, Of Cirences●er. which hitherto I cannot procure. 14. * S. mary's in Coventry had no Arms in their Seal, as my good friend Mr. Dugdale informed me. St. Alban gave Azure a Cross Saltire Or. Of S. Alban● 15. Westminster-Abbey gave Azure a Cross flirt betwixt five Marteletts Or, and this I humbly conceive were anciently the entire Arms of that Abbey being in effect the same with those of King Edward the Confessor the first Founder thereof: But afterwards their conventual Seal was augmented with the Arms of France and England on a Chief Or betwixt two Roses Gules, plainly relating to King Henry the seventh, enlarging their Church with his Chapel. 16. The Prior of St. John of Jerusalem gave Gules a Cross Argent, Of S. John's of Jerusalem. which the Lord Priot sometimes a Thus Sir Tho. Tressam. impayled with (but before) his own Coat, and b Thus Sir Tho. Dockwray. sometimes bore it in a Chief about it. 17. The Arms of Waltham Abbey in Essex, appear at this day neither in glass, wood, Of Waltham. nor stone, in, or about the Town or Church thereof. At last we have recovered them (Unus home nobis) out of a fair Deed of Robert Fuller's, the last Abbot, though not certain of the mettle and colours, viz: Gules, (as I conjecture) two Angels (can they be less than Or?) with their hands (such we find of them in c Mat. 4. 6. Scripture) holding betwixt them a Cross Argent, brought hither (faith our d Gamd. Brit in Essex. Antiquary) by miracle out of the West, whence Waltham hath the addition of Holy Cross. 18. The Arms of S. John's in Colchester, Of Colchester. I leave to the eye of the Reader. 19 Bury gave Azure three Crowns Or, Of Bury. The Arms of the Kings of the East-Angles, assumed in the memory of King Edmund (to whom this Abbey was dedicated) martyred by the Danes, when his Crown of Gold, through a Crown of Thorns (or Arrows rather) was turned into a Crown of Glory. 20. St. Benet's in the Holm, Of S. Benet's. in Norfolk, gave Sable, a Pastoral. Staff Argent, picked below, and reflexed above, (intimating the Abbot's Episcopal Jurisdiction in his own precincts) betwixt two Crowns-Or, pointing at England and Norway, the two Kingdoms of Canutus, the Founder thereof. The aforesaid Staff was infulated, that is, adorned with an holy Lace or Label, carelessly hanging down, or cast a cross, such with which their Mitres used formerly to be fastened. 21. Thorney-Abbey in Cambridge shire gave Azure three Crosses crossed fitchees, Of Thorny. betwixt three Pastoral Staves Or. 22. Ramsey in Huntingdon-shire gave Or three Rams Heads couped Argent, Of Ramsey. 〈◊〉 bend Azure: The rest of the Rams must be supposed in the blue Sea, the Fens, appearing such when overflown. Besides, such changes were common here, whereof Melibaeus complaineth in the Marshes * Virgil. E● log 9 of Mantua. — Non bene ripae Creditur, ipse Aries etiam nunc vellera siccat. There is no trusting to the foundering bank. The Ram still dries his fleece so lately dank. But, since the draining of the Fens hath (I hope) secured their Cattles from casualties. 23. The very name of Peterborough unlocks the reason why that Abbey gave Gules, Of Peterborough. two cross Keys betwixt four Crosses crossed fitchees, Or. 24. Crowland Abbey gave quarterly three (call them long Knives, Of Crowland. or short) Swords bladed Argent hasted or pomelled or, Azure three Whips stringed and knotted Or, the second like the third, the fourth like the first. Instruments of cruelty relating to their Monks massacred by the Danes, Anno 870. Ingulphus, pag. 866. whereof their Historian gives us this account, That first they were examinati, tortured, see there the Whips; and then exanimati, killed, see there the Swords. But if any will have those Whips to relate to the Whip of S. Bartholomew, the most remarkable Relic of that Monastery, I will not appose. 25. The Arms of Evesham Abbey in Worcester-shire, Of Evesham. I cannot recover, but possibly may before the conclusion of this Work. 26. Shrewsbury gave Azure, Of Shrewsbury. a Lion Rampant over a Pastorall-staffe Bendwayes, so that both the ends thereof are plainly discovered. 27. Cross we now North of Trent, Of Selby. where only two remain: Selby (founded by William the Conqueror) which gave Sable, three Swans Argent, membered Or, alluding, as I believe, to the depressed situation of the place, where the neighbouring River of Ouse affordeth such Birds in abundance. 28. St. mary's in York gave Argent a Cross, Of York. Gules, and a Key, in the first Quarter of the same. In the midst of the Cross a King in a circle in his Robes of state, with his Sceptre and Mound: Yet hath he only a ducal Cap (and no Crown) on his head. I humbly conceive (under favour of better judgements) this King-dukes' picture to relate partly to King William Rufus, partly to Alan Duke of Britain and Richmond, the principal Co-Founders of that Monastery. The Lord Darcy his Extraction justly vindicated. AMongst the principal persons who suffered for their zeal in defending of Abbeys was the lately mentioned Thomas Lord a vide supra, pag. 313. parag. 5. Darcy, A causeless aspersion grounded on passion. whose extraction I find foully aspersed by the pen of that passionate Prince, K. Henry the eighth: for when the Rebels boasted of the many Noblemen who sided with them, in confutation thereof, King Henry returned a Letter to them, interlined with His own hand, wherein this passage, [ b Speeds Ch●●. in his 1 ●dit. pag. 776. Others, as the Lord Marney and Darcy are but mean, scarce wellborn Gentlemen, and yet of no great Lands till they were promoted by Us, and so made Knights.] It cannot be denied but that K. Henry too much consulted His choler (now swelling high, because opposed by the Rebels) more than His judgement in this His expression; and seeing an Historian should, suum cuique tribuere, give me leave a little to enlarge in this subject. 2. Of the Lord Marney, What the Lord Marney was. I can say but little, finding him whilst as yet but a Knight, Sir Henry, Servant, and one of the Executors to the Lady Margaret, Countess of Derby: at which time, he was Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. It seemeth he risen by the Law, being the first and last Baron of his name, whose sole Daughter was married to Thomas Howard Viscount Bindon. 3. Longer must we insist on the Parentage, Three noble Branches of the Darcyes in the North. performances, and posterity of Thomas Lord Darcy, finding in the North three distinct branches thereof, whereof the first was Begun Continued Extinguished In Norman de Adrecy or Darcy possessed under K Will: the Conqueror, of many Manors in York shire and * Doomsday book, chap. 32. in Lincoln shire. Lincoln shire, where Normanbye His prime seat seemeth so named by him. For ten Generations, most of them buried in Noketon Priory in Lincolnsh. by them founded, and endowed, viz: 1. Robert. 2. Thomas. 3. Thomas. 4. Norman. 5. Norman. 6. Philip. 7. Norman. 8. Philip. 9 Norman. 10. Philip. In Philip Darcy dying issue-less, whose two Sisters and Coheirs were married, the one to Roger Pedwardine; the other, to Peter of Limbergh. 4. The first Male Line of the Darcyes being thus determined, a second Race succeeded, derived from Norman Darcy the Penultim Lord in the last Pedigree, Begun Continued Extinguished In john Darcy (Son to the aforesaid Norman) Steward to the King's Household, Justice of Ireland. For five descents, being Barons of Knaith & Moynill. 1. John. 2. John. 3. Philip. 4. John. 5 Philip. In Philip the fifth Baron, who (though dying under age) left two Daughters, Elizabeth married to Sir James Strangewayes of Hartley Castle, and Margaret to Sir john Coigniers of Hornbey-Castle. 5. Thus expired the second Male stem of the Darcyes, styled Barons of Knaith, long since aliened from their Family, and for this last hundred years the habitation of the Lord Willoughby of Parham. Come we now to the third Stem, which was Begun Contained Extinguished In Sir john Darcy of Torxay, second Son to the last Lord John Darcy of Knaith. Through seven Generations, 1. Richard. 2. William. 3. Thomas. 4. George. 5. john. 6. Michael. 7. john. In john Lord Darcy of Ashton, dying issueless, (though he had four Wives) in the Reign of King Charles. 6. Thomas Darcy here named is the person, the subject of this discourse, of whom four things are memorable: 1. He was Knighted by K. Henry the seventh, who made him Captain of the Town and Castle of Barwick, * privatae Sigilla de anno 14 Henrici 7. and Commander of the East and Middle Marches. 2. K Henry the eighth, in the first year of his Reign, made him justice in Eyre of the Forests beyond Trent, summoned him the same year as a Baron to Parliament, employed him with a Navy, An. 1511. to assist Ferdinand King of Arragon against the Moors, and made him knight of the Garter. 3. Though the Ancestors of this Thomas Darcy (since the second Branch was expired) were styled Lords in some Deeds (whether by the courtesy of the Country, or because the right of a Barony lay in them) yet this Thomas was the first summoned Baron to Parliament, in the first of King Henry the eighth, and his Successors took their place accordingly. 4. Though the Revenue of this Thomas Lord Darcy was not great at the beginning of King Henry the eighth, (because the Heirs General of the Lord Darcyes of Knaith carried away the main of the Inheritance) yet he had a considerable Estate, augmented by his Match with Dowsabella the Daughter and Heir of Sir Richard Tempest. The result of all is this, This Lord was most Honourably descended, and his Nobility augmented; not first founded by K. Henry the eighth, as his words did intimate. Let therefore passionate Princes speak what they please, their patiented Subjects will believe but their just proportion. And although the Fox's ears must be reputed horns whilst the Lion in presence is pleased so to term them; yet they never alter their nature, and quickly recover the name after the Lion's departure. This I though fit to write in vindication of the Lord Darcy, who though he owed his life to the Law, it is cruelty he should lose both it and the just honour of his Extraction. 7. As for the present Coigniers Lord Darcy, he is not only descended from the foresaid Lord Thomas, but also from the Heir General of the second Stem of the Lord Darcyes of Knaith, and was by King Charles accordingly restored to take his place in Parliament. The ancient English Nobility great Losers by the Dissolution of Abbeys. ALthough many modern Families have been great Gainers by the destruction of Monasteries, Ancient Nobility losers. yet the Ancient Nobility (when casting up their Audits) found themselves much impaired thereby both in power and profit, commodity and command: I mean such, whose Ancestors had been Founders of Abbeys, or great Benefactors unto them. These reserved to themselves and their Heirs many Annual Rents and Services, Reliefs, Escuage, as also that such Abbots and their Successors should do Fealry and Homage to their Heirs for such Lands as they held of them in Knight's Service. 2. Now although order was taken at the dissolution to preserve such Rents to the Founder's Heirs (payable unto them by the King's Officers out of the Exchequer) yet such sums after long attendance were recovered with so much difficulty that they were lost in effect. Good rents ill paid. Thus, when the few sheaves of the Subject are promiscuously made up in the Kings mew, it is hard to find them there, and harder to fetch them thence. 3. As for the foresaid Services reserved (either at money, Services wholly lost. or money worth) to them and their Heirs, they were totally and finally extinguished: for formerly such Abbeys used 1. To send men on their own Charges in Voyages to War to aid and attend such of their Founders and Benefactors Heirs, of whom they held Land in Knight's service. 2. They bountifully contributed a Portion to the Marriage of their eldest Daughters. 3. They bear the Costs and charges to accoutre their eldest Sons in a gentile military equipage when Knighted by the King. But now the Tree being plucked up by the roots, no such fruit could afterwards be expected. 4. Nor must we forget the benefit of Corrodies, With the commodity of Corodies. so called à conradendo, from eating together: for, the Heirs of the foresaid Founders (not by courtesy, but composition for their former favours) had a privilege to send a set number of their poor Servants to Abbeys to diet therein: Thus many aged Servants past working not feeding (costly to keep, and cruel to cast off) were sent by their Masters to such Abbeys where they had plentiful food during their lives. Now though some of those Corrodies (where the property was altered into a set sum of money) was solvable out of the Exchequer after the dissolution of Abbeys; yet such which continued in kind was totally extinct, and no such Diet hereafter given where both Table and House were overturned. The Premises proved by instance in the Family of the Berkeleys. THe Noble Family of the Berkeleys may well give an Abbot's Mitre for the Crest of their Arms, because so loving their Nation, and building them so many Synagogues. Hence it was, that partly in right of their Ancestors, partly by their Matches with the Coheirs of the Lord Mowbray and Seagrave, in the Vacancies they had a right of Nomination of an Abbot, in following Foundations. Place. Founder. Order. Value. 1. St. Augustine's in Bristol. 2. Burton Laus in Leicester shire. 3. Byland, or Bella-Launda, in York sh. 4. Chancomb in Northhampton shire. 5. Comb in Warwick shire. 6. Croxton in Leicester shire. 7. Edworth in the Isle of Axholme in Lincolnshire. 8. Fountains. 9 Kirkby in Leicestershire. 10. Newburge in Yorkshire. 1. Robert Fitz-Harding, whose posterity assumed the name of Berkeley. 2. The Lord Mowbray in the Reign of K. Henry the first. 3. Robert de Mowbray, & Gonnora his Mother. 4. Hugh de Anaf. Knt, in the time of the Conq. whose Son Robert took the name of Cha●comb, & Annabisia his daughter was married to Gilbert Lord Seagrave. 7. Tho: Mowbray Earl of Nottingham in the Reign of K. Rich. the 2. to which the Mowbrays were grand Benefactors. 9 Roger de Beller, who held this Manor of the Lord Mowbray. 1. Black Canons of the Order of S. Victor. 2. Leprous people professing the Order of S. Augustine. 6. Premonstratentian Monks. 7. Carthusians. 9 Canon's Regular of S. Augustine. l. s. d. ob. q.— 767.15.3.0.0 — 458.19.11.1.1 7.290.14— — 178.7.10▪ 0▪ 1- What shall I speak of the small Houses of Longbridge and Tintern in Gloucestershire, not (mentioned in Speed) the Hospitals of S. Katherine and Mary Maudlin's near Bristol, the well endowed School of Wotton Underhedge in Gloucester shire, besides forty Chanteries founded by the Berkeleys: yea, I have read in a Manuscript belonging unto them, no less judiciously than industriously composed by Mr. John Smith (who did, and received many good offices to, and from that Family, as is mutually confessed) that the forenamed Abbeys and others, held of the Lord Berkeley at the dissolution, no fewer than eighty Knights fees, and paid services unto them accordingly, all which are now lost to the value of ten thousand pounds within the compass of few years. 2. Nor will it be amiss to insert, Rob. Derby last Abbot of Croxton. that Robert Derby the last Abbot of Croxton, was presented thereunto, April 22. the 26 of King Henry the eighth, by Thomas (the sixth of that name) Lord Berkeley, (the place being void by the death of one Atter cliff) belonging to his presentation by inheritance. And in the Record, he commandeth the Prior and Convent to receive and obey him as Abbot. Ingratitude to their Founders, a grand fault in many Abbeys. INgratitude is the abridgement of all baseness, If unthankful all bad. a fault never found unattended with other viciousness. This is justly charged on the account of many Abbeys, whose stately structures grew so proud as to forget the Rock whence they were Hewn, and the Hole of the Pit whence they were digged: unthankful to such Founders who under God had bestowed their maintenance upon them. 2. One instance of many. Great bounty. Vast was the liberality of the Lord Berkeleys to S. Augustine's in Bristol, leaving themselves in that their large Estate not one Rectory to which they might present a Chaplain: all the Benefices in their numerous Manors being appropriated to this and other Monasteries: Now see the Requital. 3. Maurice, Ill required. the first of that name, Lord Berkeley, having occasion to make the ditch about his Castle the broader (for the better fortifying thereof) took in some few feet of ground out of Berkeley Churchyard, which Church with the Tithes thereof, his Ancestors had conferred on the aforesaid Monastery. The Abbot beholding this as a great trespass, or rather, as a little sacrilege, so prosecuted the aforesaid Lord with Church-censures, that he made him in a manner cast the dirt of the ditch in his own face, enforcing him to a public confession of his fault, and to give Five shillings rend for ever, with some Tithes and Pasture for as many Oxen as would till a Plow-land, by the words of his Will, Pro emendatione culpa meae de fossato quod feci de Coemiterio de Berkeley circa castellum meum. 4. I know it will be pleaded for the Abbot that there is as much right in an inch as in an ell, Summum j●●. that he was a Fiduciary entrusted to defend the rights of his Covent, that Founder's Heirs are not privileged to do injuries; yea, they of all persons most improper to take back what their Ancestors have given. However, the Lords encroachment on the Churchyard being in a manner done in his own defence, the thing in itself so small, and the merit of his Ancestors so great to that Abbey, might have met with that meekness which should be in the breasts of all Spiritual persons to abate his rigorous prosecution against him. 5. Thomas the first Lord Berkeley of that name, Another instance of ingratitude. found little better usage from the Abbot of S. Austin's, though he had formerly (besides confirmation of many Lands) conferred on that Convent pasture for Twenty four Oxen; discharging also their Lands (lying within certain of his Manors) from all Services and Earthly demands, only to remember him and his in their prayers; yet did that Abbot and Convent implead him before the Pope's Delegates for Tithes of Paunage of his Woods, for Tithes of his Fishing and of his Mills. The Lord removed the Suit to Common Law, (as challenging the sole power to regulate Modum Dicimandi:) And now when all was ready for a Trial before the Judge irinerant at Gloucester, it was compounded by Friends on such Terms as the Abbot in effect gained his desire. 6. Indeed, A cause of their ●uine. so odious and obvious was the unthankfulness of some Convents, that it is reputed by some, the most meritorious Cause of their Dissolution, and their doing things without and against the Will of their Founders is instanced in the * For the dissolution of Chanteries & Colleges, 37 of Hen. 8. cap. 4. An overwise conceit Statute as a main Motive to take them away. 7. Some who pretend to a Prometheus wit, fond conceive that the Founders of Abbeys might politicly have prevented their dissolution had they inserted a provision in their Foundations, That in case Abbey Lands should be alienated to other uses against or besides the Owners intents, than such Lands should revert to the true Heirs of the said Founders, if then in being. 8. But such consider not that such a Reservation would have favoured more of wildness than wisdom in that Age: Basily confuted. as well might one have sought to secure himself with a shelter against the falling of the skies as equally probable as the diverting of Abbey-Lands to other intentions. Besides, such a jealous clause might be interpreted heretical to put into people's fancies a feizability of such alterations: Yea, I have heard it questioned by the Learned in the Law, whether such a conditional settlement with such a clause were Legal or no, many maintaining that such Donations must be absolute. But suppose such a Clause in their Foundations, it had not much befriended them at this time, seeing Cables are as easily cut off as Twine-threads by power of Parliament, when disposed to make such a dissolution. 9 Now some conceived it just Abbey-Lands should have been restored to the Heirs of their Founders; Strong faith to believe so much of King Henry's charity but seeing the most and greatest Abbeys were built and endowed before the Conquest, it was hard to find out their Heirs, if extant. Besides this would minister matter of much litigiousness equally to share them amongst their many Benefactors. Wherefore the King the Founder General of them all, mediately or immediately in himself or in His Subjects, as who in His person or Ancestors confirmed, consented, or at least connived at their Foundations, may charitably be presumed to seize them all into His own hands; so to cut off the occasion of dangerous division amongst His subjects about the partition of those Estates. SECTION V. To the Right Honourable, The Lady ELIZABETH POWLET of St. George-Hinton. MADAM, THere be three degrees of gratitude according to men's several abilities: The first is to requite, the second to deserve, the third to confess a benefit received. He is a happy man, that can do the first, no honest man that would not do the second, a dishonest man who doth not the third. I must be content (in reference to your favours on me) to sit down in the last Form of thankfulness, it being better to be a Lagge, in that School, than a Truant, not at all appearing therein. Yea, according to our Saviour's counsel and comfort, the lowest place is no hindrance to a * Luke 14. 10. higher, when the Master of the household shall be pleased to call him up. When this is done, and God shall ever enable me with more might, my gratitude shall wait on your Ladyship in a greater proportion. Mean time, this Present (having otherwise little of worth) may plead something of properness therein, seeing Somerset-shire is the chief subject of this Section, the same County, which receiveth honour from You by Your Birth, and returneth it to You by Your Baronry therein. God bless You in all Your relations, and make Your afflictions, which are briers and thistles in themselves, become sweet-brier, and holy-thistle by sanctifying them unto You. Of Miracles in general, to which Monasteries did much pretend. RIGHT is the Rule of what is So, A true Miracle described. and what is otherwise. We will therefore premise the description of a true Miracle. A Miracle is a work of God passing the power of nature done for the confirmation of Faith on the Mission generally of a new Ministry. 1. Work of God] a Psalm 72. 18. who only doth wondrous things. For though He sometimes useth men as Moral instruments whereby, yet never as Natural causes to effect Miracles. 2. Passing the power of Nature.] Hence it is, that it is not done by leisure, but presently; not by degrees, but perfectly. God's Cures are never subject to Relapse, once healed and ever healed, except the party run on the score of a new guilt, Thou art b John 5. 14. made whole, sinne no more, left a worse thing befall thee. 3. Done for the confirmation of faith.] God will not make his works cheap by prostituting them merely for the satisfaction of man's curiosity. 4. On the Mission generally of a new Ministry.] For, although some sprinkling of Miracles on other occasions; yet their main body was done by Moses, a new Lawgiver to the Jews; by Elias, and Elisha, two grand Restorers (adequate almost to a Giver) of the Law, in a generall-visible defection to Idolatry, by Christ and his Apostles, as the first Preachers of the Gospel. In this our description, no mention of the rarity of Miracles, because the same resulteth from the premises, frequency abating from the due wonder thereof. 2. Now that such Miracles long since are ceased, Miracles long since are ceased. appears by the confession of ancient Fathers, and most ingenious Romanists: S. Chrysost: 23 Hom: on S. John, thus expresseth himself, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For even now there be Seekers and Sayers, wherefore also now are not Miracle done? for if thou be'st a Believer, as thou oughtest to be, and dost love Christ as thou oughtest to love him, thou hast no need of Miracles. For Miracles are given to unbelievers. 3. S. Augustine passing his Censure on the Miracles of his Age, By Saint Angustine's confession. had so low an opinion of their truth, that he ranked them under two c De Unitate Ecclesiae, cap. 16. heads: 1. Figmenta mendacium hominum, Forgeries of lying men. 2. Portenta fallacium spirituum, Prodigies of deceitful Devils. 4. Bishop Fisher himself writing against d De Captivitate Babylonica, cap. 11. Luther, and occasionally treating of the power of Miracles, Cujus effectum nune nullum cernimus, of which (saith he) we now see no effect; which addeth to the wonder, that so wise a man should engage in the foolish wonder of the holy Maid of Kent. 5. The true cause of the ceasing of Miracles is not any want of Divine power to effect them, Why Miracles ceased. as if that infiniteness could ever, like Naomi, be superannuated and effete to have no more true wonders in the womb thereof, but because Miracles are the swaddling clothes of infant-Churches. And when Doctrines are once established and received in a Church, Miracles are impertinent: yea, it is no better than a tempting of God, after such assurance given long since to the Truth, still to expect a miraculous confirmation thereof. 6. Wherefore when the importunity of Papists presseth us to produce Miracles to atrest our Religion, The Magazine of Protestant Miracles. we return unto them, That ours is an old Faith founded long since on the Scriptures, and we may justly lay claim to all the Miracles in the New Testament to be ours, because done in demonstration of that Doctrine, which we at this day do defend, and are the Seals of that Instrument, the writing wherein we desire and endeavour to maintain and practise. 7. Such forgery must needs be an high and heinous offence. If the counterfeiting of the Mark, Tokens, Counterfeiting Miracles, a heinous offence. and Letters of others, so as to gain any money into their hands thereby, be punishable by Pillory, e Statute 33 of Henry. 8 Imprisonment, or any other corporal penalty under death, at the discretion of the Judge; yea, if it be Treason for any to forge the King's Sign Manual, Privy Signet, f Statute ● Marry. or Privy Seal, How great a guilt do they contract, who falsify the Signature of the high God of Heaven? Miracles being of that nature, whereby he immediately impresseth his own Power and Presence on that, which is so supernaturally brought to pass. 8. I know what such Forgers plead for themselves, viz: That they have a good intent therein to beget, The forgers Plea. continue, or increase a reverence to Religion, and veneration to the Saints and Servants of God, so to raise up vulgar fancies to the highest pitch of piety. Wherefore, as Lycurgus made a Law, not that Theft should be death, but death to be caught in their Thieving; so these conclude, counterfeiting Miracles no fault, but when done so bunglingly, that it is detected, conceiving otherwise the glory accreweth to God by their hypocrisy. 9 But, confuted. what saith the Holy Spirit? * Job 13. 7. Will you speak wickedly For God, and talk deceitfully For Him? will you accept his Person, will you yet contend for God? Do you so mock him, shall not his Excellency make you afraid? Yea, so fare is such fraud from adding repute to Religion, that being found out, it disposeth men to Atheism, and to a suspicion of the truth, even of the real Miracles in Scripture. 10. The pretended causes of which Miracles are generally reduceable to these two heads: The forgery in Relics, and the Cross especially. 1. Saint's Relics. 2. Saint's Images. How much forgery there is in the first of these is generally known; So many pieces being pretended of Christ's Cross as would load a great Ship, but amongst all of them, commend me to the Cross at the Priory of Benedictines at Bromeholme in Norfolk, the Legend whereof deserveth to be inserted: Queen Helen, they say, finding the CROSS of Christ at Jerusalem, divided it into nine parts, according to the nine Orders of Angels, of one of these (most besprinkled with Christ's blood she made a little Cross, and putting it into a box, adorned with precious stones, bestowed it on Constantine her Son. This Relict was kept by his Successors until Baldwin Emperor of Greece, (fortunate so long as he carried it about him, but) slain in fight when forgetting the same; after whose death, Hugh his Chaplain, (born in Norfolk, and who constantly said Prayers before the Cross) g Joh. Capgrave in the Life of K. Edmond. stole it away, Box and all, brought it into England and bestowed it on Bromeholme in Norfolk. It seems there is no felony in such wares, but catch who catch may; yea, such sacrilege is supererogation. By this Cross thirty nine dead men are said to be raised to life, and nineteen blind men restored to their sight. It seems such Merchant's trade much in odd numbers which best fasteneth the fancies of folk, whilst the smoothness of even numbers makes them slip the sooner out of men's memories. 11. Chemnisius h In his Exam. Con. tried. cap. de imag. pag. 1. affirmeth from the mouth of a grave Author, False teeth of Apollonia. That the teeth of Saint Apollonia being conceived effectual to cure the Toothache, in the Reign of King Edward the sixth, (when many ignorant people in England relied on that receipt to carry one of her teeth about them) the King gave command in extirpation of superstition, That all her teeth should be brought in to a public Officer deputed for that purpose, and they filled a Tun therewith. Were her stomach proportionable to her teeth, a County would scarce afford her a meals meat. 12. The English Nuns i Anatomy of the Nuns of Lisbon. at Lisbon do pretend, False Arms of Tho. Becket. That they have both the Arms of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury; and yet Pope Paul the third in a public Bull, set down by Sanders, k De schis. Angl. lib. 1. pag. 171. doth pitifully complain of the cruelty of King Henry the eighth, for causing the bones of Becket to be burnt, and the ashes scattered in the wind: the solemnity whereof is recorded in our Chronicles, and how his Arms should escape that Bonfire is to me incredible. 13. The late mentioning of Apollonia curing the Toothache, mindeth me of the Popish designing of Saints, Saints, their several employments. some to be Physicians of diseases, and others Patrons of occupations. S. Sebastian, cureth the Plague. S. Petronel, the Fever. S. Macurine, the Frenzy. S. Maine, the Scab. S. Genow, the Gout. S. Clare, the Sore-eyes. S. Crepin, protects Shoemaker's S. Roch, the Cobblers. S. Wendelin, the Shepherds. S. Pelaud, protects Neat-herds. S. Anthony, the Swineherds. S. Gertrude, the Rat-catcher's. S. Honour, the Bakers. S. Eloy, the Smiths. S. Luke, the Painters. S. Nicholas, the Mariners. S. Hubert, the Hunters. S. Lue, the Lawyers. Not to speak of S. Anne, proper to help people to lost goods: S. Leonard said to open the doors of Goals, and make Prisoners fetters fall off; and pity it is, that he should show a cast of his office to any save to honest Persons in durance. Expect not from me a reason why such Saints are Patrons to such Professions, superstitious fancy being all the Author thereof. Otherwise were Judgement consulted with, Luke should be Tutelar to Physicians as his proper calling, though perchance he entertained Painting also as a quality for delight and accomplishment. 14. Now most Miracles may be called Conventual, Miracles why most in Covents. Monks being more dexterous thereat than Secular Priests, because their Covents afforded greatest conveniency of contrivance, with more heads and hands to plot and practice therein. And this may be conceived one main cause, which justly incensed Divine jealousy against them, and in due time advanced the destruction of Monasteries, because fathering the issue of earth or Hell to be the offspring of Heaven, intituling their monstrous delusions to be miraculous operations. Of false Miracles, many broods whereof were hatched in Monasteries. SUch false Miracles are reducible to two Ranks: A Dichotomy of Miracles. 1. Reported, but never done. 2. Done, but not true Miracles, as either the Product of Nature, Art, or Satanical Machination. 2. Of the former, Reported not done. whose being is only in report, were many thousands, whose Scene, for the better countenancing thereof, is commonly laid at distance both of Time and Place. These, like the stuff called Stand-farre-off, must not have the beholder too near, lest the coarseness thereof doth appear. Thus any reddish liquor (especially if near the eyes of the Image of a Saint) is reported blood, any whitish moisture, (especially if near the breast of the Image of a she-Saint) is related to be milk. Though both of them neither more nor less true, than what William a Camb●. Brit. in Sussex. of Nuborough writes of the place near Battail-Abbey in Sussex, where the fight was fought between the Normans and English, that on every shower fresh blood springeth out of the earth, as crying to God for vengeance; being nothing else than a natural tincture of the earth, which doth die the rain red, as in Rutland, and in other places. 3. Of pretended Miracles which are really done, Done by Nature. let precedency be allowed to those which proceed from Natural causes, and here we will instance in one out of many thousands. St. Nun's Pool in Cornwell, was formerly famous for curing Mad folk, and this the manner thereof: 4. The Water running from St. Nuns Well, b Garew in his Survey of Cornwall, p. 123. fell into a square and close walled Plot, S. Nuns cure of mad men. which might be filled to what depth they listed. Upon the Wall was the Frantic person set, his back being towards the Pool, and from thence with a sudden blow on the breast tumbled headlong into the Pond: where a strong fellow (provided for the nonce) took him and tossed him up and down along and athwart the water, until the Patient foregoing his strength had somewhat forgot his fury. Then was he conveyed to the Church, and certain Masses said over him, and St. Nun had the thanks of his recovery. Amidst all this Water there was not one drop of Miracle, but mere natural causes artificially managed, and that not curing the frenzy, but abating the Fit for the present. 5. But other seeming Miracles, Occult qualities no miracles. done by Nature and the concurrence of Art, were spun with a finer thread, especially when they made advantage of occult qualities, the certain reason whereof no Philosopher can render. Such casualties happen in some times and places, which properly are not Miracles, though they puzel all men to assign the cause whereby they are effected. One of which kind I here transmit to posterity, invested with all the circumstances thereof, which I have carefully (not to say curiously) inquired into. 6. In the year of our lord 1646, A wonder a●in to a miracle in London. on the 16 of February, this happened in the Parish Church S. Leonard's Eastcheap, whilst Mr. Henry Roughborough was Minister, and Mr. John Taylor upper Church Warden thereof. Thomas Hill the Sexton of that Parish, making a Grave in the Nighttime for George Streaton in the Southside in the passage into the Chancel, and under the first Stone opened a Grave wherein he found two Skulls, and (as he conceived) the proportionable Bones of Bodies belonging unto them; under all these, he light on a Corpse, whose Coffin above was consumed, but the Body, which he brought out of the Grave, complete and entire, save that the Nose thereof flatted with his Spade, as the Sexton believed: The Flesh thereof, both for Colour and Hardness like Scalded Bacon dried: His Hair and Nails complete with his Eyes, (but sunk into his Head) and all his Enerails entire (for a young Chirurgeon did open him) save that shrunk very much within his Body. 7. Some said it was the Corpse of Mr. Pountney in Soper-lane, A Corpse unconsumed. a Merchant, buried Thirty four years before; others, of one Paul, a wealthy Butcher in East cheap, (which was averred both by his principal Apprentice, as also by William Hail the old surviving Sexton) interred Four and twenty years ago. I read a Memorial hereof entered in their Parish Register, and thousands of people are alive to attest the truth thereof. Had this happened in the time of Popery, what a Stock had here been to graft a Miracle on, the branches of the fame whereof would have spread all over Christendom. 8. Such false Miracles succeed which are effected by Art alone, Seeming miracles done by Art. whereof several kinds, first such as are done by confederacy, wherein if but five complete together, they may easily deceive five thousand. Thus the holy Maid of Kent was admired for telling men's secret sins, by keeping correspondency with the Friars that formerly had heard their confessions: others, done by Legerdemain. Thus there was a Road at Boxly in Kent made with devices to move the eyes and lips, (but not to see and speak) which in the year 1538, c Stows Chron. in that year. was publicly showed at S. Paul's by the Preacher (than Bishop of Rochester) and there broken in pieces, the people laughing at that which they adored but an hour before. Such imposture was also used at Hailes-Abbey in Gloucester shire, where the blood of a Duck (for such at appeared at the dissolving of the House) was so cunningly conveyed, that it strangely spirted or sprang up, to the great amazement of common people, accounting it the blood of our Saviour. 9 Thirdly, Mysterious Ventriloqui. strange things are done by Ventriloqui, which is a mysterious manner of uttering words, not out of the porch of the mouth & entry of the throat (the common places of speech) but out of the inward-room or rather arched-cellar of the belly, yet so that the hollowness thereof seemingly fixeth the sound at a distance, which (no doubt) hath been mistake for the voice of Images. 10. Lastly, such as are done by the power of Satan, who hath a high Title and large Territory, as termed Prince of d Ephes. 2. 2. the power of the air. Now the air being Satan's shop, he hath therein many tools to work with, and much matter to work on. It is the Magazine of Meteors, Lightning, Thunder, Snow, Hail, Winde, Rain, Comets, etc. wherewith many wonders may be achieved, and it is observable that Air is required to those two Senses sight and hearing which usher in most outward objects into the soul. False lights are of great advantage to such as vent bad wares: Satan's power must needs be great in presenting shows and sounds, who can order the air, and make it dark or light, or thick or thin, at pleasure. 11. We will conclude with one particular kind of Miracles, Plenty of false prophecies. wherein Monks by the Devil's help did drive a great trade: namely, Predictions, or pretended Prophecies. Of these some were Post-nate cunningly made after the thing came to pass, and that made the Invention of Prometheus, which was the act of Epemetheus. Others were languaged in such doubtful Expressions, that they bore a double sense, and commonly came to pass contrary to the ordinary acceptance of them. However, hereby Satan saved his credit (who loves to tell lies, but loathes to be taken in them) and we will only instance in two or three, which we may write and hear with the more patience, because the last in this kind, which at the dissolution of Abbeys, brought up the rest of Monastical Prophecies. 12. There was in Wales a great and Loobily Image, A Forrest-burning Image. called DARVELL GATHERNE, of which an old Prophecy went, That it should burn a Forest, and on that account was beheld by the Ignorant with much Veneration. Now at the dissolution of Abbeys it was brought up to London, and burnt at the Gallows in Smithfield, with Friar Forrest, executed for a Traitor. 13. A Prophecy was current in the Abbey of Glassenborough, Haret Delphinus in ulmo. That a Whiting should swim on the top of the Torr thereof, (which is a steep hill hard by, and the credulous Country▪ people understood it of an eruption of the Sea, which they suspected accordingly. It happened that Abbot Whiteing (the last of Glassenbury) was hanged thereon for his Recusancy to Surrender the Abbey, and denying the King's Supremacy, so swimming in air and not water, and waved with the wind in the place. 14. We will close all with the Prophetical Mottoes (at leastwise as men since have expounded them) of the three last successive Abbots of Gloucester, Prophetical Mottoes inscribed in Gloucester Church. because much of modesty, and something of piety contained therein. 1. Abbot Boulers, Memento, memento, that is, (as some will have it) Remember, remember this Abbey must be dissolved. 2. Abbot Sebruck, Fiat voluntas Domini, that is, if it must be dissolved, the will of the Lord be done. 3. Abbot Mauborn, Mersos reat● suscita, Raise up those which are drowned in guiltiness. Which some say was accomplished, when this Abbey found that favour from King Henry the eighth, to be raised into a Bishopric. But, I like the Text better than the Comment, and there is more humility in their Mottoes, than solidity in the Interpretations. That many precious Books were embezeled at the dissolution of Abbeys, to the irreparable loss of learning. THe English Monks were bookish of themselves, English Libraries excellently furnished. and much inclined to hoard up monuments of learning. Britain, (we know) is styled Another world, and in this contradistinction (though incomparably less in quantity) acquits itself well in proportion of famous Writers, producing almost as many Classical Schoolmen for her Natives, as all Europe besides. Other excellent Books of foreign Authors were brought hither, purchased at dear rates; if we consider that the Press (which now runs so incredibly fast) was in that Age in her infancy, newly able to go alone, there being then few Printed Books, in comparison of the many Manuscripts. These, if carefully collected and methodically compiled, would have amounted to a Library, exceeding that of ptolemy's, for plenty; or many Vaticans, for choiceness, and rarity. Yea, had they been transported beyond the seas, sent over, and sold entire to such who knew their value, and would preserve them, England's loss had been Europe's gain, and the detriment the less to Learning in general. Yea, many years after the English might have repurchased for pounds, what their Grandfathers sold for fewer pence into foreign parts. 2. But alas! The miserable martyrdom of innocent Books. those Abbeys were now sold to such Chapmen, in whom it was questionable, whether their ignorance, or avarice were greater, and they made havoc, and destruction of all. As Brokers in Long-lane, when they buy an old suit, buy the linings together with the outside: so it was conceived meet, that such as purchased the buildings of Monasteries, should in the same grant have the Libraries (the stuffing thereof) conveyed unto them. And now these ignorant owners, so long as they might keep a Lieger-book, or Terrier, by direction thereof to find such straggling acres as belonged unto them, they cared not to preserve any other Monuments. The covers of books, with curious brass bosses, and clasps, intended to protect, proved to betray them, being the baits of covetousness. And so, many excellent Authors, stripped out of their cases, were left naked, to be burnt, or thrown away. Thus Esop's cock, casually lighting on a pearl, preferred a grain before it; yet he left it as he found it; and, as he reaped no profit by the pearl, it received no damage by him. Whereas these cruel Cormorants, with their barbarous beaks, and greedy claws, rend, tore, and tattered these inestimable pieces of Antiquity. Who would think, that the Fathers should be condemned to such servile employment, as to be Scavengers, to make clean the foulest sink in men's bodies? Yea, which is worse, many an ancient manuscript Bible cut in pieces, to cover filthy Pamphlets: so that a case of Diamond hath been made to keep dirt within it; yea, the Wisemen of Gotham, bound up in the Wisdom of Solomon. 3. But hear how John Bale, John Bale lamentably bemoaneth th●●massacre. a man sufficiently averse from the least shadow of Popery, hating all Monkery with a perfect hatred, complained hereof to King Edward the sixth. a In his Declaration upon Leland's Journal, Anno 1549. Covetousness was at that time so busy about private commodity, that public Wealth in that most necessary, and of respect, was not any where regarded. A number of them, which purchased those superstitious mansions, reserved of those Library-books, some to serve their jakes, some to scour their candlesticks, and some to rub their boots; some they sold to the Grocers, and Soap sellers, and some they sent over sea to the Book binder's, not in small number, but at times whole ships full. Yea, the Universities of this Realm are not all clear in this detestable fact. But cursed is that belly, which seeketh to be fed with so ungodly gains, and so deeply shameth his natural Country. I know a Merchantman (which shall at this time be nameless) that bought the contents of two noble Libraries for forty shillings price, a shame it is to be spoken. This stuff hath he occupied instead of grey paper, by the space of more than these ten years, and yet he hath store enough for as many years to come. A prodigious example is this, and to be abhorred of all men, which love their Nations, as they should do. Yea, what may bring our Realm to more shame, and rebuke, than to have it noised abroad, that we are despisers of learning? I judge this to be true, and utter it with heaviness, that neither the Britain's, under the Romans, and Saxons; nor yet the English people under the Danes, and Normans, had ever such damage of their learned monuments, as we have seen in our time. Our posterity may well curse this wicked fact of our Age, this unreasonable spoil of England's most noble antiquities. 4. What soul can be so frozen, Learning recelveth an incurable wound by the loss of books. as not to melt into anger hereat? What heart, having the least spark of ingenuiry, is not hot at this indignity offered to literature? I deny not, but that in this heap of Books there was much rubbish. Legions of lying Legends, good for nothing but fuel, whose keeping would have caused the loss of much precious time, in reading them. I confess also, there were many volumes full fraught with superstition, which notwithstanding might be useful to learned men; except any will deny Apothecaries the privilege of keeping poison in their shops, when they can make antidotes of them. But be sides these, what beautiful Bibles? rare Fathers? subtle Schoolmen? useful Historians, ancient, middle, modern? what painful Comments were here amongst them? what monuments of Mathematics? all massacred together; seeing every book with a cross was condemned for Popish; with circles, for conjuring. Yea, I may say, that then holy Divinity was profaned; Physic itself, hurt; and a trespass, yea, a riot committed on the Law itself. And, more particularly, the History of former times, then, and there received a dangerous wound, whereof it halts at this day; and without hope of a perfect cure, must go a cripple to the grave. 5. Some would persuade us, N▪ anabaptistical humour but downright igno●anc● the cause thereof. that in all this there was a smack, or taste of Anabaptistical fury, which about this time began in Germany, where they destroyed the stately Libraries of Munster, and Osnabrude. Indeed, as the wicked tenants in the Gospel, thought themselves not safe in▪ and sure of the vineyard, till they had killed the heir, that so the inheritance might be their own; so the Anabaptists conceived themselves not in quiet possession of their Anarchy, and sufficiently established therein, whilst any learning did survive (which in process of time might recover its right against them) and therefore they bent their brains to the final extirpation thereof. But I am more charitably inclined to conceive, that simple ignorance, not fretted & embossed with malice, or affected hatred to learning, caused that desolation of Libraries in England: though perchance some there were, who conceived these books, as the c Judas v. 23. garment spotted with sin, had contracted such a guilt, being so long in the possession of superstitious-owners, that they deserved as an anathema, to be consigned to a perpetual destruction. 6. Some will say, ●ullen dispositions causelessly aggrieved. that herein I discover an hankering after the onions, and fleshpots of Egypt, and that the bemoaning the loss of these monuments, is no better than Lot's wives looking back, with a farewell-glance to the filthy City of Sodom. To such, I protest myself not to have the least inclination to the favour of Monkery. But enough. For, I know, some back-friends of learning there be, that take it ill, that we have jogged them in this discourse, and therefore we will let them alone to be settled quietly on the lees of their own ignorance, praying to God, that never good Library may lie at the mercy of their disposal; lest having the same advantage, they play the like prank, to the prejudice of Learning and Religion. Many good bargains, or rather, cheap pennyworths, bought of Abbey-lands. IF ever the Poet's fiction of a golden shower reigned into Danae her lap, The profuse gifts & grants of K. Henry. found a moral or real performance, it was now, at the diffipation of Abbey-lands. And, though we will not give hearing, or belief in full latitude of his slanderous pen, that reports, how King Henry (when ancient and diseased, choleric and curious in trifles) was wont to rewards such as d Sanders de Scbis. Angl. ordered His screen, or chair, in a convenient distance from the fire, so as to please Him, with the Church of some Abbey, or lead of some Church. Yet it is certain, that in this Age, small merits of Courtiers met with a prodigious recompense for their service. Not only all the cooks, but the meanest turn-broach in the King's kitchen, did lick his fingers. Yea, the King's servants, to the third and fourth degree, tasted of His liberality, it being but proportionable, that where the Master got the Manor in fee, his man under him should obtain some long Lease of a Farm of considerable value. 2. Indeed K. Henry (besides His own disposition to munificence) was doubly concerned to be bountiful herein. King Henry his engagement to liberality. First, in honour; for, seeing the Parliament with one breath had blown so much profit unto Him, and had with their suffrage conferred the harvest of Abbey-lands on the Crown; it was fitting that some (especially the principal Advancers of the business) should, with e Ruth 2. 16. Ruth, glean amongst the sheaves. Secondly, in policy; to make many, and great men, effectually sensible of the profit of this dissolution, and so engaged to defend it. Wherefore, as He took the greater flowers to garnish His own Crown: so He bestowed the less buds to beautify His Nobleman's Coronets. But, besides these, He passed Abbey lands in a fourfold nature to persons of meaner quality. 3. First, How Mr. Champernoun got the Priory of Sai● Germans. by free Gift. Herein take one story of many. Master * Cary's Survey of Cornwall, 〈◊〉. 100LS. John Champernoun, Son and Heir apparent of Sir Philip Champernoun, of Modbery in Devon, followed the Court, and by his pleasant conceits won good grace with the King. It happened, two or three Gentlemen, the King's servants, and Mr. Champernoun's acquaintance, waited at a door where the King was to pass forth, with purpose to beg of His Highness a large parcel of Abbey-lands, specified in their Petition. Champernoun was very inquisitive to know their suit, but they would not impart the nature thereof. This while our comes the King; they kneel down, so doth Mr. Champernoun (being assured by an implicit faith, that Courtiers would beg nothing hurtful to themselves) they prefer their Petition; the King grants it; they render Him humble thanks, and so doth Mr. Champernoun. Afterwards he requires his share, they deny it; he appeals to the King, the King avows His equal meaning in the Largesse. Whereupon, his companions were fain to allot this Gentleman the Priory of S. German in Cornwall (valued at g Speed. But quaere, whether he had all the land, or only the site of the Priory. two hundred forty three pound and eight shillings of yearly rent; since, by him, or his heirs, sold to Mr. Eliot) for his partage. Here a dumb beggar met with a blind giver, the one as little knowing what he asked, as the other what He granted. Thus King Henry made cursory Charters, and in transitu transacted Abbey-lands. I could add, how He gave a Religious house of some value, to Mistress for presenting Him with a dish of Puddings, which pleased His palate. 4. Secondly, How Sir Miles Partridge got Jesus bells. by Play. Whereat He lost many a thousand pound per annum. Once being at dice, He played with Sir Miles Partridge, (staking an hundred pounds against them) for h Stow's Survey of London in Farington▪ ward within 〈◊〉 Jesus Bells, hanging in a Steeple not fare from S. Paul's in London, and as great, and tuneable as any in the City, and lost them at a cast. I will not (with some) heighten the guilt of this act, equal to that which cast lots on Christ's garments; but sure it is no sin to say that such things deserved more serious and deliberate disposal. 5. Thirdly, Glau●us, and Diomodes his exchange. by Exchange. To make these chaps, none were frighted with the King's power, but flattered into them, by the apprehension of their own profit. For, many lands of subjects, either naturally bald, or newly shaved of their woods, were commu●ed for Granges of Abbeys, which like Satyrs, or Savages, were all over grown with trees and timber: besides other disadvantages, both for quantity and quality of ground, as enhanced for old rent. Oh! here was the Royal Exchange. 6. Lastly, Unconscionable under-sale of Abbey-lands. by sale at under-rates. Indeed, it is beneath a Prince (enough to break His state, to stoop to each Virgate and rod of ground) Pedlar-like to higgle for a toy by retail, and all Tenants, and Chapmen, which contract with Kings, expect good bargains; yet Officers entrusted to manage the revenue of the Crown, ought not to behold it abused out of all distance, in such under-valuations. Except any will say, He is not deceived who would be deceived, and King Henry (for the reason aforesaid) connived at such bargains; wherein rich Meadow was sold for barren Heath, great Oaks for Fewell, and Farms for revenue passed for Cottages in reputation. But for farther instruction, we remit the Reader to that information i Weaver's funeral Mon. pag. 125. presented to Queen Elizabeth by a man in authority (though nameless) of the several frauds and deceits offered the Crown in this kind. But the motion rather drew odium on the Author, than brought advantage to the Crown: partly, because of the number, and quality of persons concerned therein; and partly, because (after thirty years) the owners of Abbeys were often altered. And, though the chamber be the same, yet if the guests be a new company, it is hard for the host from them to recover his old arrearages. Yea, by this time (when the foresaid information was given in) the present possessors of much Abbey-land were as little allied to those, to whom King Henry granted them, as they, to whom the King first passed them, were of kin to the first Founders of those Monasteries. Of the actions of policy, piety, charity, and justice, done by King Henry the eighth, out of the revenues of dissolved Abbeys. WE would not willingly be accounted like those called the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amongst the Jews, Good, as well as bad, must be observed in mixed actions. whose office it was, only to take notice of the blots or blemishes, the defects and deformities in sacrifices. We would not weed King Henry's actions in His dissolving of Abbeys, so as only to mark the miscarriages, and misdemeanous therein. Come we to consider, what commendable deeds this King did raise on the ruins of Monasteries. 2. First, K. Henry augmented the Crown-revenues. He politicly increased the revenues of the Crown, and Duchy of Lancaster (on which He bestowed the rich Abbey of Fourness in that County) with annexing much land thereto, and erecting the Court of Augmentations (whereof largely hereafter) for the more methodical managing thereof; though (alas!) what the Crown possessed of Abbey-land, was nothing to what He passed away. Surely, had the revenues of Monasteries been entirely kept, and paid into the Exchequer, there to make an Aerarium sacrum, or Public treasury, it is questionable, whether the same had been more for the ease of the Subject, or use and honour of the Sovereign. 3. Secondly, Founded five new Bishoprics. He piously founded five Bishoprics de novo (besides one at West-minster which continued not) where none had been before. For, though anciently there had been a Bishop's Seat at Chester for a short time, yet it was then no better than the Summer-house of the Bishop of Lichfield (only during the life of one Peter living there) which now was solemnly made a Bishopric for succession, and four others, namely, Bishops See. Diocese assigned it. Taken from the Bishopric of 1. Oxford. 2. Bristol. 3. Peterborough. 4. Gloucester. 5. Chester. 1. Oxford shire. 2. Dorset, and some part of Gloucester shire. 3. Northampton shire, and Rutland. 4. Gloucester-shire, the rest. 5. Chester, Lancaster, and Richmond shire. 1. Lincoln. 2. Sarisbury. 3. Lincoln. 4. Worcester. 5. Lichfield, and York. Such who are Prelatically persuaded, must acknowledge these new foundations of the King's, for a worthy work. Those also of contrary judgement, will thus fare forth approve His act, because had He otherwise expended these Abbey-lands, and not continued them to our times in these new Bishoprics, they had not been in being, by their late sale, to supply the Commonwealth. 4. Thirdly, Monk's places turned into prebend's. where He found a Prior and Monks belonging to any ancient Cathedral-Church, there He converted the same into a Dean and Prebendaries; as in 1. Canterbury. 2. Winchester. 3. Elie. 4. Norwich. 5. Worcester. 6. Rochester. 7. Duresme. 8. Carlisle. I dare not say, that He entirely assigned (though a good a Godwin in Henry the 8. Anno 1539. Nothing was taken away. Author affirmeth it) all, or the most part of those Priorie-lands, to these His new foundations. However the expression of a late b Dr. Montague. Bishop of Norwich, is complained of, as uncivil, and untrue, that King Henry took away the sheep from that Cathedral, and did not restore so much as the trotters unto it. 5. Fourthly, Grammar-schools founded by Him. He charitably founded many Grammar-schools (great need whereof in that Age in this Land) as in Canterbury, Coventry, Worcester, etc. allowing liberal salaries to the Masters and Ushers therein, had they been carefully preserved. But sometimes the gifts of a bountiful Master shrink in the passage through the hands of a covetous Steward. 6. Fiftly, Hospitals by Him conferred on London. He charitably bestowed Grey Friars (now commonly called Christ-Church) and the Hospital of S. Bartholomew in London, on that City, for the relief of the poor thereof. For the death of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, His beloved Brother-in-Law, happening the July before, so impressed King Henry with a serious apprehension of His own mortality (such the sympathy of tempers, intimacy of converse, and no great disparity of age betwixt them) that He thought it high time to bethink Himself of His end, and to do some good work in order thereunto. Hereupon on the 13 of January following, Anno c Stow's Survey of London. pag. 417. 1546. He bestowed the said Hospitals on the City; a gift afterwards confirmed, and enlarged by King Edward the sixth. 7. Sixtly, Trinity College in Cambridge, and Professors places by Him endowed. He built and endowed the magnificent College of Trinity, finished Kings-Colledge Chappell-in Cambridge, and founded Professors places for Languages, Physic, Law, and Divinity, in both Universities; as in the proper place thereof shall hereafter largely appear. 8. Seventhly, Leland employed by Him to survey, collect, and preserve Antiquities. He employed John Leland, a most learned Antiquary, to perambulate, and visit the ruins of all Abbeys, and record the Memorables therein. It seems, though the buildings were destroyed, King Henry would have the bvilders preserved, and their memories transmitted to posterity. This task Leland performed with great pains, to his great praise, on the King's purse, who exhibited most bountifully unto him, as himself confesseth in these his Latin verses: Antè suos Phoebus radios ostendere mundo Desinet, & claras Cynthia pulchra faces: Ante fluet rapidum tacitis sine piscibus aequor, Spinifer & nullam sentis habebit avem: Antè sacrae quercus cessabunt spargere ramos, Floráque sollicitâ pingere prata manu: Quàm, Rex dive, tuum labatur pectore nostro Nomen, quod studiis, portus, & aura, meis. The Sun shall sooner cease his shine to show, And Moon deny her lamp to men below; The rapid seas shall sooner fishless slide, And bushes quite forget their birds to hid; Great oaks shall sooner cease to spread their bowers, And Flora for to paint the meads with flowers, Than Thou, Great King, shalt slip out of my breast, My studies gentle gale, and quiet rest. Pity is is, that Leland's worthy Collections were never made public in print; and some, justly to be praised for care in preserving, may as justly be taxed for envy in engrossing such monuments of Antiquity. But let us a little trace Leland's Itineraries, after he in writing had finished the same. First, his Collections came into the hand of Sir John Cheek, Schoolmaster, than Secretary to King Edward the sixth, leaving the same to Henry Cheek, his eldest son, Secretary to the Counsel in the North. Here our great Antiquary, who afterwards described Britain, got a sight, and made a good use thereof, it being most true, Si Lelandus non laborâsset, Camdenus non triumphâsset. From Mr. Cheek (by what transactions I know not) four of Leland's Works came into the possession of William Burton, as he confesseth in his Description of d Pag. 39, & 40. Leicester-shire, and by him were bestowed on the Public Library at Oxford, where the Original remains, and scarce so many Copies of them as properly may be called some, are at this day in private men's possessions. 9 This Leland, Read, and be thankful. Godwin in Henry the 8. Anno 1525. after the death of King Henry the eighth, his bountiful Patron, fell distracted, and so died; uncertain, whether his brains were broken with weight of work, or want of wages, the latter more likely; because after the death of King Henry, his endeavours met not with proportionable encouragement. By the way, we may sadly observe, that two of the best Scholars in this King's Reign (loved, and preferred by Him) died both mad, and bereft of their wits; Richard Peace, Dean of S. Paul's, and this Leland. Which I mark not our of ill will to the dead, to lessen their memory amongst men; but of good will to the living, to greaten their gratitude to God. Especially to Scholars, that God may preserve them in a sound e 2 Tim. 1. 7. mind, both in the Apostles high sense, and in the common acception thereof. The rather, because the finer the string, the sooner, if overstrained, is it broken. 10. He maintained many learned youths on great cost and charges, Intelligencers bred by Him beyond the seas. in all foreign Courts, and countries'. For, this was the fashion in His Reign, to select yearly one, or moe, of the most promising pregnancies our of both Universities, and to breed them beyond the seas on the King's exhibitions unto them. Sir Thomas f Cambd. Eliz. in An. 1577. Smith, bred in Queens-Colledge in Cambridge, and afterward principal Secretary to Queen Elizabeth, was one of the last, educated in this manner. These young men proved afterwards the picklocks of the Cabinet-Counsels of foreign Princes, no King having better intelligence, than King Henry, from beyond the seas. 11. Lastly, He justly paid a great yearly sum of money to many Monks, and Nuns, during their lives: the manner and condition of which Pensions we will now at large relate. Of the many and large Pensions constantly paid by King Henry, to Monks and Nuns, during their lives. 1. IT was in those days conceived highly injurious, The good nature of K. Henry herein. to thrust Monks and Nuns out of house and home, without assigning them any allowance for their subsistence. Alas! many of them dig they could not, and, to beg they were ashamed. Their fingers were, either too stiff (by reason of their old age) to begin now to bow to a manual trade; or hands too soft (because of their tender breeding) to take pain in a laborious vocation. And, although there wanted not some to persuade the King, to out them without any maintenance (it being but just they should practise real, who had professed seeming poverty) yet the King, better natured herein than some Courtiers, allowed, and duly paid, to some large, to most competent, to all certain annuities. 2. Indeed, High injustice to detain promised pensions. there cannot be an higher piece of unjustice, than for a King, or State, publicly to promise pensions to necessitous persons, and never perform the same; so that poor people shall have some hundreds in common report, and not one penny in real and effectual payment. For, first, the grant raiseth and erecteth the spirits of such Pensioners for the present, which soon after (tyranny so to torture them) sink, and settle down on the non-performance thereof. Secondly, such expectations often make people proportion their present expenses, according to those their hopes, to their great damage and detriment, yea, sometimes to their utter undoing. Thirdly, such noise of pensions granted, takes off from them the charity of their kindred and friends, as needless to persons presumed able to subsist of themselves. Not to speak, how much it lessens the reputation of a State, rendering them justly censurable, either of indiscretion in granting pensions where not deserved, or injustice in not paying them when granted. 3. Yet all persons were not promiscuously capable of the King's pensions, The first qualification of His Pensioners. but only those who were qualified accordingly. Namely, first, such as at the dissolution of their Abbeys, were not preferred to any other dignity, or Benefice. By the way, this was a temptation to the King, and Chancellor, ofttimes to prefer mean men (which formerly had been Monks, and Friars) to no mean Live, because (beside the general want of able Ministers) such Incumbents being so provided for, their pensions ceased, and the Exchequer was disburdened from future paving them any exhibition. 4. These pensions of the King were confirmed to the Monks and Nuns by his Letters Patents under the Broad Seal, A Copy of the King's Letters Patents for Pensions. and Registered in the Court of Augmentations: One Copy whereof we here insert, having seen some hundreds of them, all the same in essentials, not conceiving it impertinent to translate the same, desiring the Lawyers not to laugh at us if we miss the Legal terms, whilst we hit the true meaning thereof: HENRICUS Octavus, Dei gratia Angliae et Franciae Rex fidei defensor Dominus Hiberniae & in terra supremum caput Anglicanae Ecclesiae. Omnibus ad quos praesentes litterae pervenerint Salutem. Cum nuper Monasterium de Carthus de Hinton in Com nostro Summer. jam dissolvatur, unde quidam Edmundus Horde tempore dissolutionis illiꝰ et diu antea Prior inde fuit; Nos volentes rationabilem annualem pensionem sive promotionem condignam eidem Edmundo ad victum exhibitionem & sustentationem suam melius sustinendum provideri. Sciatis igitur quod nos in consideratione praemissorum de gratia nostra speciali ac ex certa scientia & meros motu nostris per advisamentum & consensum Cancellarit & consilii Curiae Augmentationum reventionum Coronae nostrae, dedimus & concessimus, ac per praesentes damus & concedimus eidem Edmundo quandam annuitatem sive annualem pensionem quadragint' quatuor librar' sterlingorum, babend, gaudendum & annuatim percipiendum easdem quadraginta quatuor libras praefato Edmundo & assignatis suis à festo Annuntiationis beatae Mariae virginis ultimo praeterito ad terminum & pro termino vitae ipsius Edmundi vel quosque idem Edmundus ad unum vel plura Beneficia Ecclesiastica, sive aliam promotionem condignam clari annui valoris quadragint' quatuor librarum aut ultra per nos promotus fuerit, tam per manus Thesaurarii reventionum augmentationum Coronae nostrae pro tempore existentis de Thesauro nostro in manibus suis de reventionibus praedictis remanere contingen' quam per manus receptor. exituum & reventionum dicti nuper Monasterii pro tempore existen' de eisdem exitibus & reventionbus ad festum Sancti Michaëlis Archangeli, & Anuntiationis beatae Mariae virgins, per aequales portiones. Et ulterius de uberiori gratia nostra, Dedimus & pro consideratione praedicta per praesentes concedimus praefato Edmundo Horde undecim libras sterlingorum habend, eidem Edmundo ex dono nostro per manus Thesaurarii praedicti de Thesauro praedicto vel per manus dicti Receptoris de exitibus & reventionibus maneriorum terrarum & tenementorum dicti nuper Monasterii solvend'. Eo quod expressa mentio de vero valore annuo, Aut de certitudine praemissorum, sive eorum alicujus aut de aliis donis sive concessionibus per nos praefato Edmundo ante haec tempora fact' in praesentibus minime fact' existit, aut aliquo statuto actu ordinatione provisione, sive restrictione in contrarium inde habit', fact', ordinat' seu provis', aut aliqua alia re causa, vel materia quacunque in aliquo non obstante. In cujus rei testimonium has Literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes. Tesse Ricardo rich Milite apud Westmonasterium vicesimo septimo die Aprilis, anno Regni nostri tricesimo primo. Duke Per Cancellarium & concilium Curiae Augmentationum Reventionum Coronae Regiae virtute warranti Regii. HENRY the Eighth, by the Grace of God, King of England and France, Defender of the Faith, Lord of Ireland, and supreme Head of the English Church on earth. To all to whom Our present Letters shall come Greeting. Whereas the Monastery of the Carthusions of Hinton in Our County of Somerset is now lately dissolved, whereof Edmond Horde was Prior at the time of the dissolution thereof, and long before; We are willing that a reasonable Pension annual, or suitable promotion should be provided for the said Edmond, the better to maintain and sustain him in diet and maintenance. Know therefore, that We, in consideration of the premises, out of Our special Grace and favour, certain knowledge, and Our mere motion, by the advice and consent of the Chancellor, and Counsel of the Court of Augmentations of the Revenues of Our Crown, Have given and granted, and by these presents do give and grant to the same Edmond an annuity or yearly Pension on of forty four pounds sterling: that the said forty four pounds may be had, enjoyed, or yearly received by the aforesaid Edmond, and his Assigns, from the Feast of the Annunciation of the blessed Virgin Mary last passed to the term and for the term of the life of the said Edmond, or until the said Edmond shall be preferred by Us to one or more Ecclesiastical Benefices or other suitable Promotion of the clear yearly value of forty four pounds or upwards, as well by the hands of the Treasurer of the Augmentations of the Revenues of Our Crown for the time being, out of Our treasure, which shall chance to remain in his hands, of the Revenues aforesaid; as from the Receiver of the profits and revenues of the said late Monastery for the time being, out of the said profits and Revenues at the feast of Saint Michael the Archangel, and the Anuntiation of the blessed Virgin Mary, by equal portions. And furthermore of Our more plentiful Grace, We have given, and for the consideration aforesaid by these presents do grant to the aforesaid Edmond Horde eleven pounds sterling, that the said Edmond may have it from Our gift by the hands of Our foresaid Treasurer of Our foresaid Treasure, or by the hands of Our foresaid Receiver to be paid out of the profits and Revenues of the Manors, Lands, and Tenements of the said late Monastery. any Statute, Act, Ordinance, promission, or restriction to the contrary, had, made, ordained, or provided, or any other matter, cause, or thing whatsoever in any wise notwithstanding. In testimony whereof We have made these Our Letters Patents, witness Richard Rich Knight, at Westminster, the twenty seventh day of April, in the one and thirtieth of Our Reign. Duke By the Chancellor and Council of the Court of Augmentations of the Revenues of the Crown by virtue of the King's Warrant. See we here the payment to this Prior consisted of two Sums of several natures or conditions: Namely, 1. The forty four pounds being properly the Pension paid yearly unto him. 2. The additional eleven pounds, granted with an ulterius, paid but once as advance-money, to fit him with necessaries at his departure out of the Covent. This is observable in all the Patents I have seen, That constantly the King's gratuity for their vale (some small fractions excepted) bears the proportion of a fourth part of their yearly Pension. 5. Suppose then this our Prior preferred to a Church Dignity, What Church Live were inconsistent with Pensions. or Living, amounting very near, but not to the full value of forty four pounds yearly, this did not avoid his Pension; but that he might hold it and his Living together. Wherefore, as it was the desire and endeavour of every Monk so advanced, to beat down the value of his Church-Living as low as might be (thereby to render himself capable of it and his Pension) so was it the proper work of the King's Officers in the Augmentation Court truly to state the valuation of the Live of such Pensioners, that the Crown might not be defrauded. Where, by the way, I conceive Live were estimated not according to the favourable rates in the King's Book (where few of forty four pounds per annum) but according to the ordinary value as they were worth to be let and set in that Age. 6. Here feign would I be satisfied from some Learned in the Laws, A Quaere propounded. That whereas provision is made in this Patent for the Prior to enjoy his Pension until per nos by the King's self, or His under-Officers, he was preferred to promotion of equal value, whether or no this Pension determined, if not the King, but some inferior Patron provided such preferment for him. Seeing in a general sense all may be said, presented by the King, as Patron Paramount of the Church of England, who by virtue of His Law have institution and induction into any Ecclesiastical promotion. 7. That effectual passage is inserted in all Patents of Abbots, Seniority in Covents an advantage. Priors, and Monks, that they were in the Covent Diu antea, Long before the Dissolution thereof. Otherwise many young folk who lately came in, even barely went out, without any Pensions. Such Novices and Probationers, whose Cowls came but yesterday out of the Draper's shop, having youth and strength to provide for themselves, were left to the choice of their own calling, without any other annuity allowed them. 8. Their Pensions, Many Pensions mount to much money. though seeming but small, being many in number, made a deep hole in the King's revenue, insomuch that He received from some Houses but small profits de claro until the said Pensions were extinguished: As will appear (guess Hercules from his Foot) by comparing the Profits arising from, with the Pensions allotted to the Monks in the aforesaid Priory of Hinton in Somersetshire. Edmond Hord Prior, his Pension 44 li. his Gratuity 11 li. Monks. Pensions. Gratuity. Monks. Pensions. Pensions. Grat. li. s. d. li. s. d. li. s. d. li. s. d. Thomas Fletcher 6 13 4 1 13 4 William Reynold 6 13 8 1 13 4 William Burford 6 13 4 1 13 3 Robert Savage 6 13 4 1 13 4 Hugh Layco●ke 8 00 0 2 00 0 Will: Robinson 2 00 0 0 10 0 Robert Frye 6 13 4 1 13 4 Jo: Chamberlain 6 13 4 1 13 4 Jo: Bachcroft 8 00 0 2 00 0 William Coke 6 13 4 1 13 4 Robert Russell 2 00 0 0 10 0 James Marble 6 13 4 1 13 4 Robert Lightfoot 2 00 0 0 10 0 Roger Legge 2 00 0 0 10 0 Robert Nolinge 6 13 4 1 13 4 Hen: Bourman 6 13 4 1 13 4 Henry Gurney 6 13 4 1 13 4 John Calert 2 00 0 0 10 0 Thomas Hellyer 6 13 4 1 13 4 Robert Stamerdon 6 13 4 1 13 4 Nicholas Baland 6 13 4 1 13 4 li. s. d. li. s. d. The total sum of yearly Pensions 163 6 8 The total sum of Grat. 40 16 9 Now whereas the Priory of Hinton, at the dissolution thereof, was valued at no more than two * Speed in his Catalogue of religious Houses, pag. 707. hundred sixty two pounds twelve shillings; if the aforesaid sum of yearly Pensions be thence deducted, the clear remainder to the King was but ninety nine pounds five shillings four pence. But the Crown had a double advantage: One, that Priory-Lands were lasting, whilst Pensions expired with Monks lives: and the other, that the pensions were but bare Penny-Rent, whilst Abbey-Lands were lowly rated fare beneath their true valuation. 9 Now because our hand is in, The Pensions of the Abbots in Somerset. and I for the present can make use of an Authentic Manuscript (once Henry Baron Hunsdon's Lord Chamberlain) Kindly communicated to me by a worthy * Mr. Edward Pepis of the Temple. friend of all the Pensions in Somerset-shire, it will not be amiss to exemplify such as were allotted to the several Abbots and Priors therein. Place. Abbot. Pension. Gratuity. li. s. d. li. s. d. Athelnye. R. Hamlyn 50 00 00 the Prebend of Sutton. Briston. Jo: Ely 80 00 00 20 00 00 Keynsham. Jo. Stoneston 60 00 00 00 00 00 Place. Prior. Pension. Gratuity. li. s. d. li. s. d. Bath. William Gibby 08 00 00 an House in Bath. Montacute. R. Whitlocke * Besides the Capitol Message in East Ghynock. 80 00 00 20 00 00 Taunton. W. Williams 60 00 00 30 00 00 Witham Jo. Michael 33 06 08 08 06 08 Place. Master. Pension. Gratuity. li. s. d. li. s. d. Bridgwater. Ro. Walshe 33 06 08 16 13 04 Wells. Ric. Clarkeson 12 00 00 00 00 00 These two last were Hospitals. The aforesaid Book reacheth not Bristol, because not properly in Somerset-shire, but a County Incorporate by itself. As for Whiteing, late Abbot of Glassenbury, he was executed for a Traitor, and so his Pensions paid. No mention therein of the Prior of Mucchelnye, whose place may be presumed void by his death, or he otherwise preferred. 10. We may observe great inequality in these Pensions, Pensions go by favour. not measured as the Jews Manna by one and the same Homer, but increased or diminished: 1. According to the wealth of the house dissolved. For where more profit accrued to the King by the suppressions, their larger Pensions were allowed to the Prior or Monk thereof. 2. According to the merits of the man. 3. According to his age and impotency needing relief. Lastly, and chief according as the Parties were befriended by the King's Officers in the Augmentation-Court; wherein as in all other Courts, favour ever was, is, and will be in fashion. 11. But of all Pensions, Largest Pensions allotted the Hospitallers. the largest in proportion, and strongest in conveyance (as passed not as the rest by Letters Patents, but by Act of Parliament) were those assigned to the late Lord Prior, and those of the Order of the Knight's Hospitalars. These being men of high birth and honourable breeding; The King no less politicly than civilly thought fit to enlarge their allowance (a main motive which made them so quietly to surrender their strong and rich Hospitals) as in the printed * An. 32 Hen. 8. cap. 24. Statute doth appear. li. s. d. To Sir William Weston Lord Prior 1000 00 00 To Sir Jo: Rawson * He was Prior of Kilman in Ireland. 666 13 04 Confreres. Pensions. li. s. s. Clement West 200 00 00 Jo: Sutton 200 00 00 Richard Poole 133 06 08 Jo: Rawson 133 06 08 Gyles Russell 100 00 00 Geo: Aylmer 100 00 00 Edw: Belnigham 100 00 00 Thomas Pemberton 080 00 00 Edmund Huse 066 13 04 Ambrose Cave. 066 13 04 Rich: Brooke 066 13 04 Cuthbert Leighton 060 00 00 Thomas Copledike 050 00 00 Edw: Brown 050 00 00 William Tirell 0●0 00 00 To Anthony Rogers, Oswald Massingberd, etc. ten pounds a piece yearly to be paid, as all the former Pensions, during their natural lives. In the same Statute it is provided, that John Maplesden, Clerk, Subprior of the said Hospital; William Ermsteed, Clerk, Master of the Temple in London; Walter Limsey, and John Winter, Chaplains there, should every one of them have, receive, and enjoy, (the said Master and two Chaplains of the Temple doing their duties and services there during their lives) all such Mansion-houses, stipends, wages, with all other profits of money in as large and ample manner as they were accustomed to do. 12. No mention (as in other Patents) of any Gratuities in ready moneys given unto them, Stout hearts can bear the less grief. which probably cast into their Pensions, made them mount so high. As for the thousand pounds yearly allowed Sir Will: Weston, not one penny thereof was paid, he dying the next day (the House of his Hospital * Weaver, Fun. Mon. p. 460. and of his Earthly Tabernacle being dissolved both together) Soul-smitten with Sorrow, Gold, though a great Cordial, being not able to cure a Broken heart. 13. We will here present a Female-Patent of the Pension allowed to the Abbess of Buckland, The Patent for a Pension to the Prioress of Buckland. though in all essentials very like unto the Former. HENRICUS Octavus, Dei gratia, etc. Cum nuper Monasterium de Buckland in Com' nostro Som' jam dissolvatur, unde quaedam Katherine Bowser tempore dissolutionis illius & dicti antea Priorina inde fuit. Nos volentes rationabilem annualem Pensionem sive promotionnem condignam eidem Katherinae ad victum exhibitionem & sustentationem suam melius sustinendum providers. Sciatis igitur quod nos in consideratione praemissorum de Gratia nostra speciali ac ex-certa scientia & mero motu nostris per advisamentum & concensum Can●ellari● & Concilii Curiae Augment' reventionum Coronae nostrae Dedimus & concessimus at per praesentes damus & concedimus eidem Katherinae quandom anno itatem sive annualem Pensionem quinquaginta librarum sterlingorum, iabendum g●●dendum & annuatim percipiendum easdem quinquaginta libr' praefat' Katherinae & assignatis suis a festo Annuntiationis beata Mariae virginis ultimo praterito, ad terminum vitae ipsus Katherinae tam per manus Thesaurarii nostri Reventionum augmentationum Corona nostra pradict pro tempore existen' de Thesauro nostro in manibus suis de reventionibus praedict' remanere contingen' quam per manus Receptor' Exituum & reventionum dict' nuper Maner' pro tempore existen' de eisdem exit' & reventionibus ad festum Sancti Michaëlis Archangeli & Annuntiationis beatae Mariae virginis per aequales portiones solvendum. Et ulterius de uberiori Gratia nostra, Damus & pro consideratione praedicta per praesentes concedimus prafatae Katherinae viginti quinque libr' sterlingor' Habend' eldem Katherinae ex dono nostro per manus dict' Thesauraii de Thesaure praedicto, vel per manus dict' Receptoris de exitibus & reventionibus Maneriorum terrarum & tenementorum dicti nuper Monasterii solvend'. Eo quod expressa mentio, etc. In cujus Rei testimonium, etc. Teste Richardo rich Milite apud Westmonasterium decimo die Maii, Anno Regni nostri tricesimo primo. HENRY the Eighth, by the Grace of God, etc. whereas the late Monastery of Buckland, in Our County of Somerset, is now lately dissolved; whereas one Katherine Bowser was Prioress at the time of the dissolution thereof, and long before. We are willing that a reasonable Pension annual, or suitable promotion should be provided for the said Katherine, the better to sustain her in diet and maintenance: Know therefore, that We in consideration of the premises of Our special Grace and certain Knowledge, and Our own mere motion by the advice and consent of the Chancellor and Counsel of the Court of Augmentations of the Revenues of Our Crown, Have given and granted, and by these presents do give and grant unto the said Katherine a certain annuity or annual Pension of fifty pounds sterling, That the said Katherine or her assigns, may have, enjoy, or yearly receive the said fifty pounds from the Feast of the Annunciation of the blessed Virgin Mary last passed for the term of the life of the said Katherine, as well by the hands of Our Treasurer of the Augmentation of the Revenue of Our Crown for the time being out of Our Treasure which shall happen to remain in his hands out of the Revenues aforesaid, as by the hands of the Receiver of the profits and revenues of the said late Monastery for the time being out of the said profits and revenues at the feast of S. Michael the Archangel, and the Annunciation of the blessed Virgin Mary, to be paid by equal portions. And furthermore of Our more plentiful Grace, and for the considerations aforesaid, We give, and by these presents do grant to the aforesaid Katherine twenty five pounds sterling for the said Katherine to have of Our proper gift by the hands of Our foresaid Treasurer out of Our treasury aforesaid, or by Our said Receiver to be paid out of the profits & revenues of the Manors, Lands, and Tenements of the said late Monastery, because that express mention, etc. In witness whereof, etc. Witness Rich: Rich Knights, at Westminster, the tenth of May, in the thirty first year of Our Reign. There are but two considerable differences betwixt this and the former Patent: 1. Whereas Pensions allotted to Priors and Monks were conditional, as determinable upon their preferment to Ecclesiastical promotion of equal value; this to the Prioress (as to all Nuns) was absolute for term of life, Women being not capable of any Church-advancement. Secondly, whereas the Gratuity allotted to Monks generally, amounted to a fourth part of their Pension; this to the Prioress was double as much as a just moiety thereof. Whether this proceeded from the King's courtesy to the weaker Sex, or because Mundus Muliebris, there was such a world of Tackling required to Rig and Launch them forth to shift for themselves in a Secular life. 14. But as for ordinary Nuns, Youth and strength accounted a pension to itself. we find that four pounds' Pension, and forty shillings Gratuity, was generally their provision, and that only for those qualified with a Diu antea, that they had been in the Covent a long time before the dissolution thereof, otherwise I meet with no Portions to those that lately were entered into the Houses, being outed, and left at large, to practise the Apostles * 1 Tim. 5. 14. precept, I will that the younger women marry, bear children, guide the house, etc. 15. The vivacity of some of these Pensioners is little least than a Miracle, M●thusalah. Pensioners. they survived so long. For though none will say, they lived out of despite to anger the King to pay their Pensions, surely none so highly affected Him as to die in duty to exonerate His Exchequer of their Annuity. Isabella Sackvile, Lady Prioress of Clarkenwell, is an eminent instance of longevity in this kind. For, 1. In the one and twentieth of King Henry the seventh, she was a * To be seen in the pedigree of the Barl of Dorset, Weaver fun, Mon. pag. 429. Nun in Clarkenwell-Priory, when a Legacy was bequeathed her as Niece by William Sackvile Esquire, and must be then conceived fifteen years of age. 2. She was the last Prioress of Clarkenwell, at the dissolution thereof. 3. She died in the twelfth of Queen Elizabeth, (as appears by her Epitaph in Clarkenwell-Church) and by Computation must be allowed Eighty years of age. But fare older was that Monk or Nun (I am * Attested by 〈◊〉 Pymme's Kinsman to Godfrey Bp. of Gloucester. See his printed Paper. assured of the Story, not the Sex) to whom Living in or near Hampshire, Mr. John Pymme, than an Officer in the Exchequer, paid the last payment of his Pension about the fift year of King James. SECTION VI. DOMINO THOMAE TREVOR Juniori, Equiti Aurato. MVlti sunt praeproperi Haeredes, qui nimiâ parentum vivacitate cruciantur. Hi languidâ expectatione macrescunt, postquam Rura Paterna spe vanâ devoraverant. At Tu è contra, Venerandi Patris tui Canitiem (si fieri posset) immortalem reddere conaris, cum eam perpetuo Obsequio, humilime colas, quo, efficacius Kardiacum, ad Senectutem ejus elongandam nequit confici. Non in Patris, sed ●undi senescentis Annos inquiris, cum Historiâ plurimum delecteris, cujus open, si Praeterita cum Praesentibus conferantur, conjectura de Futuris statui potest, quo nomine, hoc opus nostrum tibi non ingratum fore confido. Deus ●e, Lectissimâmque Conjugem beat prole patrizante, non tam privato commodo, quàm Bono Publico, ne Respulica tantarum virtutum Haeredi destituatur. Of the Erection, Officers, Use, Continuance, and Abolishing of the Court of Augmentation. DUring the scuffling for Abbey-land, Augmentation Court when erected. in the 27 year of King Henry the eighth, the Court of Augmentation was set up by Act of Parliament to be a Court of Record, and to have an authentic Great Seal besides a Privy Seal, and several Officers appointed for management thereof, with large fees allowed unto them. I find the same exemplified in a fair velum Manuscript, which lately was Archbishop Parkers; since the Lord Coke, whence I transcribed as followeth. Sir Rich: Sackvile, Chancellor, three hundred pounds yearly Fee, forty pounds Diet, and six shillings eight pence for every Seal. Sir Jo: Williams, Treasurer, three hundred and twenty pounds Fee. Sir Will: Cavendish, Treasurer, of the King's Chamber, one hundred pounds Fee, one hundred pound Diet, and ten pounds' Boat-hire. Sir Thomas Moyle Sir Walter Mildmay General Receivers, to each two hundred pounds' Fee, and twenty pounds Diet. Rich: Goodrig Attorney, one hundred pounds Fee, and twenty marks Diet. Jo: Gosnall Solicitor, eighty pound Fee, Diet twenty marks. Besides Masters, and Surveyors of the woods, Clerks, Keepers of Records, Ushers, Messengers, Assistants, Carpenter and Mason to the Court, Auditors, Receivers, Surveyors, woodward's for every County, the total sum of their Fees yearly amounting unto Seven thousand two hundred forty nine pounds ten shillings and three pence. This Catalogue by the persons mentioned therein, seems taken towards the end of Edward the sixth, when the Court began to decline. 2. It belonged unto this Court to order, The employment of the Officers in this Court. survey, and govern, sell, let, set all Manors, lands, tenements, rents, services, tithes, pensions, portions, advowsons, patronages, and all hereditaments formerly belonging to Priories, and since their dissolution to the Crown, as in the printed Statute * An. 17 Hen 8. cap. 27. more largely doth appear. All persons holding any Leases, Pensions, Corodies, etc. by former grants from the Covents came into the Court, produced their Deeds, and upon examination of the validity, thereof had the same allowed unto them. And although providence for themselves, and affection to their kindred, prompted many Friars and Covents foreseeing their rottering condition to antedate Leases to their friends just at the dissolution, yet were they so frighted with fear of discovery, that very few frauds in that kind were committed. The Court was very tender in continuing any Leases upon that least legal consideration. 3. But after some continuance of this Court, Motives for the dissolution of this Court. the King's urgent occasions could not stay for the slow coming in of money from the yearly Revenues of Abbey-land, insomuch that He was necessitated to sell outright a great part of those Lands for the present advance of Treasure, and thereby quickly was the Court of Augmentation diminished. The King therefore took into consideration to dissolve it as superfluous, wherein the Officers were many, their Pensions great, Crown profits thereby small, and Causes therein depending few, so that it was not worth the while to keep up a Mill to grind that grist, where the Toll would not quit cost. It was therefore resolved to stop up this by stream, that all causes therein should run in the ancient channel of the former Courts of Westminster. 4. Indeed in the 7 of King Edw. 6. Finally, dissolved in the first year of Queen Mary. a doubt did arise amongst the Learned in the Laws, whether the Court of Augmentation, the Commencement whereof was first had by authority of Parliament, would legally be dissolved, extinguished, and repealed by the King's Letters Patents? And the Officers thereof (wonder not if they stickled for their own concernments) did zealously engage on the Negative. Wherefore it was enacted by Parliament, That the King, during His natural life, had present power by His Letters Patents to alter, unite, annex, reduce, or dissolve any of those new erected Courts by His own Letters Patents: And the same Act was confirmed in the first year of Queen Mary, when the short-lived Court of Augmentation was dissolved, as which, from the birth thereof 1535, to the extinguishing 1553, survived but eighteen years. The Lands of Chanteries, free Chapels, and Colleges dissolved. KIng Henry the eighth his expenses like sandy ground, Prodigality always wanteth. suddenly sucked up the large shower of Abbey lands, and little sign or show was seen thereof: yea, such the parching thirst of his pressing occasions, that still they called aloud for more moisture, for whose satisfaction the Parliament in the 38 year of His Reign put the Lands of all Colleges, Chanteries, and free Chapels in His Majesty's full disposition. 2. This King made three meals, King Henry's three meals on Abbey-lands. or (if you will) one meal of three courses on Abbey-lands, besides what Cardinal Wolsey (the King's Taster herein) had eat beforehand, when assuming smaller Houses to endow his two Colleges. 1. When Religious Houses under two hundred pounds a year ● Anno 1535 were granted to Him by the Parliament. 2. When all greater Monasteries ● 1538 3. When Colleges, Chanteries, and Free Chapels— 1545 The first of these were most in Number; the second, richest in Revenue; the third, in this respect better than both the former, because they being spent and consumed, these alone were left to supply His occasions. 3. The Universities were more scared than hurt at the news of all Colleges put into the King's disposal. The Universities fears. They knew that Barbarism itself had mischievous natural Logic to make those General words reach fare, especially if covetousness of some Officers might be permitted to stretch them: whereupon, they * Lord Herbert in H. 8 p. 537. made their humble and seasonable addresses to the King for His favour. 4. None ever rob the Muses who were well acquainted with them. Happily turned into joy and thankfulness. King Henry had too much Scholarship to wrong Scholars. Either University was so fare from being impaired that both were improved by His bounty with Pensions for the places of their Public Professors; yea, the fairest College in either University in effect acknowledges Him for its Founder. 5. Such Colleges as were Hives of Drones (not of Bees, What Chanters &c. were. industriously advancing Learning and Religion) were now intended to be suppressed with free Chapels and Chanteries. 1. Chanteries consisted of Salaries allowed to one or more Priests to say daily Mass for the Souls of their deceased Founders and their Friends. These were Adjectives, not able to stand of themselves, and therefore united (for their better support) to some Parochial, Collegiate, or Cathedral Church. 2. Free Chappells, though for the same use and service, were of a more substantial and firm constitution, as independent of themselves. 3. Colleges were of the same nature with the former, but more considerable in bigness, building, number of Priests and endowments. But the ensuing death of King Henry the eighth, for a time, preserved the life of these Houses, which were totally demolished by Act of Parliament in the first year of King Edward the sixth. 6. One may observe, Two Statutes on different considerations. that the two Statutes made for the dissolving of these Houses, were bestowed on different considerations. Statute 37 Hen. 8. cap. 4. Statute 1 Edwardi 6. cap. 14. Chargeth Misdemeanours on the Priests and Governors of the aforesaid Chanteries, that of their own Authority without the assent of their Patrons, Donours, or Founders, they had let Leases for Lives, or term of years of their said Lands, and some had suffered Recoveries, levied Fines, and made Feoffments and other Conveyances: Contrary to the will and purposes of their Founders, to the great contempt of Authority Royal. Wherefore in consideration of His Majesty's great costs and charges in His present Wars with France and Scotland, the Parliament put Him and His Successors for ever, in the real and actual possession of such Chanteries, etc. Mentioneth the Superstitious uses of these Houses, considering that a great part of Errors of Christian Religion hath been brought into the minds and estimation of men by reason of the Ignorance of their very true and perfect Salvation through the death of Christ, and by devising and fancying vain opinions of Purgatory and Masses satisfactory for the dead. Wherefore, that the said Lands might be altered for better uses, viz: Erecting Grammar-Schools, augmentation of the Universities, and provision for the Poor: the Parliament bestowed them on the King, by His Council, to dispose of the same accordingly. 7. To begin with Chanteries, Forty seven Chanteries in Saint Paul's Church, London. their exact number in all England is unknown But, if Hercules may, by a Mathematician, be measured from his foot, a probable conjecture may be made of them, from those which we find founded in the Cathedral Church of S. Paul's in London. For, on the nineteenth of April, in the second year of King Edward the sixth, a Certificate was returned by the Dean and Chapter of Paul's to His Highness' Commissioners appointed for that purpose, affirming, That they had forty seven Chanteries within their Church. We will only instance in the odd seven, enough to acquaint us with the nature of all the rest. Chaunterie of Founded by For To pray for In S. Paul's Church, Present Incumbents. Revenue. 1. John Beauchamp Knight. Himself in his life-time. One Chaplain. The said Sir Io. and the souls of the Progenitors of the Earl of Warwick. Next to the Founders Tomb. Sir Richard Strange. lib. s. d Sum. tot. 12 08 08 Deduct. 09 06 08 Remain. 02 18 08 2. Sir John Poultney, Knight, Citizen of London. His own last Will and Testament, in 23 of Edward the third. Three Priests. His own, and all Christian souls In a Chapel by him built on the North side of the Church. 1. Sir Fulk Witney. 2. Sir john Richardson. 3. Sir john Blosse Sum. tot. 47 09 04 Deduct: 39 17 08 Remain. 07 12 06 3. John Duke of Lan●aster. Ralph Nevil, E. of Westmoreland; Tho. E. of Worcester, Executors to the Duke, licenced by King Hen. 4. In the 13 of His Reign. Two Chaplains King Henry the fourth then living, and the soul of the aforesaid Duke of Lancaster. In a Chapel by them built on the North of the Church 1. Sir Rich. Smith. 2. Sir Roger Charlson. Sum. tot. 20 00 00 Deduct. 16 06 08 Remain. 03 13 04 4. Walter Sherington. The Executors of his Testament licenced by Ki. Henry the sixth, in the 24 of his Reign. Two Chaplains Englishmen, and Graduates. The good estate of King Henry the sixth, the soul of Walter Sherington. In a Chapel built for him at the North door of the Church. Mr. Thomas Batemansonne. Mr. john Wylmy. Sum. tot. 20 00 00 Deduct. 16 00 00 Remain. 02 00 00 5. Thomas More, sometime Dean of the Church. His Executors. Three Priests. The soul of the said More, and others. In the Chapel of S. Anne. Sir Richard Gates. Sir Robert Garret. Sir Morrice Griffith. Sum. tot. 67 00 06 Deduct. 55 00 11 3/4 Remain. 12 05 00 1/4 6. Walter Thorpe. His Executors. One Chaplain. The soul of the said Thorpe. At S John's Altar. Sir Richard Nelson. Sum. tot. 11 16 00 Deduct. 05 04 08 1/1 Remain. 06 11 03 1/2 7. Richard Fitz Jams Bishop of London. Henry Hill, Citizen and Haberdasher in the 13 of Henry 8. One Chaplain. Richard Fitz james, Bishop of London. At S. Paul's Altar. Sir john Hill. Sum. tot. 14 06 08 Deduct. 14 06 08 Remain. 00 00 00 Know Reader, I am beholding for my exact intelligence herein, to my worthy friend Mr. Thomas Hanson, who not only lent much light to my lamp, out of choice Records (some in his possession, moe in his custody) but also hath given much oil thereunto, in his bountiful encouraging of my endeavours. It seems the Chapter would not go to the cost of true Arithmetic, some of the sums being not rightly deducted; whose mistakes I chose rather to follow, than to vary any whit from the Original. 8. Observe in these Chanteries, Chanteries when they began by Royal licence. some were not, some were licenced by the King. For, before the Statute of Mortmain, made by King Edward the third, to be able and willing was all the licence, requisite in any to found a chantry. Since which time a Charter must be obtained from the King, to pass lands of such nature and value, to Persons so qualified. Observe, (call it the religious compliment, or mannerly devotion of those days) that the Chantery-Priests (whosoever their Founders were) prayed first for the good estate of that King living, and His soul after death, who first granted leave and licence for that foundation. 9 See how the Church of Saint Paul was be-Altared in that Age, The Altar in S. Paul's scarce to be seen for Altars. wherein we find no fewer than fourteen, with their several dedications, viz. The Altar of 1. The Trinity. 2. The Virgin Marie. 3. Michael the Archangel. 4. The Apostles. 5. S. Andrew. 6. S. John. 7. S. Paul. 8. S. Thomas. 9 Marry Magdalene. 10. Martha, and Mary Magdalene. 11. S. Erkenwald. 12. S. Chad. 13. S. Radigund. 14. S. Silvester. And it is observable, that almost every one of these forty and seven Chanteries, founded in S. Paul's Church, had their Priest officiating either in several Chapels, or at several Altars, probably not to distrub each other in their private celebrations. But find not any Chantery-Priests assigned to do service at the high Altar indeed; either, because that place was reserved as proper to the Dignitaries of the Cathedral, or because the solemnity and merit thereof was equally extensive to all souls in general, unfit to be confined to any particular parties deceased, how great soever. 10. Such Priests as have the addition of Sir before their Christian-name, More Sirs, than Knights. were men not graduated in the University, being in Orders, but not in Degrees; whilst others entitled Masters, had commenced in the Arts. Note, that generally, Founders of Chanteries preferred Priests not beneficed to those places, as best at leisure constantly to attend the same. Nor did their dead Founders so ingroffe the devotion of those Priests, but that by general and special Obits for other men, Procession-pences, and other perquisites, they much bettered their maintenance. Single Priests commonly had the greatest Salaries (more in proportion than when others were joined with them in the same Society) because tied to daily duty, having none by turns to relieve them, and the greater work deserved the greater wages. 11. Many Deductions and Resolutions were made by the Dean and Chapter, Deductions out of chantry revenues. out of the lands wherewith every chantry was endowed, besides the Salary paid to the Chaplains, as for quitrents, and tenths to the King, pensions to Choristers, etc. But one general expense was for an Anniversary Potation (seldom exceeding ten shillings) founded, as it seems, on Job's words, Job 4. as Bellarmine * De Purgatory. lib. 1. cap. 3. pag 1375. edit. Lugduai. An. 1587. citeth the Chapter without Verse, Panem tuum, & vinum tuum super sepulturam justi constitue: Put thy bread, and thy wine upon the sepulture of the just man: But no such words appear in the place alleged, though some such like are found in the fourth of * Ver. 17. Tobit: Where, notwithstanding, no mention of wine, which the Jesuit adds of his own, that it might not be a dry (as some since have added wax, that it might not be a dark) feast. Bread, wine, and wax, being the essentials of every Potation. The charges of an Anniversary Obits was also deducted, whereof forty shillings the market-price; though some were so free they gave more, and some so favoured, they had them for less. 12. Some Deductions were made by the will of the Founders, Charitable swailowed with superstitious uses. to uses merely charitable, and no whit superstitious, out of the surplusage of the Chantery-lands (the Priest, or Priests therein first paid) as to the necessary relief of many poor people, and breeding of Scholars in the Universities. But, as the Stork in the fable, found amongst the Cranes in destroying the corn of the husbandman, in vain pleaded his own piety to his parents, being killed for company-sake with those birds amongst whom he was caught: so it is more than suspicious, that these pious uses were utterly extinguished at the suppression of Abbeys; to teach men's charities hereafter, (if it be not a lesson now too late to be learned) to beware of too familiar converse with superstition. Nor do I speak at guess herein, but from the complaints of credible and unpartial Authors, of which this one I will insert. 13. There was a Maid born in Cornwall, The righteous destroyed with the wicked. called Tomasin Bonaventure, and well did she brook the same, which from a keeper of sheep, came at last to be the Wife of Sir John percival Lord Major of London. In her widowhood, she laid out her estate, which was very great, in charitable Uses, and amongst the rest founded a chantry, and a Free school, at S. Mary * Carew his Survey of Cornwell, fol. 119. Weike in Cornwall (the place of her nativity) with fair Lodgings for the Schoolmasters, Scholars, and Officers, and twenty pound a year (beside their Salaries) to support incident charges. And here the best Gentleman's Sons in Devon and Cornwall were virtuously trained up, under one Cholwell, a religious Teacher, until the said School was suppressed, in the Reign of King Edward the sixth, only for a smack of Popery, the chantry being annexed thereunto. And I suspect the like happened in other places; But to return to S. Paul's, all deductions discharged, the clear remainder belonged to the Dean and Chapter of S. Paul's. 14. Note, Gainful contracting the number of the Priests. that the Dean and Chapter aforesaid, assumed this power to themselves, That in case (to use their own terms) the exility of the Lands or Rents, bestowed on any chantry, were insufficient to maintain so many Chaplains, as were appointed in the foundation, than they would reduce them to a smaller number. For instance: The Executors of Adam Bury, sometimes Major of London, founded a chantry wherein seven Priests should pray continually. This I may call a Colledge-Chantery (equalling Katherine-Hall in Cambridge for the number therein) but the means not holding out in full proportion, these seven were shrunk to four, at the time of their suppression. 15. Another help the Dean and Chapter had. Gainful annexing of Chanteries. When the maintenance of any chantry fell short, by uniting too, or more mean Chanteries together. Thus Margaret Bigod gave a Marish, called Richernesse in Essex, with a stock of eleven-score sheep thereon, to found a Chanterie with two Chaplains; which, not sufficient for the same, was annexed to a small chantry of Richard Green's, and one Priest (Sir Christopher Bricket by name) effectually (no doubt) discharged both. 16. And yet, There is a generation rich, and maketh themselves poor. notwithstanding all these shifts, the Dean and Chapter of Paul's in giving up their accounts to the King's Commissioners, pretended themselves yearly losers by some of these Chanteries. For, generally they were founded on candle-rents (houses are London's land) which were subject to casualty, reparations, and vacations. In such intervals, though the house (wherewith the Chanterie was endowed) wanted a Tenant, yet the Chanterie must not want a Chaplain to officiate for the dead. Yea, so charitable was the Dean and Chapter in such cases, as sometimes to allow lands in augmentation of maintenance, and assign houses of their own, for the habitation of such Chaplains as wanted a mansion. The King therefore may be said in some sort, to have done a courtesy to the Chapter of Paul's when suppressing such poor Chanteries, formerly not beneficial, but burdensome unto them. 17. By other Chanteries they were only saviours, Nothing [pretended] gotten. no gainers, having only their labour for their pain, in seeing things performed according to the Will of the testator (as in Bishop Fitz. James, and many others● so that, the Priest paid, and other allowances deducted, remanets nil, as they brought in the reckoning of their receipts and disbursments. However, we may take notice, that herein the Dean and Chapter of Paul's, were both their own Accomptants and Auditors, and none could disprove their reckon therein. But grant, that among forty seven Chanteries, two or three of them were unprofitable servants, returning no emolument unto them: yea, suppose as many prodigal children, wasting the stock of their Parent (understand the Church wherein they were founded) yet, from the collective body of them altogether, she gained a grand revenue. And it is considerable, that in this their Audit, they only brought in their bare annual rent of houses, their fines not being charged on their account, but swallowed in silence, to the great commodity of the Chapter. 18. Vast was the wealth accrueing to the Crown by the dissolution of Chanteries. The great, though uncertain number of Chanteries. Many a little (saith the Proverb) make a much. These foundations, though small in revenue, yet being many in number, mounted up a great bank. There was not a Cathedral, or Collegiate-Church in England, but some Chanteries were founded therein, as in many Parochial-Churches. Thus at Oldwincle in North hampton shire (the Village of my nativity) a chantry in the Parish-Church of All-Saints, was endowed with house and lands for a Priest, at the cost of Sir John Oldwincle Knight, about the Reign of King Henry the sixth. Yea, let the model of country-churches be well observed, wherein such excursions of building as present themselves beyond the old fabric (from which ofttimes they differ as neater, and newer) were since erected, and added, as intended, and used for Chanteries. 19 Free-Chappels succeed, Free Chapels and Colleges. not so called from the freeness, and bounty of their Founders, but because subsisting of themselves, as children of full age, whose parents are still alive. For, though Chapel speaks a relation to a Mother-Church, yet free avoweth them sui juris, especially so fare forth that right of burials belonged unto them. These were greater than Chanteries, having more room for Priests, and more Priests for that room, to pray for the souls of their Founders, Colleges come the last (as the heaviest, and best lad●n with land) into consideration. These, though fewest in number, were richer than both the former: insomuch that the College of Fothering hay in North-hampton-shire, was yearly valued at Four hundred nineteen pounds eleven shillings ten pence hafpeny. And no wonder, since this * See Speeds Catalogue in Nor●hamptonshire. College had the rare happiness to be endowed by the Kings both of York, and Lancaster, at deadly mutual enmity, yet jointly agreeing in their bounty to this place. 20. How much the yearly revenue of all these Chanteries, A 〈◊〉 scit of wealth accrueing to the Crown. Free-Chappels, and Colleges, amounted to, God knows, for the King knew as little as some in our Age. Indeed, some of His Officers did, but would not know, as wilfully concealing their knowledge herein. Yea, some of these Chanteries may be said in a double sense to be suppressed, as not only put down, but also concealed, never coming into the Exchequer, being silently pocketed up by private (but potent) persons. True it is, the Courtiers were more rapacious to catch, and voracious to swallow these Chanteries, than Abbey-lands. For, at the first many were scrupulous in mind, or modest in manners, doubting the acceptance of Abbey-land, though offered unto them, till profit and custom (too very able Confessors) had, by degrees, satisfied their consciences, and absolved them from any fault therein. Now, all scruples removed, Chantery-land went down without any regreet. Yea, such who mannerly expected till the King carved for them out of Abbey lands, scrambled for themselves out of Chantery-revenues, as knowing this was the last dish of the last course, and after Chanteries, as after cheese, nothing to be expected. As for those, who fairly purchased them of the King, they had such good bargains therein, that thereby all enriched, and some ennobled both themselves, and posterity. But, for satisfaction herein, I refer the Reader to his * Sir john Hayward in Edw. 6. pag. 155. pen, who never spared any that came under it, and seldom such as came near it; who speaks more bitterness, than falsehood, in this particular. 21. The Chanterie-Priests, Pensions assigned to Chantery-Priests. by this suppression outed at once of all their livelihood, were not left to the wide world to shift for themselves, but had durante vita, pensions settled on them by King Edward His Letters Patents. I have seen in the Auditor's Office for the North-part of the Duchy of Lancaster; the * Made in the 3 & 4 of Phil. and Mary. Account of William Mallet Esq. particular Receiver of the rents, Colleges, Chanteries, etc. in the County of York, viz: of so many of them as were in that Shire annexed to the Duchy of Lancaster, which parcel alone amounted yearly to Seven hundred ninety six pounds four shillings two pence halfpenny: Out of which sum was deducted, One hundred twenty six pounds two shillings four pence, for annual pensions to chantry Priests, and others (five pounds apiece the general proportion) assigned them for term of life, by King Edward the sixth. 22. The Parliament at the same time put Hospitals also into the King's possession. Some tenderness to Hospitals. Yet surely more tenderness was used to Hospitals, and I find very few of them finally suppressed. Indeed, that of the Savoy at this time was much * Stow's Survey of London, pag. 344. abused with Loiterers, Vagabonds, and Strumpets, which lay all day in the fields, and at night were harboured there. In which consideration King Edward dissolved the Hospital, but gave the land thereof (worth six hundred pound per annum) to the City of * Stow ut prius, p. 491. London, to endow Bridewell therewith. Thus, He did not extinguish charity, but only regulate, and remove it from the Strand to Fleet street: or rather, took away with one hand what was abused, and restored it with the other, to such as would better employ the same. Queen Marry on her own cost restoreth some Convents. Queen Marry, Qu. Mary imparts Her intents to four Counsellors. a Princess more Zealous (according to her devotion) than politic, resolved by way of Essay and Trial, to restore certain dissolved Convents, and endow them with competent maintenance: in order hereunto, She called four of Her principal Counselors most interested in money-matters, viz: William marquis of Winchester, Lord Treasurer; Sir Robert Rochester, Controller of Her House; Sir William Peter, Secretary; and Sir Francis Inglefield, Master of the Wards: and by a long Speech acquainted them with Her intentions therein. Now though the Lord Pawlet as Treasurer (much being the want of money of this present) might dislike the motion, yet as Courtier he complied with the Queen's desires, the rather, because it was in vain to withstand them, so really strong were Her resolutions: but it is worth our attention to hear Her Oration. YOU a Hollinshed in Q Mary, Anno Dom. 1555. pag. 1127. are here of Our Council, and We have willed you to be called to Us, to the intent ye might hear of Me my Conscience, and the resolution of My mind, concerning the Lands and Possessions, as well of Monasteries, as other Churches whatsoever, being now presently in My possession: First, I do consider, that the said Lands were taken away from the Churches aforesaid, in time of Schism; and that by unlawful means, such as are contrary both to the law of God, and of the Church. For the which cause My Conscience doth not suffer Me to detain them; and therefore I here expressly refuse either to claim, or to retain the said Lands for Mine; but with all My heart freely and willingly without all paction or condition, here and before God, I do surrender and relinquish the said Lands and Possessions, or Inheritances whatsoever, and do renounce the same with this mind and purpose, that order and disposition thereof may be taken as shall seem best liking to our most holy Lord the Pope, or else his Legate the Lord Cardinal, to the honour of God, and wealth of this Our Realm. And albeit you may object to Me again, that considering the state of My Kingdom, the Dignity thereof, and My Crown Imperiall cannot be Honourably maintained and furnished without the Possessions aforesaid; yet notwithstanding, I set more by the salvation of My soul than by ten Kingdoms, and therefore the said Possessions I utterly refuse here to hold after that sort and title, and give most hearty thanks to Almighty God, which hath given Me an Husband likewise minded, with no less good affection in this behalf than I am myself. Wherefore I charge and command that My Chancellor, (with whom I have conferred My mind in this matter before) and you four, to morrow, do resort together to the most reverend Lord Legate, and do signify to him the premises in My name, and give your attendance upon him for the more full declaration of the state of My Kingdom, and of the aforesaid Possessions accordingly, as you yourselves do understand the matter, and can inform him in the same. 2. In this matter the words of b Des●his. Ang. lib. 2 pag. 309. Sanders ought to be observed, Several Orders re. erected by Her. presuming him best knowing in these Acts of restitution then performed by Her Majesty, and that he would lose nothing for the measuring, which might tend to the Queen's credit. Collegia nova amplissimâ dote fundantur. Coenobia Benedictinorum, Carthusianorum, Brigitensium, Dominicanorum, Observantium, ac aliorum Ordinum à devotis personis re-adificantur. Catholicis Regibus in hoc genere pietatis subditis omnibus pralucentibus. New Colleges are founded with a most ample endowment. Convents of Benedictines, Carthusians, Brigitteans, Dominicans, Observants, and other Orders are re-edified by devout persons. The Catholic Princes outshining all their Subjects in this kind of piety. Now seeing this passage is the best torch we meet with to direct us in this dark subject, we will severally weigh his words, and impartially comment upon them. 1. Benedictines:] When Westminster Church was turned into an Abbey, and John Feckenham made Abbot thereof (installed therein on the 21 November, 1557.) But this was done without any cost to the Crown, only by altering the property of the place, from a late made Cathedral, to an Abbey, and turning the Prebendaries into sixteen black Monks, which were all at the present could be found having that Order, and willing to wear that Habit upon them. 2. Carthusians:] These were fixed at Shene nigh Richmond in Surrey, over against Zion. 3. Brigitteans:] At Zion in Middlesex. This indeed with the former, cut two good collaps out of the Crown land, though fare short this second endowment, of what formerly they possessed. It was some difficulty to stock it with such who had been veiled before, (it being now thirty years since their dissolution) in which time most of the elder Nuns were in their graves, and the younger in the arms of their husbands, as afterwards embracing a married life. However with much ado (joining some new ones with the old) they made up a competent number. 4. Dominicans:] These were seated in Smith field in London. The best was, they being Mendicants (little stock would serve to set up Beggars) their restoring could not be very expensive to the Queen, besides the site of an house for their dwelling, and some other necessary accommodations. 5. Observants:] These were Friars like the former, being Franciscans reform, and therefore not over-costly their restitution. Their house was at Greenwich, (founded by King Henry the seventh) plucked down by King Henry the eighth (as largely before) one of the first of all other Convents; because the Friars therein were so obstinate against the King, and such sticklers for the legality of Queen Katherine's marriage. In gratitude whereunto, and honour of Her own extraction, Queen Mary re-seated them in their habitations. 6. And other Orders:] Sanders (for the more credit of the matter) politicly winds up all these indefinite words, though in the remaining Orders were not so many as to make up a number: Of which the most eminent were the Hospitallers of St. John's of Jerusalem in Clerkenwell, a place in a pitiful plight when now they were first restored; for the Bell-Tower of the Church was undermined and blown up with Gunpowder, that the stones thereof might build Somerset-house in the Strand. Now where the Steeple was shattered, the Church must needs be shaken; as here the body and c Stows Suru. of London, pag. 483. side-Iles thereof were by that fatal blow finally confounded; only part of the Choir remaining (with some side Chapels) which Cardinal Poole caused to be closed up on the West-end, and repaired. And this served the Hospitallers for their devotions the short time they continued therein. The Queen made Sir Tho: Tresham Lord Prior of this Order (who the thirtieth of November, 1557, received the Order of the Cross at Westminster) and was solemnly inducted into his place. He was of an ancient family, and large estate, and had done the Queen Knights service, proclaiming Her in the highest contest with Queen Jane. If the dimension of his Body may be guessed by his finger, and his finger by his Ring (which have seen in the possession of his Kinsman William Tresham Esq. of Newton in Northamptonshire) he was a little Giant, and fare greater than his pourtraicture on his Monument, almost demolished in Rushton-Church, in the same County. But Alexander's soldiers were not in proportion so big as their shields left in India; and possible that Ring of State (serving for a Seal) was rather borne about him, than worn on his finger. 7. Re-edified by devout persons:] It is out of doubt that Papists contributed many precious Utensils unto these Orders, as also that they were bountiful in repairing their decayed Houses to fit them for their habitation; but by Sanders his leave. No visible refunding of land doth appear. Which if he had known of, no doubt he would have told posterity, as tending (according to his principles) so much to the credit of those persons. I say again (though Queens Examples carry a kind of Mandamus in them) yet herein Her best Subjects and Servants were so unmannerly as to suffer Her Grace to go alone by Herself in this Act without any attendants, as to the restitution of any entire Religious house to its former Order. No not Anthony Browne Viscount Montacute (though formerly solemnly employed in an Embassy to the Pope to reconcile the Church of England to Rome) would part with his rich Abbey of Battle in Sussex, or poor Priory of Barnewell, nigh Cambridge, etc. but kept all his pluralities in that nature, though otherwise we believe him most bountiful to those of his own Religion. 8. The Catholic Princes:] Meaning Philip and Mary, and surely though we cannot insist on the particulars, that King's inclinations are sufficiently known: zealous for the promoting of His own Religion. However, it is almost incredible what a qualm on this occasion came over the hearts of the stoutest Abbey-land Mongers in England, fearing in process of time a reverting of them to their former use; the rather because Cardinal Poole in that Act in this Queen's Reign to secure Abbey-lands to their Owners (without the passing whereof to pacify so many persons concerned, Papistry could not have been restored in that Parliament) did not, as some think, absolve their consciences from restitution, But only made a palliate cure, the Church but suspending that power, which in due time she might put in execution. 3. This made many suspect that such edifices of Abbeys, A general jealousy of Abbey-holders'. which still were extant, entire, looked lovingly on their ancient Owners in hope to be restored unto them. In prevention whereof such as possessed them for the present, plucked out their eyes, by levelling them to the ground, and shaving from them (as much as they could) all Abbey-Characters, disguising them (as much as might be) in a Lay-habit, matching and mingling them with lands in another Tenure, because on this very motion Abbey lands sunk two years purchase in the common valuation. 4. Nor must I forget one passage in Derbyshire, Nimianon cautela Non nocet. (a certain information whereof I have received from that skilful Antiquary and my respected Kinsman Samuel Roper of Lincolns-inn, how one Thacker being possessed of Repingdon▪ Abbey in Derbyshire, alarmed with this news that Q. Mary had set up these Abbeys again (and fearing how large a reach such a precedent might have) upon a Sunday (belike, the better day, the better deed) called together the Carpenters and Masons of that County, and plucked down in one day (Church-work is a cripple in going up, but rides post in coming down) a most beautiful Church belonging thereunto, adding, He would destroy the Nest, for fear the Birds should build therein again. 5. And now when a Papist have done commending Q. Marry, The best work of Q. Mary. a Protestant may begin, I say, Her setting up the Hospital of the Savoy was a better work than any instanced in by Sanders for the relief of poor people: First, because poor, qua poor may be said to be Jure Divino: * Prov. 22. 2. The rich and poor meet together, and the Lord maketh them both. Not only as Creator of their persons, but Assigner of their conditions. Besides, the Poor is a continual Order in the Church by the words of our Saviour, * John 12. 8. The poor ye have always with you: but more properly hereof in the Reign of Queen Mary. Queen Elizabeth demolisheth the new-erected Convents. Queen Elizabeth coming to the Crown, Violent alterations dangerous. was not overbusy at the first, but for some months permitted all things to remain in statu quo priùs. Insomuch, that in the first Parliament of Her summoning, She sent Her Writs to the aforesaid Lord Prior Tresbam, and Abbot Feckenham to make their appearance with the rest of Her Barons in Her Great Council. Wither they repaired, and wherein they took their places accordingly. 2. Sir Thomas (as Lord Prior) above, but the Abbot beneath all the a See a List of them sitting in Sir Tho Cottons Library. Temporal Lords, being the lag of the House, and placed under Oliver Lord S. John of Blet netsho, lately made the second Baron of Queen Eliz: Her creation. But they had hardly set down on their seats, before they were raised up, and dissolved, with all the rest of the late-restored Orders. 3. I have not met (to my best remembrance) with any Statute, A Quaere to the learned in Law. enacted in the Reign of Queen Mary, whereby She was legally empowered for the re-erection of these Convents, done it seems by Her Prerogative, by connivance, not concurrence of the Parliament. Nor can I find, in the first year of Queen Elizabeth, any particular Statute wherein (as in the Regin of King Henry the eighth) these Orders are nominatim suppressed, this probably being supposed needless, as I conceive, (with submission to the Learned in that Profession) their Houses having no Legal settlement: Or else, when the general Statutes against Superstition, were laid like the Axe to the root of the Tree, these Orders are under-branches, fell of themselves by virtue of the Queen's Commission for the same. 4. I intended by way of a farewell-Corollary to present the Reader with a List of the Lord Priors of S. John's, An imperfect List better than none. from jordanus Briset, their first Founder. But their Records being all burnt in that fire, which was kindled by Straw in his commotion, it is impossible to complete the Catalogue. At and since which difaster, such as we can recover, are not contiguous in times, and distanced with many years betwixt them, though perhaps not unuseful to be inserted. 1. Sir Robert Hales, Lord Treasurer of England, slain in the tumult of Tyler, Anno 1380, in the fourth of K. Richard the second. At which time, 2. Next him, Sir John Long-strother, I say next, proximus at longo qui proximus intervallo, siding with the House of Lancaster; he was taken prisoner in Teuxbury Battle, Anno 1471, and by King Edward the fourth put to death in cold blood, contrary to the promise of a Prince, who had assured his life unto him. 3. Sir Thomas Dockwray, is the next (not of all) but in our discovery. A person of much desert, expending himself wholly for the credit and profit of his Priory, as who re-edified the Church out of its ruin, finishing it Anno 1504, as appeareth by the Inscription over the Gatehouse yet remaining. 4. Sir William Weston succeeds (of whom before) dissolved this List on the very day of the dissolution of this Priory. 5. Sir Thomas Tresham, was the first and last of Q. Mary's re-erection. There goeth a tradition, that Q. Elizabeth in consideration of his good service done to Herself in Her Sister Q. Marry, whom he proclaimed, and Their Titles being shut out of doors together, both were let in again at once, though to take place successively, allowed him to be called Lord Prior during his life, which was not long, and the matter not much, deriving no power or profit unto him. Here I purposely omit Sir Richard Shelley, (which family I find of remark for worship and antiquity at Michel-Grove in Sussex.) He bore a great enmity to Q. Elizabeth, especially after She had flatly denied Philip King of Spain, whither Shelley was fled) to consent to his abiding there, and to his quire receiving his rents out of England. However, the Spanish King employed him in an Honourable Embassy unto Maximilian King b Cambd. Eliz. Anno 1563. of the Romans, weating the high title of Prior of the Order of St. c Idem in Anno 1560. p. 46. John' s in England. A Prior without a Posterior having none un-under him to obey his power, nor after him to succeed in his place. We behold him only as the wry-stroak given in by us out of courtesy, when the game was up before. 5. The Site of the Priory of S. John's was lately the possession of William Earl of Exeter, Cecil the present owner of this Priory. whose Countess Eliz: Druery was very forward to repair the ruin'd Choir thereof. Doct. Ios: Hall preached at the solemn Reconciling thereof, on S. Stephen's day 1623., taking for his Text, Hag. 2. 9 The glory of the latter house, shall be greater than of the former saith the Lord of Hosts. At this day, though coarctated, having the side-Iles excluded, (yet so that their upper part is admitted, affording conveniencies for attention) it is one of the best private Chapels in England, discreetly embracing the mean of decency betwixt the extremes of slovenly profaneness and gaudy superstition, and belongeth at this present to the truly noble Thomas as Earl of Elgin. SECTION VII. TO THOMAS DOCKWRAY of Bedford-shire, Esquire. I Find Sir THOMAS DOCKWRAY one of the last Lord Priors of our English Hospitallers. To say you are descended from him would fix a stain on your Extraction, seeing none might marry, who were of his Order. But this I will say and justify, that you Both are descended from the same Ancestor, as by authentic Records doth most plainly appear. Besides, some conformity may be seen in your commendable inclinations. He was all for * Stow Survey of London, pag. 483. building of a fair Church according to the devotion of those days. Your bountiful hand hath been a great sharer in advancing of this Church-History. Now, although his stately Structure of the strongest stone had the hard hap to be blown up almost as * Stow's Suru. of Lond. ut priùs. soon as it was ended, this of yours (a frailer Fabric, as but of Paper-walls) may be God's blessing have the happiness of a longer continuance. Of English Nunneries beyond the Seas. THus were all Monks, Friars, Why no Pensions paid to outed Votaries by Qu. Eliz. and Nuns, totally routed by the coming in of Qu. Elizabeth. I find not that any Pensions were allowed to those Votaries, who at this time were outed their Covents, though large Annuities were assigned to such who were ejected their Monasteries, Colleges, or free Chanteries, in the Reigns of King Henry the eighth, and Edward the sixth: whereof this may seem the reason, because now, caveat ingressor, He or She might beware who entered an Abbey, be it at their own peril, seeing they formerly had so fair a warning, though indeed some of them who had no friends to help them, were left in no very good condition, and died in much want and distress. 2. But now in the beginning of this Queen's Reign, Detained pensions paid to old Friars and Nuns. a complaint did arise, That Pensions were detained from many ejected out of Abbeys in her Father and Brother his Reign, who being poor, old, and impotent, and repairing to the Queen's Officers for their Pensions, were instead of money paid with ill language and affronts. Her Majesty possessed with the truth hereof, took strict order both that their Arrears for the time past should be satisfied, and their Aunuities for the time to come effectually discharged, which much advanced her honour in pecuniary matters. 3. Hence grew the Proverb (crossed in the days of her successors) As sure as Exchequer pay. Chequer pay, the best of payments. For all, who in this Queen's Reign had sums due unto them from the Treasury, had no other trouble than to tell them there, and take them thence. Thus, it came to pass, that by Her maintaining of the Exchequer, the Exchequer maintained Her, having money at most, credit at all times on the reputation of so good a Pay-Mistresse: insomuch that She was not only able to lay down Her stake, but also to vie ready silver with the King of Spain, when He, notwithstanding both His Indies, was fain to go on Bare board. 4. As for Popish (Religious) persons flying out of England at the coming in of this Queen, The only stump of an old tree. our pen shall follow them as fast as it can with convenient speed. We begin with the Nuns, partly because the courtesy of England alloweth the first place to the feeblest Sex; but chief, because they seem still to continue an entire body, and successively, an immortal corporation; being, with the Carthusians, the only stump that remaineth of the huge tree which once overspread and shadowed our whole Nation. 5. May the Reader be pleased to remember, The progress of Nuns from Zion to Lisbon. that King Henry the fifth founded one Abbey of Nuns at Zion in Middlesex, peopling it with Brigetine Nuns and Friars, and another at Sheine in Surrey overagainst it, so ordering it that all the day long alternately when the Devotions of the one ended, the other should begin, that nothing should interrupt their Prayers, though the Thames did divide their Persons: Both those Covents dissolved by King Henry the eight were, as aforesaid, restored by Q. Mary, and re-dissolved by Q. Elizabeth. The Zion Nuns (though Clementia Thresham a principal amongst them, could not go with them for sickness (dying soon after, and buried at Rushton in Northampton shire) conveyed their persons and most portable Treasure beyond the Seas to Zurick Zey in Zealand, thence to Macklin in Brabant, thence to Rouen in Normandy, but found no certain place of abode till they came to Lisbon in Portugal. 6. For here they had a daily Pension of five Crowns from the King of Spain, The revenue and wealth of the Lisbon Nuns. and wheat more than sufficient whilst Lisbon was His (and I doubt not but the present King of Portugal performeth the same) they have Vine-yards, Olive-fields, Corn-grounds, and Houses, to the value of four hundred * Every Milrey is twelve shillings six pence sterling. Mil-reis a year, which was the Portion of a Portugese (sole Heir to her wealthy Father) who becoming a Religious Sister in this Covent, conveyed her inheritance unto it. So that by their boxes in Indian and Brasilean ships, sale of Masses, and other perquisites, they are said yearly to lay up six hundred pounds. 7. Indeed, A price of blood their first portion. they began with a good bank, and hereon hangs a story worth reporting. When Doctor Lopez a jew-portugall undertook to poison Queen Elizabeth, he would not (to show himself a jew indeed) do his work till in some sort secured of his wages. The sum * Tho. Robinson, pag. 9 promised him was deposited with these Nuns, whilst as yet they lived at Rouen in Normandy. But Lopez his design failing, the same halter which bereft him of life, endowed these Nuns with a livelihood: For the King of Spain either out of scrupulosity not to resume the same into his Treasury as the price of blood, or out of liberality conferred those moneys on the Nuns, which since they have well house-wived and increased. 8. We need not repeat what we have formerly said of the Brigetine Nuns (first founded by Bridget Queen of Swedeland) having Friars permitted to live under the same roof (though disjoined with walls) for their better consolation. Their Confessor and Abbess. Some thirty years since Father joseph Foster was their Confessor, having two other Priests and a Lay Brother to assist him, whose names I am less careful to insert, because they change them as often as snakes their skins, both what they took at the font, and fetched from their Fathers, truly called by what they are not known, and commonly known by what they are not truly called. Elizabeth Preston about that time was Abbess, who being outed as in disgrace with Father Foster, Barbara Wiseman succeeded in her place. 9 Such as desire further satisfaction herein, The Anatomis of the Nuns of Lisbon. may consult the Anatomy of the English Nunnery at Lisbon, made by Thomas Robinson, published by authority, and lately reprinted. I confess, it may seem cruelty to cut up the living, and the best of mortals would winch to purpose if diffected alive. But very much of truth is believed in his Discovery, telling us of a grate betwixt those Friars and Nuns, sometimes so churlish as to divide them, sometimes so charitable as consenting to be drawn up, and so to admit them to a mutual society: so that if the Friar calleth, the Nun cometh incontinently at his command. I have heard since that their Covent of late hath casually been burned down, which, if so, I doubt not but they are able to rebuild it, as gaining more by water (the gratuities of Merchants) than they have lost by fire. Brussels Nunnery. THey are of the Order of S. Benedict, Brussels Nunnery. and yet solely under the inspection of the jesuits, which seems improper, seeing it would sound like truer construction that Benedictine Nuns should be subject to Benedictine Monks. The truth is, that at the first founding hereof the jesuitical activity got the start of the Benedictine dulness, and these men of lasting mettle (as good at length as at hand) keep the advantage which once they have gotten. Indeed. no Nuns come hither but such as are transported by the jesuits special recommendation, and therefore it is but equal they should dress and prune the Vines of their own planting, I assure you, the place is too costly for my Daughter to be entered there, seeing they receive * Lewis Owen his running Register, p. 102. none into their Abbey and habit unless she have a thousand pound or two for her Portion. 2. The Abbey is very rich, Their great wealth. having purchased whole Manors, and Lordships in Brabant, with many thousand of pounds at use in the Lombard's and elsewhere, all which the English jesuits do dispose of. Father Gardiner, and Father * English-Spanish pilgrim, pag. 72. Walgrave alias Flower were Anno 1630, their Overseers, being some sixty English Damosels under their Abbess, than the Sister of the (Aunt to the present) Earl of Northumberland. Cambray Nunnery. DON Carlos de Colmna Governor of the City and Country of Cambray for the King of Spain, Cambray Nunnery. and sometimes Ambassador for England, was so alured with the beauty, or affected with the piety of our English Women, that (as it is generally reported) he gave them a Cloister within this City, where now they live and have an English Congregation erected according to the Order of S. Benedict. Lately they had no lands purchased, though possibly since they may be endowed. Gravelin Nunnery. THe Family of the Gauges at Furl in Suffex were their principal Benefactors (whereof John Gage Privy Counsellor, Gràvelin Nunnery. as I take it, to Q. Marry, deserted the land and his own large estate at the beginning of Queen Elizabeth) as appears by certain Tablets to be seen in their Church. Yet are they the poorest of all Foreign Convents, being the discalceated Nuns of the Order of S. Clare. Size cinque, are sent to Brussels, persons Nobly born, or richly dowried, Quatur trey to Lisbon or Cambray, receiving those of a middle rank, whilst Deuce ace, yea Ames ace, are sent to Gravelin the Almsbasket of other Covents; Cum nemini obtrudi potest, itur ad etc. Such who come over with empty hands must be Nuns at Gravelin with naked feet. 2. Here I purposely omit the Nuns of Louvain in Brabant, because not speaking pure English, Nuns of Louvain why omitted. and scarcely medietatem lingue, being a Hodgepodge of Dutch and English, and the former at this day most numerous. Yea, oftentimes the two Nations here strive for Superiority, and though nature inclineth me in this contention to favour my Country women: yet I conceive it better to leave them alone to agree with themselves, and proceed to the Jesuitesses. jesuitesses. THese began at Luke or Liege about thirty years since. Mistress Mary Ward, Jesuitesses. and Mistress Twitty being the first beginners of them. They are not confined, as other Nuns to a Cloister, but have liberty to go abroad where they please to convert people to the Catholic Faith. They wear a Huke like other women, and differ but little in their habit from common persons. The aforesaid two Virgins, or rather Viragins traveled to Rome with * Mistress Vaux Fortescus. three the most beautiful of their society, endeavouring to procure from his Holiness an establishment of their order, but no Confirmation, only a Toleration would be granted thereof. Since I have * English-Spanish pilgrim, P. 31. read, that Anno 1629, Mistress Mary Ward went to Vienna, where she prevailed so fare with the Empress, that she procured a Monastery to be erected for those of her Order, as formerly they had two Houses at Liege. Since I have heard nothing of them, which rendereth it suspicious that their Order is suppressed, because otherwise such turbulent spirits would be known by their own violence, it being all one with a storm not to be and not to bluster: For, although this may seem the speediest way to make their Order to propagate when jesuita shall become hic & haec of the common gender, yet conscientious Catholics conceived these Lady Errants so much to deviate from feminine (not to say Virgin) modesty, (what is but going in Men being accounted gadding in Maids) that they zealously decried their practice, probably to the present blasting thereof. The foreign Covents of English Monks and Friars. WE will not so fare distrust the Readers memory as to repeat our premised distinction betwixt Monks and Friars: Jesuits gapeing for the Benedictines lands in England. Only know that the Papists themselves report, that towards the end of Queen Elizabeth there was but one English Monk (Mauro by name) living in the whole world. A thing not incredible to such who consider Monks generally grown men before admitted into their Order, and that more than sixty years were passed from the dissolution of Abbeys to the end of Queen Elizabeth. Hereupon, several Catholics of the Anti-Jesuiticall faction (as Doctor Gifford, Bagshaw, Stevens, Smith) fearing the Jesuits on Father Mauro's death, would (for want of lawful successors to the old English Benedictine Monks) enter upon all the Abbey lands they had here, solicited many English Students then living in their Colleges and Seminaries to become Monks of the Order of S. Bennet, persuading them that hereby they should entitle themselves to a large Patrimony of land now likely to fall unto them. 2. Here am I put to a double wonder. First, Defeated by Father Roberts and others. whereon this Papistical confidence was grounded of the speedy restitution of Abbey land at Queen Elizabeth her death, finding no visible probability for the same. Secondly, I admire how jesuits could pretend (in default of Benedictine issue) themselves Heirs to these lapsed or vacant lands, seeing other Orders, fare more ancient, might lay a better claim thereto. Except they conceive such English Abbey-lands held in Burrough English, wherein the youngest, according to the custom of some Manors, is to inherit; and so by the same advantage this last and newest of all Orders possessed themselves thereof. 3. However, to prevent them, at the instance of the aforesaid secular Priests many English students got into foreign Covents of Benedictines, and took on them the habit of S. Bennet. John Roberts first a Lawyer's Clerk in London, than a student in the English College at Vallydolid first led the dance, running away to a neighbouring Covent of Spanish Benedictines. More of the flock followed this Bell-wether thick and threefold, leaving the College of the jesuits in despite of all the care and caution of their Father-Prefects. Father Angustine (if that his true and not assumed name) was the second Monk of note at this time, a name very active, I am sure, in propagating superstition in England, and Roberts and Augustine, the two revivers of the new Benedictines. These obtained leave of Pope Pius quintus, and the King of Spain, to build them a Covent at Douai. And though Roberts coming over into England to procure the Catholics contribution thereunto, had the hard hap to meet with Tyburn in his way; yet the design proceeded, and was perfected. Douai Covent in Artois. FOr the Lord Abbot of S. Vedastus (anglieè S. forster's) in Arras, Douai Covent. a wealthy man, and great favourer of the English (yea, generally good to all poor people) built them a Cloister, and fine Church adjoining, on his own proper cost. To whom, and his successors, the English Monks are bound to pay yearly on the first of February a wax-Candle weighing threescore pound by way of homage and acknowledgement of their Founder. S. Mallows Covent in Bretaigne. DOctor Gifford Dean of the Collegiate Church of S. Peter's in Ritsell (alias Insula in Flanders) erected a small Congregation of English Monks at S. Mallows in France, whereof he himself became Prior. Here he remained some years, S. Mallows Covent. till at last resigning it to another Monk, he removed unto Paris Covent. Paris Covent. WHich the aforesaid Doctor (but now advanced and augmented with the honour and profit of the Archbishopric of Rheims) built and endowed on his own expenses, Paris Covent. conferring thereon whatsoever he can get from his Archbishopric, on the profits whereof the Duke of Guise was suspected too heavily to quarter. 2. Pass we now from our English Monks to the Friars, The Carthusians Covent at Macblin. and begin with the Carthusiaus. These being outed of Shoine in Surrey at the coming in of Queen Elizabeth, wafted themselves over the Seas with so much wealth as bought them a Cloister with lands to maintain it at Machlin. These take themselves to be the most visible Church of English Friars as continuing an uninterrupted succession, and so puffed up with hopes of regaining their old lands, that when Prince Charles went to Spain they sent two of their Friars into England to take possession both of Charter-House and Sheine. Say not one of those places had been fair at first, seeing to save double pains and charges, they did well to claim them both together, as likely to possess them both together, as no doubt they had done long ago, had not the rightful Owners, then, and ever since, detained the same. Douai. SOme report this erected by Count Gundamor: others, Douai. more probably, by the charity of English Catholics for recollect Friars of the Order of S. Francis. They have a strong fancy, that Christ-Church in London, shall one day be theirs, at the next return of times. The best is, being to go bare foot by the rules of their Order, they are well provided to wait for dead-men's shoes. Here I omit the little Cloister of Benedictine Monks in the Dukedom of Lorraine near Ponto-Mouson, as also some other Nunneries and Fryeries since erected at Paris, and elsewhere: for surely, these Orders have spauned much since our late Civil Wars, Protestant confusions multiplying Popish foundations. 2. Yet I cannot believe what * Mr. Prin. one reports of two Covents in London, Two Covents reported in London. set up about the year 1640. One, at the Lord Gauges near Queens-street: the other, at Westminster. For, finding no person who is properly termed the Lord Gage, I suspect all the rest. And though I confess Catholics then arrived at such boldness, as rather to dare, than dread any discovery; yet it seemeth improbable any should abide there save only to wait conveniency of transportation. And so much for English Covents beyond the Seas, which discourse let none censure as alien, and not pertaining to the History of England. For, I would willingly be condemned for a needless excursion on the condition that they belonged not at all unto us who daily fetch over too much money hence, and do mutually bring back too much mischief hither. To whom the Cites of Mitred Abbeys were granted, and by whom they are possessed at this day. IT were a work almost impossible for our pen to pursue the Lands of each Religious house from the time that they parted from the Crown to the present Owners thereof. A possible design preferred, impossible declined. Yea, such a task when ended, were endless, of no other use, than the satisfaction of curiosity. As therefore the best Anatomists cannot hunt out the deviations of every petty vein (embracing several courses in sundry bodies) but abundantly acquit their skill and industry if truly discovering the trunkveins (observing the same channels in all people) Kephalicall, Basilicall, etc. So we conceive our duty discharged to any rational expectation, if instancing only (out of the Original Records) in the Cites of the Mitred Abbeys marking their fluctuation since passed from the Crown, into the possession of several subjects. 2. Here I intended to present the Reader with the particulars of all those Owners through whose hands these Mitred Abbeys have passed, from those to whom King Henry granted them, to those who at this day are possessed thereof. A thing with very much difficulty (such the frequencies of the exchange) collectible out of the several fines paid at their alienation: but having tired out mine own modesty, (though not my good friend Mr. John Wit's officious industry) in being beholden to him above my possibility of requital for perusing so many Records, I desisted from so difficult a design. Abbey Granted by Unto In consideration Tenure and rent After aliened to Present owner, Tavestock in Devon. K. a 1 parte rotulo 29. (formerly Osbo●ns) Remembrancers Office. Henry the 8, in the 31 of his Reign, July 4. john Lord Russel, Anne his Wife, and their Heirs, etc. of his faithful service and counsel. in Capite, by Knight's service, of [cum aliis one Knights see, paying 36 li. none, but still possessed by their Heirs. William Russell Earl of Bedford. Middleton in Dorsetshire. K. b 1 par. rot. 95. Henry the 8, in the 31 of his Reign, 23 of Febr. john Tregonwell Knt, Doctor of Law. of a Pension of 40 l. per ann. surrendered, 1000 l. paid down, & his good service. in Capite, by Knight's service, of the tenth part of a Knight's fee, paying 12 l. 4s. none, but still possessed by his Heirs. john Tregonwell Esquire. Malmesbury in Wiltsh. K. c 7 par. r●t. 147. Henry the 8, in the 31 of his Reign. William Stamp Gentleman. of the payment of 1516 l. 15s. 2d. ob. in Capite, by the tenth part of a Knight's fee, paying 8l. 8s. ob. Thomas joy Esquire. Ramsey in Huntingtonshire. K. d 2 par. rot. 293. Henry the 8, in the 31 of his Reign, 4 of March. Richard Williams, alias Cromwell, Esq. of his good service, and the payment of 4663l. 4s. 2d. in Capite, by the tenth part of a Knight's fee, paying 29l. 16s. none, possessed by his Heir. Sir Oliver Cromwell, the most aged Gent. and Knight in England. Selby in Yorkshire. K. e 1 part. rot. 140. Henry the 8, in the 32 of his Reign, 28 of August. Ralph Sadleir of Hackney, Knight. of 736l. paid. in Capite, by the tenth part of a Knight's fee, paying 3l. 10s, 8ds. Charles Walmesley Esquire. Teuxburie in Gloucester shire. K. f 2 part. rot. 26. Henry the 8, in the 36 of his Reign. Tho: Stroud, Wal: Earl, and Iam: Paget. of 2283 li. 19s. 3d. in capite, by the 20th part of a Knight's fee, paying 1l. 18s. 0 3/4 Hyde juxta Winton. K. g 7 part. rot. 44 Henry the 8, in the 37 of his Reign, 11 of Janu. Rich: Bethel Gent. after a Lease of the Lord Wriothesly was expired. of 110 li. 17 s. 1d. in free Soccage of the King's Manor of Rumsey, paying 6l. 13s. 4d. to the Vic. of St. Barthol: Wint: S. john's juxta Colchester. K. h 4 part. rot. 13. Edward the sixth, in the first of his Reign, June 22. john Dudley Earl of Warwick. of his service in Scotland and France, whereby he had much impaired his own estate. in Capite, [cum aliis] by service, of one Knights fee, paying 16s. 11. d. ob. Sir john Lucas Ld Lucas. Cirencester in Gloucester shire. K. i 1 part. rot. Edward the sixth, in the first of his Reign, 19 of August. Thomas Lord Seymer, high Admiral. of his service, and kindred, being the King's Uncle. in Capite, with land in 15 Shires, by the service, of one Knights fee, paying 1l. 1s. 8ds. Sir William Masters. Bardney in Lincolnshire. K. k 3 part. rot. 95. Edw: 6. in the second of his Reign. Thomas Heneage, Katherine his Wife, and their Heirs. of an exchange for the Manor of overton. in Knight's service. Francis Lord Willoughby of Parham. Glaston in Somerset. K. l 3 part. rot. 17. and again 4 pars. rot. 77. Edward the sixth, in the 4th year of his Reign, 4 of June. Ed: Seymer Duke of Somerset. of his Petition, and the advise of the Counsel, to support his dignity. in Capite, by the 40th part of a Knight's fee, sine reditu. Reading in Berkshire. K. m Ibidem. Edw. the sixth, in the 4th year of his Reign, 4 of June. Ed: Seymer Duke of Somerset. of his Petition, and the advise of the Counsel, to support his dignity. in Capite, by the 40th part of a Knight's fee, sine reditu. Francis Knolles Esquire. Crowland in Lincolnshire. K. Edward the sixth, in the 4th year of his Reign, Decemb. 1. Edw. Fines Knight, Ld. Clinton and Say, high Admiral of England. of the exchange of other lands with the Crown. to be held in Soccage as of the King's Manor of Louth by fealty only. till lately in the Crown. Winchcomb in Glocestershire. K. Edward the sixth, in the fift year of his Reign, June 24. William Par, marquis of Northhampton. of his faithfulness and valour against the Rebels in Northfolk. in free Soc. to be held as of the Manor of East Greenwich, sine reditu. George Bridges Lord Shandois. St. Edmunds-Bury in Suffolk. Q. o 2 part rot. 13. Elizabeth in the second year of her Reign. Feb. 14. john Eye? Esquire. of the payment of four hundred pound. in free Soccage to be held as of the Queen's Manor of East Greenwich, sine reditu. St. Alban in Hertfordshire. Q. p 4 part rot. 52. Elizabeth in the sixth of her Reign, May 6. Christopher Smith Esq. Thomas Broughton Gent. of the payment (for it and other lands in the Grant) of 1703 li. 1s. 4d. in free and common Soccage, sine reditu. Hitherto we have proceeded on the most authentic authority out of Records. And although we are confident of the truth of such as follow; yet, wanting the like assurance in the Dates, Tenors, and Considerations, we thought fit to rank them by themselves. 2. Battel-Abbey in Sussex was bestowed by King Henry the eighth on Sir Anthony Browne, Knight of the Garter, and Master of His Majesty's Horse, enjoyed by his heir-male in a direct line at this day. 3. Thorney-Abbey in Cambridge-shire, was conferred by King Henry the eighth, on john Lord Russell, and is possessed by his Abnepos, William Earl of Bedford, in a lineal descent. 4. S. John's Priory in Coventry, was given by King Henry the eighth to Hales Esquire, Clerk of the Hanaper, at this day in possession of one of his name, and lineage. 5. Eversham-Abbey in Worcester-shire, I find not to whom first granted, but by a long Lease it was in the possession of one Mr. Andrew's, father and son, whose Grandchild living now at Berkhampsteed in Hertford shire, hath better thrived by God's blessing on his own industry than his Father and Grandfather did with Evesham-Abbey. The sale of the stones whereof, he imputeth a cause of their ill success. Lately it was Sir William Curteens, and I know not to whom his Son sold it. 6. The Abbey of S. Bennets in the Holm in Norfolk was never sold, Bennet in the Holm changed with the Bishop of Norwich. but only changed in the two and thirtieth of King Henry the eighth with the Bishop of Norwich, as appeareth by the printed Statute, which affirmeth, That the lands settled by the King on the Bishopric were of a greater yearly value than the Lordships and Manors given to his Grace. Which might be so, seeing all profit consists not in annual revenue; but much in casualties of Fines. Indeed, generally Coronets did gain, but Mitres lose in their exchanges with the Crown. 7. S. mary's in York (with Selby, S. mary's in York how disposed. the only Mitred Abbey beyond Trent) was kept in the Crown to be the King's Palace, when repairing into those parts. Since called the Manor, where the Lord Precedent of the Council in the North held his residence. At this day it is in the hands of the States, as excepted by name in the Ast for the sale of King's lands, and one was allowed a Fee for the careful keeping thereof. 8. My inquire cannot attain, to whom S. mary's in Shrewsburie was passed. As for Augustine's in Canterbury, I conceive it never aliened from the Crown, reading in my worthy * Will: Somner in his Antiq. of Canterbury, pag. 60. friend, that the remaining ruins thereof are made subject to public uses. And thus we have a perfect account of all the Mitred. English-Abbeys. The Reader well remembering, what we have formerly written at large, of S. John's of jerusalem, and Waltham; as also of Gloucester, Peterborough, and Westminster, advanced into Cathedrals, save that the last was afterwards altered into a Collegiate-Church. 9 we may observe that the greatest Abbeys (founded in Cities) were of the least profit. Country Abbeys largest in profit because so streight-laced with streets and houses round about them that they could not grow to any extraordinary bulk for ground continued thereunto: so that the Sites were but Sites, as in S. Alban, S. Edmunds-Bury, Hyde, etc. Whereas Monasteries in Countrey-Towns let lose at more liberty to dilate themselves, had generally a large Manor and ample Demesnes annexed unto them. 10. Wise men have informed me, Present gain future loss. that had succeeding Princes followed King Henry's pattern, generally granting Abbeys only in Capite, that such lands (though passed gratis from the Crown under small rents) would notwithstanding in some part have returned thither again, as affording Respite of Homage, Reliefs, Wardships, Fines for alienation for a constant revenue. Whereas being afterwards granted in free soccage whilst the tenure only advanced the present sale; the Crown was deprived of much Emolument, and more obligation. 11. Richard Williams (alias Cromwell) Esquire, A solemn Tilting proclaimed. (to whom Ramsey Abbey was partly given, partly sold) was one of the five, who in the thirty second year of Henry the eighth, made the bold challenge at Justs to all comers that would, in France, Flanders, Scotland, and Spain. Here it was expected that some of our Knights Hospitallers, whose House by Act of Parliament was dissolved but a month before) should appear valiantly in their vindication, if conceiving any injustice offered unto them. But they kept themselves close, probably not so much for fear of all the Challengers as of one of the Spectators, viz: King Henry Himself, as sure, if Conquerors of the King's anger, and others envy, if worsted, of their own disgrace. Besides, by the laws of their Order they were not to Tilt against Christians, but only to spend their spears against Pagans and Infidels. Lastly, the challenge seemed only confined to foreigners. 12. This Richard Williams (alias Cromwell) came into the place an Esquire, The noble achievements of Rich. Cromwell. but departed a Knight, dubbed by the King for his valour, clearly carrying away the credit: overthrowing Mr. Palmer * Stow in the reign to Hen. 8. pag. 580. in the field at Justs one day, and the next serving Mr. Culpepper at Barriers in the same manner. Hereupon, there goeth a Tradition in the Family, that King Henry highly pleased with his prowess, Formerly, (said He) thou wast My Dick, but hereafter shalt be My Diamond, and thereat let fall His Diamond-Ring unto him. In avowance whereof, these Cromwell's have ever since given for their Crest a Lion holding a Diamond-Ring in his Fore-paw. 13. Some conceive these Abbey-Lands more unsuccessful than any other, Censure on Abbey-Lands. and infectious to the third Generation: Yea, Papists would persuade us, that as Bucephalus cast all his Riders till backed by Alexander his Lord and Master, so these skittish-Lands will dismount all that bestride them, until forsooth they be (as they hope) restored to their proper Owners. And this they impute to the curse of their Founders denounced to such who should alienate them from their first institution. Others maintain, that no certainty can be concluded from such casualties, but that all things come to pass alike to all. As die Abbey-Lands, so die other lands when in the hands of a riotous person. Thus Lands as well as goods and chattels are moveables, though not from their Centre, yet from their Owner. Yea, our draught lately presented, doth prove, that many Mitred Abbeys have survived the dangerous Climacterical of the third Generation. 14. For mine own part, Sir Hen. Spelman's Observations on Abbey-lands. my tongue, is so fare from bespeaking such lands with any ill success, that I wish to all lawfully possessed of them (either by the bounty of their Prince, their own, or Ancestors fair purchase) that peaceably and prosperously they may enjoy them: Et nati natorum, ut qui nascantur ab ipsis. However, it will not be amiss to insert the observation of a most worthy Antiquary in the County wherein he was born and best experienced: who repor●e●h, ●hat in Norfolk there were an hundred houses of Gentlemen before the Dissolution of Abbeys, possessed of fair estates, of whom so many as gained accession by Abbey-lands, are at this time extinct, or much impaired; bemoaning his own family under the latter notion, as diminished by such an addition. 15. Hear also what his son faith to the same purpose, * Clement Spelman in his Preface to his Father's Book, Denon temerandis Eccl▪ f●is. King Henry exchanged Abbey-lands, His Son's on the same. and by this means (like the dust fling up by Moses) they presently disperse all the Kingdom over, and at once become curses both upon the Families and Estates of the Owners; they often viciously spending on their private occasions, what was piously intended for public devotion; insomuch, that within twenty years' next after the Dissolution, moe of our Nobility, and their children, have been attainted, and died under the sword of justice, than did from the Conquest, to the Dissolution, being almost five hundred years; so as if thou examine the List of the Barons in the Parliament of the 27 of Henry the eighth, thou shalt find very few of them, whose Sons do at this day inherit their Father's titles and estates, and of these few, many to whom the King's favour hath restored, what the rigorous Law of Attainder took, both Dignity, Lands, and Posterity. And doubtless the Commons have drunk deep in this cup of deadly wine; but they, being more numerous and less eminent, are not so obvious to observation. 16. As for the report of Reynerus * Apostolatus Benedict. in Ang. fol. 227, & 228. , A Papist his observation. the Reader may believe the less thereof for his known engagement to Rome, thus expressing himself, At the Dissolution, Henry the eighth divided part of the Church-spoils among two hundred and sixty Gentlemen, of families in one part of England; and at the same time Thomas Duke of Norfolk rewards the service of twenty of his Gentlemen, with the grant of forty pounds a year out of His own inheritance; and while not sixty of the King's Donees had sons owning their father's estates, every one of the Dukes hath a son of his own loins, flourishing in his father's inheritance, and I could have set down their several names, had conveniency required it. 17. But it is high time for me to put a period to this subject; The Conclusion. lest, as the Abbeys were complained to grow so great, that they engrossed the third part of the Land: so my discourse of them (infected with the same fault) will be condemned by the Reader, for the tedious prolixity thereof. The rather, because this old and trite subject is now grown out of fashion, men in our Age having got a new object to fix their eyes, and observation thereon, taking notice how such Church-lands do thrive, which since hath been derived into the hands of new possessors. The end of the sixth Book. THE Church-History OF BRITAIN. THE SEVENTH BOOK. CONTAINING THE REIGN OF KING EDWARD THE sixth. To the Right Honourable, LEICESTER DEVEREUX, VISCOUNT HEREFORD, Lord FERRARS of Chartley, etc. My lord, GReat was the difference betwixt the breeding of Adonijah and Solomon, though sons to the same father. The former tasted not of Reproof, much less of Correction; it being never said unto him, Why a 1 kings 1. 6. hast thou done so? Solomon had his education on severer Principles. He was his Parent's Darling, not their b Prov. 4. 3. Fondling. It was after sounded in his ears, What c Prov. 31. 2. my Son, and what the Son of my womb? Our English Gentry too often embrace the first course in breeding their Children, whereby they become old-Men, before they are wise-Men, because their Fathers made them Gentlemen, before they were Men, making them too soon to know the great Means they are born to, and too long to be ignorant of any good quality, whereby to acquire a maintenance, in case, their Estates, (as all things are uncertain) should fail, or forsake them. Hence it is, they are as unable to endure any hardship as David to march in saul's armour, (for he f I Sam. 17. 39 had never proved it) utterly unacquainted therewith. But your discreet Parents, though kind, were not cockering unto you, whom they sent (very young) into the Low-countrieses, where in some sort you earned what you eat in no less honourable than dangerous employment. This hath settled the sinews of your Soul, and compacted the joints thereof, which in too many hang lose, as rather tacked than knit together. Since being returned into England, partly by your Patrimony, partly by your Matrimony, an ancient and fair Estate hath accrued unto you. Yet it hath not grown, (as S. Basil fancieth roses in Paradise before Adam's fall) without thorns and prickles. Many molestations attended it, through which you have waded in a good measure, having had TRIALS indeed, wherein on what side soever the Verdict went, you gained Patience and Experience. Indeed, there is an experience the MISTRESS of FOOLS, which they learn by their losses, and those caused by their own carelessness, or wilfulness, in managing their affairs. But also there is one, the MASTERPIECE of WISEMEN to attain, wherein they observe the events of all things, after their utmost endeavours have submitted the success to Divine Providence. Yours is of the last and best kind, whereby you are become a skilful Master of Defence, Knowing all the advantageous postures and guards in our Laws, not thereby to vex others, but save yourself from vexation. Thus having born the Yoke in your youth, you may the better afford ease and repose to your reduced age; and having studied, many Men in Arms, more in Gowns, you now may solace yourself, and entertain the time, with perusing of Books, amongst which, I humbly request, this may have the favour of your Honour's eye, to whom on a double motive it is Dedicated; First, because containing the Life of that PRINCE, who for His Piety may be exemplary to all persons of quality. Secondly, because it was He, who conferred the highest (still remaining) Honour, on your Family, advancing it (formerly very ancient amongst the Barons) to the degree and dignity of Viscounts: wherein that it may long flourish in plenty and happiness, is the daily prayer of Your Honour's most obliged Servant, THOMAS FULLER. THE Church-History OF BRITAIN. KING HENRY the eighth, Jan. 28. though dying excommunicate in the Church of Rome, The hopeful beginning of King Edward. had notwithstanding His Obsequies solemnly performed at Paris in France, 1546. 7. by the command of Francis the French a Godwin in Edvardo ●exto, pag. 158. King, presuming so much on His own power, and the Pope's patience, otherwise such courtesy to His friend might have cost Him a curse to Himself. Then began King Edward His Son, Ann. Reg. Ed. 6. 1. to reign, scarce ten years old, Ann. Dom. full of as much worth, as the model of His age could hold. No pen passeth by Him without praising Him, though none praising Him to His full deserts. Yea, Sanders himself, having the stinch of his railing tongue, over-sented with the fragrant ointment of this Prince's memory, though jeering His for His want of age, which was God's pleasure, and not King Edward's fault; and mocking Him for His Religion, the others highest honour, alloweth Him in other respects large commendations. 2. No sooner was He come to the Crown, Peace and prosperity to the Protestants in England. but a peaceable dew refreshed Gods inheritance in England, formerly patched with persecution: and this good Angel struck off the fetters from many Peter in prison, preserving those who were appointed to die. Only Thomas Dobbie, Fellow of S. John's in Cambridge, committed to the Counter in Bread street, and condemned for speaking against the Mass, died of a natural death, in respect of any public punishment by Law inflicted on him: but, whether or no, any private impression of violence hastened his end, God alone knoweth. His speedy death prevented the b Fox, Acts & Mon. Vol. 2. pag. 655. pardon, which the Lord Protector intended to send him; Divine Providence so ordering it, that he should touch, not enter▪ see, not taste; behold, not reap benefit on earth of this Reformation. Other Confessors which had fled beyond sea, as John Hooper, Miles c Senders de Schis. Anglic. lib. 2. pag. 230. Coverdale, etc. returned with joy into their Country: and all Protestants, which formerly for fear had dissembled their religion, now publicly professed the same. Of these Archbishop Cranmer was the chiefest; who, though willingly he had done no ill, and privately many good offices for the Protestants, yet his cowardly compliance hitherto with Popery, against his conscience, cannot not be excused; Ann. Dom. 1546-47. serving the times present in his practice, Ann Reg. Ed. 6 1. and waiting on a future alteration in his hopes, and desires. 3. Edward Semaure, Commissionners' sent into several Counties with Instructions to reform. the King's Uncle, lately made Lord Protector, Jan. 28. and Duke of Somerset, ordered all in Church, and State. He, by the King's power, or, if you please, the King, in his protection, took speedy order for Reformation of Religion. And being loath that the people of the Land should live so long in error, and ignorance, till a Parliament should be solemnly summoned (which for some Reasons of State could not so quickly be called) in the mean time, by His own Regal power and authority, and the advise of His wise, and honourable Counsel, chose Commissioners, and sent them with Instructions into several parts of the Kingdom, for the rooting out of superstition: the substance whereof (thirty six in number) we have here presented: The King's Injunctions. 1. That all Ecclesiastical persons observe the Laws for the abolishing the pretended and usurped power of the Bishop of Rome, and confirmation of the King's authority and supremacy. 2. That once a Quarter at least they sincerely declare the Word of God, dissuading their people from superstitious fancies of Pilgrimages, praying to Images, etc. exhorting them to the works of faith, mercy, and charity. 3. That Images abused with Pilgrimages, and offerings thereunto, be forthwith taken down and destroyed, and that no more wax-Candles or Tapers be burnt before any Image; but only two lights upon the high Altar before the Sacrament shall remain still, to signify that Christ is the very light of the world. 4. That every Holy day, when they have no Sermon, the Pater noster, Credo, and Ten Commandments shall be plainly recited in the Pulpit to the Parishioners. 5. That Parents and Masters bestow their Children and Servants either to learning, or some honest occupation. 6. That such who in Cases expressed in the Statute are absent from their Benefices, leave learned and expert Curates. 7. That within three Months after this Visitation, the Bible of the larger volume in English, and within twelve Months Erasmus his Paraphrase on the Gospel be provided, and conveniently placed in the Church for people to read therein. 8. That no Ecclesiastical persons haunt Alehouses, or Taverns, or any place of unlawful gaming. 9 That they examine such who come to confession to them in Lent, whether they can recite their Creed, Pater noster, and ten Commandments in English before they receive the blessed Sacrament of the Altar, or else they ought not to presume to come to God's board. 10. That none be admitted to preach, except sufficiently licenced. 11. That if they have heretofore extolled Pilgrimages, Relics, worshipping of Images, etc. they now openly recant and reprove the same as a common error groundless in Scripture. 12. That they detect and present such who are Letters of the Word of God in English, and Fautours of the Bishop of Rome his pretended power. 13. That a Register-Book be carefully kept in every Parish for Weddings, Christen, and Burials. 14. That all Ecclesiastical persons not resident upon their Benefices, and able to dispend yearly twenty pounds, and above, shall in the presence of the Churchwardens, or some other honest men, distribute the fourtieth part of their revenues amongst the poor of the Parish. 15. That every Ecclesiastical person shall give competent exhibition to so many Scholars in one of the Universities, as he hath hundred pounds a year in Church promotions. 16. That the fift part of their Benefices be bestowed on their Mansion-houses, or chancels, till they be fully repaired. 17. That he readeth these Injunctions once a Quarter. 18. That none bound to pay Tithes detain them by colour of Duty omitted by their Curates, and so redoub one wrong with another. 19 That no person henceforth shall alter any Fastingday that is commanded, or manner of Common Prayer or Divine Service (otherwise then specified in these Injunctions) until otherwise ordered by the King's authority. 20. That every Ecclesiastical person under the degree of Bachelor of Divinity, shall, within three Months after this Visitation, provide of his own the New Testament in Latin and English, with Erasmus his Paraphrase thereon. And that Bishops by themselves, and their Officers shall examine them how much they have profited in the study of holy Scripture. 21. That in the time of High Mass be that sayeth or singeth a Psalm, shall read the Epistle and Gospel in English, and one Chapter in the New Testament, at Matins, and another at Evensong, and that when nine Lessons are to be read in the Church, three of them shall be omitted with Responds. And at Evensong the Responds, with all the Memories. 22. That to prevent in Sick persons the damnable vice of Despair, They shall learn, and have always in readiness such comfortable places and sentences of Scripture, as do set forth the mercy, benefits, and goodness of God Almighty, towards all penitent and believing persons. 23. To avoid all contention and strife which heretofore have risen amongst the King's subjects, by challenging of Places in Procession, no Procession hereafter shall be used about the Church, or Churchyard, but immediately before high Mass the Litany shall be distinctly said or sung in English, none departing the Church without just cause, and all ringing of Bells (save one) utterly forborn. 24. That the Holiday at the first beginning, Godly instituted and ordained, be wholly given to God, in hearing the Word of God, read and taught in private and public prayers, in acknowledging their offences to God, and amendment, in reconciling themselves to their Neighbours, receiving the Communion, visiting the sick, etc. Only it shall be lawful for them in time of harvest to labour upon Holy and Festival-days, and save that thing which God hath sent, and that scrupulosity to abstain from working upon those days, doth grievously offend God. 25. That no Curate admit to the Communion such who are in ranchor and malice with their neighbours, till such controversies be reconciled. 26. That every Dean, Archdeacon, etc. being a Priest, preach by himself personally twice a year at least. 27. That they instruct their people, not obstinately to violate the Ceremonies of the Church by the King commanded to be observed, and not as yet abrogated. And on the other side, that whosoever doth superstitiously abuse them, doth the same to the great peril of his souls health. 28. That they take away and destroy all Shrines, covering of Shrines, Tables, Candlesticks, Trindills, or rolls of Wax, Pictures, Paintings, and other Monuments of feigned Miracles, so that no memory of them remain in Walls, or Windows, exhorting their Parishioners to do the like in their several houses. And that a comely Pulpit be provided in a convenient place. 29. That a strong Chest be provided with a hole in the upper part thereof, (with three Keys thereunto belonging) be provided to receive the charity of people to the poor, and the same at convenient times distributed unto them in the presence of the Parish. 30. That Priests be not bound to go to visit Women lying in Childbed, except in times of dangerous sickness, and not to fetch any Coarse except it be brought to the Church yard. 31. That to avoid the detestable sin of Simony, the Seller shall lose his right of Patronage for that time, and the Buyer to be deprived, and made unable to receive Spiritual promotion. 32. That because of the lack of Preachers, Curates shall read Homilies, which are or shall be set forth, by the King's Authority. 33. Where as many indiscreet persons do uncharitably contemn and abuse Priests, (having small learning:) his Majesty chargeth his Subjects that henceforth they be reverently used, for their Office and Ministration sake. 34. That all persons, not understanding Latin, shall pray on no other primer but what lately was set forth in English by K. Henry the eighth, and that such who have knowledge in Latin use none other also, and that all Craces before and after meat be said in English, and no Grammar taught in Schools but what is set forth by Authority. 35. That chantry Priests teach youth to read and write. 36. That when any Sermon or Homily shall be had, the Prime and Hours shall be omitted. ❧ The form of bidding the Common Prayers. YOu shall pray for the whole Congregation of Christ's Church, and specially, for this Church of England and Ireland: wherein, first, I commend to your devout prayers, the Kings most excellent Majesty, Supreme Head immediately under God, of the spirituality and temporalty of the same Church: And for Queen Katherine Dowager, and also for my Lady Mary, and my Lady Elizabeth, the King's sisters. Secondly, You shall pray for my Lord Protectors grace, with all the rest of the King's Majesty's Council: for all the Lords of this Realm, and for the Clergy, and the Commons of the same: beseeching Almighty God, to give every of them in his degree, grace to use themselves in such wise, as may be to God's glory, the King's honour, and the weal of this Realm. Thirdly, You shall pray for all them that be departed out of this world in the faith of Christ that they with us, and we with them at the Day of Judgement may rest both body and soul, with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, in the kingdom of heaven. Observations on the King's Injunctions. Let us here admire God's wisdom in our first Reformers, The wisdom of our Reformers. who proceeded so moderately in a matter of so great consequence: To reform all at once, had been the ready way to reform nothing at all. New wine must be gently poured into old bottles, lest the strength of the liquor, advantaged with the violence of the infusion, break the vessel. jacob could not keep pace with Esau (presumed fleet on foot as used to hunting) whilst he had in his company, the * Gen. 33. 13. tender children and flocks with young, which if over driven one day, would die. And though no doubt he himself was footman enough to go along with his Brother, yet he did lead on softly according as the cattle and children were able to endure. Thus our wise Reformers reflected discreetly on the infirmities of people, long nouzled in ignorance and superstition, and incapable (of a sudden and perfect alteration.) On this account (in the third Injunction) they reduced Candles formerly sans number in Churches to two, Only two lights left. upon the high Altar, before the Sacrament; these being termed lights, shows they werenot luminacaeca, but burning. Know also that at this time there was an universal dilapidation of chancels, and men had seen so many Abbey-Churches plucked down, that they even left Parish-Churches to fall down on themselves; now to repair them all at once, would have stopped the holes in the chancels, and made one in the states of the Ministers. It was therefore in the sixteenth Injunction ordered, That a fift part of their means should be employed therein, whereby the work was effectually done without any great damage to the Repairers. By Memories appointed to be omitted, What meant by Memories. [Injunction 21.] we understand, the Obsequia for the dead, which, some say, succeeded in the place of the [Heathen] Roman Parentalia. The abolishing Processions is politicly put on a civil account, Good policy. [Injunction 23.] to avoid contention about places. Indeed, people's pride herein, consisted in pretended humility, which the Injunction at large, termeth a fond Courtesy. For in a mock-practise of the Apostles * Rom. 12. 12. precept, in honour preferring one another, they strained courtesy to go last. Where, by the way, I conceive that accounted the highest place, which was next the Cross bearer, or next the Priest carrying the Host. Quaere, whether in the 24 Injunction, labouring in time of Harvest on Holidays, and Festivals, relateth not only to those of Ecclesiastical constitution, (as dedicated to Saints) or be inclusive of the Lords day also. Mr. Calvin in his Letter to the Lord * pag. 187, & 188. Protector, Mr. Calvin dissents. disliketh the praying for the dead: and this is one of those things, which he termed, tolerabiles ineptias, Englished by some, tolerable fooleries; more mildly by others, tolerable unfitnesses. In requital whereof, Bishop Williams was wont to say, That Master Calvin had his tolerabiles morositates. And thus moderately did our first Reformers begin, Moderation 〈◊〉 fare. as the subject they wrote on would give them leave; for as careful Mothers and Nurses on condition they can get their Children to part with knives, are contented to let them play with raitles: So they permitted ignorant people still to retain some of their fond and foolish Customs, that they might remove from them the most dangerous and destructive Superstitions. Come we now to give in a List of such principal Books which in the Reign of this King and His Father, The Protestant Library. as Preparatory to, and Introductive of Reformation; And to bring them high enough, we will begin with HEN: 7th. Prayers printed by the Commandments of the most hie and virtuous Princess our lyege Lady Elizabeth by the grace of God Queen of England and of France, and also of the right hie and most noble Princess Margarett mother to our Sovereign Lord the King, etc. without the year when printed. HEN: 8th. The Institution of a Christian man contayneng the Exposition of the Commune Crede, of the seven Sacraments, of the ten Commandments, and of the Pater noster, and the Ave Maria, Justification and Purgatory. London, by Tho: Barthelet, 1537. A necessary Doctrine and Erudition for any Christian man, set forth by the Kings Majesty of England, etc. London, by Tho: Barthelet, 1543. HEN: 8th. Henry the eighth his Epistle to the Emperor, Christian Princes, and all true Christian men, desiring peace and concord among them. Against the power of the Pope, and concerning a General Council. London, by Tho: Barthelet, 1538. A Protestation made for the most mighty and most redoubted King of England, etc. and his hole Counsel and Clergy, wherein is declared, that neither His Highness, nor His Prelates, neither any other Prince or Prelate is bound to come or send to the pretended Council, that Paul Bishop of Rome, first by a Bull indicted at Mantua a City in Italy, and now o'late by an other Bull, hath prorogued to a place no man can tell where. London, by Tho: Barthelet, 1537. Articles devised by the King's Highness Majesty to establish Christian quietness and unity among us, and to avoid contentious opinions, which Articles be also approved by the consent and determination of the hole Clergy of this Realm. Lond: Tho: Barthelet, 1536. Injunctions to the Clergy. 1536. M. Sc. Articles devised by the holle consent of the Kings most honourable Counsel, His Grace's licence obtained thereto, not only to exhort, but also to inform His loving Subjects of the troth. London, Tho: Barthelet, 1533. Orarium seu libellus Precationum per Regiam Majestatem & Clerum Latinè editus. Ex officina Richard Graftoni, 1545. Pia & Catholica Christiani hominis institutio. Londini apud Thomam Barthelet, 1544. Reformatio Legum Ecclesiasticarum ex authoritate primum Regis Hen: 8. inchoata, deinde per Regem Edw: 6. provecta etc. Londini, ex officina Jo: Day, 1571. EDW: 6th. Injunctions given by the most excellent Prince, Edward the sixth, by the grace of God King of England, France, and Ireland: defender of the Faith, and in earth under Christ, of the Church of England and of Ireland the Supreeme Head, to all and singular His loving Subjects, aswell of the Clergy as of the Laiety. By R. Grafton, 1547. Articles to be enquired of in the Kings Majesty's visitation. By Rich: Grafton, Cum privilegio. Communion book translated into French for Jersey and Garnesey. 1553. EDW: 6th. The Book of Common-Prayer and Administration of Sacraments, etc. London, 1549. & 1552. The form and manner of making and consecrating Bishops, Priests, and Deacons. 1552, & 1549. The Copy of a Letter sent to all those Preachers which the King's Majesty hath licenced to preach, from the Lord Protectors Grace, and others of the King's Majesties most Honourable Council. The 23 of May, 1548. Catechismus brevis, Christianae disciplinae summam continens, omnibus ludimagistris authoritate Regiâ commendatus. Londini, 1553. Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinensi, 1552. ad tollenda● opinionum dissensionem & consensum verae religionis firmandum, inter Episcopos & alios eruditos atque pios viros-convenerat: Regia similiter authoritate promulgati. Londini. The Primer or Book of Prayers, (translated out of Hen: the 8 this Orarium.) London by Rich: Grafton, 1547. Certain Sermons, (viz: the first part of the Church Homilies) appointed by the King's Majesty to be read every Sunday and Holy day, etc. 1549, & 1547. A Primer or Book of private Prayer, etc. in the 7 year of Ed: 6. Ex officina Wilhelmi Seres, 1552. The order of the Communion, with the Proclamation. London, by Rich: Grafton, 1548. Q. MARRY. The Primer in Latin and English, after the use of Sarum. London, 1555. Edm: Bonner's Catechism, 1555. with Homilies composed by H. Pendleton, and Jo: Harpesfield. London, 1555. These are the principal State-books which that Age produced, (not mentioning such, (as numberless) which private persons set forth) only I cannot as yet recover the Lord Cromwell's Catechism, except it be concealed under another name, amongst the Books aforementioned. 4. Come we now to the Liturgy, which in the Reign of K. Henry the eighth, was said or sung all in Eatine, save only the Creed, Pater noster, and ten Commandments, put into English by the King's command, Anno 1536. Nine years after, viz: 1545, the Litany was permitted in English, and this was the farthest pace which the Reformation stepped in the Reign of King Henry the eighth. Ann. Dom. 1547. But under His son King Edward the sixth, a new form of Divine worship was set forth in the vulgar Tongue, which passed a threefold purgation. The first Edition of the Liturgy or Common-Prayer. The 2d Edit. of the Liturgy or Common-Prayer. The 3d Edit. of the Liturgy or Common-Prayer. In the first year of King Edward the sixth, it was recommended to the care of the most grave Bishops, and others, (assembled by the King at His Castle at Windsor) and when by them completed, set forth in Print, 1548, with a Proclamation in the King's name to give authority thereunto; being also recommended unto every Bishop by especial c See a form of them in Fox's Acts & Mon. ●ol. 1491. Letters from the Lords of the Council to see the same put in execution. And in the next year a penalty was imposed by Act of Parliament on such which should deprave or neglect the use thereof. Some exceptions being taken by Mr. Calvin abroad, and some Zealots at home, at the former Liturgy, the Book was brought under a review, and by a b 5 & 6 of Edward the sixth, cap. 1. Statute in Parliament it was appointed, That it should be faithfully and godly perused, explained, and made fully perfect. In the first of Qu. Elizabeth, 1559, it was committed by the Queen to the care of some learned men by whom it was altered in some few passages, and so presented to the Parliament, and by them received and established. Persons employed therein. 1. Tho: Cramer Archbishop of Canterbury. 2. George Day Bishop of Chichester. 3. Tho: Goodrig Bishop of Ely. 4. Johan Skip Bishop of Hereford. 5. Hen: Holbeach Bishop of Lincoln. 6. Nicholas Ridley Bishop of Rochester. 7. Tho: Thileby Bishop of Westminster. 8. Doctor May Dean of S. Paul's. 9 John Tailor then Dean (afterwards Bishop of Lincoln. 10. Doctor Haines Dean of Exeter. 11. Doctor Robertson afterwards Dean of Durham. 12. Doctor John Redman Master of Trinity College in Cambridge. 13. Doctor Richard Cox then Almoner to the King, afterwards Bishop of Ely. Persons employed therein. We meet not with their particular names, but may probably conceive they were the same with the former, for the main, though some might be superadded by Royal appointment. Persons employed therein. 1. Master Whitehead once Chaplain to Queen Anna Bullen. 2. Matthew Parker afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury. 3. Edmund Grindall afterwards Bishop of London. 4. Richard Cox afterwards Bishop of Ely. 5. James Pilkinton afterwards Bishop of Durham. 6. Doctor May Deane of St. Paul's, and Master of Trinity Coll: in Cambridge. 7. Sir Tho: Smith principal Secretary of Estate. As for the fourth and last Edition of the Liturgy, in the first of King James, 1603, with some small alterations in the Rubric, after the Conference at Hampton-Court, thereof (God willing) in due time hereafter. 5. The Book of Books still remains, I mean, the Bible itself. Know then that some exceptions being taken at tindal's Translation, the Bishops (than generally Popish) complied so fare in a * set down at large in the Register of Archbishop Warbam. Conference with the desires of King Henry the eighth, that on condition the people would give in tindal's [pretended false] Translation, they would set forth another, better agreeing with the Original. And although this took up some time to effect, the work being great in itself, and few workmen, as yet, Masters of the Mystery of PRINTING; yet at last, it was accomplished, but more purely and perfectly done in after Ages, as by the ensuing parallels will appear. The first Traslation of the Bible. The second Translation of the Bible. The third Translation of the Bible. Set forth in the Reign of K. Henry the eighth, An. 1541. countenanced with a grave & pious Preface of Archbishop Cranmer, and authorized by the King's Proclamation, dated May the 6. Seconded also with c Extant in Sir Thomas Cotions Library. Instructions from the King, to prepare people to receive benefit the better from so heavenly a treasure, it was called, The BIBLE of the greater Volume, rather commended than commanded to people. Few Countrey-Parishes could go to the cost of them, though Bishop Bonner caused six of them to be chained in the Church of S. Paul's, in convenient places. Set forth in the Reign of K. Edward the sixth, and not only suffered to be read by particular persons, but ordered to be read over yearly in the Congregation, as a principal part of Divine Service. Two several Editions I have seen thereof, one set forth 1549, the other 1551, but neither of them divided into verses. Set forth in the second of Qu. Elizabeth, the last Translation, was again reviewed by some of the most learned Bishops (appointed thereunto by the Queen's Commission) whence it took the name of the Bishop's BIBLE: and by the Queen's sole commandment reprinted, and left free and open to all Her well affected Subjects. As for the last and best Translation of the Bible in the Reign of King James, by a select company of Divines employed therein, in due time, (by God's assistance) largely thereof. 6. And now we shall come to small game, rather than shut out, not caring how low we descend, so be it we may satisfy the Reader, and inform posterity, presenting a Catalogue of such Proclamations which the King set forth in the four first years, having any tendency or relation to Ecclesiastical matters. 1. A Proclamation concerning the effectual payment of Pensions, due out of the Court of Augmentations, to any late Abbot, Prior, etc. which it seemeth lately were detained. Anno 1ᵒ Edvardi sexti, Septem. 18. 2. A Proclamation concerning the irreverent Talkers of the Sacrament: For, after the Transubstantiation, and the superstition of the Corporal presence was removed, many persons (no less ignorant than violent) fell from adoring to contemning of the holy Elements, till retrenched by this Proclamation, set forth, 1ᵒ Edvardi sexti, Decemb. 27. 3. A Proclamation for abstaining from flesh in Lent-time, Anno 1ᵒ Edvardi sexti, Januarii 16. 4. A Proclamation against such as innovate a Ceremony, 1548. or Preach without licence, 2. Anno 2ᵒ Evardi sexti, Febr. 6. 5. A Proclamation inhibiting Preachers, Anno 2ᵒ Edvardi sexti, April. 24. Whereof this was the occasion: certain Popish Preachers disaffected to the King's Government, endeavoured in their Sermons to possess people of scandalous reports against the King, as if He intended to lay strange exactions on the people, and to demand Half-a-Crown a piece of every one who should be Married, Christened, or Buried. To prevent further mischief, the King ordered by Proclamation, That none should Preach except licenced under the Seals of the Lord Protector, or Archbishop of Canterbury. 6. A Proclamation for the Inhibition of all Preachers: the second of Edward the second. Sept. 23. Because this Proclamation is short, hard to be come by, and (if I mistake not) conducing much to acquaint us with the character of those times, it may be acceptable here to exemplify the same. WHereas of late, by reason of certain controversious and seditious Preachers, the King's Majesty, moved of tender zeal, and love, which He hath to be quiet of His Subjects, by the advice of the Lord Protector, and other His Highness' Council, hath by Proclamation, inhibited and commanded, That no manner of person, except such as was licenced by His Highness the Lord Protector, or by the Archbishop of Canterbury, should take upon him to preach in any open audience, upon pain in the said Proclamation contained; and that upon hope and assurance, that those being chosen and elect men, should preach and set forth only to the people such things as should be to God's honour, and the benefit of the King's Majesty's subjects. Yet nevertheless, His Highness is advertised, that certain of the said preachers, so licenced, not regarding such good admonitions as hath been by the said Lord Protector and the rest of the Council on His Majesty's behalf by Letters, Ann. Dom. 1548 or otherwise given unto them, Ann. Reg. Ed. 6. 2. hath abused the said authority of preaching; and behaved themselves irreverently, and without good order in the said preach, contrary to such good instructions and advertisements, as was given unto them, whereby much contention and disorder might rise and ensue, in this his Majesty's Realm: wherefore his Highness, minding to see very shortly, one uniform order, throughout this his Realm, and to put an end to all controversies in Religion, so fare as God shall give grace (for which cause at this time, certain Bishops, and notable learned men, by his highness commandment are congregate) hath by th' advise aforesaid thought good, although certain and many of the said preachers so before licenced, have behaved themselves very discretly and wisely, and to the honour of God and his highness' contentation, yet at this present, and until such time, that the said Order shall be set forth generally, throughout this His Majesty's Realm, to inhibit, and by these presents doth inhibit generally as well the said Preachers so before licenced, as all manner of persons whosoever they be, to preach in open audience in the pulpit or otherwise, by any sought colour or fraud, to the disobeying of this commandment, to the intent that the whole Clergy in this mean space, might apply themselves to prayer to Almighty God, for the better achieving of the same most Godly intent and purpose, not doubting but that also His loving Subjects in the mean time will occupy themselves to God's honour, with due prayer in the Church, and patiented hearing of the Godly Homilies, heretofore set forth by His Highness' Injunctions unto them, and so endeavour themselves, that they may be the more ready with thankful obedience to receive a most quiet, Ann. Reg. Ed. 6. 2. godly, Ann. Dom. 1548. and uniform order, to be had throughout all His said Realms and Dominions. And therefore, hath willed all His loving Officers, and Ministers, as well Justices of peace, as Majors, Sheriffs, Bailiffs, Constables, or any other His Officers, of what estate, degree, or condition soever they be, to be attendant upon this Proclamation and commandment, and to see the infringers or breakers thereof to be imprisoned; and His Highness, or the Lord Protectors grace, or His Majesty's Council, to be certified thereof immediately, as they tender His Majesty's pleasure, and will answer to the contrary at their peril. 16. Some Preachers perusing the aforesaid Proclamation, A Panic silence of Pulpits. will complain of persecution, that all the Pulpits in England should be universally silenced at once, and will conclude it summum jus, That the Righteous, should be condemned with the Wicked: the mouths of good Ministers stopped with Railers. Well might the souls of weak Christians be faint and feeble, having no warm meat, but the cold Homilies allowed them. But Statesmen easily excuse the matter, finding the juncture of time falling out when many Popish Pulpits sounded the Alarm to Ket his Rebellion, and the Devon-shire Commotion, whereof hereafter. Besides, this prohibition of preaching lasted but for few weeks, and we read of a silence for about * Revel. 8. 1. the space of half an hour even in heaven itself. 7. A Proclamation for the payment of the late Incumbents of Colleges, 3. and Chanteries, 1549. lately dissolved, Anno 3ᵒ Edvardi sexti, Octob. 31. 17. The Pulpit thus shut and silent by Proclamation, A Proclamation against Stage-plays. the Stage was the more open and vocal for the same, the Popish Priests (which though unseen) stood behind the hanging, or lurked in the tyring-bouse, removed their invectives from Sermons to Plays, and a more proper place indeed for the venting thereof. Here it made old sport, to see the New Religion (as they term it) made ridiculous, with the prime Patrons thereof, which caused the ensuing Proclamation for the prohibition. 8. A Proclamation for the inhibition of Players, Ann. Dom. 1549. Anno 3 Edvardi 6. Aug: 6. And some perchance will not grudge the time to read the form thereof. Ann. Reg. Ed. 6. 3. FOrasmuch, as a great number of those that be common Players of Interludes and Plays, as well within the City of London, or elsewhere, within the Realm, do for the most part play such Interludes, as contain matter, tending to sedition, and contemning of sundry good orders and laws; whereupon are grown, and daily are like to grow and ensue much disquiet, division, tumults, and uproars in this Realm: the King's Majesty, by the advice and consent of his dearest Uncle, EDWARD Duke of Somerset, Governor of His Person, and Protector of His Realms, Dominions, and Subjects, and the rest of His Highness' privy Council, straight chargeth and commandeth all, and every His Majesty's subjects, of whatsoever state, order, or degree they be, that from the ninth day of this present Month of August, until the Feast of All-Saints next coming, they, nor any of them, openly, or secretly, play in the English Tongue, any kind of Interlude, Play, Dialogue, or other matter, set forth in form of play, in any place, public or private, within this Realm, upon pain that whosoever shall play in English any such Play, Interlude, Dialogue, or other matter, shall suffer imprisonment, and further punishment, at the pleasure of His Majesty. For the better execution whereof, His Majesty, by the said advise and consent, straight chargeth and commandeth all and singular Majors, Sheriffs, Bailiffs, Constables, Headboroughs, Tythingmen, Justices of Peace, and all other His Majesty's head Officers, in all the parts throughout the Realm, to give order, and special heed, that this Proclamation be in all behalves, well and truly kept and observed, as they and every of them tender His Highness' pleasure, and will avoid His indignation. 18. The Proclamation being but temporary, did not take down, but only clear the stage for a time, reformed Interludes (as they term them) being afterward permitted; yea, in the first of Queen Elizabeth, Scripture-plays were acted even in the Church itself, which in my opinion, the more pious, the more profane, stooping faith to fancy, and abating the majesty of God's Word. Such Pageants might inform, not edify, though indulged the ignorance of that Age: For, though children may be played into Learning, all must be wrought into Religion, by Ordinances of Divine institutions, and the means ought to be as serious, as the end is secret. REx omnibus ad quos praesentes etc. salutem. Sciatis quod nos de gratia nostra speciali, ac ex certa scientia & mero motu nostris dedimus & concessimus ac per praesentes damus & concedimus dilecto servienti nostro Thomae Barthelet Impressori nostro quandam annuitatem sive quendam annualem redditum quatuor librarum sterlingorum, Habendum & annuatim percipiendum praedictam annuitatem sive annualem redditum quatuor librarum eidem Thomae Barthelet à Festo Paschae, Anno Regni nostri vicesimo primo, durante vita sua de Thesauro nostro ad receptum Scaccarii nostri per manus Thesaurarum & Camerarii nostrorum ibidem pro tempore existendo ad Festa Sancti Michaelis Archangeli & Paschae per equales portiones etc. quod expressa mentio etc. ❧ In cujus etc. testimonium rei apud Westminsteriensem vicesimo secundo die Februarii, Anno Regni HENRICI Octavi vicesimo primo. Per Breve de privato Sigillo. 19 An ample Commission was granted to john Dudley Earl of Warwick, Oxford Library reform of all its ancient Manuscripts. and eight more, any seven, six, five, four, three, two, or one of them, to visit in capite, & membris, the whole Diocese, but especially the University of Oxford. The effects of this Visitation do not appear, save only that they so clearly purged the University from all Monuments of superstition, that they left not one Book of many goodly Manuscripts, wherewith it was furnished by the munificence of several Benefactors. Thus covetousness and ambition are such active vices, they are seldom off the Theatre, though not appearing with their own faces, but the borrowed masks of public good of Church or State. Such Robbers deserve not the benefit of the Clergy to be saved by their book, who feloniously, (not to say sacrilegiously) purloined a public Library from an University. 20. The blame is commonly cast on Doctor Cox, Loath to believe. who, as one saith (but it is but one who saith it) being then Chancellor of the University. so * Sir Jo Harring. in the Bishops of Ely. canceled the Books thereof, they could never since recover them. Indeed, I find b In his Preface to the Li●e of Sir Io. Che●k, printed at Oxford, An. 1641. another Author charging him therewith, but with this Parenthesis ('tis said) and my charity would fain believe Fame a false report therein, finding him otherwise a deserving person, very well qualified; and it is strange to me, that he who at this present, was the King's Almoner to dispense his charity in giving to others, should be so cruel and covetous, and to deprive an University of so precious a treasure so long and justly belonging unto them. 21. The King's affairs both Ecclesiastical and Civil stood now in a probable posture of success, An Epidemical distemper of disloyalty. gliding on with a fair and full current, when both on a sudden were unexpectedly obstructed with domestical dissensions of his own Subjects. Distempers not considerable, if singly considered in themselves, but very dangerous in their concurrence, as if all in several Counties, at one instant were acted with the same Spirit of Rebellion. My Author imputeth it to Midsommer-Moon, and the Sun now in Cancer, though surely it proceeded from a deeper cause, as will appear to the perusers of these two contemporary Treasons: Devon Commotion. Norfolk Rebellion. 1. It began on Whiteson-monday at Sampford-Courtney, June 10. where the People tumultuously compelled the Priest (whose secret compliance is suspected by some covertly to court their compulsion) to say Mass, and officiate in Latin, as best pleased with what they least understood. 2. Henry Arundle Esquire, Governor of the Mount in Cornwall (one whose abilities might have been better employed) Winnslade a man of worship, and one Coffin Gentleman, were their principal Conductors. Otherwise (though assuming to themselves the high style of the Commons of Devonshire and Cornwall) they were but an heap of mean Mechanics, though many in number, and daily increasing, so that at last they were reputed to exceed ten thousand, all stout and able persons. 3. Sir Pierce Courtney Sheriff of Devon shire appeared very loyal and active for their seasonable suppressing. But others of the County Gentry, (whose names I had rather the Reader should learn from my Author's pen, than mine own) by their privy connivance, and in effect concurrence, much advantaged their proceed. Many were taken Prisoners by them, July 2. because they would be taken, and found favour thereupon. And now the seditious march in a full body to Exeter, and on the Citizen's refusal to admit them in, resolve suddenly to besiege it, boasting they would shortly measure the Silks and Satins therein by the length of their Bows. 4. Exeter is a round City on a rising Hill, most capable of fortification both for the site and form thereof. Her walls (though of the old Edition) were competently strong and well repaired. John Blackallar Major of Exeter, though a mere Merchant, little skilled in Politic, less in Military affairs, had wisdom to know, who were wiser than himself, and willingly to be directed by them. And now the Seditious having taken ordnance at Topsham, set down before Exeter, presuming quickly to conquer the same. 5. But first they are consulting about Articles to be sent to the King. The Rebels send p●oud demands to the King. Some would have no Justices (can you blame Offenders if desiring to destroy their enemies?) others no Gentlemen, all no English service: Mass must be restored, the six Articles (lately repealed) they would have put in execution, and Popery re established. Concluding all with this close, (the gilded paper to wrap up poisonous Treasons at the beginning thereof) We pray God save King EDWARD, for we be His, both body and goods. Whose unreasonable demands were justly rejected by the King, yet pardon proclaimed to such as would accept thereof: which the Seditious (mistaking the King's favour, to be His fear utterly refused. 6. Mean time Exeter was not so much frighted with her foes without, Exeter resisteth, Norwich yieldeth to the Rebels. as with famine and faction within the walls thereof Great was the want of victu●als and bread especially. Now Plebs nescit jejuna timere. Where there is the barking of the belly, there no other commands will be heard, much less obeyed. But this was in some sort qualified by proportioning all provisions in the City to all alike, and mean folk will be the better pleased with course and short diet, when eating out of the same dish with their betters. When in successful sallies they recovered any cattle from the Rebels, the poor had the principal share thereof. 7. Faction in the City was of most dangerous consequence, the generality thereof favouring Popery, and cordial Protestants but few in comparison of the other party. However, this was a good help to the Protestants, that such who severed from them in the Church, joined with them in the Town house. Rich Pepists feared their goods would be condemned as heretical even by the Rebels of their own Religion, which made them persist in their loyalty to their Sovereign. 8. John Russell, Lord privy Seal, was sent down with small Forces to suppress the Commotion. A person very proper for that service, as of a stout spirit, and richly landed in this County. He stayed some time at Honyton in vain expecting promised supplies, either because this Lord was looked on as of the Protectors party, whose Court-interest did much decline, or because Norfolk Rebellion, as nearer London, engrossed all warlike provisions. Thus was this Lord in deep distress, having nothing (save his Commission) strong about him, and his few forces, for fear, and want of pay, began daily to forsake him. 9 And now following the advice of the Dorsetshire Gentry, he was ready to return, when three Princely Merchants (for so may I term them, both for great interest, and loyal intentions) viz: Thomas Prestwood, Thomas Bodily, and John Periam, so improved their credits with Bristol, Lime, and Taunton, that they furnished the Lord Russell with necessaries to march forward. Animated herewith, they advance, and gave the Rebels such a blow at Fenington-bridge, that they left three hundred of their bodies dead on the place. 10. Soon after the Lord Grace of Wilton, (whose slowness may be excused, as busied by the way in suppressing Tumults in Buckingham and Oxford shire) came with a company of Horsemen, and 300 Italian Shot, under Baptist Spinola their Leader, to recruit the Lord Russell. Here one would wonder to behold the native English fight in the maintenance of the Mass, opposed by Italians, until he considereth, that these foreigners, being Soldiers of Fortune, consulted the Coin, not the Cause of such as entertained them. And now the King's Army advanceth towards Exeter, a word or two of which Cities sad condition. 11. The Rebels had often attempted to fire the Gates of the City, till at last the Citizens found the Paradox true, that the only way to keep their City shut was to set their Gates open, making rampires more defensible behind them. As for the Enemy's intent to undermine and blow up the Walls, it was first discovered, then defeated by John Newcombe a Tinner of Teingmouth. Philip Comineus. For taking advantage of the declivity of the City on that side, he countermined the Rebels work, and then derived into it all the kennels and watercourses (falling down with a great precipice) and so drowned the vault intended with powder to blow up the Walls. Besides, at the same instant set an impetuous shower which added to the Deluge. Thus in vain doth Hell seek to kindle that Fire, when Heaven intendeth to pour water for the quenching thereof. 12. Famine raged most extremely, insomuch as they were fain to bake bran and meal moulded up in clothes, for otherwise it would not stick together. Nor must the worthy resolution of a loyal Citizen be forgotten, publicly professing, That rather than he would surrender the City to the Rebels, he would fight with one arm, and feed on the other. And now were they reduced to utmost extremity when the seasonable approach of Lord privy Seal put a period to their Miseries. For at the windmill of S. Mary Clist after a bloody Battle, (wherein Sir William Francis was slain on the King's side) the Rebels were routed and forced to fly, leaving a thousand of their corpse dead on the place. Miles Coverdail gave public thanks to God for the victory in the view of Exeter, and soon after was made the Bishop thereof. 13. Then the Lord caused S. Mary Clist to be burnt to the ground, though it was his own Town, as knowing full well, Traitors to their King, would never make good Tenants to their Landlord. And on Clist-heath a second fight was begun, where the Rebels were finally overcome. The Lord privy Seal marched into Exeter, and was there (as he well deserved) welcomed with all possible expressions of joy. Sir William Herbert with 1000 Welsh came too late to fight, but soon enough to be an honourable Witness of the victory. 14. This sixth of August, Two solemn yearly festivals▪ the day of their deliverance, is an high festival in the Almanac of Exeter. Good cheer, and (thereby I justly guess) their great gratitude being annually observed, with a public Sermon to perpetuate the memory of God's mercy unto them. Yet such Solemnities do daily decay, every new Generation being removed one degree farther from the deliverance The King conferred the Manor of Exetland, (formerly belonging to the City, but wrested from it by the Earls of Devon-shire) on their Corporation, in reward of their loyalty and valour. 15. Humphrey Arundle, Winslade, Bery, and Coffi were executed, and as this Commotion began, it ended at Sampford-Courtney, where their last remnant was defeated. Six Popish Priests were hanged, with Welsh the Vicar of St. Thomas, though all this was but mercy to the cruelty of Sir Anthony Kingston provost-marshal in trussing up many mean offenders. 1. It began about the 20th of June at Attilborrough about the laying open of Commons, The beginning of two Rebellions. pretended lately enclosed to the prejudice of the Poor. Much increased on the 6● of July at Windham Play, where there was a great confluence of idle people repairing from all parts of the County. 2. Robert Ket, Their Ringleaders, and number. Tanner of Windham, one of more wealth than common folk of his craft, yet of more wit than wealth, confidence than either, was chosen their Captain. He with two Assistants, chosen out of every hundred, kept his King's Bench, Chancery, and all other Courts, under a Tree, termed the Oak of Reformation, where he did justice, (be it wrong or right) to all such as were summoned before him. In short time they increased to be more than twenty thousand. 3. Sir Edmond Windham Sheriff of Norfolk, The Sheriff's endeavours succeed not. commanded them in the King's name peaceably to departed. But had not his Horsemanship been better than his Rhetoric, himself had not departed the place. Yea now the * Hooker (alias Vowel) in Hollingshed, p. 1015, & 1017. Rebels began to play their pranks, threatening to burn the House, Idem p. 1029. and defacing the Dovecoat, (formerly a Chapel before it was turned of an House of Prayer into a Den of Thiefs) of Master Corbets of Sprowston, and committing many outrages, laid all Pastures rather waste than open, where they came. Yea, now they march towards Norwich the chief place in the County. 4. Norwich is like a great volume with a bad cover, The description of Exeter and Norwich. having at best but parchment walls about it. Nor can it with much cost and time be effectually fortified, because under the frowning brow of Moushold Hill, hanging over it. The River Year so wanton, that it knoweth not its own mind which way to go, such the involved flexures thereof within a mile of this City, runneth partly by, partly through it, but contributeth very little to the strengthening thereof. 5. The Rebels encamped, or rather enkennelled themselves on Moushold-Hill, (whereon Mount-Surry a fair House of the Dukes of Northfolk) whence they had free egress and regress into Norwich as oft as they pleased. One Coigniers, a Vicar in the City, they had for their Chaplain, and were so religiously rebellious, that prayers Morning and Evening were read amongst them. Mean time, so intolerable was their insolence that now they sent up such Demands to the King, to which He neither would in honour, nor could in justice condescend. Yet the King constantly checkered His comminations with Proclamatians of pardon, which the Rebels scorned to accept. 6. As for Thomas Cod Major of Norwich, and others of the Gentry, detained prisoners in Ket's camp, they were admitted to the counsels of the Rebels for the better credit thereof. If Ket were present, they were no better than herb John in the pottage, and had no influence on their consultations. But if he happily chanced to be absent, than they were like S. John's wort, (so sovereign for soars, and against the plague itself) and did much mitigate the fury of their mischievous Decrees. Mean time great plenty was in Kets camp, (where a fat sheep was sold for a groat) but penury and misery in all other places. 7. Doctor Matthew Parker (afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury) getting up into the Oak of Reformation, preached to their Rebels of their duty and allegiance. But the Oak as soon as the Auditory would embrace his Doctrine, yea his life was likely to be ended before his Sermon (Arrows being shot at him) had not Coigniers, Kets Chaplain, seasonably, yet abruptly, set the Te Deum, during the singing whereof the Dr. withdrew to sing his part at home, and thank God for his great deliverance. 8. William Par marquis of Northhampton, Aide sent to suppress the Rebels. but more acquainted with the witty, than the warlike part of Pallas, (as complete in Music, Poetry, and Courtship) with many persons of honour, as the Lords Sheffield, and Wentworth, Sir Anthony Denny, Sir Ralph Sadlier, Sir Thomas Paston, etc. is sent to quell this Rebellion. They were assisted with a band of Italians, under Malatesta their Captain, whereof the Rebels made this advantage to fill the Country with complaints, that these were but an handful of an armful to follow driving on the design, to subject England to the insolence of Foreigners. 9 Now, The Lord Russell conqueror. Lord Marquis conquered. though neither wisdom nor valour was wanting in the King's Soldiers, yet success failed them, being too few to defend Norwich, and oppose the Rebels. Insomuch that the Lord Sheffield was barbarously butchered, Sr Tho: Corwallis taken prisoner, and the City fired by the Rebels: which probably had been burnt to ashes, had not the clouds commiserating the City's calamity, and melting into tears, quenched the flames: and thus the marquis fain to quit the service, returned to London. 10. Then was John Dudley Earl of Warwick, The Lord Grace and Earl of Warwick come with new supplies. with such Forces as were intended for Scotland, sent to undertake the Task. The marquis of Northhampton attended him to try whether he could be more fortunate in following than he had been in leading. Coming to Norwich he easily entered the City, and entertained the Rebels with many sallies with various success, here too long to relate, but generally the Earl of Warwick came off with the better. 11. Now the Rebels impregnable in some sort, if still keeping Moushold-Hill, (whereon the Earl's Horse could do small service) deserted it of their own accord, and came down into Dussin-dale. Here their superstition fancied themselves sufficiently fenced by the virtue of an old prophecy. Hob, Dick, and Hick, with clubs and clouted shoes, Shall fill up Dassin-dale with blood of slaughtered bodies soon. It hath ever been charged on the English, as if they always carried an old Prophecy about with them in their pockets, which they can produce at pleasure to promote their designs, though oft mistaken in the application of such equivocating Predictions, as here these silly folk were deluded. For, it being believed, that Dussin dale must make a large and soft pillow for Death to rest thereon, these Rebels apprehended themselves the Upholsters to make, who proved only the stuffing to fill the same. 12. The Earl glad that the enemy had quitted the Hill, fell with all his forces upon them, and here happened a most bloody Battle. The Rebels disputed the ground, with their natural Logic (as I may term it) downright blows, without much military Discipline. Here one might have seen young Boys (timely Traitors) plucking the arrows wherewith they were wounded out of their own flesh, and giving them to those of their own party to shoot them back again. July 27. Here some thrust through with spears, wilfully engaged their Bodies the deeper thereon, only striving to reach out their revenge on those who wounded them. But at last rage was conquered by courage, number by valour, Rebellion by Loyalty, and in the fight and pursuit two thousand at the least were slain. 13. Remarkable was Divine Providence in preserving the captive Gentlemen of the Country, whom the Rebels coupled together and set them in the front of the Fight. Now, although it be true what David saith, * 2 Sam. 11. 25. The sword devoureth one as well as another: yet so discreetly did Captain Druery charge the Van of the Rebels, that most of these innocent Prisoners made their escape. The last litter of Kets kennel stiffly standing out and fortifying themselves, accepted of pardon on the Earls promise it should be assured unto them. 14. On the nine and twentieth of August a solemn Thanks-giving was made in Norwich for their deliverance, Aug. 6. and is annually continued. Indeed, this City being betwixt weakness and strengths ●s taxed for wavering at the time betwixt Loyalty and Revolt, though to give the Citizens their due, many expressed their fidelity to their Prince as fare as they durst for fear of destruction. Yet better had it been had Norwich been weaker to be quitted, or stronger to be defended, whose mongrel strength exposed it to the greater misery. 15. Robert Ket was hanged on Norwich Castle, The legal 〈◊〉 of the Rebels. William his brother on Windham Steeple, Nine others on the Oak of Reformation, which never till then brooked the name thereof. Amongst these, Miles, a cunning Cannoneer, was much lamented, because remorse kept him from doing much mischief to which his cunning did enable him. Thus by God's blessing on Man's endeavours both these Rebellions were seasonably suppressed. That of Devon-shire did openly avouch the advancing of Popery; the other was suspected secretly fomented by some Papists, who stood behind the curtain, but ready to step on the stage, had Success of the Design but given them the Cue of Entrance. As for the Rebellion at the same time in York shire, which from a small pustle might have proved a painful bile, yea, a fistulated ulcer if neglected, it was quickly quelled on the execution of Omler and Dale, the chief promoters thereof. 22. By the favour of Sir Thomas Cotton, 1550. having obtained to make use of his Library (our English Vatican, Abstracts of Church matters out of K. Edward's own Diary. for Manuscripts) I shall transcribe King Edward's Diurnal, written with His own hand, of the transactions in His Reign. True it is His Observations, for his two first years, are short, and not exactly expressing the notation of time, but His Notes as the Noter, got perfection with His age. They most belong to Secular affairs, out of which we have selected such as respect Ecclesiastical matters. May the Reader be pleased to take notice, that though my Observations, as printed, go abreast in parallel Columes with those of His Highness, it is my intention they should observe their distance, in their humble attendance thereupon. Text Royal. Observations thereon. THe Lord Protector by his own a Thus the Pilot to save the Ship from sinking, casts out the rich lading into the Sea. agreement, April 2. and submission, lost his b This lay void ever after, whilst the Treasurership was presently conferred on Will: Powlet marquis of Winchester, and the Marshalship on John Dudley Earl of Warwick. Protectourship, Treasurership, Marshalship, all his Movables, and near 2000 li. Land by Act of Parliament. The Bp. of c Namely, George Day, who (notwithstanding this Sermon) remained a zealous Papist, and on that score, was deprived of his Bishopric. Chichester before a vehement affirmer of Transubstantiation, Ann. Dom. 1650. did Preach against it at Westminster in the Preaching-place. April 4. My Lord Somerset taken into the Counsel. 10. Orders taken, 13. that whosoever had d Understand it, not by Private Patroness, but either presented by the King, or Lord Chancellor. Benefices given them, should preach before the King, in or out of Lent, and every Sunday there should be a Sermon. Mass for the Lady Mary denied to the Emperor's e These engaged Archbishop Cranmer, and Bishop Ridlye, to press the King with politic Reasons for the permission thereof. He unable to answer their Arguments fell a weeping. Ambassador. 19 It is granted that my Lord of Somerset should have all his movable Goods, 27. and Leases, except those that be already f Courtiers keep what they catch, and catch what ever they can come by. given. May 2. Joan g An obstinate Heretic, maintaining, That Christ assumed nothing of the Virgin Mary, but passed through Her, as a Conduit-pipe. She with one or two Arians were all, who (and that justly) died in this King's Reign for their Opinions. Bocher, otherwise called Joan of Kent, was burnt for holding, that Christ was not incarnate of the Virgin Mary, being condemned the year before, but kept in hope of conversion. The Bishops of London and Ely were to persuade her, but she withstood them, and reviled the Preacher that preached at her death. The Lord Cobham and Sir William Peter came home from their journey, 20. delivering both the Oath, and the Testimonial of the Oath, witnessed by divers Noblemen of France, and also the h Advantageous enough for the French, and dishonourable too much to the English, whose covetousness was above their sense of Honour, selling Bologne, bought with blood, for a sum of money. Treaty sealed with the great Seal of France, and in both was confessed that I was i The Controversy about this Title lying not betwixt the Crowns of England and France, but betwixt England and Rome, no wonder if the French yielded to any Style in a Treaty so gainful to themselves. supreme Head of the Church of England and Ireland. Ann. Dom. 1550. The Duke of Somerset, June 9 marquis of North-hampton, Lord Treasurer Bedford, and the Secretary Peter, went to the Bishop of Winchester to know to what he would k For as yet this subtile-Statist scarce knew his own mind, often receding from his Resolves, whose inconstancy in this kind, incensed the King and Council against him. stick. He made Answer, that he would obey, and let forth all things set forth by Me, and My Parliament; and if he were troubled in conscience, he would reveal it to the Council, and not reason openly against it. The Books of My Proceed were sent to the Bishop of Winchester to see whether he would set his hand to it, 10. or promise to set it forth to the people. The Duke of Somerset, 14. with five others of the Council, went to the Bp. of the Winchester; to whom he made this Answer: I having deliberately seen the Book of Common-Prayer, although I would not have made it so myself, yet I find such things in it as satisfieth my conscience, & therefore both I will execute it myself, and also see other my l Parish in the Dialect of a Bishop is notoriously known to be his Diocese. Yet I deny not but that the numerous Parishioners of Saint Mary Oueris, (wherein Winchester-House) are herein particularly intended. Parishioners to do it. This was subscribed by the aforesaid Counselors, that they heard him say these words. The Earl of Warwick, July 9 the Lord Treasurer, Sir William Herbert, and Secretary Peter, went to the Bishop of Winchester with certain Articles, signed by Me and the Council, containing the Confessing of his Fault, the Supremacy, the establishing of Holidays, the abolishing of the six Articles, etc. whereunto he put his hand, saving to the Confession. Sir William Herbert, and the Secretary Peter, July 10. were sent to him to tell him, That I marvelled that he would not put his hand to the Confession: To whom he made Answer, That he would not do it, because he was m If conscious of no crime, he is not to be condemned for justifying his own integrity. innocent. 11. The Bishop of London, Secretary Peter, Mr. Cecil, and Gooderich, were commanded to make certain Articles according to the Laws, and to put them in the Submission. It was appointed that under the n Such Umbrages of Simulation presumed lawful by all Politicians. Quaere, whether the Protestants in the Netherlands, or France, (those of High Germany being beyond the line of probability) were here intended. shadow of preparing for Sea-matters, 12. there should be sent 5000 lib. to the Protestants to get their good wills. The Bishop of Winchester denied the o They were drawn up in so punctual expressions, the other had neither compass for evasion, nor covert for equivocation. Articles, 14. which the Bishop of London and others had made. The Bishop of Winchester was p A Rod formerly in fashion, but never so sound laid on, as of late. sequestered from his fruits for three months. 19 The Lady Mary, 28. after long Communication was content to come to Lees, Ann. Dom. 1549 to the Lord Chancellors, and then to Hunsdon, but She utterly denied to come to the q She loved to deal with the King her Brother eminus by Letters, but in no wise comminus by discourse. Besides, she hated coming to the Court, suspecting some harsh usage to her Person, and jealous of being put into Restraint. Court, or Oking, at that time. The Lord Chancellor fell sore sick, Aug. 13. with 40 more of his r Lees in Essex, a County [generally] not very healthful, where Agues sit as close (and sometimes last as long) as a new suit. house, that the Lady Mary came not thither at this time. There were Letters sent to every Bishop to pull down the Altars. Nou. 19 There were Letters sent for the taking of certain s Of these Francis Mallet (last * Sceletoes Cant. MS. Master of Michael House in Cambridge) was the chief. He having leave from the Council to officiate Mass, only in the presence of the Lady Mary, presumed on the same liberty in her absence. Whereupon, he was (notwithstanding his Lady's refusal to surrender him) fetched from her by force and committed to prison. Chaplains of the Lady Mary, Dec. 15. Edw. sex●i. 4. for saying Mass, which She denied. Whaley was examined for persuading divers Nobles of the Realm to make the Duke of Somerset t Now where the seeds sown, and the foundation laid, of the Protectors overthrow, which ensued not long after. Pro●ector at the next Parliament, Febr. 6. stood to the Denial, the Earl of Rutland affirmed it manifestly. The Bishop of Winchester after a long trial was deposed his Bishopric. 17. It seems some legal formalities were pretended wanting in Gardiner his deprivation. For in my memory a Suit was commenced, to overthrow a long Lease made by Bishop Poinet (Gardiner's successor in Winchester) on this point, that Gardiner still remained lawful Bishop, but nothing therein was effected. 23. Come we now to the saddest difference that ever happened in the Church of England, The conception of nonconformity. if we consider either the time how long it continued, the eminent persons therein engaged, or the doleful effects thereby produced. It was about matters of conformity. Alas! that men should have less wisdom than locusts; which, when sent on God's errand, Did not * Joel 2. 8. thrust one another: whereas here such shoving, and shouldering; and hoising, and heave, and justling, and thronging, betwixt Clergymen of the highest parts, and places. For now nonconformity in the days of King Edward was conceived, which afterward in the Reign of Queen Mary (but beyond Sea at Frankford) was born; which in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth was nursed, and weaned; which under King James grew up a young youth, or tall stripling; but towards the end of King Charles His Reign, shot up to the full strength, and stature of a man, able, not only to cope with, but conquer the Herarchie its adversary. 24. Two opposite parties now plainly discovered themselves, The favourers and opposers thereof. driving on different interests, Ann. Reg. Ed. 6. 4. under their respective Patroness; Ann. Dom. 1550. Founders of Conformity. 1. Such as remained here all the Reign of King Henry the eighth, and weathered out the tempest of His tyranny at open Sea, partly by a politic compliance, and partly by a cautious concealment of themselves. 2. These, in the days of King Edward the sixth, were possessed of the best preferments in the land. 3. And retained many ceremonies practised in the Romish Church, conceiving them to be ancient, and decent in themselves. 4. The authority of Cranmer, and activity of Ridley headed this party; the former being the highest, the latter the hottest in defence of conformity. Founders of Nonconformity. 1. Such as fled hence beyond the Seas, chief into Germany, where, living in States, and Cities of popular Reformation, they sucked in both the air, and discipline of the place they lived in. 2. These, returning late into England, were at a loss for means, and maintenance, only supported with the reputation of being Confessors, rendering their patience to the praise, and their persons to the pity of all conscientious people. 3. And renounced all ceremonies practised by the Papists, conceiving, that such ought not only to be clipped with the shears, but to be shaved with a raizor; yea, all the stumps thereof to be plucked out. 4. John Rogers, Lecturer in S. Paul's, and Vicar of S. Sepulchers, with John Hooper, afterwards Bishop of Gloucester, were Ringleaders of this party. This john Hooper was bred in Oxford, well skilled in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, (a little of the last would go fare in this Age) and afterwards traveled over into Switzerland. Yea, he seemed to some to have brought Switzerland back with him, in his harsh, rough, and unpleasant behaviour, being grave into rigour, and severe into surliness. Yet to speak truth, all Hoopers ill nature consisted in other men's little acquaintance with him. Such as visited him once, condemned him of over-austerity; who repaired to him twice, only suspected him of the same; who conversed with him constantly, not only acquitted him of all morosity, but commended him for sweetness of manners: which, saith my Author, (Godwin in the Bishops of Gloucester) endeared him to the acquaintance of Bullinger. This Hooper was preferred to be Bishop of Gloucester, by the special favour of his Patron, john Earl of Warwick, afterward Duke of Northumberland. 25. The worst was, Hooper refuseth to wear the Episcopal habit. when Hooper came to be consecrated Bishop of Gloucester, he scrupled the wearing of certain Episcopal ornaments (Rochet, Chimere, Square-cap, etc.) producing a Letter from the Earl of Warwick (omniprevalent then at Court, in the declining of his Corrival, the Duke of Somerset) that he might be favourably dispensed with therein, according to the tenor ensuing, to Archbishop Cranmer. AFter my most hearty commendations to your Grace, these may be to desire the same, that in such reasonable things, wherein this be●rer, my Lord Elect of Gloucester craveth to be born withal at your hands, you would vouch safe to show him your Grace's favour; the rather at this my instance. Which thing partly I have taken in hand by the King's Majesties own motion. The matter is weighed by His Highness, none other, but that your Grace may facilely condescend thereunto. The principal cause is, that you would not charge this said Bearer with an Oath burdenous to his conscience. And so for lack of time I commit your Grace to the tuition of Almighty God. Your Grace's most assured loving friend. July 23. John Warwick. What this Oath was, (because not expressed) is variously conjectured. Parsons, to render Hooper more odious, will have it the Oath of Supremacy; which, in my opinion, is improbable, it being utterly unlikely, that the King would dispense with any from taking Oath, wherein His own Dignity was so nearly concerned. I conceive it the Oath of Canonical obedience to the Archbishop, which consequentially commanded such ceremonies, which Hooper was willing to decline. For, in the King's next Letter, wrote thirteen days after to the same purpose, there is mention only of offensive Rites, and Ceremonies, and of no Oath at all, as coincident with the former, and obligatory to such Canonical observances. But see the Letter. RIght Reverend Father, and right trusty, and wellbeloved, We greet you well. Whereas We, by the advice of Our Council, have called & chosen Our right wellbeloved, and well-worthy Mr. John Hooper, Professor of Divinity, to be Our Bishop of Gloucester, as well for his great learning, deep judgement, and long study, both in the Scriptures, and other profound learning; as also for his good discretion, ready utterance, and honest life for that kind of vocation, etc. From consecrating of whom, We understand you do stay, because he would have you omit, and let pass certain Rites and Ceremonies offensive to his conscience, whereby ye think, you should fall in Praemunire of Laws: We have thought good by advise aforesaid, to dispense, and discharge you of all manner of dangers, penalties, and forfeitures you should run into, and be in any manner of way, by omitting any of the same. And these Our Letters shall be your sufficient warrant, and discharge therefore. ¶ Given under Our Signet, at our Castle of Windsor, Aug. 5. the fourth year of Our Reign. All would not do. Resolute Ridley stood stiffly to his tackling, and here was old bandying of the business betwixt them, and Arguments urged on both sides. Pro. 1. The Ornaments were indifferent of themselves, and of ancient use in the Church. 2. Being enjoined by lawful authority, they became necessary, not to salvation, but to Church-unity; and it was scandalous to decline them. 3. It would bring the Papist over to our Church, beholding all things by them used, not totally abolished by a spirit of contradiction, but some decent correspondencies still moderately continued. 4. It would cast a slur on the credit of such Bishops, who formerly had used those Ornaments, as more remiss in Religion, than such as refused them. 5. Those that have stubborn wills, pretend too often to tender consciences; nor ought a private person to be indulged, with the disturbance of the public uniformity of the Church. Con. 1. The best thing that could be said of them was, that they were useless, being otherwise ridiculous, and superstitious. 2. Cursed be he that removes the bound-marks. Grant them indifferent in themselves, and left so by Divine Wisdom, it was presumption in man to stamp necessity upon them. 3. Too much of the Serpent, nothing of the Dove herein, to offend those within, to invite those without to the Church, driving Protestants thence, to draw Papists thither. 4. The credits of some good men were not to be preserved, by destroying the consciences of others. 5. Hooper put himself upon the trial of the Searcher of hearts, that no obstinacy, but mere conscience made him refuse those Ornaments. In a word, all those Arguments, which later Ages have more amply enlarged, more clearly explained, more cunningly improved, more violently enforced, were then and there first solidly propounded, and solemnly set down on both sides. Posterity in this matter having discovered no new Mine, but only refined, what formerly was found out in this Controversy. 26. At last the great Earl of Warwick deserted his Chaplain in open field, But is forced at last. to shift for himself. Indeed, he had higher things in his head, than to attend such trifles: not so much to procure a Mitre for his Chaplain, as a Crown for himself, even then secretly laying a design to derive the Sceptre into his own family. Yea, Hooper was sent to prison, and kept some days in * His imprisonment not mentioned in M●. Fox, but in the T●oubles of Frankford, pag. 35. durance, till at last he condescended to conform himself in his habit, to the rest of his brethren, and so was consecrated Bishop of Gloucester. 27. But that, which most opens the mouths of Papists, Defended for keeping Worcester in Commendam. and other adversaries against Hooper, is, because he, who scrupled the poor Bishopric of Gloucester, afterward held the wealthy Bishopric of Worcester in Commendam with it. We read of a b Jos. 7. 21. wedge of gold, and little wedges (say they) widen men's consciences for the receiving of greater: yea, thus the haters of marriage, first become guilty of bigamy. But let such know, First, that the Dioceses of Gloucester, and Worcester, lie both contiguous together. Secondly, many single Bishoprics in England, are larger than both for extent in Land, and number of Parishes. Thirdly, no worse a man than S. Dunstan himself, had the Bishopric of Worcester, and London with it, at the same time, being fare more distant, and remote. Fourthly, it is not the having of two Bishoprics together, but the neglecting of one is the sin; whereas Hooper in preaching, and visiting, afforded double diligence in his double Diocese. 28. The mention of Hooper his holding of the Bishopric of Worcester in Commendam, Why Ca●imer was not restored to the Bishopric of Worsester. minds me of a difficulty, which (though I cannot answer) I must not omit. It is this, Seeing that Latimer was outed of that Bishopric in the days of King Henry the eighth, on the account of the Six Articles, why was he not restored to the same under King Edward the sixth? especailly, seeing Nicholas Heath, his successor, was legally deprived, and the place actually void. Whereas on the contrary Hugh Latimer continued Hugh Latimer, without any addition of preferment. Here first we must largely trade in negatives. It was not for any want of favour from the King, seeing he stood rectus in Curia, in relation to His Majesty. Nor was it because his downright Sermons disobliged the Courtiers who generally delight in soft preaching, as in c Mat, 11. ●. soft clothing. Nor was it out of sullenness, because he would not be bedded again with that wife, which (though unwillingly) had in his absence embraced another. Nor have we any cause to suspect Latimer of Hoopers' opinion, as distasting Ceremonies, and so obstructing his advancement. But we impute it, either to his conscience (ofttimes sharpest in the bluntest men) because he would not be built on the ruins of another; especially knowing Heath, one of a meek, and moderate nature: Or to his age, who, Barzillai d 2 Sam. 19 35. like, was superannuated for earthly honour: Alas! what needed a square cap over the many nightcaps, which age had multiplied on his Reverend head? Or, because he found himself not so fit for government, better for preaching, than ordering Ecclesiastical affairs. Or lastly, because he propherically foresaw, that the ingratitude of the English Nation would shorten their happiness, and King Edward's life; and he was loath to come into a place, only to go out thereof. Sure I am, it was a loud lie, which * In the Examen of Fox's Martyrs, Month of Feb. pag. 306. Parsons tells, that Latimer was kept bare, who kept himself bare, living, not in the want, but neglect, yea contempt of all worldly wealth. He was Confessour-General to all Protestants troubled in mind; yea, he was the Corban, or treasury, into which restored-ill-gotten-goods were cast, to be bestowed on the poor, according to his discretion. And Latimer by the courtesy of England (once a Bishop, and ever a Bishop) was in civility saluted Lord, and honoured by all good people that knew him. This I conceive the true cause, why Hooper would not be translated to Worcester, but held it in Commendam with Gloucester, because Latimer, and Heath, were both surviving, each accounted a lawful Bishop by those of their own Religion. 29. But, when Hooper unwillingly willing wore those Episcopal Ornaments, Hooper, and Ridley reconciled by afflictions. he put on with them a great grudge against Ridley, who enforced him thereunto. Yea, when those his clothes may be presumed half worn out, his anger was new, and fresh, as at the beginning: nor were they fully reconciled till their death, in the days of Queen Mary. High time then to period their passion, before the Sun [of their life] went down in their wrath. Strange that their heart-burnings could not be quenched, till the fire was kindled, which was to burn both their bodies. But it matters not what is the cause, if amendment be the effect. The * Parsons ut supra, pag. 31●. Jesuit challengeth the credit of this reconciliation to the Catholics, bragging, that they made them friends. But we know, their cruel intention was not to make friends, but ashes of them. Let the thanks be paid to that Divine Power, and Providence, which sanctified their sufferings into an agreement, besides, beyond, above, against the design, and desire of those, which inflicted them. Thus, when froward children fall out, and fight, a good parent, and a good rod, do quickly make them friends. See the Letters at large in Master Fox, which passed betwixt them in prison; wherein, as Hooper had the honour first to offer agreement, let Ridley receive his praise, that he did fast embrace it. For, as the second blow makes the fray: so, it is not the tender, but acceptance of peace, makes the reconciliation. As for their observation, that of all the Marian-Martyrs, Hooper, and Ridley suffered with most torture, and impute this to a Divine punishment, justly inflicted on them, for this their dissension: there is somewhat of curiosity in the observation, and nothing of charity in the application. 30. We must not forget, Three sorts of Non-conformists. that this earnest contest, was not about the calling, but clothes; not the vocation, but only about the vestments of Bishops. Whereupon the judicious Reader will distinguish three Ranks, (or if the word be better liked) three Classes of Non-conformists, according to their several dates, and designs: 1. Ancient Non-conformists, here in King Edward's days, who desired only to shake down the leaves of Episcopacy, misliking only some garments about them. 2. Middle Non conformists, in the end of Queen Elizabeth, and beginning of King James, who struck at the branches thereof; Chancellors, and officials, and other appendent limbs, which they endeavoured to remove. 3. Modern Non-conformists, who did lay the axe to the root of the tree, to cut down the function itself, as unlawful, and Antichristian. Thus after-Ages still made new additions, as if it would be accounted idleness in them, if the strong, and active legs of the sons, and nephews, should not go faster, and farther, than the old, and feeble feet, of their fathers, and grandfathers. 31. About this time, The Psalms translated into meeter. David's Psalms were translated into English meeter, and (if not publicly commanded) generally permitted to be sung in all Churches. The work was performed by Thomas e Ballcius Cent. 9 pag. 728. Sternhold, (an Hampshire man, Esquire, and of the Privy Chamber to King Edward the sixth, who for his part translated thirty seven selected Psalms) John Hopkins, Robert Wisdom, etc. men, whose piety was better than their poetry; and they had drank more of Jordan, than of Helicon. These Psalms were therefore translated, to make them more portable in people's memories (Verses being twice as light, as the selfsame bulk in Prose) as also to raise men's affections, the better to enable them to practise the Apostles precept, f Jam. 5. 13. Is any merry? let him sing Psalms. Yet this work met afterwards with some frowns in the faces of great Clergymen, who were rather contented, than well pleased, with the singing of them in Churches. I will not say, because they misliked so much liberty should be allowed the Laity (Rome only can be guilty of so great envy) as to sing in Churches: rather, because they conceived these singing Psalms erected in corrivality, and opposition, to the reading-Psalms, which were formerly sung in Cathedral Churches: or else, the child was disliked for the mother's sake; because, such Translatours, though branched hither, had their root in Geneva. 32. Since, The meanness of the Translation endeavoured to be excused. later men have vented their just exceptions against the baldness of the translation, so that sometimes they make the Maker of the Tongue to speak little better than barbarism, and have in many Verses such poor rhyme, that two hammers on a Smith's anvil would make better music. Whilst others (rather to excuse it, than defend it) do plead, that English poetry was then in the nonage, not to say, infancy thereof: and that, match these Verses for their age, they shall go a breast with the best Poems of those times. Some, in favour of the Translatours, allege, that to be curious therein, and over-descanting with wit, had not become the plain song, and simplicity of an holy style. But these must know, there is great difference between painting a face, and not washing it. Many since have fare refined these Translations, but yet their labours therein never generally received in the Church: principally, because un-book-learned people have conned by heart, many Psalms of the old Translation, which would be wholly disinherited of their patrimony, if a new Edition were set forth. However, it is desired, and expected by moderate men, that, though the fabric stand unremoved for the main, yet some bad contrivance therein may be mended, and the bald rhimes in some places get a new nap, which would not much discompose the memory of the people. 33. On the twenty fourth of July, The first legal election of the Dutch-Congregation in London. King Edward, by His Letters patent, at the request of John à Lasco, free Baron of Lasco in Poland, did, by the consent of His Counsel, give, and grant the whole Church of S. Augustine's, near Broad-stree● in London (the Choir excepted, formerly possessed by marquis Pawlet) unto the Superintendent, and Ministers of the Dutch-Church, and other strangers in London, to have, and to hold for them, their heirs, and successors in Frank Almonage, to be a meetingplace for them, therein to attend God's Word, and Sacraments. He ordered also, that hereafter it should be called by the new name of the Church of the Lord JESUS; and incorporated the said Superintendent, Ministers, and Congregation, to be a body politic, for all purposes, and intents; empowering them from time to time, in the vacancy of a Superintendent, to choose, name, and substitute, any able, and fit person in that place: provided, that the person so chosen be first presented to the King, His Heirs, and Successors, to be approved, and confirmed by them in the Office of the Ministry, enjoining all Archbishops, Bishops, and other Officers, Quòd permittant praefatis g The Letters are kept in the Dutch Church, and exemplified in johannes Utenbovius in his narration of the Dutch Congregation, pag. 13. etc. Superintendenti, & Ministris, & Sucessoribus suis, liberè, & quietè frui, gaudere, uti, & exercere ritus, & ceremonias suas proprias, & disciplinam Ecclesiasticam propriam & peculiarem, non obstante, quòd non conveniant cum ritibus, & ceremoniis in Regno nostro usitatis: That they permit the foresaid Superintendent, and Ministers, and their Successors, freely, and quietly to hold, enjoy, use, and exercise their own proper rites, and ceremonies, and their proper, and peculiar Church-discipline, notwithstanding that they agree not with the rites, and ceremonies used in Our Kingdom. 34. Now followed the fatal tragedy of the Duke of Somerset, women's brawls, men's thralls. and we must recoil a little, to fetch forward the cause thereof. Thomas Seymour Baron of Sudely, and Lord Admiral, the Protectors younger Brother, had married the Lady Katherine Parr, the Relict of King Henry the eighth. A contest arose betwixt their Wives about place, the Protectress (as I may call her) refusing to give it to the King's Dowager. Yet was their precedency no measuring cast, but clear in the view of any unpartial eye. Nor needed other Herald to decide the controversy than the Kings own Injunctions, a Vide supra, in the first of this King. wherein after prayer for His own Royal person, Ministers were commanded to pray for the Queen Dowager even before the King's Sisters, Marry, and Elizabeth, the Protector (under whom his Lady must claim place) being placed last in the List of their Devotions. 35. The women's discords derived themselves into their Husband's hearts. Lord Thomas seymour executed for Treason. Whereupon, not long after followed the death of the Lord Thomas Seymour, arraigned for designing to traslate the Crown to himself, though having neither Title to pretend unto it, nor effectual Interest to achieve the same. Let b 1 King. 2. Adonijah, and this Lord's example deter Subjects from meddling with the Widows of their Sovereigns, left in the same match they espouse their own danger and destruction. This Lord thus cut off, the Protector stood alone on his own bottom at which his enemies daily endeavoured to undermine. 36. Soon after the Lords of the Council resolved to accuse him of many high offences. A tripartite accusation. Of these Lords, some were Lawyers, as the Lord Wriothesley, lately, the Lord Rich, than Lord Chancellor; Sir Edward Montague Chief Justice, etc. some Martialists, as Sr Ralph Sadler Treasurer to the Army, and some mere Statesmen, as William Pawlet Lord Treasurer, and their accusations participated of the several conditions of the Accusers. The Lawyers charge him for bringing Westminster-hall into Somerset-house, keeping there a Court of Request, and therein determining Titles of Land to the apparent injury of the Subject. Military men taxed him for his Sumptuous buildings, having their Mortar tempered with the tears of Soldier's Wives and Children, whose wages he detained; and for betraying Bolloigne, and other places in France to the Enemy. Statesmen chief insisted on his engrossing all power to himself, that whereas by the constitution of the Protectourship he was to act nothing without the advice of King Henry's Executours, he solely transacted matters of the highest consequence without their privity. 37. Here I must set John Dudley Earl of Warwick (as a Transcendent) in a form by himself, Earl of Warwick the Proectors grand enemy. being a competent Lawyer, Ann. Dom. 1551. (Son to a Judge) known Soldier, Ann Reg. Ed 6▪ 5. and able State's man, and acting against the Protector, to all these his capacities. Indeed, he was the very soul of the Accusation, being all in all, in every part thereof And seeing the Protector was free spirited, open hearted, humble, hard to distrust, easy to forgive: The other proud, subtle, close, cruel, and revengeful; it was impar congressus betwixt them, almost with as much disadvantage as betwixt a naked and an armed person. 38. Hereupon, The Protector accused, and imprisoned, yet restored. he was imprisoned at Windsor, in a place anciently called c Fox, Acts & Mon. pag. Beauchamp's Tower, it seems by a sad Prolepsis, but never verified till now when this Viscount Beauchamp by his original honour) was therein consigned, and hence was he removed to the Tower of London. However, although all this happened in the worst juncture of time, viz: in the disjuncture of his best Friend (the Lord Russell Privy Seal) then away in the West, yet by his own innocence, his other Friends endeavour, the Kings interposing, and Divine Providence, he was acquitted, and though outed his Protectorship, restored and continued Privy Counsellor, as in the King's Diary was formerly observed. 39 But after two years and two months, Accused the second time. his enemies began afresh to assault him, hoping that as the first stroke shaked, the next would fallen him to the ground. Indeed, Warwick (who had too powerful an influence upon all the Lords) could not erect his intended Fabric of Sovereignty except he first cleared the ground work from all obstructive rubbish, whereof this Duke of Somerset was the Principal: In whose absence the Lords met at the Council Table, where it was contrived how all things should be ordered in relation to his Arraignment. 40. R. Rich Lord Chancellor (then living in great S. bartholomew's) though outwardly concurring with the rest, Lord Rich his Servants dangerous mistake. began now secretly to favour the Duke of Somerset, and sent him a Letter, therein acquainting him with all passages at the Council Board, superscribing the same (either out of haste, or familiarity) with no other direction save, To the Duke: enjoying his Servant a raw attendant, as newly entered into the family, safely to deliver it. The man made e This story attested to me by his great grand child the Earl or Warwick. more haste than good speed, and his Lord wondering at his quick return, demanded of him where the Duke was when he delivered him the Letter: In Charter-house (said his Servant) on the same token that he read it at the window, and smiled thereat. But the Lord Richardo smiled not at his relation, as sadly sensible of the mistake and delivery of the Letter to the Duke of Norfolk, no great friend of his, and an utter enemy to the Duke of Somerset. 41. Wonder not if this Lord risen early up the next morning, The Lord Rich resigneth his Chancellor's place. who may be presumed not to have slept all night. He higheth to the Court, and having gotten admittance into the Bed Chamber before the King was risen up, fell down on his knees, and desired that his old age might be eased of his burdensome Office: pleading, That there ought to be some preparatory interval in States men betwixt their Temporal business and their Death; in order to which, he desired to retire into Essex, there to attend his own Devotions. Nor would he rise from the ground till the King had granted his request. And thus he saved himself from being stripped by others by first putting off his own clothes, who otherwise had lost his Chancellors place for revealing the secrets of the Council Board. Some days after the Scale was solemnly fetched from him, and conferred on Doctor Goodrig Bishop of Elie. 42. The Impeachment of the Duke went on nevertheless, The Duke of Summersault impeached of Treason. and two Nets were laid to catch him, Dec. 1. that if one broke the other might hold. He was indicted of Treason, and Felony; the former was only to give the report, the latter to discharge the bullet. So great a Peer could not be accused of less than High Treason, that the offence might appear proportionable to the Offender. However, he was acquitted of Treason, whereat the people in Westminster-hall gave such a shout, that though the same was intercepted and circumscribed by the house, it is reported to be heard as fare f Stows Annals, p. 606. as Long-Acre. 43. But this sound was seconded with a sad silence when he was condemned for Felony, Sad silence. by a new made Statute, for plotting the death of a Privy Counsellor; namely, the Earl of Warwick. Here a strange oversight was committed, that he craved not the benefit of the Clergy, which could not legally be denied him; on the granting whereof, the ensuing punishment had certainly been remitted: and not long after he was beheaded on Tower-hill, with no less praise for his piety and patience, than pity and grief of the Beholders. 44. Posterity is much unsatisfied in the justness of his suffering, A Quae for posterity. and generally do believe, That he himself was the sheep who was here condemned for the slaughter. A good Author tells us, That he lost his life for a small crime, and that upon a nice * 〈◊〉 Brit. in Somer●ets●ire. point, subtly devised and packed by his enemies. And yet that the good King Himself was possessed of his guilt, may appear by His ensuing Letter * Transcribed out of the Original. written with His own hand to a dear Servant of His, as followeth: To Our wellbeloved servant Barnaby Fitz-Patricke, one of the Gentlemen of Our Chamber. EDWARD. LIttle hath been done since you went, but the Duke of Somerset's arraignment for felonious Treason, and the Musters of the new-erected Gendarmery. The Duke, the first of this Month was brought to Westminster-hall, where sat as Judge, or High Steward, my Lord Treasurer, twenty six Lords of the Parliament went on his Trial, Indictments were read; which were several; some for Treason, some for traitorous Felony. The Lawyers read how Sir Thomas Palmer had confessed that the Duke, once minded, and made him privy, to raise the North, after to call the Duke of Northumberland, the marquis of Northampton, and the Earl of Pembroke, to a Feast, and so to have slain them. And to do this thing (as it was to be thought) had levied men a hundred at his house at London, which was scanned to be Treason, because unlawful Assemblies for such purposes, was Treason by an Act made the last Sessions. Also how the Duke of Somerset minded to stay the Horses of the Gendarmery, and to raise London. Crane confessed also the murdering of the Lords in a Banquet. Sir Miles Partridge also confessed the raising of London. Hamman his man having a Watch at Greenwich of twenty weaponed men to resist, if he had been arrested, and this confessed both Partridge and Palmer. He answered, That when he levied men at his House, he meant no such thing, but only to defend himself. The rest very barely answered. After debating the matter from nine of the clock till three, the Lords went together, and there weighing that the matter seemed only to touch their lives, although afterward more inconvenience might have followed, and that men might think they did it of malice, acquitted him of High Treason, and condemned him of Felony, which he seemed to have confessed. He hearing the Judgement, fell down on his knees, and thanked them for his open Trial. After he asked pardon of the Duke of Northumberland, the marquis, etc. whom he confessed he meant to destroy, although before he swore vehemently to the contrary. Thus far you well. ¶ From Westminster the 20th of December, 1551. Dec. 10. Anno Domini 1551. Hereby it plainly appeareth, that the King was possessed with a persuasion of His Uncle's guiltiness: whether or no so in truth, God knoweth; and generally Men believe Him abused herein. And it seemeth a wonder to me that six weeks (from December the 1, to January the 22.) interceding betwixt the Duke's condemnation and execution, no means were made during that time to the King for his pardon. But, it is plain, that his foes had stopped all access of his friends unto the King. 45. The Duke of Somerset was religious himself, The Duke's character. a lover of all such as were so, and a great Promoter of Reformation. Valiant, fortunate, witness his victory in Musleborrough field, when the Scots filled many carts with emptiness, and loaded them with what was lighter than vanity itself, Popish Images, and other Trinkets, wherein they placed the confidence of their Conquest. He was generally beloved of Martial men, yet no marvel if some did grumble against him, seeing there is no Army, save that of the Church Triumphant, wherein the Soldiers at some time or other do not complain against their General. Nor is the wonder great if he sometimes trespassed in matters of State, seeing the most conscientious Politician will now and then borrow a point of Law (not to say, take it for their due) even with an intent never to pay it. He was better to perform than plot, do than design. In a word, his self-hurting innocence declined into guiltiness, whose soul was so fare from being open to causeless suspicions, that it was shut against just jealousies of danger. 46. He built Somerset-house, His great buildings. where many like the workmanship better than either the foundation or materials thereof: For the Houses of three Bishops, Landaffe, Coventry and Litchfield, and Worcester, with the Church of St. Marry le Strand, were plucked down to make room for it. The stones and timber were fetched from the Hospital of S. John's. This Somerset house is so tenacious of his name, that it would not change a Duchy for a Kingdom, when solemnly proclaimed by King James, Denmark-house from the King of Denmarke's lodging therein, and His Sister Queen Anne her repairing thereof. Surely it argueth, that this Duke was well beloved, Ann. Reg. Ed. 6. 6. because his name made such an indelible impression on this his house, whereof he was not full five years peaceably possessed. Ann. Dom. 1552. 47. We lately made mention of Barnaby Fitz-Patrick, The King's Instructions to Fitz-Patrick for his behaviour in France. to whom the King directed His Letter, as who was bred and brought up with Him from His infancy, though somewhat the older. He was Prince Edward's PROXY for CORRECTION, though we may presume seldom suffering in that kind, such the Princes general innocence and ingenuity to learn His book. Yet when such execution was done, as Fitz-Patrick was beaten for the Prince, the Prince was beaten in Fitz-Patrick, so great an affection did He bore to His Servant. Towards the end of His Reign He maintained him in the Court of France both to learn fashions there, and send intelligence thence. And it will not be amiss to insert the King's private Instructions unto him how he should behave himself in the French Court, partly for the rarity, partly for the certainty thereof, having it transcribed out of the Original of the King's own hand, as followeth: 1. First, he shall go in the Lord Admiral's Company, and at the same Lords departing he shall have a Letter to the French King. which the Lord Admiral shall deliver, and present him to the French King; and if it shall chance that the French King will give him any Pension, entertainment, or reward at his being there for the time he tarrieth there, he shall receive it, and thank His Majesty for it, and shall serve when he shall be appointed. Nevertheless, when he is out of the Court he shall be most conversant with Mr. Pickering * Afterwards Knighted, and supposed su●●er to Q●liz. . 2. And at his setting forth shall carry with him four Servants, and if the wages amount to any great sum (more than I give him) that the French King giveth him, to live there after that proportion, advertising Me of the same. 3. Also all this Winter he shall study the Tongue, and see the manner of the Court, and advertise Me of the occurrences he shall hear, and if he be desirous to see any place Notable, or Town, he may go thither, ask leave of the King. And shall behave himself honestly, more following the company of Gentlemen, than pressing into the company of the Ladies there, and his chief pastime shall be Hunting and Riding. 4. Also his Apparel he shall wear it so fine as shall be comely, and not much superfluous. And the next Summer, when either the King goeth or sendeth any man of name into the Wars to be His Lieutenant, or to lead an Army, he shall desire to go thither, and either himself, or else shall will Mr. Pickering to declare to the French King, how he thinketh not himself to have fully satisfied nor recompensed neither His Majesty's good entertainment nor Mine expectation who had sent him over if he should return, having so delicately and idly almost spent the time, without he did at this time of service be desirous to go himself into the Wars, by the which thing he might at this time do His Majesty service, and also learn to do Me service hereafter, yea, and His Majesty to if the case so required. And therefore seeing this Nobleman shall now go that his request is to have leave to go with him. 5. Having said this to the French King, he shall departed into the Wars, waiting on this Nobleman that shall be sent, and there he shall mark the divers fortifications of places, and advantages that the enemy may take, and the ordering and conduct of the Armies. As also the fashion of the skirmishes, battles, and assaults, and the plaits of the chief Towns where any enterprises of weight have been done, he shall cause to be set out in black and white, or otherwise, as he may and shall send them hither to Me, with advertisement of such things as have passed. 6. Furthermore, he shall at all times when he taketh money advertise Me of it, and I shall send him. And so the next year being well spent, upon further advertisement, and taking leave of the French King, he shall return. 7. And if there arise or grow any doubt in any matter hereafter, in the which be shall need advise: he shall advertise by the Post, and shall have Anser thereof. This Barnaby Fitz-Patrick, after his return out of France, was created by the King, Baron of upper Ossery in Ireland, and died a most excellent Protestant, as hereafter we shall show in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth. 48. On the 15th of April, Little Church-work in this Parliament. the Parliament ended which had sat three Months at Westminster, April 15. though therein nothing of Church-matters determined, save a Penalty imposed on such who should strike or draw weapon in Church, or Churchyard, with the abolishing of the general Holy days of S. Mary Magdalen, and S. Geroge: yet so, that it should be lawful for the latter to be solemnly celebrated by the Knights of the Right honourable Order of the Garter. The Orders of which Order were about this time reform and purged from some ancient superstitions. An ill presage. 49. Six k Bishop Godwins Annals in this year. Dolphins were taken in the Thames (three near Quinborough, and three above Greenwich, where the Thames is scarce tainted with brackishness) in so much that many grave men dispensed with their wisdom, and beheld them with wonder, as not seen before on our shores. A fish much loving man and music, swifter than all other fishes, and birds too: yea, than the Swallow itself (if Pliny l Nat. Hist. l. 9 cap. 8. say true) though all their celerity besteaded them not here to escape the nets of the fishermen. Their coming up so fare was beheld by Mariners as a presage of fowl weather at Sea; but by Statesmen, as a prodigious omen of some tempestuous mutations in our Land. And particularly, they suspected the King's death, though for the present He was very pleasant and merry in His progress about the Country, Aug. 22. as by his ensuing Letter to His former favourite, written in the next August, doth appear. EDWARD. THE cause why we have not hitherto written unto you have partly been the lack of a convenient Messenger, partly because we meant to have some thing worthy writing ere We would write any thing. And therefore being now almost in the midst of Our journey which We have undertaken this Summer, We have thought good to advertise, now since Our last Letters dated at Greenwich, We departed from thence towards a thing fare contrary to that wherein as We perceive by your diligent advertisement you and all the Country you are in are occupied; for whereas you all have been occupied in killing of your enemies, in long marchings, in painful journeys, in extreme heat, in sore skirmishings, and divers assaults; We have been occupied in killing of wild Beasts, in pleasant journeys, in good fare, in viewing of fair Countries, and rather have sought how to fortify Our own, than to spoil another man's. And being this determined came to Gilford, from thence to Petworth, and so to Coudray (a goodly House of Sir Anthony Brownes) where we were marvellously, yea rather excessively banqueted. From thence We went to Halvenaker (a pretty House besides Chichester.) From thence We went to Warblington (a fair House of Sir Richard Cottons.) And so to Walthan (a fair great old House, in times past the Bishop of Winchesters, and now my Lord Treasurer's house.) In all these places, We had both good hunting, and good cheer. From thence we went to Portsmouth Town, and there viewed not only the Town itself and the Haven, but also divers Bulwarks, as Chatertons, Waselford, with other; in viewing of which We find the Bulwarks chargeable, massey, well rampared, but ill-fashioned, ill-flanked, and set in unmeet places, the Town weak in comparison of that it ought to be, too huge great (for within the Walls are fair and large Closes, and much vacant room) the Haven notable great, and standing by nature easy to be fortified. And for the more strength thereof We have devised two strong Castles on either side of the Haven at the mouth thereof: For at the mouth the Haven is not past ten score over, but in the middle almost a mile over, and in length for a mile and a half able to bear the greatest ship in Christendom. From thence We went to Tichfield (the Earl of South-Hampton's House) and so to South-Hampton Town. The Citizens had bestowed for Our coming great cost in painting, repairing, and rampairing of their Walls. The Town is handsome, and for the bigness of it as fair houses as be at London. The Citizens made great cheer, and many of them kept costly tables. From South-Hampton we came to Bewly a little Village in the middle of the new Forest, and so to Christ-Church (another little Town in the same Forest) where We now be. And having advertised you of all this, We think it not good to trouble you any farther with news of this Country, but only that at this time the most part of England (thanks be to God) is clear of any dangerous or infectious sickness. We have received all your Letters of the 26 of May, of the 19 of June, and the first of August. Thus far you well. ❧ From Christ-Church the 22 of August. But leaving the King in His Progress, A threesold division of Bishops. we come to behold the Bishops in their Visitations, and find them divided into three sorts: 1. Zealous Protestants, as Archbishop Cranmer, Bishop Ridley, Hooper, Farrer. Zealous Papists, as Gardner, Tunstall, Bonner: which three alone, were deprived of their Bishoprics, and confined. 3. Papists in heart, but outwardly conforming to the King's Laws, as Heath Archbishop of York, and many other Bishops. Here it is worthy our inquiry why this latter sort, which so complied under King Edward the sixth, should be so stubborn and obstinate under Queen Elizabeth, whereof I can give but this reason assigned: That growing older and nearer their graves, they grew more conscientious and faithful to their own (though erroneous) principles, it being in vain to dissemble now death did approach, though their younger years had been guilty of such prevarications. SECTION II. DIGNISSIMO VIRO CAROLO CHENEY De Comitatu BUCK: Armigero, Mecoenati suo munificentissimo. ETHELSTANUS, Saxonum Monarcha, decreto sanxivit, si * Regius Co dex fol. 143. col. 4. Spelmanni Concilia, p. 406. massere ascenderet, ut ter, Magnum mare transfretaret, per proprium negotium suum, fuit deinde TAINI dignus rectitudine. In qua lege enuclenda, mihi aliquantillum immorandum; quum licet tibi (ut alia omnia) expedita, aliis forsitan aliquid nodi ei subesse videatur. 1. Massere) Mercatorem designari in confesso est. 2. Magnum mare) Mediterraneum intenditur, quo nomine Sacrae Scripturae * Num. 34. 6. Josh. 1. 4. & 15. 12. sepiûs innotescit. 3. Proprium negotium) quâ clausulâ excluditur servile genus, (FACTORES dicimus) qui non sui juris, sed Dominis rationem reddituri. 4. Taini) intelligimus melioris notae Generosum. 5. Dignus rectitudine) Olet hoc saeculi barbariem. Sed his verbis voluit Rex, ut censeatur Iso-Tainus, atque eundem honoris gradum sortiatur. Quod si, Vir clarissime, illi seculo tanta contigisset felicitas, ut tu tunc temporis vixisses, quibus titulis te decorandum Rex ille censuisset? qui, ortu tuo Nobilis, Mare parvum, medium, magnum, omnia, (multis aquarum terrarumque montibus superatis) transivisti. Idque non turpis lucri causa, ut navem mercibus; sed scientiae ergo, ut mentem dotibus instructam reportares. Te igitur in ipfissimo Libri mei umbilico (quantum paginas scriptas, nondum impressas, aestimare potui) collocandum curavi, eo consilio, quo provida natura Soli inter Planetas medium locum assignavit, ut ex aequo, utrinque totum opus nomine tuo illustraetur. Deus Te, tuamque Conjugem (non magis natalium splendore, quam propriis virtutibus spectabilem) eousque protegat, dum in dubium venerit, longiorve an beatior vestra vita sit reputanda. LAtely information was given to the King's Council, Commissioners sent to enqui 〈◊〉 Church. Onaments. that much costly furniture, which was embezzled, June 10. might very seasonably (such the Kings present occasions) and profitably be recovered. For, private men's halls were hung with Aftar-cloathes; their tables and beds, covered with copes, instead of carpets, and coverlets. Many drank at their daily meals in chalices; and no wonder, if in proportion it came to the share of their Lorses to be watered in rich coffins of marble. And, as if first laying of hands upon them were sufficient title unto them, seizing on them was generally the price they had paid for them. Now, although four years were elapsed, since the destruction of Colleges & Chanteries, and much of the best Church ornaments was transported beyond the Seas, yet the Privy Council thought, this very gleaning in the stubble, would richly be worth the while, and that, on strict inquisition, they should retrieve much plate in specie, and more money for moderate fines of offenders herein. Besides, whereas Parish Churches had still many rich Ornaments left in the custody of their Wardens, they resolved to convert, what was superfluous, or superstitious, to the King's use. To which purpose, Commissions were issued out, to some select persons in every County, according to the * The original under the King's hand was ●ent me by 〈◊〉 Thomas Tres●am la●e 〈◊〉 Ge●●●ngton 〈◊〉 Nortampton-shire. tenor following: Instructions given by the King's Majesty to His right trusty and right well beloved Cousin and Counsellor the marquis of Northampton, and to the rest of His Highness' Commissioners appointed for the Survey of church-good within His Majesty's County of Northampton. EDWARD. FIrst, Upon the receipt of the same Commission by any one of the same Commissioners, he that so shall first receive the Commission, shall forthwith with all convenient speed, give knowledge to the rest named in the same Commission, and with them shall agree to meet and assemble with that speed they can for the execution of the same Commission and these Instructions. And if any of the said Commissioners shall be dead, sick, or otherwise, be so absent out of the Country for the service of the King, that he cannot with speed attend the same in that case; The rest of the same Commissioners, so that they be to the Number appointed, by the Commission, shall not make any delay from the proceeding in the same Commission, but shall forthwith allot their sit, Assemblies and meetings for the same Commission, as in like cases hath been, or shall be meet to be used. Item, For their better and more certain proceeding, the said Commissioners shall in such cases, where none of the Commissioners be Custos Rotulorum of that County, ne hath been since the beginning of Our Reign, command the said Custos Rotulorum, or their Deputy, or the Clerk of the Peax of those parts, to bring or send unto them such Books, Registers, and Inventories, as hath heretofore any wise come to their hands, by Indenture, touching the Sums, Numbers and Values of any Goods, Plate, jewels, Vestments, and Bells, or Ornaments of any Churches, Chapels, and such like. And likewise the said Commissioners shall send to the Bishops of every Diocese wherein the said County is Situate, or to their Chancellors, Commissaries, or other Ecclesiastical Officers in whose hands, or custody, the like of the aforesaid Inventories and Registers have command of them, and every of them, They shall receive and take the said Books, Registers, and Inventories. And that done, the said Commissioners shall compare both the same Inventories, (that is to say) as well such as they shall receive and take of the Custos Rotulorum, Ann. Dom. 1552. or their Deputy, Ann. Reg. Ed. 6. 6. or the Clerk of the Peax, as of the Bishops, or other under-Officers, and according to the best, richest, and greatest Inventories of the said Commissioners shall proceed to make their survey and enquiry. And by the same make the searches of the defaults and wants that shall be found. And generally the same Commissioners shall not only by the view of the said Registers and Inventories, but also by any other means they can better devise, proceed to the due search and inquisition of the wants and defaults of any part of the said Goods, Plate, jewels, Vestments, Bells, or Ornaments. Item, For the more speedy obtaining of the said Registers and Inventories, the said Commissioners shall receive special Letters of commandment from our Privy Council for the delivery thereof, which Letters the said Commissioners shall deliver as they shall see occasion. Item, The said Commissioners shall upon their view, and survey taken, cause due Inventories to be made by Bills or Books indented, of all manner of Goods, Plate, jewels, Bells, and Ornaments, as yet remaining, or anywise forth coming, and belonging to any Churches, Chapels, Fraternities, or Gilds, and the one part of the same Inventories to send and return to Our Privy Council, and the other to deliver to them in whose hands the said Goods, Plate, jewels, Bells, and Ornaments shall remain to be kept preserved. And they shall also give good charge and order that the same goods and every part thereof be at all times forth coming to be answered, leaving nevertheless in every Parish Church or Chapel of common resort, one, two, or more Chalices or Cups, according to the multitude of the People in every such Church or Chapel, and also such other Ornaments as by their discretion shall seem requisite for the Divine Service in every such place for the time. And, because We be informed, that in many places great quantities of the said Plate, jewels, Bells, and Ornaments be imbecilled by certain private men contrary to Our express commandments in that behalf; The said Commissioners shall substantially and justly inquire and attain the knowledge thereof; by whose default the same is, and hath been, and in whose hands any part of the same is come. And in that point the said Commissioners shall have good regard, that they attain to certain names, and dwelling-places of every person and persons, that hath sold, alienated, imbezilled, taken or carried away, and of such also as have counselled, advised, and commanded any part of the said Goods, Plate, jewels, Bells, Vestments, and Ornaments to be taken or carried away, or otherwise imbezilled. And these things they shall as certainly and duly as they can cause to be searched and understand. Upon a full search and enquiry whereof, The said Commissioners, four or three of them shall cause to be called before them. Also the persons by whom any of the said Goods, Plate, jewels, Bells, Ornaments, or any other the premises, have been alienated, embezilled, or taken away, or by whose means or procurement the same, or any part thereof hath been attempted, or to whose hands or use any of the same or any profit for the same hath grown. And by such means as to their discretions shall seem best, cause them to bring into their the said Commissioners hands to Our use the said Plate, jewels, Bells, and other the premises so alienated, or the true and just value thereof, certifying unto Our Privy Council the names of all such as refuse to stand to, or obey their Order touching the re-delivery, and restitution of the same, or the just value thereof. To the intent that as cause and reason shall require, every man may answer to his do in this behalf. Finally, Our pleasure is, that the said Commissioners in all their do shall use such sober and discreet manner of proceeding as the effect of this Commission may go forward with as much quiet and as little occasion of trouble or disquiet of the multitude as may be, using to that end, such wise persuasions in all places of their Sessions as in respect of the place, and disposition of the People may seem to their wisdom's most expedient. Giving also good and substantial order for the stay of the inordinate and greedy covetousness of such disordered people, as have or shall go about the alienating of any the premises, So as according to reason, and order such as have, or shall contemptuously offend in this behalf may receive reformation, as for the quality of their do shall be requisite. In pursuance of these their Instructions, the King's Commissioners in their respective Counties, recovered much, and discovered more of Church-wealth and Ornaments: For, some were utterly imbeziled by persons not responsible, and there the King must lose his right. More were concealed by parties not detectable, so cunningly they carried their stealths, seeing every one who had nimmed a Church-Bell, did not ring it out for all to hear the sound thereof. Many potent persons well known to have such goods, shuffled it out with their greatness, mutually connived at therein, by their equals, fellow-offenders in the same kind. However, the Commissioners regained more than they expected, considering the distance of time, and the cold scent they followed so many years after the Dissolution. This Plate, and other Church-Utensils, were sold▪ and advanced much money to the Exchequer. An * Sir John Hayward. Author telleth us, That (amongst many which they found) they left but one silver Chalice to every Church, too narrow a proportion to populous Parishes, where they might have left two at the least, seeing for expedition sake, at great Sacraments, the Minister at once delivereth the wine to two Communicants. But they conceived one Cup enough for a small Parish, and that greater and richer were easily able to purchase more to themselves. 2. All this Income rather stayed the stomach, Durham Bishopric dissolved. than satisfied the hunger of the King's Exchequer: For the allaying whereof, the Parliament, now sitting, conferred on the Crown, the Bishopric of Durham. This may be called the English Herbipolis, or Wirtz-burge, it being true of both, Dunelmia sola, judicat Ense & Stola. The Bishop whereof was a Palatine, or Secular Prince, and his Seal in form resembleth Royalty in the Roundness thereof, and is not Oval, the badge of plain Episcopacy. Rich, and entire the revenues of this See, such as alone would make a considerable addition to the Crown, remote the situation thereof, out of Southern sight, and therefore, if dissolved, the sooner out of men's minds. Besides, Cuthbert Tunstall the present Bishop of Durham, was in durance, and deprived for his obstinacy, so that so stubborn a Bishop gave * yet the Duke of Northumberland, either was, or was to be possessor thereof. the State the fairer quarrel with so rich a Bishopric, now annexed to the King's revenue. 3. Well it was for this See, Afterwards restored by Qu. Mary. (though dissolved) that the lands thereof were not dispersed by sale unto several persons, but preserved whole and entire (as to the main) in the Crown. Had such a dissipation of the parts thereof been made, no less than a State miracle had been requisite for the recollection thereof. Whereas now within two years after, Queen Marry restored Tunstall to this Bishopric, and this Bishopric to itself, resetling all the lands on the same. 4. By this time, A wood, rather a wilderness, of the Pope's Canons. such Learned men as were employed by the King, to reform the Ecclesiastical Laws, had brought their work to some competent perfection. Let me enlarge myself on this subject of concernment, for the Readers satisfaction. When the Pope had engrossed to his Courts the cognizance of all causes, which either looked, glanced, or pointed in the least degree, at what was reduceable to Religion, he multiplied Laws, to magnify himself▪ Whose principal design therein, was not to make others good, but himself great, not so much to direct, and defend the good, to restrain and punish the bad, as to ensnare and entangle both. For, such the number of their Clementines, 〈◊〉, Intrd. & Extravagants, Provincials, synodals, Glosses, Sentences, Chapters, Summaries, Rescripts, Breviaries, long and short Cases, etc. that none could carry themselves so cautiously, but would be rendered obnoxious, and caught within the compass of offending. Though the best was, for money they might buy the Pope's pardon, and thereby their own innocence. 5. Hereupon, Two and thirty Regulatours of the Canon-Law. when the Pope's power was banished out of England, his Canon-Law, with the numerous Books and branches thereof, lost its authority in the King's Dominions. Yet, because some gold must be presumed amongst so much dross, grain amongst so much chaff, it was thought fit, that so much of the Canon Law should remain as was found conformable to the Word of God, and Laws of the Land. And therefore King Henry the eighth was empowered by Act of Parliament, to elect two and thirty able persons, to reform the Ecclesiastical Laws, though in His Reign very little to good purpose was performed therein. 6. But the design was more effectually followed in the days of King Edward the sixth, Contracted to eight by King Edward the 6. reducing the number of two and thirty to eight, thus mentioned in His Letters Patents dated at Westminster, the last year, Novemb: 11. Bishops Thomas Cranmer, of Canterbury. Thomas Goodrig, of Elie. Divines Peter Martyr. Richard Cox. Civilians, and Canonists Dr. William May. Dr. Rowland Taylor, of Hadley. Common Lawyers John Lucas. Rich: Goodrick Esquires. It was not only convenient, but necessary, that Common Lawyers should share in making these Church Constitutions, because the same were to be built, not only sure in themselves, but also symmetrical to the Municipal Laws of the Land. These Eight had power by the King's Patents, to call in to their assistance what persons they pleased, and are said to have used the pens of Sir John Cheek, and Walter Haddon, Dr. in Law, to turn their Laws into Latin. 7. However, Laws no Laws not stamped with Royal Authority. these had only a preparing, no concluding power; so that, when they had ended their work, two things were wanting, to make these Ecclesiastical Canons (thus by them composed) have the validity of Laws. First, an exact review of them by others, to amend the mistakes therein. As where * Titulo de Divinis Offici●s, cap. 6. they call the Common Prayer Book then used in England, proprium & perfectum omnis divini cultus judicem, & magistrum: a title truly belonging only to the Scripture. Secondly, a Royal ratification thereunto; which this King, prevented by death, nor any of His Successors ever stamped upon it. Indeed, I find in an * john 〈◊〉, at the end of his Preface to his Book, entitled, [Reformation no enemy to Her Majesty.] Author, (whom I am half-ashamed to allege) that Doctor Haddon Anno 12 or 13 Elizabeth. delivered in Parliament a Latin Book, concerning Church-Discipline, written in the days of King Edward the sixth, by Mr. Cranmer, Sir John Cheek, etc. which could be no other than this lately mentioned. Which Book was committed by the House, unto the said Mr. Haddon, Mr. George Bromley, Mr. Norton, etc. to be translated, I conceive into English again, and never after can I recover any mention thereof, save that some thirteen years since * Anno 1640. A silent Convocation. it was printed in London. 8. A Parliament was called in the last of this King's Reign, wherein no Church-matter was meddled with, save that therein a Subsidy, granted by the Clergy, was confirmed. Such moneys being the Legacy of course, which all Parliaments (fairly coming to a peaceable end) bequeath to their Sovereign. As for the Records of this Convocation, they are but one degree above blanks, scarce affording the names of the Clerks assembled therein. Indeed, they had no Commission from the King to meddle with church-business, and every Convocation in itself, is born deaf, and dumb, so that it can neither hear complaints in Religion, nor speak in the redress thereof, till first Ephata, be thou opened, be pronounced unto it by Commission from Royal Authority. 9 Now, The true reason thereof. the true reason why the King would not intrust the diffusive body of the Convocation, with a power to meddle with matters of Religion, was a just jealousy which He had of the ill affection of the major part thereof: Ann. Dom. 1553. who under the fair rind of Protestant profession, Ann. Reg. Ed. 6. 7. had the rotten core of Romish superstition. It was therefore conceived safer for the King to rely on the ability and fidelity of some select Confidents, cordial to the cause of Religion; than to adventure the same to be discussed, and decided by a suspicious Convocation. 10. However, Forty two Articles of Religion, and the King's Catechism. this barren Convocation is entitled the parent of those Articles of Religion, (forty two in number) which are printed with this Preface, Articuls de quibus in Synodo Londinensi, Anno Domini 1552. inter Episcopos, & alios eruditos viros convenerat. With these was bound a Catechism, younger in age (as bearing date of the next year) but of the same extraction, relating to this Convocation, as author thereof. Indeed, it was first compiled (as appears by the King's Patent prefixed) by a single Divine, ( * ● pio quodam & crudito viro conscipto, in the King's Patent. Consented, and not consented to by the Convocation. charactered pious and learned) bu● afterwards perused and allowed by the Bishops, and other learned men, (understand it, the Convocation) and by Royal Authority commended to all Subjects, commanded to all School Masters to teach it their Scholars. 11. Yet very few in the Convocation ever saw it, much less, explicitly consented thereunto: but these had formerly (it seems) passed over their power (I should be thankful to him, who would produce the original instrument thereof) to the select Divines appointed by the King, in which sense they may be said to have done it themselves by their Delegates, to whom they had deputed their authority. A case not so clear but that it occasioned a cavil at the next Convocation in the first of * See more thereof in the next year: Queen Mary, when the Papists therein assembled, renounced the legality of any such former transactions. Precious King Edward the sixth now changed his Crown of Gold for one of Glory: July 6. we will something enlarge ourselves, The death of K. Edward the sixth, who was not cut out of His Mother's belly, as is commonly reported. to give posterity His true Character, never meeting more virtues in so few years. For His Birth, there goeth a constant tradition, that Caesar-like, He was cut out of the belly of His Mother, Jane Seymour: though a great person of Honour▪ (deriving her Intelligence mediately from such as were present at Her Labour) assured me of the contrary. Indeed, such as shall read the calm, and serene style of that Letter, which I have seen written, (though not by) for that Queen, and signed with Her own Signet after Her delivery, cannot conjecture thence, that any such violence was offered unto Her. But see the Letter. RIght trusty and well-beloved, Queen janes' Letter after Her Delivery to the Lords of the Council. We greet you well; and forasmuch as by the inestimable goodness, and grace of Almighty God, We be delivered and brought in Childbed of a PRINCE, conceived in most lawful Matrimony, between my Lord the King's Majesty, and Vs. Doubting not, but that for the love and affection which you bear unto Us, and to the Commonwealth of this Realm, thi● knowledge shall be joyous, and glad tidings unto you: We have thought good to certify you of this jame: To the intent ye might not only render unto God condign thanks and praise for so great a benefice, but also continually pray for the long continuance, and preservation of the same here in this life, to the honour of God, joy, and pleasure of my Lord the KING and Us, and the universal weal, quiet, and tranquillity of this whole Realm. a Extant in Sir Tho. Cottons Library, sub Ner. cap. 10. ¶ Given under our Signet at my Lord's Manor of Hampton-Court, the 22 day of October. And although this Letter was soon after seconded with b Extant, ibid. another of a sadder subject, here inserted, subscribed by all the King's Physicians; yet neither doth that so much as insinuate any impression of violence on Her person, as hastening Her death, but seems rather to cast the cause thereof on some other distemper. THese shall be to advise your Lordships of the Queen's estate: Yesterday afternoon She had a natural Lax, A sadder Letter of Her Physicians unto them. by reason whereof She began to lighten, and (as it appeared) to amend, and so continued till towards night. All this night She hath been very sick, and doth rather appare, than amend. Her Confessor hath been with Her Grace this morning, and hath done that to his office appertaineth, and even now is preparing to minister to Her Grace the Sacrament of Unction. ¶ At Hampton-Court this Wednesday morning at eight a clock. Your Lordships at Commandment, Thomas Cutland. Robert Karhold. Edward Bayntam. John Chambers, Priest. William Butts. George Owen. Impute we here this Extreme Unction administered to Her, partly to the over-officiousness of some superstitious Priest; partly, to the good Lady's inability; perchance insensible what was done unto her, in such extremity: otherwise we are confident, that Her judgement, when in strength, and health, disliked such practices, being a zealous Protestant. Which Unction did her as little good, as the twelve Masses said for Her soul in the City of London, at the Commandment of the Duke of Norfolk; whether he did it to credit their Religion with the countenance of so great a Convert, or did it out of the Nimiety of his own Love and Loyalty to the Queen, expressing it according to his own judgement, without the consent, (if not against the will) of the Queen's nearest kindred. 12. But leaving the Mother, Prince Edw. towardliness in learning. let us come to the Son, who, as he saith of himself in the Manuscript of His Life, was for the first six years bred and brought up amongst the Women, and then consigned to masculine Tuition under Doctor Richard Cox, and Sir John Cheekè, who taught Him Latin; and John Belmain, who instructed Him in the French Tongue. How great and sudden His proficiency in Learning was, will appear by this Letter, written with His own hand to His Father, when about eight years old. And although some may cavil this Letter not to be the Princes, but Cheeke's or Cox's in the Prince, yet the very matter and style will attest it the genuine Issue of His infant-Genius. LIterae meae semper habent unum● Argumentum, His 〈◊〉 his King-F●ther. Rex Nobilissime, See it in Sir Tho. Cottons Libr. atque Pater Illustrissime, id est, in omnibus Epistolis ago tibi gratias pro beneficentia tua erga me maxima; si enim saepius multo ad te literas exararem, nullo tamen quidem modo potui pervenire officio literarum ad magnitudinem benignitatis tuae erga me. Quis enim potuit compensare beneficia tua erga me? Nimirum nullus qui non est tam magnus Rex ac nobilis Princeps, ac tu es, cujusmodi ego non sum. Quamobrem Pietas tua in me, multo gratior est mihi, quod facis mihi, quae nullo modo compensare possim, sed tamen adnitar, & faciam quod in me est, ut placeam Majestati, atque praecabor Deum, ut diù te servet incolumem. Vale Rex Nobilissime atque Pater Illustrissime. Hatfeldiae, vicessimo septimo Septemb: Majestati tuae observantissimus Filius, EDVARDUS Princeps. With the increase of His Age, Another to Qu. Katherine Parr. His Writing was improved, both in the Letter, Matter, and Phrase thereof, as appeareth by what He wrote in Latin some months after, to His Mother-in-Law, Queen Katherine Parr: in thankfulness for the New-yeares-gift (the Kings and Her own Picture) She had sent unto Him; One may charitably believe that so Learned a Lady, understood the Letter without an Interpreter; but sure it is, She communicated the same to the King, who joyfully accepted thereof. d in Sir Tho. Cotton's Library, whence I transcribed it. QVod non ad te jamdiu scripserim Regina illustrissima, atque Mater charissima, in causa fuit, non negligentia, sed studium. Non enim hoc feci, ut nunquam omnino scriberem, sed ut accuratiùs scriberem. Quare spero te futuram contentam & gavisuram, quod non scripserim. Tu enim velles me proficere in omni honestate & Pietate, quod est signum insignis & diu●urni tui Amoris erga me, atque hunc amorem multis beneficiis mihi declarasti, & praecipuè hac strena, quam proximè ad me misisti, in qua Regiae Majestatis, & tua effigies ad vivum expressa continetur. Nam plurimum me delectat vestras Imagines Abscentium contemplari, quos lubentissimè videre cupio praesentes, ac quibus maximè tum Naturâ, tum Officio devinctus sum. Quamobrem majores tibi gratias ago, ob hanc strenam, quàm si misisses add me preciosas vestes, & Aurum caelatum, aut quidvis aliud Eximium. Deus tuam Celsitudinem, quam me brevi visurum spero, servet incolumem. Hartfordiae, decimo Januarii. Filius Celsitudini tuae obsequentissimus, EDVARDUS Princeps. Now our hand is in, A Letter to the Earl of Hartford. but one Letter more (but in date some months before the last) to His Uncle, Earl of Hartford, and we have done. For if Papists superstitiously preserve the Fingers, Teeth, yea Locks of Hair of their pretended Saints; wonder not if I prise the smallest Relics of this gracious Prince, never as yet presented to public view. NAtura movet me ut recorder tui Auuncule Charissime, etsi negotia tua impediunt te ne videas me, ideo de literas ad te, quae literae forent testimonium Recordationis meae, quam habeo de te. Quòd si haberem ullum melius monumentum Benevolentiae meae erga te, quam literae sunt, illud ad te mitterem. Puto autem te accepturum literas meas bene non pro bonitate literarum, sed pro Benevolentia scriptoris. Et tu non eris adeo laetus in accipiendis literis à me, ut ego gaudebo, si intellexero te in bonam partem accepisse illas, quod puto te facturum. Optimè valeas in Christo Jesus. Hunsdoniae, octavo Novemb: E. Princeps. Such was the Piety of this young Prince, An instance of His piety. that being about to take down something, which was above his reach, one of His Playfellows proffered Him a bossed plated Bible to stand upon, and heighten Him to take what He desired. Perceiving it a Bible, with holy Indignation, He refused it, and sharply reproved the Offerer thereof; it being unfit, He should trample that under His feet, which He was to treasure up in His head and heart. How many now adays, unable in themselves to achieve their own wicked ends, make God's Word their Pedestal, that standing thereon, they may be (not the holier, but) the higher, and the better advantaged, by abusing a piety, to attain their own designs. 13. When Crowned King, And an extraordinary one of the prevalency of His Prayer. His goodness increased with His greatness, constant in His private devotions, and as successful, as fervent therein, witness this particular: Sir John Cheek, His Schoolmaster, fell desperately sick; of whose condition the King carefully enquired every day: At last his Physicians told Him, That there was no hope of his life, being given over by them for a dead man. No, saith King Edward, he will not die at this time, for this morning I begged his life from God in my Prayers, and obtained it: which accordingly came to pass; and he soon after, against all expectation, wonderfully recovered. This was attested by the old Earl of Huntingdon, bred up in his Childhood with King Edward, unto Sir Thomas Cheek, still surviving about 80 years of age. 14. He kept an exact Account, His exact Diary. written with His own hand, (and that a very Legible one) of all Memorable accidents, with the accurate Date thereof. No high Honour was conferred, Bishopric bestowed, State Office disposed of, no old Fort repaired, no new one erected, no Bullion brought in, no great Sums sent forth of the Land, no Ambassadors dispatched hence, none entertained here: in a word, no matter of moment transacted, but by Him, with His own hand it was recorded: Whose Notes herein, though very particular, are nothing trivial, though short, not obscure, as formerly we have made use of some of those which concern our History. 15. Whilst in health, His good Archery and quick wit. His body was no less active in exercise, than His mind quick in apprehension. To give one Instance of both together. One day being shooting at Butts, (a manful, and healthful Pastime, wherein He very much delighted) He hit the very mark. The Duke of Northumberland, being present, (and, as I take it, betting on His Side) Well shot my Liege, quoth he. But you shot nearer the mark, (returned the King) when you shot off my good Uncle Somerse ' s head. And it is generally conceived that grief for his death caused K. Edward's Consumption, who succeeded not to any Consumptive Inclination, as hereditary from His Extraction, from a Father but little past, and a Mother just in the strength of Their Age. 16. However, An uncertain report. I find in a * Image of both Churches, page 423. Popish Writer, that it was said, That the Apothecary who poisoned him, (for the horror of the offence, and the disquietness of his conscience▪ drowned himself. And that the Laundress who washed His shirt, lost the skin off her fingers. But if his History be no better than his Divinity, we that justly condemn the one, can do no less than suspect the other. 17. We will conclude this Kings most Pious life with that His most devout Prayer on His Deathbed, The Prayer of K. Edward on his deathbed. which God heard and graciously answered, for the good of the Church of England. d Fox Acts & Mon. p. 13●5. LOrd God, deliver Me out of this miserable, and wretched life, and take Me among thy chosen. Howbeit, not my will, but thy will be done. Lord, I commit my spirit to thee. O Lord, thou knowest how happy it were for me to be with thee; yet for thy chosens sake send me life and health, that I may truly serve thee. Oh my Lord God, bless thy people, and save thine inheritance. Oh Lord God, save thy chosen People of England. Oh my Lord God, defend this Realm from Papistry, and maintain thy true Religion, that I and my People may praise thy holy Name, for Jesus Christ's sake. 17. One of the last Sermons King Edward heard, Opposers of the Liturgy grow a strong. was preached before Him by Hugh Latimer, at what time their party began to spread and increase, who opposed the Liturgy, witness this passage in his Sermon: * Latimers' Semons, printed Anno 1607. pag. 83. I have heard say, when that the good Queen that is gone, had ordained in her House daily Prayer, both before Noon, and after Noon; the Admiral getteth him out of the way, like a Mole digging in the earth. He shall be Lot's Wife to me as long as I live. He was, I heard say, a Covetous man, a covetous man indeed: I would there were no more in England. He was, I heard say, an Ambitious man: I would there were no more in England. He was, I heard say, a Seditious man, a Contemner of Common-Prayer: I would there were no more in England. Well! he is gone, I would he had left none behind him. A passage so informative to the Church History of that Age, must not pass without some observation thereon. The good Queen is gone:] this was Queen Katherine Par, (the Relict of King Henry the eighth who some two years since died in Childbed. The Admiral:] This was Thomas Lord Seymour her Husband. Getteth himself out of the way:] Here is the question, on what terms he absented himself, whether on Popish, or Non Conformist. In proof whereof he is compared to Lot's Wife, which importeth a looking back, and reflection on former practice. Being termed herein Seditious, and not Superstitious; it intimates, that a factious Principle made him distaste the Common-Prayer. A Contemner of the Common Prayer, I wish there were no more:] This probably relates unto a potent Party disaffected to the Liturgy, which now began to be very considerable in England, but (if the premises be rightly collected) much too blame in the judgement of godly Master Latimer. 18. The dislikers of the Liturgy, bore themselves high upon the judgement of Master Calvin, in his Letter (four year since) to the Duke of Somerset Lord Protector, now no longer a privacy, because publicly printed in his Epistles. And yet Master Calvin is therein very positive for a set Form, Mr. Calvin's 3 Reasons for a set Form of Prayer. whose words deserve our Translation and observation. * Libro Epist: pag. 69. Formulam precums, & rituum Ecclesiasticorum valde probo, ut certa illa extet. A quâ ne Pastoribus discedere in functione sua liceat. 1. Ut consulatur quorundam simplicitati & imperitiae. 2. Ut certius constet omnium inter se Ecclesiarum consensus. 3. Ut obviam ineatur desultoriae quorundam levitati, qui novationes quasdam affectant. Sic igitur, statum esse Catechismum oportet, statam Sacramentorum administrationem, publicam item precum formulam. I do highly approve that there should be a certain Form of Prayer and Ecclesiastical Rites. From which it should not be lawful for the Pastors themselves to discede. 1. That provision may be made for some people's ignorance and unskilfulness. 2. That the consent of all Churches amongst themselves may the more plainly appear. 3. That order may be taken against the desultorie levity of such who delight in innovations. Thus there ought to be an established Catechism, an established Administration of Sacraments, as also a public Form of Prayer. So that it seems not a Form, but this Form of Prayer did displease, and exceptions were taken at certain passages still in the Liturgy, though lately reviewed by the Bishops, and corrected. 19 Whilst mutual animosities were heightened betwixt the Opposers and Assertors of the Liturgy, Wanton frowardness justly punished Providence put a period for a time to that Controversy in England. Such who formerly would not, soon after durst not use the Common Prayer, Mass and Popery being set up by Queen Mary in the room thereof. Thus when Children fall out and fight about the candle, the Parents coming in and taking it away, leave them to decide the differences in the dark. The end of the Reign of King EDWARD the sixth. THE Church-History OF BRITAIN. The Eighth BOOK. CONTAINING THE PERSECUTIONS Under the Reign of QUEEN MARY. SIC OMNI TEMPORE VERDO printer's or publisher's device LONDON, Printed in the Year, M.DC.LU Punishment for their going naked; that what sometimes they affect of Fancy, should always be enjoined them by Authority; till the Cold converted them into more Civility. In vain do they plead for their Practice, the Precedent of the Prophet * Isaiah 20. 3. Isaiah, going naked for three years, Whose act was extraordinary and mystical, having an immediate command from God for the same. As well may they in Imitation of Hos ea. 1. 2. Hosea, take a known harlot to their wives, which I believe they would not willingly do, though they have made Harlots of other men's wives, if all be true reported of them. Their other Opinion is, that THOU and THEE is the Omer of Respect to be measured out to every single person; (allowing the highest no more, the lowest no less) be he (to speak in their own * Pamphlet called the Language of truth. pag. 2. Phrase) either King, Lord, Judge, or Officer. We will take their words asunder (as the wheels of a watch) only scour them, and then put them together again. King) though none at this present in the Land, yet, because these pretend to a Prophetical spirit, and there may be one in due time, their words are considerable. Lord) here your Honour with those many persons your Peers are concerned Judge) in this place the shoe pinches them, because they * Rom. 13. 4. bear the Sword to punish Offenders. Officers) I suppofe either Civil or Military, if they allow of the distinction. No mention here of Ministers: It seems THOU and THEE, is too good language for us; who are cain's, and Balaams, and Dogs, and Devils in their mouths. The best is, the sharpest railing cannot pierce, where Guiltiness in the person railed on, hath not first wimbled an hole for the entrance thereof. Their Principal Argument for their Practice, is drawn from many places in * Exod-33 12, five times in one verse Scripture, where THOU and THEE are used by God to Man, and Man to God; and Man to Man, which cannot be denid. In Opposition whereunto we maintain, that THOU from Superiors to inferiors is proper, as a Sign of Command; from equals to equals is passable, as a note of Familiarity; but from Inferiors to Superiors, if proceeding from Ignorance hath a smack of Clownishness, if from Affectation, a tang of Contempt. But in answer to their Objection from Scripture, we return four things. First, THOU is not so distasteful a term in Hebrew and Greek, as it is in the English, custom of every Country being the grand Master of Language to appoint what is honourable, and disgraceful therein. The Jews had their * Matth. 5. 26. Racha or term of contempt unknown to us; we, our THOU, a sign of slighting unused by them. Secondly, It followeth not, because THOU and THEE only are set down, that therefore no other Additions of Honour were then and there given from Inferiors to their Superiors. A negative Argument cannot be framed in this Case, that more respect was not used, because no more expressed in scripture; it being the design of Histories, chief to represent the substance of deeds, not all verbal Formalities. Thirdly, What Inferiors in Scripture wanted in words, they supplied in Postures and Gestures of Submission; even to * Gen. 33. 3, King. 1. 16, & 23. as also 1 King. 18. 7. Prostration of their bodies, which would be condemned for Idolatry, if ussed in England. Lastly, There are extant in Scripture, expressions of respect, as when Sarah termed her Husband Lord, which (though but * 1, Pet, 3. 6. once mentioned in the text) was no doubt her constant Practice, or else the holy Spirit would not have took such notice thereof, and commended it to others imitation. But they follow their Argument, urging it unreasonable, that any should refuse that Coin in common discourse, which they in their solemn Devotions pay to God himself. THOU and THEE are Currant in the Prayers of Saints clean through the Scripture, as also in our (late admired) Liturgy, we Praise THEE, we Belss THEE, we Worship THEE, we Glorify THEE, we give THEE Thanks for THY great Glory. It is answered; those Attributes of Greatness, Goodness, etc. given to God in the Beginning of every Prayer do Virtually and Effectually extend and apply themselves to every Clause therein, though for Brevity's sake not actually repeated. Thus OURFATHER in the Preface of the Lords Prayer, relateth to every Petition therein; OURFATHER hallowed be thy Name; Our FATHER thy Kingdom come; Our FATHER thy will be done etc. And this qualifieth the harshness and rudeness of THOU, THEE and THY, when for expedition and expressiveness sake they are necessarily used. Your Honour will not wonder at the Practice of these QUAKERS, having read in the Prophetical Epistles of * 2 Pet. 2. 10. S. Peter, and * Judas 8. S. Judas (last placed, because last to be performed) that towards the end of the world some shall NOT BE AFRAID to speak evil of Dignities. These Fear, where no fear is, and QUAKE where they need not; but fear not, where fear is; being bold and impudent where they ought not. They are NOTAFRAID, not only to speak against Dignities (which in some case may be done, where they are Vicious men) but against Dignities, the lawful, useful, needful, Ordinances of God himself. God grant these may seasonably be suppressed, before they grow too numerous otherwise such who now quarrel at the Honour, will hereafter question the wealth of others. Such as now accuse them for Ambition for being higher, will hereafter condemn them for Covetousness, for being broader than other; yea and produce Scripture too, proper and pregnant enough for their purpose, as abused by their Interpretation. In a word, it is suspicious such as now introduce THOU and THEE, will (if they can) expel Mine and Thine, disolving all propriety into confusion. And now, my Lord, how silly a thing is that Honour, which lies at the mercy of such men's mouths, to tender or deny the same. The best is men's Statures are not extended or contracted, with their shadows; so as to be stretched out into Giants in the morning; shrunk up into Dwarves at Noon, and stretched out at Night into Giants again. intrinsical worth doth not increase and abate; Wax and Wain, Ebb and Flow, according to the Fancy of others. May your Lordship therefore labour for that true Honour, which consisteth in Virtue and God's Approbation thereof; which will last and remain how furiously soever the wicked rage, and imagine vain things against it. Here I presume, to present your Honour the Lives and Deaths of some worthies, contrary to those QUAKERS in their Practice, and Opinion; I mean the Martyrs in the Reign of Queen Mary. These despised not their Superiors, giving due Reverence to those who condemned them, honouring lawful Authority, though unlawfully used: These cast not off their clothes, but modestly wore their Linen on them at their Suffering. These counterfeited no Corporal QUAKING, (standing as firm as the stake they were fastened to:) though in a Spiritual sense working out their salvation with Fear and Trembling: Whose admirable Piety and Patience is here recommended unto your Lordship's consideration; by Your humble Servant to be commanded in all Christian Offices, THOMAS FULLER. THE CHURCH-HISTORY OF BRITAIN. CENT. XVI. 1. July 6. KIng Edward, Queen Marry in despite of the Duke of Northumberland's opposition, crowned. tender in years, and weak with sickness, Anno Regin Mar. 1. was so practised on by the importunity of others, that, Anno Dom. 1553 excluding His two Sisters, he conveyed the Crown to the Lady Jane His Kinswoman, by that which we may we call the Testament of King Edward, and the Will of the Duke of Northumberland. Thus, through the piousintents of this Prince, wishing well to the Reformation; the Religion of Queen Marie, obnoxious to exception; the ambition of Northumberland, who would do what he listed; the simplicity of Suffolk, who would be done with as the other pleased; the dutifulness of the Lady Jane, disposed by her Parents; the fearfulness of the Judges, not daring to oppose; and the flattery of the Courtiers, most willing to comply, matters were made as sure, as man's policy can make that good which is bad in itself. But the Commons of England who for many years together had conned loyalty by-heart, out of the Statute of Succession, were so perfect in their lesson, that they would not be put out of it by this new started design: so that every one proclaimed Mary next Heir in their consciences: and, few days after King Edward's death, all the project miscarried: of the plotters whereof some executed, more imprisoned, most pardoned, all conquered, and Queen Mary crowned. Thus, though the stream of Loyalty for a while was violently diverted, (to run in a wrong channel,) yet with the speediest opportunity it recovered the right course again. 2. But now in what manner this Will of King Edward's was advanced, The truth of the carriage of Sr. Edward Mountagu in his drawing up the Will of King Edw. the sixth. that the greatest blame may be laid on them who had the deepest guilt, the following answer of Sr. Edward Mountagu, Lord Chief Justice of the Common-Pleas (accused for drawing up the Will, and committed by Queen Mary to prison for the same) will truly acquaint us. The original whereof under his own hand, was commnuicated unto me, by his great grandchild, Edward Lord Mountagu of Boughton, and here faithfully exemplified; SIR. Edward Mountagu, Knight, late Chief-Justice of the Common Pleas, received a letter from Greenwich, dated the eleventh day of June last passed, signed with the hands of the Lord Treasurer, the Duke of Northumberland; John Earl of Bedford, Francis Earl of Shrewsburie, the Earl of Pembroke, the Lord Clinton, the Lord Darcie, John Gate, William Peter, William Cecil, John Cheke: whereby he was commanded to be at the Court on the morrow by one of the clock at afternoon, and to bring with him Sr. John Baker, Justice Bromley, the Attorney, and Solicitor General, and according to the same, all they were there at the said hour of one of the clock. And, after they were brought to the presence of the King, the Lord Treasurer the marquis of Northampton, Sr. John Gate, and one or two more of the Council, whose names he doth not now remember, were present. And then and there the King by His own mouth said, that now in His sickness he had considered the state of this His Realm and Succession, which, if He should decease without Heir of His body, should go to the Lady Mary, who was unmarried, and might marry a stranger-borne, whereby the Law● of this Realm might be altered and changed, and His Highness' proceed in Religion might be altered. Wherefore His pleasure was, that the state of the Crown should go in such form, and to such persons as His Highness had appointed in a Bill of Articles not signed with the King's hand, which were read, & commanded them to make a Book thereof accordingly with speed. And they, finding divers faults not only for the incertainty of the Articles, but also declaring unto the King, that it was directly against the Act of Succession, which was an Act of Parliament which would not be taken away by no such devise. Notwithstanding His Highness would not otherwise, but that they should draw a Book according to the said Articles, which he then took them, and they required a reasonable time of His Highness for the doing thereof, and to consider the Laws and Statutes made for the Succession, which indeed were and be more dangerous then and of them, they did consider and remember, and so they departed commanding them to make speed. And on the morrow all the said persons met, and, perusing the said Statutes there grew this question amongst them, whether it were presently treason by the words of the Statute of Anno primo Edvardi Sexti, or no treason till it were put in execution after the King's death? because the words of the Statute are, the King His Heirs, and Successors, because the King can have no Successors in His life; but to be sure they were all agreed that it were the best and surer way to say to the Lords, that the execution of this devise after the King's decease was not only treason, but the making of this devise was also presently treason, as well in the whole Council as in them, and so agreed to make their report without doing any thing for the execution thereof. And after Sr. William Peter sent for the said Sr. Edward. to Eely-place, who shown him that the Lords required great speed in the making of the said Book, and he told him, there were none like to be made for them for the danger aforesaid. And after that, the said S. Edward, with the rest of his company, went to the Court, and before all the Council, (the Duke of Northumberland being not in the Council-chamber,) made report to the Lords, that they had considered the King's Articles, and also the Statutes of Succession, whereby it appeared manifestly, that if they should make any Book according to the King's commandment, they should not only be in danger of treason, but also their Lordships all, wherefore they thought it their bounden duties to declare the danger of the Laws unto them, and for avoiding of the danger thereof they had nothing done therein, nor intended to do, the Laws being so dangerous and standing in force. The Duke of Northumberland, having intelligence of their answer, either by the Earl of Huntingdon, or by the Lord Admiral, cometh into the Council-Chamber before all the Council there, benign in a great rage and fury, trembling for anger, and amongst his ragious talk called the said Sr. Edward Traitor; and further said, that he would fight in his shirt with any man in that quarrel (as all the whole Council being there will report) whereby the said Sr. Edward, with the rest were in great fear and dread, in special Mr. Bromley, and the said Sr. Edward, for Mr. Bromley told the said after, that he dread then that the Duke would have stricken one of them: and after they were commanded to go home, and so departed in great fear, without doing any thing more at that time, wishing of God they had stood to it, as they did then, unto this time. And after the said Sr. Edward received another letter dated at Greenwich the 14 th'. of June last passed, signed with the hands ●f the Lord Treasurer, the Earl, of Bedford, the marquis of Northampton, the Earl of Shrewsburie, the Lord Clinton, the Lord Cobham, the Lord Darcy, William Peter, John Gate, John Cheek, whereby he was commanded to bring with him Sr. John Baker, Justice Bromley and Mr. Gosnolde, and to be at the Court on the morrow by one of the clock at afternoon, where all they were at the same hour, and conveyed into a chamber behind the Dining-Chamber there, and all the Lord looked upon them with earnest countenance, as though they had not known them. So that the said Sr. Edward, with the other, might perceive there were some earnest determination against them: and at length they were brought before the King Himself, there, being present all the whole Council. And the King demanded of them why they had not made His Book, according to His commandment, and refused that to do? with sharp words and angry countenance; and the said Sr. Edward opened unto His Highness the cause why they did it not; and he and other had before declared and opened to the Council, that if the writings were made, they were of no effect nor force, but utterly void when the King should decease, and the Statute of Succession not impaired nor hurted, for these will not be taken away, but by the same authority they were made, and that was by Parliament. To that said the King we mind to have a Parliament shortly, not telling when, which was the first time that the said Sr. Edward heard of any Parliament to be 〈◊〉. Whereunto he said, if His pleasure were so, all might be deferred to the Parliament, and all dangers and perils saved. Whereunto the King said he would have this done, and after ratify it by Parliament. And after commanded them very sharply upon their allegiance to make it; and there were divers of the Lords, that stood behind the said Sr. Edward, said, and if they refused to do that▪ they were traitors. And the said Sr. Edward was in great fear as ever he was in all his life before, seeing the King so earnest and sharp, and the said Duke so angry the day before, who ruled the whole Council as it pleased him and were all afraid of him (the more is the pity) so that such cowardness and fear was there never seen amongst honourable men, as it hath appeared. The said Sr. Edward▪ being an old weak man and without comfort, began to consider with himself, what was best to be done for the safeguard of his life, which was like to chance in that fury and great anger presently. And, remembering that the making of the said writing was not presently treason by the Statute of Anno primo, because this word Successor would take no place while the King was living, and determined with himself not to meddle nor execute any thing concerning the same, after the death of the King, which he hath truly kept hereunto. And also remembering that the Queen's Highness that now is should come by Act of Succession, as a purchaser by the law, might not lawfully punish treason or contempt committed in the King's life, he said unto the King, that he had served His most noble Father many years, and also His Highness during His time, Anno Dom. 1553 and loath he would be to disobey His commandment; Anno Regin Mar. 1. for his own part he would obey it, so that His Highness would grant to them His commandment, licence and commission under His great Seal, for the doing, making, and executing of all things concerning the same, and, when the things were done, that they might have a general pardon. All which Commission and pardon was as much as the said Sr. Edward could invent to help this danger over, and besides the things above remembered; which Commission and pardon the King granted them, saying, it was but reason that they should have them both, and the Commission is passed the Great Seal, and the Pardon was signed, and (as far as he knew) sealed. All the said matters considered, the said Sr. Edward said, for his part he would obey the King's commandment, and so did M. Bromley say the same; and the King said to Sr. John Baker, what say you? you said never a word today; who (as I take it) agreed to the same. Mr. Gosnold required a respite, for he was not yet persuaded to do the thing required. How the said Duke and the Earl of Shrewsburie handled him, he can tell best himself. And after upon the said Sr. Edward's motion the King gave him licence to be advised until upon the morrow, who of himself being in great fear was content to obey the King's commandment; and so the doers and makers of the said Book, with sorrowful hearts, and with weeping eyes, in great fear and dread devised the said Book, according to such Articles as were signed with the King's proper hand, above and beneath, and on every side. And their said Commission, with Articles so signed with the King's hand, and the Book drawn in paper, were conveyed from the Court to the Lord Chancellors, to be engrossed in parchment and to pass the great Seal, which was done accordingly. And on the morrow next after the last Term ended, the said Sr. Edward and all the Judges were sent for; he puts his hand to the Book in parchment sealed with the Great Seal, and so did many others. The said Book of Articles so signed remaineth with the Lord Chancellor, Bishop of Eely; but, who conveyed the said Paper Book into the Chancery, or who wrote them, or who set their hands to the same Book, the said Sr. Edward till he see them he cannot tell: but he will not deny but he was privy to the making of them, as he hath before said: and that he came to the knowledge of the matter by the Articles unsigned, and by the Articles signed, with the King's hand, and both delivered unto him by the Kings own hands. Who put the King in mind to make the said Articles; or whowrote them, or any of them; or by whose procurement or counsel they were made: or by what means he and others were called unto this matter: he knoweth not, but he thinks in his conscience the King never invented this matter of Himself, out by some wonderful false compass: he prayeth God the truth may be known, as he doubts not it will be. And further, he and all his company, as well before the King as before the Lords at all times, said, that their writings (before they were made, and after they were made) were of no value, force, nor effect, to any intent, constitution, or purpose, after the King's death, and there is no remedy to help this but by Parliament. And that after the said Thursday, being the morrow after the Term last passed, that he by any writing, printing, overt, deed or act, never did any thing since the same day, in the King's life, ne since the death of the King, for he determined with himself to be no executor of the said devise, whatsoever should chance of it: nor ever meddled with the Council in any thing, nor came amongst them, until the Queen's Grace that now is, was proclaimed Queen in London, nor never executed Commission, Proclamation, or other commandment from the Lady Jane nor Her Council, but commanded my son to serve the Queen's Grace that now is, and to go to Sr. Thomas Tresham, and Buckingham-shire-men that went to her Grace to defend Her, which he so did to my no little cost. The case thus stated, these notes follow written with the same hand. Now that it is to be considered the great fear the said Sr. Edward was in, as well by the Duke of Northumberland on the one day, as by the King on the other day. Also it is to be considered the King's commandment upon their allegiance, by His own mouth, and the Articles signed with His Highness own hand, and also His Commission, licence, and commandment under His Great Seal to the said Sr. Edward and others, for the making of the said Book. Also the Kings pardon signed with His Highness' hand. Also it is to be considered, that the said Books were made in the King's life, seven or eight days before His death: and the Queen's Highness being Successor, by Act of Parliament, to the Crown, and having the same, as a Purchaser, may not lawfully by the Laws of the Realm punish the said offence done in the King's time. Also the said Sr. Edward hath humbly submitted himself to the Queen Highness, and to the order of the Commissioners: Which Commissioners have ordered the said Sr. Edward to pay to Her Highness a thousand pounds, who hath already paid thereof five hundred pounds, and the other five hundred pounds are to be paid at the Feast of All-Saints come Twelvemonth. And also to surrender his letters Patents of lands to the yearly value of fifty pounds called Eltyngton, which he had of the gift of King Edward the Sixth, which was all the reward he had of the said King Edward for his service, costs and expenses. Also, it is to be considered, that the said Sr. Edward is put from his office of the Chief Justiceship of the Common-Pleas, being of the yearly value of six hundred marks, which office the most noble King of famous memory King Henry the Eighth gave him in consideration of his long service, and also had six week's imprisonment. Also it is to be considered, that the same Sr. Edward hath seaventeen children, viz. eleven Daughters, and six Sons: whereof one of the said Sons had his leg stricken off by the knee in Scotland at Muscleborough-field, the Duke of Somerset being there. And his Son and Heir, by his commandment, served the Queen's Highness with twenty men, to the cost of the said Sr. Edward of one hundred pounds, as the Gentlemen of Buckingham-shire can report. SO far the late Judge with his own hand: Wherein he affirmeth that he meddled not with the Council in any thing afterward, as may appear by his not subscribing the letter of the Lords to Queen Mary (enjoying, shall I say? or) advising Her to desist from claiming the Crown, whereto all the Privy * See them exant in Mr. Fox. Act. & Mon-Anno 1553. Counsellors subscribed, only the hand of Sr. Edward Mountagu is wanting. And, seeing in the whole transaction of this matter, the obedience rather than invention of Judge Mountagu was required, not to devise, but draw things up according to Articles tendered unto him, I cannot believe his * Sr. John Heywood. in his Edward 6 report report relating, that the King used the advice of Justice Mountagu in drawing up the Letters Patents, to furnish the same with reasons of Law, as Secretary Sicily with arguments from Policy. 3. Some will wonder that no mention herein of Sr. Roger Cholmley, Sr. R. Chomley comes off with loss. Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench, and in dignity above Sr. Edward Mountagu (at this time but Judge of the Common-Pleas,) that he was not employed to draw up the Book. But it seems Judge Mountagu his judgement was more relied on, who had been formerly Lord Chief Justice of the Kings-Bench, and deserted it. Yet the said Sr. Roger Cholmley was imprisoned for bare subscribing this Will, and (as it seems) lost his place for the same. For Justice Bromley, though equally guilty with the rest (so far favour extends in matters of this nature) was not only pardoned, but, from an inferior Judge, * See Sr. H. Spelman. Glossary in Justiciarius p. 417. Sr. Jam's Hales his honesty. advanced to be successor to Sr. Roger Cholmly, and made Judge of the Kings-Bench. 4. Whereas Sr. Edward saith that all the Judges were sent for and that many put their hands to the Book, it intimateth that all did not but that some refused the same, it being eminently known to the everlasting honour of Sr. James Hales that no importunity could prevail with him to underwrite this will as against both law and conscience. 5. Eight weeks and upwards passed between the proclaiming of Mary Queen, Contest betwixt two Religions and the Parliament by her assembled: during which time two religions were together set on foot, Protestantisme and Popery, the former hoping to be continued, the later labouring to be restored, And as the Jews Children a Neh. 13. 24. after the captivity spoke a middle language betwixt Hebrew and Ashdod, so during the aforesaid interim the Churches and Chapels in England had mongrel celebration of their Divine services betwixt Reformation and Superstition. For the Obsequies for King Edward were held by the Queen in the Tower August the seaventh, Aug. 7. with the Dirige sung in Latin, and on the morrow a mass of Requiem, and on the same day his Corpse were buried at Westminster with a sermon service, and Communion in English. No small justling was there betwixt the zealous Promoters of these contrary Religions. The Protestants had possession on their side, and the Protection of the Laws lately made by King Edward and still standing in free and full force unrepealed. Besides, seeing by the fidelity of the Suffolk and Norfolk Protestant Gentry, the Queen was much advantaged for the speedy recovering of her Right, they conceived it but reason, that as she by them had regained the Crown, so they under her should enjoy their Consciences. The Papists put their Ceremonies in Execution, presuming on the Queen her private practice and public countenance, especially after she had imprisoned some Protestant, and enlarged some Popish Bishops: advancing Stephen Gardiner to be Lord Chancellor. Many which were Newters before conceiving which side the Queen inclined would not expect, but prevent her authority in Alteration: So that Superstition generally got ground in the Kingdom. Thus it is in the Evening Twilight, wherein light and darkness at first may seem very equally matched, but the later within little time doth solely prevail. 6. What impressions the Coming in of Queen Mary made on Cambridge, Mr. Jewel pens the first Congratulatory letter to the Queen. shall, God willing be presented in our particular History thereof. The sad and sudden alterations in Oxford, thereby are now to be handled. Ma. John Jewel was chosen to pen the first gratulatory Letter to the Queen, in the Name of the University; an office, imposed on him, by his enemies, that either the refusal thereof should make him incur danger from his foes, or the performance expose him to the displeasure of his friends; Yet he so warily penned the same in General terms, that his Adversaries miss their mark. Indeed all, as yet, were confident, that the Queen would maintain the Protestant Religion according to her solemn promise, to the Gentry of Norfolk, and Suffolk, though (she being composed of Courtship and Popery,) this her unperformed promise was the first Court-holy-water, which she sprinkled amongst the People. 7. And, because ever one was counted a Truant in Popery, who did not outrun the Law, Dr. Tresham, an active Papist, and a Van-Currier before Authority, repaired the great Bell in Christ Church, which he new named, and baptised MARY. And whilst Mr. Jewel was reading the Letter he had penned, to Dr. Tresham, for his approbation thereof, presently that bell told to Mass, (a Parenthesis which was not in the Letter) and Tresham breaking off his Attention to what was written, exclaimed in a zealous Ecstasy. Oh sweet Mary! how musically, how melodiously doth she sound. e Marry the ●ew Baptised mass Bell in Christ's Church. This Bell than rung the knell for that time to the truth in Oxford, henceforward filled with Protestant Tears, and Popish Triumphs. 8. Then Stephen Gardiner visitor of Maudlin's, Alteration by Gardiner's visitors in Maudlin College. (as successor to William Wainfleet Bishop of Winchester founder thereof) sent Commissioners to the College, (whereof Sr. Richard Read the chief, and Dr. Wright Archdeacon of Oxford,) whereby strange effects were produced. 1. Walter Haddon, than a Laurence Humphrey in his Latin life of Dr. Jewel. p. 71. Precedent of the College, (though omitted by Brian Twine for what cause I know not, in their Catalogue) willingly quitted his place. 2. Thomas Bentham (that year Censor) being required to Correct the Scholars for their absence from Popish Prayers, ingenuously confessed his sorrow for his Compliance in the Reign of King Henry the 8th and constantly professed that he would not accumulate sin on sin, adding moreover, that he accounted it not equal, to punish that in others, which he himself did willingly and wittingly commit, and thereon was outed of his place. 3. Thomas Bickley was served in the same manner. This was be who formerly snatching the Host out of the Pixe at evening Prayer, first rend it with his hands, than trampled it under his feet, and now expelled, with great difficulty escaped into France. 4. Henry Bull, who about the same time openly in the choir snatched the Censer out of his hands, who was about to offer Idolatrous Incense therein, was likewise by the visitors put out of his Fellowship. What shall I speak of learned Laurence Humphrey, painful John Fox, studious Michael Re●niger, sweet natured John Molins, Archdeacon of Paul's, Arthur Saul, Peter Morvin, Hugh Kirke, and Luke purify, dear brethren in Christ, all at this time forced to forsake their College: So that then Magdalen wept indeed for the loss of so many worthies. All this extremity was executed by these visitors, not as yet empowered by law, the statutes of King Edward, standing hitherto unrepealed. But some are so desirous to Worship the rising Sun, that, to make sure work, they will adore the dawning day: And many of the Oxford Scholars thought Prolepsis the best figure in their Grammar to foresee what the Queen would have done, and to ingratiate themselves by antedating the doing thereof. 9 Of all the visitors in Magdalen College, Arch-Deac. Wright a moderate visitor who afterwards recanted his errors and died peaceably. Archdeacon Wright was most moderate, seeking to qualify the cruelty of the rest, as fare as he could or durst appear. Blind he was in one eye, but acute and clear-sighted in his mind, and though his compliance for the present cannot be excused, yet commendable was his forwardness, that presently on the Crowning of Queen Elizabeth, he confessed his errors, and with a weak voice but strong Arguments in his Sermon preached in All-hallows, solidly confuted the main of Popish opinions; This was his last Will and Testament, being at the present much decayed in his Body, his strength only serving him, to give a solemn account of his Faith. For soon after he fell sick, and at the end of eight days, in perfect * Laurence Humph. ut prius p. 76. mind and memory, peaceably departed this life. Wherefore lying * In defence of the Pope's monarchy. Sanders is not to be listened to, when reporting that this Wright died raving and distracted. It being usual with him, to account all those staring mad, * Camb. Brit. in the year. 1583. who are not strake blind with ignorance and superstition: Let not Sanders be too busy in traducing Gods dying Servants, lest what he wrongfully chargeth on others, justly befall himself, as it came to pass accordingly. For a learned * Camb. Brit. in the year. 1583. Pen tells us, that he died in Ireland, Mente motus, which if it amounts not to a Madness, I understand not the propriety of that expression. 10. Pass we now from Maudlin's to Corpus Christi College, Mass set up in Corpus Christi College. where behold a sudden Alteration; Mass being presently brought up in the place of the Communion. It may seem a wonder, seeing so many Superstitious Utensils are required thereunto, where the Papists got attiring clothes for the Theatrical Pomp thereof; yet so it was, that they who to day [visibly] had nothing, next day wanted nothing for the Celebration of the Mass. Surely these Trinkets were never dropped down from Heaven; but such who formerly had been cunning in concealing, were now forward in producing their wicked Wardrobe; and one College afforded enough, not only to suffice itself, but for the present to supply the whole University. 11. But how well soever any College kept their superstitious Trifles, jewel driven ou● of Corpus Christi College. sure I am Corpus Christi College lost an essential Ornament thereof, namely Mr. John Jewel, fellow therein, who, on his refusal to be present at Mass, and other Popish Solemnities, was driven out of the College, and retired himself to Broadgates' Hall; where he continued for a short time in great Danger. 12. It was now high time for Mr. Peter Martyr seasonably to provide for his own security, Peter Martyr departs the Realm. who being by Birth a stranger, and invited over hither, and placed here by King Edward the sixth, to be Professor of Divinity in Oxford, had the Warrant of the Public faith, and the Law of Nations, for his safety. Whereupon he solicited for leave to return, which was granted unto him. Well it was that he had protection of proof; otherwise such was the enmity of the Papists, and so sharp set were the Teeth of some persecuting Bishops against him, that they would have made this Martyr brook his own name, and have sacrificed his life to their fury. 13. About the time of his Departure, The Dutch Congregation departed into Denmark. (pardon a short digression) the Dutch congregation in London was also dissolved, gaining Licence with much ado to transport themselves. These taking the opportunity of two Danish Ships, then lying in Thames mouth, adventured themselves therein even in the beginning of Winter, uncertain were to get any habitation. One hundred seaventy and five were embarked in one vessel, from which the other was divided with Tempest, and with much danger got at last to * John 〈…〉 cap. 2. Elsinore in Denmark. Had they said longer in England, until the Queen's marriage with King Philip of Spain (being most of them his Native Subjects in the Netherlands) it had been difficult, if not impossible for them to have procured their safe, and public departure. 14. As for Mr. Jewel, 〈◊〉 Copy 〈…〉 he continued some weeks in Broadgates Hall, whither his Scholars repaired unto him, whom he constantly instructed in Learning, and Religion. Of all his Pupils, Edward * So I conceive his 〈◊〉 whom Laurence Humphrey in Jewel life p 〈◊〉 calls 〈◊〉 Annum. Year in this one respect was most remarkable, who by his tutor being seasoned with the love of the Truth, made a double Copy of Verses, against the Superstition of the Mass, which so enraged Mr. Welsh, the Censor, as I take it of Corpus Christi College, against him, that he publicly and cruelly whipped him, laying on one lash, for every verse he had made, which I conceive were about eighty in all: Part of them, I have here thought fit to insert; and blessed be God I may Translate, and the Reader peruse them without any pain and peril, and not at the dear rate, whereat the Author composed them. I have the rather presented them, because they proved as well Prophetical as Poetical, comfortably foretelling, what afterwards certainly came to pass. Supplex oro Patris veniant coelestis ad aures Ex animo paucae quas recitabo preces: Ecce patent aditus, patet alti januae Coeli Ad summum votis am penetrabo Deum. Summe Pater, qui cuncta vides, qui cuncta gubernas, Qui das cuncta tuis, qui quoque cuncta rapis, Effice ne maneat longaevos Missaper Annos: Effice ne fallat decipiatve tuos; Effice ne coecos populorum reddat ocellos Missa, docens verbo dissona multa tuo: Effice jam rursus Stgias descendat ad Vndas, Vndè trahit fontem principiumquè suum. Respondet Dominus spectans de sedibus Altis, Ne dubites recte Credere parve puer: Olim sum passus mortem, nunc occupo dextram Patris, nunc summi sunt mea regna poli: In coelis igitur toto cum corpore versor, Et me Terrestris nemo videre potest; Falsa Sacerdotes de me mendacia fingunt, Missam quique colunt, high mea verba negant: Durae Cervicis populus me mittere Missam Fecit, & è medio tollere dogma sacrum; Sed tu crede mihi, vires Scriptura resumet, Tolleturque suo tempore Missa nequam. Accept O heavenly Father I request These few Devotions from my humble Breast: See there's Access, Heaven's gate open lies, Then with my Prayers I'll penetrate the skies; Great God, who all things feest, dost all things sway, And All things giv'st, and all things tak'st away, Let not the present Mass long-lived be, Nor let it those beguile belong to thee: Thy people's eyes keep it from blinding quite, Since to thy word it is so opposite, But send it to the Stygian Lakes below: From whence it's rise and source doth spring and flow. The Lord, beholding from his Throne, replied, Doubt not, young Youth, firmly in me confide I died long since, now sit at the right hand Of my blessed Father, and the world command My body wholly dwells in heavenly light, Of whom no earthly Eye can gain a sight: The shameless Priests of me forge truthless lies And he that worship's Mass, my word denies A stiffnecked people for their sins did make Me send them Mass, my word away to take But trust me, Scripture shall regain her sway, And wicked Mass in due time fade away. 15. But to return to Mr. Jewel: Mr. Jewel his great fall. he had not lived long in Broadgates' Hall, when, by the violence of the Popish Inquisitors being assaulted, on a sudden, to subscribe, he took a pen in his hand, and, smiling, said, have you a mind to see how well I can write? and thereupon underwit their Opinions. Thus the most orient Jewel on earth Hath some flaws therein. To conceal this his Fault, had been partiality; to excuse it, flattery; to defend it, impiety; to insult over him, Cruelty; to pity him, Charity; to admire God, in permitting him, true devotion; to be wary of ourselves, in the like occasion, Christian discretion. 16. Such as go out when God openeth them, a Door to escape, Carnal Compliance never profits. do peaceably departed; But such who break out at the window, either stick in the passage, or bruise themselves by falling down on the outside. Jewel may be an instance hereof, whose cowardly compliance, made his foes no fewer without him; and one the more (a guilty Conscience) within him. The Papists neither loved, nor honoured, nor trusted him any whit the more, for this his Subscription, which they conceived not Cordial; forced from him by his fear: Yea thereby he gained not any degree of more safety: and his life being waylaid for, with great difficulty, he got over into Germany. 17. Rejoice not over me O mine Enemy, Mr. Jewels seasonable and sincere Recovery. for though I fall, yet shall I rise again, as here it came to pass: Coming to Francfort, he had Dr. Edwin Sandys, (afterwards Archbishop of York,) for his Board, and Bedfellow, who counselled Mr. Jewel, with the joint advice of Mr. Chambers, and Mr. Samson, his bosom friends, to make a public Confession of his sorrow for his former Subscription: whereupon on a Sunday, after his fore-noons Sermon, in the Congregation of Francfort, he bitterly bewailed his fall, and hearty requested pardon from God and his People, whom thereby he had offended. Wet were the eyes of the Preacher, and those not dry of all his Auditors: what he fairly requested was freely given: and hence forward all embraced him, as a Brother in Christ, yea as an Angel of God. Yea whosoever seriously considereth the high Parts Mr. Jewel had in himself, and the high opinion others had of him, will conclude his Fall necessary for his Humiliation. 18. But to return to Oxford, The Issueless issue of a disputation at Oxford. whither, about this time, Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, were brought to be baited in Disputation, by the fiercest Papists of both Universities; Which worthy Bishops, restrained in Liberty, debarred from Books, deprived of Friends, and straightened for time, were brought out of the Prison, to dispute, and after the end thereof thither remanded. Here it is sad to recount those Legiens of Taunts, which were passed upon them: They who had three Logical terms in every Syllogism, had far more railing one's after it, in following their Argument, and opprobrious improving thereof against the Prisoners. Wherefore when Weston, the Prolocutor (or Oblocutor rather) closed all with his vain glorious brag, Vicit veritas, many of the unpartial Auditors conceived, that Vicit vanitas, was a truer Conclusion of the Disputation; though indeed there could be no proper victory, where there was no fair Fight: things not being methodised with Scholastical Formality, but managed with tumultuous Obstreperousnesse. See all at large in Mr. Fox: to transcribe which would be tedious, excribe something, imperfect, Contract all, obscure: may the reader therefore be remitted thither, for his perfect Satisfaction. Only, I will add; this Disputation was but a preparative, or Prologue to the Tragedy of these Bishop's Deaths: as it were to dry their Bodies, the more aforehand, that afterwards they might burn the brighter, and clearer for the same. 19 But we leave the prosecution hereof with the impression made by the Alteration of Religion on every several College in Oxford, Some Oxford man invited to undertake a proper task. to some learned men of that University, as an office proper for them to perform, having as their education therein, so their advantage thereby in consulting the Registers of their several Colleges. I have hitherto, and shall hereafter be the shorter in Matters of this University, remembering two profitable Precepts, for this purpose; the one Minus notis, minus diu insistendum: the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Being a stranger be not overbusy: Who confess myself bred in another Seminary of learning. Wherefore if my tongue, long acquainted with CAMBRIDGE Siboleth, have or shall chance to falter in pronouncing the terms of Art, or Topical Titles, proper to this University, I hope the Readers Smile shall be all the writer's Punishment. For as I hearty protest the fidelity of my Affections to my Aunt, and humbly request that my Weakness or want of Intelligence, may no way tend to her Prejudice, so I expect that my Casual mistakes should meet with a Pardon of Course: And if any of her own Children (which is much to be desired) Will hereafter write a particular History of Oxford, I should be joyful if the best Beams I can bring will but make him Scaffolds, and the choicest of my Corner-stones, but serve to fill up the Walls of his more beautiful Building. 20. We have something trespassed on time to make our Story of Oxford entire, Protestant Bishops withdraw themselves from the Parliament. and must now go a little backward. The Queen being crowned on the first of October, her first Parliament began the fifth day following, wherein Godwot a poor appearance of Protestant Bishops. For Cranmer of Cant. was in the Tower for treason. Ridley of London, and Poynet of Winchester were displaced on the restitution of Bonner and Gardiner, Holegate of York, Bush of Bristol, Bird of Chester, Hooper of Worcester and Gloucester, Barlow of Bath and Wells, Scory of Chicester, Ferrar of St. David's, Coverdale of Exeter were already deprived either for being married, or delivering some displeasing doctrines. Only two Protestant Bish os, viz. John a Fox Acts & Mon pag. 1410. Taylour of Lincoln and John Harley of Hereford (on what score I know not) found the favour to be last undone, as remaining un-deprived at the beginning of the Parliament, where they presented themselves according to their duty, & took their place amongst the Lords. But presently began solemn Mass after the Popish manner, which these two good Bishops not abiding withdrew themselves, and shortly both of them died their natural deaths; Providence graciously preventing their violent destructions. Octob 1. 5. 21. All the rest of the Bishop's present in Parliament, Popery restored by the rest. as Samson of Coventry, and Litchfield, Capon of Salisbury, Thirleby of Norwich, Bulkley of Bangor, Parfew of St. Asaph b Ely and Oxfoord I conceive void at this time. Kitchen of Landaffe, though dissembling themselves Protestant's in the days of King Edward, now returned to their Vomit, and the advancing of Popery. No wonder then if all things were acted according to their pleasure, the Statute of Praemunire made by King Henry the Eight, and many other goodlaws of Edward the Sixth repealed. Mass and Latin service with the main of Popery reestablished. 22. But in the Convocation which began few days after, 18. amongst all the Clergy therein assembled there were found but six which opposed the Reduction of Popery, Viz. 1. Walter Philip's Dean of Rochester. Six Protestant Champions in the Convocation. 2. james Haddon Dean of Exeter. 3. john Philpot Archdeacon of winchest. 4. Richard Cheyney Archdeacon of Hereford. 5. john Ailmer Archdeacon of Stow. 6. One whose name is not recorded. Of these Mr. Philpot one of a fervent spirit (but not to any distemper as some suspect) was so zealous against Transubstantiation, that he offered to maintain the negative by God's word, and confound any six who should withstand him in that point, 25. or else saith he, c Fox Acts & Mon pag. 1413. let me be burned with as many faggots as be in London before the Court gates. 23. But Weston the Prolocutor in the Convocation threatened him with the Prison, Weston his railing on Mr. Philpot. adding that he was a mad man, meeter to be sent to Bedlam then continue there. Philpot returned he would think himself happy to be out of that company. Nay, lest you slander the house said Weston, and say we will not suffer you to declare your mind, we are content you come into the house as formerly on two conditions. First, that you be apparelled in a long gown and Tippet as we are. 30. Decen. 13. Secondly, that you speak not but when I command you. Then said Philpot, I had rather be absent altogether; and so it seems departed the place, and soon after the Convocation ended, having concluded all things to the hearts desire of the Papists therein. 24. Afterwards Philpot was troubled by Gardiner for his words spoken in the Convocation. Philpot fealeth the truth with his blood. In vain did he plead the Privilege of the Place, commonly reputed a part of Parliament, alleging also how Weston the Prolocutor once and again assured them, that the Queen had given them leave and liberty, fully and freely to debate of matters of Religion according to their own conscience. Once at his Examination the Lord Rich d Fox Acts & Mon. pag. 1806. affirmed, that the Convocation was no part of the Parliament House, and we must believe him herein, because a Lawyer, and a Lord chancellor: Otherwise we have the Statute 8. Hen. 6. That the Clergy of the Convocation shall have such liberty as they that come to the Parliament. In fine Philpot, in defence of the Truth acted the valiant part of a Martyr according to his promise, though the Scene was altered from the Court-gates to Smithfield. 25. The match of Queen Mary with Philip King of Spain was now as commonly talked of as generally distasted. Janu. 20. To hinder the same Sr. Thomas Wyatt a Kentish Knight took Arms with a great party assisting him. 1553-1554. Saunders faith, Wyat's rising to hinder the Spanish match. and that very truly, that he was Vir maguae potentiae, being indeed well borne, well allied, well learned, well landed, and well loved, wanting neither wit, wealth, nor valour, though at present all were ill employed by him. Indeed this his Treason may be said to fall in labour, some weeks before the full time thereof (occasioned by a sudden fright) and therefore no wonder if the issue thereof proved abortive. For Wyatt hearing that one of his Dear Friends was cast into the Fleet (though for a cause unrelating to this Plot, to which the Party was privy) suspected, Anno Dom. 1553-1554. as guilt is ever jealous, that this his Friend had betrayed the design, which made Wyatt anticipat the due date thereof, and break our the sooner into open hostility. 26. The Queen, The Queen's Herald sent unto him. hearing of his commotion, sent an Herald unto him to desist, which Herald came to Sr. Tho. his house deeply moated round about, the Bridge being drawn up, yet so that a place like a Ford pretended a safe passage thereunto. On the inside thereof walked the proper case of a man well habited, and his face carrying no despair of wisdom therein. The Herald asked him whether he might safely go over there, to whom the other slightly answered, Yea, Yea; but had not the strength of his Horse been more than ordinary, he either had been drowned in the water, or buried in the mud. 27. The Herald hardly escaping fills all the House with complaints, Almost drowned with false directions. that being an Officer sent from the Queen under the protection of the public faith (having his coat, his conduct upon him) he should be so wilfully abused by false directions to the danger of his life by one of Sr. Tho. his servants. The Knight highly offended at the fault (as Gentleman enough, and enemy to actions of baseness) summons all his Servants to appear before the Herald, vowing that the Offendor should be sent Prisoner to the Queen with his legs bound beneath his Horse belly, to receive from her the reward of his wickedness. 28. The Herald challengeth the party at the first sight of him. But all ends in merriment. Alas said Sr. Tho. he is a mere Natural, as will appear, if you please to examine him. Why Sirrah said the Herald did you direct me to come over where it was almost impossible to pass without drowning? To whom the other answered, the Ducks came over not long before you, whose legs were shorter than your horses. Hereat the Herald smiled out his anger, adding withal, Sr. Thomas, hereafter let your Fool wear the Badge of his Profession on him, that he may deceive no more in this kind. But pass we to matters of more moment; Wyatt courteously dismissed the Herald, but denying to desist, marched to Rochester to meet his Complices out of the West of Kent, who came short unto him, as intercepted and routed, with Sr. Henry Ilsley their conductor, by the Lord Abergaveny, though this loss was presently repaired. 29. For when Thomas Duke of Norfolk marched down with five hundred Londoners, The Londoners revolt to Wyat. in white Coats to resist Wyatt, Janu 29. and was now come to Stroud, on the other side of Rochester, the Londoners revolted to Wyat. Thus the most Valiant Leader cannot make his Followers Loyal. Yet these Londoners false to forsake the Duke were faithful not to betray his person, which they might easily have done if so disposed. Wyatt is much elated with this supply, as more in the omen then in itself, who concluding all Londoners of the same lump, hereby promised himself easy entrance into that City, and hearty entertainment therein. 30. His insolency is said to rise with his success, Wyat's insolence, and Q, Mary her oration. so that having a Treaty with some of the Privy Counsellors in his passage to London, he demanded unreasonable conditions, affirming that he would rather be trusted then trust, and therefore requiring the person of the Queen, the Tower of London to be committed unto him, with power to displace evil Counsellors not propounded with more pride, but that with as much scorn they were refused. Febr. 1. Mean time, Queen Mary came to Guild-Hall, and there made a long oration, and indeed if on just occasion she could not speak confidently and pertinently, She was neither Daughter to her Father, nor to her Mother. Mr. Fox e Act. & Mon pag. 1419. addeth that she seemed to have perfectly conned her speech without book; which if so, sounds nothing to her disgrace, some being for extempore prayers, but none to my knowledge for extempore policy. This her oration secured the affections of the Citizens unto her, as by the sequel will appear. 31. Entering Southwark he enjoineth his Soldiers to offer no violence, Southwark● entered and Prisons opened. or take any thing without payment, yet Winchester House soon felt their fury, though such by his command (a General can but proclaini and punish the Breakers of his Proclamation) were made exemplary for their rapine. Then were the Prisons (and Southwark is well stored with houses of that kind) set open for such who were guilty only of pretended heresy, not Felionte and murder. But some who thanked him for his courtesy, refused the acceptance thereof, (a tender conscience is a stronger obligation than a Prison) because as they were legally committed they would be legally discharged. 32. But now all the Towers of the Tower, Southwark left, Kingston marched to. and the tops of the square Steeples near the Bridge-Foot, on the otherside were planted with Ordnance (so that both Church and State threatened his ruin) ready to be discharged into Southwark, either to beat down the Burrow, or to force Wyatt to departed, who perceiving it impossible to force his passage into London over the Bridge, and moved with the miserable moans of the Southwarkers, left their Burrow, Feb. 6. and though towards the evening marched swiftly, silently, secretly to Kingston upon Thames. Speed begets speed, quickness causeth success in matters of execution, as here in Wyatt his coming to Kingston before any almost had notice of his motion. 33. But Wyatt was not so much advantaged with his own expedition, The carelessness of the Queen her Soldiers. as with the coincident oversights of the Queen's party (whose carelessness and cowardice met together) enough to destroy her cause, had not Divine Providence resolved with final success to rectify all humane mistakes. First, such set to order Kingston Bridge did their work by halves, breaking and not breaking it down, so that the substantials standing, the rest were easily repaired for Wyatt his safe passage over. Secondly, two hundred men set to defend the opposite bank quitted their Station a B. Godwins annals of England in Q. Mary pag. 394 , the very sight of two pieces of Ordnance planted against them. Thirdly, the Queen's Scouts lost their eyes, (and deserved to lose their Heads) who could not discover a Body of four thousand men marching with a large train of Artillery so that the Queen had notice thereof, by the Kentish Fugitives sooner then by her own Scouts. 34. But time soon gained by Wyatt was as soon lost, Wyatt his march how retarded. on the accident of a piece of Ordnance breaking its carriage. Now whilst the Army waited the leisure of bringing up this broken piece (an hour to Wyatt being of greater consequence than the greatest Gun) he came short of the time prefixed to such Citizens as were Fautours of his cause. Otherwise he had been at London in the night (taking his enemies napping before they dreamt of him) and all terror is most active in the dark, when the less men see, the more they suspect, whereas now it was break of day before they had gotten to Knightsbridge. 35. Wyatt had a double design, His double design. and performed them both alike. One violently to take White-Hall, the other peaceably to be taken into London. Captain Vaughan with five hundred Welsh-men (and one would wonder how they should straggle into Kent) embraced the right-hand way towards Westminster, and then wheeled away to White-Hall, his men shooting their arrows (regardless where they lighted) into the windows of the Court, but could not force their passage into it. Wyatt went directly to Charingcross, where he met with some opposition, but continued his resolution for London. 36. Here one might have observed, Three tunes of London in three hours. that within three hours the tongue of the multitude in London thrice altered their tunes. First they cried, 1. A Wyatt, a Wyatt, every mouth giving the alarm to the next man he met. The next note was 2. Treason, Treason, all suspecting that the Earl of Pembroke the Queen's General had revolted, because hover aloof in the fields he suffered Wyatt his Van and main Battle (cutting off some of the Rear) to march undisturbed save with one shot, Anno Dom. 1554 from Knightsbridge to Charing Chrosse. Anno Regin Mar. 3. Their next tune was 3. Down with the Draggle tails, Down with the Draggle-tails. And indeed no wonder if these Kentish-men marching in the dark, to avoid discovery in the depth of winter through dirty ways were richly landed in their clothes, and well fringed with mire and mud about them. 37. Wyatt himself marched directly up the Strand and Fleetstreet with the loss of less than twenty men, Wyatt stopped at Ludgate. and coming to Ludgate promised himself entrance into the City. But there he found nothing forbid his admission save a strong gate close shut and well fortified against him with men and Ammunition. From that minute he went backward both in motion and success. Returning to Fleetstreet He sat down on a Bench over against the Bell Savage (an Inn so called, because given by one Isabella * Stow's survey of London. Savage to the Company of Cutlers) and there too late began to bemoan and accuse his own rashness. Retreating to Temple-bar he was faced with some horse, and after a fight being moved by a Herald to submit himself. Then will I yield saith he to a Gentleman, and so submitted himself (say a Hallinshed. Stow, Speed. most) to Sr. Maurice Berkley, say b Fox. pag. 1419. others to Sr. Clement Parton being in neither of them mistaken for their Gentle extraction. 38. Hence was he carried to White-Hall to be examined, Penitent at his execution thence to the the Tower to be committed; Entering therein Sr. John Bridges Lieutenant thereof taking him by the collar with his Dagger in his hand; c Holinshed. Ah Traitor, saith he, I would stab thee myself, but that I know thou wilt be executed, to whom the other calmly replied, Sir, now it is no mastery. Some days after he suffered penitently and patiently on the Scaffold, condemning his own act, and therefore we have spoken the less against him, for speaking so much against himself. Fiftly, of his Complices were hanged four hundred, led with ropes about their necks, April 11. Q. Marry. 2. pardoned by the Queen, and all things stilled and quieted. 39 Long since had Queen Mary sent for Cardinal Poole in Italy, The Emperor why jealous of Cardinal Poole. to come over into England. But Charles the Emperor by the Pope's power, secretly retarded his return, fearing it might obstruct the propounded marriage betwixt King Philip his Son and Queen Mary. Indeed the Queen bare Poole an unfeigned affection; and no wonder to him that considereth 1. Their age. He being about ten years older, the proportion allowed by the Philosopher betwixt Husband and Wife. 2. Parentage. She being Daughter to King Henry the eighth. He (by his Mother Margaret, Daughter to George Duke of Clarence) Grandchild to Edward the Fourth. 3. Education. Both when young brought up together, the aforesaid Lady Margaret being Governess of Queen Mary in her infancy. 4. Religion. Both zealous Catholics, and suffering, the Queen confinement, the Cardinal exile for the same. His person also and nature was such as might deserve love, and though a Cardinal Deacon, yet that shallow character might easily be shaved off by the Pope's dispensation, so that there was some probability of their marriage: and Oh how Royally Religious would their Offspring have been extracted from a Crown and a Cardinals Cap. 40. But now when the marriage with Prince Philip was made up; Poole at last gets leave for England. Pool at last got leave for England, and to wipe away all superstition of Lutheranism wherewith he was formerly taxed, he became a Cruel, that he might be believed a Cordial Papist. For meeting in Brabant with Emanuel tremellius, requesting some favour from him, he not only denied him relief, but also returned him railing terms, though formerly he had been his familiar Friend. Yea his Godfather d Antiq Brit. in Polo pag. 351. giving him his name at the Font, when Tremellius from a Jew first turned Christian. 41. Arrived in England, Anno Regin Mar. 2. Marc. 22. 1555 he was first ordained Priest (being but Deacon before) and then consecrated Archbishop of Canterbury by Heath, Anno. Dom. 4. 1554-1555. Archbishop of York, Is ordained Priest, and consecrated Arch Bishop. and six other Bishops the Queen herself being present thereat, in the Franciscan Church at Greenwich, one of those Bankrupt Covents which her grace had set up again, Three days after he was dedicated in Bow Church in Cheapside, where rich in costly-robes and sitting on a gulded Throne his Pall was presented unto him. Adorned herewith, Poole presently mounts the Pulpit and makes a Ant. Brit. in Polo pag. 353. a dry Sermon of the use and honour of the Pall without good language or matter therein (may they all make such who take for their Text what is not in Scripture) many much admiring the jejunenesse of his discourse, as if putting off his parts when putting the Pall upon him. 42. Now sat the second Parliament in this Queen's Reign, England reconciled to Rome. wherein she parted with her Supremacy to the Pope, and Pool by his power Legatine solemnly reconciled England to the Church of Rome, that is, set it at open odds and enmity with God and his Truth. Then did he dispense with much irregularity in several persons, confirming the Institution of Clergymen in their Benefices, legitimating the Children of forbidden marriages, ratifying the Processes, and Sentences in matters Ecclesiastical, and his Dispensations were confirmed by Acts of Parliament, as in the Statutes at large appear. Then was Anthony Brown, Viscount Montacute, Thirleby Bishop of Eli, and Sr. Edward Carne sent on a gratulatory Embassy to Pope Paul the fourth to tender England's thanks for his great favours conferred thereon: A sad and certain presage of heavy persecution which immediately did ensue. SECTION. II. Anno. Dom. 1555 To Mr. THOMAS BOWYER of the Old Jury Merchant. Anno Regin Mar. 3. YOu may with much joy peruse this sad story of Persecution presented unto you, whose Grandfather Francis * Afterward Sheriff of London Anno. 1577. Bowyer brought no fuel to these flames, but endeavoured to quench them. The Church is indebted to him for saving reverend Dr. Alexander Nowell, (than School master of Westminster, designed to Death, by Bonner) and sending him safe beyond the Seas. Thus he laid a good foundation, to which I impute the firm-standing of your family, it being rare, to see, (as in yours) the third Generation in London living in the same Habitation. May many more of the stock, succeed in the same, the desire of your obliged friend T F. 1. WE come now to set down those particular Martyrs that suffered in this Queen's Reign. The disposing of the future matter. But this point hath been handled already so curiously, and copiously by Mr. Fox, that his industry herein hath starved the endeavours of such as shall succeed him, leaving nothing for their penns, and pains to feed upon. a Eccles. 2. 12. For, what can the man do that cometh after the King? even that which hath been already done, saith Solomon. And Mr. Fox appearing sole Emperor in this subject, all posterity may despair to add any remarkable discoveries, which have escaped his observation. Wherefore to handle this subject after him, what is it, but to light a candle to the Sun? or rather (to borrow a metaphor from his book) to kindle one single stick to the burning of so many faggots? However, that our pains may not wholly be wanting to the Reader herein, we will methodise these Martyrs, according to the several Dioceses, and make on them some brief observations. 2. In the Diocese of Exeter (containing Cornwall and, Persecution in the Diocese of Exeter. Devonshire) I find but one Martyr, namely Agnes b Fox. 2052. Priest, condemned by William Stanford then Judge of the Assize of Lanceston, but burned at Exeter. The tranquillity of these parts is truly imputed c Holinshed pag. 1309. to the good temper of James Turbervile the Bishop; one, as gently qualified, as extracted; and not so cruel to take away the lives from others, as careful to regain the lost livings to his Church: and indeed he recovered to him and his successors, the Fee-farm of the Manor of Crediton. Yet to show his sincerity in Religion, that he might not seem to do nothing, he dipped his fingers in this poor woman's blood, but did not afterwards wash his hands in the persecution of any other Protestant for aught we can find in any history. 3. The like quiet disposition of Gilbert Bourn, In the Diocese of Bath and Wells. Bishop of Bath and Wells secured Somerset shire. Indeed, he owed his life under God, to the protection of a Protestant (for Mr. Bradford at Pauls-crosse, saved him from a dagger thrown at him in a tumult) and this perchance, made him the more tender to Protestants lives. Yet in the Register of his Church, we meet with one a Fox. pag. 2004. Richard Lash condemned by him, though his execution doth not appear, and yet it is probable, that this poor Isaac, thus bound to the Altar, was afterward sacrificed, except some intervening Angel stayed the stroke of the sword. 4. So also the Diocese of Bristol, In the Diocese of Bristol. made up of Dorsetshire, and part of Gloucestershire, enjoyed much quietness, John Holyman the Bishop did not for aught I can find, profane himself with any barbarous cruelty. But Mr. Dalby b Fox. pag. 2052. his Chancellor (as an active Lieutenant to a dull Captain) sent three, namely, Richard Sharpe, Thomas Benton, and Thomas Hale, to the stake at Bristol, for the testimony of the truth. This Dalby knowing himself to be low in parts and learning, and despairing otherwise to appear in the world, thought, the only way to recommend himself to men's notice, was, to do it by his cruelty. 5. More sparks of persecution flew into the Diocese of Sarisbury, In the Diocese of Sarisburie. in Wiltshire and Berkshire, under John Capon the Bishop, and Dr. Geffray his Chancellor, for, this D●eg was worse than Saul himself. At Nubery he sent three Martyrs to heaven in the same chariot of fire, c Fox. pag. 1940. Jalius Palmer, John G●in, and Thomas Askin. Yea, this was but a light flourish, in respect of that great blow he intended, had not heaven prevented him, and many others of his bloody crew, by the death of Queen Mary; whereby, to use David's phrase, God smote them d Psal. 3. 7. on the cheekbone, and broke the teeth of the ungodly. 6. In the Diocese of Winchester, In the Diocese of Winchester. consisting of Hantshire, and Surrey, I find no great impression from Stephen Garainer the Bishop, and much marvel thereat. It may be this politician, who managed his malice with cunning, spared his own Diocese, foxlike preying farthest from his own den. Indeed he would often stay behind the traverse, and send Bonner upon the stage (free enough of himself without spurring to do mischief) to act what he had contrived. Yea, I may say of Gardiner, that he had an head, if not an hand, in the death of every eminent Protestant; plotting, though not acting, their destruction. And, being Lord Chancellor of England, he counted it his honour, to fly at stout game indeed, contriving the death of the Lady Elizabeth, and using to say, that it was vain to strike at the branches, whilst the root of all Heretics doth remain. And this good Lady was appointed for the slaughter, and brought to the shambles, when the seasonable death of this butcher, saved the sheep alive. 7. However (as bloody as he was) for mine own part, The Authors gratitude to Stephen Gardiner. I have particular gratitude to pay to the memory of this Stephen Gardiner, and here I solemnly tender the same. It is on the account of Mrs. Clarke my great Grandmother by my mother's side, whose husband rent Farnham-Castle, a place whither Bishop Gardiner retired, in Surrey, as belonging to his Sea. This Bishop, sensible of the consumptionous state of his body, and finding physic out of the Kitchen more beneficial for him, then that out of the Apothecary's shop, and special comfort from the Cordials she provided him; did not only himself connive at her Heresy, as he termed it, but also protected her during his life, from the fury of others. Some will say, this his courtesy to her, was founded on his kindness to himself. But however, I am so far from detaining thanks from any, deserved on just cause, that I am ready to pay them, where they are but pretended due on any colour. 8. Sussex smarted more than all the forenamed Counties together, In the Diocese of Chichester. under John Christopherson Bishop of Chichester. This man was well learned, and had turned Eusebius his Ecclesiastical History into latin, Anno. Dom. 1553-1554. with all the persecutions of the Primitive Christians. What he translated in his youth, he practised in his age, turning Tyrant himself, and scarce was he warm in his Bishopric, when he fell a burning the poor Martyrs. Ten in one fire at a Fox. pag. 2003. & pag. 2024. Lewis, and seaventeen others at several times in sundry places. 9 In the Diocese of Canterbury, In the Diocese of Canterbury. Cardinal Poole appeared not personally active in the prosecution of any to death. Whilst others impute this to his stateliness, not stooping to so small matters; we more charitably ascribe it to his favouring of the Protestant party, having formerly lost the Papacy under that imputation. But, seeing it is a true Maxim, which an heathen man layeth down; it is enough for a private man, that he himself do no wrong; but a public person must provide, that those under him do no injury to others; I see not, how the Cardinal can be excused, from the guilt of that innocent blood, which Thornton his Suffragan, and Harpsfield his Archdeacon, shed like water, in, and about the City of Canterbury. 10. The Diocese of Rochester (containing the remainder of Kent) was of small extent. In the Diocese of Rochester. But, that stock must be very little indeed, out of which the ravenous Wolf cannot fetch some prey for himself. Morris the Bishop played the tyrant therein, being the first in Queen Mary's days that condemned a woman (Margery poley by name) to be burnt for religion; with many more who at Dartford, or Rochester, sealed the truth with their lives. 11. Cross we the Thames to come into Middlesex, In the Diocese of London under Bonner. and Essex, the Diocese of London under Bishop Bonner, whom all generations shall call Bloody. St. Paul b 1 Cor. 15. 32 mentioneth his fight with beasts at Ephesus after the manner of men, which some expound, his encountering with people, men for their shape, and sex; but beasts for their cruel minds, and manners. In the same sense we may say, that Lion, Tiger, Wolf, Bear; yea, a whole forest of wild beasts met in Bonner, killing two hundred in the compass of three years. And, as if his cruelty had made him Metropolitan of all England, he stood not on distinction of Dioceses, but martyred all, wheresoever he met them. Thus Mr. Philpot belonged to Gardiner's Jurisdiction, and often pleaded in vain, that Bonner was none of his Ordinary, yet Bonner (Ordinary, or Extraordinary) dispatched him, who cared not whence men came, but only whither he sent them. No sex, quality, or age, escaped him, whose fury reached from John Fetty a lad of eight years old, by him scourged to death; even unto Hugh Laverock, a Cripple, sixty eight years old, whom he caused to be burnt. 12. * quer. for he is not in B. Godwins catalogue. Dr. Story Dean of Paul's must not be forgotten, Under Dr. Story being under Bonner a most cruel persecutor. Was not this false Heraldry, cruelty on cruelty? Well; So it seemed good to Divine Providence, as conducing most to the peace of the Church, that one place rather than two, should be troubled with such damnable Tyrants. Bonner persecuted by wholesale, Story by Retail; the former enjoined, the later attended the execution; What Bonner bade, Story beheld to be performed. Yea, sometimes he made cruel additions of his own invention; As, when he caused a faggot to be tossed in the face of Mr. Denlie the Martyr, when he was ready to be burnt. How he was rewarded afterwards for his cruelty, by God's blessing in due place. 13. Under the same Torrid Zone of persecution (but a little more temperate) lay Norfolk, In the Diocese of Norwich. and Suffolk, in the Diocese of Norwich. Bishop Hopton was unmerciful in his Visitations; but Downing the Chancellor played the Devil himself; enough to make wood dear in those parts, so many did he consume to ashes, whose several examinations are at large set down in the Book of Martyrs. 14. Elie Diocese [Cambridge-Shire] succeeds, In the Diocese of Elie. whose Bishop Dr. Thyrlby was a learned, discreet, and moderate man; witness his meek behaviour at the degrading of Archbishop Cranmer, shedding plentiful tears thereat. But, can water, and fire, weeping, and burning, come from the same person? Surely so it did here; for afterwards he singled out John Hullier (as the Representative for all the Protestants in his Diocese) whom he caused to be burnt at Cambridge. The shedding his blood was as giving carnest of his zeal in the Popish cause, though afterward he made no farther payment in this kind; justly offending the Protestants for doing so much, yet scarcely pleasing the Papists, because he did no more. As for the execution of William Woolsey, and Robert Pigot, in this Diocese: Thurlby was no whit interested therein, but the guilt thereof must be shared, betwixt Dr. Fuller the Chancellor, and other Commissioners. 15. In Peterborough Diocese (consisting of North-hampton-shire, In the Diocese of Peterborough. and Rutland) I find but one, John Kurde, a Shoemaker, burnt at Northhampton. But, this his death I cannot charge on the account of David Poole the Bishop, as consenting thereunto, because William Binsley Bachelor of law, and Chancellor of Peterborough, was only his active Prosecutor. 16. Lincoln Diocese is next, In the Diocese of Lincoln. the largest of the whole Kingdom, containing Lincoln, Leicester, Huntingdon, Bedford, and Buckingham, besides parts of Hartford and Warwick-shires. Now, according to the rules of proportion, who could expect otherwise, but, the more men, the more Martyrs? The greater the Province, the more grievous the persecution? But, it fell out the clean contrary, finding but one Martyr in all that space of ground (a * Fox. Volum. 3. pag. 706. Merchant's servant burnt at Leicester.) Frivolous is their reason, who impute this to the disposition of White, Bishop of this Diocese (the first half of Queen Mary's Reign) whom they behold, as poetically given; of more fancy, than fury, which vented itself in verses; more pleased to lash the Heretics with a satire, then suck their blood by destructive courses. As little credit is to be given to their conceit, who ascribe the following tranquillity of this Diocese to Bishop Watson, Whites successor therein; because he was a man so buried in the speculations of School-Divinity, that it unactived him to be practical in persecution. I say again, both these reasons amount not to any partial cause, of the peace of this Diocese. For we know full well, that after the coming in of Queen Elizabeth, this White, and this Watson discovered keenness, and fierceness of spirit against Her, more than any other Bishops; in so much, that they threatened Her with an excommunication. I conceive the true cause was this; Lincoln Diocese, in the Reign of Henry the eighth, had borne the heat of the day, when Buckingham-shire alone (as we have formerly a Lib. 4. Cent. 16. Parag. 2. observed) afforded more Martyrs than all England beside. God therefore thought it fit, that other Dioceses should now take their turns; that this of Lincoln, harraged out before, should now lie fallow, whilst other Countries, like rest-ground, should suffer persecution, whereon indeed the plowers ploughed, and made long furrows. 17. The Dioceses of Oxford, Quiet in four Dioceses. Gloucester, Hereford, and Worcester, under their respective Bishops, Robert King, James Brook, Robert Parfew, and Richard Pates, enjoyed much quiet, It being true of them, what is said of Judea, Galilee, and Samaria, after the conversion of b Acts. 9 31. Paul, Then hide the Church's rest throughout all those places. This principally flowed from God's gracious goodness, who would not have all places at once equally embroiled. It is not fit, that all the rooms in the house, should only be chimney, furnace, or oven, but that it should also afford some other places for quiet repose. And yet I wonder much, that we find no fire (and very little smoke) in Gloucestershire, seeing Brook, the Bishop thereof is c Isaa●sons Chronologie of Bishop's pag 477. charactered to be A great Persecutor of Protestants. Indeed his fury spent itself most abroad; who, either being, or accounting himself a great Scholar, stickled much at Oxford against Archbishop Cranmer, pretending himself to be a Commissioner immediately Delegate from the Pope, and venting his malice against that good Prelate, in two Orations, only remarkable for their length, and bitterness. 18. Ralph Baynes was Bishop of Coventrie, In the Diocese of 〈…〉 and Lichfield, late Professor of Hebrew in Paris, who also a 〈…〉 pag 759. wrote a Comment on the Proverbs, and dedicated it to Francis the first King of France. Sure I am, he forgot a passage of solomon's therein Prov. 14. 21. But he that hath mercy on the poor, happy is ●e. This Baines proving a bloody persecutor of God's poor servants in his Jurisdiction. The gentile birth and breeding of Mrs. Joyce Lewes, was not too high for him to reach at, and the poor condition of Joan Waste, a blind woman in Derby was not too low for him to stoop to, condemning them both to death, In the Diocese of York with many other faithful witnesses of the truth. 19 The Archbishopric of York enjoyed much peace, and tranquillity under Dr. Nicolas Heath, a meek, and conscientious man. It is enough to intimate his moderate temper, equal, and disengaged from violent extremities, that Primo Elizabethae in the Disputation between the Papists, and Protestants, he was chosen by the Privy Council, one of the Moderatours. And, as he shown mercy in prosperity, he found it in adversity, in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, though deposed from his dignity, reposed in a peaceable quietness. So that his impotent age might rather seem seasonably eased of troublesome greatness, than abridged of any requisites for his comfortable supportation. 20. Dr. Cotes was Bishop of Chester, In the Diocese of Chester. who washed his hands in the blood of Mr. George March burnt at Chester. At whose execution, I understand not the addition of a pitched barrel placed above his head, certainly to inflame the flame; but, whether out of kindness, to hasten his death; or cruelty, to increase his pain, I dare not decide. Sure I am, Cotes died soon after, and Cuthberi Scot succeeded in his Bishopric, one very busy about the burning of Buyers body in Cambridge, but otherwise I find no persecution raised by him in his own Diocese. 21. The Bishopric of Durham had Halcyon days of ease, Peace in the Bishopric of Durham. and quiet, under God, and good Cuthbert Tonstall the Bishop thereof. A learned man, of a sweet disposition, rather devout to follow his own, than cruel to persecute the conscience of others. Indeed, he being present in London at the examination of divers Martyrs, would sometimes fly out in base and unbeseeming language (as when he called Bishop Hooper beast for being married) yet his passion herein may the rather be pardoned, because politicly presumed, to bark the more, that he might by't the less, as appeared by his courteous carriage in his own Diocese. For, I meet with the marginal note in b Volume 3. pag. 9581. Mr. Fox, which indeed justly deserved even in the fairest letters, to be inserted in the body of his book. Note that Bishop Tonstall in Queen Mary's time was no great bloody persecutor. For, Mr. Russel a Preacher was before him, and Dr. Himner his Chancellor would have had him examined more particularly. The Bishop slayed him, saying, Hitherto we have had a good report among our neighbours, I pray you bring not this man's blood upon my head. But more of this Cuthbert Tonstall hereafter. And of Carlisle. 22. The Diocese also of Carlisle was not molested with any great troubles under Owen Oglethorp, the Bishop thereof, one qualified with a moderate temper. It argueth no less, because afterward he crowned Queen Elizabeth, an office which all other Bishops, then stiffly denied to perform. But, to speak plain English, though the peaceableness of these northern Bishoprics, proceeded partly from the mildeness of those that sat in the Episcopal chairs thereof; yet it must be remembered, that even want of matter for persecution to work on, conduced much to the peace of those places. The beams of the Gospel being neither so bright, nor so hot in these parts, where ignorance, and superstition generally prevailed. 23. The same may be said of all Wales, The singula●rity of the B. of Landaffe. where casting over our eye, we discover no considerable persecution, under the Bishops of Asaph, and Bangor. But, as for the Bishop of Landaffe, his proceed against good Raulins White (whom he caused to be burnt at Cardiff) was remarkable, as standing alone without precedent. For, He caused his Chaplain to say a mass (the first I believe, that found out, and last that used that way) for the conversion of the said Rawlins, though the same proved ineffectual. 24. But Dr. Morgan, The cruelty of the B. of Bangor. Bishop of St. david's, is paramount for his cruelty, passing the sentence of condemnation on Robert Farrar, his immediate predecessor, whom he caused to be burnt at Carmarthen. We know whose counsel it was; a Luk. 20. 14. This is the heir, come let us kill him, that the inheritance may be ours. And Morgan never thought himself in quiet possession of his Bishopric, whilst Farrar was as yet in possession of his life. However, herein, Morgan, Out-Bonnered even Bonner himself, who (though not out of pity, of policy) did not himself condemn Ridley his Predecessor, but procured him to be sent to Oxford, to be sentenced by others; whereas this Bishop himself pronounced the sentence on Farrar; an act which no good man could, and no wife man would have done. Thus have we briefly surveyed all the Dioceses in England; The Universities of Cambridge, and Oxford only excepted; which, being Peculiars, and exempt from Episcopal Jurisdiction, are reserved for a particular description, by God's blessing, at the end of this book. Nor do we forget, (though acted out of the Continent of England) that cruel murder in the Isle of Garnsey; where, the infant bursting out of the mother's womb (the cruel fire being so merciful, as to be the midwife, to separate, and tender the innocent babe, from the condemned mother, to the charity of the beholders) was first taken out of the b Fox. Volum. 3. pag. 747. fire, and then cast in again, and burnt with the mother thereof. 25. In all this Army of Martyrs, The first and last of the Martyrs. Mr. John Rogers, burnt in Smithfield February the 4th. 1555. led the Vann; and five Martyrs burnt at Canterbury, November the 10th. 1558. (namely John Cornford, Christopher Browne, John Herst, John Snoth, and Katherine Knight) brought up the Rear, according to their own prayer (not to say prophecy) at the stake, that they might be the last, as by God's mercy it so proved. All these were executed in the four last years of Queen Mary's Reign, none suffering in the first year thereof. In which time, the Butchers under Her, did only prepare their shambles for slaughter, whet their knives, and make ready their instruments of cruelty. Comparisons, I know, are odious, and the more, when made betwixt persons of eminency. However, to such as peruse the whole story, these proportions will appear true. Of all the Marian Martyrs, Mr. Philpot was the best borne Gentleman; Bishop Ridley the profoundest Scholar; Mr. Bradford the holiest, and devoutest man; Archbishop Cranmer of the mildest, and meekest temper; Bishop-Hooper of the sternest, and austerest nature; Dr. Taylor had the merriest, and pleasantest wit; Mr. Latimer had the plainest and simplest heart; etc. Oh the variety of these several instruments! Oh their joint harmony in a consort to God's glory! 26. It is observable, The Sacrament of the Altar, the greatest snare to Protestants. that the Sacrament of the Altar was the main touchstone, to discover the poor Protestants. Many indeed, are the differences betwixt us and the Romish Church, but on this point the examiners pinched most. Haply, because in other controversies, Protestants (hunted after by those bloodhounds) might take covert under some tolerable distinction, and thereby evade the danger. Whereas this point of the real, corporal presence of Christ in the Sacrament, the self same body that was crucified, was such downright falsehood, it was incapable of any palliation, and was the compendious way to disover those of the contrary opinion. This neck-question (as I may term it) the most dull and duncicall Commissioner was able to ask; and thanks be to God, the silliest Protestant-soule brought before them, was able to answer, first by denying it, then by dying in the defence of his denial. 27. Remarkable was their cruelty in pretorturing of many, Cruelty of Papists in pretorturing Martyrs. whom afterwards they put to death. Herein akinn in their proceed to Pilate, first scourging, than crucifying Christ. By what law did Edmond Terrill first burn the hand of Rose Allen, and her body afterwards? Even by the same that Bonner first burned the hand of Thomas Tomkins, and then commanded him to be dispatched out of the way: By the same law, that Cuthbert Simpson was first cruelly racked, and then burnt, even by the law of their own might, and malice, not having otherwise any rag of legality, to cover the shame of their cruelty. Nature was merciful in appointing that all men should once a Heb. 9 27. die; whereas, had these Tyrants had the ordering thereof, they would have made divers to have died sundry times: yea, such was their cruelty, that, after once they had b Psal. 14. 4 eat up God's servants, if possible, they would have chewed the cud upon them the second time. 28. Some Commissioners privately were courteous to the Martyrs, Some Commissioners of and by themselves courteous. who notwithstanding publicly concurred to their condemnation. It is Luther's observation, that in Scripture, son of man is always taken in a good sense, but sons of men generally in the worst acception. Sure I am, take some of these men sole, and single by themselves, they were well natured, pitiful, and compassionate; but, when in conjunction with others, they became (at least by consenting) as cruel as the rest. What favour did Dr. Fuller, Chancellor of Elie, offer William Woolsey, and Robert Piggot, when alone? yet, when in complication with other Commissioners, pronounced the sentence of condemnation upon them. 29. Pass we now from the Judicial, Ministerial Persecutors. to the Ministerial Persecutors; Sherisss, under-sheriffs, Bailiffs, Promoters, Summoners etc. The locusts had tails like c Revel. 9 10. unto Scorpions, and there were stings in their tails. So here in officers, the base, the bloodier; the meaner the more malicious; though by particular exception, some happened to be more merciful than others. Of the Twin-Sherisss in London (Mr. Woodroffe, and Mr. Chester) the former like Esau, had his hands rough, and hairy, being rugged and surly to God's servants; whilst Mr. Chester Jacob-like, had smooth hands, kind, and courteous to such as suffered. Thus Amrie (as I take it) the Sheriff of Chester, was most cruel to Mr. George Marsh, whilst the Sheriff of Stafford-shire (pity it is, Mr. Fox hath not recorded his name) was afterward persecuted, for showing so much favour to Mrs. Joyce Lewes at her execution, when he said d Mr. Fox Vol. 3. pag. 8. 9 Difference in prisons. Amen to her prayer, desiring God to deliver this Realm from Papistry. 30. One prison may, comparatively, be a paradise in respect of another, and generally 'tis the Jailor puts the difference betwixt them. How passionately did poor Jeremy e Jer. 37. 20. plead? Cause me not to return to the house of Jonathan the Scribe lest I die there. And therefore he took it for a special favour to be sent to the Court of the prison. How nasty a place was the dungeon of Malchiah, into which Jeremiah was afterward f Jer. 38. 6. cast? till Ebedmelech the blackmore drew him out thence? Now, amongst the fruitful generation of Jails in London, there were (though never a better) some less bad amongst them. I take the Marshalls-see to be in those times, the best for usage of prisoners. But, oh the misery of God's poor Saints in Newgate, under Alexander the Jailor, more cruel than his namesake the coppersmith was to St. Paul; in Lollards-Tower, the Clinke, and Bonner's Coal-house; a place which minded them of the manner of their death, first kept amongst coals, before they were burnt to ashes. 31. It is more than suspicious, Dr. Gefferie his illegal proceed. that many of these silly souls were hurried to the stake, even against those laws which then stood in force in the Realm, before the Writ De Haeretico comburendo was issued out against them. For, what the Jews said to g John 18. 31. Pilate, It is not lawful for us to put any man to death; The Ecclesiastical censures may say to the Secular Power in England, We have no power of life or limb, but the inflicting punishments on both, must be devolved to the civil Magistrate. Yet Dr. Gefferie Chancellor of Sarisburie stood not on such legal niceties, but hastened them to the a Fox Vol. 3. pag. 896. stake, more minding the end to which, than the justice of the proceed, whereby he sent them thither. 32. All who met at last in final constancy, All the Martyrs not a like cheerful. manifested not equal intermediate cheerfulness. Some were more stout, bold, and resolute; others more faint, fearful, and timorous. Of the later was Archbishop Cranmer, who first subscribed a recantation, but afterwards recanted his subscription, and valiantly burned at the stake. Thus he that stumbleth, and doth not fall down, gaineth ground thereby, as this good man's slip mended his pace to his martyrdom. It is also observable, that married people, the parents of many children, suffered death with most alacrity. Mr. Rogers, and Dr. Taylour may be the instances thereof. The former of these, if consulting with flesh and blood, had eleven strong reasons to favour himself, I mean, a wife, and ten children, all which abated not his resolution. 33. Besides these who were put to death, Of those who died in prison. some scores (not to say hundreds) died, or rather were killed with stinch, starving and straight usage in prison. I am not satisfied in what distance properly to place these persons. Some, perchance, will account it too high, to rank them amongst Martyrs; and surely, I conceive it too low, to esteem them but bare Confessors. The best is, the Heraldry of heaven knows how to marshal them, in the place of dignity due unto them; where, long since, they have received the reward of their patience. 34. Miraculous was God's providence, Q. Mary's death life to many. in protecting many which were condemned to the stake. It is part of the praise of his power b Psa 102. 20. . To hear the groaning of the prisoner, to lose those that are appointed to death. In David's expression c 1 Sam. 20. 3. There was but a step between them, and death; which step also had been stepped, had not one instantly stepped aside, I mean the seasonable death of Queen Mary. She melancholic in mind, unhealthful in body, little feared of Her foreign foes, less beloved by Her native Subjects, not over-dear to Her own Husband, unsuccessful in Her treaties for peace, and unfortunate in Her undertake for war, having deceived the Gentry of Norfolk and Suffolk, by Her false promises, was deceived Herself by a false conception, and having consumed so many of God's Saints by fire, died Herself by water, an hydropical Tympany. 35. Observable was the mercy of the Protestants to these persecutors, Protestant's mercy, for Papists malice. after the power was delivered into their hands, under the Reign of Queen Elizabeth; by whom none of the aforesaid Tyrants were prosecuted, or molested, for any act of cruelty done by them in the days of Queen Mary. Nor suffered they in the least degree, on their former account, except they ran on a new score of contempt against the Queen and State. As such Bishops who, in the first of Her Reign, refused the Oath of Supremacy. Otherwise, all such as conformed to Her Government, were not only permitted to enjoy their old, but admitted to new preferment. Witness Mr. Binsley, Chancellor of Peterborough, who condemned John Kurde of Northampton, yet in Queen Elizabeth's days had the Arch-Deaconry of Peterborough conferred upon him. Thus, while Papists heap faggots on Protestants, Protestants, according to Solomon's d Pro. 25. 22. counsel, heap coals on them (courtesies, and civilities) to melt them if possible into remorse. 36. But, though the Protestants shown much mercy to the Papists, God's judgements must warily be dealt with. their persecutors, yet the God of the Protestants manifested much justice, in their woeful, and wretched deaths. I confess, God's best servants sometimes have had sad and sudden ends; witness good Eli himself, who e 1 Sam. 4. 18. fell down, and broke his neck. I confess likewise, that some wicked men, who have lived like Lions, have died (to use the common country phrase) like Lambs; or to use the expression of the Psalmist, f Psal. 73. 4. They have no bands in their death, Anno Dom. 1555. so fairly, Anno Regin Mar. 3. and quietly do they expire. It is not good therefore to be over tampering in this particular (our Saviour himself retrenching the censoriousness of the Jews, for falling so heavy on the memories of those on whom the tower of Siloe g Luke 13. 5. fell and infallibly to infer from their fatal death, their final damnation. However, when a remarkable death, suddenly follows a notorious wicked life, even such passengers, as are posting in the speed of their private affairs, are bound to make a stand, and solemnly to observe the justice of God's proceed therein. The rather, because Bellarmine our adversary h De notis Ecclesiae lib. 4. cap. 17. affirmeth, that Infelix exitus Adversariorum, the unhappy end of the Adversaries thereof, is one of the marks of the true Church. These cautions premised, take a few of many signal fatalities of these wicked persecutors. 37. Morgan, God's hand visible on many of the persecutors. Bishop of St. david's (who sentenced Farrar his predecessor) not long after was stricken in so strange a sort, that his meat would rise up, sometimes out of his mouth, sometimes out of his nose, most horrible to behold, but more terrible to endure, and so continued till his death. Judge Morgan, who condemned the Lady Jane, soon after ran mad, and sodied, having all ways in his mouth, Lady Jane, Lady Jane, Dunning, the bloody Chancellor of Norwich, died suddenly, taken (as some say) sitting in his chair. Berrie, the remorseless Commissary in Norfolk, fell down suddenly to the ground with an heavy groan, and never stirred after. Thornton, the Suffragan of Dover, looking upon his men, playing at bowls, was upon a sudden struck with a palsy, had thence to his deathbed, and, being advised by some to remember God, yea, so I do (saith he) and my Lord Cardinal too. Dr. Gesserte, the bloody Chancellor of Sarisburie, died suddenly on a Saturday, the day before he had appointed, moe than ninety persons to be examined by inquisition. Mr. Woodrosse, that cruel Sheriff of London, being but a week out of his office, was so stricken by the hand of God, that for seven year's space, till his dying-day, he was not able to move himself in his bed. Burton the cruel Bailie of Crowland, was poisoned to death, with the stinch of a crow's dung, muting on his face. What shall I speak of Dale, the Promoter, eaten up with louse? Alexander the Keeper of Newgate, consumed with offensive rottenness? Robert Balding, smitten with lightning, at the taking of William Seaman? Clarke, who hanged himself in the Tower, with many more? So that we may conclude with the prophecy of a Deut. 32. 43. Moses, Rejoice O ye nations with his people, for he will avenge the blood of his servants, and will render vengeance to his adversaries, and will be merciful unto his land, and to his people. 38. And now, What use to be made of the Martyr's sufferings. to take our leaves of those Martyrs, what remains? but, 1. That we glorify God in, and for their patience; b Matth. 9 8. who had given such power unto men. 2. That we praise God, that true doctrine at this day, may be professed at an easier rate, then in that age. In Fairs, and Markets, for the most part, commodities are sold dearest in the morning, which towards evening may be bought at a lower price. Sure I am, they paid most for the Protestant-Religion at the dawning of the day from Popery (life, or limb, was the lowest price thereof) which since may be purchased at a cheaper pennie-worth. 3. That we embrace, and defend that doctrine, which they sealed with their lives; and as occasion shall be offered to vindicate, and assert their memories, from such scandalous tongues, and penns, as have, or shall traduce them. 39 It is inconsistent with our History, Parsons his Cavil against the Martyrs calling answered. here to enter the lists, with that railing book which Parsons the Jesuit hath made against those good Martyrs. Only be it remembered, that his Cavill-General is chief at their calling, because they were most Mechanics, Weavers, Shoemakers etc. An exception lying as well against just Joseph, a Carpenter; hospital Simon, a Tanner; zealous Aquila, and Priscilla, Tent-makers; attentive Lydia, a purple-seller. And is it not injurious to infer their piety to be less, because their painfulness was more? If it be farther objected, that it is improbable, that these filly souls should be more illuminated with knowledge, than the great Doctors of the Romish Church: know that Christ's birth was revealed to the c Luke 2. 1. shepherds in their calling, watching their flocks by night, and concealed from the Priests, and Pharisees (the pretended shepherds of Israel: and, God might give more light to these industrious artificers, than to their idle Masters of Arts. 40. Behold your calling (saith the Apostle) how not many wise men after the flesh etc. Poverty and piety oft go together. But God hath chosen the foolish things of this world to confound the wise. 1 Cor. 1. 26, 27. And, always in time of persecution, the Church is like a copse, which hath in it more under-wood than oaks. For, great men consult with their safety; and, whilst the poorer sort (as having little to lose) boldly embrace religion with both arms; the rich (too often) do only behold it at distance, with a smiling countenance; but dare not adventure to entertain it, except with very great secrecy. We conclude all with this observation, that such Martyrs, as were artificers by their vocation, humbly continued in the station, wherein Divine Providence had placed them, none presuming (as too many now adays) to invade the ministerial function, not adventuring to preach, save only that their real Sermon of patience at their death. 41. So much for the first form, A Catalogue of Confessors, with their places of refuge. of Christians in those days, which were martyred. A second sort succeeds of such, who, being Confessors for the Faith, fled into foreign parts from persecution. This their removal is not only defended from cowardice, but warranted for Christian Policy by our Saviour's a Mat. 10▪ 23. precept, But when they persecute you in this City, flee into another. Had all fled, Religion had been at a loss for champions, to defend her for the present, had none fled, Religion might have been at a loss for champions, to maintain her for the future. We will give in a particular, both of such eminent persons, and of the places wherein they were entertained. Partly, that such places may receive their deserved praise, for their hospitality to exiles: and partly, that our harbouring the banished Dutch (flying many years after from the cruelty of Duke d' Alva in London, Norwich, Canterbury, Colchester, and Sandwich, may appear, not so much the giving of a free, and fair courtesy; as the honest paying of a due debt, and wiping off an old score run on trust by our great-grand-fathers'. Some seated themselves at, 1. Emden, in East-Frizland, a Staple-Town of English Merchants. I find neither the names, nor number of those that harboured here; only it appears, that John Scorie, late bishop of Chicester, was here Superintendent of the English Congregation in Emden. 2. Weasel, then in the Dominions (as I take it) of the Duke of Cleve, but bordering on the Low-Countries, in the possession of the King of Spain. The English meeting here, was rather a Chapel, than a Church; or, rather a Tabernacle, than a Chapel; because soon set up, and as suddenly taken down again. For they, who formerly had fled so far from Mary, were now loath to live too near to Philip; and, for fear of so potent a neighbour, quickly forsook this place, and disposed themselves elsewhere, in these four following Church Colonies. 3. Arrow, a Troubles of Franksord printed Anno. 1575. pag 185. a small city in Switzerland, on the banks of the River Arrola, belonging to the Republic of Berne. The most noted men abiding here were Thomas Leaver. Robert poumall. Richard Laughorne. Thomas Turpin. Boys. Willford Vpchaire. 4. Strasburgh, where they found most courteous entertainment. The most eminent English, abiding here, as may be collected from their solemn b Tr. of Fr. pag. 23. joynt-subscription to a letter, were James Haddon. Edwin Sandys. Edmond Grindal. John Huntingdon. Guido Eaten. John Geoffrey. John Peader. Thomas Eaten. Michael Reymuger. Augustine Bradbridge. Arthur Saul. Thomas Steward. Christopher Goodman. Humsrey Alcocson. Thomas Thomas Lakin. Crafton. 5. Zurich. This was not form Congregation of Pastors, and people; but rather a flock of Shepherds, and therefore the letters unto them carry this style in their superscription, To the Students at Zurich. But, behold their names, Robert Horn. Richard Chambers. Thomas Leaver. Nicolas Karvile. John Mullings. Thomas Spenser. Thomas Bentham. William Cole. John Parkhurst. Roger Kelke. Robert Beaumont. Laurence Humsrey. Henry Cockraft. John Pretio. 6. Frankford on the Mien. Where they found the State very favourable unto them. And this was the most visible, and conspicuous English Church beyond the seas, consisting of c Tr. of Fr. pag. 20. & 25. john Bale. Edmond Sutton. john Makebraie. William Whittingham. Thomas Cole. William Williams. George Chidley. William Hammon. Thomas Steward. Thomas Wood john Stanton. William Walton. jasper Swift. john Geofric. john Grace. Mighell Gill. john Samford. john wood. Thomas Sorby. Anthony Cariar. Hugh Alford. George Whetnall. Thomas Whetnall. Edward Sutton. john Fox. Laurence Kent. William Kethe. john Hollingham. Here we omit their petty Sanctuaries, having (like d 1 Sam. 30. 31 David) places, where himself, and his men were wont to haunt, Deesburgh, Worms, etc. Where their straggling numbers amounted not to the constitution of a Church. If these Congregations be compared together, Emden will be found the richest for substance (there the Merchants which bear the bag;) Weasel the shortest for continuance; Arrow the slenderest for number; Strasburgh of the most quiet temper; Zurich had the greatest scholars, and Frankford had the largest privileges. Nor let any wonder, if some in these Catalogues, assigned to one colony, were afterwards found in another; seeing the Apostles e Heb. 13. 14. expression, We have here no biding City, hath in it a single truth in time of peace, and at least a double one in time of persecution; men slitting from place to place, as they were advised by their own security. Know also, that besides these (the first founders of these several Congregations) many additional persons, coming afterwards out of England, joined themselves thereunto. 42. Come we now to set down the sad troubles of Frankford, A brief introduction to the troubles of Frankford. rending these banished exiles asunder, into several factions. This I dare say, if the Reader takes no more delight in perusing, than I in penning so doleful a subject, he will show little mirth in his face, and feel less joy in his heart. However we will be somewhat large, and wholly impartial in relating this sorrowful accident; the rather, because the penn-knives of that age, are grown into swords in ours, and their writings laid the foundations of the fightings now adays. 43. The English exiles came first to Frankford june the 24th. A Church at Faankford first granted to the English. and on the 14th. of july following, by the special favour, and mediation of Mr. john Glauberg, one of the chief Senators of that State had a Church granted unto them: yet so, as they were to hold the same in Coparcenie with the French-Protestants, they one day, and the English another; and on Sunday, alternately to choose their hours, as they could best agree amongst themselves. The Church was also granted them with this proviso, a Tr. of Fr. pag. 6. That they should not descent from the French in doctrine, or ceremony, lest thereby they should minister occasion of offence. On the 29th. of the same month, our English with great joy, entered their new Church, and had two Sermons preached therein, to their singular comfort. About which time they constituted their Church, choosing a Minister, and Deacons for a time; and, out of conformity to the French, abrogated many things, formerly used by them in the Church of England, as namely, 1. They concluded, that the answering aloud after the Minister should not be used. 2. The Litany, Surplice, and other ceremonies in Service, and Sacraments, they omitted, both as superstuous, and superstitious. 3. In place of the English Confession, they used another, adjudged by them of more effect, and framed according to the b Tr. of Fr. pag. 7. State and Time. 4. The same ended, the people sung a Psalm in meeter, in a plain tune. 5. That done, the Minister prayed for assistance of God's Spirit, and so proceeded to the Sermon. 6. After Sermon, a general prayer for all States, and particularly for England, was devised, which was ended with the Lords prayer. 7. Then followed a rehearsal of the Articles of Belief, which ended, the people sung another psalm, as before. 8. Lastly, the Minister pronounced the blessing. The peace of God etc. or the like, and so the people departed. What is meant by framing their Confession according to the State and Time, I understand not (must our confessions, as our clothes follow the fashions of the State, and place we live in?) except it be this, that it was made more particularly, not only for sinners, but for exiles, acknowledging their present banishment, justly inflicted on them for their offences. The prayer devised after Sermon, according to the genuine sense of the word, seems no extemporary prayer then conceived by the Minister, but a set form formerly agreed upon by the Congregation. Thus have we a true account of their Service; conceive it only of such things, wherein they differed from the English Liturgy, not of such particulars wherein they concurred therewith; the cause (as I conceive) why no mention of reading of psalms, and chapters in their Congregation. These certainly were not omitted, and probably were inserted betwixt the Confession, and singing the first psalm. 44. Thus settled in their Church, Other English Congregations invited to Frankford. their next care was to write letters, Dated August the first, to all the English Congregations, at Strasburgh, Zurich, Weasel, Emden etc. to invite them, with all convenient speed to come, and join with them at Frankford. This is the Communion of Saints, who never account themselves peacably possessed of any happiness until (if it be in their power) they have also made their fellow-sufferers, partakers thereof. However, this their invitation found not any great entertainment amongst the other English Church-Colonies; all delaying, and some denying to come; but especially those of Zurich were most refractory, and shown least inclination to repair to Frankford. 45. This occasioned several reiterated letters from Frankford; Those of Zurich quickened by importunity. pressing, and requiring those of Zurich deeply to weigh this matter of God's calling, and the necessity of uniting themselves in one Congregation. Let none say that Frankford might as well come to Zurich as Zurich to Frankford; because the English-Zurichians (though not in number) in learning, and quality equalled, if not exceeded those of Frankford. For Frankford was nearer to England, and more convenient for receiving intelligence thence, and returning it thither. Besides all Christendom met at Frankford twice a year (the vernal and autumnal mart) and, grant there was more learning at Zurich, there were more books at Frankford, with conveniences to advance their studies. But chief, at Frankford the Congregation enjoyed most ample privileges; and it was conceived it would much conduce to the credit, and comfort of the English Church, if the dispersed handfuls of their exiles, were bound up in one sheaf, united into one congregation, where they might serve God in purity of faith, and integrity of life, having both Doctrine, and Discipline free from any mixture of superstation. 46. Notwithstanding this their importunity, But refuse to communicate with them. those of Zurich made no other addresses to Frankford, than by dilatory letters excusing themselves from coming thither. Some saw no absolute necessity, that all the English should repair to one place; conceiving it rather safer, to adventure themselves in several bottoms, and live in distinct Colonies. Others were displeased with the imperative stile of the letter from Frankford, requiring them to come thither; exceeding the bounds of counsel for convenience, into command for conscience: yea, charging recusancy herein, as a sin on the soul of the refusers. They pleaded, they were already peacably seated, and courteously used at Zurich: and, to go away before they had the least injury offered them, was to offer an injury to those, who, so long and lovingly had entertained them. Some insisted on the material point, how they should be maintained at Frankford, there being more required to their living there, than their bare coming thither. But, the main was, those of Zurich were resolved no whit to recede from the liturgy used in England under the reign of King Edward the 6th. and, except these of Frankford would give them assurance, that coming thither they should have the full and free use thereof, they utterly refused any communion with their Congregation. SECTION. Anno Dom. 1556. III. To the right worshipful Sr. HENRY WROTH Knight. SIr, it is my desire fitly to suit my dedications to my respective Patrons, that what is wanting in the worth of the present, may be partly supplied in the properness thereof, which made me select this parcel of my History for your Patronage. I find Sr. Thomas Wroth your great-grandfather of the Bedchamber, and a favourite, to King Edward the 6th who (as I am informed) at his death, passed out of the arms of him, his faithful Servant, into the embraces, of Christ, his dearest Saviour. Soon after Sr. Thomas found a great change in the English Court, but no alteration, (as too many did to their shame) in his own conscience, in preservation whereof he was fain to fly beyond the Seas. To be a fugitive is a Sin and shame, but an honour to be a voluntary Exile, for a good cause. Hence it is that I have seen, in your ancient House at Durance, the * viz. a Lion's Head erazed. crest of your Arms, with the extraordinary addition of Sable wings somewhat alluding to those of Bats, to denote your ancestors dark and secret flight for his safety. However God brought him home again, on the silver wings of the Dove, when peaceably restoring him, in the days of Q. Elizabeth to his large Possessions. In a word, I may wish you and yours less mediate trouble than he had in the course of his Life, but cannot desire you more final happiness in the close thereof. T F. ABout this time Mr. John Knox came from Geneva, Mr. Knox chosen constant Minister at Frankford. and was chosen by the Congregation of Frankford, for their constant Minister. Let none account it incongruous, that among so many able, and eminent English Divines, a Scotchman should be made Pastor of the English Church, seeing Mr. Knox his reputed merit did naturalise him (though a foreigner) for any Protestant Congregation, At which time also Mr. Chambers, and Mr. Edmond Grindal came thither as Agents, with a letter from the Congregation of Strasburgh. This Strasburgh, as in the position thereof, it is almost seated in the just midd-way betwixt Zurich and Frankford: so the English there residing, embraced a moderate, and middle expedient, betwixt the extremities of the two foresaid Congregations. These made a motion, that they might have the a Tr. of Fr. pag. 24. substance and effect of the Common prayer-book, though such ceremonies, and things, which the Country could not bear, might well be omitted. Knox and Whitingam asked them, what they meant by the substance of the Book: and whilst the other wanted commission to dispute the point, the motion for the present came to no perfection. 2. However it gave occasion that Mr. Knox, The Liturgy of England tendered to Mr. Calvin. and his censure thereof. and others in Frankford, drew up in Latin a platform, or description of the Liturgy, as used in England under King Edward, and tendered the same to the judgement of Mr. John Calvin in Geneva, to pass his sentence thereon. This is that Mr. Calvin whose care of all the Churches is so highly commended by some, and as much censured is he by others, as boasting himself in another man's line, and meddling with foreign matters which did not belong unto him. Take Mr. calvin's judgement herein from his own letter bearing date the 20th. of January following, In the Liturgy of England, I see there are many tolerable foolish things; by these words I mean, that there is not that purity which were to be desired. These vices, though they could not at the first day be amended, yet, seeing there was no manifest impiety, they were for a season to be tolerated. Therefore it was lawful to begin of such rudiments, or abcedaries, but so, that it behoved the learned, grave, and godly Ministers of Christ, to enterprise further, and to set forth some thing more filled from rust, and purer. This struck such a stroke, especially in the Congregation of Frankford, that some therein, who formerly partly approved, did afterward wholly dislike; and moe, who formerly disliked did now detest the English Liturgy. 3. In this case stood matters in Frankford, Dr. Cox, and others active at Frankford. when Dr. Richard Cox, with some of his friends out of England, arrived there. This Doctor was a man of an high spirit, deep learning, unblameable life, and of great credit amongst his Countrymen; for, he had been Tutor unto Edward the 6th. And well may the nurse herself be silent, whilst the well battleing of the babe pleads aloud for her care, and diligence: as here the piety and pregnancy of his Prince-pupill, added much to Dr. Cox his deserved reputation. He, with others, coming into the Congregation March 13. discomposed the model of their service; first, answering aloud after the Minister; and, on the Sunday following, one of his company, without the consent and knowledge of the Congregation, got up into the pulpit, and there read all the a Tr. of Fr. pag. 38. Litany. Knox, highly offended hereat, in the afternoon, preaching in his course out of Genesis, of Noah's nakedness in his tent, took occasion sharply to tax the authors of this disorder, avowing many things in the English Book to be superstitious, impure, and imperfect; and, that he would never consent they should be received into the Congregation. 4. Here I omit many animosities, The Senate of Frankford interpose for Knox. and intermediate bicker betwixt the opposite parties; especially at one conference, wherein Dr. Cox is charged to come with his inartificial argument ab authoritate, Ego b Tr. of Fr. pag. 40. volo habere, I will have it so. In fine, Knox his party finding themselves out-voted, by Dr. Cox his new recruits out of England, got one voice on his side, which, was louder, and stronger than all the rest; I mean the authority of the Senate of Frankford, interposing on his behalf: and, Mr. john Glauberg (principal procurer of their Congregation, as is aforesaid) publicly professed, that if the reformed order of the congregation of Frankford were not therein observed, c Tr. of Fr. pag. 43. As he had opened the Church-door unto them, so would ●e shut it again. 5. The wring of the nose (saith wise d Pro. 30. 33. Agur) bringeth forth blood; so the forcing of wrath bringeth forth strife. Mr. Knox accused of high treason, and departs from Frankford. See here, the Coxan party depressed, embrace a strange way to raise themselves, and accuse Knox to the State, for no less than high treason against the Emperor in an English book of his entitled, An admonition to Christians; first, privately preached in Buckingham-shire, and now publicly printed to the world. Eight places therein were laid to his charge: the seven last may well be omitted, the first was so effectual to the purpose, wherein he called the Emperor, no less an enemy to Christ then was Nero. Strange, that words spoken some years since, in another land, and language, against the Emperor, to whom Knox then owed no natural allegiance (though since a casual, and accidental one, by his removal into an imperial City) should, in this unhappy juncture of time, be urged against him, by exiles of his own religion, even to no less than the endangering of his life. But, what said Rachel of Leah? a Gen. 30. 8 With great wrestle have I wrestled with my sister, and I have prevailed: with great, rather than good wrestle. Such, too often, is the badness of good people; that in the heat of passion, they account any play to be fair play, which tends to the overturning of those with whom they contend. Hereupon, the State of Frankford (as an Imperial Town, highly concerned to be tender of the Emperor's honour) willed Knox to departed the City; who on the 25th. of March, March 25. to the great grief of his friends, 1556. and followers, left the Congregation. 6. After the departure (or rather the driving away) of Mr. Knox; Officers chosen in the new model Congregation. Dr. Cox, and his adherents clearly carried all, and proceeded to the election of officers in their Congregation. But first for fit title for him that was to take charge of their souls, then for a proper person for that title. 1. Bishop (though first in nomination) was b Troubles of Frankford pag. 31. declined, as improper, because here he had no inspection over any Diocese, but only a cure of a Congregation, on which very account Mr. Scorie (though formerly Bishop of Chicester when preacher to the Congregation of Emden, took upon him the title of Superintendent. 2. Superintendent was here also waved, as the same in effect, only a bad Latin word, instead of a good Greek. 3. Minister also was misliked, for the principal Preacher (though admitted to signify his assistants perchance as a term of too much compliance, with the opposite party. 4. Pastor at last was pitched upon, as freest from exception, most expressive of the office, and least obnoxious to offence. Then was Mr. Whitehead c Ibid. pag. 52. chosen their Pastor, yet so, as two Ministers, four Elders, and four Deacons, were joined to assist him. And, because this was then aswell an University, as a congregation of the English, Mr. Horn was chosen Reader of the Hebrew, Mr. Mullings of the Greek, and Mr. Traherne was made Lecturer of Divinity. In this-new modelled Congregation, I find no office by name assigned unto Dr. Cox (more honour for him to make all, than to be any officer) who was virtually influent upon all, and most active (though not in the doctrinal) in the prudential part of Church-government. 7. As for the oppressed Congregation (so their opposites style themselves) it was headed by William Whittingham, Whittingam heads the opposite party. one (though of less authority, yet) of as much affection to the cause, as Knox himself. This party continued their dislike of the Liturgy, calling it the d Ibid. pag. 40. Great English Book, offended (it seems) with the largeness thereof. And they affirmed (may the report lie on the reporters to avouch it) how Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury did present a book of prayer, Q. Marry 4. an hundred times more e Ibid pag. 43 perfect than the Liturgy used in King Edward's days, yet the same could not take place, because he was matched with so wicked a Clergy, in Convocation with other enemies. Besides this their old grudge against the Common Prayer, they were grieved afresh in this election of new officers in the English Congregation, that their old officers were neither legally continued, nor fully discharged, nor friend-like consulted with, nor fairly asked their consent, but no notice at all taken of them. In a word, never arose there a greater murmuring of the Grecians against the f Acts 6. 1. Hebrews, because their widows were neglected in their daily ministration; than here an heartburning in the Wittingamian against the other party, for the affront offered to their old officers, Arbitration refused by the party of Dr. Cox. in this new election. 8. Here a moderate motion was made that the difference might be compremised, Anno Dom. 1556. and referred to Arbitrators, Anno Regin Mar. 4. which should be equally chosen on both sides. To this, Dr. Cox his party would in no wise consent. Whether because those pretended Arbiters would be no Arbiters, but parties, and widen the wound by dressing of it; or because, being already posesd of the power, they would not divest themselves of the whole to receive but part again from the courtesy of others. However this party lost much reputation by the refusal. For in all controversies, that side recusant to submit itself to a fair arbitration, contracts the just suspicion, either that their cause is faulty, or the managers thereof froward, and of a morose disposition. In fine, as when two swarms of bees daily fight in the same hive, the weakest grow so wise, as to seek themselves a new habitation: so here, Whittingam, and his adherents resolve to departed, and to seek their several providences in another place. 9 But alas these two sides had a sad parting-blow. The two parties put asunder. The oppressed Congregation complained, that instead of their Vale, they had a volley of ill words discharged at them; amongst which none so mortal to their reputation, as the word Schismatic, wherewith the Coxians branded them at their departure. Much fending, and proving there was betwixt them, whether Schismatic was properly appliable to such, who agreeing in doctrine, dissented only in [superfluous] ceremonies. In conclusion, nothing was concluded amongst them as to agreement. And now, no pity showed at their departure, no sending of sighs, or shedding of tears on either side; the one being as glad of the room they left, as the other were desirous of their own removal. 10. If any be curious to know the names of such, The names of such as went to Geneva. who separated themselves from this Congregation of Frankford, this ensuing catalogue a Taken out of their subscription to a letter in the Troubles of Frankford pag. 47. will acquaint him therewith, William William Anthony Christopher Thomas john Williams. Whittingham. Gilby. Goodman. Cole. Fox. Thomas William john john Christopher Nicolas Wood Keth●. Kelke. Hilton. Soothous Purfote. john Thomas William Laurence john Anthony Escot. Grafton. Walton. Kent. Hellingham. Carier. Of these Mr. Fox, with a few more, went to Basil, the rest settled themselves at Geneva, where they were all most courteously entertained. And now who can expect less, but, that those still remaining at Frankford, as the same in opinion, should be the same in affection, and live in brotherly love together. But alas; man, while he is man will be man; and Satan the sour of tares, 6. 155. 7. did set a sad dissension betwixt them, which we come now to relate. 11. There was an eminent member of the Congregation in Frankford, The sad difference betwixt Mr. Ashley and Mr. Horn. Mr. Ashley by name, one of a worshipful b Troubles of Frankford pag. 55. degree, and (as it seems) of a Spirit (not to say Stomach) no whit beneath his extraction. Jan. 14. 16. Now there happened some high words at Supper betwixt Him and Mr. Horn (than Pastor of the Congregation) yet so that all the difference by the seasonable mediation of the Guests was then seemingly composed. But two days after Mr. Ashley was convented before the Elders, where it was laid to his charge, that at time and place aforesaid, he had spoken words slanderous to them and their Ministry. Ashley appealed from them, as an adversary Part against Him, (and therefore no competent Judges) unto the whole Congregation. (as men of estimation with both Parties) to hear and determine the difference betwixt them. 12. Hereat Mr. Horn and the Elders were highly offended, Horn and the Elders in discountent quit their places. pleading that they had received authority from the whole Church, to hear and decide such Cases, Ann. Dom. 6. 155-7. and were resolved not to departed with the power, so legally delegated unto them. And whereas many meetings were made of Mr. Ashleys' friends to debate his business, Mr. Horn and the Elders condemned them, as tending to schism, accounting their own presence so of the Quorum to any lawful assembly, that without it, all conventions, were conventicles. Yea Mr. Horn and the Elders, perceiving that Mr. Ashleys' friends (being most numerous in the Congregation) would bring his Cause to be determined by the diffusive Church, Feb. 2. fully and freely forsook their Ministry and Service therein. Preferring rather willingly to un-Pastor, and dis-Elder themselves than to retain the place, without the power, Title without the Authority due thereunto. 13. This deserting of their Duty, Where at the Church is highly offended. was by others interpreted an high contempt of the Congregation. Especially, when two days after, a full Church, met with an empty Pulpit, 4. wherein none to teach the people. The Ashleyans (being far the major part) took exception that Horn and the Elders should so slightly, and suddenly quit; what before they had so seriously, and solemnly, accepted; as if their Pastoral charges were like their clothes or upper garments, to be put off at pleasure, to cool themselves in every heat of Passion. Besides, these men being married in a manner to their Ministerial Functions, could not legally divorce themselves without mutual consent, and the Church's approbation thereof. 14. Soon after the State of the controversy was altered, Inquiry how to proceed against the Pastor and Elders if accused Mr. Ashleys' business being laid aside, and another of an higher concernment taken up in the room thereof; namely how the Congregation should proceed against the Pastor and Elders, in case they were accused for misdemeanour. For hitherto no provisions were made, in the constitutions of this Church, to regulate this case if chancing to occur. Whether because the compilers of those constitutions charitably presumed on the integrity of all such Officers, or omitted the making any law against them, in favour to themselves (as most probable to obtain such places) or because no canons can at once be completed, 14. but a reserve must be left for the additions of others to perfect the same. But now eight were appointed to regulate the manner of the proceeding of the Congregation against Pastor and Elders if peccant, who were without (or rather above censure, according to the old Discipline which still inflamed the anger of Mr. Horn and his Party. 15. A Party much advantaged by Mr. Chambers siding therewith, Mr. Chambers accused of injustice. because He was keeper of the charity conferred on, and contributions collected for the Congregation. Now where goeth the Purse, there goeth the Poor, most in want were of Horn's side, in hope of the larger relief. This made others complain of Chambers, as an unjust Steward of the Church's treasure, too free to such as He affected, and bountiful only of Taunts and ill Terms to those of a different Judgement, making neither men's Need, or Deserts, but only his own fancy the direction of his Distributions. 16. Now began their brawls to grow so loud, The scandal of this dissension. that their next neighbours overheard them, I mean the State of Frankford took notice thereof, to the shame of all, and grief of all good in the English Nation. For how scandalous was it that exiles of the same Country, for the same Cause could not agree together. But man in misery (as well as man in honour) hath no understanding. Yea they began to fear, lest many Dutchmen, hitherto their bountiful Benefactors, should for the future withdraw their benevolences, conceiving these exiles wanted no money, who had such store of animosities, and probably poverty would make them more peaceable amongst themselves. Their discords were the worse, because the Vernali mart at Frankford did approach, and it would be welcome ware, and an useful commodity for Popish Merchants meeting there, to carry over into England, and all the world over, the news of their distractions. 17. Hereupon the Magistrate of Frankford interposed to arbitrate their differences, 〈…〉 short friends. but whether of his own accord, Anno Dom. 1557. or by the secret solicitation of others in uncertain. Anno Regin Mar. 4. Feb. 28. Sure it is both parties solemnly disavowed any secret practice to procure the same. The Magistrate interposed his counsels rather than commands, appearing very upright, and unbiased to either party. For though at the first He seemed to favour Horn and his Complices (out of that general Sympathy which a Magistrate beareth to all public Officers yet afterwards quitting their Cause, he bent all his endeavours to make a Reconciliation. By this Edict it was ordered, that the former Pastors were put out of the functions, and made private men. That new ones, or the same again, (if the Church so pleased) were to be chosen in their rooms. That the treasure of the Congregation should be kept jointly and distributed by the Deacons, who at an appointed Time should account for the same to the Minister and elders. And the day after, leave was given them to devise a new Discipline (with convenient speed) amongst themselves, March 1. and tender the same, when drawn up, to the Magistrate for his Ratification. In fine all seemingly were made friends, in token whereof they (both Parties) joined hands together. 18. Soon after fifteen were appointed, New discipline ●akes new distractions. to draw up a form of new discipline. But this new discipline, occasioned new grudges, or rather revived the old ones. Though short the Book, it was long before fully finished, because such as were concerned therein drew the Sheets thereof several ways. Some would have the old discipline stand still in full force, others would have it only altered, others totally abolished. When the Discipline was new drawn up, some required months, and the most moderate more days of deliberation before they would subscribe it. In conclusion, whereas the whole Congregation of Frankford, 30. consisted then but of Sixty two (understand them masters of families, besides women, children, and servants) forty two subscribed this new Discipline, and the rest refused. 19 Presently they proceeded to the Election of new Pastors and ministers, Mr. Horn and his party protest against it. when Mr. Horn issuing into the Church with his party, cast a bundle of Paper-bills on the Table standing in the middle of the Church. A Table surely set there (not for the inflaming of discords, but) the celebration of that Sacrament, which should cement them all in a comfortable communion. Those Bills contained their refusals to concur in this Election, because they could not in their consciences allow the Discipline whereby it was made. However the rest went on with their Choice, and no one (saving Mr. Wilford being formerly of the Ministry, was now again elected. Whereof this reason was rendered, because they with Mr. Horn had willingly relinquished their functions, and it was but just to take that from them, which they cast away from themselves. Besides it is said, that some of them gave it out, that if they should be re-elected they would not accept thereof. 20. Hitherto we have had no mention for a long time of Dr. Cox, The matters put to moderators. and it may seem much, that the activity of his Spirit should be so long concealed, which makes some presume him absent all the while. But let such know, that Dr. Cox engaged in the former controversy, in defence of the liturgy, set forth in K. Edward's Reign, as concerning his Sovereign's Honour and general Interest of the English Church concerned therein. Whereas he hitherto stood neuter in this difference of Mr. Horns and his complices, as beholding it of narrower extent and less consequence, betwixt particular persons. Whereupon the Magistrate of Frankford, (not a leisure himself, because of the business of the Mart, to examine the matter, appointed Him, with Dr. Sandys, and Richard Berty, Esq (as men of estimation with both parties) to hear and determine the difference betwixt them. 21. By the powerful mediation of which umpires, A kind of Agreement made. they were persuaded into some tolerable agreement, though it was no better than a Palliatecure. But I am weary of their dissensions, and therefore proceed to some more acceptable subject. Only let me add that this whole story of their discords, with the causes and circumstances thereof, is taken out of the Troubles of Frankford, a book composed in favour of the opposers of the English Discipline; And when the Writer is all for the Plantif, the discreet Reader will not only be an unpartial Judge, but also somewhat of an Advocate for the Defendant. 22. It is no less pleasant to consider, The wonderful providence in the maintenance of these poor Exiles. then admirable to conceive, how these exiles subsisted so long, and so far from their native country, in so comfortable a condition. Especially seeing Gardener Bp. of Winchester solemnly vowed, so to stop the sending of all supplies unto them, that for very hunger they should eat their own nails, and then feed on their finger's ends. But threatened folk live long, and before these banished men were brought to that short Bill of fare, the Bishop was first all eaten up of worms himself. To reduce their subsistence, within compass of belief, let the following particulars be put together. 23. Most of these Clergy-Exiles, Yet some thing they carried over with them. were men well preferred in King Edward's reign. These as they were dissuaded by the due consideration of their everliving God, from being solicitously over-carking for the future, so were they advised by their daily beholding of their consumptionish, and ever-dying King, to be providentially careful for the time to come: This made them make hay in the Sunshine, and then got they good feathers, wherewith afterwards they did fly beyond the Seas. 24. Some persons of much worship and wealth were amongst them, The bounty of the banished Gentry to their fellow-Sufferers. who bountifully communicated to the necessities of others. Of these the principal. Sir John a Humphrey in His large latin life of Jewel. pag. 88 Cheek, of whom largely hereafter. Richard Morisin of Caishobury in Hertford-shire. Francis Knollys, afterward-privy-counscelour to Q. Elizabith. Sir Anthony Cook, (father in Law to Cecil after L rd. Burgeley and famous for his learned daughters. Peter Carew, renowned for his valour in Ireland where He died, Anno 1576. Thomas Wroth, richly landed at and nigh Durance in Middlesex. Dame Dorothy Stafford afterwards of the Bedchamber to Queen- Elizabeth. Dame Elizabeth Berkley. These accounting all their fellow-sufferers, their fellows, forgot themselves, to remember the afflictions of Joseph, being advanced so much the higher in the esteem of all, who were wise and virtuous, by how much they degraded themselves in their helpful condescension to their inferiors. 25. Many Pious Persons residing in England, And of the Londoners unto them. but chief in London (which commonly counter-poiseth the charity of all the land besides) were very free towards their relief. Some of these, conscious to themselves of cowardly compliance with the Superstitions of the Times, hoped in some degree to lessen their offence, by their liberality to such Exiles, as were more constant and courageous than themselves in the cause of the Truth. And although great the distance betwixt London and Zurich, yet Merchants have long arms, and by their Bills of Exchange, reach all the world over. Richard Springham and John Abel Merchants of London gave much, and sent more to their support, as being entrusted to make over the gifts of many good people, utterly unknown to such as received them. That is the best charity, which Nilus-like, hath the several streams thereof seen, but the fountain concealed. Such silent and secret bounty, as good at all times, to avoid vainglory, is best in bad times, to prevent danger. As for Thomas Eton a London Merchant, but living in Germany he was (saith my a Hamphrey ut prius. author) communis hospes, the host-general of all English Exiles, thanks, (and that forced on him, against his will) being all the Shot, his Guests, paid at their departure. 24. The King of Denmark, Foreign liberality unto them. Henry Prince Palatine of Rhine, Christopher Duke of Wirtenburge, Woulfgange Duke of Bipont, etc. with all the States and free cities wherein the English sojourned, were very bountiful unto them. So were the Dutch Divines, especially those of Zurich, and take them in order as my foresaid Author nameth them, Bullinger, Pelican, Bibliander, Simler, Wolphius, Lavator, Zuinglius, whose short stipends would scarce reach to maintain themselves, and yet their thrift and charity stretched them so, as therewith also to relieve others. Nor let learned Ges●er be forgotten, that great natural Historian, and no less loving of men, then knowing in beasts, foul, and fishes. As for Peter Martyr, he had a petty college in his house at Strashburge, (whereof Mr. Jewel was the vice-master wherein most of the clergy paid (if any) easy rates for their diet therein. 27. Some of the English Scholars, Improved by their own industry. subsisted partly by their own pains, the making of Books, the Copies whereof were very beneficial unto them. Say not this argued saleable souls (savouring more of the Stationer than the Scholar to sell their Books, yea that it was a kind of Simony in them, to make profit of those their parts which God had freely bestowed upon them. For as it betrayeth a mercenary mind, in those who having plenty themselves, will sordidly contract for their Copies, so much Authors, who are in want, are faulty in being wanting to their own just relief, if neglecting moderate benefit by their own endeavours. Thus John Bale much advantaged himself, by his folio edition of his Centuries. Mr. Fox gained by his first (and least Latin Book of Martyrs. Mr. Laurence Humphrey, was no loser by his making and setting forth his three books de Nobilitate, which he entitled Optimates, as by translating Philo de Nobilitate, and Origen de recta fide out of greek. Others employed themselves, in overseeing and correcting the Press, especially about the English Eible, with the Geneva notes thereon. 28. Such sums attained by their own Industry, And God his blessing above all. though small in bulk, were great in blessing, a divine benediction being always invisibly breathed on painful and lawful diligence. Thus the Servant employed in making and blowing of the fire, (though sent away thence as soon as it burneth clear) ofttimes getteth by his pains a more kindly and continuing heat, than the Master himself, who sitteth down by the same; and thus persons industriously occupying themselves, thrive better on a little of their own honest getting, the lazy Heirs on the large revenues left unto them. 29. One thing much kept up the credit of the English Exiles, Q Mary her sickness believed enlivens the credit of English Exiles. with the Merchants and Bankers beyond the Seas, namely the certain and constant report of Queen Mary's decaying condition, daily consuming, though increasing, wasting, though swelling, with an Hydropical distemper, which could not be kept so close under the key of Confession, but that it became the public discourse at home, and abroad. And although many reports of Queen Mary's death were shot out at random (whereof one, some months after hit the mark and the same were proved to be false, yet thereby the news of her sickness gained a general belief. This gave reputation to such English in Germany as were known to be possessed of estates in their own country, enabling them with Trust to borrow convenient sums from any creditors, who would make probable adventures for their advantage, beholding the English, very responsible in an approaching reversion. 30. So much of our English Exiles, Sr. John Cheek his unprosperous return. whom our Pen will shortly handle under a better notion. Return we to Sr. John Cheek, lately mentioned, with a promise to enlarge his story, though so sad in itself, we would willingly (but for wronging of the truth) have buried the same in silence. Well, and welcome, Anno Regin Mar. 5. loved and respected was this Knight at Strasburge, when He would needs return for Brabant ut uxorem duceret, to marry a wife, saith the printed Sleidan, but by mistake, (for He was married some years before, to a Lady which long survived him) instead of ut uxorem educeret, that He might fetch forth, and bring home his wife, lately (it seems) come out of England into the Low-Countries. a Fox Acts & Mon. tom. 3. pag. 701. He is said first to have consulted the Stars, (would He had not gone so high, or else gone higher for his advice) being too much addicted to judicial Astrology. Now whether here the Error was in the Art itself, as false and frivolous, or in his misapplying the rules thereof, (not well understanding the language of the Stars more sure it is, his journey had sad success. For in his return from Brussels to Antwerp, no whit secured by his own innocence, nor by the promise of the Lord Paget, nor by the pledging of Sr. John Mason, for his public protection, nor by the intercession of his friend Fecknam (Abbot of Westminster to Q. Marry, He (with Sr. Peter Carew was beaten from his Horse, tied hand and foot to the bottom of a cart, thence conveyed hoodwinked to the next Haven, and so shipped over under hatches unto the Tower of London. 31. Here all arts were used on Him (which might prevail to drive, Recanteth (orally) and died for grief thereof. or draw, an easy Soul surprised on a sudden) to make him renounce his Religion, until hard usage in prison, joined with threaten of worse, and fair promises on his submission, drew from his mouth an abrenuntiation of that Truth, which He so long had professed and still believed, and thereupon was restored to his liberty, but never to his contentment. For such is the tyranny of Papists, that they are not satisfied to take men's Consciences captive by their cruelty, except also they carry them about in public triumph, as here Bonner a Fox ibidem got Sr. John Cheek unawares to sit in the place where godly Martyrs were condemned. And although He then did nothing, but sit still, sigh, and be silent, yet shame, for what He had done, Sense of what others suffered, and sorrow that his presence should be abused to countenance cruelty, brought him quickly to a comfortable end, of a miserable life, Sept. 13. as carrying God's pardon, and all good men's pity along with him. 32. Since his Death, History rectified in his parentage, parts and posterity. his Memory hath done some penance (I say not to satisfy the failings in his life) being wronged in his Parnetage, abused in his Parts, and mistaken in his Posterity. For the first, a learned Pen Sr. John Hayward in the life of Edward the 6. pag. 8. (but too free in dealing disgraceful characters on the subjects thereof) styleth him a Man of mean Birth, and generally he is made, only the Son of his own Deserts. Whereas Mr. Peter Cheek, Sr. John's Father, living in Cambridge, (where Sr. John was borne, over against the Cross in the marketplace, and where by the advantage of his Nativity, He fell from the womb of his Mother, into the lap of the Muses) was descended of the family of the Cheeks of Moston in the Isle of Wight, (where their estate was about 300 li a year, never increased nor diminished till sold outright some 20. years since) out of which Richard Cheek, in the reign of King Richard the Second, married a Daughter of the Lord Mountagu. As for Duffield his Mother, she was a discreet and grave Matron, as appeared by the good d The Mother of my aged and worthy friend Mr. Jackson of Histons was with many others present thereat. counsel, and christian charge She gave this her Son, when coming to take his farewell of her, and betake himself to Prince Edward his Tuition. For his Parts, the foresaid Author, with the same breath, termeth Him, So far as appears by the books He wrote, Pedantic enough, that is too much, to such as understand his Miosis. But had He perused all his works, and particularly, His True Subject to the Rebel, He would have bestowed a better character upon him. Another Writer e One that set forth his life in Oxford Anno 1641. can find no issue left of his body, saving one Son bearing his Father's name, whereas he had three Sons by his wife, (as appears on her Monument in St. Martin's in the Fields) 1. Henry the Eldest, Secretary to the Council in the North, (who one Francis Ratliffe Sister to the last Earl of Sussex of that family, begat Sr. Thomas Cheek of Pyrgo in Essex, blessed with an happy issue) John a valiant Gentle man, and Edward, both dying without any posterity, But these things belong to Heralds, not Historians. 33. The sufferings of Katherine Duchess of Suffolk, The Pilgrimage of the Duchess of Suffolk. Baroness Willowgby of Eresby, late widow of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, since wife to Richard Berty Esq must not be forgotten. A Lady of a sharp wit, and sure hand to drive her wit home, and make it pierce, where She Pleased. This made Bp. Gardiner to hate her much for her Jests on Him, but more for her earnest towards God, the Sincerity of Her Religion, and thereupon she was forced with her Husband and infant-Daughter to fly beyond the Seas. 34. It would tyre our Pen to trace their Removals, True, and sad Errantry. from their House (the Barbican in London to Lions-Key, thence to Leigh, thence over Seas (being twice driven back again) into Brabant thence to Santon a City of Cleveland, thence to Wesel, one of the Hanse-Towns, thence to Windhein in the Palatinate, thence to Frankford thence (by many intermediate Stages) into Poland. Every removal ministered them matter, of new Difficulties, to improve their Patience, new Dangers to employ their Prayers, and new Deliverances, to admire God's providence. Especially in their a See it at large in Fox tome 3. pag. 928. Passage from Santon to Wesel, in a cold February, and a great thaw, after a long frost, on foot, in a dark night, and rainy weather, thorough ways unknown, without guide to direct, or company to defend them, leaving certain Foes behind, and having but suspected friends before them. The end of their journey, was worse than their journey itself, finding first at Wesel, no Inn to entertain them, able to speak little high-Dutch for themselves, and other willing to speak in comfort to them. In a word, it would trouble one's Head to invent more Troubles than they had all at once▪ and it would break one's Heart, to undergo but half so many, seeing their real sufferings out, Romanced the fictions of many Errand Adventures. 35. No English Subject had like foreign relations with this Lady, The vanity of Relations. and yet they rather afflicted then befriended Her. She had been wife to Him, who had been Husband to a Queen of France, yet durst not go into that country. By the confession of Bp. Gardiner himself, She and Queen Marry, were the only English Ladies of Spanish extraction and alliance yet was it unsafe for Her to stay in any part of the Spanish Dominions. The Emperor owed her, (as Executrix to her Husband Duke Charles great sums of money, yet durst she not demand payment, lest the credetrix should be made away, and so the debt satisfied. 36. Yet an higher Emperor, God the best debtor. even God himself, seemed in some sort indebted unto Her (He that giveth to the poor dareth to the Lord for her bounty at Home, in the height of her Honour, foreigners, Protestants especially, in distress. 37. And now that good debtor, Makes just payment. God his providence, made full payment thereof, by inciting the King of Poland, at the mediation of the Palatine of Vilna (as He at the instance of John Baron Alasco, who formerly in England had tasted of this Lady's liberality) to call this Duchess with her Husband and family to a place in Poland of Safety, Profit, Credit, and Command, where they comfortably continued till the death of Queen Mary. During these their Travels, Peregrine Berty (carrying his foreign nativity in his name) was born unto them, afterwards the valiant Lord Willowgby of Eresby. To conclude, let this virtuous Lady her example, encourage all to be good to all Godly in distress, seeing Hospes hodie, cras● Hospes, the Entertainers to day, may want Entertainment to morrow. 38. My Pen hath been a long Time an Exile from England. Why the Parliament so silent in Church-matters. and now is willing to return to its native soil, Janu. 21. though finding little comfort to invite it thither, and less to welcome it there. Only I find a Parliament called, solely commendable on this account, that it did no more mischief in Church matters. Indeed the two former Parliaments had so destroyed all things in Religion, they gave a writ of ease to the rest in the Queen's Reign to do nothing. 39 The same reason may be rendered of the silence in the convocation where John Harpefield Archdeacon of London, As also the Convocation. and Prolocutor preached also the Latin Sermon. a Register of Can●. in Cardinal Poole. His Text, (how suiting to the occasion, let him answer it) Matt. 21. 2. Ite in castellum quod contra vos est etc. where Christ sends two Disciples to fetch Him the Ass and the Ass colt. 40. The Clergy gave the Queen a subsidy of eight-shillings in the Pound, A grand subsidy granted. (confirmed by Act of Parliament to be paid in four years. In requital whereof, by Pools procurement, the Queen privileged them from showing their Horses with the Laiety; yet so as they should ●uster them up for the defence of the Land under Captains of their own choosing. 41. Here we meet with a piece of valour in Q. Mary, Queen Marry somewhat front, though more devout. daring to oppose the Pope, and showing that her mother Q. Katherin's devotion, had not drowned in her all the Spirit of K. Henry her Father Pope Paul the fourth, wholly favouring the French Faction, and perfectly hating Cardinal Poole, (whom he beheld as the principal Promoter of the late Wars in France sent Cardinal William Peito (borne of an ancient Family at b Caub. Brit. in Warwickshire. Chesterton in Warwickshire to ease him in England of his Legative Power. But the Queen so ordered the matter, that by her Prerogative she prohibited Pe●to entrance into England, and got the aforesaid Power established and confirmed on Cardinal Poole. 42. Somewhat before we saw a great wonder, The death of Stephen Gardiner. viz. the death of Stephen Gardiner Bp. of Winchester, not that He aied (being past sixty) but that He, who lived so zealous a Papist should die more than half a Protestant, as wholly one in the point of man's c Fox Acts & Mon. Justification by the free mercies of God, and merits of Christ. john White borne in Winchester Diocese; first Schoolmamaster, than Warden of Winchester School was by the Premises so tempted to be also Bp. there, that it made him digest the Simony to succeed Gardener; though on condition to pay, a thousand pounds a year, out of that Bishopric to Cardinal Poole for his better support. 43. But the most pleasant object to entertain us at this time in England, Trin. Col. in Oxford founded by Sr. Thomas Pope. is the beholding of two fair and fresh Foundations in Oxford. The one Trinity College, built by Sr. Thomas Pope, in the place, (where long since Thomas Hatfield Bishop, and Robert Walworth, Prior of Durham, had built a College for Durham Monks which at the present much decayed and ruinated, was by Sr. Thomas re-edified and endowed. I find this Mr. Pope (as yet unknighted principal d Weavers funeral. Mon. pag. 112. Visitor, at the dissolution of Abbeys, into whose hand the Seal of Sr. Alban itself was first surrendered. Now as none were Losers employed in that service, so we find few refunding back to charitable uses; and perchance this man alone the thankful e Luke 17. 16 Samaritan who made a public Acknowledgement. Precedents Bishops Benefactors Learned Writers Thomas Sleithurst. Dame Elizabeth Powlet. Arthur Yeldard. Ranulph Kettle. Dr. Potter. Dr. Harris. Insomuch that therein is at this present a Precedent, twelve Fellows, twelve Scholars, besides officers and servants of the Foundation, with many other Students, the whole Number being an hundred thirty three. 44. The other, St. John's College in Oxford founded by Sr. Thomas White. Sr. john's College erected by Sr. Thomas White, Anno Dom. 1557. (borne at Rickmansworth in Hertford-shire a bottomless fountain of Bounty if we consider the ponds which He filled, Anno Regin Mar. 4. and besides the running streams, which flowed from Him. Of the first Kind, were the Cities of London, Bristol and Coventry, on which He severally bestowed great sums of money to purchase Lands therewith. His running stream, I account that his gift which I may call the Circulation of charity, being a legacy of 100 pounds delivered out of Merchant Tailor's Hall on St. Bartholemews day, and lent gratis to 4. poor cloathiers for 10. years, in 23. several Corporations. Thus as a wise Merchant He conceived it safest to adventure his Bounty in sundry Bottoms. 45. But the masterpiece thereof was his founding of St. John's College in Oxford. The occasion ut aiunt thereof. Indeed his liberality baited first at Glocester-Hall, which place He re-edified. But so small a Hall was too little to lodge so large a soul in, which sought for a subject of greater Receipt. A Tradition goes of his Dream, that he should in time meet with a Place, where a Stow's survey of London. pag. 91. two Elms grew, of the same height, and where his further purpose should take effect. Come we from what he dreamt to what he did, who finding belike that Tree-marke; by it he built and endowed St. John's College. And being himself free of the Company of Merchant-Taylors in London (where he was Lord Maior; he ordered that that School should be a prime Nursery to his College; and out of it the most pregnant Scholars are annually elected into this his Foundation. It is now lately enlarged with Addition of a new Court, and other Benefactions, by the liberality of William Laud Archbishop of Canterbury, whose Body though it be obscurely buried at Alhallows Barking, grateful Posterity will deservedly behold this Building as his lasting Monument. Precedents Alex. Belcher. Will. Elie. Will. Stoke. Jo. Robinson. Tob. Matthew. Fra. Willis. Ran. Hutchinson. Io. Buckerdig. Will. Laud. Will. Juxon. Rich. Baily. Fra. Cheynell. Faith. Owen. Bishops Toby Matthew Arch B. of York. Joh. Buckerdig. Bishop of Ely. Row. Searchfield. Bishop of Bristol. Will. Laud Arch. B. of Canterbury Will. Juxon B. of London. Dr. Boil BP. of Cork. Benefactors Sr. Will. Craven Knight. Sr. Will. Paddie Knight Dr. of Physic Commoner of the College. He gave freely towards the building, & furnishing of their liberary, purchased to the College two perpetual Patronages; and much beautified the Chapel. Learned Writers Edm. Campian Grego. Martin Humph. Ely Hen. Holland. Pitzaeus de scriptor. Anglicis. fellows of this house and violent Papists. JOHN CASE Dr. of Physic. WILLIAM LAUD in his learned book against Fisher. The above mentioned Dr. Case, sometimes Fellow of this College, married a Wife, kept House in Oxford, and Scholars in his house, teaching many youth Logic, Ethics, and Philosophy. The University was so far from beholding this as an infringing of their privileges, that out of honour to this Doctor's abilities, his scholars by special grace were so far favoured, that they were made as capable of Degrees, as if admitted Gremials in the University. Anno Regin Mar. 6. At this day St. john's hath a Precedent, Anno Dom. 1558. fifty Fellows, and Scholars, a Chaplain and a Clerk; besides Servants, Commoners and other students, being in all an hundred and twenty. 46. Queen Marry every day waxed more and more melancholy, Calis lost, the Queen melancholy. whereof several causes are assigned. Some conceive her Sorrowing, that by negligence the Key of France, [Calis] was slipped from her girdle, which her predecessors wore by their sides more than two hundred years. But, now it is gone, let it Go, it was but a beggarly Town, which cost England ten times yearly more than it was worth in keeping thereof, as by the a and in a manuscript of Sr. Robert Cottons own making. Her grief at her husband's absence. accounts in the Exchequer doth plainly appear. 47. Others ascribe her sadness to her Husband's absence, which had many (and made more) occasions to go and stay beyond the Seas, after he had found England and not so useful as he expected, as having neither power therein, nor profit thereby, (though as much as on the Articles of marriage was promised Him) half so much, as He had promised to himself. Besides Queen Mary her Person, was no gainer, (scarce a saver of Affection, having her Father's feature, a face broad and big, with her mother's colour, a somewhat swarthy complexion. 48. As Queen Mary was not over fair, And death of a Dropsy. King Philip was not overfond, especially after he began to despair of Issue from her. Nou. 17. Indeed her Physicians hoped her to be with Child, till her misconceived pregnancy proved a Dropsy, at the last, whereof she died, having reigned five years and odd months. As for the suggestion of Osorius the Spaniard, that the English Protestants attempted to poison her, a learned b Haddon contra Osorium lib. 1. fol. 25. Author returns, Nihil hujusmodi dictum, nec scriptum, fictum, nec pictum, being the bare Inventions of his scandalous Tongue. 49. Within few hours after her death, The death of Cardinal Poole. died Cardinal Poole Archbishop of Canterbury. One who the longer He lived in England, the less He had of an Englishman, daily more and more Italianating Himself, and conversing most with the Merchants of that country. Practising the principles of Italian thrift, his Pomp was rather gaudy then costly, and attendance ceremonious, more than expensive. By Bills of Exchange, He made over much money to Venice and Rome, and fearing a bank in England, (if Queen Mary should fail) provided Himself a bank beyond the Seas. He procured of the Queen the Patronage of c Ant. Brit. in vita Poli. nineteen Benefices unto his Sceva, promised and intended to repair the Palace at Canterbury. He was buried in His own Cathedral with this short and modest Epitaph on his plain Monument, DEPOSITUM CARDINALIS POLI. 50. He always had a favourable inclination to Protestants, His good inclinations to be a Protestant. though (to wipe off the aspersion of Lutheranism at last he grew somewhat severe against them, but expressing it rather in wronging the Dead, (whose bones He burned) than hurting the Living. The Papists accuse him, for too much Indulgence to the married Clergy, because only parting them from their Wives, and depriving them from their Live: But soon afterwards d Sanders de schis. Ang. lib. 2. pag. 307. preferring the same persons to Benefices of far better Revenue. He was an absolute Protestant in the point of justification, much offended with the Proud error of Osorius therein; thus expressing himself, e Haddon contra Osorium. lib. 2. fol. 58. non potest viribus humanis nimium detrahi, nec addi Divine Gratiae. Too much cannot be taken away from man's power, nor given to God's Grace. 51. He left Aloisius' Priol, Leaveth all his Estate to Italians. a Gentleman of Venice, his sole executor, to dispose of his estate to pious uses, chief on the relief of foreigners, In England He had no want of near Kindred, and some of them (for all their high birth) near a kin to want; yet He passing them by, ordered that his whole Estate should be conferred on Italians; Some condemning, some commending him for the same, as a deed of Gratitude, because those of that Nation had formerly for many years relieved his necessities. His Executor so honestly discharged his Trust therein, that he freely disposed the whole estate to the True Intent of the Testator, In so much that he left not any thing thereof unto himself; save only two small Books, viz. a a Antiq. Brit. in vita Poli. Breviary and a Diurnal, for a mere Memorial. Thus died Cardinal Poole, neither of Italian Physic wilfully taken by himself, as an English b Mr. Fox Acts & Mon. pag. 2102. Author insinuats, nor of Poison given to him by the Protestants, as a c Pitzaeus de scrip. Ang. Cent. pag. Spanish writer suggests, Paul Osorins. but of a quartan fever then epidemical in England, and malignant above the ordinary nature of that Disease. 52. The Funerals of Queen Mary were performed with much Solemnity and true sorrow of those of her own religion. Queen Mary's double funeral sermons. d Pitz de scrip. Ang. Cent. pag. White Bishop of Winchester preached the Sermon, taking for his Text Ecclesiastes 9 4. A living Dog is better than a dead Lion. One not present at the Place might easily tell whom he made the Lion, and whom the Dog. Indeed he strawed all the flowers of his Rhetoric on Queen Mary deceased, leaving not so much as the stalks to scatter on her surviving sister. This White being a Tolerable Poet, (for so * Camb. in his Eliz. in Anno 1559. p. 23. one charactereth him) was an Intolerable Fatterer, and made use of his Poetical Licence, in the praise of Popery. More modest and moderate was the Sermon of Feckenham Abbot of Westminster, taking for his Text. Ecclesiastes 4. 2. I praise the Dead rather than the Living, who preached also the ● Obsequies of Queen Mary; either that he did it as an act of Supeerrogation, or because it was conceived the more state for so great a Prince to have a Duplicate of such solemnities. The best is, the Protestants of that Age, cared not how many (so it be Funeral) Sermons were preached for her. 3. However, Her deserved Praise. take Queen Mary in herself abstracted from her Opinions, and by herself, secluded from her bloody counsellors, and her Memory will justly come under Commendation. Indeed she knew not the Art of being popular, and never cared to learn it, and generally (being given more to her Beads then her Book had less of learning, (or Parts to get it) than any of her Father's children. She hated to equivocate in her own Religion, and always was what she was, without dissembling her judgement or Practice, for fear or flattery; Little beloved of her subjects, to whom though once she remitted an entire Subsidy, yet it little moved their affections, because though liberal in this Act, she had been unjust in another, her Breach of promise to the gentry of Norfolk and Suffolk. However she had been a worthy Princess, had as little Cruelty been done under her, as was done by her. Her Devotion always commanded her Profit, and often times did fill the Church with the emptying of her own Exchequer. 54. Take one instance of many; Her, and her Lady's Bounty to the Hospitals of the Savoy. The Hospital of the Savoy in the Strand, founded by her grandfather King Henry the seventh, and since Dissolved, was by her Erected again. And whereas the Utensells thereof had lately been embezzled (the house being left as bare as the poor people which were brought therein) her maids of Honour, out of their own Wardrobe furnished it with * Stow in his survey of London. pag. 491. Beds, Blankets, and Sheets. Were any of those Ladies still alive, I would pray for them in the language of the * Psal. 41. 3. Psalmist, The Lord make all their bed in their sickness. And he is a good Bed-maker indeed, who can and will make it fit the person, and please the patiented. But seeing such long since are all deceased, it will be no Superstition to praise God for their piety, and Commend their practice to the imitation of Posterity. 55. Her Body was interred in the Chapel of King Henry the seventh, The place of her Burial. In the Isle on the North-side thereof, and afterwards the Corpse of her sister Queen Elizabeth were buried in the same Vault. Over Both, King James afterwards erected a most sumptuous monument; though the Epitaph inscribed thereon, taketh no notice at all of Queen Mary, as destined, and designed solely to the memory of Queen Elizabeth. But mary's name still surviveth in many [Roman] Catholic families, being (though never mother herself) Godmother to many of her Servants Sons, giving her own, [Usum Maria, Edward Maria etc.] as an addition to their Christian names. 56. Many great persons, Q. Eliz. 1. (chief of the Clergy) followed her into another world; God paveth the way for Q. Elizabeth's coming to the crown. a communis quaedam lues ex ardore febrium per universos Angliae ordines ●ermeabat & in illis maxime divites, & honorantes personas de populabatur. Haddon contra Osorium fol. 25. whether out of a politic Sympathy that being raised by her, they would fall with her, or that fore seeing alteration of religion, and their own ruin, they died, to prevent death, heartbroken with sorrow. Besides, at this time, there was a strange mortality, different from other infections, not sweeping but choosing, which did principally single out men of wealth and quality. Whilst such as make uncharitable applications, parallel this to the plague of the Israelites, b Psal. 71. 32. which slew the wealthest of them, we will only conceive, that God intending to plant in Queen Elizabeth, first cleared the ground, by removing such, as probably would oppose her. Neither was it a small advantage unto her, that the Parliament sat at her sister's death; after which they only continued so long, as jointly and publicly to proclaim Elizabeth Queen, Nou. 18. and then they were c Holinshed pag. 1170. dissolved. Now though her Title was free from doubt, yet it it was not so clear from cavils, but that one considering the power of the English Papists, at this time, and their activity at all times, will conclude they might have, though not hurt, troubled, and though not hindered, disturbed her succession. Whereas now being so solemnly proclaimed, it gave much countenance, and some strength to her right, being done by the whole State in so weighty a manner, that it crushed in pieces all hopes of private oppositions. Thus those whom God will have to rise, shall never want hands to lift them up. THE Church-History OF BRITAIN. THE NINTH BOOK, Containing the Reign of QUEEN ELIZABETH. SIC OMNI TEMPORE VERDO printer's or publisher's device To the Honourable GEORGE BERKLEY Sole Son to the Right Honourable GEORGE, Baron of BERKLEY. I have ever dissented from their opinion who maintain, that the world in was created a level Champion, Mountains being only the product of NOAH'S flood, where the violence of the waters aggested the earth, gored out of the hollow valleys. For, we read how in that deluge * Gen. 7. 20. the mountains were (not then as upstarts first caused, but as old standards, newly) covered. As much do I differ from their false position, who affirm, that all being equal in the loins of Adam, and womb of Eve, honour was only the effect of humane ambition, in such, whose pride, or power, advanced themselves above others. Whereas it was adequate to the creation, as originally fixed, in Eldership, or Primogeniture, and afterwards, by Divine providence (the sole fountain thereof) conferred on others: Either out of love, by nothing less than his express Commission, for their good; or hatred, by somewhat more than his bare Permission for their ruin. The three Sons of David serve us for the threefold division of honour. 1. Absalon, said * 2. Sam. 15. 4. O that I were made Judge in the land. 2. Adoniah, exalted himself saying, * 1 King. 1. 5. I will be King. 3. Solomon said nothing; But * 1 King. 1. 17. David said (and God confirmed his words) Assuredly he shall reign after me. The first sought by secret ambition to surprise his father's subjects. The second went a mere bold, and blunt way to work, by open usurpation, but both finally miscarried. The Third reached not at all at Honour, but only happily held what was put into his hands. But when outward Greatness (as in the last instance) is attended with inward Grace, all Christian beholders thereof, are indebted to a double tribute of respect to that person, whose Honour is martialled according to the * Rom. 2. 12. Apostolical equipage. BUT GLORY, HONOUR, AND PEACE. See how it standeth like a Shield in the middle with GLORY, and PEACE, as supporters on each side. And this is that Honour, the zealous pursuit whereof I humbly recommend unto you. Nor will you be offended at this my counsel, as If it imported a suspicion of your present practice, who know well what St. paul * 1 Thes. 5. 1● saith, Edify one another, EVEN AS YE DO. It is no tautology, to advise good people to do, what they do. Such precepts are praises, such counsels commendations. And in this notion, do I tender my humble advice, to your consideration. Remember the modesty of * Psal. 27. 4. David in ask; One thing have I desired of the Lord, Viz. to be constantly present at his public service. And behold the bounty of * 1 Cor. 29. 28 God in giving three, for one. And he died in a good old age. full of days, riches, and honour. Such measure may you assuredly expect from him; If before, and above all things seeking for that one thing which is needful, the rather because God hath done great things for you already, for which you have cause to rejoice. A great and good * 1 Sa. 18. 23 man said to his fellow-servants. Seemeth it a small thing to you to be Son in-law to a King. A greater honour was done to your first Ancestor, who was SON TO A KING, namely to harding King of Denmark, whence Fitz-Harding your most ancient surname. But labour SIR for a higher honour then both; Even to be led by GOD'S SPIRIT, and then you shall be even in the language of the Apostle himself, * Rom. 8. 14. FITZ-DIEU, A SON OF GOD. Now as your Eminent bounty unto me may justly challenge the choicest of my best endeavours; So the particular motive, inducing me to dedicate this Book to your honour, is because it containeth the reign of Queen Elizabeth, to whom you are so nearly related. Whose * The heir general of George Car●e L. Hunsdon whose Grandmother Mary was second Sister to Anne Bollen. Grandmother proved her heir, by ANNE BOLLEN her mother. In which capacity some of that Queens (or rather the Lady Elizabeth's moveables, and Jewels (which were her Mothers) descended unto her. You may therefore challenge an interest most properly in this part of my History. And now what remaineth but my humble and hearty prayers to the Divine Majesty for his blessing on yourself; and on your hopeful Issue, That God would plentifully pour all his favours of this, and a better life upon them. Suspect me not Sir, for omitting, because not expressing your noble Consort. We find in the fourth commandment, Thou, and thy Son, and thy Daughter, etc. Where Divines render this reason, why the wife is not mentioned, because the same person with the Husband. On which account, your second self is effectually included within the daily devotions of Your bounden Orator Thomas Fuller. THE CHURCH-HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Anno. Regin Eliza. 1. SECTION. I. CENT. XVI. Anno. Dom. 1559 1. FOr the first six weeks the Queen, Her slow but sure pace of Reformation. and her wife council, suffered matters to stand in their former state, without the least change, as yet not altering but consulting what should be altered. Thus our Saviour himself coming into the Temple, and finding it profaned with sacrilege, when he had looked round about upon all things, a Mar. 11. 11. departed for the evening, contenting himself with the survey of what was amiss, and deferring the reformation thereof till the next morning. but on the first b Holinshed 1. year of Q. Elizabeth pag. 1172. of January following being Sunday, (the best new-yeers-gift that ever was bestowed on England) by virtue of the Queen's Proclamation, the Litany was read in English, with Epistles, and Gospels, in all Churches of London, as it was formerly in her Graces own Chapel. 2. But some violent Spirits, The forwardness of private men in public reformation variously censured. impatient to attend the leisure (by them counted the laziness) of authority, fell before hand to the beating down of superstitious Pictures and images, and their forward zeal met with many to applaud it. For Idolatry is not to be permitted a moment; the first minute is the fittest to abolish it. All that have power, have right to destroy it, by that Grand- charter of Religion, whereby every one is bound to advance God's glory. And if Sovereigns forget, no reason but Subjects should remember their duty. But others condemned their indiscretion herein: for though they might reform their private persons and families, and refrain to communicate in any outward act, contrary to God's word, yet public reformation belonged to the Magistrate, and a good deed was by them ill done for want of a calling to do it. However, the Papists have no cause to tax them with over-forwardness in this kind, the like being done by them, in the beginning of Queen Mary's reign; whilst the laws of King Edward the Sixth stood as yet in full force, when they prevented authority, as hath been c See ●6. Cent. 2 part. ● paragraph. formerly observed thus, those who are hungry, and have meat afore them, will hardly be kept from eating, though Grace be not said, and leave given them by their superiors. 3. Now the tidings of Queen Elizabeth's peaceable coming to the crown, Anno. Dom. 1558. was no sooner brought beyond the Seas, but it fitted the English Exiles with unspeakable glandness, 〈…〉. being instantly at home in their hearts, and not long after with their bodies. I knew one right well, whose father amongst them, being desperately diseased, was presently and perfectly cured, with the cordial of this good news; and no wonder if this Queen recovered sick men, which revived religion itself. Now the English Church at Geneva, being the greatest opposer of ceremonies, sent their letter by William Ceth, to all other English Congregations in Germany, and especially to those of Frankford congratulating their present deliverance, condoling their former discords, counselling and requesting that all offences heretofore given or taken, might be forgiven and forgotten, and that for the future, they might no more fall out about superfluous ceremonies. a It was dated Decem. 15. but not received till about Ianu●r the second, see 〈◊〉 at Frankford pag. 162. But this letter came too late, because the principal persons concerned in that controversy, with whom they sought a charitable reconciliation, were departed from Frankford, (I think towards England) before the messenger arrived, and so the motion miss to take effect. Some suppose had it come in season, it might have prevailed much, that both parties in gratitude to God would in a bonfire of their general joy, have burnt this unhappy bone of dissension cast betwixt them. Others considering the distance of their principles, and difference of their spirits, conceive such an agreement neither could be wrought, nor would be kept betwixt them. For it is the property of cold to congregate together things of different kinds, and if the winter of want, pinching them all with poverty, could not freeze their affections together; less likely was it that the warmth of wealth, in their native So●le would conjoin them in amity, but rather widen them further asunder, as indeed it came to pass. For as the rivers of Danubius and Savus in Huagarie, though running in the same channel, yet for many miles keep different streams visible in their particoloured waters, which do rather touch, then unite; yea the fishes, peculiar to one stream, are not found in another: So these opposite parties, returning home, though concurring in doctrine, under the general notion of Protestants, were so reserved in several disciplines to themselves with their private favourites and followers, that they wanted that comfortable communion, which some hoped, and all wished would be amongst them. Till at last they broke out into doleful and dangerous opposition, whereat all Papists clap, and Protestants wring their hands, which our fathers found begun, ourselves see heightened, and know not whether our children shall behold them pacified and appeased. 4. But now a Parliament began at Westminster, Alteration of Beligion enacted by the Parliament. Wherein the Laws of King Henry the eighth against the See of Rome were renewed, Jann. 25. and those of King Edward the sixth in favour of the Protestants revived, and the Laws by Queen Mary, made against them, repealed. Uniformity of Prayer, and Administration of Sacraments was enacted with a Restitution of first fruits, Tenths etc. to the Crown: For all which we remit the Reader to the Statutes at large. It was also enacted, that whatsoever Jurisdictions, Privileges, an● spirituals, preeminences had been heretofore in Use by any Ecclesiastical Authority whatsoever, to visit Ecclesiastical men, and Correct all manner of Errors, Here●es, Schisms, Abuses, and Enormities should be for ever annexed to the Imperial Crown of England; if the Queen and her Successors might by their Letters patents substitute certain men to exercise that Authority, howbeit with proviso, that they should define nothing to be heresy, but those things which were long before defined to be Heresies, out of the Sacred Canonical Scriptures, or of the four Ecumenical Councils, or other Councils, by the true and proper sense of the Holy Scriptures, or should thereafter be so defined, by authority of the Parliament, with assent of the Clergy of England assembled in a Synod That all and every Ecclesiastical Persons, Magistrates, Receivers of pensions out of the Exchequer, such as were to receive degrees in the Universities, Wards that were to sue their Liveries, and to be invested in their Live; and such as were to be admitted into the number of the Queen's servants etc. should be tied by oath to acknowledge the Queen's Majesty, to be the only and supreme Governor of her Kingdoms, (the Title of Supreme head of the Church of England, liked them not) in all matters and causes, as well spiritual as temporal, all foreign Princes, and Protestants, being quite excluded from taking Cognizance of Causes within her Dominions. 5. But the Papists found themselves much aggrieved at this Ecclesiastical Power, Papists exceptions against the Queen's Supremacy. declared and confirmed to be in the Queen: they complained, that the simplicity of poor people was abused, the Queen declining the Title Head, and assuming the name Governor of the Church, which though less offensive was more expressive. So whilst their ears were favoured in her waving the word, their souls were deceived with the same sense under another Expression. They cavilled how King a Sanders de Schismate Anglicano lib. 3. pag. 316. Henry the eighth was qualified for that Place and Power being a Layman; King Edward double debarred for the present, being a Lay-childe, Queen Elizabeth totally excluded for the future, being a Lay-woman. b Hart against Rainolds pag. 673. They object also, that the very c In Praefat. centur. 7. writers of the Centuries, though Protestants, condemn such Headship of the Church in PRINCES: and d Upon the 7. of Amos 3. The same how defended by Protestant Divines. Calvin more particularly sharply taxeth Bishop Gardiner, for allowing the same Privilege to KING Henry the eighth. 6. Yet nothing was granted the Queen, or taken by her, but what in due belonged unto her, according as the most learned and moderate Divines have defended it. For e Rainolds against Hart pag. 38. first they acknowledged, that Christ alone is the Supreme Sovereign of the Church, performing the Duty of an head unto it, by giving it power of life, feeling, and moving: and f Ephes. 1. 22. him hath God appointed to be head of the Church and Col. 2. 19 by him all the body furnished, and knit together, by joints and bands increaseth with the increasing of God. This Headship cannot stand on any mortal shoulders, it being as incommunicable to a Creature, as a Creature is incapable to receive it. There is also a peculiar Supremacy of Priests in Ecclesiastical matters, to preach the Word minister the Sacraments, celebrate Prayers, and practise the discipline of the Church, which no Prince can invade without usurpation and the sin of Sacrilege: for Incense itself did stink in the Nostrils of the God of heaven, and h 2 Chr. 26. 19 provoked his Anger, when offered by King Vzziah, who had no calling thereunto. Besides these, there is that power, which Hezekiah exercised in his Dominions, Commanding the Levites and Priests to do their Duty, and the People to serve the Lord. And to this power of the Prince it belongeth to restore Religion decayed, reform the Church Corrupted, protect the same reformed. This was that supremacy in Causes and over Persons as well Ecclesiastical as Civil, which was derived from God to the Queen, annexed to the Crown, disused in the days of her Sister (whose blind zeal surrendered it to the Pope) not now first fixed in the Crown, by this act of State, but by the same declared to the Ignorant that knew it not, cleared to the scrupulous that doubted of it, and asserted from the Obstinate that denied it. 7. As for Calvin, How Dr. Rainolds answereth the exceptions to the contrary. he reproveth not (Reader, it is Dr. Rainolds whom thou readest) the title of head, as the Peotestants granted it, but that sense thereof, i against Hart pag. 673. which Popish Prelates gave, namely Stephen Gardiner, who did urge it so, as if they had meant thereby, that the King might do things in Religion, according to his own will, and not see them done according to Gods will, namely, that he might forbid the Clergy Marriage, the laiety the Cup in the Lord's Supper. And the truth is that Stephen Gardiner was shamelessly hyperbolical in fixing that in the King, which formerly with as little Right the Pope had assumed. Whether he did it out of mere flattery, as full of adulation as superstition, equally free in sprinkling Court and Church holy-water, and as very a fawning Spaniel under King Henry the eighth, as afterwards he proved a cruel Bloodhound under Queen Mary his Daughter Or because this Bishop being in his heart disaffected to the Truth, Anno Dom. 1557. of set purpose betrayed it in defending it, Anno Regin Eliza. 1. suiting King Henry's vast Body and Mind, with as mighty, yea monstrous a power, in those his odious instances, straining the King's Authority too high, on set purpose to break and to render it openly obnoxious to just exception: The Centuriato●s also well understood, do allow and a Idem ibidem. Confess the Magistrates Jurisdiction in Ecclesiastical matters, though on good reason they be enemies to this Usurpation of unlawful power therein. But I digress, and therein Transgress, seeing the large profecution hereof belongs to Divines. 9 But Sanders taketh a particular exception against the Regular passing of this Act, Sunders 〈…〉 Elizabeth showing much Queen-Craft, in procuring the votes of the Nobility, feeding the b 〈…〉 pag. 329. Earl of Arundel with fond hopes, that she would marry him, and promising the Duke of Norfolk, a dispensation from his wife, which he could not with such expedition obtain from the Pope; and yet (faith he) when all was done, it was carried in the house of Lords but by c Idem pag. 303. three voices. Here not to mention how in the greatest Counsels, matters of most high concernment, have been determined with as few as three clear decisive suffrages, this suggestion of Sanders is a loud untruth; for the Act having easily passed the house of Commons, found none of the Temporal Nobility in the house of Lords to oppose it, save only the d Camden's Elizabeth in this year pag 19 Earl of Shrewsbury, And Anthony Brown Viscount Montacute, who had formerly been employed to reconcile the Kingdom of England to his Holiness. As for the Bishops, there were but fourteen, and the Abbot of Westminster, then alive: of whom four being absent (whether Voluntarily, or out of Sickness, uncertain) the rest could not make any considerable opposition: If any other Artifice was used in cunning contriving the business, the Protestants were not aforchand, but just even with the Papists, who had used the same subtlety in their own Cause in the first Parliament of Queen Mary. 10. But now to remove into the Convocation, The acts of this years Convocation. which at this time was very small and silent: For as it is observed in Nature, When one Twin is of an unusual Strength and bigness, the other his partner borne with him is weak and dwingled away. So here this Parliament being very active in matters of Religion, the Convocation (younger Brother thereunto) was little employed and less Regarded. Only after a Mass of the Holy Ghost had been celebrated, Edmond Bonner Bishop of London (in the vacancy of the Archbishop of Canterbury, Precedent of the Convocation began with a speech to this effect. That although it had been an ancient and laudable custom to begin such meetings of the Clergy with a Latin Sermon, yet such now was not to be expected; partly, because the Archbishop was Dead, who was to design the Preacher, and partly, because they had received a e Liber Synod. Anno Dom. 1559. folio 15. mandate from the privy Council, that no such Sermons should be made in that Church, till they were further informed by the Queeu and her Council. In the third Session on friday Nicholas Harpsfield Doctor of Law, and Archdeacon of Canterbury was chosen, f Ib. fol. 6. Referendary or Prolocutor for the Clergy, a place of some Credit, g fol. 8. but little pains to discharge, seeing the only remarkable thing which passed in this Convocation, was certain Articles of Religion, Feb. 18. which they tendered to the * To the Bps. that they might present them to the Parli. etc. Parliament, which here we both Transcribe and Translate. requesting the Reader not to begrutch his pains to peruse them. Considering they are the last in this kind, that ever were represented in England, by a Legal Corporation in defence of the Popish Religion. And though error doth go out with a Stink, yet it is a presume that it does go out: We are so far from denying a grave to bury them, that we will erect the * Copied by me out of the Original. Monument over this ashes of these dead errors. REVERENDI in Christo Patres ac Domini colendissimi. Anno Dom. 1558 Quoniam fama publica referente ad nostram nuper notitiam pervenit, multa Religionis Christianae Dogmata publice & unanimi gentium Christianarum consensu hactenus recepta & probata, ac ab Apostolis ad nos usque concorditer per manus deducta, pr●esertim Articulos infra scriptos in dubium vocari. Hinc est quod nos Cantuariensis Provinciae inferior secundarius Clerus in uno, (Deo sic disponente ac Serenissimae Dominae nostrae Reginae, Decani & Capituls Cant. mandato, Brevi Parliamenti, ac monitione Ecclesiastica solita declarata id exigente) convenientes, partium nostrarum esse existimavimus, tunt nostrae, tum eorum, quorum cura nobis Committitur, aeternae saluti omnibus quibus poterimus modis prospicere. Quocirca majorum nostrorum exemplis Commoti, qui in similia saepe tempora inciderunt, fidem quam in Articulis infra Scriptis, veram esse credimus, & ex animo profitemur ad dei Laudem, & honorem officiique & aliarum nostrae curae commissarum exonerationem praentibus duximus publicè auferendam affirmantes, & sicut Deus nos in die Judicij Adjuvet asserentes. Primò, quod in Sacramento Altaris virtute Christi verbo suo à Sacerdote debitè prolato assistentis, praesens est realiter sub speciebus panis & vini naturale Corpus Christi Conceptum de Virgin Mariae, Item naturalis ejus Sanguis. Item, quod post Consecrationem, non remanet substantia panis & vini, neque alia ulla substantia, nisi substantia Dei & hominis. Item, quoth in missa offertur verum Christi Corpus, & verus ejusdem sanguis, sacrificium propitiatiorium pro vivis & defunctis. Item, quod Petro Apostolo & ejus legitimis successoribus in sede Apostclica, tanquim Christi Vicariis data est suprema potestas pascendi, & regendi ecclesiam Christi militantem et fratres suos confirmandi. Item quod Authoritas tractandi & dissiniendi de ijs quae spectant ad fidem, Anno Dom. 1457. Sacrantentum & disciplinam ecclesiasticam hactenus semper spectavit & spectare debet tantum ad Pastores Ecclesiae, quos spiritus Sanctus in hoc in ecclesiam Dei Pasuit & non ad Laicos. Quam nostram assertionem, affirmationem & fidem, Nos inferior Clerus praedictus considerationes praedictas Vestris Paternitatibus tenore presentium exhibemus, humiliter supplicantes, ut quia nobis non est copia hanc nostram sententiam & intentionem aliter illis quos in hac parte interest notificandi, Vos, qui Patres estis, ista superioribus Ordinibus significare velitis: Qua in re Offictum charitatis ac Pietatis (ut arbitramur) praestabitis, & saluti gregis vestri (ut par est) Prospicietis, & vestras ipsi animas liberabisis. REVEREND Fathers in Christ, and our honourable Lords. Whereas by the report of public fame it hath come unto our knowledge that many Doctrines of the Christain Religion hitherto received and approved by the unanimous consent of Christian nations, and with joint agreement, as by hands deduced from the Apostles unto us, (especially the Articles under-written) are now called into question. Hence it is, that we the inferior and secondary Clergy of the Province of Canterbury assembled in one body, (God so disposing it, and the Command of our Lady the Queen's most excellent Majesty, together with the mandate of the Dean and chapter of Canterbury, the Parliament-Writ, and all due and wont Ecclesiastical monition declared so requiring it) conceived it to belong unto us to provide for the eternal Salvation both of ourselves, and such as are committed to our charge, by all means possible for us to obtain. Wherefore stirred up by the examples of our Predecessors, who have lived in the like times, that faith which in the Articles under-written we believe to be true, and from our souls profess to the praise and honour of God, and the discharge of our duty, and such souls as are committed unto us, we thought in these presents publicly to insert, affirming and avowing as God shall help us in the last day of judgement. First, that in the Sacrament of the Altar by the virtue of Christ's assisting, after the word is duly pronounced by the Priest, the natural Body of Christ conceived of the Virgin Mary is really present, under the species of bread and wine, also his natural blood. Item, that after the Consecration, there remains not the substance of Bread and Wine, nor any other substance, save the substance of God and man. Item, that the true body of Christ, and his true blood is offered a propitiatory sacrifice for the Quick and Dead. Item that the supreme power of feeding and governing the militant Church of Christ, and of confirming their Brethren is given to Peter the Apostle, and to his lawful Successors in the See Apostolic, as unto the Vicars of Christ. Item that the Authority to handle and define such things which belong to faith, the Sacraments, and Discipline Ecclesiastical, hath hitherto ever belonged, and only ought to belong unto the Pastors of the Church, whom the holy spirit hath placed in the Church of God, and not unto lay-men. Which our Assertion, Affirmation and faith, We the lower Clergy aforesaid so represent the aforesaid considerations unto your Fatherhoods by the Tenor of these Presents, humbly requesting, that because we have not liberty otherwise to notify this our Judgement, and intention to those, which in this behalf are concerned, you who are Fathers would be pleased to signify the same to the Lords in Parliament, wherein, as we conceive you shall perform an office of Charity and Piety, and you shall provide (as it is meet) for the safety of the flock committed to your charge, and shall discharge your duty towards your own soul. This remonstrance exhibited by the lower house of Convocation to the Bishops, was according to their Requests presented by Edmond Bonner, Bp. of London, to the Lord Keeper of the broad Seal of England in the Parliament, Marc. 3. and (as the said Bishop, in the eighth Session reported) he generously and gratefully received it. But we find no further news thereof, save that in the 10. Session, an account was given in, by both Universities in an Instrument under the hand of a Public Notary, 10. wherein they both did concur to the Truth of the aforesaid Articles, the last only excepted. 10. But we may probably conceive that this Declaration of the Popish Clergy hastened the Disputation appointed on the last of March in the Church of Westminster, The Disputations betwixt the Papists and Protestants at Westminster. wherein these questions were debated. 1. Whether Service and Sacraments ought to be celebrated in the vulgar tongue? 2. Whether the Church hath not power to alter Ceremonies, so all be done to edification? 3. Whether the Mass be a propitiatory sacrifice for the Living and the Dead? Popish Disputants. Moderators. Protestant Disputants. * There is some difference in the Number and Names of Both Parties Mr. Fox neither agreeth with Mr. Camden, nor with himself. White. Watson. Baynes. Scot Bps. of Winchester. Lincoln. Covent and Lichfield. Chester. Dr. Cole Deane of Paul's. Dr. Langdale. Dr. Harpsfield. Dr. Cheadsey. Arch-Deac of Lewes. Canterbury. Middlesex. Nicholas Heath. Bp. of York. Sr. Nicholas Bacon Lord Keeper of the great Seal. John Scory late Bp. of Chichester. David Whitehead. Robert Horn. Edmond Gwest. Edwine Sands. John Aelmer. Edmond Grindall. John Jewel. The passages of this Disputation (whereof more Noise than fruit, and wherein more Passion than Reason, Anno Dom. 1458. Cavils then Arguments) are largely reported by Mr. Fox. It was ordered that each side should tender their Judgements in writing to avoid verbal extravagancies, as also in English for the better information of the Nobility and Gentry of the house of Parliament, their Auditors, and that the Papists should begin first, and the Protestants, answer them. But in the second day's disputation, this order was broken by the Popish Bishops, who quitting their Primacy to the Protestants, stood peremptorily upon it, that they themselves would deliver their Judgements last. Alleging in their behalf the fashion of the Schools, that because they had the negative on their side, the others ought first to oppose; Citing also the Custom of the Courts at Westminster, where the plaintiff pleadeth before the defendant, conceiving themselves in the nature and notion of the Later, because maintaining those opinions, whose Truth, time out of mind were established. Chester, more open than the Rest, plainly confessed, that if the protestants had the last word, they would come off, cum Applausu Populi, with applause of the People, which themselves, it seems, most desired; Whereby it appears what Wind they wished for, not what was fittest to fan the truth, but what would blow them most reputation. In this Refusal to begin, Winchester and Lincoln behaved themselves faucily, and scornfully, the rest stiffly and resolutely; only Feckenham Abbot of Westminster, (who it seems the second day was added to the Popish Disputants) carried it with more meekness and moderation. Hereupon the Lord Keeper cut off this conference, with this sharp Conclusion. Seeing my Lords we cannot now hear you, you may perchance shortly hear more of us. 11. Yet need we not behold the frustration of this meeting, The Papists complain of partial usage. as a private Doom, peculiarly to this conference alone, but as the general Destiny of such public Colloquies, which like Sicamore-trees prove barren, and which the larger the Leaves of the Expectation, the less the fruits of Success. The Assembly dissolved, it were hard to say, which were louder, the Papists in Complaining, or the Protestants in Triumphing. The former found themselves aggrieved that they were surprised of a sudden, having but two day's warning to provide themselves. That Bacon the Moderator (though well skilled in matters of Equity, ignorant in matters of Divinity) was their Zealous Enemy, to whom the Archbishop was added only for a stolen. That to call such fundamental points of Doctrine into question, would cause an unsettledness in Religion of dangerous consequence, both to single souls, and to the Church in general. That it was unlawful for them, owing obedience to the Sea Apostolic, without leave of his Holiness first obtained to discuss these truths long since decided in the Church. 13. The Protestants on the other side slighted the Papists Plea of want of Warning, The Protestants triumph on the other side. seeing (besides that both sides were warned at the same time) that Party sent a challenge, and gave the first defiance in their late Declaration; and now it was Senseless in them to complain that they were set upon unawares. That if the truths were so clear as they pretended, and their learning so great as was reputed, little Study in this Case was required. That Bacon was appointed Moderator, not to decide the matters Controverted, but to regulate the manner of their Disputation, whereunto his known Gravity and Discretion, without deep learning did sufficiently enable him. That it was an old Policy of the Papists to account every thing fundamental in Religion, which they were loath should be removed, and that the receiving of erroneous principles into the Church, without examination, had been the mother of much ignorance, and security therein. For the preventing of the farther growth whereof, no fit means than an unpartial reducing of all Doctrines to the trial of the Scriptures. that their declining the Disputation, manifested the badness of their Cause, seeing no paymaster will refuse the touch or scales, but such as suspect their Gold to be base or light. That formerly Papists had disputed those points when power was on their side, so that they loved to have Syllogisms in their mouths, when they had swords in their hands. 14. It remaineth now, Nine Bishops now dead. that we acquaint the reader, how the popish Bps. were disposed of, who now fell under a 4. fold division. 1 Dead, 2 Fled, 3 Deprived, 4 Continued. There were nine of the first sort, who were of the Death-gard of Q. Marry, as expiring either a little before her decease. viz. John Capon. Robert Parfew. Maurice Griffin, William Glyn. Bp. of Sarisbury. Hereford. Rochester. Bangor. These were Q. Marry her Ushers to her grave. Or a little after her departure, as Riegnald Pole. John Hopton. John Brookes. John Holyman. Henry Morgan. Bp. of Canterbury Norwich. Gloucester. Bristol. S. david's. These were Q. Mary's trainbearers to the same. 15. Three only made their flight beyond the seas, Three fled beyond the Seas. namely 1. Thomas Goldwell of St. Asaph, who ran to Rome, and there procured of the Pope, the renewing of the indulgences, (for a set time) to such as superstitiously repaired to the well of St. Winifrid. 2. Cuthert Scot of Chester, who afterwards lived and died at Louvain. 3. Richard Pates of Worcester, whose escape was the rather connived at, because being a moderate Man, he refused to persecute any Protestant for his difference in religion. 16. Be it here remembered, 〈…〉 that the See of Worcester had nine Bishops successively. whereof The four first, (being all Italians) none of them lived there. The five last, [Latimer, Bel, Heath, Hooper, Pates,] none of them died there as either resigning, removed or deprived, and all five were alive together in the reign of Q. Mary. As for Pates, we find him thus subscribing the council of Trent, Richardus Patus Episcopus Wigorniensis, under-writing only in his private and personal capacity, having otherwise no deputation as in any public employment. 17. The third sort succeeds, The rest restrained. of such who on the refusal of the oath of supremacy, were all deprived, though not restrained alike. Bonner was imprisoned in the Marshalsea, a Jail being conceived the safest place to secure him from people's fury, every hand itching to give a good squeeze to that Sponge of Blood. White, and Watson, Bishops of Winchester and Lincoln, died in durance, their liberty being inconsistent with the Queen's safety whom they threatened to excommunicate. 18. As for Bishop Tonstal, and Thyrlby, they were committed to Archbishop Parker. Here they had sweet chambers, soft beds, warm fires, plentiful and wholesome diet, (each Bishop faring like an Archbishop, as fed at his table) differing nothing from their former living, save that, that was on their own charges, and this on the cost of another. Indeed they had not their wont attendance of supperfluous Servants, nor needed it, seeing a long train doth not warm but weary the wearer thereof. They lived in 〈◊〉 custody, and all things considered, custody did not so sour their freedom, as freedom did sweeten their custody. 19 The rest (though confined for a while) soon found the favour to live Prisoners on their Parole, Some living in their own Houses, having no other Jailor than their own promise. Thus Poole of Peterburgh, Turbervile of Exeter etc. lived in their own, or their friends houses. The like liberty was allowed though Heath Archbishop of York, who (like another Abiathar * 1 King. 2. 26. sent home by Solomon to his own fields in Anathoth lived cheerfully at Chobham in Surry, where the Queen often courteously visited him. 20. Popish writers would persuade people, Cruelty causelessly complained of. that these Bishops were cruelly used in their prisons, should their hyperbolical expressions be received as the just measure of truth. Carceribus varijsque cusodiis commissi, longo miseriarum taedio extincti sunt, De Schism Ang. pag. 335. saith Sanders, Confessor obiit in umculis saith Pitzeus of White. A great cry and a little pain. Many of our poor Protestants in the Marian days said less, and suffered more. They were not sent into a complemental custody, but some of them thrust into the prison, of a prison, where the Sun shined as much to them at midnight, as-at noonday. Whereas Abbot Feckenham of Westminster (who as a Parliamentary Baron, may go in equipage with the other Bishops) may be an instance▪ how well the Papists were used after their deprivation. For He grew Popular * Camden's Eliz. in hoc Anno. for his alms to the poor, which speaks the Queen's bounty to Him, in enabling him (a prisoner) to be bountiful to others. 21. Only one Bishop conformed himself to the Queen's commands, One Bishop continued. and was continued in his place, viz. Anthony Kitchen, alias Dunstan of Landaffe. Camden calls him, Sedis s●ae calamitatem. The bane of his Bishopric, wasting the lands thereof by letting long leases, as if it were given to Binominous Bishops (such as had two Names to be the empairers of their Churches, as may appear by these 4. contemporaries in the reign of K. Henry the 8. John Capon John Voisey Robert Parfew Anthony Kitchen alias Salcot Harman Warton Dunstan spoiled Sarisbury. Exeter. St. Asaph. Landaffe. I know what is pleaded for them, that Physicians in desperate consumptions, prescribe the shaving of the Head, (which will grow again) to save the life, and that these Bishops, fearing the final alienation of their lands, passed long leases for the prevention thereof, though whether Policy or Covetousness most shared in them herein, we will not determine. Only I find a mediate successor * Godwin in the Bps. of Landaffe of Kitchins (and therefore concerned to be knowing therein) much excusing him from this common defamation of wronging his See, because many forged leases are countenanced under the pretence of this passing the same. 22. As for the number of Recusants which forsook the land at this time, A list of persons deprived the prime of them were, Henry Lord Morley, Sr. Francis Inglefield, Thomas Shelly, and John Gage Esqrs; As for the Nuns of Zion, and other Votaries wasted over, we have formerly treated of them in our History of Abbeys. Nor were there moe than eighty Rectours of Churches, fifty Prebendaries, fifteen Masters of Colleges, twelve Arch-Deacons, twelve Deans, with six Abbots, and Abbesses deprived at this time of their places throughout all England. 23. Now the Queen and Her Council, Matthew Parker designed Archbishop, his due commendation. accounted it high time to supply the Church of Canterbury (which hitherto had stood * Counted from Pools death to Parker's consecration. Vacant a year, Anno Dom. 1559. and three weeks) with an Archbishop. Anno Regin Eliza. 2. Dr. Matthew Parker is appointed for the place; borne in Norwich, bred in Cambridge, Master of, Benefactor to Bennet-Colledge there, Chaplain to Queen Anne Bollen (a relation, which, next his own merits befriended him with Queen Elizabeth, for such high, and sudden advancement) then to King Henry the eighth, Deane of the College of Stoke juxta Clare, a learned, and religious Divine. He confuted that character which one gives of Antiquaries, that generally they are either superstitious, or supercilious, his skill in antiquity being attended with soundness of doctrine, and humility of manners. His Book called Antiquitates Britanicae hath indebted all posterity to his pen. Which work our great a Mr Selden of Tithes cap. 9 pag. 256. Critic citys as written by Mr. Joscelin, one much employed in the making thereof. But we will not set the memories of the Patron, and Chaplain, at variance (who loved so well in their lives time) nor needeth any Writ of partition to be sued out betwixt them, about the authorship of this book, though probably one brought the matter, the other composure thereof. 24. The Queen had formerly sent order to Dr. Wotton, The Queen Her letter, for his consecration. Dean of Canterbury (an exquisite Civilian, July 18. Aug. 1. and therefore one who may be presumed critical in such performances) and to the Chapter there, to choose Matthew Parker their Archbishop, which within fourteen days after was by them accordingly performed. This done, She directeth Her Letters-Patents in manner, and form following, Elizabetha b Registrum Parker 1. Iom. 1 fol. 3. Dei Gratia, etc. Reverendis in Christo Patribus, Antonio Landavensi Episcopo, Will, Barlow quondam Bath. & Well. Ep. nunc Cicestrensi electo, Joh, Scory quondam Cicestrensi Episcopo, nunc electo He●esor. Miloni Coverdalio, quondam Exoniensi Episcopo, Johanni Surffaganeo Bedford, Johanni Suffraganeo Thetford, Johanni Bale Osserensi Episcopo. Quatenus vos, aut ad minus quatuor vestrûm, eundem Matthaeum Parkerum in Archiepiscopum, & Pastorem Ecclesiae Cathedralis, & Metropoliticae Christi Cantuariensis praedictae, sicut praefertur, electum, electionemque praedictum confirmare, & eundem Magistrum Matthaeum. Parkerum in Archiepiscopum, & Pastorem Ecclesiae praedictae consecrare, caeteraque omnia, & singula peragere, quae vestro in hac parte editorum, & provisorum, velitis cum effectu etc. Dat, sexto Decembris, Anno secundo Elizabethae. But the old Bishop of Landaffe appeared not at the Consecration, Dece. 6. terrified (say the Papists) by Bonner's threats, so as to absent himself, which others do not believe. For, he that feared not the Lion out of the grate, would he be frighted with the Lion within the grate? If Bonner, when at liberty, could not deter him from taking the oath of Supremacy, improbable it is, that when now detained prisoner in the Tower, he could dissuade him from his obedience to his Sovereign. More likely it is, that his absence (as also Bishop Bale's, and the Suffragans of Thetford was occasioned by their indisposition of body, and infirmity of old age. 25. But the other four Bishops appeared, The manner thereof. William Barlow, John Scory, Miles Coverdal, and John Hodgskins, by whom Matthew Parker was solemnly consecrated in manner, and form following. The East part of the Chapel of c Regist. Parker. Tom 1. fol. 9 Lambeth was hung with tapestry, the floor spread with red cloth, chairs and cushions are conveniently placed for the purpose; morning prayer being solemnly read by Andrew Peerson, the Arch-Bishops Chaplain, Bishop Scory went up into the d Ibid. fol. 10. pulpit, and took for his text, The e 1 Pet. 5. 1. Elders which are among you I exhort, who also am an Elder; and a witness of the sufferings of Christ, etc. Sermon ended, and the Sacrament administered, they proceed to the Consecration: the Archbishop had his Rochet on, with Hereford, and the Suffragan of Bedford, Chichester wore a silk cope, and Coverdal a plain cloth-gown down to his ankles. All things are done conformable to the book of Ordination, Litany sung, the Queen's Patent for Parker's consecration audibly read by Dr. Vale, Dece. 17. he is presented, the oath of Supremacy tendered to him, taken by him, hands reverendly imposed on him, and all with prayers begun, continued, concluded. In a word, though here was no Theatrical pomp to make it a Popish pageant; though no sandals, gloves, ring, staff, oil, palls etc. were used upon him, yet there was ceremony enough to clothe his consecration with decency, though not to clog it with superstition. 26. This his consecration is avowed most legal, The legality of his consecration. both according to Canon, and Common Law. In the latter it was ordered by King Henry a Anno Regin. 25. the eighth, that an Arch-Bishops; should not be consecrated but by an Archbishop, and two Bishops; or by four Bishops, in case an Archbishop was wanting, as here it was performed. Object not that one of these four was but a Suffragan, seeing such by the b 26. of Henry 8 cap. 14. laws of the land (though not able to vote as Barons in Parliament) had Episcopal power to all purposes, and intents. Neither cavil, that Coverdale henceforward led a private life, being always a Bishop quoad characterem, and for the present quoad j●es & ●itulum (Exeter, his former Bishopric being actually void by the deprivation of Turbervile though refusing to be so quoad possessionem. As for the canonical part of his consecration, six of the most eminent Doctors of that faculty England then afforded, gave it under their hands, that the same was exactly observed. 27. Yet notwithstanding all circumstances so solemnly performed, The impudent lie of the Naggs-head. some impudent Papists have raised a lie, that Matthew Parker was consecrated Ad caput manni, At the Naggs-head, a tavern in Cheapside. Indeed they show a place therein, just against the bar, so anciently arched, that an active fancy (which can make any thing of any thing) may create to itself a top, or rester of a pulpit thereof, though the like thereunto may be seen elsewhere in the city. But that this lie of the naggs-head was bred in a knaves brains, doth plainly appear. For, why should a rich man be a thief: seeing all Churches in England were equally open unto them to pick, and choose at pleasure, why should they steal a clandestine consecration in a place so justly obnoxious to censure? Were not the Cana●nites, and Perizzites then in the land? Were not many prying Papists then mingled amongst Protestants? which consideration alone would command them to be cautious in their proceed. Besides, that mock-pulpit shown at this day at the entrance of that tavern, was inconsistent with the secrecy (which is said to be their design) who would rather have made choice of an inner, and more remote room for that purpose. But, when once one Jesuit had got this shameless lie of the N●ggshead (I can not say by the tail, but) by the ears, instantly Champn●y, ●itzSimon Persons, Killison, Constable, and all the whole kennel of them, bawl it out in their books to all posterity. 28. All the authority the Papists produce for their Naggs-head-Consecration, Neale's testimony (the sole witness thereof) confuted. is ultimately resolved into the single testimony of one Thomas Neale, Chaplain to Bishop Bonner, and sometimes Hebrew-Professour in Oxford. But, was this Neale known, or unknown to the Bishops, pretended in this taverne-assembly? If known, as most probable he was (Bonners Chaplains bearing their Master's mark, the indelible character of cruelty stamped upon them, as the Wolf is too well known to the sheep) it is utterly unlikely they would permit a person, vowing open opposition to their proceed, to be present thereat. If Neale were unknown, the English Bishops (whom the Papists, though they call Heretics, do not count fools) would not admit a stranger to their privacies of such importance, seeing commonly in such cases, men's jealousies interpret every unknown face to be a foe unto them. 29. A silent witness pretended in vain To the testimony of Neale, a Champuius pag. 5●1. one endeavours to twist the witness of John Stow, to prove this Nags-head-consecration. A silent wittness, who says nothing herein, if either we consult his Chronicle of our Kings or his Survey of London, he neither speaks words, nor makes any signs thereof. But (saith the Jesuit) Stow, though prudently omitting to print it, told the same to some of his private friends. I pray, to whom? where? and when? and what credible witnesses do attest it? Be it referred to the ingenuity of our very adversaries, whether their bare surmises without any proof, be to be believed before the public Records, faithfully taken when the thing was done, carefully preserved ever since, entirely extant at this day, and truly transcribed here by us. Besides, Charles Howard, Earl of Nottingham (not more famous for the Coronet of a Count, than the crown of old age) alive in the later end of the Reign of King James, being requested of a friend, whether he could remember Matthew Parker's consecration, gave an exact account of the same solemnly performed in Lambeth Chappel, being himself an eyewitness thereof, and an invited guest to the great feast kept there that day, therefore the more observant of all particular passages thereat, because the said Archbishop was related to him as a kinsman. Let such as desire further satisfaction herein, consult learned b 〈…〉 Mason (whom King James justly termed a wise builder in God's house) who hath left no stones unturned to clear the truth, and stop the mouth of malicious adversaries. Let the Papists therefore not be so busy to cast dirt on our Bishops, but first fall on washing the face of their own Pope, even John the twelv'th, whom an excellent c Luisprandus lib. 6. cap. 7. author reporteth to have ordained a Deacon in a stable, for which two Cardinals reproved him. And let these three stories be told together, that the Empress Helen was the daughter of an Ostler; that Archbishop Cranmer himself was an Ostler; and, that our first Bps. in Queen Elizabeth's days were consecrated in the Naggs-head. I say let these three be told together, because wise, and good men will believe them together, as all coming forth of the forge of falsehood, and malice. 30. Now though we are not to gratify our Adversaries with any Advantages against us, Sees supplied with Protestant Bishops. yet so confident is our innocence herein, that It may acquaint the world with that small foundation on which this whole report was bottomed: Every Archbishop, or Bishop presents himself in Bow-Church, accompanied thither with Civilians, where any shall be heard, who can make any legal exceptions, against his Election. A Dinner * This the Lord Chancellor Egerton assumed to Bishop Williams. was provided for them at the Naggs-head in Cheapside, as convenient for the Vicinity thereof, and from this Spark hath all this Fire been kindled; to admonish posterity not only to do no evil but also in this Captious Age, to refrain from all appearance thereof. 31. Parker, thus solemnly consecrated, proceeded, with the assistance of the aforesaid Bishops, to the consecration of other grave Divines; and not (as Sanders lewdly lies) that these new elected Bishops, out of good fellowship, mutually consecrated one another; some whereof were put into Bishoprics void. By the Natural death, as Sarisbury, Rochester, Gloucester, Bristol, Bangor, or, Voluntary desertion, as Worcester, and St. Asaph, or, Legal deprivation of the former Bishops, as all other Sees in England. Suffice it at this time to present a present Catalogue of their names, Anno Regin Eliza. 1. Sees, with the dates of their consecrations, Anno Dom. 1558. referring their commendable characters, to be set down, when we come to their respective deaths. Province of Canterbury. 1. Edward Grindal 2. Richard Cox. 3. Edwin Sandys 4. Rowland Merick 5. Nicolas Bullingham 6. John Jewel 7. Thomas Young 8. Richard Davies 9 Thomas Bentham 10. Gilbert Barclay 11. Edmond Gwest 12. William Alley 13. john Parkhurst 14. Robert Horn 15. Edmond Scambler 16. Richard Cheiney consecrated, London, Decem. 21. 1559. Elie, Decem. 21. 1559. Worcester, Decem. 21. 1559. Bangor, Decem. 21. 1559. Lincoln, Janu. 21. 1559. Sarisbury, Janu. 21. 1556. S. david's, Janu. 21. 1559. S. Asaph, Janu. 21. 1559. Coven. & Lichfield, Mar. 24. 1559. Bath, and Wells, Mar. 24. 1559. Rochester, Mar. 24. 1559. Exeter, July. 14. 1560. Norwich, Sept. 1. 1560. Winchester, Feb. 16. 1560. Peterburgh, Feb. 16. 1560. Gloucester, Apr. 19 1562. Province of York. 1. Thomas Young, translated from St. david's to York 2. James Pilkington, 3. John Best 4. George Downham consecrated, Feb. 20. 1560. Durham, Mar. 2. 1560. Carlisle, Mar. 2. 1561. Chester, May, 4. 1561. The other Bishoprics were thus disposed of, Richard Cheiney held Bristol in Commendam with Gloucester; Barlow, and Scory, Bishops in King Edward's days, were translated, the one to Chicester, the other to Hereford. As for the Bishopric of Oxford, as it was void at this time; so it continued for some years after. 32. We must not forget how the Bishopric of Carlisle was first proffered to Bernard Gilpin, Mr. Gilpin refuseth the Bishopric of Carlisle. that Patriarchal Divine (rector of Houghton in the North as may appear by the ensuing letter of Edwin a Found amongst Mr. Gilpins' papers after his death. Sandys, Bishop of Worcester, wrote unto him. MY much and worthily respected Cousin, having regard unto the good of the Church of Christ, rather than to your ease, I have by all the good means I could, been careful to have this charge imposed upon you, which may be both an honour to yourself, and a benefit to the Church of Christ. My true report concerning you hath so prevailed with the Queen's Majesty, that she hath nominated you Bishop of Carlisle. I am not ignorant that your inclination rather delighteth in the peaceable tranquillity of a private life. But if you look upon the estate of the Church of England with a respective eye, you cannot with a good conscience, refuse this charge imposed upon you: so much the less because it is in such a place, as wherein no man is found fit than yourself, to deserve well of the Church. In which respect I charge you before God, and as you shall answer to God herein, that, setting all excuses aside, you refuse not to assist your Country, and to do service to the Church of God to the uttermost of your power. Anno Dom. 1557. In the meanwhile I give you to understand, Anno Regin Eliza. 1. that the said Bishopric is to be left untouched, neither shall any thing of it be diminished (as in some others it is a custom) but you shall receive the Bishopric entire, as Dr. Oglethorp hath left it. Wherefore exhorting, and charging you to be obedient to Gods call herein, and not to neglect the duty of our own calling, I commend both yourself, and the whole business to the Divine Providence. Your Kinsman, and Brother, Edwin Worcester. But Mr. Gilpin desired to be excused, continuing unmoveable in his resolution of refusal. Not that he had any disaffection to the office (as some do believe themselves, and would willingly persuade others) but, because (as he privately confessed to his a B. Carleton in Gilpins' life pag. 80. friends) he had so much kindred about Carlisle, at whom he must either connive in many things, not without hurt to himself; or else deny them, not without offence to them. To avoid which difficulties, he refused the Bishopric. It was afterward bestowed (as in our Catalogue) on Dr. john Best, a grave, and learned Divine. But whether on the same terms (without any diminution to the Church) my b Idem. pag. 81. author knew not, leaving us under a shrewd suspicion of the negative. 33. If any demand of me, Why Barlow and Scory were not restored to their former Bishoprics, conjectured. why Barlow formerly Bishop of Bath, and Wells; and Scory Bishop of Chicester, were not rather restored to their own, than translated to other Bishoprics, As certainly I do not know, so willingly I will not guests at the cause thereof; though I have leisure to listen to the conjectures of others herein. Some impute it to their own desires (preferring fair paper before what was soiled with their ill success) rather to begin on a new account, than to renew their reckoning with those Bishoprics, where they had been interrupted with persecution. Others ascribe it to the Queen, herein showing her absolute power of disposition and transposition of all Prelates; at Her pleasure crossing Her hands, and translating Scory from Chichester to Hereford, Barlow from Bath and Wells to Chichester. A third sort resolve it on a point of the Queen's frugality (a virtue needful in a Princess coming to a Crown in Her condition) to get new first-fruits by their new translations, which otherwise would not accrue by their restitutions. Sure I am, none of these Conjecturers were either of the Bedehamber, or Counc●ll-Board to the Queen, acquainted with Her intentions herein. 34. As for Miles Coverdale, Why Coverdale resumed not his Bishopric of Exeter. formerly Bishop of Exeter, he never returned to his See, but remained a private Minister to the day of his death. Indeed it was true of him, what is said of others, c Amos 4. 11. He was as a firebrand plucked out of the burning, being designed to death by Queen Mary, had not the seasonable, and importunate intercession of Frederick, King of Denmark, redeemed him. And, although his dissenting in judgement from some ceremonies in our Discipline, is generally alleged as the cause of his not returning to his Bishopric, yet more probable it is, it was caused by his impotency, as may appear by his Epitaph, which here we have thought fit to insert, as I took it from the brass-inscription of his marble-stone, under the Communion-Table in the Chancel of St. bartholomew's behind the Exchange. Hic tandem requiemque ferens, Anno Dom. 1558. finemque laborum, Ossa Coverdalis mortua tumbus habet. Exoniae qui Praesul crat dignissimus olim, Insignis vitae vir probitate suae. Octoginta annos grandaevus vixit & unum, Indignum passus saepius exilium. Sic demum variis jactatum casibus, ista Excepit gremio terra benigna suo. Obiit 1568. Jan. 20. Now if Coverdale Anno 1568. was fourscore and one year of age, then at this very time when he consecrated Parker, was he seventy two years old, passing with jesse a 1 Sa. 26. 12. for an old man; yea he had passed the b Psal. 90. age of man, and therefore henceforward, finding himself fitter for devotion, than action, refused the resumption of his Bishopric. 35. So much for the Bishops. Mean Ministers in this age, as appears by Mr. Tavernours' Sermon. As for the inferior Clergy under them, the best that could be gotten were placed in pastoral charges. Alas; tolerability was eminency in that age. A rush-candle seemed a torch where no brighter light was ere seen before. Surely preaching now ran very low, if it be true what I read, that Mr. Tavernour, of Water-Eaton in Oxford-shire, high-sheriff of the County, came in pure charity, not ostentation, and gave the Scholars a Sermon in St. Maries, with his gold chain about his neck, and his sword by his side, beginning with these words, c In the preface to St. john Cheeks book called the true Subject to the Rebel, printed at Oxford 1641. . Arriving at the mount of St. Maries, in the stony stage where I now stand, I have brought you some fine biscuits, baked in the oven of charity, and carefully conserved for the chickens of the Church, the sparrows of the Spirit, and the sweet swallows of salvation. If England in our memory hath been sensible of a perfective alteration in her Churches; if since she hath seen more learning in the people's pews, than was then generally in the Readers desk, yea Preachers Pulpit; let God be more glorified in it, men more edified by it; seeing of late the Universities have afforded more vinedressers, than the Country could yield them vineyards. Yea, let us be jealous over ourselves with a godly jealousy, lest our ingratitude make us to relapse into the like ignorance, and barbarism. For, want of bread was not so much the suffering of those days, as fullness thereof hath lately been the sin of ours. 36. Great abuses being offered to the monuments of the dead, A Proclamation against defaeers of Monuments in Churches. the Queen thought fitting seasonably to retrench the increase of such impieties. And, although her Proclamation being printed, the printing of Her name thereunto had been of as much validity in itself, and of far more ease to Her Majesty, yet to manifest Her Princely zeal therein, She severally signed each copy (and those numerous to be dispersed throughout all Her Dominions) with Her own hand. And, seeing She begrutched not Her pains to superscribe Her name, I shall not think much of mine to transcribe the whole Proclamation. Elizabeth. THe Queen's Majesty understanding, Anno Dom. 1559. that by the means of sundry people, Anno Regin Eliza. 2. partly ignorant, This Proclamation was printed at London in Paul's Churchyard, by Rich. Jagg, and John Cawood 〈◊〉 to the Queen. partly malicious, or covetous; there hath been of ●●te years spoiled and broken certain ancient Monuments, some of metal, some of stone, which were erected up as well in Churches, as in other public places within this Realm, only to show a memory to the posterity of the persons there buried, or that had been benefactors to the building, or dotations of the same Churches, or public places, and not tonourish any kind of superstition. By which means, not only the Churches, and places remain at this present day spoiled, broken, and ruinated, to the offence of all noble and gentle hearts, and the extinguishing of the honourable and good memory of sundry virtuous, and noble persons deceased; but also the true understanding of divers families in this Realm (who have descended of the blood of the same persons deceased) is thereby so darkened, as the true course of their inheritance may be hereafter interrupted, contrary to justice, besides many other offences that do hereof ensue to the slander of such as either gave, or had charge in times past only to deface monuments of idolatry, and false feigned images in Churches, and Abbeys, And therefore, although it be very hard to recover things broken and spoiled: yet, both to provide that no such barbarous disorder be hereafter used, and to repair as much of the said monuments as conveniently maybe: Her Majesty chargeth and commandeth all manner of persons hereafter to forbear the breaking, or defacing of any parcel of any monument, or tomb, or grave, or other inscription, and memory of any person deceased, being in any manner of place; or to break any image of Kings, Princes or Nobles, Estates of this Realm, or of any other that have been in times past erected, and set up, for the only memory of them to their posterity in common Churches, and not for any religious honour: or to break down and deface any image in glass-windows in any Churches, without consent of the Ordinary: upon pain that whosoever shall be herein found to offend, to be committed to the next Goal, and there to remain without bail, or mainprize, unto the next coming of the Justices, for the delivery of the said Goal; and then to be farther punished by fine, or imprisonment (besides the restitution, or reedification of the thing broken) as to the said Justices shall seem meet: using therein the advice of the Ordinary; and, if need shall be, the advice of Her Majesty's Council in Her Starr-Chamber. And for such as be already spoiled in any Church, or Chapel, now standing: Her Majesty chargeth, and commandeth all Arch-Bishops, Bishops, and other Ordinaries, or Ecclesiastical persons, which have authority to visit the Churches, or Chapels, to inquire by presentments of the Curates, Churchwardens, and certain of the parishioners, what manner of spo●les have been made since the beginning of Her Majesty's reign, of such monuments, and by whom; and if the persons be living, how able they be to repair, and readifie the same; and thereupon to convent the same persons, and to enjoin them under pain of Excommunication, to repair the same by a convenient day, or otherwise (as the cause shall farther require) to notify the same to Her Majesty's Council in the Sarr-chamber at Westminster. And, if any such be found, and convicted thereof, not able to repair the same; that then they be enjoined to do open penance two or three times in the Church, as to the quality of the crime, and party belongeth, under the like pain of excommunication. And if the party that offended be dead: and the Executours of the Will left having sufficient in their hands unadministred, and the offence notorious; the Ordinary of the place shall also enjoin them to repair, or re-edify the same, upon like, or any other convenient pain, to be devised by the said Ordinary. And when the offender cannot be presented, if it be in any Cathedral, or Collegiate Church, which hath any revenue belonging to it, that is, not particularly allotted to the sustentation of any person certain, or otherwise, but that it may remain in the discretion of the governor thereof, to bestow the same upon any other charitable deed, as mending of highways or such like; Her Majesty enjoineth, and straight chargeth the governor's, and companies of every such Church, to employ such parcels of the said sums of money (as any wise may be spared) upon the speedy repair, or reedification of any such monuments so defaced, or spoiled, as agreeable to the original, as the same conveniently may be. And where the covetousness of certain persons is such, that as Patrons of Churches, or owners of the personages impropriated or by some other colour, or pretence, they do persuade with the Parson and Parishioners, to take, or throw down the bells of Churches, and Chapels, and the lead of the same, converting the same to their private gain, and to the spoils of the said places, and make such like alterations, as thereby they seek a slanderous desolation of the places of prayer: Her Majesty (to whom in the right of the Crown by the ordinance of Almighty God, and by the laws of this Realm, the defence and protection of the Church of this Realm belongeth) doth expressly forbid any manner of person, to take away any bells, or lead, of any Church, or Chapel, under pain of imprisonment during Her Majesty's pleasure, and such farther fine for the contempt, as shall be thought meet. And Her Majesty chargeth all Bishops, and Ordinaries to inquire of all such contempts, done from the beginning of Her Majesty's reign, and to enjoin the persons offending, to repair the same within a convenient time. And of their do in this behalf, to certify Her Majesty's privie-Councell or the Council in the Sarr-Chamber at Westminster, that order may be taken herein. Given at Windsor the 19th. of September, the second year of Her Majesty's reign. Her Princely care took this desired effect, that it stopped the main stream of Sacrilege herein, though some by-rivolets thereof ran still in private Churches, in defiance of all orders provided to the contrary. 37. May the Reader take notice, The death and character of Bp. Bale. that henceforward God willing, we will set down at the end of every year, the deaths of such eminent Divines, who deceased therein, though we find no funerals of any prime Protestant in the two first years of the Queen's reign. Her coming to the Crown inspirited the weakest, and oldest with vigorousness, and vivacity for a time; and Divine Providence preserved them from blasting, who were but newly replanted in their places. Only we conjecture, that John Bale Bishop of Ossorie, died about this time, we finding no future mention of his activity; which, if alive, could not conceal itself. Pity it is, we cannot give the exact date of his death, who was so accurate in noting the deeeases of others. For this John Bale, was he, who (besides many other books) enlarged Leland, and continued the Lives of the English Writers. Born at Covey, near Dunwich in Suffolk, bred in Cambridge, afterwards a Carmelite in Norwich, and ignorantly zealous in their superstitions. He was first converted to the knowledge of the Gospel, as himself a De Scriptor. Britan Centur. 8. confesseth, by the care of that worthy Lord, Thomas Lord Wentworth, of Nettlested in Suffolk. Whereupon (to use his own expression) he was transported from his barren mount Carmel, to the fair and fruitful vale of the Gospel. 38. Presently comes persecution. The persecutions which in his life he suffered. For his preaching of the Gospel, he is dragged from the Pulpit to the Consistory, before Lee Archbishop of York; and for the same cause, was afterwards convented before Stokesley, Bishop of London; but the Lord Cromwell (much affected with the facetiousness of such Comedies, as he had presented unto him) rescued him from their paws, by his power. After eight year's exile in Germany, he was recalled by King Edward, and made Bishop of Oss●rie in Ireland, where he remained but a short time. For after the King's death he hardly escaped with his own life (some of his servants being slain) cast by tempest into Cornwall, taken by pirates, dearly redeemed, with much difficulty he recovered London, with more danger got over into Germany. Whence returning, in the first of Queen Elizabeth, about this time he ended his life, leaving a Scholar's Inventory, more books (many of his own making) than money behind him. 39 His friends say, Bales passion endeavoured to be excused. that Bale his pen doth zealously confute such as are strangers to him conceive, it doth bitterly inveigh; and his foes say, it doth damnably rail on Papists, and their opinions; though something may be pleaded for his passion. Old age, and ill usage will make any man angry. When young, he had seen their superstition; when old, he felt their oppression. Give losers therefore leave to speak, and speakers to be choleric in such cases. The best is, Bale rails not more on Patists than Pits (employed on the same subject) on Protestant Writers; and, even set me against the other, whilst the discreet reader of both, paring off the extravagances of passion on each side, The Pope tampereth to reconcile the Queen to the Church of Rome. may benefit himself in quietness, from their loud, and clamorous invectives. 40. Pius the fourth, 1560. being newly settled in the Papal chair, 3. May. 5. thought to do something, no less honourable, than profitable to his See, in reducing Queen Elizabeth (a wand'ring sheep worth a whole flock) to the Church of Rome. In order whereunto, he not only was deaf to the importunity of the Count of Feria, pressing him (for a private grudge) to excommunicate Her, but also addressed Vincent Parpalia, Abbot of St. Saviour's, with courteous letters unto her. The tenor whereof ensueth. To our most dear Daughter in Christ, Elizabeth Queen of England. DEar daughter in Christ, health and Apostolical benediction. How greatly we desire (our Pastoral charge requiring it) to procure the salvation of your soul, and to provide likewise for your honour, and the establishment of your Kingdom withal, God the searcher of all hearts knoweth and you may understand by what we have given in charge to this our beloved son Vincentius Parpalia, Abbot of St. Saviour's, a man well known to you, and well approved by us. Wherefore we do again and again exhort, and admonish your Highness, most dear daughter, that rejecting evil Counsellors, which love not you, but themselves, and serve their own lusts, Anno Dom. 1562. you would take the fear of God into Counsel with you, Anno Regin Eliza. 4. and acknowledging the time of your visitation, show yourselves obedient to our fatherly persuasions, and wholesome Counsels; and promise to yourself from us all things that may make not only to the salvation of your soul, but also whatsoever you shall desire from us for the establishing & confirming of your Princely dignity, according to the authority place, and office committed unto us by God. And if so be, as we desire and hope, you shall return into the bosom of the Church, we shall be ready to receive you with the same love, honour, and rejoicing, that the Father in the Gospel did his Son returning to him: although our joy is like to be the greater in that he was joyful for the salvation of one Son, but you, drawing along with you all the people of England, shall hear us and the whole company of our brethren (who are shortly God willing, to be assembled in a general Council, for the taking away of heresies, and so for the salvation of yourself, and your whold nation) fill the Universal Church with rejoicing, and gladness, Yea, you shall make glad heaven itself with such a memorable fact, and achieve admirable renown to your name, much more glorious than the Crown you wear. But, concerning this matter, the same Vincentius shall deal with you more largely, and shall declare our fatherly affection toward you: and we entreat your Majesty to receive him lovingly, to hear him diligently, and to give the same credit to his speeches, which you would to ourselves. Given at Rome at S. Peter's etc. the fifth day of May 1560. in our first year. What private proposals Parpalia made to her Majesty, on condition she would be reconciled to Rome is unknown. Some conceive the Pope might promise more than He meant to perform, but would He perform more than He did promise, nothing herein had been effected. A Bargain can never be driven, where a Buyer can on no terms be procured. Her Majesty was resolute and unmoveable in her Religion. And yet some (not more knowing of Counsels, but more daring in Conjectures than others) who love to feiga, what they cannot find, that they may never appear to be at a loss, avouch that the Pope promised to revoke the Sentence, against her mother Anne Bollens marriage, to confirm our English liturgy by his authority, to permit the English, the Communion under both kinds, provided she would own the Pope's Primacy, and cordially unite herself to the Catholic Church. Yea some thousands of Crowns, (but all in vain) were promised to the effectors thereof, wherein his holiness, seemingly liberal, was really thrifty, as knowing such his Sums, if accepted, would within one year return with an hundred fold increase. 41. Scipio a Gentleman of Venice, The contents of Scipio his Letter to Mr. jewel. formerly familiar with Mr. Jewel (whilst he was a student in Milan) wrote now an expostulating letter unto Him, being lately made Bishop of Sarisbury. Wherein he much admired that England should send no Ambassador, nor message, or letter to excuse their Nation's absence from the general appearance of Christianity in the Sacred Council of Trent. He highly extolled the antiquity and use of General Counsels, as the only means to decide controversies in Religion, and compose the distractions in the Church, concluding it a Superlative Sin for any to decline the authority thereof. 42. To this Mr. Jewel returned a large and solemn answer. Anno Dom. 1563. Now although he wrote it as a private person, Anno Regin Eliza. 5. yet because the subject thereof was of public concernment, The sum of Mr. Jewels answer. take the principal Heads thereof. a See it at large at the end of the History of the Council of Trent. First, That a great part of the world professing the name of Christ (as Greeks, Armenians, Abessines etc. with all the Eastern Church) were neither sent to, nor summoned to this Council. Secondly, That England's absence was not so great a wonder, seeing many other kingdoms and free-states, (as Denmark, Sweden, Scotland, Princes of Germany and Hanse-Towns) were not represented in this Council, by any of their Ambassadors. Thirdly, That this pretended Council was not called according to the ancient custom of the Church, by the Imperial Authority, but by Papal usurpation. Fourthly, That Trent was a petty place not of sufficient receipt for such multitudes, as necessarily should repair to a general Council. Fifthly, That Pope Pius the fourth, by whose command the Council was reassembled, purchased his place by the unjust practices of Simony, and bribery, and managed it with murder and Cruelty. Sixthly, That repairing to Counsels was a free-act, and none ought to be condemned of Contumacy, if it stood more with their conveniency to stay at home. Seventhly, That anciently it was accepted as a reasonable excuse of holy Bishops, absenting, or withdrawing themselves, from any Council, if they vehemently suspected aught would be acted therein prejudicial to the Truth, lest their (though not active) included concurrence might be interpreted a countenancing thereof. Eightly, Our English Bishops were employed in feeding their flocks, and governing their Churches, and could not be spared from their charge without prejudice to their consciences. Ninthly, The members of the Council of Trent, both Bishops and Abbots, were by oath pregaged to the Pope to defend and maintain his authority against all the world. Lastly, in what capacity should the English Clergy appear in this Council? They could not as free-people to debate matters therein, being precondemned for Heretics by Pope Julius. They would not come as Offenders, to hear the Sentence pronounced against themselves, which they had heard of before. What effect this Letter produced I find not, sure I am no Papists as yet have made an effectual refutation of the reasons rendered therein. 43. The Bells of St. Peter's in Westminster had strangely rung the changes these last thirty years. Westminster Col. Church re-sounded by Q Eliz. Within which time, first it was a stately and rich Covent of Benedictine Monks. Secondly, it was made a Collegiate Church of Dean and Prebendaries by King Henry the eighth. Thirdly, by the same King, is was made an Episcopal See, and Thomas Thirby (who having roasted the Church's Patrimony, surrendered it to the spoil of Courtiers) the first and last Bishop thereof. Fourthly, Queen Mary re-seated the Abbot and Monks in the possession thereof, who were outed after her Death. Lastly, this year Queen Elizabeth converted it again into a Collegiate Church, founding therein maintenance for one Dean, twelve Prebendaries, as many old soldiers past service for Almsmen, and forty Scholars, who in due time are preferred to the Universities, so that it hath proved one of the most renowned Seminaries, of Religion and learning in the whole nation. 44. Pope Pius though unsuccessful in his addresses last year to the Queen, 1561 yet was not so disheartened, The Pope trieth again in ●am to reduce the Queen. but that once more he would try what might be effected therein. To which purpose he employed the Abbot of Martinegi with most loving letters unto her, desiring leave to come over into England. But the Queen knowing it less difficulty and danger to keep him, Anno Dom. 1562. then to cast him out of her Dominions, forbade his entrance into the Realm as against the Laws of the Land, So that he was fain to deliver his Errand, and receive his answer, (and that a denial) at distance in the Low-Countries. As little success had the Bishop of Viterbo, the Pope's Nuncio to the King of France, secretly dealing with Sr. N. Throgmorton the Queen's Agent, there to persuade her to send Ambassadors to the Council of Trent; which for the reasons afore mentioned was justly refused. 45. Sr. Edward Carne the Queen's Leger at Rome, The death of Sr. Edward Carne. Doctor of Civil Law, Knighted by the Emperor Charles the fifth, pretended that as the Queen would not suffer the Pope's Nuncio to come into England, so the Pope would not permit him to departed Rome: Whereas indeed the cunning old man was not detained, but detained himself; so well pleased was he with the place and his office therein. Where soon after he died, the last Leger of the English Nation to Rome publicly avowed in that employment. 46. This year the Spire of Paul's-steeple covered with lead strangely fell on fire, Paul's Steeple burnt down. attributed by several Persons to sundry Causes. Some that it was casually blasted with lightning, others that it was mischevously done by Art Magic; And others (and they the truest) done by the negligence of a Plumber carelessly leaving his coals therein. The fire burnt for five full hours, in which time it melted all the lead of the Church, only the stone Arches escaping the fury thereof: but by the Queen's bounty and a Collection from the Clergy, it was afterwards repaired, only the blunt Tower had not the top thereof sharpened into a Spire as before. 47. A petty rebellion happened in Merton College in Oxford (small in itself, Papists stickle in Merton College. great in the consequence thereof, if not seasonably suppressed) on this occasion. Some Latin superstitious Hymns formerly sung on Festivals had by order of the late Warden Dr. Gervas' been abolished, and English Psalms appointed in their place: now when Mr. Leach a Fellow in the House on Allholland-day last had the Book in his hand ready to begin the Psalm: in springs one Mr. William Hall a seniour Fellow offering to snatch it from him with an intent to cast it into the fire, adding a Manuscript Records of Cant. in Matthew Parker. pag. 322. moreover that they would no more dance after his pipe. This was done in the interval of the vacancy of the Wardenship: For though John Man was lawfully chosen to the place, yet Hall and his Popish faction (whereof Mr. Potto, Mr. Binnion, and Sr. Appleby the Leaders) opposed his admission. And whereas in this House great was the power of a Seniour-Fellow (especially in office) over the young scholars, Hall raised such a persecution against them, that it was poenall for any to be a Protestant. 48. Archbishop Parker hearing hereof, Are kerbed by the Archbishop his visitation. summoneth Hall to appear before him, May 26. who cared so little for the same, that some of his Party plucked off the Seal from the citation, which was affixed to the gates of the College. Whereupon his Grace made a solemn visitation of that College, wherein all were generally examined. Man confirmed Warden, Hall justly expelled, his party publicly admonished, the Young Scholars relieved, Papists kerbed, and suppressed, Protestants countenanced, and encouraged in the whole University. 49. * Cranmets' children restored in blood. A Parliament was called, b Parliament. Roles: quinto Elizabethe. wherein a Bill passed for the assurance of certain lands assumed by the Queen from some Bishoprics during their vacation. Anno Regin 5. Janu. 11. Another for the restitution in blood of the children of Thomas Cranmer late Archbishop of Canterbury. 2. 156. 3. Here fain would I be informed by some learned in the law, what needed the restoring of those Children, whose Father was condemned, and died only for Heresy; which is conceived a Personal crime, and not tainting the blood. For although this Archbishop was first accused of high-Treason, yet it afterwards was waved, and he tried upon haereticall opinions. * I have read that he was condemned of treason [Cromptons' juris. courts fol. 2. b.] which Treason was released unto him, & yet he, saith Holinsh. excepted out of the general pardon, intricacies I understand nor. An Act for translating the Bible into Welsh. Except any will say, that because not solemnly and formally pardoned, in majorem cantelam, such an Act was not amiss, or else done not so much for the use of the living Children as honour of their dead Father. Anno Dom. 1563. 50. A third Bill passed for the Translating of the Bible into the Welsh tongue, which sicnce the Reformation may hitherto be said to have been read in Latin in their Congregations, English being Latin to them as in the most Parishes of Wales utterly un-understood. This some years after was performed, principally by the endeavours of a Godwin in his catalogue of Bishops p. 641. William Morgan Doctor of Divinity, afterwards Bishop of Landaff, and thence preferred to St Asaph, but worthy for his work of better advancement. 51. In the Convocation now sitting, Janu. 29. wherein Alexander Nowell Dean of St Paul's was Prolocutor, The 39 Articles compiled in Convocation. the nine and thirty Articles were composed. For the main they agree with those set forth in the Reign of King Edward the sixth, though in some particulars allowing more liberty to dissenting judgements. For instance, in this King's Articles it is said, that it is to be be believed, that Christ went down to Hell [to preach to the Spirits there,] which last clause is left out in these Articles, and men left to a latitude concerning the cause, time, and manner of his Descent. 52. Hence some have unjustly taxed the Composers for too much favour extended in their large expressions, Why favourably drawn up in general terms. clean through the contexture of these Articles, which should have tied men's consciences up closer in more strict and particularising propositions, which indeed proceeded from their commendable moderation, children's clothes ought to be made of the biggest, because afterwards their bodies will grow up to their garments. Thus the Arcles of this English Protestant Church in the infancy thereof, they thought good to draw up in general terms, foreseeing that posterity would grow up to fill the same. I mean these holy men did prudently pre-discover, that differences in judgements would unavoidably happen in the Church, and were loath to unchurch any, and drive them off from an Ecclesiastical communion for such petty differences, which made them pen the Articles in comprehensive words to take in all, who differing in the branches, meet in the root of the same Religion. 53. Indeed most of them had formerly been sufferers themselves, Most confessors who composed the Articles. and cannot be said in compiling these Articles (an acceptable service no doubt) to offer to God what cost them nothing, b 2 Sam. 24. 24. some having paid Imprisonment, others Exile, all losses in their Estates for this their experimental knowledge in Religion: which made them the more merciful and tender in stating those points, seeing such who themselves have been most patiented in bearing, will be most pitiful in burdening the consciences of others. 54. It is observable, English Articles and Trent Decrees contemporaries. these Articles came forth much about the time wherein the Decrees of the Council of Trent were published, Truth, and Falsehood starting in some sort both together, though the former will surely carry away the victory at long running. Many of which Decrees begin with Lying, and all conclude with Cursing, thundering Anathemas against all Dissenters. Whilst these our Articles like the still voice only plainly express the Positive truth. 55. But some nine years after, The 39 Articles confirmed by Parliament. Viz. Anno 1571. the Parliament c See the Statutes in decimo tertio, Eliz. cap. 12. confirmed these Articles so far, that every Clerk should before the Nativity of Christ next following subscribe the same. And hereafter every person promoted to an Ecclesiastical living, should within a time prefixed, publicly in the time of Divine service, read and profess his consent to the same, on pain of Deprivation ipso facto, if omitted. 56. No Lay-person was required to subscribe, But only imposed on Clergymen. no Magistrate, none of the Commons according to the severity in other places. For the persecuted Church of English in Frankford in Queen Mary her days, demanded subscription to their discipline of every man, yea even of women; and the Scotch (in the minority of King James) exacted it of Noblemen, Gentlemen, and Courtiers, which here was extended only to men of Ecclesiastical function. Not that the Queen and State was careless of the spiritual good of others (leaving them to live and believe as they list) but because charitably presuming that where Parishes were provided of Pastor's Orthodox in their judgements, they would by God's blessing on their preaching, work their people to conformity to the same opinions. * Querie, about the 20 Article, whether shuffled in, or no. Some question there is about a clause in the twentieth Article, whether originally there, or since interpolated. Take the whole a Pag. 98. Article according to the common Edition thereof. Twentieth Article of the Authority of the Church. The Church hath power to decree Rites or Ceremonies, and authority in controversies of faith. And yet it is not lawful for the Church to ordain any thing that is contrary to God's word; neither may it so expound one place of Scripture, that it be repugnant to another. Wherefore although the Church be a Witness and keeper of holy writ, yet as it ought not to decree any thing against the same, so besides the same ought it not to enforce any thing to be believed for necessity of salvation. Take along with this the bitter invective of a modern b Mr Burton in his Apology. Minister, who thus layeth it on with might and main on the backs of Bishops, for some unfair practice herein, in an epistle of his, written to the Temporal Lords of His Majesty's Privy Council, reckoning up therein Fourteen Innovations in the Church. The Prelates, to justify their proceed have forged a new Article of Religion, brought from Rome, (which gives them full power to alter the Doctrine and Discipline of our Church at a blow) and have foisted it into the twentieth Article of our Church. And this is in the last edition of the Articles, Anno 1628. in affront of his Majesty's Declaration before them. The clause forged is this, The Church (that is the Bishops as they expound it) hath power to decree rites and ceremonies, and authority in matters of faith. This clause is a forgery fit to be examined and deeply censured in the Star-chamber. For it is not to be found in the Latin or English Articles of Edward 6 or Queen Elizabeth ratified by Parliament. And if to forge a Will or writing be censurable in the Star-chamber, which is but a wrong to a private man, How much more the forgery of an Article of Religion, to wrong the whole Church, and overturn Religion which concerns all our souls? 57 Such as deal in niceties discover some faltering from the truth in the very words of this grand Delator. The accuser his first mistake. For the Article saith that The Church hath authority in controversies of faith. He chargeth them with challenging authority in matters of Faith. Here, some difference betwixt the terms. For matters of faith (which all aught to know and believe for their souls health) are so plainly settled by the Scriptures, that they are subject to no alteration by the Church, which notwithstanding may justly challenge a casting voice in some controversies of faith, as of less importance to salvation. 58. But to come to the main matter; The dubious appearing of this clause. this clause in question lieth at a dubious posture, at in and out, sometimes inserted, sometimes omitted, both in our written and printed copies. Inserted in The original of the Articles 1562, as appeareth under the hand of a Public Notary, whose inspection and attestation is only decisive in this case. So also Anno 1593. and Anno 1605. and Anno 1612. all which were public and authentic Editions. Omitted in The English and Latin Articles set forth 1571. Anno Dom. 1563. Anno Regin Eliza. 5. when they were first ratified by Act, and whose being, as obligatory to punishment, bears not date nine years before, from their composition in Convocation, but hence forward from their confirmation in Parliament. And now, to match the credit of private Authors in some equality, we will weigh Mr. Roger's Chaplain to Archbishop Whitgift, inserting this clause in his Edition 1595. against Dr. Mocket, Chaplain to Archbishop Abbot, omitting it in his Latin translation of our Articles set forth 1617. 59 Archbishop Laud, Archbishop Land his opinion in the point. in a speech which he made in the Star-Chamber, enquiring into the cause why this clause is omitted in the printed Articles 1571. thus expresseth himself, * In his speech made june 14. 1637. pag. 65. Certainly this could not be done, but by the malicious cunning of that opposite Faction. And, though I shall spare dead men's names, where I have not certainty; Yet, if you be pleased to look back and consider who they were that governed businesses in 1571. and rid the Church almost at their pleasure, and how potent the Ancestors of these Libelers began then to grow, you will think it no hard matter to have the Articles printed, and this clause left out. I must confess myself not so well skilled in Historical Horsemanship, as to know whom his Grace designed for the Rider of the Church at that time. It could not be Archbishop Parker, who, though discreet and moderate, was sound and sincere in pressing conformity. Much less was it Grindall (as yet but Bishop of London) who then had but little, and never much influence on Church-Matters. The Earl of Leicester could not in this phrase be intended, who alike minded the insertion or omission of this or any other Article. As for the non-Conformists, they were so far at this time from riding the Church, that then they first began to put foot in stirrup, though since they have dismounted those whom they found in the saddle. In a word, concerning this clause whether the Bishops were faulty in their addition, or their opposites in their Substraction I leave to more cunning State-Arithmeticians to decide. 60. One Article more we will request the Reader to peruse, An Article to confirm the Homilies made in King Edward his reign. as the subject of some historical debates which thereon doth depend. 35. Article of Homilies. The second Book of Homilies, the several titles whereof, we have joined under this Article, doth contain a godly and wholesome Doctrine, and necessary for these times, as doth the former Book of Homilies which were set forth in the time of Edward the sixth, and therefore we judge them to be read in Churches by the Ministers diligently, and distinctly, that they may be understood of the People. See we here the Homilies ranked into two forms. Anno Regin Eliza. 4. The first, such as were made in the Reign of Edward the sixth, being twelve in number. Of which the tenth (of obedience to Magistrates) was drawn up at or about Kets Rebellion, in a dangerous juncture of time. For as it is observed of the Jingles, or St. Anthony his fire, that it is mortal if it come once to clip and encompass the whole body. So had the North-East Rebels in Norfolk, met and united with the Southeast Rebels in Devonshire, in humane apprehension desperate the consequence of that conjuncture. 61. The second form of Homilies, As also those in Q Eliz. are those composed in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, amounting to one and twenty, concluding with one against Rebellion. For though formerly there had been one in King Edward's days for obedience, yet this was conceived no superfluous tautology, but a necessary gemination of a duty in that seditious age, wherein dull scholars needed to have the same lesson often taught unto them. 62. They are penned in a plain stile, The use of Homilies. accommodated to the capacities of the Hearers (being loath to say of the Readers) the Ministers also being very simple in that age. Yet if they did little good, in this respect they did no harm, that they preached not strange Doctrines to their people, as too many vent new darknesses in our days. For they had no power to broach Opinions, who were only employed to deliver that liquor to them which they had received from the hands of others better skilled in Religion then themselves. 63. However some behold these Homilies, Their authentical necessity questioned. as not sufficiently legitimated by this Article to be (for their Doctrine) the undoubted issue of the Church of England, alleging them composed by private men of unknown names, who may probably be presumed at the best, but the Chaplains of the Arch-Bishops under whom they were made. Hence is it that some have termed them Homely Homilies, others a popular * Mr. Mountuga in his appello Caesarem. discourse, or a Doctrine useful for those times wherein they were set forth. I confess what is necessary in one age may be less needful in another, but what in one age is godly and wholesome Doctrine (characters of commendation given by the aforesaid Article to the Homilies) cannot in another age be ungodly and unhealthful; as if our faith did follow fashions, and truth alter with the times, * 2 Sam. 17. like A●hitophell his Counsel, though good in itself, yet not at some seasons. But some are concerned to decry their credits, as much contrary to their judgement, more to their practice, especially seeing the second Homily in the second book stands with a sponge in one hand to wipe out all pictures, and a hammer in the other to beat down all Images of God and Saints erected in Churches. And therefore such use these Homilies as an upper garment girding them close unto, or casting them from them at pleasure, allowing and alleging them when consenting, denying and disclaiming them when opposite to their practice or opinions. 64. The Religion in England being settled according to these Articles which soon after were published, Rastall writes against Bp. Jewel. the first Papist that fell foul upon them was William R●stall, Nephew to Sr. Thomas More by Elizabeth his Sister, and a great Lawyer. Yet we believe not him * Pitzaeus de Ang. Scriptor pag. 764. that telleth us he was one of the two Chief justices, as knowing the * See Sr. Henry Spelm●n his glossary in Indic. contrary. However he was very knowing in our common law: Witness his collections of statutes and comments thereon with other works in that faculty. But this veteranus Jurisconsutus, was vix Tyro Theologus, showing rather zeal to the cause, than ability to defend it in those Books which he set forth against BP. Jewel. 65. No eminent English Protestant died this year, The death of Dr. Smith. but great grief among the Romanists for the loss of Dr. Richard Smith King's professor of Divinity in Oxford, till outed by Peter Martyr. Whereupon he forsook the land, returned in the Reign of Queen Mary, went back after her death into the Low-Countries, where he was made Dean of St. Peter's in Douai, and appointed by King Philip the second, first Divinity professor in that new erectd University. His * Pitzaeus de Ang. Script. pag. 761. party much complain that his strong parts were disadvantaged with so weak sides and low voice, Amo Regin Lliza. 5. though indeed too loud his railing against the truth, as appears by his Books. 66. The English Bishops conceiving themselves impowered by their Canons, The Original of Puritans. began to show their authority in urging the Clergy of their Diocese to subscribe to the Liturgy, Ceremonies and Discipline of the Church, and such as refused the same were branded with the odious name of Puritans. 67. A name which in this notion first began in this year, The homonymy of the term. 1564 6. and the grief had not been great, if it had ended in the same. The Philosopher banisheth the term (which is polysaemon) that is subject to several senses, out of the Predicaments, as affording too much Covert for cavil by the latitude thereof. On the same account could I wish that the word Puritan were banished common discourse, because so various in the acceptions thereof. We need not speak of the ancient Cathari or Primitive Puritans, sufficiently known by their Heretical opinions. Puritan here was taken for the Opposers of the Hierarchy and Church-service, as resenting of Superstition. But profane mouths quickly improved this Nickname, therewith on every occasion to abuse pious people, some of them so far from opposing the Liturgy, that they endeavoured (according to the instructions thereof in the preparative to the Confession) to accompany the Minister with a PURE heart, and laboured (as it is in the Absolution) for a life PURE and holy. We will therefore decline the word to prevent exceptions, which if casually slipping from our pen, the Reader knoweth that only Non-conformists are thereby intended. 68 These in this age were divided into two ranks. Mr. Fox a moderate Nonconformist. Some mild and moderate, contented only to enjoy their own conscience. Others fierce and fiery, to the disturbance of Church and State. Amongst the former, I recount the Principal; Father John Fox. (for so Queeu Elizabeth termed him) summoned (as I take it) by Archbishop Parker to subscribe, that the general reputation of his piety, might give the greater countenance to Conformity. The old man produced the new-Testament in Greek, to this (saith he) will I subscribe. But when a subscription to the Canons was required of him, he refused it, saying, I have nothing in the Church save a Prebend a Salisbu●y▪ and much good may it do you if you will take it away from me. However such respect did the Bishops (most formerly his Fellow-Exiles) bear to his age, parts, and pains, that he continued his place till the day of his death: who, though no friend to the Ceremonies, was otherwise so devout in his carriage, that (as his nearest relation surviving hath informed me) he never entered any Church without expressing solemn reverence therein. 69. With Mr. Fox. And Dr. Laurence Humphrey. I join his Dear Friend Laurence Humphrey, whom I should never have suspected for inclinations to nonconformity (such his intimacy with Doctor Jewel and other Bishops) had I not read in my Author, that * Cambden Elizabetha in Anno 1589. De Adiaphoris non juxta cum Ecclesia Anglicana senserit. He was Regius Professor of Divinity in Oxford, where his Answers and determinations were observed quick, clear, and solid, but his Replies and objections weak and slender, which his Auditors imputed to no lack of learning (wherewith he was well stored) but to his unwillingness to furnish his Popish Adversaries with strong arguments to maintain their Erroneous opinions. But such his quiet carriage, that notwithstanding his nonsubscribing, he kept his Professors place and Deanery of Winchester as long as he lived. 70. Pass we now to the fierce (not to say furious) sticklers against Church-Discipline, Anthony Gilby a fierce Nonconformist. and begin with Anthony Gilby born in Lincolne-shire, bred in Christ's College in Cambridge. How fierce he was against the Ceremonies take it from his own a pag. 150. pen. They are known liveries of AntiChrist, accursed leaven of the Blasphemous Popish Priesthood, cursedpatches of Popery, and Idolatry, they are worse than lousy, for they are sib to the sarke of Hercules that made him tear his own bowels asunder. 71. William Whittingham succeeds, Anno Regin Eliza. 8. Anno Dom. 1566. And William Whittingham. bred in Allsouls College in Oxford, afterwards Exile in Germany (where he made a preface to Mr. a Bale Cent. nona pag. 731. Goodman his Book approving the Divinity therein) and returning into England was made Deane of Durham. 72. Christopher Goodman is the third, And Christopher Goodman and well it were if it might be truly said of him (what of Probus the Emperor) that he was Vir sui nominis. Sure it is that living beyond the seas in the days of Queen Mary, he wrote a Book stuffed with much dangerous Doctrine. Wherein he maintained that Sr. Thomas Wyatt was no Traitor, b pag 203, 20●, & 207. that his cause was Gods, that none but Traitors could accuse him of Treason, and that the Counsellors and others who would be accounted Nobles (and took not his part) were in very deed Traitors to God, Note that these three were active in the separation from Frankford vide supra 9 Book. p. 9 his People, and their Country. These three (for David Whitehead I have no mind to mention with them) were certainly the Antesignani of the fierce Nonconformists. Yet find I none of them solemnly silenced, either because (perchance) dead before this year (wherein the vigorous urging of Subscription) or because finding some favour in respect of their suffering of banishment for the protestant Religion. Only I meet with Thomas Samson Dean of Christ's Church in Oxford, qui propter Puritanismum c Godwin his catalogue in the Bishop of Oxford. exauthoratus, displaced this year out of his Deanery; notwithstanding the said Samson stands very high in Bale his Catalogue of the English Exiles in the Reign of Queen Mary. 73. Queen Elizabeth came to Oxford, Aug. 31. The Queen's entertainment at Oxford. honourably attended with the Earl of Leicester, Lord Chancellor of the University. The Marqu●sse of Northhampton. The Lord Burleigh. The Spanish Ambassador etc. Here she was entertained with the most stately welcome which the Muses could make. Edmond Campian then Proctor (Oratory being his Masterpiece) well performed his part, only over flattering Leicester (enough to make a modest man's head ache, with the too sweet flowers of his Rhetoric) save that the Earl was as willing to hear his own praise, as the other to utter it. Her Highness was lodged in Christs-Church, where many Comedies were acted before Her, one whereof (Palemon and Arce) had a Tragical end, three men being slain d S●ow his Chron. p. 660. by the fall of a wall, and press of people. Many Acts were kept before her in Philosophy, and one most eminent in Divinity, wherein Bishop Jewel (this year in his absence created honorary Doctor) was Moderator. It lasted in summer time till candles were lighted, delight devouring all weariness in the Auditors, when the Queen importuned by the Lords (The Spanish Ambassador to whom she profferred it, modestly declining the employment) concluded all with this her Latin Oration. Qui male agit, Her Highness' speech to the University. This speech was taken by D. Laurence Humphrey, and by him printed, in the life of B. Jewel pag. 244. odit lu●em, & ego quidem quia nihil aliud nisi male agere possum, idcirco odilucem, odi, id est, conspectum vestrum. Atque sanè me magna tenet dubitatio, dam singula considero quae hic aguntur, laudemne, an vituperem, taceamne, an eloquar; Sieloquar, patefaciam vobis quam sim literarum rudis: taccre autem nolo, ne defectus videatur esse contemptus. Et quia tempus breve est quod habeo ad dicendum, idci●co omnia in pauca conferam, & orationem meam in duas partes dividam, in laudem & vituperationem. Laus autem ad vos pertinet. Ex quo enim primum Oxoniam veni, multa vidi, multa audivi, probavi omnia. Erant enim & prudenter facta, & eleganter dicta. At ea quibus in prologis vos ipsi excusastis, neque pro pare ut Regina, possum, neque ut Christiana debeo. Caeterum quia in exordio semper adhibuistis cautionem, mihi sane illa disputatio non displicuit. Nunc venio ad alterampartem, nempe vituperationem. Atque haec pars mihi propria est: Sane fateor Parentes meos diligentissimè curasse ut in bonis literis rectè instituerer, & quidem in multarum linguarum varietate diu versata sui, quarum aliquam mihi cognitionem assumo: Anno Regin Eliza. 7. quod etsi verè tamen verecundè dico. Habui quidem multos & Doctos Paedigogos, qui ut me eruditum redderent, diligenter elaborarunt. Sed Paedag●gi mei posuerunt operam in agro sterili & infaecundo, ita fructus percip●re vix poterant, aut dignitate mea, aut ill●rum laboribus, aut vestra expectatione dignos. Quamobrem etsi omnes vos me abundè laudastis, ego tamen, quae mihi conscia sum, quam sim nulla laude digna facile agnosco; sed finem imponam orationi meae Barbarismis plenae, si prius optavero, & votum unum addidero. Votum meum hoc erit, ut me vivente sitis Florentissimi, me mortua Beatissimi. Thus having stayed seven days, Sept. 6. she took her leave of the University, Mr. Williams the Mayor riding in scarlet before her Majesty to Magdalen Bridge; But the Doctors attending her in their formalities as far as Shot-over. SECTION. FOUR To WILLIAM HONYEWOOD Esq Some Conceive, that to be pressed to death the punishment on Recusants to submit to legal Trial) is the greatest torment in the World. God keep all good men from feeling, and chief from deserving it. I am the easier induced to believe the Exquisiteness of the Torture, being sensible in myself by your bounty, what a burden it is for One, who would be ingenuous, to be Loaded with Courtesies which He hath not the least hope to requite, or deserve. 1. IN this year began the Suit betwixt Robert Horn Bishop of Winchester, The suit betwixt Bp. Horn and Bonner. and Edmund Bonner late Bishop of London on this occasion. All Bishops were empowered by the statute quinto Elizabethae, to tender the Oath of Supremacy to all persons living within their Diocese. Now Bishop Bonner was within the Diocese of Winchester full ill against his will (as being a Prisoner in the Marshall-See, in Southwark) to whom Horn offered this Oath, and he refused the taking thereof. Hereupon his refusal was returned into the Kings-Bench, and he indicted on the same. Being indicted, he appeared there, confessed the fact, but denied himself culpable, and intending to traverse the Indictment, desired that Council might be assigned him. Sr. Robert Catiline, then Chief Justice granted his motion, and no meaner than Ploydon that eminent Lawyer Christopher Wray, afterwards Lord Chief Justice, and Lovelace, were deputed his Council. 2. First they pleaded for their Client, Bonner his Council that Bonner was indicted without the title, and addition of Bishop of London, and only styled Doctor of Law, and one in Holy Orders. But the Judges would not allow the exception as legal to avoid the Indictment. 3. Secondly, Their 1. Plea. 2. Exception. they pleaded that the Certificate entered upon Record, was thus brought into the Court. Tali die & anno per A. B. Cancellarium dicti Episcopi Winton. And did not say, per mandatum Episcopi, for the want of which clause, Bonner his Council took exceptions thereat, sed non allocatur, because the Record of it by the Court is not of necessity. 4. Pass we by their third exception, Main matter debared by the Judges. that he was indicted upon that Certificate in the County of Middlesex by the common Jury of inquest in the Kings-Bench for that County. It being resolved by the Judges that his trial could not be by a Jury of Middlesex, but by a Jury of Surrie of the neighbourhood of Southwark; The main matter which was so much debated amongst all the Judges in the Lord Catiline his chamber was this. Whether Bonner could give in evidence of that issue that he had pleaded of not guilty, that Horn Bishop of Winchester was not a Bishop tempore oblationis Sacramenti, at the time wherein he tendered the oath unto Bonner. And it was resolved by them a Dyer fol. 234 Mich. 6. & 7. El. z. pla●●to 15. all, that if the truth of the matter was so indeed, that he might give that in evidence upon that issue, and that the Jury might try whether he was a Bishop then or no. 5. Whilst this suit as yet depended, Divided by the Parliament. Eliz. 8. Sept. 30. 1567. the Queen called a Parliament, which put a period to the controversy, and cleared the legality of Horn his Episcopacy in a Statute enacting, That all persons that have been or shall be made, o●d red, or consicrate, Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Priests, Ministers of God's Holy Word and Sacraments, or Deacons after the form and order prescribed in the said order and form how Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Priests, Deacons, and Ministers should be consecrated, made, and ordered, be in very deed, and also by authority hereof, declared and enacted to be, and shall be, Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Priests, Ministers, and Deacons, and rightly made, consecrated, and ordered: Any Statute, law, Canon, or other thing to the contrary notwithstanding. 6. However it immediately followeth, A favourable proviso. Provided always, and nevertheless be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that no person or persons shall at any time hereafter, be impeached or molested in body, lands, live, or goods, by occasion or mean of any Certificate, by any Archbishop, or Bishop heretofore made, or before the last day of this present Session of Parliament to be made, by virtue of any Act made in the first Session of Parliament, touching, or concerning, the refusal of the oath declared and set forth by Act of Parliament, in the first year of the Reign of our said Sovereign Lady Queen Elizabeth: Any thing in this Act, or any other Act or Statute her tofore made to the contrary notwithstanding. 7. The seasonable interposing of this Statute made it a Drawn battle betwixt Horn and Bonner. Their suit. superseded. The former part thereof here alleged cleared Horn his Episcopacy from all cavils of law, the later Proviso was purposely inserted in favour of Bonner (who here himself found that which he never shown to others) that he (as all other Popish Bishops deprived) might be no more molested for refusing the Oath of Supremacy. The Parliament saw they had already lost their livelihood and liberties for their erroneous consciences. and had received their thirty nine stripes, more than which the State thought not fit to inflict, lest their justice should degenerate into cruelty. 8. The enacting of this Statute did not stop the railing mouths of Papists against our Bishops, but only made them alter their note, and change their tune in reviling them. Formerly they condemned them as illegal, whose calling was not sufficiently warranted by the laws of the Land, henceforward * 〈…〉 Sanders and others railed on them for Parliamentary Bishops, deriving all their Power and Commission from the State. But as well might the Jesuits term b 〈…〉 pag. 449. Cu●on. 17. Shemaiah, Nethaniah Prerogative Levites, because sent by Jeh●saphat to preach the word to the people of the Land. For that good King did not give, but quicken and encourage their Commission to teach, as here the Parliament did only publish, notify, and declare the legal authority of the English Bishops, whose Call and Consecration to their place was formerly performed, derived from Apostolical, or at leastwise Ecclesiastical institution. 9 These were the prime of the first Set of Puritans, Anno Regin Eliza. 8. Anno Dom. 1567. The Ring leader, of the second set of Nonconformi●●s. which being very aged expired (for the most part) at or about this time, when behold another generation of Active and zealous Nonconformists succeeded them. Of these Coleman, Button, Halingham and Benson, (whose Christian names I cannot recover) were the chief; inveighing against the established Church-Discipline, accounting every thing from Rome which was not from Geneva, endeavouring in all things to conform the government of the English Church, to the Presbyterian Reformation. Add these three more, though of inferior note to the aforesaid Quaternion. William White, Thomas Rowland, Robert Hawkins, all beneficed within the Diocese of London, and take a taste of their Spirits out of the Register thereof. 10. For this very year these three were cited to appear before Edmuna Grindall BP. Their judgements of the Queen. of London, one who did not run of himself, yea would hardly answer the spur in pressing conformity, the BP. asked them this question, Have we not a godly Prince? a The Register of 〈◊〉 pag. 33. speak, is she evil? To which they made their several answers in manner following, William White. What a question is that the fruits do show. Thomas Rowland. No but the Servants of God are persecuted under her. Robert Hawkins. Why, this question the Prophet, answereth in the Psalms. How can they have understanding that work iniquity, spoiling my people, and that extol vanity. Wonder not therefore if the Queen proceeded severely against some of them, commanding them to be put into Prison, though still their Party daily increased. 11. Nicholas Wotton died this year Dean at the same time of Canterbury and York, The death of Dr. Wotton. so that these two Metropolitan Churches, so often contesting about their Privileges, were reconciled in his preferment. He was Doctor of both Laws, and some will say of both Gospels, who being Privy Counsellor to King Henry the Eighth, Edward the Sixth, Queen Marry, and Queen Elizabeth, never overstrained his conscience, such his oily compliance in all alterations. However he was a most Prudent man, and happily active in those many Embassies wherein he was employed. 12. The Romanists were neither ignorant not to observe, 9 1568 Harding and Saunders Bishop it in England. nor idle, not to improve the advantage lately given them by the discords betwixt the Bishops and Nonconformists. And now to strengthen their Party, two most active fugitive Priests, Thomas Harding, and Nicholas Saunders return into England, and that Episcopal power which they had lately received from the Pope, they largely exercised on the Papists. 1. Absolving all English in the Court of Conscience who returned to the bosom of their Church. 2. Dispensing with them in cases of irregularity: saving such which proceeded from wilful murder. 3. Even from irregularity of heresy, b Camden's Eliz. in this year. on condition that the Party to be absolved refrained three years from the Ministry of the Altar. Very earnest they were in advancing the Catholic Cause, and perverted very many to their own Erroneous opinions. 13. Marry Queen of Scots; 10. May 17. ill used at home by her own Subjects made an escape into England, Q of Scots comes into England. and landed at Wirkington in Cumberland, the Statepart of whose sufferings we leave to Civil Historians, confining ourselves to the imprinted passages concerning Religion beginning with her letter to the Pope. Most Holy Father. Anno Dom. 1568. Anno Regin Eliza. 10. AFter the kissing of your most holy feet, Her letter to Pope Pius Quintus. (high her●o never printed) the Copy whereof was as with many other rarities bestowed on me by James Archbishop of Armagh. I having been advertised that my Rebels and their Fautours that retain them in their Countries, Nove 30. have wrought so effectually by their practices, that it hath been related unto the King of Spain my Lord and good Brother, that I am become variable in the Catholic Religion, although I have within some days passed written to your Holiness devoutly to kiss your feet, and recommending me unto you, I do now again most humbly beseech you to hold me for a most devout, and a most obedient Daughter of the Holy Catholic Roman Church, and not to give faith unto those reports which may easily come, or shall hereafter come to your ears, by means of the false and calumnious speeches which the said Rebels, and other of the same Sect have caused to be spread abroad, that is to say, that I have changed my Religion, thereby to deprive me of your Holiness grace, and the favour of other Catholic Princes. The same hath touched my heart so much, that I could not fail to write again of new to your Holiness, to complain and bemoan myself of the wrongs and of the injuries which they do unto me. I beseech the same most humbly to be pleased to write in my favour to the devout Christian Princes, and obedient sons of your Holiness, exhorting them to interpose their credit and authority which they have with the Queen of England, in whose power I am, to obtain of her, that she will let me go out of her country, whither I came, secured by her promises, to demand aid of her against my Rebels, and if nevertheless she will retain me, by all means yet that she will permit me to exercise my Religion, which hath been forbidden to me, for which I am grieved and vexed in this Kingdom, insomuch as I will give you to understand, what subtleties my Adversaries have used to colour these calumniations against me. They so wrought that an English Minister was sometimes brought to the place where I am straight kept, which was wont to say certain prayers in the vulgar tongue, and because I am not at my own liberty, nor permitted to use any other Religion, I have not refused to hear him, thinking I had committed no error. Wherein nevertheless most Holy Father, if I have offended or failed in that or any thing else, I ask misericordia of your Holiness, beseeching the same to pardon and to absolve me, and to be sure and certain that I have never had any other will then constantly to live the most devout and most obedient Daughter of the Holy Catholic Roman Church, in which I will live and die according to your Holiness advises and precepts. I offer to make such amends and penance that all Catholic Princes, especially your Holiness, as Monarch of the world, shall have occasion to rest satisfied and contented with me. In the mean time I will devoutly kiss your Holiness feet, praying God long to conserve the same for the benefit of his Holy Church. Written from Castle a The Lord Scroop his house in York shire, where Sr. Fra. Knowls was her keeper. Boulton the last of November 1568. The most devout and obedient Daughter, to your Holiness, the Q of Scotland, Widow of France MARIA. I meet not with the answer which his Holiness returned unto her, and for the present leave this Lady in safe custody, foreseeing that this her exchange of letters with Foreign Princes, and the Pope especially will finally cause her destruction. 14. Thomas Young Archbishop of York died at Sheffield, June 26. Anno Regin 11. The death of T 〈◊〉 Arch 〈◊〉 of York. and was buried in his own Cathedral. He plucked down the great Hall at York, built by Thomas his predecessor five hundred years before, so far did plum●i sacra fames, desire to gain by the lead, prevail with him. Yet one presumeth to avouch, that all that lead in effect proved but dross unto him, being a S. 〈◊〉. Harington in his addition to Bp. Godwins catalogue. in fine defeated of the profit thereof. Nove. 14. Mond He was the first Protestant English Bishop that died in the days of Q. Elizabeth. 15. Thomas Piercy Earl of Northumberland, and Charles Nevil Earl of Westmoreland broke out into open Rebellion against the Queen. 1569 The Rebellion of the Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland. Lords of right noble extraction and large revenue (whose titles met with their estates in the Northern Parts) and indeed the height of their honour was more than the depths of their judge meant. These intended to restore the Romish Religion, set free the Queen of Scots, pretending much zeal for the liberty of the people, and honour of the nation, complaining of Queen Elizabeth her neglect of the ancient Nobility, and advancing mean persons to the places of highest trust and command, though indeed could she have made her Noblemen wise, (as she did her Wisemen Noble) these Earls had never undertaken this Rebellion. Numerous their Tenants in the North, and their obligations the higher for the low rent they paid, though now alas poor souls they paid a heavy sine, losing their lives in the cause of their Landlords. 16. Their first valour was to fight against the English Bible, 16. 〈◊〉 Anno Regin 12. Dece. 10. More supersti●ous th●n valiant. and Service-Booke in Durham, tearing them in pieces. And as yet unable to go to the cost of saying Mass, for want of Vestments, they began with the cheapest piece of Popery. Holy Water, their Wells plentifully affording water, and Plumtree the Priest quickly conferring cons●eration. Afterwards better provided, they set up Mass in most places where they came, b S●ws Cron. 663. Richard Norton an ancient and aged Gentleman carrying the Cross before them, and others bearing in their Banners the five wounds of Christ, or a Chalice, according to their different devices. No great matter was achieved by them, save the taking of Bastard's Castle in the Bishopric, which indeed took itself in effect, the Defenders thereof being destitute of Victuals and Provisions. 17. But hearing how the Garrisons of Carlisle and Barwick were manned against them on their backs, Routed ●y the Queen her forces. and the Earl of Sussex advancing out of the South with an Army to oppose them, their spirits quickly sunk, and being better armed then disciplined, wanting expert Commanders (how easily is a rout, routed) they fled Northwards and mouldered away without standing a battle. 18. An Italian Author writing the life of Pope Pius Quintus giveth us this brief account of this expedition. An Italian Author reckoning without his Host. They did not overrun the Kingdom as they ought to have done, and followed after Elizabeth, for which they could not have wanted followers enough; but they stood still, and not being able to maintain themselves long in the field for want of money, they finally withdrew themselves into Scotland without any thing doing. So easy it is for this Author's fancy (which scaleth the highest Walls without Ladders, gaineth the straightest passes without blows, crosses the deepest Rivers without Bridge, Ford, or Ferry) to overrun England, though otherwise this handful of men (never exceeding six hundred horse, and four thousand foot) were unlikely to run through other shiers, who could not stand a blow, in their own Country. 19 Northumberland fled into Scotland, Northumberland with many more of th● Rebels executed. lurked there a time, Anno Dom. 1569. was betrayed to Earl Murrey, Anno Regin Eliza. 12. sent back into England, and beheaded at York. Westmoreland made his escape into Flanders (the wisest work that ever he did) where he long lived very poor, on a small, and ill pa●ed Pension. Many were executed by Sr. George Bowes Knight Martial, every market Town being then made a shire Town for his Assizes, betwixt Newcastle, and Witherby, ( a S●ow his Chronicle. p. 663. about sixty miles in length, and forty in breadth) much terrifying those parts with his severity. Insomuch that when next year Leonard Dacres put together the ends of the quenched brands of this Rebellion, with intent to rekindle them, they would not take fire, but by the vigilancy and valour of the L. Hansdon his design was seasonably defeated. 20. John Story D. of Law, The execution of Dr. Story. a cruel persecutor in the days of Q. Mary (being said for his share to have martyred two or three hundred) fled afterwards over into Brabant, and because great with Duke de Alva (like cup, like 〈◊〉 he made him searcher at Antwerp for English goods. Where if he could detect either Bible, * Fox Acts & Mon. p. 2152. or Heretical Books, as they termed them in any ship, it either cost their persons imprisonment, or goods confiscation. But now being trained into the ship of Mr. Parker an Englishman, the Master hoist sail (time and tide, wind and water consenting to that design) and over was this Tyrant and Traitor brought into England: where refusing to take the Oath of Supremacy, and professing himself subject to the King of Spain, he was executed at Tyburn; Where being cut down half dead, after his * Fox Acts & M●n. ut prius. privy members were cut off, he rushed on the Executioner, and gave him a blow on the ear, to the wonder (saith my Author) of all the standers by, and I (who was not there) wonder more that it was not recounted amongst the Romish miracles. 21. The old store of Papists in England began now very much to diminish, The original of the English Colleges beyond the seas. and decay; insomuch that the Romanists perceived, they could not spend at this rate out of the main stock, but it would quickly make them Bankrupt. Prisons consumed many, Age moe of their Priests, and they had no place in England whence to recruit themselves. The largest cistern with long drawing will grow dry, if wanting a fountain to feed the daily decay thereof. Hereupon they resolved to erect Colleges beyond the seas, for English youth to have their education therein. A project now begun, and so effectually prosecuted, that within the compass of fifty years, nine Colleges were by them founded, and furnished with Students, and they with maintenance, as by the following Catalogue may appear, as they stood at the last year of King James. Since (no doubt) they have been enlarged in greatness, increased in number, enriched in revenues, as such who shall succeed us in continuing this Story, may report to posterity. May they at my request (if having the conveniencies of leisure, and instructions) be pleased to perfect this my Catalogue, and replenish the vacuities thereof with their more exact observations. And let no Papists laugh at our light mistakes, Protestants not pretending to such exact intelligence of their Colleges, as they have of ours. Indeed they have too critical instructions of all our English societies, by their agents living amongst us, and it is a bad sign, when suspicious persons are over-preying to know the windows, doors, all the passages and contrivances of their neighbour's houses, as intending therein some design for themselves. College. Founder. Benefactors. Means. I. Douai College in Flanders, founded 1569. Thence (for fear of the wars) removed to Rheims in France about 1508. where Henry the third King of France, did patronise, and protect them. And some twenty years after brought back hither again. Philip, the Second King of Spain. All the Recusants in England. A pension out of the King of Spain's Treasury, which being sometimes but badly paid, the Scholars are fain to feed on patience. 2. A yearly collection from the Catholics of England. 3. Sale of Masses, Rich men's mortuaries, which also are the staple maintenance of all other Colleges. Number. rector. Eminent Scholars. Uncertain, but numerous. For, here they do not pick and choose, for wit, or wealth, (as in other Colleges) but they receive all that come unto them. 1. William Allen (afterwards Cardinal) a principal procurer, and advancer of this foundation. He died 1594. 2. Tho. Worthing'on (of an ancient family in Lancashire) rector 1609. 3. Matthew Kelison, a North-Hamptonshire man, rector 1624. Note, That whereas the government of all other English Colleges belongs to Jesuits, this only is ruled by Secular Priests. Dr. Web, whom they brag to be the best Casuist in the world. He lived to sing his Miss of Jubilee, having been a Priest full fifty years. College. Founder. Benefactor. Means. 2. College of Rome, founded 1579. Gregory the 13. Pope exhibited maintenance, first to six, then to fourteen, at last to threescore Scholars therein, to the yearly value of four thousand Crowns. Owen Lewes Referendary Apostolical, was a principal promoter thereof. The Welsh Hospital in Rome (founded, and endowed many hundred years since, by Cadwallader, King of Wales, for Welsh pilgrims) with the rich lands thereof; conferred by Pope Gregory the 13. on this College. They have at Frescata (which is the Pope's Summer house, lying some ten mile's East of Rome) three or four farms, where corn for the College and other provision groweth. Number. rector. Eminent Scholars. One hundred at the least. But Italian air not well agreeing with English bodies, they bury yearly ten, or twelve of their freshmen. Note; that whereas Anno 1576, there were but thirty old Priests remaining in this Realm, these two Colleges alone within few years sent above three hundred Priests into England. 1. D. Maurice. He was removed out of his place for being too favourable to his Countritrimen, the Welsh. 2. Ferdinando, a Neapolitan Jesuit succeeded him. 3. Robert Persons, rector for twenty three years, from 1587. to 1610. where he died. 4. Thomas Fitzherbert, one of great age, and parentage, rector 1623. Francis Monfort, who Anno 1591. being to departed the College for England, took his farewell of Pope Clement the eighth, with so passionate a latin a Extant the continuation of Sanders de Schis. Angl. pag 119. Image of ●oth Churches pag. 330. Sanders de Schism. Angl. pag. 365. Oration, that it fetched tears from the tender heart of his Holiness. This Monfort, some months after, was executed in England. College. Founder. Benefactors. Means. 3. College of Valladolit in Old Castille founded 1589. Anno Regin Eliza. 8. Philip the second, Anno Dom. 1566. King of Spain. Dona Luysa de Caravaial, a rich widow Lady in Spain, gave all her estate (being very great) to this College, and came over into England, where she died. Lands they have not purchased much in Spain (being loath the Spaniard should take notice of their wealth) but great sums of money they have at use in Brabant. As also with English Factours in Spain (perverted to their persuasion) they have a great stock in trading. Number. Rector. Eminent Scholars. They are fewer now than formerly, ever since the Spanish Court was removed by Philip the Third, from Valladolit, to Madrid. Father Walpoole (if not rector) was principal actor herein, about the year 1605. When by pretending to have gained Mr. Pickering Wotton, (son, and heir to Lord Wotton) to the Romish Church, he got above a See this forgery at large in Lewes Owen his Running Register. p. 59 to whom I am much beholding for my instructions in this subject. five hundred pound to his College. Know that Sr. Francis Inglefield, Privy Counsellor to Queen Mary, forsaking his fair Estate in Bark-shire in the first of Queen Elizabeth, fled beyond the Sea. He afterwards was a bountiful benefactor to the College at Va●●●dolit; Yea he is beheld by the English Papists as a Bevefactor General to their Nation, for the privileges he procured them from Pope Gregory the thirteenth, whereof hereafter. He lieth buried in this College, and his Grave is shown with great respect, to Travellers of our Country coming thither College. Founder. Benefactors. Means. 4. College of Sivil, founded 1593. Philip the second, King of Spain. Our English Merchants, and Factours there residing, even often against their own wills, to secure themselves from the searchers in the Inquisition. So that it is a Nemo scit, what here is gotten for a Ne noceant. They have a Box in every ship sailing to the West-Indies. Upon it is the picture of S nt. Thomas Becket (on the Octaves of whose day this College forsooth was first founded) and into it (through an hole in the lid thereof) Merchants put in their devotion. The key of this (not Christmas, but all-the-year-ong) box is kept by the rector of the College, who only knoweth to how much this money amounteth. Number. rector. Eminent Scholars. * Cunning conveyances to pass over the seas. Here expect not of me a discovery (being no Spy by my profession) of the cunning contrivances, whereby these Jesuits pass, and repass the seas, without any detection, yea, suspicion of them. Sometimes under the protection of a Pass (procured from some Lords of the Privy Council) for a young Gentleman to go over into France (with two, or three, of his Servingmen) to learn the language. Sometimes they shuffle themselves into the company of an Ambassador, or his menial servants, and so cover their private falsehood, under his public Faith. Many English Gentlewomen intended for Nuns, are first vailed (before their going beyond seas) under pretence of travelling to the Spa for their healths. In their return for England, these Jesuits have found the farthest way about, for them the nearest way home. For, out of France, or Spain, first they will sail into the Low-Countries, and thence into England; and so, coming immediately out of Protestant parts, escape without any, or with easy examination. And yet these curious Engineers, who fly so high, and carry their conveyances so far above all common discovery, have sometimes one of their wheels or strings broken, and then down they fall into Newgate, or some other prison, notwithstanding all their verbal, and real equivocations. College. Founder. Benefactors. Means. 5. Saint Omers in Artois founded about the year 1596. Philip the second, who gave them a good annuity, for whose soul they say every day a Mass, and every year an Obitum. English Catholics, especially the parents, or friends of such youths, as here have their education. Watton-Cloister, being a most pleasant place, with good land, and a fair wood, some two leagues off. It anciently belonged to the Benedctines, of whom the Jesuits here bought it, Pope Paulus Quintus, and the King of Spain, confirming their bargain. It is said to be worth five hundred pounds a year. Number. rector. Eminent Scholars. Well-nigh an hundred of gentlemen's sons (not as yet professed Jesuits, though like them in habit, but) young Scholars. Besides above twenty Jesuits (Priests, and Lay-brothers) having an inspection over them. Though this College be of English only, yet their rector generally is a Fleming, and that out of a double design, First, that he may solicit their suits in that country, the better by the advantage of his language, and acquaintance. Secondly, that they may the more colourably, deny such English passengers as beg of them, pleading, that their rector, being a stranger, will part with no money, and they have none of their own. Father Fleck. Floid. Wilson. College. Founder. Benefactors. Means. 6. College of Madrid in New Castille in Spain founded 1606. Joseph Creswel, Jesuit, with money of the two Colleges of Valladolit and Sivil, bought an house here, and built a College thereon. What they gain by soliciting of suits for Merchants, and others, in the Spanish Court. The rest is supplied unto this College, from the Parents thereof, I mean, the two Colleges of Valladolit, and Sivil. Number. rector. Eminent Scholars. College. Founder. Benefactor. Means. 7. College of Louvain in Brabant, founded about the year 1606. Philip the Third, King of Spain, gave a Castle (than much decayed, never much defensive for this City) with a pension to the English Jesuits, to build them a College therewith. Number. rector. Eminent Scholars. Uncertain, as much in motion, and never all resident here together. College. Founder. Benefactors. Means. 8. College of Liege in Lukeland founded 1616. The Archbishop of Collen (being at this time also Bishop of Liege) gave them a pension to live on, and leave to build a fair College here. Many of the English Nobility, and Gentry, under pretence of passing to the Spa for recovery of their healths, here drop much of their gold by the way. It is doubtful how sovereign the Spaw-water will prove to these passengers, but certain that their gold is cordial to these Jesuits. Number. rector. Eminent Scholars. Mr. Brown, brother to the last Viscount Montacute in Sussex, became here a Jesuit. College. Founder. Benefactors. Means. 9 College of Gant in Flanders founded 1624. Philip the Fourth, who gave them a pension. Number. rector. Eminent Scholars. One may observe a kind of gradation in these Colleges. St. Omers, generally is for boys, to be taught in Grammar: Rome, for youths studying the arts; all the rest for men (Novices, or professed Jesuits) save that Douai is for any, of what age or parts soever. Compare these Colleges amongst themselves, Rome will appear the richest in visible; Valladolit, the cunningest in concealed wealth. Douai the largest in men, and straightest in means; Liege, getting the most from passengers on land; Sivil, gaining the best by Travellers at sea; Madrid, wearing the bravest clothes (where all the Jesuits are constant Courtiers) and St. Omers eating the best meat, as nearest to England, whence many a dainty bit is daily sent unto them. 22. It is incredible what a mass of money (much in specie, The bounty of English Catholics. more in exchange) was yearly made over out of England, for the maintenance of these Colleges: having here their Provincials, Sub-Provincials, Assistants, Agents, Coadjutours, Familiars etc. who collected vast sums for them, especially from Catholics possessed of considerable estates out of Abby-lands, his Holiness dispensing with them, to hold the same with a clear conscience, if bountiful on all such occasions. 23. We will conclude all with the solemn Oath, The oath taken by English Fugitives at their admission. which each Student (arrived at man's estate) ceremoniously sweareth, when admitted into one of these Colleges; I. A. B. a In the continuation of Sanders de schismate Anglicano p. 116. one bred in this English College, considering how great benefits God hath bestowed upon me, but then especially, when he brought me out of mine own Country, so much infected with Herche, and made me a member of the Catholic Church, as also desiring with a thankful heart, to improve so great a mercy of God, have resolved to offer myself wholly up to Divine Service, as much as I may to fulfil the end for which this our College was founded. I promise therefore, and swear in the presence of Almighty God, that I am prepared from mine heart, with the assistance of Divine Grace, in due time to receive Holy Orders, and to return into England, to convert the souls of my Countrymen, and kindred, when, and as often, as it shall seem good to the Superior of this College etc. Be it remembered, that our long Vacation, is their chiefest Term●; for, in the months of August, or September, these Colleges receive their annual supplies of green Students, and then dispatch their ripe N●viciats for England; or, if you will, then take in young spawn, and send their old frogs over hither a croaking. All that I will add is this; If covetousness should prevail so far, as to pluck down Protestant-Colledges in England, whilst superstition preserves, and increaseth Popish Seminaries beyond the seas, sad would the sight be, to behold the truth on our side encumbered with ignorance, to encounter falsehood on theirs, advantaged with learning and languages. 24. Pope Pius the fifth had now long patiently expected the amendment of Queen Elizabeth; The Pope excommunicateth the Queen. and, weary with his waiting in vain, resolved at last (if not wisely, valiantly) that, seeing desperate diseases must have desperate cures, he would thunder his Excommunication against Her, according to the tenor following. A Sentence Declaratory of our Holy Lord Pope PIUS QUINTUS, against ELIZABETH Queen of England, and the Heretics adhering unto Her. Wherein also Her Subjects are declared absolved from the Oath of Allegiance, and every other thing due unto Her whatsoever. And those, which from henceforth obey Her, are innodated with the Anathema. Pius Bishop, servant to God's servants, for a future memorial of the matter. HE that reigneth on high, to whom is given all power in heaven, and in earth, committed One Holy Catholic, and Apostolic Church, out of which there is no salvation, to one alone upon earth, namely to Peter the chief of the Apostles, and to Peter's Successor, the Bishop of Rome to be governed in fullness of power. Him alone he made Prince over all people, and all Kingdoms, to pluck up, destroy, scatter, consume, plant, and build: that he may contain the faithful that are knit together, with the band of charity in the unity of the Spirit, and present them spotless, and unblameable to their Saviour. In discharge of which function, We, which are by God's goodness called to the government of the aforesaid Church, do spare no pains, labouring with all earnestness, that Unity, and the Catholic Religion (which the Author thereof hath, for the trial of his children's faith, and for our amendment, suffered with so great afflictions) might be preserved uncorrupt. But the number of the ungodly hath gotten such power, that there is now no place left in the whole world, which they have not assayed to corrupt, with their most wicked Doctrines. Amongst others, Elizabeth, the pretended Queen of England, the servant of wickedness, lending thereunto her helping hand, with whom, as in a Sanctuary, the most pernicious of all have found a refuge. This very woman, having seized on the Kingdom, and monstrously usurping the place of Supreme Head of the Church, in all England, and the chief authority, and jurisdiction thereof, hath again brought back the said Kingdom into miserable destruction, which was then newly reduced to the Catholic Faith, and good fruits. For, having by strong hand inhibited the exercise of the true Religion, which Mary the lawful Queen, of famous memory, had by the help of this See restored, Anno Dom. 1570. Anno Regin Eliza. 13. after it had been formerly overthrown by Henry the eighth, a revolter therefrom: and following, and embracing the errors of Heretics, She hath removed the Royal Council consisting of the English Nobility, and filled it with obscure men, being Heretics, suppressed the embracers of the Catholic Faith, placed dishonest Preachers, and Ministers of impieties, abolished the sacrifice of the Mass, Prayers, Fast, Choice of meats, Unmarried life, and the Catholic Rites, and Ceremonies; commanded Books to be read in the whole Realm, containing manifest Heresy, and impious mysteries, and institutions by Herself entertained, and observed according to the prescript of Calvin, to be likewise observed by Her Subjects: presumed to throw Bishops, Parsons of Churches, and other Catholic Priests, out of their Churches, and Benefices, and to bestow them, and other Church-livings upon Heretics, and to determine of Church-causes; prohibited the Prelates, Clergy, and People, to acknowledge the Church of Rome, or obey the Precepts, and Canonical Sanctions thereof; compelled most of them to condescend to Her wicked Laws, and to abjure the authority, and obedience of the Bishop of Rome, and to acknowledge Her to be sole Lady in temporal and spiritual matters, and this by oath; imposed penalties, and punishments upon those which obeyed not, and exacted them of those, which perserved in the unity of the faith, and their obedience aforesaid; cast the Catholic Prelates, and Rectors of Churches in prison, where many of them, being spent with long languishing, and sorrow, miserably ended their lives. All which things, seeing they are manifest, and notorious to all Nations, and by the gravest testimony of very many, so substantially proved, that there is no place at all left for excuse, defence, or evasion. We, seeing that impieties, and wicked actions are multiplied one upon another; and moreover, that the persecution of the faithful, and affliction for Religion, groweth every day heavier, and heavier, through the instigation, and means of the said Elizabeth; because We understand Her mind to be so hardened, and indurate, that She hath not only contemned the godly requests, and admonitions of Catholic Princes, concerning Her healing, and conversion; but (alas) hath not so much as permitted the Nuntioes of this See, to cross the seas into England: are constrained of necessity to betake ourselves to the weapons of justice against Her, not being able to mitigate our sorrow; that We are drawn to take punishment upon one, to whose Ancestors the whole state of all Christendom hath been so much bounden. Being therefore supported with His authority, whose pleasure it was to place Us (though unable for so great a burden) in this supreme throne of justice, We do, out of the fullness of Our Apostolic Power, declare the aforesaid Elizabeth, being an Heretic, and a favourer of Heresies, and Her adherents in the matters aforesaid, to have incurred sentence of Anathema● and to be cut off from the unity of the body of Christ. And moreover, We do declare Her to be deprived of Her pretended title to the Kingdom aforesaid, and of all Dominion, Dignity, and Privilege whatsoever; and also the Nobility, Subjects, and People of the said Kingdom, and all other which have in any sort sworn unto Her, to be for ever absolved from any such oath, and all manner of duty of Dominion, Allegiance and Obedience; As We do also by authority of these presents absolve them, and do deprive the same Elizabeth of Her pretended title to the Kingdom, and all other things abovesaid. And We do command, and interdict all, and every the Noblemen, Subjects, People, Anno Regin Eliza. 12. Anno Dom. 1569. and others aforesaid, that they presume not to obey Her, or Her monitions, mandates, and laws; and those which shall do the contrary, We do innodate with the like Sentence of Anathem: And, because it were a matter of too much difficulty, to convey these presents to all places, wheresoever it shall be needful. Our will is, that the copies thereof, under a public Notary's hand, and sealed with the seal of an Ecclesiastical Prelate, or of his court, shall carry together the same credit, with all people, judicially, and extrajudicially, as these presents should do, if they were exhibited or showed. Given at Rome at St. Peter, in the year of the incarnation of our Lord, one thousand five hundred sixty nine, the fifth of the Kalends of March, and of Our Popedom, the fifth year. Cae: Glorierius. H. Cumyn. 25. The principal persons, The different opinions of English Catholics, concerning this excommunication. whose importunity solicited the Pope to thunder out this excommunication, were Dr. Harding, Dr. Stapleton. Dr. Morton, and Dr. Web. And now the news thereof, flying over into England, variously affected the Catholics, according to their several dispositions. 1. Some admired, and applauded the resolution of His holiness, expecting, all persons should instantly start, from the infectious presence of the Queen; and that that virgin-rose, so blasted, should immediately whither. 2. Others would not believe that there was any such excommunication at all, but, that it was a mere slander, devised by the common enemy, to make all Catholics odious. 3. Others accounted such Excommunication, though denounced, of no validity, a watson's Q●●dlibets pag. 262. because the reasons which moved the Pope thereunto, were falsely, and surreptitiously suggested to His Holiness. 4. Others did question the lawfulness of all excommunications of Princes, according to the rule of St. Thomas, Princeps, & multitudo non est excommunicanda, where the uncertain profit, which might follow, could not countervail the certain mischief which would ensue. 5. Others did condemn the present excommunication, pro hic, & nunc, as unexpedient, probable to incense, and exasperate the Queen to more severity, and make Her gird Her government closer to their sides, who, thought to shake it off. This was apparent by the woeful experience of the excommunication denounced against King Henry the eighth. Yea, Watson, Bishop of Lincoln (if his b watson's Quodlibets pag. 260. namesake may be credited) was exceedingly grieved at the Pope's proceed herein, foreseeing the inconvenience would thence arise. This same Watson was he, who, in the first of Queen Elizabeth, would in all haste, by his own bare Episcopal power, have excommunicated Her; but now, older and wiser, mollified with ten years' durance, he altered his opinion. 6. Others were unsatisfied in the Authenticalness of the instrument, who never did or durst see the original, and were unresolved, whether the copies were sufficiently attested. 7. Others were perplexed in point of conscience, how far they were bound to obey herein, seeing the law of nature obligeth the wife in duty to her husband excommunicated, and the same reason is of the servant to the Master, Subject to the Prince. 8. Lastly, Others were troubled in point of policy, having their persons, and estates in the Queen's power; and Bannes the Schoolman pleadeth, that Subjects are not bound to desert, or resist their Prince, when such actions necessarily infer danger of death, and loss of goods. But, leaving them to have their scruples satisfied by their Confessors, this causeless curse to Queen Elizabeth was turned into a blessing: and, as the Barbarians looked, when St. Paul (having the viper upon a Acts 28. 6. his hand) should have swollen, and fall'n down dead, whilst he shaken it off into the fire without any hurt, or harm: so Papists expected, when the Queen should have miserably expired, stung to the heart with this excommunication, when She, nothing frighted thereat, in silence slighted, and neglected it, without the least damage to Her power, or person, and no whit the less loved of Her subjects, or feared of Her enemies. And most false it is which Sanders b De Schism. Anglicano pag. 372. reports, that She, by the mediation of some great men, secretly laboured in vain in the Court of Rome, to procure a Revocation of the Pope's sentence against Her, as what another * An Italian in the life of Pius Quintus. relateth: how She was wont to say, that the thing itself grieved Her not so much, as because done by P. Pius, whose Election and life, she hel● for miraculous. 26. This year two eminent Bishops, The death of Bp. Barlow, and Bourn. once of the same Cathedral, but different Religions, ended their lives. William Barlow, Dr. of Divinity, Canon of St. Osith, than Prior of Bisham, successively Bishop of St. Asaph, St. david's, and Bath and Wells, in the days of King Edward the sixth. Afterwards an exile, in the reign of Queen Mary in Germany, where he lived in great want, and poverty, and by Queen Elizabeth he was made Bishop of Chichester, where he was buried. The other Gilbert Bourne Bishop of Bath and Wells, though a zealous Papist, yet of a good nature, well deserving of his Cathedral, and who found also fair usage in his restraint, living in free custody with the Dean of Exeter, and lies buried in the Parish-Church of Silverton. 27. Now was the twelfth year of the Queen fully passed with her safety and Honour. Popish expectation defeated. In which the Credulous Papists trusting the predictions of Soothsayers, 1570 July 13. had promised to themselves a Golden c Camden's Eliz. in Anno 1570. day as they called it. Instead whereof they are likely to find many Leaden years hereafter. And henceforward the seventeenth of November, the day of the Queen's Inauguration was celebrated with far greater Solemnity than ever before. Saint Hugh being for forty four years left out of our Calendars to make Room for Her Majesty: And John Felton, who fastened the Pope's Bull to the Palace of London, Aug. 8. being taken and refusing to fly, was hanged on a Gibbet before the Pope's Palace. 28. Hugh Price Dr. of the Civil Law, The foundation of Jesus Col. in Oxford. procured the foundation of a College in Oxford on a Ground, where Whitehall had been formerly situated, which with Edifices and Gardens thereto belonging, being then in the Crown, Queen Elizabeth gave to so pious a use, and therefore is styled the Foundress in this Mortmain. However the said Doctor inscribed these following verses over the Gate, when the Building of the College was but begun. Struxit Hugo Pricius tibi clara Palatia Jesus, Vt Doctor Legum Pectora Docta daret. Hugh Price this Palace did to Jesus Build, That a Laws Doctor Learned men might yield. But an Oxford a Pitz. de Ang. Ox. pag. 37. Author telleth us that a Satirical Pen did underwrite with Wit and Wagary enough these following verses. Anno Dom. 1570 Nondum struxit Hugo, vix fundamenta Locavit, Det Deus ut possit dicere struxit Hugo. Hugh hath not Built it yet, may it be said He Built it, who hath scarce the Groundwork Laid. But no doubt the Scholars therein at their first admission, know how to justify their reputed Founders words by the Figure of Prolepsis, and can tell you that what is well begun is half finished. Principals. Dr. David Lewis, * This Coll. hath had ten Principals, whereas Trin. Coll. in the same University, founded 14. years before, hath had but five Precedents. Dr. of Laws. 1. Dr. Lloyd, Dr. of Law, and Dean of the Arches 2. Dr. Griffin Lloyd. Chanc. of Oxon 3. Dr. Fra Bevans 4. Dr. Jo. Williams, Marg. Prof. 5. Griffith powel, Bac. of Law. 6. Francis Mansell, D. D. Fellow of All-Souls. 7. He resigned his place to Sr. Eubule Thelwel, (one of the Masters of the Chancery) conceiving he might be more serviceable to the College. Sr. Eubule Thelwel. K. 8. Dr. Francis Mansel, rechosen. 9 Michael Roberts, D. D. 10. Bishops. Morgan Owen, Bishop of Landaffe. Thomas Howel, Bishop of Bristol, A most excellent Preacher. Benefactors. Herbert Westfalling, BP. of Hereford. Hen. Rowland, BP. of Bangor. Griffith Lloyd, Dr. of Law. Griffith powel. John Williams Dr. of Divinity. Sr Eubule Thelwell, K. who made a Court in a manner. foursquare, builded and wainscotted the Hall, perfected the Chapel with a curious and costly Roof etc. Mistress Jane Wood: widow of Owen Wood Dean of Armagh. Learned-writers. James Howel an elegant writer. So that in the year 1634. It had one Principal, sixteen Fellows, sixteen Scholars, most of the ancient British Nation, besides officers and servants of the Foundation, and other Students. All which made up the Number of one hundred and nine. 29. Hitherto Papists generally without regret, The first beginning of recusancy. repaired to the public places of Divine Service, and were present at our Prayers, Sermons, and Sacraments. What they thought in their hearts, He knew who knoweth hearts; but in outward conformity, they kept communion with the Church of England. In which sense one may say, Anno Regin Eliza. 13. that the whole land was of one language, and one specch. But now began the tower of Babel to be built, and Popery to increase, which brought with it the division of tongues, and the common distinction of Papist, and Protestant, the former now separating themselves from our public Congregations; They went out from us, because they were not of us, for, had they been of us, they would have continued with us. Indeed the Pope set his mark of favour on such reputed sheep, as absented themselves from our Churches, henceforward accounting them goats that repaired thither. And now began the word Recusant to be first born and bred in men's mouths. Which (though formerly in being to signify such as refused to obey the edicts of lawful authority) was now confined in common discourse, to express those of the Church of Rome. 30. Indeed hitherto the English Papists slept in a whole skin, Papists their own persecutors. and so might have continued had they not wilfully torn it themselves. For, the late rebellion in the North, and the Pope thundering out his excommunication against the Queen, with many scandalous and pernicious pamphlets daily dispersed, made Her Majesty about this time, first to frown on Papists, then to chide, then to strike them with penalties; and last to draw life-blood from them, by the severity of Her laws. For, now the Parliament sat at Westminst●r, cutting (as one may say) with a three-edg'd-sword, as making sharp edicts against Papists, non-Conformists, and covetous-Conformists of the Church of England. 31. A Parliament cutting with three edges. Against Papists it was a See the statutes 13 Eliz. enacted, that to write, print, preach, express, publish, or affirm, that the Queen was an Heretic, Schismatic etc. should be adjudged treason. Also that it should be so accounted, and punished, to bring, and put in execution, any Bulls, writings, instruments, or other superstitious things from the See of Rome, from the first of July following. A severe Act also was made against Fugitives, who, being the natural borne subjects of this Realm, departed the same without licence, and fled into foreign parts. Against non-Conformists it was provided, that every Priest or Minister, should before the Nativity of Christ next following, in the presence of his Diocesan, or his deputy, declare his assent, and subscribe to all the Articles of Religion, agreed on in the Convocation, One thousand six hundred sixty and two, upon pain of Deprivation on his refusal thereof. Against covetous-conformists it was provided, that no spiritual person, College, or Hospital, shall let lease, other than for the term of twenty one years, or three lives; the rend accustomed, or more, reserved payable yearly during the said term. 32. Indeed this law came very seasonably, Covetous Clergy men bridled. to retrench the unconscionable covetousness of some Clergy men, who by long, and unreasonable leases (as the Statute termed them) dilapidated the lands of their Churches. Here it came to pass what the Spouse b Cant. 5. 7. complains, that the keepers of the walls took her vail away from her. It being true what one said, that those who should have righted her of her wrongs, did wrong her of her rights. Many a Bishopric so bruised itself when it fell vacant, that it lost some land before a new Bishop was settled therein; where the Elects contracted with their Promoters on unworthy conditions. 33. But no armour can be made of proof against the darts of covetousness, Covetousness creeps in at a small cranny. especially when they come from an high and heavy hand of great men in authority. This law was not so cautiously drawn up, but that some Courtiers found a way to evade it, seeing the Crown was not expressed therein, and left capable of such leases (as, God-willing c Vide 1604. Secundo Reg. Jacobi. hereafter shall be largely related) by which single shift they frustrated the effect of this law. Thus a ship may (though not as suddenly, as certainly) be sunk with one, as with a thousand leaks. 34. We return to the Queen of Scots, Anno Regin Eliza. 14. Anno Dom. 1571 of whom we have heard nothing this three years of Ecclesiastical cognizance, The second letter of Ma●y Q of Scots to the Pope. nor now meet with any thing of that nature save this letter, which though somewhat long, yet because never as yet printed, and acquainting us with some passages in her restraint, is not unworthy the perusal. Most Blessed Father, AFter the kissing of your most holy feet, Octob 31. about the beginning of October, I received your Holiness Letter, written the thirteenth of July, by which I understood not only the Benediction which your Holiness sent me, and which was, and shall be always to me most acceptable, but also the great demonstration of your good will to comfort me. I rested therewith singularly comforted indeed, partly because it was pleased earnestly, to recommend both me, and the affairs of my estate to the most Potent Princes, and especially to the most renowned Kings of France and Spain. But withal there is yet remaining on the other part to work so with Christian Princes, that making a strict league among themselves, they should spare no vigilance, nor Travels, nor expenses, once to abate the most Cruel * This is meant of the Turk, and not (as some may suspect) of Q. Elizabeth. Tyrant who continually thinketh of no other thing, then to move war against us all. And might it please God, that all other things might correspond with my will, besides that I were to do the same also, your Blessedness should see it with effect, which should be, that not only I, but also my subjects, with a will conform to their body, and together with other Christians, would put ourselves forward to do our utmost force. But what thing is there to be seen more worthy of compassion, then to see myself fallen into so great infelicity, from that happiness wherein I found myself lately; What thing is more lamentable then from a Freewoman as I was, to become a Servant. To these miseries is added, that my Country is at this day, * This letter to the Pope was written in Latin, then translated into Italian, then retranslated into English. Wonder not therefore if it lose some native lustre thereof. wrapped in such and so many calamities, and beaten down with so many inroads of the English, that many and many Towns have been set on fire, and flames, many Castles and most fair Churches ruinated to the very Foundations. But that which is worse, my Inhabitants and Subjects, without scarce doing the least offence unto them, have been more cruelly slain. But What? shall I say nothing of myself? Is it not clear unto all men, how I have been continually in divers and sundry perils. I call God to witness, who knows with what greatness of miseries I have been always stifled, and that which yet makes this Tempest more cruel unto me is, that those who had promised to make provisions for my good, have afterwards failed me, nor given me the least favour in the world, nor do I hope that ever they will do it, except perhaps these made or prepared for or journey most inclined to help me, shall not be moved to undertake such enterprises in my behalf. But to say the truth of it, although there were succours gathered together, and a most assured Army of-from beyond the Seas, certainly not without great peril, could they cross the Ocean into Scotland in the winter time, which then is wont to be most turbulent and stormy. But the English on the other side, who are not separated from the Scots, with any River interposed between them, are able not only in Summer, but in Winter time also to move war against the Scots themselves, who when there doth rise up even the least occasion of discord between them, are wont suddenly to put themselves effectually into Arms. Constrained therefore by these principal respects, without I should expose the interest of my Life and Country, to the hazard of the greatest dangers, I am by no means able to help it, but that even to my greatest disadvantage I must make peace with the English, saving always (as they say) my honour and conscience, because honour doth regard the civil administration, whereby to be able afterwards to rule or govern the Commonwealth. Then the conscience, as being the form and force divine, given to men to direct them to a good end which admitting it to be sometimes straightened and bound with calamities; Yet nevertheless may it neither for torments, nor for promises of rewards be ever expelled or deprived from the Communion, and obedience of the Catholic Church. But amongst other things, it now happeneth that I must relate to your Holiness one thing most truly bitter unto me, that is, that we are come to those terms of desiring my only Son, the Heir of the Temporal Kingdoms, to be delivered by a certain time into the hands of the English, by way of Hostage or pledge, reserving to me nevertheless, the liberty to appoint him such Governors and Counsellors afterwards, as shall best please me. There is moreover granted leave of accession unto him, not only for me, but likewise to all those that for my satisfaction shall be sent into England to visit him. Let not your Holiness for this cause have any doubt, but that he shall be not only full of good and holy conversation; but also (though he be amongst an unlucky nation) a perfect member of the Catholic and Apostolic Church, and always ready and prone to help the same. But because that by this my letter, I may not extend myself in greater length beyond my duty, I do conclude with this, that I have determined with myself, nevertheless to give your Holiness to understand of my estate, and of all these things which for the present do pass between them and me, and if these also which shall happen in the journey of any importance, and because it is a most difficult thing to put all my occasions in writing, I have for that cause informed the Bishop of Dublin with all mine occurrences, as him that is, and always hath been, my most faithful Nuncio, and most lovingly affected towards your Holiness, and the seat Apostolic. May it please your Holiness to give faith unto him, concerning all the things whereof he shall treat with you in my name. Mean time I pray our Lord God, that he by his most holy grace, protect the Catholic Church from all the wicked thoughts of her Adversaries, in which case all we have fixed our eyes upon your Holiness, as upon a most clear light, expecting of the same continually in name of his Divine Majesty your most Holy Benediction. And all with the same mind do desire unto your Holiness a most long life, to the glory of the most mighty God, and comfort of all the faithful, From Chattisworth in England, the last of October 1570. The most Devout Daughter of your Holiness Mary the Queen. Who so consults our State-Historians in this very juncture of time, shall find the Queen of Scots on tolerable terms (daily likely to amend) with Queen Elizabeth. Yea, now she was in the Vertical of her favour, wherein henceforward she began to decline, principally for practising with the Pope and Foreign Princes. SECTION. III. To Mrs. ANNE DANVERS of Chelsey. Madam, LEt not your Maiden modesty be betrayed to a blush, seeing yourself here left alone, sorrounded on all sides with Masculine Dedications. It will keep you in countenance, if reflecting your eye, either on the first page of this Book, or side Columns of this page: Where you shall find the Queen of Virgins in the front thereof, whose Reign in this Book is described. Indeed a portion thereof, being designed to your late Brother, (now glorious Saint) falls of course to you, with his goods, and Chattels, as his sole Executrix. If any Latin Letters occur in this Section, I doubt not, but God will seasonably provide you such a Consort, who, (amongst his many other Virtues) will change you to a happy wife, and translate them to your understanding. 1. ABout this time deceased William Alley Bishop of Exeter, The death of the Bps. of Exeter and Salisbury. a Painful Preacher, and John Jewel of Salisbury, of whom largely before. He was borne in Devonshire, bred first in Merton, then Corpus Christi College in Oxford, first Pupil to, afterwards Fellow Exile with Mr. Parkhurst in Germany. After Queen Mary's death Parkehurst durst not for danger return with Jewel, but went a securer way (as he supposed) by himself. Though Jewel came safe and sound home, whilst Parkehurst was rob of all in his return, and relieved by the other at his journey's end, and soon after both of them were made Bishops. Mr. Parkehurst of Norwich, and Jewel of Salisbury. * Vide supra in the first year of Queen Mary. 2. A Jewel (sometimes taken for a single precious stone) is properly a collective of many, The praise of Bp. Jewel. orderly set together to their best advantage. So several eminences met in this Worthy man. Naturals, Artificials (amongst which I recount his studied memory, Anno Dom. 1572. Anno Regin Eliza. 15. deserving as well as Theodectes the Sophister, the Surname of Mnemonicus) Morals, but principally spirituals. So devout in the Pew where he prayed, diligent in the Pulpit where he preached, grave on the Beach, where he assisted, mild in the Consistory where he judged, pleasant at the Table where he fed, patiented in the bed where he died, that well it were if in relation to him, Secund●m usum Sarum * Laurence Humphrey in the long life of Bp Jewel. were made precedential to all Posterity. He gave at his death to Peter Martyr a golden rose (yet more fragrant for the worth of the Giver, than the value of the gift) To the City of Zurich a Present which they converted into a piece of Plate with Jewels Arms thereon. To several Scholars, large Legacies. To the Church of Salisbury a fair Library, and another to the Church of England, I mean his learned APOLOGY. It is hard to say, whether his soul, or his Ejaculations arrived first in Heaven, seeing he prayed dying, and died praying. He was buried in the Choir by Bishop Wivill, Two Champions of the Church lying together, one who with his sword proffered to maintain the Lands; The other, who with his pen defended the Doctrine thereof. In the absence of Doctor Humfreys designed for that service, Mr. Giles Laurence preached his Funerals, who formerly (being Tutor to the Children of Sr. Arthur Darcy by Algate in London) in Queen Mary's days preserved Jewels life, and provided accommodation for his flight beyond the Seas. 3. Hitherto, Subscription why now more rigorously urged. the Bishops had been the more sparing in pressing, and others more daring in denying subscription, because the Canons made in the Convocation 1563, were not for 9 years after confirmed by act of Parliament. But now the same being ratified, by Parliamental authority, they began the urging thereof more severely than before, which made many dissenters keep their private meetings in a Bp. Bancrost in his English Scottizing, 3. Book 1. Cap. woods, fields, their friends houses etc. b Tho. Cartwrights second reply Pag. 38. I say private meetings, for Conventicles I must not call them, having read what one hath written, that name (which agreeth to Anabaptists) is too light and contemptuous, to set forth such assembles, where God's Word and Sacraments are administered, even by the confession of their adversaries. 4. Indeed no disgrace is imported in the notation of the word Conventicle, The true notion of a Conventicle. sounding nothing else but a small Convention. And (some will say) can the Infant the [diminative] be a term of reproach, where the mother the [privitive] is creditable in the acception thereof? However Custom (the sole mintmaster of currant words) hath took of Conventitles from signifying a small number, to denote the meeting of such (how many soever) in a clandestine way, contrary to the commands of the present lawful Authority. 5. And now Thomas Cartwright (chief of the nonconformists) presents the Parliament with a Book called an admonition, T. C. presents to the Parliament an [distrasted] admonition. some members taking distaste at the Title thereof. For seeing Admonition is the lowest of Ecclesiastical censures, and a preparative (if neglected) to Suspension, and Excommunication, such suggested, that if the Parliament complied not with this Admonitors desires, his party, (whereof he the speaker) would proceed to higher and louder Fulminations against the Parliament. Whereas admonition is a soft word in the Common (but especially in the scripture) acception thereof, and may with humility on just occasion be tendered from Inferiors, to any single Persons or Christian Corporation. This Admonition contained their grievances who presented it, with a declaration of the only way to redress them, viz. by admitting that platform which was there prescribed. This not finding the entertainment it expected, was seconded by another, more importunate to the same effect. 6. It will not be amiss to set down what writings, Bandying of books betwixt two learned men chief of their parties. pro, and con, passed on the occasion of this Book, between two eminent Authors of opposite parties. 1. The Admonition, first, and second, made by Mr. Cartwright. 2. The Answer to the Admonition by Dr. John Whitgist. 3. The reply to the answer of the Admonition by M. Tho. Cartwright. 4. The defence of the answer by Dr. John Whitgift. This last kept the field, and (for aught I can find) received no solemn refutation. 7. Sundry reasons are assigned of Mr. Cartwrights silence, Several reasons of Mr. Cartwrights not replying again. all believing, as they are affected, and most being affected, as led by their interest. Some ascribed it to his weakness, who having spent all his powder and shot in former fights, was forced to be quiet for the future. Others, to his pride (undervaluing, what he could not overcome) counting Whitgifts last answer, no answer, but a repetition of what was confuted before. Others imputed it to his Patience, seeing otherwise multiplying of Replies, would make brawls infinite, and whilst women strive for the, last word, men please themselves with the lost reason. Others, to the policy of that party, resolving to go a new way to wa●k, and to turn their serious books, into Satirical pamphlets. Some few attributed it to Mr. Cartwrights modest respect to his Adversary, who had gotten the upper ground of him, (Whitgist being soon after made BP. and Arch Bishop) though in my mind this would more heighten, then abate their opposition. 8. The Nonconformists though overpowered for the present in Parliament, The first Presbytery in England, set up at Wandsworth, in Surrey yet found such favour therein, that after the dissolution thereof, they presumed to erect a Presbytery at a Bp Bancrost English Scottizing 3. Book. cap. 1. Wandsworth in Surrey Eleven Elders were chosen therein, and their Offices, and general rules (by them to be observed) agreed upon and described, as appears by a bill endorsed with the hand of Mr. Field, the Lecturer (as I take it) of that place, but living in London. Mr. Smith of Micham, and Mr. Cr●ne of Roughampton, (neighbouring villages) are mentioned for their approbation of all passages therein. This was the firstborn of all Presbyteries in England, and secundum usum Wandesworth, as much honoured by some, as secundam usum Sarum by others. 9 It may seem a wonder that the Presbyterian discipline, The chief non-consormitis in. London. should ripen sooner in this country Village then in London itself, whereas yet they were not arrived at so formal a constitution, though we may observe two sorts of Ministers: First Mr. 1 Field. 2 Wilcox. 3 Standen. 4 Jackson. 5 Bonhim. 6 S●intloe. 7 Crane. 8 edmond's. Afterwards Mr. 1 Charke. 2 Travers. 3 Barber. 4 Gardner. 5 Cheston. 6 Crook. 7 Egerton. 8—. The former of these were principally against Minister's attire, and the common prayer book. The later, endeavoured the modelling of a new discipline, and it was not long, before both streams uniting together. Nonconformity began to bear a large and great Channel in the City of London. 10. This same year happened a cruel massacre in Paris the French Protestants being bidden thither under the pretence of a nuptial solemnity. The massacre in Paris. But never were such black favours given at a wedding, Admiral Coligny, (the pillar of the reformed Church) being slain in his bed on Bartholomew-eve, whose day then, and for some years after, was there remarkable for wet weather. Bartholomeus flet, quia Gallicus occubat Atlas. Bartholomew bemoans with rain The Gallicke Atlas thereon slain. William Cecil Lord Burley * Camden's Eliz. in hoc anno. invited to be there, wisely kept himself at home, otherwise perchance our English Nestor, had been sent the same way with the French Atlas, and ten thousand Protestants of name and note slain in that City within three days. 11. Two impestresses discovered. Let not the following passage be censured for superflucus in this our Book, 1573 whose omission would be condemned as a defect by others, 16. a Stow's Chronicle pag. 678. & alijs. Agnes Bridges a maid about 20. and Rachel Pinder a girl about 12. years old, so cunningly counterfeited themselves possessed with the Devil, that they deceived many Ministers in London, from whom more wisdom and less credulity, might justly have been expected. Thus these liars, belied the father of lies by their dissimulation. And now what praying, and preaching, and fasting, was there to dispossess them, to the no small derision of profane persons when their forgery was discovered. However such scoffing may be punished, when the others shall have their erroneous judgement pardoned, and well-intended charity rewarded. Aug. 15. Soon after those impostresses were detected, penance at St. Pauls-cross on them imposed, by them publicly (and for outward view) penitently performed, the present beholders satisfied, the formerly deluded rectified, to be more wise, and wary for the future. 12. Now began the Anabaptists wonderfully to increase in the land, Anabaptists discovered. and as we are sorry that any Countrymen should be seduced with that opinion, 1575. so we are glad that English as yet were free from that infection. 18. April 3. May 15. For on Easter day was disclosed a Congregation of Dutch a Staw his chronicle pag. 679. Anabaptists without Algate in London, whereof seven and twenty were taken and imprisoned, and four bearing faggots at Paul's Cross solemnly recanted their dangerous opinions. 13. Next month one Dutchman b Idem p. 680. and ten women were condemned, Eleven of them condemned. of whom, One woman was converted to renounce her errors, eight were banished the Land, two more so obstinate, that command was issued out for their burning in Smithsield. But, to reprieve them from so cruel a death, a grave Divine sent the following letter to Queen Elizabeth, which we request the Reader to peruse, and guests at the Author thereof. SErenissima, A Divines letter to the Queen to forbear burning them. Beatissima Princeps, Regina illustrissima, Patriae Decus, Saeculi Ornamentum. Vt nihil ab animo meo omnique expectatione abfuit longius, quàm ut majestatis tuae amplissimam excellentiam molesta unquam interpellatione obturbatem: ita vehementer dolet silentium hoc, quo hactenus constanter sum usus, non eadem constantia perpetuo tueri ita ut volebam licuisse. Ita nunc praeter spem ac opinionem meam nescio qua infalicitate evenit, ut quod omnium volebam minime, id contra me maxim faciat hoc tempore. Qui cum ita vixerim hucusque, ut molestus fuerim nemini, invitus nunc cogar contra naturam Principi etiam ipsi esse importunus, non re ulla aut causa mea, sed aliena inductus calamitate. Quae quo acerbior sit & luctuosior hoc acriores mihi addit ad deprecandum slimulos. Nonnullos intelligo in Anglid hîc esse non Anglos, sed adventitios, Belgas quidem opinor, partim viros, partim Foeminas, nuper ob improbata dogmata in judicium advocatos. Quorum aliquot foeliciter reducti publica luerunt poenitentia, complures in exilium sunt condemnati, idque redissimè meo judicio factum esse arbitror. I am ex hoc numero unum esse ant alterum audio, de quibus ultimum exustionis supplicium (nisi succurrat tua pietas) brevi sit statuendum, Anno Regin Eliza. 18. Qua una in re duo contineri perspicio, Anno Dom. 1575. quornm alterum ad errorum pravitatem, alterum ad supplicii acerbitatem attinet. Ac erroribus quidem ipsis nihil possit absurdius esse, sanus nemo est qui dubitat, mirorque tam faeda opinionum portenta in quosquam potuisse Christianos cadere. Sed ita habet humane infirmitatis conditie, si divina paululum luce destituti nobis relinquimur, quo non ruimus praecipites? Atque equidem hoc nomine Christo gratias quam maximas habeo, quod Anglorum hodie neminem huic insaniae affinem video. Quod igitur ad phanaticas istas sectas attinet, eas certe in republica nullo modo sovendas esse, sed idonea comprimendas correctione censeo. Verum enim vero ignibus ac flammis, pice ac sulphure aestuantibus viva miserorum corpora torrefacere judicii magis caecitate quàm impetu voluotatis errantium, durum istud ac Romani magis exempli esse quam Evangelicae consuetudinis videtur, ac planè ejusmodi, ut nisi à Romanis Pontificibus, authore Innocentio tertio primùm profluxisset, nunquam istum perillitaurum quisquam in mitem Christi ecclesiam importavisset. Non quod maleficiis delecter, aut erroribus cujusquam saveam dicta haec esse velim, vitae hominum, ipse homo quum sim, faveo ideoque saveo, non ut erret, sed ut rescipiscat. Ac neque hominum solum, utinam & pecudibus ipsis opitulari possem. Ita enim fum (stultè fortassis haec de meipso, at verè dico) macellum ipsum ubi mactantur etiam pecudes, vix praetereo, quin tacito quodam doloris sensu mens refugiat. Atque equidem in co Dei ipsius valde admiror, venerorque toto pectore clementiam, qui in jumentis illis brutis & abjectis, quae sacrificiis olim parabantur, id prospexerat, nè prius ignibus mandarentar, quàm sanguis eorum ad Basim altaris essunderetur. Vnde disceremus in exigendis suppliciis, quamvis justis, non quid omnino rigori liceat, sed ut clementia simul adhibita rigoris temperet asperitatem. Quamobrem si tantum mihi apud Principis tanti majestatem audere liceret, supplex pro Christo rogarem clementissimam hanc regiae sublimitatis excellentiam pro authoritate hac mea, qua ad vitam multorum consecrandam pellere, Te divina voluit clementia, ut vitae si fieri possit (quid enim non possit iis in rebus authoritas tua?) miserorum parcatur, saltem ut horrori obsistatur, atque in aliud quodcunque commutetur supplicii genus. Sunt ejectiones, inclusiones retrusae, sunt vincula, sunt perpetua exilia, sunt stigmata, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aut etiam patibula, id unum valde deprecor, ne piras ac flammas Smithfieldianas jam diu faustissimis tuis auspiciis huc usque sopitas sinas nunc recandescere. Quod si nè id quidem obtineri possit, id saltem omnibus supplicandi modis efflagito 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pectoris tui implorans, ut mensem tamen unum aut alterum nobis concedas, quo interim experiamur, an à periculosis erroribus dederit Dominus ut resanescant, ne cum corporum jactura, animae pariter cum corporibus de aeterno periclitentur exitio. This letter was written by Mr. John Fox (from whose own hand I transcribed it) very loath that Smithfield formerly consecrated with Martyr's ashes, should now be profaned with Heretics, and desirous that the Papists might enjoy their own Monopoly of cruelty in burning condemned Persons. But though Queen Elizabeth constantly called him Her Father Fox, yet herein was she no dutiful Daughter, giving him a flat * As to the saving of their lives, if after a month's reprieve and conference with Divines, they would not recant their errors. Indeed damnable were their impieties, and she necessitated to this severity, who having formerly punished some Traitors, if now sparing these Blasphemers, the world would condemn her, as being more earnest in asserting her own safety, than God's honour. Hereupon the Writ de Haeretico comburendo (which for seventeen years had hung only up in terrorem) was now taken down and put in execution, July 22. and the two Anabaptists burned in Smithfield, died in great a Stow ut prius horror with crying and roaring. 14. I am loath this letter should stand alone, Another useful 〈◊〉 of the same Author. and therefore will second it with another (though nothing of this nature) Anno Regin Eliza. 17. which I may call a private-publick one, private for the Subject, public for the use thereof. First to acquaint us with the character of Magdalen College, and generally of all Oxford, (not to say England) in those days, secondly to show that though Mr. Fox came not up in all particulars to cleave the pin of Conformity (as refusing to subscribe) yet he utterly distasted the factious People of that age. Lastly, that the Papists who miscalled him john Lack-latine may appear as so many Lack-truths' by his fluent and familiar language. 15. Only a word to the Read r, The occasion thereof. informing him with the cause of this letter. Samuel his eldest Son, Bachelor of Arts, and Fellow of Magdalen College in Oxford, traveled beyond the Seas, without leave either from Father or College. At his return he was causelessly accused for a Papist, and expelled the College by a Faction of people, whose names I had rather the Reader should take from Mr. Fox his pen then mine own. And now as once Tully pro domo sua strained all the nerves of his Rhetoric, so see here how Pathetically this old man pro filio suo writes to a reverend Bishop of the Church. QUando, * This I saw carefully 〈◊〉 out of the original. quomodo, quibus verbis, qua dicendi sigura pares agam gratias singulari vixque credibili humanitati tuae (Vir reverend, idemque Doclissime Praesul) qua me miserum tot, tantisque aerumnis obsitum, imo obrutum, literis tam amanter scriptis, & erigere jacentem, & ereclum, resocillare volueris. In quo pulchrè tu quidem hoc exemplo represeatas, quid sit verè Episcopum agere in Domo Domini. Quid enim Antistetem verè Chrisianum, veriùs vel arguit, vel commendat insigniùs, quà n charitas toties in Christianis literis exhibita. Aut ubinam haec ipsa charitas vim suam poterit illustriùs explicare, quam in sacro hoc consolandi officio, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Vsque adeo tot simul adversae res omnem mihi & constantiam & patientiam penè expectorabunt. Cui enim, quamlibet adamantinum pectus, non consterneret inaúdita haec hominum ingratissimorum inhumanitas, in ea presertim Academia, eóque Collegio, unde nihil unquam minùs expectabam quàm tale aliquid ab iis mihi eventurum. Quos si non meae seneclutis & paupertatis ratio commovere, at ipsorum tamen vel humanitas, vel literarum, quas profitentur, consuetudo polire ad humaniorem modestiam debuisset. Quod autem de meis, vel erga illos, vel erga alios meritis, honoranda tua pietas humanissimè praedicat in eo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 satis contemplor; In me nihil agnosco eorum quae tribuis. Illud confiteor, semper cavisse me sedulò, ut si minùs prodesse multis licuerit, ne sciens tamen obessem cuiquam, tum minimè verò omnium Magdalensibus, quo magis id mihi admirationi habetur, quis tam turbulentus Genius factiosa ista Puritanorum capita afflaverit, ut sic violatis gratiarum legibus, spretis meis adse literis & precibus, contempta ipsius Praesidis intercessione, nulla praemissa admonitione, nec causa reddita, tantam hanc in me, filiumque tyrannidem exercuerint. Atqui verò ut hoc ijs concedam, non tam purum esse & immunem ab omni naevo filium meum, atque sunt isti terpuri Puritani. At in his tamen naevis illius, nullum adhuc comperi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tam magnum, quàm majores fortè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in moribus ipsorum conspicere liceat. Et ubi interim fraterna illa inter fratres admonitio, quam tantopere exigit Evangelica cautio, ubi disciplina illa Apostolica 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉? Certè plusquam atrox facinus intercedat oportet, quod tam atroci ejectionis vindicatione luendum sit; sed latet in hac herba alius fortasse anguis, quam quia isti proffer non audent, Anno Regin Eliza. 18. ego in lucem producam. Flagrat Collegium hoc horribili factione, cujus altera pars propensioribus studiis incumbit in suum Praesidentem. Altera istorum est quos dico 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, qui modis omnibus dant operam ut partes sui Praesidis labefactent, ipsumque vel in suam redigant potestatem, vel sede prorsus evertant. Quia vero filius meus cum altero ejus Collega, Praefecto suo ita, ut par erat, inclinatior videbatur, propterea societate exhaeredatur. Accedit huic & alia causa, quam tam filio quam mihi ipsi imputo. Quod si enim is essem, qui perbacchari cum eis contra Episcopos, & Archi-Episcopos, aut scribam me praebere illorum ordini, hoc est, insanire cum illis voluissem, nunquam istos in me aculeos exacuissent. Nunc quia totus ab ijs alienus partes illas sectari maluerim, quae modestiae sunt, & publicae tranquillitatis, hinc odium in me conceptum jam diu, in hanc demum efferbuit acerbitatem. Quod cùm ita sit, non jam quid mea causa velitis facere, id postulo, quin potius quid vestra ipsorum causa cogitandum sit, Vos qui Proceres estis ecclesiae etiam atque etiam deliberatae Quod ad me autem attinet, quamvis erepta filio societas haud leni affieit animum aegritudine, tamen quia res privata agitur, hoc fero moderatiùs. Magis me commovet publicae Ecclesiae ratio. Videor enim suboriri quoddam hontinum genus, qui si invalescant, viresque in hoc Regno colligant, piget hîc refer, quid futurae perturbationis praesagit mihi animus; Olim sub Monachorum fucata hypocrisi quanta sit nata lues Religioni Christianae, minimè ignorat prudentia tua, Nunc in istis nescio quod novum Monachorum genus reviviscere videtur, tantò illis perniciosius, quantò calidiore fallendi artificio sub praetextu perfectionis personati isti Histriones gravius occultant venenum, qui dum omnia exigunt ad strictissimae suae disciplinae, & conscientiae gnomones, haud videntur prius desituri, donec omnia in Judaicam redigant servitutem. Sed de ijs alius sortassis pleniore manu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Interim celeberimae tuae dignitati Vir honorande, cum publico ecclesiae nomine, & animum istum, & sedem quam tenes meritò gratulor, tum mea privatim causa ob singulare tuum in me studium gratias habeo permaximas; Precorque Dominum omnium gratiarum fontem cumulatissimum, ut ecclesiam suam periculosissimis ijs temporibus propugnet ac tueatur, ut Pastores se dignos foveat, provehatque, tum intra istos, Te inprimis sacris ipsius bonis, donisque indies magis magisque locupletet, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Amplissime, juxta ac ornatissime Praesul, Tuus in Christo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Joannes Foxus. If this good man appeareth too passionate herein, score it neither on his old age, nor on his affection to his Son, but on the unjust affront offered unto him, who at last was restored Fellow by the Queen her Mandate, and he privately cast out by a Faction, to his great disgrace, was publicly brought in again by authority, to his greater reputation. 16. We may plainly perceive by this letter, The violence of rigid Nonconformists. how powerful the Party of Non-conformists was grown at this time, and to what violences and extravagancies some went in their practices, insomuch that Dr. Humphred then Precedent of Mandlins', and Mr. Fox himself (both which scrupled subscription in some particulars) were deserted by them as Lukewarm and remiss in the Cause. Yea even of those who were Duriores Puritani, all were not equally rigid, but Coleman, Burton, Hallingham, and Benson outdid all of their own opinions. Thus those loaves which are ejusdem farinae (of the same meal, yea of one Batch, out of the same Oven) are not all hard and crusty alike. 17. The death of Matthew Parker, The death and praise of Matth. Parker. Archbishop of Canterbury, May 17. added much to their increase. He was a Parker indeed, careful to keep the fences, and shut the gates of Discipline against all such Night-Stealers as would invade the same. No wonder then if the tongues and pens of many were whetted against Him, whose complaints are beheld by discreet men, like the exclamations of Truantly-Schollers against their Master's severity, correcting them for their faults. This Archbishop was an excellent Antiquary (without any Anticness) a great Benefactor to Bennet College in Cambridge, on which he bestowed many Manuscripts, so that that Library (for a private one) was the Sun of English Antiquity in those days, though now no more than the Moon, since that of Sr. Robert Cottons is risen up. 18. But a large Author, His memory causelessly aspersed. though not daring to deny due praises to his memory, causelessly taxed him for being too Ponteficall in his Buildings and Feast. Particularly he charged him, that whereas the Pope thundered out an Excommunication against Queen Elizabeth, a Mr. Prince in his book of the treason of Prelites pag. 149. yet saith he) I read of no refutation made of it by this Arch-Prelate, as if this were such a sin of omission in him, and he bound by his place to answer every Romish railing Rabshhekah. But let him know that in his learned Book of Antiquitates Britanicae, he hath laid down those Historical grounds, which may be improved to the baiting of the whole Herd of Popish Bulls, or if you will to make all those Bubbles sink to nothing. A work, out of which his Accuser hath taken so much, that he cannot pretend to the commendation of Industry (the poorest praise of a Writer) being no better than a lazy Translator. And as the Spleen is subservient to the Lever, to take from it only the most putrid and feculent blood, so hath he solely transcribed thence (and from BP. Godwins Catalogue) the faults and failings of all the English Prelacy, passing over in silence their due and just commendation. Ed. Grindall succeeded him in his place, a Prelate most PRIMITIVE in all his conversation. 19 We must not forget Margaret the Wife of Archbishop Parker, His exemplary wise. a pattern for all Presates Wives. In the reign of King Henry the eighth, though seven years contracted (by mutual consent forbearing marriage, then unlawful for Clergymen) such her fidelity, that she was deaf to richer proffers. b In D Parkers life, extant in Trin: Hall Library in Cambridge. When married under Edward the sixth, so modest, that BP. Ridley asked, whether Ms. Parker had a sister, intimating that such a Consort would make him recede from his resolution of a single life. In Queen Mary's days, not only great her patience to partake of, but industry to relieve her Husband's wants. In Queen Elizabeth's time, so admirable her humility, as no whit elated with prosperity. 20. Privileges obtained by Sir F. E. for English Catholics. Sr. Francis Englefield, 18. of whom formerly in the College of Valladolt, 1576 to leave a Monument to posterity, of his industry and good will to the Catholick-Cause; He with William Allen obtained of Pope Gregory the thirtieth, thirteen Indulgencies for the English Nation and the will-wishers of their Conversion. Whereof this the first, That whosoever should carry about him such consecrated Beads, fast on Wednesday, forbear one meal on Saturday, pray for the Holy Father the Pope, the peace of the Church, and chief for the reconciling of England, Scotland, and Ireland, to the Church of Rome, should have an hundred years' pardon. But if this fast be observed with bread and water, a thousand years' pardon. It may seem in some sort an argument for the Antiquity of those Indulgences, Anno Regin Eliza. 19 that the resent of the vivacity of the ancient Patriarches before the Flood in pardoning so many years above the possibility of our age. Anno Dom. 1576. Now what becometh of the Surplus-age of these Pardons after the Parties life, let others dispute. Namely, whether Indulgentia moritur cum persona, or whether they be bequeathable by will, and in case the person dies Intestate, fall like goods and Chattels to his next heir. Sure I am Sr. Francis is beheld by Catholics as a Benefactor General to our Nation, and these Grants were solemnly passed sub annulo Piscatoris, June 6. and Glorierius attesting the same. This Sr. Francis was afterwards buried in the English College at Valadolid in Spain having bountifully contributed to the erecting thereof. 21. James Pilkinton BP. of Durham ended his life, formerly Master of St. John's College in Cambridge. The death of B. Pilkington. He was (as appeareth by many of his letters) a great Conniver at Nonconformity, and eminent for commencing a Suit against Queen Elizabeth, for the lands and goods of the Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland after their attaindor, as forfeited to him Prince Palatine within his Diocese. But the Queen prevailed, because on her charges she had defended Bishop and Bishopric against that Rebellion, when both his Infant-Daughters (conveyed away in Beggars clothes) were sought for to be killed by the Papists. These afterwards with four thousand pounds apiece, were married (the one to Sr. James Harrington, the other to Mr. Dunce of Bark-shire) which portions the Courtiers of that age did behold with envious eyes, for which the Bishopric sped no whit the better. 22. The same year concluded the life of Edward Deering an eminent Divi●e, And of Mr. Deering. born of a very ancient and worthy family in Kent, bred Fellow of Christ's College in Cambridge, a pious man and painful Preacher, but disaffected to Bishops and Ceremonies. Once preaching before Queen Elizabeth, he told her, that when in persecution under her sister Queen Mary, her Motto was Tanquam Ovis as a sheep, but now it might be, Tanquam indomita juvenca as an untamed Heifer. But surely the Queen still retained much of her ancient Motto as a sheep, in that she patiently endured so public (and conceiveed causeless) reproof, in inflicting no punishment upon him, save commanding him to forbear further preaching at the Court. 23. Rowland Jenkes, 20. July 4. 5. 6. a Popish Bookseller was indicted at the Summer Assiscs in Oxford, 1577. for dispersing of scandalous Pamphlets defamatory to the Queen and State. A strange mortality at Oxford. Here, on a sudden happened a strange mortality, whereof died, Sr. Robert Bell, Lord Chief Baron, a great Lawyer. Sr. Robert De Oil. Sr. Will. Babington. Mr. De Oil. High Sheriff. Mr. Wenman. Mr. Danvers. Mr. Fettiplace. Mr. Harecourt. Justices. Mr. Kerle. Mr. Greenwood. Mr. Foster. Mr. Nash. Gentlemen of good account. Sergeant Bernham an excellent Pleader. Almost all the Jurie-men, and of other persons there present three a Camden his Eliz. in hoc an. hundred died in the Town, and two hundred more sickening there died in other places within a Month. Amongst whom not b Stow's Chro. pag. 681. either Woman or Child. 24. Sanders calleth this, Improved by Papists to their advantage. ingens miraculum, and ascribeth it as a just punishment on the cruelty of the Judge for sentencing the Stationer, to lose his Ears. Adding moreover, that the Protestants (whose Philosophers and Physicians could not find the natural cause thereof) gave it out, De schismate pag. 375. that the Papists by Magic arts had procured this infection. Sr. Fra: Bacon his judgement of infectious smells. The best is, his words are no slanders. 25. But hear how a profound Scholar, De schisinate pag. 375. no less happy in finding, Anno Dom. 1577. then diligent in searching the mysteries of nature, Anno Regin Eliza. 20. and utterly unconcerned in this quarrel, Sr. Fra. Bacon his judgement of infectious smells. delivereth his judgement in the like case. a Natural Hist. Cent teeth, Num. 914. The most pernicious infection next to the Plague, is the smell of the Jail; When Prisoners have been long, and clese, nastily kept, Whereof we have had experience twice or thrice in our time; When both the Judges that sat upon the jail, and numbers of those that attended the business, or were present, sickened upon it, and died. Therefore it were good wisdom that in such cases, the Jail were aired, before they be brought forth. Otherwise most dangerous are the smells of mans-flesh, or sweat putrified; For they are not those stinks, which the Nostrils straight abhor, and expel, which are most pernicious; But such airs as have some similitude with man's body; And so insinuate themselves and betray the Spirits. Of these Mortality's mentioned by this Author, the first probably was this at Oxford (happening within the verge of youthful memory) the other two at Hereford in the Reigns of King James, and King Charles. The like chanced some four years since at Croyden, in Surrey, where a great depopulation happened, at the Assizes of Persons of quality, and the two Judges, Baron Yites, and Baron Rigby getting their banes there, died few days after. Yet here no Papists were arraigned to amount it to a Popish miracle, so that Saunders his observation is no whit conclusive, natural causes being afforded of such casualties. 26. We may remember how in the year, Many a Priest executed. One thousand five hundred seventy and one, a severe Law was made against such who brought any superstitions Trinkets (Badges of the Romish vassalage) into England. This Law lay Dormant for these last six years, and was never put into execution, that Papists might not pretend themselves surprised into punishment through the ignorance of the Law, so long a time being allowed unto them, that they might take serious cognizance of the said statute in this behalf: And therefore let such Catholics who complaine of cruelty herein, produce a Precedent of the like lenity amongst them used to Offenders. Nove. 30. But now one Cuthbert Maine a Priest, was drawn, hanged and quartered at Lanston in Cornwall, for his obstinate maintaining of the Papal power, and one Trugion a Gentleman of that County, was condemned to loss of all his goods and perpetual imprisonment for affording harbour unto him. 27. Hitherto the English Bishops had been vivacious almost to wonder. The vivacity of English Protestant Bishops. For necessarily presumed of good years, before entering on their office, in the first of Queen Elizabeth it was much that but five died for the first twenty years of her reign. * We account in this number not any Popish Bps. nor Scory and Barlow, Protestants made in the reign of K Edward. The death of P. Bullingham. Whereas now seven deceased within the compass of two years. Thus when a generation of contemporary persons gins to crack, it quickly falls, and the leases of their clay cottage, commencing it seems, much from the same date, at the same term did expire. We will severally reckon them up, the rather, because all the Remarks of Church-History for those two years, is folded up in their characters. 28. Nicholas Bullingham began the breach, translated from Lincoln to Worcester, whereat my b Sr. I. Haring. his addition to B. Godwin. Author doth much admire, conceiving [belike] such advancement a degradation, and can only render this reason, that for his own ease he changed a larger, for a lesser Diocese. But what if Worcester were also the better Bishopric, and so the warmer seat for his old age? 29. William Bradbridge bred in Magdalen College in Oxford, Bishop of Exeter, was snatched away with a sudden death. And in the same year Edmond Guest, BP. of Salisbury, bred in King's College in Cambridge, who wrote many books (reckoned up by J. Bale) bought and bestowed more on the library of Salisbury, Anno Regin Eliza. 21. Anno Dom. 1578. the case whereof, Bp. Cheyney a great Lu. heran wrongfully accused to die a Papist. was built by BP. Jewel. 30. Richard Cheyney, Bishop of Bristol, holding Gloucester therewith in dispensation, bred in Cambridge, of whom Mr. * Camd. in his Eliz. 1559. Camden giveth this character, that he was Luthero addictissimus, Most addicted to Luther. Bishop * In his Catalogue of the Bishops of Gloucester. Godwin saith, Jun. 27. Feb. 28. Luthero addictior fortasse quàm par erat, Perchance more addicted to Luther then was meet. Adding moreover, that in the first convocation in the reign of Queen Mary, he so earnestly opposed Popery, that he wonde r how he escaped with life. But I wonder more, how since his death, the scandalous rumour is raised, that he died a Papist, suspended by Archbishop Grindall from his Episcopal function, and this one (his successor in that See) will persuade others to believe. 31. However the words of Mrs. Goldsborrough (widow to BP. Goldsborrough of Gloucester) a grave Matron, prevailed with me to the contrary. His vindication. Who at a public entertainment, in the presence of many, and amongst * All my search cannot find out such an Instrument in any office. them of my judicious friend, Mr. Langley the worthy Schoolmaster of St. Paul's. gave a just check to this false report, and avowed that to her knowledge he died a true and sincere Protestant. Eliz. 22. June 1. 1579. 32. Robert Horn succeeded. Born in the Bishopric of Durham, bred in St. john's in Cambridge, * Camden's Eliz. in Anno 1559. one, valido & faecundo ingenio, saith my Author. Of a spriteful and fruit full wit. One who would go through whatsoever he undertook, be it against Papists or Nonconformists, and his adversaries playing with his name, (as denoting his nature hard, and inflexible) nothing moved him to abate of his resolution. 33. Thomas Bentham followed him, Bishop of Coventry, Followed by Bp. Bentham. and Leichfield, bred in Magdalen College in Oxford, Feb. 21. of whose christian valour in that College, against superstition in Queen Mary's reign, we have spoken before. 34. Richard Cox, Bishop of Ely, The death of Bishop Cox. concludes this Bill of Mortality, Tutor to King Edw. the 6. of whom largely before in the troubles at Frankford. I am sorry so much is charged on his memory, and so little can be said in his vindication, and would willingly impute it, not to his want of innocence, but ours, of intelligence. It moves me much his accusation of * Said to seed his servants with powdered venison (shrewdly hurt) to save other meat, St. I. Harring. in his additions to B. G. covetousness, dilapidating (or rather delignating his Bishopric, cutting down the woods thereof) for which he fell into the Queen's displeasure: But am more offended at his taking (if true) the many ancient manuscripts from Oxford, under the pretence of a visitation. He was an excellent poet, though the verses written on his own tomb, are none of the best, and scarce worth our translating. Vita caduca vale, salveto vita perennis, Corpus terra tegit, spiritus alta petit. In terra Christi Gallus Christum resonabam, Da Christ in Coelis, te sine fine sonem. Frail life farewell, welcome life without end, Earth hides my corpse, my soul doth heaven ascend, CHRIST'S COCK on earth, I chanted Christ his name, Grant without end, in Heaven I sound the same. It seems some took exceptions at the Epitaph, as parcell-Popish, because (though supposing his possession) praying for the perpetuation of his happiness, and on that account, twenty years after his death, it was partly demolished. 35. This year also Sr. Thomas Gresham ended his life, Gresham Col. founded by St. T. Gresham. whose Royal-exchange in London, with all the Magnificence thereof, could not properly entitle him to a mention in this our Church-History; Anno Dom. 1580. had he not also, by his will bequeathed maintenance, Anno Regin Eliza. 23. for the erecting of a College in Bishops-gate-street, allowing an annual Salary of fifty pound to several Professors in Divinity, Civil Law, Physic, Astronomy, Geometry, Music, and Rhetoric. It is therefore no mistake in * In his Atlas' pag 66. Mercator when counting three Universities, in England, Cambridge, Oxford, and London, seeing the last may be so esteemed, both in relation to the Inns-of-Court, and this College. 36. The Family of love, The obscure Original of the Familists. began now to grow so numerous, factious, and dangerous, that the Privy Council thought fit to endeavour their suppression. Being now to deduce the Original of this Sect, we desire that the Clock of Time on the margin of our Book may stand still, intending not to discompose the method of years therein: though we go backward for awhile in our History, to fetch in the beginning of these Familists. Most obscure was their Original, according to the Apostles a Judas 4. words, There are certain men crept in unawares, Crept in, showing the slowness of their pace, and the lowness of their posture. The later proceeding partly from their Guiltiness, not daring to go upright, to justify, avouch, and maintain their doctrine, partly out of Policy, to work themselves in, the b Isa. 30. 6. more invisibly. But these Creepers at first, turned Plyers afterwards (flying Serpents no contradiction) so that the State accounted it necessary to cut down their arrogancy and increase, whose beginning with the means thereof we come now to relate. 37. One Henry Nicholas born in Amsterdam, Hen. Nicholas their first founder. first vented this doctrine (about the year 1550.) in his own country. He was one who wanted learning in himself, and hated it in others, and yet was conceived, (which at first procured pity unto him) though of wild and confused notions, with absurd and improper expressions, yet of honest and harmless intentions. Men thought him unable, both to manage his Apprehensions whole (as to make sense of them) and too weak by distinctions to parcel and divide them (wanting Logic for that purpose) and yet they charitably conceived, his mind might be better than his mouth, and that he did mean better, than he could interpret his own meaning. For meeting with many c John 17. 21, 22, 23. etc. places in Scripture, which speak the union and communion of Christians with Christ, Christ with God (how quickly are mysteries made blasphemies, when unskilful hands meddle with them?) he made of them a most carnall-spirituall exposition. 38. Yea in process of time, His ●●ck Apostolic stile. he grew so bad, that charity itself would blush to have a favourable thought of his Opinions. Not content to confine his Errors to his own Country, over he comes into England, and in the later end of the reign of King Edward the sixth, joined himself to the Dutch Congregation in London, where he seduced a number of Artificers and silly women, amongst whom two daughters of one Warwick, (to whom he dedicated an epistle) were his principal Perverts. Mr. Martin Micronius, and Mr. Nicholaus Charineus, than the ministers of the Dutch Congregation, zealously confuted his errors, but it seems their Antidotes pierced not so deep as his poisons. Many of our English Nation were by him deceived, and may the Reader but peruse this his mock-Apostolick Style, (his charm to delude silly people therewith) and let him tell me whether the Ape did not well deserve a whip, for his over-imitation therein. H. Nicholas through the grace and mercy of God, d In his Evangelium Regni, or the joyful message of the kingdom. through the Holy Spirit of the love of Jesus Christ. Raised up by the highest God from the death, according to the providence of God, and his promises. Anointed with the Holy Ghost, in the old age of the holy understanding of Jesus Christ. Godded with God in the Spirit of his love. Illuminated in the Spirit with the heavenly truth, the true light of perfect being. Made heir with Christ in the Heavenly goods, of the riches of God. Elected to be a minister of the gracious word, which is now in the last times raised up by God, according to his promises in the most holy service of God, under the obedience of his love. The followers of this Nicholas assumed to themselves the Title of the family of Love. Family a Gal. 6. 10. of faith, we find in Scripture, but this new-name was one first invented by, and falsely applied unto this Faction, who might more fitly, from Nicholas their father and founder, be styled Nicolaitans, as their namesakes (hated by b Rev. 2. 6. God for their filthiness) were called so, from c Acts 6. 5. Nicolas the proselyte of Antioch. These Familists (besides many monstrosities they maintained about their Communion with God) attenuated all Scriptures into Allegories, and under pretence to turn it into Spirit, made them airy empty, nothing. They counterfeited Revelations, and those not explicatory or applicatory of Scripture, (such may and must be allowed to God's Servants in all ages) but additional thereunto, and of equal necessity and infallibility to be believed therewith. In a word, as in the small pox, (pardon my plain and homely, but true and proper comparison) when at first they kindly come forth, every one of them may severally and distinctly be discerned, but when once they run and matter, they break one into another, and can no longer be dividedly discovered; so though at first there was a real difference, betwixt Familists, Enthusiasts, Antinomians (not to add highflown Anabaptists) in their opinions, yet (process of time plucking up the Pales betwixt them) afterwards they did so interfere amongst themselves, that it is almost impossible to bank, and bound their several absurdities. 39 The practices of these Familists were worse than their opinions. The Familists worse in practice than opinion. They grieved the Comforter, charging all their sins on God's Spirit, for not effectually assisting them against the same: accounting themselves as innocent as the d Deut. 22. 27. maid forced in the field, crying out, and having none to help her. Yea, St. Paul's e Rom. 6. 1. supposition, Shall we continue in sin that grace may abound? was their position. What he started from, they embraced; what he branded with a God forbidden, they welcomed with a well done good and faithful servant: sinning on design, that their wickedness might be a foil to God's mercy, to set it off the brighter. 40. The Privy Council therefore took them into consideration, Octo. 10. and tendered unto them this following abjuration. Their abjuration. Whosoever teacheth that the dead which are fallen asleep in the Lord, rise up in this day of his judgement, and appear unto us in godly glory, which shall henceforth live in us everlastingly with Christ, and reign upon the earth, is a detestable heretic. Whosoever teacheth, that to be born of the Virgin Mary, out of the seed of David after the flesh, is to be expounded of the pure doctrine out of the seed of love, is a detestable Heretic, Whosoever teacheth, that Jesus Christ is come again unto us according to his promise, to the end, that they all which love God, and his righteousness, and Christ, and perfect being, might presently enter into the true rest, which God hath prepared from the beginning for his elect, and inherit the everlasting life, is a detestable heretic. No fewer than ten of the Privy Council tendered this abjuration to each Familist, but with what success I find not. If any of these Familists were of their opinion in Higher Germany, who were called a See rutherford's survey of the Spiritual Antichrist pag. 11. Liberi Fratres, Free Brethren, who maintained themselves delivered by Christ from all covenants, vows, and debts, (if from prison too on denial of payment, it were excellent) all was to little purpose, seeing a bird may as soon be impounded, as these spirits confined by any oaths, or carnal obligation. Pass we from them to others more dangerous, because more learned, even the Jesuits (hoping at last to light on the temperate zone, when we have done with these dull, frozen, ignorant Sectaries, and fiery, torrid, overactive Papists) whereof two principal ones, Persons, and Campian, living at Rom●, importuned his Holiness for licence to come over into England. 41. Having obtained this gracious faculty, Persons and Campian come into England Their several characters over they come into England, and distil superstition, and disloyalty into the Queen's Subjects. This Persons was a Summerset-shire man, formerly of Balliol College in Oxford, till for his b Camden's Eliz. Anno 1580. dishonesty he was expelled with disgrace. But, what Oxford cast away for dross, Rome received for gold, entertaining, and rewarding him as a man of a daring, and undertaking spirit, and of a nature turbulent, and seditious. Campian, born in London, and bred in St. John's College, of the same University (whereof he was Proctor Anno 1568.) was one of a sweet nature, constantly carrying about him the charms of a plausible behaviour: of a fluent tongue, and good parts, which he knew how to show to the best advantage. These two effectually advanced the Roman cause, appearing in more several shapes than Proteus himself, in the disguised habits of Soldiers, Courtiers, Ministers of the word, Apparitours, as they were advised by their profit, and safety: and, as if his Holiness had infused an ubiquitariness into them, they acted in city, court, and country. Persons was the axe to hue knotty controversies, where deep learning was needful; Campian was the plainer to come after him, and smooth matters with his eloquence; yea, the former frighted fearful people into Popery with his fierceness, the later flattered them in it with his courteous behaviour. But, none can give a better account of Campians proceed, than this his own letter which followeth. To the right Reverend Father Everard Mercurian, Provost General of the Society of Jesus. AFter that, trusting on God's goodness, I live now the fifth month in these parts, I thought it my duty, Reverend Father, to acquaint you by letters, what the state of our matters is, and what it is likely to be. For I know full well, that you desire to know, what I do, what I hope, how I profit, and that both out of constant care for the common good, and also out of the great love you bear unto myself. The former I wrote from St. Omers, now receive in few words, what things have since happened unto us. I impute it as proceeding from Divine Providence, that, whereas I had waited four full days for a c A good wind which blows a traitor to Tyburn. prosperous wind; at last on the fifth (which was the feast of John Baptist, any my tutelary Saint, to whom I had often commended both my cause, and journey) at even we put forth to sea. The next day very early we arrived at Dover, I and my little man, where we escaped very a Ominous that his soot should stumble at the threshold, newly landed in the Kingdom. Ti● probable, he that was suspected at his coming in, will be detected before his going out. narrowly, that both of us were not taken. Being commanded, we appear before the Major of the town, he conjectures several things, guessing us to be, what indeed we were, namely, enemies to the heretical party, lovers of the old religion, that we had dissembled our names, gone away for Religion, being returned with desire to propagate it. One thing he pressed that I was Allen, which I denied, (and if need had been) I would have deposed the contrary on my oath. At last he determines, and this he often repeats, that we ought to be sent with a guard to the Privy Council. Nor do I know who altered his mind, except it were God, to whom in the mean time I made my silent supplication, using the intercession of St. John, by whose favour I came thither. Presently out came the b See how a crafty equivocating Jesuit, is an over-match for a country well meaning Magistrate. old man (well far his heart for it) it is our pleasure (said he) that you shall be dismissed. Farewell. Away we flew. These and the like things, which here I find, when I recount them with myself, I am confirmed in this opinion, that when the matter shall make more for c Caiphas. Truly prophesied, if truly applied. God's glory, than I shall be taken, and not before. I arrive at London. A good Angel led me, without my knowledge to the same house, which had formerly received Father Robert. Many Gentlemen run to me, salute me, cloth me, d Heu, quanta patimur? Oh pitiful persecution enough almost to make an Epicure complain of hard usage. adorn me, arm me, send me out of the city. Every day almost I ride about some coast of the Country. The harvest is altogether very great. Sitting on my horse I meditate a short Sermon, which coming into the house, I perfectly polish. Afterward if any come to me, I discourse with them, or hear their confessions. In the morning, Service being done, I make a Sermon, they bring thirsty ears, and most frequently receive the Sacraments. In the administering of them we are assisted by the Priests, whom we find every where. Thus it comes to pass, that both the people are pleased, and the work is made less wearisome unto us. Our Countrymen which are Priests, being themselves eminent for learning, and holiness, have raised such a reverend esteem of our Order, that I conceive, that Veneration which the Catholics give us, is not to be mentioned but with some e Lest the world should know, how simple people give, and shamless Jesuits take so much honour, where so little is due. fear. Wherefore the more care is to be taken, that such as shall be sent as a supply unto us (whom now we very much want) may be so f With fair tongues, false hearts, cunning heads and bold faces Campian is the copy, and the rest must be like him. qualified, that they may well undertake all these things. Above all things, Let them be well exercised in preaching. We can not long g His Predictions were indicted from his guiltiness. Offenders fear what they deserve. escape the hands of Heretics, so many are the eyes, the tongues, and treacheries of our enemies. I am in a most antic habit, which I often h His often Changing speaks him but a valiant coward in the cause. change, as also my i Homo multorum nominum, non boninominis. name. Just now I read a letter, in whose front it was written, Campian is taken. This old song now so rings in mine ears, wheresoever I come, that very fear hath driven all fear from me. my life is always in my hand. Let them that shall be sent hither for our supply, bring this along with them, well thought on before hand. But the comforts which are mingled in this matter, are such, as not only do recompense the fear of pain, but any pains whatsoever, with an infinite pleasure; namely, a pure conscience, unconquered strength, incredible zeal. Eminent work we have effected, innumerable number of converts, high, low, of the middle rank, of all ages, and sexes. Hence it is grown into a proverb amongst the Heretics themselves, that if any of them be better natured then others, they presently call them a Would the Catholics would themselves pay the twenty pound a month which they own to the King for their Recusancy. Catholics, who will pay the debts which they owe. Insomuch, that if any Catholics should chance to use a man hardly, he is expostulated with in this respect, that in no case such things ought to be done by men of their profession. In brief, heresy is ill reported of all, nor is there any sort of men more vile, and rotten then are their b Thus when the herneshaw cannot beat the hawk with strength, she dungs upon him. ●●iling must help where reason wants. Ministers. We are deservedly full of indignation, that in so bad a cause, men so unlearned, so wicked, so dissolute, so vile, do domineer over most flourishing wits. Most threatening edicts are carried about against us. By wariness, and the prayers of good people and (which is the main) by God's goodness, we have in safety gone over a great part of the Island. I see many c Good affections ill employed. God send them le●s heat, or more light. forgetting themselves to be careful for us. Something happened in those days by God's will, which I did not so much as hope for I had articulatly set down in writing our points, and certain most equal demands, confessing myself to be a Priest of the Society, coming with an intent to amplify the Catholic faith, teach the Gospel, administer Sacraments. I requested audience of the Queen, and the Peers of the Realm, and d Bart challenging. They that long most for duels, first surleit of them. challenged my adversaries to the combat. I resolved to keep one copy to myself, that it might be carried to the Judges with me; another I had committed to my friend with this intent, that if they took me, and my copy, the other should presently be spread abroad. My friend did not conceal it, he published it; it is worn in every man's hand. Our adversaries are stark mad. Out of their Pulpits their Preachers answer, that they indeed desire it, but the Queen is not willing, that matters now being settled, there should be any farther disputation. They rend us with their rail, call us Seditious, Hypocrites, yea and Heretics also, which is most laughed at. The people in this point are altogether ours. This Error hath made marvellously for our advantage. If we be commanded on the Public Faith, e So my printed copy wherein I suspect some mistake. da●im is non curiam. But they intent nothing less. All our Prisons are filled with Catholics, new ones are preparing. Now at last they openly maintain, that it is better to deliver a few Traitors over to death, then to betray the souls of so many men. Now they say nothing of their own Martyrs, for we conquer in Cause, Number, Dignity, and the Opinion of all men. We produce, for a few Apostates, or Cobblers burnt, Bishops, a Not one Popish Bishop put to death. (nor Peer of the Realm, five for actual rebellion) in all the Queen's Reign. Whereas in the Marian days, we had an Archbishop, and four Bishops burnt, for mere matters of conscience. [Regulos] petty Prince's, Knights, and most eminent of the Gentry, (mirrors of learning, honesty, and wisdom) the choicest youth, illustrious Matrons. The rest of middle estate almost innumerable, all of them at once, or every day consumed. Whilst I writ these things, a most cruel persecution rageth. The house is sad; for they presage, either the death of their friends, or that to save their lives, they must hid, be in prison, or suffer the loss of all their goods; yet they go on courageously. Very many even now are reconciled to our Church. New Soldiers inlist their names, and old ones freely shed their blood. Herewith, and with these holy sacrifices, God will be merited, and out of doubt, in short time we shall overcome. You see therefore Reverend Father, how much we need your sacrifices, prayers, and heavenly assistance. There will be some in England, who may provide for their own safety; and there will be those, who may promote the good of others. Man may be angry, and the Devil mad: so long the Church here will stand, whilst the shepherds are not wanting to their sheep. I am hindered with a report of a most present danger, that I can write no more at this time. Let God arise, and let his enemies be scattered. Farewell. Edmond Campian. * Campian catcht by Walsinghams' setters. Secretary Walsingham, one of a steady head (no more than needful for him, who was to dive into such whirle-pools of State) laid out for Campians apprehension. Many were his lime-twigs to this purpose. Some of his Emissaries were bred in Rome itself. It seems his Holiness was not infallible in every thing, who paid pensions to some of Walsinghams' spies sent thither to detect Catholics. Of these, Sled and Eliot were the principal. Surely these Setters could not accomplish their ends, but with deep dissembling and damnable lying. If any account such officers evils, I deny it not, but add them to be necessary evils, in such a dangerous juncture of time. Always set a— to catch a—; and the greatest dear-stealers, make the best Parke-keepers. Indeed these spies were so cunning, they could trace a labyrinth, without the guidance of a clew of thread; and knew all by-corners at home, and abroad. At last Eliot snapped Campian in his own lodging, and in great triumph he was carried to the Tower. 42. The Papists tell us of seven deadly racks in the Tower, Pretended cruelty in racking Papists. all of them exercised on some or other their prisoners therein. One rack called the Duke of Exeters, the other the Scavenger's daughter, and these haply had their grandchildren: God keep all good men in the joyful ignorance of them, and their issue. Campian is said * Sanders De Schis. Anglicano pag. 409. thrice, or four times, to have been tortured on them, ad l●xationem, ac quassationem omnium membrorum; if the report thereof be not racked beyond the proportion of truth. However we request the ingenuous; 43. First, Excused in some degree. to consider, there scarce passed a leap-year, wherein the Papists did not lay their eggs, or hatch some treason against the Queen, which excuseth such severity used to detect conspiracies. Secondly, I find when Father Bri●nt, a Priest was a Ribadeneira his continuation of Sanders de Schis. Ang. in his Diary An. 1581. Month of March. racked most cruelly, he confesseth, Se nihil quicquam doloris sensisse, That he felt no pain at all. Were this false, I wonder so religious a man would report it; were it true, I wonder that Campian (every inch as religious as Briant) had not the same miraculous favour indulged to him. Thirdly, Campian presently after his racking, wrote letters with his own b Camb. Eliz. in this year. hand; which shows he was not so disjointed, with such cruelty as is pretended. Lastly, those who complain of Campians usage have forgotten, or will not remember, how Anne Askue, and Cuth'ert Simpson (on whom no shadow of treason could be charged) were most cruelly, and causelessly racked by Popish persecutors, as a preface to their ensuing martyrdom. 44. We leave Campian for a time in a safe place, Persons his three wonderful escapes. where we are sure to find him at our return, to behold how it fared with Father Persons, diligently sought for by Walsinghams' setters, and therefore as eminent for making his three escapes, as writing his three conversions. 1. By hiding himself in a stack of hay, hard by a public Inn, whither messengers were sent to attach him. 2. Being amused with grief, and fear, and fright, he could not find an c Continuatio Sanderi De Schis. Ang. pag. 404. house in London (otherwise well known unto him) whither he intended to go, and by losing his way saved his life, that place being beset with soldiers to apprehend him. 3. When scarce gone out of an house on the Thames side, but the same was searched by the officers, who routed an army of crucifixes, medals, Agnus Dei's, and other Papish trinkets therein. To these a fourth may be added, more d Vide Sheld. of Mirac. pag. 25. & Give his One soot out of the snare 71. miraculous than all the rest, When Persons was apprehended by a Pursuivant at Northwich in Cheshire, and put into a chamber fast bolted, and licked upon him, the door did, three times together, miraculously, and of its own accord fly open. 45. By the Readers favour, Our observation on his fourth escape. as I dare not deny belief to this passage attested by a Catholic Father: so I cannot but wonder thereat. Peter, and Paul, each of them had e Acts 12. 7. & Acts 16. 26. once their prison doors open: Persons exceeds them both, three several solemn times his prison was set open. Did he not tempt Divine providence, which once, and again offered unto him a way to escape, to expect a third call to come forth? Had Providence (angry that the courtesy twice tendered, was not accepted) left him alone, none would have pitied him if caught, and sent to keep company with his dear friend Father Campian in the Tower. 46. But Persons knew full well, Persons politicly returneth to Rome. that miracles (though cordials in extremity) are no bill of fare for men's daily diet, and therefore he must not constantly expect such wonderful deliverances. Besides, no doubt he remembered what passed in the fable; though this his good Genius had helped him at a dead lift, yet the same intended not to wear out all his shoes, and to go barefoot himself, in making a trade constantly to preserve him. Wherefore, Juniores ad labores, Let younger men take the task, and trouble upon them. This wary bird would not be catcht, to whistle in the cage to the tune of Walsingham. Wherefore over he went to Rome, and there slept in a whole skin, as good reason it was, so great a General should secure his person from danger. SECTION FOUR To Mr. James Bovey of London Merchant. ONe (if not the only) good which our civil war hath produced, is, That on the ransacking of Studies, many manuscripts, which otherwise would have remained concealed, and useful only for private persons, have been printed for the public benefit. Amongst which, some may suspect the following letter of Archbishop Grindall to be one. But to clear that scruple, I must avow, that a * A. B. of Armagh. Reverend person was proprietary of an authentic Copy thereof, before the thing plunder was owned in England, and may (I shall well hope) notwithstanding his grey hairs remain so, after it is disclaimed. 1. KNow that a Parliament and Convocation, A petition in the name of the whole convocation for the restitution of Archbishop Grindal. being this year called, the latter appeared rather a trunk, than a body, because Edmond Grindal, Archbishop of Canterbury, groaning under the Queen's displeasure, was forbidden access to the Convocation. Whereupon, it began sadly (not to say sullenly) without the solemnity of a Sermon, abruptly entering on the small business they had to do. Some hotspurs therein motioned, that they should refuse to meet together, till their company were completed, and the Archbishop restored unto them. But the gravity of the rest soon retrenched this distemper, and at last all agreed, that Toby Watthew, Dean of Christ-Church (commanding a pure, and fluent pen) should in the name of the Convocation, draw an humble supplication to Her Majesty for the restitution of the Archbishop to his place, which was done according to the tenor following. Serenissimae, ac Potentissimae Reginae Elizabethae, Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae Reginae, Fidei Defensatrici etc. ETsi Majestatem Regiam sive verbo, five scripto interpellare (Serenissima Princeps Elizabetha) non decere, nisi rariùs; non licere, nisi gravioribus de causis arbitramur: tamen cum praecipiat Apostolus, ut, dum tempus habeamus, benefacimus omnibus, maximè verò domesticis fidei, committere nullo modo possumus, quin illud hoc tempore à Tua Celsitate humiliter contendamus, quod nobis ad petendum utile, & necessarium; toti Ecclesiae, & Reipublicae ad obtinendum salutare, & fructuosum; Tuae denique Majestati ad concedendum, perfacile, & honorificum sit futurum. Quanquam igitur acerbissimè dolemus, & contristamur, Reverendissimum Patrem, Cantuariensem Archiepiscopum, post tot annos, in tantam, tamque diuturnam Majestatis Truae offensionem incidisse; tamen valde vehementer speramus, nos veniam adepturos, si pro uno multi, pro Archiepiscopo Episcopi, pro tanto Praesule tot Ministri, seriò, & suppliciter intercedamus. Quod si deprecantium authorit as in petitione valeret, haec causa jamdudum à nobilibus viris; si voluntas, ab amicissimis; si experientia, à prudentissimis; si religio, a reverendissimis; si multitudo, à plurimis: sicut nostrae partes nullae nunc altae videantur, quàm ut orationem cum illorum rationibus, nostras preces cum illorum petitionibus supplicissimè, ac demississimè conjungamus. Vt enim Caesar Octavius jucundissimus propterea fuisse scribitur, quòd apud cum quoties quisque voluit, dixit, & quod voluit, dum humiliter; sic ex infinitis illis virtutibus, quibus Regium Tuum pectus abundè cumulatur, vix ulla vel Majestati Tuae honorificentior, vel in populum Tuum gratiosior existit, quàm in admittendis hominibus facilitas, in causis audiendis lenitas, prudentia in secernendis, in satisfaciendis pietas, & clementia. Nihil est enim tam populare quàm bonit as; atque Principes ad praepotentem Deum nulla re propiùs accedunt, quàm offensionibus deponendis, & obliviscendis injurijs; non dicimus septies, sedseptuagies septies. Nam, si decem millia talentorum dimittantur nobis; nonne nos fratribus, conservis, subditis, centum denarios condonabimus? Liceat enim nobis illud Christi praeceptum, adistud institutum, bona Tua cum pace accommodare. Praesertim cum hortetur Apostolus, ut mansuetudo nostra nota sit omnibus; Christusque jubeat, ut misericordes simus sicut Pater noster coelestis misericors est. Vinum in vulnus infundere salutare est, & salutarius oleum; Christus utrumque adhibuit. Judicium cantare, Domino jucundum est, ac jucundius misericordiam; David utrumque perfecit. Gratiosa est in omnibus hominibus clementia, in Proceribus gratiosior, in Principe verò gratiosissima. Gloriosae est Regi mansuetudo, Reginae gloriosior, Virgini verò gloriosissima: si non semper, at saepius; sinon in omnes, at in pios; sinon in vulgus, at in Magistratus, at in Ministros, at in eum qui in tam sublimi loco constitutus, magnâ apud nos authoritate, magnà apud alios existimatione, summâ in Sacratissimam Tuam Majestatem fide, & observantia praeditus; ut non saepe in vitâ deliquisse, sed semel tantum in vitâ displicuisse videatur, idque non tam praesract â voluntate, quam tenera conscientiâ, cujus tantam esse vim, magni authores, & optimi quique viri scripserunt, ut quicquid, eâ vel reclamante, vel errante, vel haesitante fiat, non leve peccatum esse statuerint. Acut, quod verum est, ingenuè & humiliter attendamus; & illud omnium qued unum agitur, vel necessario silentio, vel voluntariâ oblectatione obruamus: Si laudabile est, vitam non modo abomni crimine, sed suspicione criminis, liberam traduxisse, traduxit; si bonestum, Religionem ab omni, non modo Papistica corruptela, sed à schismatica pravitate, integram conservare, conservavit; si Christianum, non modo, propter justitiam, persecutionem passum esse, sed per caeter as nationes propter Evangelium, oberrasse; & passus est, & oberravit. Quae cum ita sint (Regina Clementissima) omnes hae nostrae voces ad Celsitudinem Tuam profectae, hoc unum demississimè, & quàm fieri potest subjectissimè comprecantur, idque per singularem naturae Tuae bonitatem, per anteactae Tuae vitae consuetudinem, per pietatem Regiam in subditos, per charitatem Christianam in inimicos, perque eam, qua reliquos omnes & privatos, & Principes excellis lenitatem; ut velis Majestatem Tuam mansuetudine, justitiam misericordiâ, iramplacabilitate, offensionem indulgentiâ mitigare; & Archiepiscopum maerore sractum, & debilitatum, non modo extollere jacentem, sed Ecclesiam ipsi, ipsum Ecclesiae, Tuis civibus, suis fratribus, exteris nationibus, denique pijs omnibus tandem aliquando restituere. Quod si fecerit Majestas Tua, vel potiùs cùm fecerit (quod enim summè cupimus, summè etiam sperare jucundum est) non dubitamus, quin illum Reverendissimum Patrem, supplicem, & abjectum, non tam à pedes, quàm ad nutûs Tuos perpetuò sis habitura. Ita Celsitati Tuae persanctè pollicemur, nobis neque in Ecclesia constituenda curam, neque in Religione propagandâ studium, neque in Schismatibus tollendis diligentiam, neque in hoc beneficio praecipuè recolendo memoriam, neque in ferendo quas debemus gratias, gratam animi benevolentiam ullo unquam tempore defuturam. Dominus Jesus Majestatem Tuam, ad Reipublicae tranquillitatem, ad Ecclesiae conservationem, ad suae veritatis amplificationem, omni foelicitatis genere diutissimè prosequatur. This petition, though presented with all advantage, found no other entertainment than delays, which ended in a final denial; it being daily suggested to the Queen, that Grindal was a great patron of prophesyings (now set up in several parts of the land) which, if permitted to take place, would in fine prove the bane of the Church, and Commonwealth. 2. These prophesyings were founded on the Apostles a 1 Cor. 14. 13. precept, The model and method of prophesyings. For, ye may all prophesy one by one, that all may learn, and all be comforted; but so, as to make it out, they were fain to make use of humane prudential additions, modelling their prophesyings as followeth. 1. The Ministers of the same precinct, by their own appointment (not strictly standing on the old division of Deaneries) met at the principal place therein. 2. The junior Divine went first into the pulpit, and for half an hour, more or less (as he could with clearness contract his meditations) treated upon a portion of Scripture, formerly by a joynt-agreement assigned unto him. After him, four or five more, observing their seniority successively dilated on the same text. 3. At last a grave Divine, Anno Dom. 1580. Anno Regin Eliza. 23. appointed on purpose (as Father of the Act) made the closing sermon, somewhat larger than the rest, praising the pains, and performance of such, who best deserved it; meekly, and mildly reproving the mistakes, and failings of such of those, if any were found in their Sermons. Then all was ended as it was begun with a solemn prayer: and at a public refection of those Ministers together (with many of the Gentry repairing unto them) the next time of their meeting was appointed, text assigned, Preachers deputed, a new Moderator elected, or the old one continued, and so all were dissolved. This exercise proved (though often long) seldom tedious; and people's attentions, though travelling far, were little tired, because entertained with much variety. 3. However, The inconve●●●●s of 〈◊〉 ●e ying 〈◊〉 or suspected. some inconveniences were seen, and more foreseen by wise (or at least suspected by fearful) men, if these prophecies might generally take place in the land. 1. Many modest Ministers, and those profitable Preachers in their private Parishes 〈◊〉 were loath to appear in this public way, which made them underservedly slighted and neglected by others. 2. Many young men, of more boldness than learning, readiness, than solidity, carried away the credit, to the great disheartening of those of more age, and ability. 3. This consort of Preachers kept not always time and tune amongst themselves, much jarring of personal reflections often disturbing their harmony. 4. Many would make impertinent excursions from their text, to inveigh against the present discipline, and government of the Church. Such-Preachers being more plausible to the people, generally best pleased with them, who manifest their displeasure against the present authority. 5. A wise person was often wanting to moderate the Moderator, partially passing his censures, rather according to affection, than judgement. 6. People factiously cried up, some one Minister, some another, to the disgrace of God's Ordinance. 7. These prophesyings, being accounted the fairs for spiritual merchandizes, made the weekly markets for the same holy commodities, on the Lord's day, to be less respected, and Ministers to be neglected in their respective Parishes. 8. In a word, the Queen was so perfectly prepossessed with prejudice against these prophesyings, (as if they foretold the rise of schism, and faction) that she was implacably incensed against Archbishop Grindal, as the principal Patron, and promoter thereof. However the good Archbishop, to vindicate himself, and state the usefulness of these prophesyings, wrote a large letter to the Queen: and although we cannot exactly tell the just * To the day and month being confident this was the year. time thereof; yet, knowing it▪ will be welcome to the pious reader at any time, here we present the true copy thereof. WIth most humble remembrance of bounden duty to your Majesty. The most remarkable letter of Archbishop Grindall, in defence of Prophecies and Church jurisdiction. It may please the same to be advertized, that the speeches which it pleased you to deliver unto me when I last attended on your Highness concerning the abridging the number of Preachers, and the utter subversion of all learned exercises, and conferences amongst the Ministers of the Church, allowed by the Bishops and Ordinaries have exceedingly dismayed and discomforted me: not so much for that, the said speeches founded very hardly against my own person, being but one particular man, and not so much to be accounted of; but most of all, for that the same might tend to the public harm of God's Church, whereof your Majesty by office ought to be Nutricia, and also the heavy burden of your conscience before God if they should bè put to strict execution. It was not your Majesty's pleasure then (the time not serving thereto) to hear me at any length concerning the said two matters then expounded. I thought it therefore my duty by writing to declare some part of my mind unto your Highness, beseeching the same with patience to read over this which I now send written with my own rude scribbling hand, which seemeth indeed to be of more length than it is: for I say with Ambrose Ad Valentinianum Imper: Scribo manu mea, quod sola legas. Madam, first of all I must, and will during my life, confess that there is no earthly creature to whom I am so much bounden as to your Majesty, who (notwithstanding mine insufficiency, which commendeth your grace the more) hath bestowed upon me so many and so great benefits, as I could never hope for, much less deserve. I do therefore according to my bounden duly, with all thanksgiving, bear towards your Majesty a most humble, thankful, and faithful heart, and that knoweth he, that knoweth all things: Neither do I intent ever to offend your Majesty in any thing, unless in the cause of God, or his Church by necessity of office and burden laid upon me, and burden of conscience, I shall thereunto be enforced, and in these cases, which I trust in God shall never be urged upon me. If I should use dissembling silence, I should very ill requite so many your Majesties, and so great benefits. For in so doing, both you might fall into peril towards God, and I myself into endless damnation. The Prophet Ezekiel termeth us Ministers of the Church Speculatores, and not Adulatores. If we therefore see the sword coming by reason of any offence towards God, we must of necessity give warning, else the blood of those that perish will be required at our hands. I beseech your Majesty thus to think of me, that I do not conceive any ill opinion of you, although I cannot assent unto those two Articles then expounded. I do with the rest of all your good Subjects acknowledge, that we have received by your government, many and most excellent benefits, as amongst others, freedom of conscience, suppression of Idolatry, sincere preaching of the Gospel, with public peace and tranquillity. I am also persuaded that ever in these matters which you seem to urge, your meaning and zeal is for the best: the like hath happened to many of the best Princes that ever were, yet have not refused afterwards to be better informed, and instructed out of God's word: King David so much commended in the Scriptures, had no evil meaning, when he commanded the people to be numbered, he thought it good policy in so doing, to understand what forces he had in store to employ against God's enemies, if occasion so required: yet afterwards saith the Scripture, his own heart struck him, and God by the Prophet Gad, reprehended him for his offence, and gave him for the same, choice of three hard pennances, that is to say, Famine, War, and Pestilence. Good King Ezechias of courtesy, and good affection, showed to the Ambassadors of the King of Babylon, the treasures of the house of God, and of his own house, and yet the Prophet Isaiah told him, that God was therewith displeased. The godly King Jehosaphat making league with his neighbour King Ahab, and of like good meaning no doubt was likewise reprehended by Jehu the Prophet in this form of words; Impio praebes auxilium, & ijs qui oderunt Dominum, amicitia jungeris. Ambrose writing to Theodosius the Emperor, useth these words; Novi pietatem tuam erga Deum, lenitatem in homines, oblectatus sum beneficijs tuis etc. and yet for all that, the said Ambrose doth not forbear in the same Epistle to persuade the said Emperor, to revoke an ungodly Edict, wherein he had commanded a godly Bishop to re-edify a jewish Synagogue pulled down by the Christian people. And so to come to the present case, I may very well use to your Highness, the words of Ambrose above written, Novi pietatem etc. But surely I cannot marvel enough, how this strange opinion should once enter into your mind; that it should be good for the Church to have few preachers. Alas Madam, is the Scripture more plain in any thing, then that the gospel of Christ should be plentifully preached: and that plenty of labourers should be sent into the Lord's harvest, which being great and large, standeth in need, not of a few, but of many workmen. There was appointed to the building of Solomon's material Temple artificers and labourers, besides 3000. overseers: and shall we think, that a few preachers, may suffice to the building and edifying of the spiritual Temple of Christ, which is his Church: Christ when he sent forth his Disciples and Apostles, said unto them, Ite, praedicate Evangelium omni creaturae; but all God's creatures cannot be instructed in the gospel, unless all possible means be used to have multitudes of preachers and teachers to preach unto them. Sermo Christi inhabitet in vobis opulenter, Saith S. Paul Col. 3. and 2 Tim. 4. Praedica Sermonem, insta tempestiuè, intempestiuè, argue, increpa, exhortare etc. which thing cannot be done without often and much teaching and preaching. To this agreeth the practice of Christ's Apostles, Qui constituebant per singulas Ecclesias presbyteros. Acts 14. S. Paul likewise writeth to Titus, 1. Hujus rei gratia, reliqui te in Creta, ut quae desunt, pergas corrigere, & constituas oppidatim Presbyteros. And afterwards describes how the same presbytery were to be qualified, not such as we are compelled to admit for mere necessity, unless we should have a great many of Churches utterly desolate: but such indeed as were able to exhort, per suam doctrinam, & contradicentes convincere. And in this place, I beseech your Majesty to note one thing necessary to be noted, which is this. If the Holy Ghost prescribeth expressly, that preachers should be placed oppidatim; How can it then well be thought, that three or four preachers may suffice for a shire: Public and continual preaching of God's word, is the ordinary means, and instrument of the salvation of mankind. S. Paul calleth it the Ministry of reconciliation of man unto God: by the preaching of God's word, the glory of God is increased and enlarged, faith nourished, and charity increased; by it the ignorant are instructed, the negligent exhorted and incited, the stubborn rebuked, the weak conscience comforted, and to all those, that sin of malicious wickedness, the wrath of God is threatened: By preaching also, due obedience to God and Christian Princes, and Magistrates, is planted in the hearts of Subjects; for obedience proceedeth of conscience, conscience is grounded upon the word of God, and the word of God worketh his effect by preaching; so as generally where preaching wanteth, obedience faileth. No Prince ever had more lively experience hereof then your Majesty hath had in your time, and may have daily; if your Majesty comes to the City of London never so often, what gratulations, what joy, what concourse of the people is there to be seen? Yea, what acclamations and prayers to God for your long life; and other manifest significations are there to be heard, of inward and unfeigned love, joined with most humble and hearty obedience are there to be heard? Whereof cometh this Madam, but of the continual preaching of God's word in that City, whereby that people hath been plentifully instructed in their duty towards God and your Majesty. On the contrary, what bred the Rebellion in the North? was it not Papistry, and ignorance of God's word, through want of often preaching in the time of that rebelling? were not all men of all states that made profession of the gospel, most ready to offer their lives for your defence? in so much that one poor parish in Yorkshire, which by continual preaching, hath been better instructed then the rest. Halifax I mean was ready to bring three or four thousand able men into the field, to serve you against the said rebels. How can your Majesty have a more lively trial and experience of the effects of much preaching, or little or not preaching? the one worketh most faithful obedience, the other working most unnatural disobedience and rebellion; but it is thought that many are admitted to preach, and few able to do it well, that unable preachers be removed is very requisite, if ability and sufficiency may be rightly weighed and judged, and therein I trust as much is, and shall be done as can be; for both I for my own part, let it be spoken without any ostentation, I am very careful in allowing of such preachers only, as be able both for the knowledge in the Scriptures, and also for testimony of their godly life and conversation; and besides that, I have given very great charge to the rest of my brethren, the Bishops of this Province to do the like, we admitted no man to the office of preaching, that either professeth Papistry, or puritanism, the graduates of the Universities are only admitted to be preachers, unless it be some few, which have excellent gifts of knowledge in the Scriptures, joined with good utterance and godly persuasions. I myself procured above 40. learned preachers and graduates within less than these six years to be placed within the Diocese of York, besides those I found there, and there I left them, the fruits of whose travel in preaching, your Majesty is like to reap daily by most assured dutiful obedience of your subjects in those parts. But indeed this age judgeth hardly, and nothing indifferently of the ability of preachers of our time, judging few or none to be able in their opinion, which hard judgement groweth upon divers ill dispositions of men. St. Paul doth command the preaching of Christ crucified be absque eminentia sermonis, but in our time, many have so delicate ears, that no preaching can satisfy them, unless it be sauced with much sweetness and exornation of speech, which the same apostle utterly condemneth, and giveth this reason, ne evacuetur crux Christi. Some there be also, that are mislikers of the godly reformation in religion now established, wishing indeed, that there were no preachers at all, and so by depraving of ministers, impugn religion, non aperto Martis, said in cuniculis, much like to the Popish Bishops in your father's time, who would have had the english translation of the Bible called in, as evil translated, and the new translation thereof to be committed to them, which they never intended to perform. A number there is, and that exceeding great, whereof some are altogether worldly minded, and altogether bend covetously to gather worldly▪ goods and possessions, serving all carnal, vain, dissolute, and lascivious life. Voluptatis amores, magis quam Dei, & semetipsos dediderunt ad patrandum omnem immunditiem cum aviditate. Eph. 4. 19 and because the preaching of God's word, (which to all Christians conscience is sweet, and delectable) to them, having cauterizatas conscientias is bitter and grievous, for as St. Ambrose saith super Psal. 119. quomodo possunt verba Dei dulcia esse in faucibus tuis, in quibus est amaritudo? There they wish also that there were no preachers at all, but because they dare not directly condemn the office of preaching, so expressly commanded by God's word, for that the same were open blasphemy, they turn themselves altogether, and with the same meaning as others do, to make exceptions against the persons of them that be admitted to preach. But God forbidden Madam, that you should open your ears to any of these wicked persuasions, or any way to diminish the preaching of Christ's gospel for that you would ruinated altogether at length. Cum defecerit propheta, dissipabitur populus. Pro. 27. saith Solomon. Now where it is though that the reading of godly Homilies, set forth by public authority may suffice (I continue in the same mind I was, when I attended upon your Majesty) the reading of Homilies hath his commodities, but it is nothing comparable to the office of preaching. The godly preacher is learned in the gospel. Fidelis servus qui novit, who can apply his speech to the diversity of times, places, and hearers, which cannot be done in homilies. Exhortations, reprehensions, and persuasions are uttered with more affections to the moving of the hearers in sermons, then in Homilies. Besides, Homilies were devised by godly Bishops in your brother's days, only to supply necessity, by want of preachers, and are by the statute, not to be preferred, but to give place to sermons, wheresoever they may be had, and were never thought in themselves to contain alone sufficient instruction for the Church of England; for it was then sound (as it is sound now) that this Church of England hath been by appropriations, and that not without sacrilege spoiled of the live, which at the first were appointed to the office of preaching and teaching, which appropriations were first annexed to Abbeys, and after came to the crown, and now are disposed to private men's possessions, without hope to reduce the same to the original Institution. So that at this day in my opinion, where one Church is able to yield sufficient living to a learned preacher, there are at the least seven Churches unable to do the same, where there be * The word nor being easily legible, I have 〈◊〉 ●●ink, (as sometimes before and after) preferring to refer the sense to the Judicious Readers own conjecture, then to impose my guess upon him. souls (the more is the pit●y) there are not seven pounds a year reserved for the Minister. In such parishes as it is not possible to place able preachers for want of convenient stipend, if every flock might have a preaching pastor, which is rather to be wished then hoped for, then were reading of Homilies altogether unnecessary, but to supply that want of preaching God's word, which is the food of the soul, growing upon the necessities before mentioned, both in your brother's time, and in your time also, certain Homilies have been devised that the people should not altogether be destitute of instruction, for it is an old proverb, better a loaf than no bread. Now for the second point, which is concerning the learned exercises and conferences amongst the ministers of the Church, I have consulted with divers of my brethren the Bishops, who think of the same as I do, a thing profitable to the Church, and therefore expedient to be continued, and I trust your Majesty will think the like, when your Majesty shall have been informed of the matter and order thereof, what authority it hath of the scriptures, what commodity it bringeth with it, and what discommodities will follow if it be clean taken away. The authors of this exercise are the Bishops of the Diocese where this same is used, who by the law of God, and by the Canons and Constitutions of the Church now in force, have authority to appoint exercise to their inferior Ministers for increase of learning and knowledge in the Scriptures, as to them seemeth most expedient, for that pertaineth ad disciplinam clericalem; the time appointed for this exercise is once in a month, or once in twenty or fifteen days at the discretion of the Ordinary. The time of this exercise is two hours, the place the Church of the 〈◊〉 appointed for the Assembly, the matter entreated of, is as followeth; some text of Scripture before appointed to be spoken is interpreted in this order. First, the occasion of the place is showed, Secondly, the end. Thirdly, the proper sense of the place. Fourthly, the property of the words, and those that be learned in the tongues, showing the diversity of interpretations. Fiftly, where the like phrases are used in scriptures. Sixtly, places of scripture that seem to repugn are reconciled. Seventhly, the arguments of the text are opened. Eightly, it is declared what virtues and vices are therein couched, and to which of the commandments they do appertain. Nin●hly, how the like hath been wrested by the adversary if occasion so require. Tenthly and lastly, what doctrine of faith and manners the said text doth contain; the conclusion is with a prayer for your Majesty, and all estates as is appointed by the book of Common-Prayer, and a psalm. These orders ●ollowing are also observed by the said exercise, First, two, or three of the gravest and best learned pastors are appointed of the Bishops, to be Moderators in every Assembly, no man may speak unless he be first allowed by the Bishop with this proviso, that no lay man be suffered to speak at any time, no controversy of this present time and state, shall be moved and dealt withal, if any attempt the contrary, he is put to silence by the Moderator, none is suffered to glance openly or covertly at persons public or private; neither yet any one to confute one another, if any man utter a wrong sense of scripture, he is privately admonished thereof, and better instructed by the Moderators, and other his fellow Ministers, if any man use immoderate speeches, or unreverend gesture or behaviour, or otherwise be suspected in life, he is likewise admonished as aforesaid: if any man do vilify or break these orders, he is presented to the Bishop to be corrected. The ground of this, or like exercises is of great and ancient authority; for Samuel did practise such like exercises in his time at Naioth in Ramath and Bethel, 1 Sam. 10. 2, 19 So did Elizeus the prophet at Jericho, which studious persons in those days were called filij Prophetarum the disciples of the Prophets, that being exercised in the knowledge and study of the scriptures, they might be able men to serve in God's Church as that time required. St. Paul also doth make express mention 1 Cor. 14. that the like in effect was used in the primitive Church, and giveth order for the same, that 2, or 3, should speak (by course he meaneth) and the rest shall keep silence. That exercise in the Church in those days St. Paul calleth Prophetia, and the speaker Prophetas, terms very odious in our days to some, because they are not rightly understood, for indeed propheta in that and like places of the same Paul doth not, as it doth sometimes signify prediction of things to come, which thing, or which gift, is not now ordinary in the Church of God, but signifieth thereby the assent and consent of the scriptures. And therefore doth St. Paul attribute unto these that be called Prophetae in that chapter doctrinam ad aedificationem, exortationem, & consolationem. This gift of expounding and interpreting the scriptures, was in St. Paul's time given unto many by a special miracle without study, so was also by miracle the gift to speak strange tongues which they had never learned. But now miracles ceasing, men must attain to the Hebrew, Greek and Latin tongues etc. by travel and study, God giveth the increase; so must men also attain by the like means to the gifts of expounding and interpreting the scriptures, and amongst other helps, nothing is so necessary as these above named exercises and conferences amongst the ministers of the Church; which in effect are all one with the exercises of students in Divinity in the Universities, saving, that the first is done in a tongue understanded, to the more edifying of the learned hearers. Howsoever report hath been made to your Majesty concerning these exercises, yet I and others of York, whose names are noted as followeth. 1. Cantuariensis. 2. London. 3. Winc. 4. Bathon. 5. Litchfield. 6. Gloucester. 7. Lincoln. 8. Chester. 9 Exon. 10. Meneven. als. David's. Hereof as they have testified unto me by their letters, have found by experience, that these profits and commodities following have ensued of them. 1. The ministers of the Church are more skilful, and more ready in the scriptures, and more apt to teach their flocks. 2. It withdraweth them from idleness, wand'ring, gaming &c. 3. Some afore suspected in doctrine, are brought to the knowledge of the truth. 4. Ignorant ministers are driven to study, if not for conscience, yet for shame and fear of discipline. 5. The opinion of lay men touching the ableness of the Clergy is hereby removed. 6. Nothing by experience beateth down popery more than that. 7. Ministers, as some of my brethren do confess, grow to such knowledge by means of those exercises, that where afore were not able Ministers, not 3, now are 30, able, and meet to preach at Paul's- cross, and 40, or 50, besides able to instruct their own Cures; so as it is found by experience the best means to increase knowledge in the simple, and to continue it in the learned, only backward men in religion, and contemners of learning, in the countries abroad do fret against it; which in truth doth the more commend it: the dissolution of it would breed triumph to the adversary, and great sorrow and gries to the favourers of religion, contrary to the counsel of Ezekiel 13. 18. who saith, Cor justi non est contristandum, and although some have abused this good and necessary exercise, there is no reason that the malice of a few should prejudice all. Abuses may be re form, and that which is good may remain, neither is there any just cause of offences to be taken, if divers men make divers senses of one sentence of scripture, so that all the senses be good, and agreeable to the analogy and proportion of faith, for otherwise we must needs condemn all the ancient Fathers, and divers of the Church, who most commonly expound one and the same text of scripture diversely, and yet all to the good of the Church. and therefore doth Basil compare, the scriptures to a well, out of which the more a man draweth, the better and sweeter is the water. I trust when your Majesty hath considered and weighed the premises, you will rest satisfied, and judge that no such inconveniences can grow o● such exercises as these, as you have been informed; but rather the clean contrary, and for my own part, because I am well assured by reasons, and also by arguments taken out of the holy scriptures, by experience the most certain seal of sure knowledge, that the said exercises for the interpretation and exposition of the scriptures, and for the exhortation and comfort drawn out of the same, are both profitable to increase knowledge amongst ministers, and tendeth to the edifying of the hearers. I am enforced with all humility, and yet plainly to profess, that I cannot with safe conscience, and without the ofence of the Majesty of God, give mine assent to the suppressing of the said exercises, much less can I send out any injunction for the utter and universal subversion of the same. I say with S. Paul, I have no power to destroy, but only to edify, and with the same Apostle, I can do nothing against the truth, but with the truth. If it be your Majesty's pleasure for this or any other cause to remove me out of this place, I will with all humility yield thereunto, and render again unto your Majesty that which I have received of the same. I consider with myself, quod terrendum est incidere in manus Dei viventis. I consider also, quod qui facit contra conscientiam (divinis in rebus) aedificat ad gehennam. And what shall I win if I gained, I will not say a Bishopric, but the whole world, and lose my own soul? Bear with me I beseech you Madam, if I choose rather to offend your earthly Majesty, then to offend the heavenly Majesty of God. And now being sorry that I have been so long and tedious to your Majesty; I will draw to an end, most humbly praying the same, that you would consider these short petitions following. The first that you wound refer all these Ecclesiastical matters which touch religion, or the Doctrine or Discipline of the Church unto the Bishops, and Divines of the Church of your Realm, according to the example of all Christian Emperors and Princes of all Ages: for indeed they are to be judged as an ancient Father writeth; in Ecclesia seu Synodo, non in Palatino. When your Majesty, hath questions of the laws of your Realm, you do not decide the same in your Court or Palace, but send them to your judges to be determined. Likewise, for the duties in matters in Doctrine or Discipline of the Church, the ordinary way is to defer the decision to the Bishops, and other head Ministers of the Church. Ambrose to Theodosius useth these words. Si de causis pecuniarijs comites tuos consulis: quanto magis, in causa religionis sacerdotes Domini aequum est consulas. And likewise to the Emperor Valentinian Epist. 32. Si de fide conferendum est. Sacerdotum debet esse just collatio, si enim factum est Constantino Augustae memoriae principi qui, nullas leges ante praemisit, sed liberum dedit judicium Sacerdotis. And in the same place, the same Father saith, that Constantius the Emperor, son to Constantine the great, began well, by reason he followed his Father's steps at the first, but ended ill, because he took upon him difficile intra Palatinum judicare, and thereby fell into Arianisme, a terrible example. The said Ambrose so much commended in all histories for a godly Bishop, goeth further, and writeth to the said Emperor in this form. Si docendus est episcopus à laico, quid sequitur? laicus ergo disputet, & Episcopus audiat à laico: At certè, si vel scripturarum seriem divinarum, vel vetera tempora retractemus, quis est qui abundat in causa fidei, inquam fidei, episcopos solere de Imperatoribus christianis, non imperatores de episcopis judicate▪ Would God your Majesty would follow this ordinary, you should procure to yourself much quietness of mind, and better please God, avoid many offences, and the Church should be more peaceable and quietly governed, much to the comfort and quietness of your Realm. The second petition I have to make to your Majesty is this, that when you deal in matters of faith and religion, or matters that touch the Church of Christ, which is the Spouse bought with so dear a price, you would not use to pronounce so resolutely and pèremptorily, quasi ex authoritate, as you may do in civil and extern matters, but always remember, that in God's cause, the will of God, and not the will of any earthly creature is to take place. It is the antichristian voice of the Pope. Sic volo, Sic jubeo, stet pro ratione voluntas. In God's matters, all Princes ought to bow their Sceptres to the Son of God, and to ask counsel at his mouth what they ought to do; David exhorteth all Kings and Rulers to serve God with fear and trembling. Remember Madam, that you are a mortal creature, look not only (as was said to Theodosius) upon the people, and princely array, wherewith you are apparelled, but consider withal, what it is that is covered therewith. Is it not flesh and blood, is it not dust and ashes, is it not a corruptible body which must return to her earth again, God knoweth how soon? Must you not one day appear, ante tremendum tribunal crucifixi, ut recipias ibi prout gesseris in corpore, sive bonum sive malum. 2 Cor. 5. And although you are a mighty Prince, yet remember that he that dwelleth in heaven is mightier, as the Psalmist saith, 76. Terribilis est is qui aufert spiritum principum, terribilis super omnes reges. Wherefore I beseech you Madam in visceribus Christi, when you deal in these religious causes, set the Majesty of God before your eyes, laying all earthly majesty aside, determine with yourself to obey his voice, and with all humility, say unto him, non mea, sed tua voluntas fiat. God hath blessed you with great felicity in your reign now many years, beware you do not impute this same to your own deserts, or policy, but give God the glory, and as to instruments and means, impute your said felicity; first, to the goodness of the cause which you set forth, I mean Christ's true religion. And Secondly, to the sighs, and groans of the Godly in fervent prayer to God for you, which have hitherto as it were tied and bound the hands of God, that he could not pour out his plagues upon you and your people, most justly deserved. Take heed that you never think of declining from God, lest it be verified of you which is written of Joash 2 Cron. 24. who continued a Prince of good and godly government for many years together, and afterwards, cum corroboratus esset, elevatum est cor ejus in interitum suum & neglexit Deum. You have done many things well, but unless you persevere to the end, you cannot be blessed; for if you turn from God, then will be turn his merciful countenance from you, and what remaineth then to be looked for, but only a horrible expectation of God's judgement, and an heaping up of God's wrath against the day of wrath. But I trust in God your Majesty will always humble yourself under his mighty hand, and go forward in the godly and zealous setting forth of God's true religion, always yielding true obedience and reverence to the word of God, the only rule of faith and religion. And if you so do, although God hath just cause many ways to be angry with you, and us for our unthankfulness. Yet I doubt nothing, but for his own names sake, he will still hold his merciful hand over us, shield and protect us under the shadow of his wings, as he hath hitherto done. I beseech God our heavenly Father plentifully to pour his principal spirit upon you, and always direct your heart in his holy fear. Amen, Amen, What could be written with more spirit, and less animosity? more humility and less dejection? I see a Lamb in his own, can be a Lion, in God, and his church's Cause. Say not that orbitas and senectus, (the two things which made the man speak so boldly a Plutarch. Morals. to the Tyrant) only encouraged Grindall, in this his writing, whose necessary boldness did arise, partly from confidence in the goodness of the cause, for which, partly from the graciousness of the Queen to whom he made his address. But alas all in vain, Leicester had so filled her Majesty's ears with complaints against him, there was no room to receive his petition. 4. Indeed Leicester cast a covetous eye on Lambeth-House, Lambeth house Grindals' guilt. alleging as good arguments for his obtaining thereof, as ever were urged by Ahab for Naboths-Vineyard▪ Now Grindall, though generally condemned for remissness in this kind, (parting with more from his See, than ever his successors thanked him for) stoutly opposed the alienating of this his principal Palace, and made the Leicestrian Party to malice him, but more hereof b In Grindals' character at his death. hereafter. Mean time may the Reader take notice, that a great Scholar and Statesman, and no Enemy to the Hierarchy, in his c S●. Francis Bacon. worthy considerations abvut Church-Government, (tendered to King James) conceiveth, that such Prophesying which Grindall did favour, might be so discreetly cautioned and moderated, as to make them without fear of faction profitable for advancing of learning and Religion. But so jealous were some Bishops of that Age, of these prophesyings (as having too much Presbyterian Analogy, and classical Constitution therein) they decried the motion of them as Schismatical. 5. I find no mortality of Protestant Worthies this year. The death of Cope and Bullock. But amongst the Catholics much moan for the death of Allan Cope, (Harpsfields great correspondent, and) Agent for those of his Religion at Rome, where he died, and was buried in the English College, and George Bullock bred in St. john's in Cambridge, and after lived in Antwerp in the Monastery of St. michael's. 6. Now began Priests and Jesuits to flock faster into England, Pepish jecusis swarm iuto England. than ever before; having exchange of clothes, and names, and professions. He, who on Sunday was a Priest, or Jesuit; was, on Monday, a Merchant, on Tuesday, a Soldier; on Wednesday, a Courtier; etc. and, with the shears of equivocation (constantly carried about him) he could cut himself into any shape he pleased. But, under all their new shapes, they retained their old nature; being akinn in their turbulent spirits, to the wind penned in the subterranean concavities, which will never be quiet, until it hath vented itself with a State-quake of those countries wherein they abide. These distilled traitorous principles into all people wheresoever they came, and endeavoured to render them disaffected to Her Majesty; maintaining, that She neither had nor aught to have any dominion over Her Subjects, whilst She persisted in an heretical distance from the Church of Rome. 7. Hereupon the Parliament, Necessary severity of the Parliament against them. which now met at Westminster, was enforced, for the security of the State, to enact severe laws against them. First, Jan. 16. that it should be treason to draw any from that faith established in England, to the Romish religion. Secondly, that it should be treason to be reconciled to the Romish religion. Thirdly, that to maintain, or conceal any such person, longer than twenty days, should be misprision of treason. Fourthly, that saying mass should be two hundred marks penalty, and one years' imprisonment. Fiftly, hearing Mass should be one hundred marks penalty, and one years' imprisonment. Sixtly, absence from the Church one month, fineable at twenty pounds. Seventhly, all they shallbe imprisoned, who will not or cannot pay the forfeiture. Eightly, it was provided, that such should pay ten pounds a month, who kept a Schoolmaster in their house, who repaireth not to Church. Where by the way we may mention, that some since conceive themselves to have discovered a defect in this law, because no order is taken therein against Popish School-mistrisses. And although Schoolmaster may seem of the Common-gender, and inclusive of both sexes, yet by the letter of the law all She-teachers (which did mischief to little children) evaded the punishment. Thus when authority hath carefully shut all doors, and windows imaginable, some little offenders will creep through the crannies thereof. 8. When Sovereigns have made laws, Many against 〈◊〉 m●lcts for 〈◊〉. Subjects sometimes take the boldness to sit in judgement upon them; to commend them for just, or condemn them for cruel, as here it came to pass. Some (and those far enough from all Popery) misliked the imposing of monie-m●lcts on men's consciences. If the Mass were lawful, let it freely be permitted; if unlawful, let it wholly be prohibited. It is a sad case to make men pay dear for their damnation, and so sell them a licence to do that, which the receivers of their money conceive to be unlawful. It is part of the character of the Wh●re of a Rev. 18. 13. Babylon (which Protestants generally apply to Rome) that she traded, or, made a ma●t of the souls of men: as this was little better. 9 Others, Others conceive the proportion of the fine unconscionable. not disliking a pecuniary penalty, yet conceived the proportion thereof unreasonable. Twenty pounds a month; a vast sum (especially as exacted by lunary months, consisting of twenty eight days, and so making thirteen months in the year) enough to shatter the conteinment of a rich man's estate. They commended the moderation of the former Statute, which required twelve pence a Sunday of all such, as could not give a reasonable excuse of their absence from Church. That did smart, yet did not fetch blood, at the worst, did not break b●nes. Whereas now twenty pounds a month, paid severally by every Recusant for himself, and as much for his wife (which, though one flesh in Divinity, yet are two persons in law) held so heavy as to cripple their estates. And as the rich hereby were almost undone: so the poor Papists (who also had souls to save) passed wholly unpunished, paying nothing, because unable to pay all the penalty. And, although imprisonment was imposed by law on persons not solvable, yet officers were unwilling to cast them into goal, where they might lie, and fill the goals, and rot without hopes of enlargement. 10. Larger were the debates both then, Arguments pro, and con, whether Jesuits are to be put to death. and since, in discourse, and writing about the capital punishment, in taking away the lives of Jesuits. Some being zealous for the vigorous execution of those laws, and others as earnest for the confining only of Jesuits close prisoners, during theirlife; conceiving it conducing most to the tranquillity of the Kingdom. But see their reasons. It is safest for England with vigour and rigour, to inspirit the laws, and put Jesuits to death. It is safest for England to keep Jesuits in perpetual durance, without taking away their lives. 1. Their breath is contagious to English air, whose appearance in any Protestant-State, Anno Dom. 1580 is as sure a presage (as the playing of Porpaises above water) that foul weather is to follow therein. 1. All sinners are not Devils, Anno Regin Eliza. 23. and all Devils are not Beelzebubs, Some Priests and Jesuits are of a milder temper, and better metall'd, who by moderation may be melted into amendment. 2. It would render the reputation of our State lighter in the balance of the best friends thereof, if it should enact severe laws against offenders, and then hang those laws up (like forfeits in a Barber's shop) only to be looked on, and laughed at, as never put in execution. What was this, but to make the sword of justice (which ought always to be kept keen, & sharp) but to be like fencer's swords, when they play in jeast-earnest, having the edge dunted, and the point buttoned up? Might not felons, and murderers, even with some justice, promise much mercy unto themselves (whose offences are terminated in spoiling, or killing, of particular persons) if Priests, and Jesuits, public incendiaries of the State, have such mercy indulged unto them? 2. The point, and edge of the sword of justice [understand the law itself] may remain as sharp as it was before; Only the arm may, and aught to strike with less strength, and use more moderation in inflicting such severe punishments. The most whole-some laws would be poison (justice, hot in the fourth degree, is cruelty) if enforced at all times, and on all persons to the utmost extremity. Let the law stand unrepeal'd, only some mitigation be used in the execution thereof. 3. Favour in this kind indulged to Jesuits, would be generally misinterpreted, to proceed (not from Her Majesty's pity, but) either from Her fearfulness, as not daring longer to enrage the Popish party; or from Her Guiltiness, Who, out of remorse of conscience, could not find in Her heart to execute such cruel laws as She had enacted. 3. Prince's ought not to be affrighted from doing what is good, and honourable in itself, with the scare-crows of people's misinterpretations thereof. If such misconstructions of Her Majesty's mercy, be taken up wilfully, let such persons bear the blame, and shame, of their voluntary, and affected errors. If they be only ignorant mistakes, of ingenuous persons, time will rectify their judgements, and beget in them a better opinion of Her Majesty's proceed. However, better it is, that the Queen's lenity should hazard such misconstructions thereof, than that otherwise She should be certainly censured for cruelty, and the State taxed as desirous to grow fat, by sucking the blood of Catholics. 4. This in all probability will be the most effectual course to extirpate Jesuitism out of the land. For, their Superiors beyond the seas, seeing all such as they send hither impartially cut off by the hand of justice, will either out of pity forbear for the future, to thrust more men into the jaws of death; or else such subject-Jesuits, out of policy will refuse to be sent by them on unavoidable destruction. 4. It will rather be the way to continue, and increase the same. The blood of Martyrs (whether real, or reputed) is the seed of that Church (true of false) in maintenance whereof they lose their lives. We know, clamorouness', and multitude do much in crying up matters; and herein the Papists (at home, and beyond the seas) will play their parts, to roar out such men for Martyrs: A succession of Jesuits to be sent over will never fail, seeing that service amongst erroneous judgements will never want Volunteers, where merit of heaven is the believed wages thereof. 5. The dead do not by't; and, being dispatched out of the way, are forgotten. Whereas if jesuits be only condemned to perpetual durance, their party abroad will be restless in plotting, and practising their brethren's enlargement. It is safer therefore to take away subjectum conatus, the subject, and object of their endeavours, by riding them quite out of the way, that their complices may despair to relieve them. For, though prisoners may be rescued with much might, dead men cannot be revived without miracle. 5. The greater rage moveth to the greater revenge, and the greater [apprehended] injury causeth the greater rage, It will rather sharpen the edge of Popish zeal, more earnestly to revenge their deaths, than to rescue them from durance. 6. No precedent could ever yet be produced of any Priest, or Jesuit, who was converted with imprisonment. It is therefore but just, that they, who will not be mended with the goal, should be ended with the gallows. 6. Though the instance cannot be given of any Priest, of Jesuit, who hath totally renounced his religion, yet some have been made semi-converts, so far as to disclaim the treacherous part, and principles thereof. This is most visible in the Secular Priests, the Queen's lenity so working on many of them, that both in writing, and preaching, they have detested, and confuted all such traitorous practices, as against the laws of God. 7. The rather, Anno Dom. 1581. Anno Regin Eliza. 24. because no Jesuit is put to death for his religion, but rebellion, they are never examined on any article of their faith, nor are their consciences burdened with any interrogatories touching their belief; but only practices against the State are charged upon them. 7. The death of Jesuits in such cases, may fitly be styled, the child, of their rebellion, but the grandchild of their religion, which is removed but a degree farther. For, their obedience to their superiors putteth them on the propagation of their religion, and by all means to endeavour the same, which causeth them out of an erroneous conscience, to do that which rendereth them offenders to our State. Now, in all ages, such as have suffered for their consciences, not only immediately, and in a direct line, but also at the second hand, and by implication, receive pity from all such as behold their sufferings (whether as a debt due, or as an alms given unto them, let others dispute) and therefore such putting of Jesuits unto death, will but procure unto them a general commiseration. These, and many other reasons (too many, and tedious to be here inserted) were brought, and bandied on both sides, every one censuring as they stood affected. 11. In the execution of these laws against Jesuits, The execution of this law moderated. Queen Elizabeth embraced a middle, and moderate way. Indeed when a new rod is made, some must be whipped therewith, though it be put in terrorem, of others. When these Statutes were first in the state, or magisteriality thereof, they were severely put in practice on such offenders as they first lighted on. But some years after, the Queen and Her Judges grew remiss in the execution thereof. Witness the only confining of many of themto Wisbidge Castle, where they fell out amongst themselves. And in King James His days, this dormant law against Jesuits only awakened some once in four, or five years (to show the world that it was not dead) and then fairly fell asleep again, being very sparingly put in execution against some notorious offenders. 12. The worst was, Worst of essenders scape best. the punishment happened heaviest on those, which were the least offenders. For, whereas the greatest guilt was in the Senders, all the penalty fell on the Messengers; I mean on such novices which sent hither at their Superiors commands, and who, having lost their sight beyond the seas (by blind obedience) came over to lose their lives in England. Now Jesuitism is a weed, whose leaves, spread into our land, may be cut off, but the root thereof is out of reach, as fixed in Rome, and other foreign parts. For, in the mean time their Superiors, staying at Rome, eaten, slept, wrote, railed, complained of persecution, making of faces, and they themselves crying out oh, whilst they thrust the hands of others of their own religion into the fire. 13. A loud Parliament is always attended with a silent Convocation, Anno Regin Eliza. 23. as here it came to pass. The activity of the former in Church-matters, left the later nothing to do. Anno Dom. 1580. Only this account I can give thereof out of our records. First, Archbishop Grindal appeared not at all therein, The acts of a silent Convocation. age, blindness, and disgrace keeping the good father at home. Jan. 17. Secondly, John Elmer Bishop of London, was appointed his locumtenens, or Deputy. Thirdly, this Convocation began in St. Paul's (where it continued without any removal) with reading the Litany vulgari sermone, in the English tongue. Fourthly, the Bishops commended three, namely, Dr. Humsries, Dean of Winchester; Dr. * So called by mistake in Records, otherwise his name was William. George Day, Dean of Windsor; and Dr. Goodman. Dean of Westminster, to the inferior Clergy, to choose one of them for their Referendary, or Prolocutor. Fiftly, Dr. Day was elected, and presented for that office. Sixtly, motion was made of drawing up some articles against the dangerous opinions of the Family of love, a sect then much increasing, but nothing was effected. Seventhly, Marc. 25. at several Sessions they met, 1581. and prayed, and conferred, and prorogued their meeting, and departed. Lastly, the Clergy granted a Subsidy (afterwards confirmed by the Parliament) and so the convocation was dissolved. 14. Now can I not satisfy myself on my strictest enquiry, what Jesuit, Quere, on whom the law was first hanselled. or Priest had the first handsel of that severe Statute made against them. Indeed I find a Priest, 31. John Pain by name, executed at Chelmsford March the 31. (which was but thirteen days after the dissolution of the Parliament) for certain speeches by him uttered, but cannot avouch him for certainly tried on this Statute. May 28. More probable it is, that Thomas Ford, John Shirt, and Robert johnson, Priests, executed at London, were the first-fruits of the State's severity. 15. No eminent Clergyman Protestant died this year, The death of Bp. Berkelay. save Gilbert Berkelay, 25. May 8. Bishop of Bath and Wells, 1582 who (as his Arms do attest) was alliXed to the ancient and honourable family of the Berkelays. 16. The Presbyterian party was not idle all this while, A meeting of the Presbyterians at Cockfield. but appointed a meeting at Cockfield (Mr. Knewstubs Cure) in Suffolk where threescore Ministers of Norfolk, Suffolk, and Cambridge-shire, met together, to confer of the Common-Prayer-Book, what might be tolerated, and what necessary to be refused in every point of it, apparel, matter, form, days, fastings, injuctions etc. Matters herein were carried with such secrecy, that we can see no light thereof, but what only shineth through one crevise, in a private letter a Mr. Pigg in his letter to Mr. Field dated May 16. of one thus expressing himself to his friend. Concerning the meeting, I hope all things were so proceeded in as yourself would like of, as well for reverence to other brethren, as for other matters, I suppose before this time, some of the company have told you by word, for that was permitted unto you. 17. We are also at as great a loss, Another at Cambridge. what was the result of their meeting at the Commencement at Cambridge, july 2. this being all we find thereof in a b Idem Ibidem letter of one to his private friend, concerning the Commencement I like well the motion, desiring it might so come to pass, and that it be procured to be as general as might be, which may easily be brought to pass, if you at London shall so think well of it, and we here may understand your mind, we will, we trust, as we can further it. Mr. Allen liketh well of the matter. 18. The year proved very active, The activity of the Presbyterian. especially in the practices of Presbyterians, who now found so much favour, as almost amounted to a connivance at their discipline. For whilst the severity of the State was at this time intended to the height against jesuites, some lenity of course (by the very rules of opposition) fell to the share of the Non-conformists, even on the score of their notorious enmity to the jesuitical party. 19 The city of Geneva was at this time reduced to great difficulties by the Savoyard her potent adversary, Beza's letter to Travers in the behalf of Geneva. and forced to purchase peace on dear an bitter terms, saving that extremity sweetens all things, and her present condition was incapable of better conditions. Hereupon, Mr. Beza, Anno Dom. 1582. Anno Regin Eliza. 25. the tongue and pen of that State to foreign parts, addressed himself by letter to Mr. Walter Travers, whom I may term the neck (allowing Mr. Cartwright for the head) of the, Presbyterian party, the second in honour and esteem, than Chaplain to the Lord Treasurer, and of whom more hereafter. The tenor of the letter is here inserted, subscribed by Beza's own hand (and in my possession) which though it be of foreign extraction, carries much in it of English concernment. Gratiam & pacem à Domino. Si quoties tui et C. nostri sum record●tus, Mi Frater, toties ad te scripsissem, jam pridem esses literis meis obrutus. Nullus enim dies abit quin de vobis V●strisqae rebus solic●tè cogitem, quod ita pastulare non amicitia modo vetus nostra, sed etiam rerum ipsarum de quibus laboratis magnitudo videatur. Sed cùm in ea tempora nos incidisse viderem, quibus silere me quam nob is scribere praestaret silentium adhuc mihi invitissimo indixi. Nunc verò quum illum quorundam ardorem ●udiam per Dei gratiam deseruisse nol●i hunc nostrum absque meis ad te literis pervenire, quibus tundem esse me qui fui, test●rer, & abs te peterem, ut me vicissim de rebus vestris certiorem facere ne graveris. Sed & alia sese praebuit scribendi occasio, hujus videlicet Reip, maximae, imo tantae difficultates, ut, nisi aliunde sublevetur, parva nobis admodum tuendae inconsueto statu Ecclesiae ac scholae spes supersit quod ita esse vel ex eo cognosses quòd haec planè in verecunda consilia capere cogamur. Nam concessae quidem nobis sunt per Dei gratiam aliquae induciae, sed parum, ut apparet, firmae futurae, & tantis veluti redemptae sumptibus ut in aeris etiam alieni velati freto jactati non temerè nausragium metuamus. Amabo te igitur, mi frater, & Precibus assiduis nos juvare perge, & siquid praetereà apud nonnullos anthoritate vales, quantùm nos ames in Domino, quacunque honesta ratione poteris ostend. Scripst verò etiam ego vestris plerisque proceribus, & episcoporum quoque collegium ausi sunius communibus literis hac de re compellare: verùm quod sit mearum literarum Pondus futurum vel ex. e● conjicio quod cùm Oxoniensi Scholae superiore vere meam sim observantiam, misso venerand● planè vetustatis novi testamenti graeco-latini codice, testatus, qui publicae bibliothecae consecraretur, ne literulam quidem inde accepi, ex qua meam hanc voluntatem ipsis non ingratam fuisse cognoscerem. Cujusmodi etiam am quiddam apudunum & alterum ex prioribus vestris sum expertus, sed ho, quaeso, inter nos dictum esto. Ego verò frustra etiam quidvis tentare, quàm officio in hanc Rempub. Ecclesiam ac scholam deesse tam necessario tempore malui. Bene vale, mi carissime frater. D. jesus tibi magis ac magis, & omnibus ipsius gloriam serio cupientibus benedicat. Genevae Octobris. 1582. * The figure of the day not legible. Tuus Beza aliena jam manu saepe uti coactus, sua ipsius uâcillante. Grace and peace from the Lord. If as often dear brother as I have remembered thee and our Cartwright, so often I should have written unto thee, long since you had been overwhelmed with my letters. For there not passes aday wherein I do not carefully think both of you, and your matters; which not only our ancient friendship, but also the greatness of those affairs, wherein you take pains seemeth so to require. But seeing I perceive, we are fallen into those times wherein my silence may be safer for you then my writing; I have (though most unwillingly) commanded myself silence hitherto. But now seeing that I hear that the heat of some men by God's grace is abated, I would not have this my friend come to you without my letters, that I may testify myself still the same unto you, what formerly I was, and that I may request of you not to think much at his return to certify me of your affairs. Also another occasion of writing offereth itself, namely the great straits of his common wealth; yea so great, that except it be relieved from other parts, very small hope remaineth unto us to maintain the Church and University in the former state thereof. That these things are so, you may know from hence, that we are forced to adventure on these bold and unmannerly courses for our support. For by God's grace a kind of peace is granted unto us; but as it seems, not likely to last long, and that also purchased at so great a price, that tossed as it were in the Sea of a great debt, we have great cause to fear shipwreck therein. I beseech thee therefore my brother, both proceed to help us with thy daily prayers; and besides, if you have any power to prevail with some persons, show us by what honest means you may, how much you love us in the Lord. I also have written to most of your noble men, and we have been bold with our public letters to acquaint your College of Bishops of this matter: but what weight my letters are likely to bear, I can guests by this, that when last spring I testified my respects to the University of Oxford, by sending them a new testament greek and latin, truly of venerable antiquity, which should be kept in their public library, I did not so much as receive the least letter from them, whereby I might know that this my good will was acceptable to them. And some such requital also I have found from one or two of your noble men; but this I pray let it be spoken between us alone. For my part I had rather try any thing though in vain, then to be wanting in my duty to this State, Church, and University, especial in so necessary a juncture of time. Farewell my dear brother, the Lord Jesus every day more and more bless thee, and all that earnestly desire his glory. Geneva, October 1582. Thine Beza, often using another man's hand, because of the shaking of my own. We must not let so eminent a letter pass without some observations upon it. See we here the secret sympathy betwixt England, and Geneva, about discipline: Geneva helping England with her prayers, England aiding Geneva with her purse. 20. By the College of Bishops here mentioned by Beza, Geneva's suit was coldly resented. we understand them assembled in the last Convocation. Wonder not that Geneva's wants, found no more pity from the Episcopal party, seeing all those Bishops were dead, who (formerly exiles in the Marian days) had found favour and relief in Geneva; and now a new generation arose, having as little affection, as obligation to that government. But, however it fared with Geneva at this time. sure I am, that some years a Vide pag. 1602. parag. after, preferring her petition to the Prelacy (though frequent begging makes slender alms) that Commonwealth tasted largely of their liberality. 21. Whereas mention is made, Why the rigorous pressing of subscription was now remitted of the heat of some abated, this relateth to the matter of subscription, now not pressed so earnestly, as at the first institution thereof. This remissness may be imputed, partly to the nature of all laws: for, though knives (if of good metal) grow sharper (because their edge thinner) by using; yet laws commonly are keenest at the first, and are blunted in process of time, in their execution: partly it is to be ascribed to Arch-Bisshop Grindals' age, and impotency, (who in his greatest strength did but weakly urge conformity;) partly to the Earl of Leicester his interposing himself Patron General to non-subscribers, being persuaded (as they say) by Roger Lord North, to undertake their protection. SECTION V. To DANIEL HARVEY Esq High Sheriff of Surrey. I am sufficiently sensible of the great distance and disproportion betwixt my meanness and your worth, (as at all other times, so) now especially, whilst you are a prime Officer in public employment. Despairing therefore that my pen can produce any thing meet for your entertainment, I have endeavoured in this Section, to accommodate you with Company fittest for your Converse, being all no meaner than Statesmen, and most of them Privy Counsellors, in their several Letters about the grand business of Conformity God in due time bless you, and your Honourable Consort with such issue as may be a Comfort to you, and a Credit to all your relations. 1. VEry strongly Leicester (though at the Council table Politicly complying with the rest of the Lords, A form of Discipline considered of by the Brethren in a solemn Synod with the several Decrees thereof. and concurring always with their results, when sitting in Conjunction with them) when alone, engaged his Affections in favour of the Non-conformists, and improved his power at this time very great with the Queen to obtain great liberty for them. Hence it was, that many Bishop's Active in pressing subscription in their Diocese, when repairing to Court, were checked and snibt by this great favourite to their no small grief and discouragement. Heartened hereat the Brethren, who hitherto had no particular platform of discipline amongst themselves (as universally owned and practised by their party) began in a solemn Council held by them (but whether at Cambridge or London uncertain) To conclude, on a certain form, as followeth in these their decrees faithfully translated out of their own latin Copy. The Title thereof, videlicet, These be the things that (do seem) may will stand with the peace of the Church; The Decrees. LEt no man (though he be an University man) offer himself to the Ministry, nor let any man take upon him an uncertain and vague Ministry, a Under Mr. 〈◊〉 hand (〈◊〉 of the ●spand) 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉. Bancrofi his dangerous positions. pag. 46. though it be offered unto him. But such as be called to the Ministry by some certain Church, let them impart it unto that Classis or conference (where of themselves are) or else to some greater Church-assembly: and if such shall be found fit by them, then let them be commended, by there letters unto the Bishop, that they may be ordained Ministers by him. Those ceremonies in the Book of Common-Prayer, which being taken from Popery are in controversy, doseem, that they ought to be omitted and given over, if it may be done without danger, of being put from the Ministry; But if there be any imminent danger to be deprived, than this matter must be communicated with the Classis in which that Church is; that by the judgement thereof, it may be determined what ought to be done. If subscription to the Articles of Religion, and to the Book of Common-Prayer, shall be again urged, it is thought, that the Book of Articles may be subscribed unto, according to the statute thirteenth Elizabeth, that is, unto such of them only as contain the sum of Christian faith, and doctrine of the Sacraments, But for many weighty causes, neither the rest of the Articles in that Book, nor the Book of Common-prayer may be allowed; no, though a man should be deprived of his Ministry for it. It seemeth that Churchwardens, and Collectors for the poor, might thus be turned into Elders, and into Deacons, when they are to be chosen; Let the Church have warning fifteen days before of the time of Election, and of the Ordinance of the Realm: but especially of Christ's Ordinance; touching appointing of Watchmen and overseers in his Church, who are to foresee that none offence of scandal do arise in the Church: and if any shall happen, that by them it may be duly abolished. And touching Deacons of both sorts (Videlicet mwn and women) the Church shall be monished, what is required by the Apostle, and that they are not to choose men, of Custom and of Course; or for their riches, but for their faith, zeal, and integrity, and that the Church is to pray (in the mean time) to be so directed, that they make choice of them that be meet. Let the names of such as are so chosen, be published the next Lord's day: and after that, their duties to the Church, and the Churches towards them, shall be declared: then let them be received into the Ministry to which they are chosen, with the general prayers of the whole Church. The Brothers are to be requested, to ordain a distribution of all Churches, according to these rules (in that behalf) that are set down in the Synodical Discipline, touching Classical, Provincial, comitial, or of Commencements, and assemblies for the whole kingdom. The Classes are to be required, to keep acts of memorable matters which they shall see delivered to the comitial assembly, that from thence, they may be brought by the Provincial assembly; Also they are to deal earnestly with Patroness, to present fit men, whensoever any Church is fallen void in that Classis; The Comitial assemblies are to be monished to make Collections for relief of the poor, and of scholars, but especially for relief of such Ministers here, as are put out for not subscribing to the Articles, tendered by the Bishops, also for relief of Scottish Ministers and others; and for other profitable and necessary uses. All the Provincial Synods must continually aforehand foresee in due time, to appoint the keeping of their next Provincial Synods: and for the sending of Chosen Persons, with certain instructions, unto the national Synod, to be holden whensoever the Parliament for the Kingdom shall be called at some certain set time every year. See we here the embryo of the Presbyterian Discipline, lying as yet (as it were) in the womb of Episcopacy, though soon after it swelled so great, that the mother must violently be cut, before the child could be delivered into the world, as to the public practice thereof. 2. Many observables in these Decrees offer themselves to our consideration. Several observations on these Decrees. First, that they were written in latin (whereof they had two elegant penners, Cartwright, and Travers) showing themselves no enemies to that tongue, which some ignorant Sectaries afterward condemned for superstitious, counting every thing Romish, which was Roman; and very Cordials to be poison, if lapped up in latin. 2. Probably, as Artists hang a curtain before their works, whilst yet imperfect: so these Synodists thought fit in latin as yet, to veil their Decrees from vulgar eyes, seeing nothing can be projected, and perfected together. Yea, the repetition of those words doth seem, and it seemeth, carrying something of uncertainty in them, sheweth these Decrees as yet admitted but as Probationers, expecting confirmation on their good behaviour. 3. The election of the people is here made the essence of a call to a Pastoral Charge, to which the presentation of the most undoubted Patron, is called in but ad corroborandum. As for Institution from the Bishop, it was superadded (not to complete his Ministerial function in point of conscience, but) legally to enable the Minister to recover his maintenance from the detainers thereof. 4. Partial subscription is permitted to the Articles of Religion, viz. only to the Doctrinal part thereof, but none to those wherein Discipline is mentioned, especially to the clause at the end of the twentieth Article, The Church both power to decree Rites, and Ceremonies etc. accounted by the Brethren the very sting in the tail of the locusts. 5. Those words, If subscription shall be urged again, Plainly intimate, that the reins of Episcopal government were but loosely held, and the rigour thereof remitted, for the reasons by us fore-alledged. 6. That Churchwardens, and Collectors for the poor, are so quickly convertible, even in their opinion, into Elders and Deacons only with a more solemn, and public election, shows, the difference betwixt those officers, to be rather nominal, then real. 7. By Women-Deacons here mentioned, we understand such widows which the Apostle appointeth in the primitive Church, to attend strangers, and sick people; and which Mr. a In his Admonitions pag 163. Section 2. Cartwright affirmeth aught still to be continued, although he confesseth, there be learned men think otherwise. 8. Their Comitial Assemblies, kept in the Universities at the commencements, (wisely they had an eye on the two eyes of the land) were conveniently chosen, as safely shadowed under a confluence of people. See we here, though the matter of their Discipline might be Jure Divino, humane prudence concurred much in the making thereof, as in ordering a National Synod always to run parallel with the Parliament. 9 Mention being made of relieving Scottish Ministers, if any ask what northern tempest blew them hither? know, they quitted their own country about this time, upon refusal of conformity, and found benevolence in England a better livelihood, than a Benefice in Scotland. 10. The grand design driven on in these Decrees was, to set up a Discipline in a Discipline, Presbytery in Episcopacy; which (as appears in the Preface) they thought might well stand with the peace of the Church: but this peace proved but a truce, this truce but a short one, before both parties broke into irreconcilable hostility. Thus it is impossible to make a subordination in their practices, who have an opposition in their principles. For, though such spheres, and orbs, which agree in one centre, may proportionably move one within another; yet such as are excentrical can never observe equal distance in their motion, but will sagg aside to grind, and grate one the other. But enough hereof at this time, having jetted out a little already into the next year: no offence (we hope) seeing it makes our History more entire in this subject. 3. This year, A blasphemous Hererick reclaimed. Robert Dickons a Leicester- shire youth, but it seems, Apprentice at Mansell in Nottinghamshire having parts, and pregnancy above his Age and profession, arrived at such a height of Profaneness, as not only to pretend to visions, but account himself Eliah, sent from God to perfect some defects in the Prophecy of Malachy. But by God's blessing on the endeavours of Mr. Henry Smith, (whom his Uncle Mr. Briant Cave, this year Sheriff of Leicester-shire employed therein) this Heretic was a See Mr. Smith's Sermon of the lost sheep found. reclaimed, renouncing his Blasphemies, by Subscription under his own hand and for aught I find to the contrary, lived peacably, and painfully, the remainder of his life. 4. This is that Henry Smith, The Character of Mr. Henry Smith. born at Withcock in Leicester-shire, of a worshipful family, (and elder Brother to Sr. Roger smith still surviving) bred in Oxford, and afterwards became that famous Preacher at St. Clements Danes in London, commonly called the silver-tongued- smith, being but one mettle, in Price and Purity, beneath St. chrysostom- himself. Yea, whereas generally the sermons of those days are now grown out of fashion, (such is our Age's Curiosity, and Affectation of Novelty) smith's Sermons keep up their constant Credit, as appears, by their daily Impressions, calculated for all times, places, and persons; so solid, the learned may partly admire; so plain the unlearned may perfectly understand them. The wonder of his worth is increased by the consideration of his tender Age, dying very young b About the year 1500, as I am informed by his brother. about 50. years ago. 5. I find three of such, who seemed Pillars in the Romish Church, The death of Rich. Bristol. deceased this year. First, Richard Bristol, born in Worcester-shire, bred in Oxford in Exeter College, whence he fled beyond the Seas, and by Cardinal Allen was made overseer of the English College, first at Douai, then at Rheims. He wrote most in English, humili quidem stilo (faith one of his own * ●itzaeus de illustribus Argl. scriptor. Opinion) but very solidly; for proof whereof, let his Books against Dr. Fulke be perused. For the recovery of his health, he was advised to return into his native Land, and died quietly near the City of London. 6. The second, The death of Nicholas Harpsfield. Nicholas Harpsfield, bred first in Winchester School, then New College in Oxford, where he proceeded Doctor of Law, and afterward, became Archdeacon of Canterbury. Under King Edward the 6 th', he banished himself: under Queen Mary he returned, and was advanced: And, under Queen Elizabeth imprisoned for denying Her Supremacy. Yet such was his mild usage in restraint, that he had the opportunity to write much therein; and amongst the rest his Ecclesiastical History, no less learnedly, then painfully performed; and abating his Partiality to his own Interest, well deserving of all posterity. He wrote also six dialogues, in favour of his Religion; but, (because in durance) he durst not set it forth in his own, but under the Name of Alan Cope. Yet lest truth should be concealed, and friend defraud friend of his due praise, he caused these Capital Letters to be ingraved at the end of his Book. A. H. L. N. H. E. V E. A. C. Hereby mystically meaning. Auctor Hujus Libri Nicholaus Harpesfeldus. Edidit Verò Eum Aalnus Copus. He died this year at London in prison, after 20. years' restraint, leaving behind him the general reputation of a Religious man. 7. The third, The death of Gregory Martin. Gregory Martin, born at Macfield in Sussex, bred with Campian in St. john's College in Oxford; Tutor to Philip Earl of Arundel, eldest son to Thomas Duke of Norfolk, Afterwards he went over beyond Sea, and became Divinity Professor in the College of Rheims, died there October 28. and is buried with a large Epitaph, under a plain monument. 8. I shall now withdraw myself, Letter History best History. or at leastwise stand by a silent spectator, whilst I make room for far my betters to come forth and speak in the present controversy of Church Government. Call it not Cowardice, but count it Caution in me, if desirous in this difference to lie at a close-guard, and offer as little as may be on either side. Whilst the Reader shall behold the Masters of Defence on both sides engaged therein in these following letters of State. Baronius the great Roman Annalist was wont to say, Epistolaris Historia est optima Historia, that is the best History which is collected out of Letters, How much of the Acts of the Apostles especially for the regulation of time) is contained in the Epistles of St. Paul? Of the Primitive History, the most Authentical part is what is gathered out of the letters of the Fathers, and in like manner the true estate of Ecclesiastical affairs in the days of Queen Elizabeth, may be extracted out of the following despatches, and their returns, exhibiting the inclinations of their Authors in pure Naturals without any adulterated addition, and therefore the surest for others instruction, and safest for my own protection. 9 But one thing I must clear in our entrance thereon, Objection against Letter want of Date answered. in excuse that these Letters are Dateless as to the day and month, a great omission which I have seen in many Originals, whose Authors so minded the matter, that they neglected the time, the present dispatching of them being date enough to their purpose, though now the want thereof leaves Posterity at a loss. A Blue Coat without a Badge, is but a white Coat in effect; as nothing informing the Beholder to what Lord the Bearer thereof doth relate: And as little instructive (will some say) are these Letters as to the point of Chronologie. But be it known that no Readers stomach can be so sharp set on Criticalness of Chronologie, Anno. Dom. 1583. but that being fed with the certainty of the year, He will not be famished with the uncertainty of the month or day. Anno Regin Eliza. 26. Indeed as such whose names are casually omitted in the Register, may recover the truth of their age by a Comparative Computation of their years, who were born about the same time; so by the mixture and comparing of these dateless Letters, with those having date, of secular affairs I could Competently have collected, and inserted the time, save that I loathe to obtrude any thing conjectural on the reader's belief. But we must begin with the ensuing Petition as the groundwork of all the rest. The Ministers of Kent to the Privy Council. MAy it please your Honours, of your great and wont favour towards the distressed, The petition of the Kentish Ministers. to consider these following. Whereas we have been called to subscribe in the County of Kent, to certain Articles propounded by my Lord's Grace of Canterbury, unto the Ministers and Preachers. The first concerning Her Majesty's authority. The second, concerning no contrariety to the word of God, in the Book of Common-Prayer, and administration of the Sacraments, the book of ordering Bishops, Priests, and Deacons. And the third, that we believe all things in the book of the Articles of Religion, to be agreeable to the word of God: Whereupon, all have most willingly offered to subscribe unto the other two. And being pronounced in the open Court, Contumaces reservata poenâ, and so referred to answer at Law the 11, and 13, of February. Which we feared would be prosecuted with much trouble, and no resolution to our consciences, we amongst the rest repaired with that careful avoiding, that we could, of offence to his Lordship's Grace, to whom when we had the first day made known some of our doubts concerning the first book only, (many more in number, and as great in weight, concerning the first and second, and some concerning the third, remaining beside) we have upon our refusal, and record taken by public notary of one point only, from every particular refuser, which moved him thereunto, and one place of Scripture adjoined without collection, or the reason of the same, been suspended from our Ministry, by which occasion as we fear, that that account which hath been made of the consequence of our cause, both in public sermons and pronouncing of sentence against us, namely, that in denying to subscribe to the two aforesaid Articles, we separated ourselves from the Church, and condemned the right service of God in prayer, and administration of the Sacraments in the Church of England, and the Ministry of the same, and disobeyed Her Majesty's Authority, hath been intimated to your Honours. So we think it our bond duties, most humbly on our knees to beseech your Honours, to know and make manifest in our behalf to Her Majesty: that which we before the Lord in simplicity protest, we in all reverence judge of the authority which is established, and the persons which were Authors of those books, that they did not only speak, but also did highly to the glory of God promote the true Religion of God, and the Glorious Gospel of Jesus Christ, and that we so esteem of those books, and there is nothing in them to cause us to separate ourselves from the unity of the Church, which in the execution of our ministry, in participation of the public prayers, and Sacraments, we have in our own example testified, and by public doctrine maintained; And that the ministry of the word preached, and public administration of the Sacraments exercised in this land according to Authority, is as touching the substance of it, Lawful and greatly blessed of God. And lastly, that we have and always will show ourselves obedient to Her Majesty's authority in all causes Ecclesiastical and civil to whomsoever it be committed, and therefore, that as poor, but most faithful subjects to Her Majesty, and Ministers of Jesus Christ the great cause we have in hand, and which consequently (as we under your Honour's correction judge) the necessary reformation of many things in the Church according unto God's word, may have that sufficient hearing, as all causes of our refusal to subscribe may be known, and equally out of God's word judged of, and the lamentable estate of the Churches to which we appertain, with the hard condition of us, may in that manner, that your Honours most excellent wisdom shall find expedient in the pity of Jesus Christ, for the mean time be relieved, the Lord Almighty vouchsafe for Jesus Christ his sake long to continue, and bless your Honour's wisdom, and Council to the great glory of God, and the happy government of Her Majesty, and flourishing estate of this Church of England, Your Honour's daily and faithful Orators, the Ministers of Kent, which are suspended from the execution of their Ministry. The Lords of the Council, sent this Petition with another Bill of complaint exhibited unto them against Edmond Freak Bishop of Norwich, unto the Archbishop of Canterbury. What his answer was thereunto, the reader may inform himself out of the following letter. To the Lords of the Council. Most Honourable, UPon Sunday last in the afternoon, The Arch-Bishops letter in answer thereof. Mr. real brought unto me in your Lordship's names two supplications, or Bills of complaint exhibited unto your Lordships: The one by certain Ministers of Suff. against their Diocesan there: The other by some of Kent against myself, with this further message, that it was your desires I should come to the Court on Sunday next; It may please your good Lordships to be advertised, that it seemeth something strange to me, that the Ministers of Suffolk finding themselves aggrieved with the do of their Diocesan, should leave the ordinary course of proceeding by Law (which is to appeal unto me) and extraordinarily trouble your Lordships in a matter not so incident (as I think to that most honourable Board, seeing it hath pleased Her Majesty Her own self in express words to commit these causes Ecclesiastical to me, as to one who is to make answer to God, to her Majesty in this behalf, my office also and place requiring the same. In answer of the complaint of the Suffolk men of their Ordinaries proceeding against them, I have herewith sent to your Lordships a Copy of a letter which I lately received from his Lordship, wherein I think that part of their Bill to be fully answered, and his do to have been orderly and charitable. Touching the rest of their Bill, I know not what to judge of it, neither yet of what spirit it cometh: but in some points it talketh (as I think) modestly and charitably. They say they are no Jesuits sent from Rome to reconcile etc. True it is, neither are they charged to be so, but notwithstanding they are contentious in the Church of England, and by their contentions minister occasion of offence to those which are seduced by Jesuits, and give the arguments against the form of public prayer, used in this Church, and by law established, and thereby increase the number of them, and confirm them in their wilfulness. They also make a Schism in the Church, and draw many other of her Majesty's subjects to a misliking of her Laws and Government in causes Ecclesiastical, so far are they from persuading them to obedience, or at least, if they persuade them to it in the one part of her authority, it is in causes civil, they desswade them from it as much in the other, that is in causes Ecclesiastical, so that indeed they pluck down with the one hand, that which they seem to build with the other: they say that they have faithfully travelled in persuading to obedience etc. and have therein prevailed etc. It is but their own testimony, I think it were hard for them to show whom they converted from Papistry to the Gospel. But what stirs, and dissensions they have made amongst those which professed the Gospel before they were taught by them, I think it to be apparent. It is notorious that in King Edward's time, and in the beginning of her Majesty's Reign, for the space of divers years; When this self same book of public prayers was uniformally used &c. by all learned Preachers maintained, and impugned by none, the Gospel mightily prevailed, took great increase, and very few were known to refuse to communicate with us in prayer, and participation of the Sacraments. But since this Schism and division, the contrary effect hath fallen out, and how can it otherwise be, seeing we ourselves condemn that public form and order of prayer and administration of the Sacraments, as in divers points contrary to the word of God, from which (as in like manner condemning the same) the Papists do absent themselves. In the later part of their Bill containing the reasons why they cannot submit themselves, to observe the form prescribed by the book in all points, I wonder either at their ignorance or audacity. They say that the Learned writers of our time have showed their mislikings of some of our Ceremonies. The most learned writers in our times have not so done, but rather reproved the mislikers, those few that have given contrary judgement therein, have done more rashly then learnedly, presuming to give their Censures of such a Church as this is, not understanding the fruits of the cause. Nor alleging any reason worth the hearing, especially one little College in either of our Universities, containing in it more learned men then in their Cities. But if the authority of men so greatly move them, why make they so small account of those most excellent and learned Fathers, who were the penners of the Book? whereof divers have sealed their Religion with their Blood, which none yet have done of the impugners of the Book. The Pope (say they) hath changed his Officium B. Mariae etc. And so it is, neither is there any man that doubteth, but the Book of Common-Prayer may also be altered, if there appear good cause why to those in Authority. But the Pope will not suffer that Officium B. Marry etc. to be preached against, or any part thereof, till it was by public order reform, neither will he confess that he hath reform it in respect of any errors, but such only as did creep in to the said Book through private men's affections, without authority. Therefore that argument is against them, and only used by them (as it seemeth) in contempt the rest is frivolous, and argueth their presumption in writing, this to so honourable a Board of so worthy and godly a Book, which hath an hundred learned men to justify it, for one that will impugn it. And thus much concerning them which I have written rather to satisfy your Lordships, then that I thought the matter worthy my labour. The complaint which those of Kent, being of my own Diocese, and by oath bound to me in Canonical obedience, have exhibited unto your Lordships, doth make me more to wonder, that they most of them being unlearned, and young (such as I would be loath to admit into the Ministry, if they were not already admitted thereunto, much less to allow as Preachers) dare presume to bring my do against them into question before your Lordships, seeing I have done nothing but that which God, the Law, her Majesty, and my duty forceth me unto, dealing with them not as an Archbishop with the Inferior sort of the Clergy, nor as a master of a College with his fellows, nor as a Magistrate with his inferiors, but as a Friend, and a Brother, (which as I think) hath so puffed them up, and caused them to be so presumptuous. They came to me unsent for, in a multitude, which I reproved, because it imported a conspiracy, and had the show of a Tumult or unlawful Assembly. Notwithstanding I was content to hear their complaint, I spent with them the whole afternoon, from two of the clock till seven, and heard their Reasons, whereof some were frivolous, and childish, some irreligious, and all of them such as gave me occasion to think that they rather sought quarrel against the Book, then to be satisfied, which indeed is true, as appeareth by some of their own confessions, which I am able to show, when I shall be thereunto urged. The two whole days following, I spent likewise for the most part in dealing severally with them, requiring them to give unto me the Chief, and principal of their Reasons which moved them not to subscribe, meaning to hear them in the rest, if I could have satisfied them in it, or else not to spend any further time; which reasons (if I may so term them) they gave unto me, and I have, and mean to make known when occasion shall serve; Whereas they say in their bill, that the public administration of the Sacraments in this Land, is as touching the substance of it lawful etc. They say no more than the Papists themselves do confess, and in truth they say nothing in effect to that wherewith they are charged. And yet therein they are contrary to themselves, for they have pretended matter of substance against the Book. But of what spirit cometh it, that they being no otherwise then they are, dare to the greatest Authority in this land next to her Majesty so boldly offer themselves, thus to reason, and dispute as in their bill they vaunt against the State established in matters of Religion, and against the book so learnedly, and painfully penned, and by so great Authority from time to time confirmed. It is not for me to sit in this place, if every Curate within my Diocese or Province may be permitted so to use me; neither is it possible for me to perform form the duty which her Majesty looketh for at my hands, if I may not without interruption proceed in execution of that which her Highness hath especially committed unto me. The Gospel can take no success, neither the number of Papists be diminished, if unity be not procured, which I am not in doubt in short time to bring to pass, without any great ado or inconvenience at all, if it be not hindered. The number of those which refuse to subscribe is not great, in most parts of my Province not one, in some very few, and in some none, whereof many also and the greater part are unlearned, and unwornthy the Ministry. In mine own little Diocese in Canterbury threescore Preachers and above have subscribed, whereas there are not ten worthy the name of Preachers which have as yet refused, and most of them also not allowed Preachers by lawful Authority, and so I know it to be in all other Dioceses within my Province, the Diocese of Norwich only excepted; Wherein nevertheless the number of disordered is far less, than the number of such as are obedient, and quietly disposed Now if these few disordered, which the Church may well spare having meeter men to place in their rooms, shall be countenanced against the best, the wisest in all respects, the worthiest, and in effect the whole state of the Clergy, it will not only discourage the dutiful and obedient persons, but so increase the schism, that there will never hereafter be hope of appeasing the same. This disordered flocking together of them at this time from divers places, and gadding from one to another argueth a Conspiracy amongst them, and some hope of encouragement, and of prevailing, which I am persuaded is not meant, nor shall ever be by me willingly consented unto. Some of them have already (as I am informed) bruited abroad, that your Lordships have sent for me to answer their complaints, and that they hope to be delivered, wherein I know they report untruly, as the manner is; for I cannot be persuaded that your Lordships have any such intent as to make me a party, or to call my do into question, which from her Majesty are immediately committed unto me, and wherein, as I suppose, I have no other Judge but herself; And for as much as I am by God and her Majesty lawfully without any ordinary or extraordinary, or unlawful means, called to this place and function, and appointed to be your Pastor, and to have the greatest charge over you in matters pertaining to the soul; I am the more bold to move, and desire you to aid and affist me in matters belonging to my office, namely, such as appertain to the quietness of the Church, the credit of religion established, and the maintenance of the laws made for the same. And here I do protest and testify unto your Lordships, that the three Articles, whereunto they are moved to subscribe, are such, as I am ready by learning to defend in manner and form as they are set down, against all mislikers thereof in England or elsewhere. And thus desiring your Lordships to take this my answer in good part, and to forbear my coming thither in respect of this advantage that may be taken thereof by these wayward persons, I beseech Almighty God long to prosper you. Your good Lordships in Christ John Cantuar. Who this Mr. Beal was, who brought these letters, is worthy our inquiry. I find his Christian name Robert, his office Clark of the Council, his abilities very great, The character of Mr. Beal, who brought the Bills. as may appear by the public negotiations wherein he was employed, for he was joined with Sr. William Winter Anno 1576 in a Commission to the Zealanders, about their reprisals: And again Anno 1583 he was sent to the Queen of Scots; Sharply to expostulate with her concerning some querulous letters. Well knew Queen Elizabeth what tools to use on knotty timber, our a Camden in his Elizabetha pag. 359. Author giving Mr. Beal this Character, that he was Homo vehemens, & austerè acerbus, a Eager man, and most austerely bitter. His affections were wholly Presbyterian, and I behold him as one of the best friends (of the second Magnitude) that party had. What he wanted in authority, he had in activity on their sides. And what influence sometimes the Hands have on the Head (I mean Notaries on the Judges themselves) at Council Board, others may conjecture. He either compiled or countenanced a Book made against the Bishops, and the reader may receive a further confirmation of his Character herein from the following Complaint. To the Lord Treasurer. My singular good Lord, I have borne much with Mr. Beals intemperate speeches, Arch Bishop Whi●gift his Letter complaining of Beals insolent carriage towards him. unseemly for him to use, though not in respect of myself, yet in respect of her Majesty whom he serveth, and of the laws established, whereunto he ought to show some duty. Yesterday he came to my house, as it seemed to demand the book he delivered unto me, I told him that the book was written to me, and therefore no reason why he should require it again: especially, seeing I was assured that he had a Copy thereof, otherwise I would cause it to be written out for him: whereupon, he fell into very great passions with me (which I think was the end of his coming) for proceeding in the execution of his Articles etc. and told me in effect, that I would be the overthrow of this Church, and a cause of tumult with many other bitter and hard speeches, which I heard patiently, and wished him to consider with what spirit he was moved so to say; for I said, it cannot be by the spirit of God, because the spirit of God worketh in men humility, patience, and love, and your words declare you to be very Arrogant. proud, impatient, and uncharitable. Moreover the spirit by God moveth men to hear the word of God with meekness etc. And you have alomst heard with disdain every sermon preached before her Majesty this lent, gibing, and jesting openly thereat even in the sermon time, to the offence of many, and especially at such sermons as did most commended her Majesty and the State, and moved the Auditory to obedience, which he confessed and justified, accusing some of the Preachers of false Doctrine, and wrong allegations of Scripture etc. Then he began to extol his book, and said we were never able to answer it, neither for the matter of Divinity, not yet of Law; I told him, as the truth is, that there was no great substance in the book, that it might be very soon answered, and that it did appear neither his Divinity nor Law to be great. I further wished him to be better advised of his do, and told him indeed, that he was one of the principal causes of the waywardness of divers, because he giveth encouragement to divers of them to stand in the matter, telling them that the Articles shall be shortly revoked by the Council, and that my hands shall be stopped &c, which saying is spread abroad already in every place, and is the only cause why many forbear to subscribe, which is true, neither could he deny it. All this while I talked with him privately in the upper part of my Gallery, my Lord of Winchester, and divers strangers being in the other part thereof. But Mr. B●al beginning to extend his voice that all might hear, I began to break off, than he being more, and more kindled, very impatiently uttered very proud and contemptuous speeches, in the justifying of his book, and condemning of the orders established to the offence of all the hearers, whereunto (being very desirous to be rid of him) I made small answer, but told him that his speeches were intolerable, that he forgot himself, and that I would complain of him to her Majesty, whereof he seemed to make small account, and so he departed in great heat; I am loath to hurt him, or to be an accuser, neither will I proceed therein further than your Lordships shall think it convenient; but I never was abused more by any man at any time in my life, than I have been by him since my coming to this place, in hardness of speech for doing my duty, and for all things belonging to my charge. Surely my Lord this talk tendeth only to the increasing of the contention, and to the animating of the wayward in their waywardness casting out dangerous speeches, as though there were likelihood of sometumult in respect thereof; Whereas in truth God be thanked the matter growth to greater quietness than I think he wisheth, and will be soon quieted, if we be let alone, and they not otherwise encouraged. It seemeth he is some way discontented, and would work his anger no me. The tongues of these men taste not of the Spirit of God, your Lordship seethe how bold I am to impart unto you my private causes. Truly if it were not that my conscience is settled in these matters, and that I am fully persuaded of the necessity of these proceed in respect of the peace of the Church, and due observation of God's laws, and that I received great comfort at her Majesty's hand (as I did most effectually at my last being at the Court) and that I were assured to your Lordship's constancy in the cause, and of your unmoveable good will towards me, I should be hardly able to endure so great a burden, which now (I thank God) in respect of the premises seemeth easy unto me, neither do I doubt but God will therein prosper me. Thus being desirous to impart this matter to your Lordship, to whose consideration I leave it, I commit you to the tuition of Almighty God. John Cantuar. Nor have I ought else to say of this Mr. Beal, but that afterwards I find one of his name and quality a Robert Beal Esabque; Stow his survey of London pag. 183. dying 1601, and buried in London at Athallows in the wall, who by all probability should be the same person. Now that the Presbyterian party was not unfriended at the Council Board, but had those there, which either out of Dictates of their conscience, or reasons of State, or reflections on their private interests, endeavoured to mitigate the Arch-Bishops proceed against them. Let their ensuing letter to him be perused. AFter our hearty commendations to both your Lordships, although we have heard of late times sundry complaints out of divers Countries of this Realm, of some proceed against a great number of Ecclesiastical persons, The Privy Councillors Letter to the Arch Bishop in favour of the noncomformists. some Parsons of Churches, some Vicars, some Curates, but all Preachers; whereby some were deprived of their live, some suspended from their Ministry, and preaching, yet we have forborn to enter into any particular examination of such complaints, thinking that howsoever inferior officers, as Chancellors, Commissaries, Arch-Deacons and such like, whose offices are of more value, and profit by such like kind of proceed, might in such sort proceed against the Ministers of the Church. Yet your Lordship the Archbishop of that province of Canterbury, have besides your general Authority some particular interest in the present Jurisdiction of sundry Bishoprics vacant. And you also the Bishop of London, both for your own authority in your Diocese, and as head Commissioner Ecclesiastical, would have a pastoral over the particular officers, to stay and temper them in their hasty proceed against the Ministers, and especially against such as do earnestly profess, and instruct the people against the dangerous sects of Papistry. But yet of late, hearing of the lamentable estate of the Church in the Country of Essex, that is, of a great number of zealous and learned Preachers there suspended from their Cures, the Vacancy of the place for the most part, without any Ministry of Preaching, Prayers, and Sacraments. And in some places of certain appointed to those void Rooms, being persons neither of learning nor of good name, and in other places of that County a great number of Parson's occupying the Cures being notoriously unfit, most for lack of learning, many charged or chargeable with great, and erroneous faults, and drunkenness, filthiness of life, gamesters at Cards, haunting of Alehouses, and such like, against whom we hear not of any proceed, but that they are quietly suffered, to the slander of the Church, to the offence of good people, yea to the famishing of them for lack of good teaching; and thereby dangerous to the subverting of many weaklings from their duties to God, and the Queen's Majesty by secret Jesuits, and counterfeit Papists. And having thus in a general sort heard out of many parts of the like of this lamentable estate of the Church, yet to the intent we should not be deceived with the Generality of reports, we sought to be informed of some particulars, namely, of some parts of Essex, and having received the same credibly in writing, we have thought it our duties to her Majesty, and the Realm for the Remedy hereof without intermeddling ourselves with your Jurisdiction Ecclesiastical, to make report unto your Lordships, as persons that ought most specially to have regard thereto, as we hope you will, and therefore have sent you herewith in writing a Catalogue of the names of persons of sundry natures, and conditions, that is, one sort, being reported to be learned, zealous, and good preachers deprived, and suspended, and so the Cures not served with meet Persons. The othersort a number of Persons, having Cures, being in sundry sorts far unmeet for any offices in the Church for their many defects, and imperfections, and so as it seems by the reports have been, and are suffered to continue without reprehension or any other proceed against them, and thereby a great number of Christian people untaught, A matter very lamentable in this time. In a third sort a number having double live with Cure, and so not resident upon their Cures. But yet enjoying the benefit of their Benefices without any personal attendance upon their Cures. Against all these sorts of lewd, and evil, and unprofitable, corrupt members, we hear of no inquisition, nor of any kind of proceeding to the Reformation of those horrible offences in the Church, but yet of great diligence, yea, and extremity used against those that are known diligent Preachers. Now therefore we for the discharge of our duties, being by our vocation under her Majesty bound to be careful that the universal Realm may be well governed, to the honour and glory of God, and to the discharge of her Majesty being the principal governor, over all her subjects under Almighty God, do most earnestly desire your Lordships, to take some charitable consideration of these causes, that the people of the Realm may not be deprived of their Pastors being diligent, learned, and zealous, though in some points Ceremonial, they may seem doubtful only in Conscience, and not of wilfulness. Nor that their Cures be suffered to be vacant without good Pastors, nor that such as be placed in the Rooms of Cures be insufficient for learning, or unmeet for their conversation. And though the notes which we send you be only of Parson's belonging to Essex, yet we pray you to look into the rest of the Country in many other Dioceses, for we have, and do hear daily of the like in generality in many other places, but we have not sought to have their particulars to manifestly delivered of other places of Essex, or rather to say the truth, of one corner of the Country. And we shall be most glad to hear of your cares to be taken for remedy of these Enormities, so as we be not troubled hereafter, or hear of the like complaints to continue; and so we bid your Lordships right hearty farewell. Your Lordship's Loving friends, Will. Burleps, George Shrewsbury, A. Warwick, R. Leicester. C. Howard. I. Croft. Chr. Hatton. Fra. Walsingham. Amongst these Privy Councillors, I miss one who was mainly material, namel, Sr. Francis Knowls, treasurer of the Queen's Household, and Knt. of the Garter: Father in law to the Earl of Leicester, and no less considerable in himself then in his relations, this Knight being bred a banished man in Germany during the Reign of Queen Mary, and conversing with Mr. Calvin at Geneva, was never after fond of Episcopacy, and though now casually absent from the Council Board, was a great Patron of the Nonconformists. But see the Arch-Bishops answer to their letter. IT may please your good Lordships to be advertized, The Arch-Bishops answer to the Privy Counsellors Letter. that I have received your letters of the twentieth of this month, with a Schedule enclosed therein, concerning certain Ministers in Essex, whereunto as yet I cannot make any full answer, by reason of the absence of my Lord of London, to whom the letter is also directed, and the parties therein named best known as being in his Diocese. Nevertheless in the mean time, I thought it my part to signify unto your Lordships that I hope the information to be in most parts unjust. Certain men being in and about Mauldon, because they cannot have such among them as by disorderliness do best content their humours, did not long since in like manner in a generality, make an information to the same effect, which coming to mine, and others hands of the Ecclesiastical commission, we did direct our letters to some of the principal of them by name, requiring them to exhibit unto us at the beginning of this next term, now next ensuring the names of such offensive Ministers, as they thought to be touched with such dishonest conversation, together with their proofs thereof, promising on our parts to see the same redressed accordingly: It seemeth by this which is exhibited now to your Lordships, they have prevented the time, hoping thereby to alter the course; whereunto it tendeth. I leave to your Lordship's consideration: surely if the Ministers be such as this Schedule reporteth, they are worthy to be grievously punished. And for my own part, I will not be slack or remiss (Godwilling) therein, But if that fall out otherwise upon trial, and that they, or many of them in respect of their obedience to her Majesty's laws, be thus depraved by such as impugn the same, than I doubt not but your Lordship will judge those amusers to deserve just punishment. This I can assure your Lordships of, that my Lord of London affirmed in my hearing, that not long since upon that occasion that none or few at his, or his Arch-Deacons visitations had at any time by the Churchwardens or sworn men, been detected or presented for any such misdemeanours as are now supposed against them. Of the Preachers, which are said to be put there to silence, I know but few. Notwithstanding I know those few to be very factious in the Church, contemners in sundry points of the Ecclesiastical laws, and chief authors of disquietness in that part of the Country; And such as I for my part cannot (doing my duty with a good conscience) suffer without their further conformity to execute their ministry. But your Lordship's God willing shall have a more particular answer to every point of your letter, when my Lord of London (who is now at his house in the Country) and I shall meet and have conferred thereupon. In the mean time I trust, that neither there, nor elsewhere within this province, either by myself or others of my brethren any thing is o● shall be done, which doth not tend to the peace of the Church, the working of obedience to laws established, the encouragement of the most, the Godliest, and most learnedst Ministers in this Church of England, and to the Glory of God; To whose protection I commit your good Lordships. Now although we find Sr. Christopher Hatton (for companies sake, as we humbly conceive it) amongst the Privy Councillors, Peter Rihadeneira in his Appendix to Sanders pag. 41. subscribbing for moderation to non-conformists, yet we take him to be a zealous Stickler for the pressing Church Ceremony. And although I look on the words of the Jesuit as a mere scandal, when he saith, that this Hatton was Animo Catholicus a Papist in his heart, yet I know him to be no favourer of the Presbyterian party; But a great countenancer of whitgift's proceed against them, as appears by the following Address of the Archbishop unto him. To Sr. Christopher Hatton. Right Honourable, I give you most hearty thanks for that most friendly message which you sent unto me by your man Mr, Kemp, I shall think myself bound unto you therefore as long as long as I live. The Arch-bishops gratulatory letter to Sr. Christopher Hatton. It hath not a little comforted me, having received not long since unkind speeches where I least looked for them, only for doing my duty in the most necessary business which I have in hand: I marvel how it should come to pass, that the selfsame persons will seem to wish peace, and uniformity in the Church, and to mislike of the contentious, and disobedient sort, cannot abide that any thing should be done against them, wishing rather the whole Ministry of the land to be discountenanced and discouraged, than a few wayard persons (of no account in comparison) suppressed and punished. Men in executing the laws according to their duties were wont to be encouraged, and backed by such, but now it falleth out clean contrary. Disobedient wifull persons (I will term them no worse) are animated▪ Laws contemned, her Majesty's will and pleasure little regarded, and the executors thereof in word and deed abused, howbeit these overthwarts grieve me, yet I thank God, they cannot withdraw me from doing that duty in this cause, which I am persuaded God himself, her Majesty, the laws, and the State of this Church, and Commonwealth, do require of me. In respect whereof, I am content to sustain all these displeasures, and fully resolved not to depend upon man, but upon God, and her Majesty. and therefore your honour in offering me that great courtesy, offered unto me as great a pleasure as I can desire. Her Majesty must be my refuge, and I beseech you that I may use you as a means when occasion shall serve, whereof I assure myself, and therein rest. John Cantuar. As for the Lord Burleigh, such was his moderation, that both parties beheld him as their friend, carrying matters not with Passion, and prejudice, but prudently as became so great a Statesman. He was neither so rigid as to have conformity pressed to the Height, nor so remiss as to leave Ministers to their own liberty. He would argue the case both in discourse, and by letters, with the Archbishop. Amongst many of the latter kind, let not the Reader grudge to peruse this here inserted. IT may please your Grace, The Treasurer's Letter to the Archbishop, for some Indulgence to the Ministers. I am sorry to trouble you so often as I do, but I am more troubled myself, not only with many private petitions of sundry Ministers recommended for persons of credit, and for peaceable persons in their Ministry, and yet by complaints to your Grace, and other your Colleagues in Commission greatly troubled: But also I am daily now charged by Councillors, and public persons to neglect my duty, in not staying of those your Graces proceed, so vehement, and so General against Ministers and Preachers, as the Papists are thereby greatly encouraged, and all evil disposed persons amongst the Subjects animated, and thereby the Queen's Majesty's safety endangered; with these kind of arguments I am daily assailed: against which I answer, That I think your Grace doth nothing, but being duly examined, tendeth to the maintenance the Religion established, and to avoid schism in the Church. I also have for example shown by your papers sent to me, how fully the Church is furnished with Preachers, and how small a number there are that do contend for their singularity. But these reasons do not satisfy all persons, neither do I seek to satisfy all persons, but with reason, and truth. But now my good Lord, by chance I have come to the sight of an instrument of 24 Articles of great length and curiosity, form in a Romish stile, to examine all manner of Ministers in this time without distinction of Persons, which Articles are entitled apud Lambeth Ma●j. 1584. to be executed, Ex officio mero etc. and upon this occasion I have seen them. I did recommend unto your Grace's favour two Ministers Curates of Cambridge-shire, to be favourably heard, and your Grace wrote to me that they were contentious, Seditious, and persons vagrant maintaining this controversy, wherewith I charged them sharply, and they both denied those charges, and required to be tried, and so to receive punishment: I answered, that your Grace would so charge them, and then Ishould see afterwards what they should deserve, and advised them to resort to your Grace, comforting them that they should find favourable proceed, and so I hope upon my former commendations the rather. What may be said to them I know not, nor whether they have been so faulty as your Grace hath been informed do I know, Neither do I mean to treat for to favour such men, for pardon I may speak upon their amendment. But now they coming to me, I offer how your Grace proceeded with them. They say, they are commanded to be examined by the Register at London, and I asked them whereof? they said of a great number of Articles; But they could have no Copies of them: I answered that they might answer to the truth; they said that they were so many in number, and so divers, as they were afraid to answer them, for fear of captious interpretation. Upon this I sent for the Register, who brought me the Articles, which I have read, and find so curiously penned, so full of Branches, and Circumstances, that I think the inquisitions of Spain use not so many questions to comprehend, and to entrap their preys. I know your Canonists can defend these with all their particles: But surely under your Grace's correction, this Juridical and Canonical siftner of poor Ministers, is not to edify and reform. And in Charity I think they ought not to answer to all these nice points, except they were very notorious offenders in Papistry or heresy. Now good my Lord, bear with my scribbling: I writ with testimony of a good conscience, I desire the peace of the Church, I desire concord, and unity in the exercise of our Religion. I fear no sensual and wilful recusant: But I conclude, that according to my simple Judgement, this kind of proceeding is too much savouring the Romish inquisition, and is rather a device to seek for offenders, than to reform any. This was not that charitable instruction that I thought was intended of these poor Ministers should in some few points have any scrupulous conceptions to be removed, this is not a charitable way, to send them to answer to your common Register, upon so many Articles at one instant, without commodity of instruction by your Register, whose office is only to receive their answers, by which the parties are first subject to condemnation before they be taught their errors. It may be I say that Canonists may maintain this proceeding by rules of their laws: But though omnia licent, omnia non expediunt, I pray your Grace bear this, (and perchance a fault) that I have willed them not to answer these Articles, except their consciences may suffer them: And yet I have sharply admonished them, that if they be disturbers in their Churches, they must be corrected. And yet upon your Grace's answer to me Ne suitor ultra crepidam, neither will I put falcem in alterius m●ssem: my paper teacheth me to make an end, your Grace must pardon my hasty writing, for that I have done this Raptim and without Correction. Your Graces at command, William Burghley. One may say, is not the hand of Mr. Travers in all this? Who being the Lord Burghleys' Chaplain, by him much respected, and highly affected to the Geneva Discipline, was made the mouth of the Ministers, to mediate to his Lord in their behalf. But it seems the Archbishop had set up his resolution (called constancy, by some, Cruelty, by others, as they stand affected) whose unmoveableness herein will appear by his following Letter. To the Lord Treasurer. MY singular good Lord, The return of the Archbishop of Cant. to the L. Treasurer's Letter. in the very beginning of this action, and so from time to time, I have made your Lordship acquainted with all my do, and so answered all objections, and reasons to the contrary, as I persuade myself no just reply can be made thereunto. I have likewise by your Lordship's advice, chosen this kind of proceeding with them, because I would not touch any for not subscribing only, but for breach of order in celebrating of Divine service, administering the Sacraments, and executing other Ecclesiastical functions, according to their fancies, and not according to the form of law prescribed, which neither your Lordship, nor any other seemed to mislike, but to wish and require: And therefore I am much troubled at your last Letters, which seem so to be written, as though your Lordship had not been in these points already answered. The complaints which your Lordship saith are made of me, and other my Colleagues, have hitherto been general, and therefore cannot otherwise be answered, but by a bare denial. But if any man shall charge me or them with particularities, I doubt not but we are, and shall be ready to answer them, and to justify our do. My proceed are neither so vehement, nor so general against Ministers, and Preachers, as some pretend; doing me therein great injury, I have divers times satisfied your Lordship therein if any offence be, it is in bearing too much with them, and using of them so friendly, which causeth them thus contrary to their duties to trouble the Church, and to withstand me their Ordinary, and lawful Judge. The objection of encouraging the Papists &c. hath neither probability nor likelihood. For how can Papists be animated by urging of men to subscribe against the Pope's supremacy, and to the justifying of the book of Common-Prayers, and Articles of Religion which they so greatly condemn. But Papists &c. are animated, because they see these kind of persons, which herein after a sort come in with them, so greatly so many borne with, and so animated, and maintained in their disordered do, against both God's Laws, and man's; and against their Chief Governors both Civil, and Ecclesiastical. This I say encourageth the Papists, and maketh much for them; the other is but a fallacy, â non causa ad causam. O my Lord, I would to God some of those who use this argument, had no Papists in their Families, and did not otherwise also countenance them; whereby indeed, they receive encouragement, and do become too malapert. Assure yourself the Papists are rather grieved at my proceed, because they tend to the taking away of their chief Argument; that is, that, we cannot agree among ourselves, and that we are not of the Church, because we lack unity. And I am credibly informed, that the Papists give encouragement to these men, and commend them in their do, hereof I have also some experience. But if these reasons, and sundry others, notwithstanding some will not be satisfied thereby: I am sure your Lordship thinketh it not convenient to yield unto their wills, but unto their reasons. Touching the 24, Articles which your Lordship seemeth so to mislike, as written in a Romish stile, smelling of a Romish inquisition etc. I cannot but greatly marvel at your Lordship's vehement speeches against them, I hope without cause. The men are Preachers, peaceable, your Lordship saith, and that they are orderly, and observe the Books, as some of them say of themselves: and you think it not meet that being such persons, they should be deprived for not subscribing only, wherein I have yielded unto you, and therefore have caused these Articles to be drawn according to Law, by the best learned in the Laws: who I dare say hate the Romish doctrine, and the Romish inquisition, to the intent I may truly understand whether they are such manner of men or no, as they pretend to be, which I also take to be the ordinary course in other Courts: as in the Sar-Chamber, and other places. Sure I am it is most usual in the Court of the Marches (Arches rather) whereof I have the best experience. And without offence be it spoken, I think these Articles more tolerable, and better agreeing with the rule of justice, and charity, and less captious than those in other Courts, because there men are often examined at the relation of a private man, concerning private crimes, & de propriâ turpitudinê: whereas here men are only examined of their public actions in the public calling, and Ministry, and much more in the cause of Heresy: because the one toucheth life, and the other not. And therefore I see no cause why our Judicial, and Canonical proceed in this point should be misliked. Your Lordship writeth, that the two for whom you writ are peaceable persons, that they deny the things wherewith they are charged, and desire to be tried etc. Now they are to be tried, why do they refuse it? Qui malè agit, odit Lucem; Indeed they show themselves to be such as I have before shown to your Lordship, the most troublesome persons in all that Country: and one of them Mr Brown is presented for his disorders by the sworn men of the parish, as I am informed by the Official there. Wherefore I beseech your Lordship not to believe them against me, either own words, or testimony of any such as animate them in their disobedience, and count disorder order, and contention peace, before they be duly and orderly tried according to that Law which is yet in force, and will hardly in my opinion, in these Judicial actions be bettered, though some abuse may be in the Execution thereof, as there. I elsewhere also; and that peradventure more abundantly. Your Lordship saith these Articles are a device rather to seek for offenders, then to reform any: The like may be said of the like orders in other Courts also; but that were the fault of the Judge, not of the Law. And I trust your Lordship hath no cause to think so evil of me. I have not dealt with any as yet, but such as have given evident tokens of contempt of Orders and Laws. which my Acts remaining on Record will testify; and though the Register do examine them (as I think other officers do in other Courts likewise, and the Law doth allow of it) yet are they repeated before a Judge, where they may reform, add or diminish, as they think good; neither hath there been any man thus examined, or otherwise dealt with, who hath not been conferred with, or might not have been if he would, these two especially; And if they have otherwise reported to your Lordship, they do but antiquum obtinere, which is to utter untruths; a quality wherewith these kind of men are marvellously possessed, as I on my own knowledge, and experience, can justify against divers of them. I know your Lordship desireth the peace of the Church, and unity in Religion, but how is it possible to be procured (after so long liberty, and lack of discipline) if a few persons so meanly qualified, as most of them are, shall be countenanced against the whole estate of the Clergy, of greatest account both for learning, years, stayedness, wisdom, Religion, and honesty? And open breakers, and impugners of the Law, young in years, proud in conceit, contentious in disposition, maintained against their Governors, seeking to reduce them to order, and obedience; Haec sunt initia haereticorum, & ortus atque conatus Schismaticorum malè cogitantium, ut sibi placeant, ut praepositum superbo tumore contemnant; sic ab Ecclesia receditur, sic altare profanum collocatur foris, sic contra pacem Christi & ordinationem atque unitatem Dei rebellatur; for my own part, I neither have done, nor do any thing in this matter, which I do not think in my conscience, and duty, I am bound to do, which her Majesty hath with earnest charge committed unto me, and which I am not well able to justify to be most requisite for this State and Church, whereof next to her Majesty, though most unworthy, or at least most unhappy, the chief, is committed unto me, which I will not by the grace of God neglect, whatsoever come upon me. Therefore I neither care for the honour of the place (which is onus to me) nor the largeness of the Revenues, nor any other worldly thing. I thank God, in respect of doing my duty, neither do I fear the displeasure of man, nor the evil tongues of the uncharitable, who call me Tyrant, Pope, Knave, and lay to my charge things which I never thought, Scio hoc enim opus esse diabolt, ut servos Dei mendacio laceret, & opinionibus falsis gloriosum nomen infamet, ut qui conscientiae suae luce clarescunt, alienis rumoribus sordidentur. So was Cyprian himself used, and other ancient and Godly Bishops, to whom I am not comparable. The day will come, when all men's hearts shall be opened; in the mean time I will depend on him, who never forsakes those that put their trust in him. If your Lordship shall keep those two from answering according to the order set down, it will be of itself a setting at liberty of all the rest, and of undoing of all that which hitherto hath been done; neither shall I be able to do my duty according to her Majesty's expectation; And therefore I beseech your Lordship to leave them unto me; I will not proceed against them, till I have made you privy to their answers, and further conferred with you about them; because I see your Lordship so earnest in their behalf; whereof also they have made public boasts (as I am informed) which argueth what manner of persons they are: I beseech your Lordship to take not only the length, but also the matter of this Letter in good part, and to continue to me as you have done, whereof I doubt not: for assuredly if you forsake me (which I know you will not after so long trial and experience, with continuance of so great friendship) especially in so good a cause, I shall think my coming to this place, to have been for my punishment; and my hap very hard, that when I think to deserve best, and in a manner to consume myself, to satisfy that which God, her Majesty, the Church, requireth of me, should be so evil rewarded, Sed meliora spero. And I know your Lordship doth all, as you are persuaded, for the best; I beseech God long to bless and preserve you. John Cantuar. It seems the Lord Treasurer took exceptions at some passages herein, I dare not say with those, That the Letter was brought to him when he was indisposed with the fit of the Gout, which made him so offended. But what soever was the cause of his passion, see some signs thereof in what followeth. I Have Received your Grace's Letter, The L. Treasurer's smart Letter to the Archbishop. answering sundry speeches, as I think, delivered by your Chaplain, Doctor Cousins, and I perceive you are sharply moved to blame me, and clear yourself: I know I have many faults, but I hope I have not given such cause of offence, as your Letter expresseth. I deny nothing that your Grace thinketh meet to proceed in, with these whom you call factious; and therefore there is no controversy between you, and me, expressed in your Letter: the controversy is passed in your Grace's Letter in silence; and so I do satisfy; your Grace promised me to deal, I say only with such as violated order, and to charge them therewith, which I allow well of. But your Grace not charging them with such faults, seeketh by examination to urge them to accuse themselves; and then I think you will punish them: I think your Grace's proceeding is, I will not say rigorous or captious, but I think it is scant charitable; I have no leisure to write more, and therefore I will end, for writing will but increase offence, and I mean not to offend your Grace, I am content that your Grace, and my Lord of London, where I hear Brown is, use him as your wisdoms shall think meet; If I had known his fault, I might be blamed for writing for him, but when by examination only it is meant to sift him with twenty four Articles, I have cause to pity the poor man. Your Graces as friendly as any, WILL. BURLEY. Short but sharp. I see though anger only resteth a Eccles. 7. 9 in the Bosom of Fools, it may light on the Breast of a wise man. But no fear that these friends will finally fall out, who alternately were passionate, and patiented. So that now it came to the turn of Whitgift to be calm, as he expressed himself in the following return. To the Lord Treasurer. My singular good Lord, GOd knoweth how desirous I have been from time to time to satisfy your Lordship in all things, The Arch-Bishops calm Letter to the half-angry Treasurer. and to have my do approved to you. For which cause since my coming to this place, I have done nothing of Importance without your advice, I have risen early, and sat up late, to write unto you such objections, and answers as on either side were used, I have not the like to any man, and shall I now say I have lost my labour, or shall my just dealing with two of the most disordered Ministers in a whole Diocese (the obstinacy, and contempt of whom, especially of one of them, you yourself would not bear in any subjected to your authority) cause you so to think, and speak of my do: yea, and of myself, no man living should have made me believe it. Solomon saith, an old friend is better than a new, and I trust your Lordship will not so lightly cast off your old friends, for any of these new fangled, and factious sectaries, whose fruits are to make divisions wheresoever they come, and to separate old, and assured friends. Your Lordship seemeth to charge me with breach of promise, touching my manner of proceeding, whereof I am no way guilty, but I have altered my first course of depriving them for not subscribing only, justifiable by the Law, and common practice both in the time of King Edward, and from the beginning of her Majesty's Reign, and chosen this only to satisfy your Lordship. Your Lordship also objecteth, that it is said, I took this course for the better maintenance of my book, my enemies say so indeed, but I trust my friends have a better opinion of me; what should I seek for any confirmation of my book, after twelve years, or what should I get thereby more than already? And yet if subscription may confirm it, it is confirmed long ago by the subscription of all the Clergy almost in England before my time, even of Brain also who now seemeth to be so wilful. Mine Enemies and tongues of this slanderous and uncharitable sect report, that I am revolted and become a Papist, and I know not what, but it proceedeth from their lewdness, not from any desert of mine; and I disdain to answer to any such notorious untruths, which the best of them dare not avouch to my face. Your Lordship seemeth further to burden me with wilfulness, I am sure that you are not so persuaded of me, I will appeal to your own conscience. There is difference betwixt wilfulness, and constancy, I have taken upon me the defence of the Religion, and rights of the Church of England, to appease the sects of schisms therein, and to reduce all the Ministers thereof to uniformity, and due obedience herein, I intent to be constant, and not to waver with every wind; The which also my place, my person, my duty, the laws, her Majesty, and the goodness of the cause doth require of me, and wherein your Lordship and others (all things considered) ought in duty to assist, and countenance me. It is strange that a man in my place, dealing by so good warranties as I do, should be so encountered, and for not yielding to be counted wilful, but I must be contented, Vincit qui patitur, and if my friends forsake me herein, I trust God will not, neither the Law, nor her Majesty who hath laid the charge on me, and are able to protect me. But of all other things it most grieveth me, if your Lordship should say, that two Ministers far the worse because your Lordship hath sent them. Hath your Lordship ever had any cause so to think of me? It is needless for me to protest my heart, and affection towards you above all other men, the world knoweth it, and I am assured that your Lordship nothing doubteth thereof; I have rather cause to complain to your Lordship of yourself, that upon so small an occasion, and in the behalf of two such you will so hardly conceive of me, yea, and as it were countenance persons so meanly qualified in so evil a cause against me, your Lordships so long tried friend, and their Ordinary. That hath not so been in times past, now it should least of all be, I may not suffer the notorious contempt of one of them especially, unless I will become Fsops' Block, and undo all that which hitherto have been done. Well, because I would be loath to omit any thing whereby your Lordship might be satisfied, I have sent unto you herein enclosed certain reasons to justify the manner of my proceed, which I marvel should be so misliked in this cause, having been so long practised in the same, and never before this time found fault with. Truly my Lord I must proceed this way, or not at all, the reasons I have set down in this paper. And I hearty pray your Lordship, not to be carried away, either from the cause, or from myself upon unjust surmises, and clamours, lest you be the occasion of that confusion which hereafter you would be sorry for. For mine own part I desire no further defence in these occasions: neither of your Lordship, nor any other, than Justice, and Law will yield unto me. In my own private affairs, I know I shall stand in need of friends, especially of your Lordship, of whom I have made always an assu●ed account; but in these public actions, I see no cause why I should seek for friends, seeing they to whom the care of the Commonwealth is committed, ought of duty therein to join with me. To conclude, I am your Lordships assured, neither will I ever be persuaded, but you do all even of hearty good will towards me. John Cantuar Now amongst all the favourers of the Presbyterians, surely honesty, Sr. Fra. Walsingham a good friend to nonconformists. and wisdom, never met more in any then in Sr. Francis Walsingham, of whom it may be said (abate for the disproportion) as of St. Paul, though poor yet making many rich. Having but one only Daughter (whole extraordinary handsomeness, with a moderate portion would considerably prefer her in marriage. He neglected wealth in himself, though I may say, he enriched many (not only his dependants but,) even the English Nation, by his prudent steering of State affairs. How he interceded to qualify the Archbishop, for a Semi-non conformist, we learn from his following Letter. IT may please your Grace to understand, St. Francis Walsinghams' Letter to the Arch. Bishop in favour of non-conformists. that this bearer Mr. Leverwood, of whom I wrote unto your Grace, Anno Dom. 1583. Anno Regi● Eliza. 26. hath been here with me, and finding him very conformable, and willing to observe such orders as are appointed to be used in the Church, as your Grace shall partly perceive by certain Articles subscribed with his own hand, and herein enclosed, I willed him to repair unto your Grace; And in case these Articles may be allowed, than I pray your Grace to be his good Lord, and that with your good will and favour he may proceed in his suit; upon knowledge whereof, I do mean to deal further therein with her Majesty thereof for him, as I have already begun to do, upon the good report I heard of the man, before your Grace's message sent to Mr. Nicasius for the stay thereof. And so I humbly take my leave. Your Graces at command Francis Walsingham. What this Letter effected, the next will inform us, Right Honourable, I thank you hearty for your letter, The Arch-Bishops answer to secretary Walsing●a●s Letter. written unto me in the behalf of Leverwood, wherein I perceive the performance of your honourable speeches to myself, in promising to join with me, against such as shall be breakers of the orders of the Church established: and movers of contentions therein upon that, and other like speeches of yours with me at your last being at Lambeth, I have forborn to suspend or deprive any man already placed in any cure or charge, for not subscribing only, if hereafter he would promise unto me in writing, the observing of the Book of Common-Prayer, and the orders of the Church by law set-down: and I do now require subscription to the said Articles, of such only as are to be admitted to the Ministry, and to Ecclesiastical live, wherein I find myself something eased of my former troubles: and as yet none or very few of the last named persons, to refuse to subscribe to the said Articles, though some of them have been accounted heretofore very precise. I also very well remember that it was her own wish, and desire, that such as hereafter should be admitted to any living, should in like manner be tied to the observing the orders: which as it hath already wrought some quietness in the Church, so I doubt not but that it will in time perfect the same. And I cannot break that order in one, but other will look for the like favour, to the renewing, and increasing of the former Atheism, not yet already extinguished. Wherefore I hearty pray you to join with me herein. Touching the Articles enclosed in your letter, whereunto Leverwood hath subscribed: they are of no moment, but such as may easily be deluded. For whereas he first saith, that he will willingly subscribe as far as the law requireth at his hand, his meaning is, that the law requireth no such subscription, for so I am informed that some Lawyers (therein deceived) have persuaded him and others, and in saying that he will always in the Ministry use the Book of Common-Prayer, and none else, his meaning is, that he will use but so much of the Book as pleaseth him, and not that he will use all things in the Book required of him. I have dealt with him in some particularities, which he denieth to use, and therefore his subscription is to small purpose. I would, as near as I can, promise, that none should hereafter come into the Church to breed new troubles, I can be better occupied otherwise. And God would bless our labours more amply, and give better success to the word so commonly and diligently preached if we could be at peace, and quietness among ourselves, which I most heartily wish, and doubt not to bring to pass by God's grace, the rather through your good help, and assistance, whereof I assure myself, and so with my hearty prayers etc. John Cantuar. Thus have we presented to the Reader some select Letters out of many in my hand, A transition to other matter. passing betwixt the highest persons in Church matters. I count it a blessing that providence hath preserved such a treasure unplundred, esteem it a favour in such friends as imparted them unto me, and conceive it no ungrateful act in our communicating the same to the Reader. And now we (who hitherto according to good manners have held our peace, while such who were far our betters, by their pens spoke one to another) begin to resume our voice, and express ourselves as well as we may in the following History. 10. By the changing of Edmond into John Cantuar. Good Grindal his death. It plainly appears, that as all these letters were written this year, so they were indicted after the sixth of July, (and probably about December) when BP. Grindal deceased. Our English Eli, for office (highest in spiritual promotion) age (whereby both were blind) and manner of his death, thus far forth as heartbroken with sorrow. Grindals' grief proceeded from the Queen's displeasure, undeservedly procured by the practices of his malicious enemies. There want not those who will strain the parallel betwixt Eli and Grindal in a fourth respect, both being guilty of dangerous indulgence, and lenity to offenders. Indeed Grindal, living, and dying sole, and single, could not be cockering to his own children; but as a Father of the Church, he is accused for too much conniving at the factious disturbers thereof. Sure I am, he was an impartial correcter of men's vicious conversations: witness his sharp reproving of Julio the Italian Physician, for marrying another man's wife. Which bitter, but wholesome pill, the Physician himself not being able to digest, incensed the Earl of Leicester, and he the Queen's Majesty against the good Archbishop. But all was put on the account of Grindals' nonconformity, for favouring the factious meetings, called Prophesyings. Grindal, sensible of the Queen's displeasure, desired to resign his place, and confine himself to a yearly pension: not, as some may pretend, that it was against his conscience to keep it; but because above his impotent age to manage so great a charge. The place was proffered to Whitgift, but he in the presence of the Queen utterly refused it: yet, what he would not snatch, soon after fell into his hands by Grindals' death. 11. Who so beholds the large revenues confer'd on Grindal, 〈…〉 the long time he enjoyed them (Bishop of London, Archbishop of York, and Canterbury, above eighteen years) the little charge encumbering him, dying a single man, will admire at the mean estate he left behind him. Yea, perchance they will erroneously impute this to his prodigality, which more truly is to be ascribed to his contempt of the world, unwilling to die guilty of much wealth; not to speak of fat Servants made under a lean Master. The little he had, as it was well gotten, was well bestowed, in pious uses on Cambridge, and Oxford, with the building, and endowing of a School at St. Bees in Cumberland, where he was born. Yea, he may be beheld as a benefactor to the English nation, for bringing Tamaríx first over into England. As the inventors of evil things are justly taxed by the a ● Rom. 1. 13. Apostle: so the first importers of good things deserve due commendation; That plant being so sovereign to mollify the hardness of the spleen; a malady whereof Students (betrayed thereunto by their sedentary lives) too generally do complain. SECTION VI. To the Master, Wardens, and all the Members of the Honourable Company of Mercers of London. As it would be a sin of omission in me (so much obliged to your society) should not share in my History be allowed unto you, so I should commit a great incongruity, if assigning it any where else, then in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth. Whose great Grandfather Sr. Godfrey Bollen (1458. Major of London) is generally believed one of your Company, so that the Crowned Maidenhead in your Arms, may in some sort seem Prophetical, Presaging such a Queen-Virgin should be extracted from one of your Society, as the Christian-World could not parallel in all particulars. Indeed much of credit is imported in your very Name. For seeing all Buyers and Sellers, are Mercers à Mercando, Custom hath confined and fixed the term Eminently on your Corporation, as always the prime Chapmen of our Nation, in which respect you have the precedency of all other Companies. I will detain you no longer from better Customers, wishing you sound wares, quick vent, good prizes, sure payment. One Commodity alone excepted, I mean the Truth itself, * Pro. 23. 23. this buy and sell it not, Purchase it on any terms, but part with it on no Conditions. ABout four a clock in the afternoon on the Lord's day, Warning to Sabbath-breakers. a sad accident hap●ned in Paris-garden, on the southside of Thames, Jan. 13. 1583. over against London. Whilst multitudes were beholding the baiting of the bear, the old under-propped Scaffolds overladen with people, suddenly fell down, killed a Holinshed pag. 1●53. eight outright, hurt, and bruised many more, to the shortening of their lives. The b Dr. Bound. assertors of the strict observation of the Sabbath, vigorously improve this (as well they may) against them who profane the Lordsday, which afterwards (the joyful effect of a doleful cause) was generally kept with more carefulness. 2. Robert Brown began at this time to broach his opinions. Robert Brown first appears. he was born in Rutland-shire, of an ancient and worshipful family (one whereof founded a fair Hospital in a Camden's Brit. in Lincolnshire. Stamford) nearly allied to the Lord Treasurer Cicel. He was bred for a time in Cambridge (I conceive in Corpus Christi College) but question, whether ever a Graduate therein. He used some time to preach at Bennet-Church, where the vehemency of his utterance passed for zeal among the Common people, and made the vulgar to admire, the wise to suspect him. Dr. Still, afterwards Master of Trinity (out of curiosity, or casually present at his preaching) discovered in him something extraordinary, which he presaged would prove the disturbance of the Church, if not seasonaly prevented. Some years after, Brown went over into Zealand, to purchase himself more reputation from foreign parts. For, a smack of travail gives an high taste to strange opinions, making them better relished to the liquorish lovers of novelty. Home he return with a full cry against the Church of England, as having so much of Rome, she had nothing of Christ in her discipline. Norfolk was the first place whereon Brown (new flown home out of the Low-Countries) parched himself, and therein in the City of Norwich. A place which then spoke little more than medietatem linguae, having almost as many dutch strangers, as English natives inhabiting therein. Brown beginning with the Dutch, soon proceeded to infect his own Countrymen, for which he was confined, as the following letter of the Lord Treasurer Burghly, to BP. 〈…〉 Phrcke of Norwich will inform us. AFter my very hearty commendations to your Lordship; whereas I understand that one Brown a Preacher is by your Lordship and others of the Ecclesiastical Commission committed to the custody of the Sheriff of Norfolk, where he remains a prisoner, for some matters of offence uttered by him by way of preaching, wherein I perceive by sight of some letters written by certain godly preachers in your Lordship's Diocese he hath been dealt with, and by them dissuaded from that course he hath taken. Forasmuch, as he is my kinsman; if he be son to him whom I take him to be, and that his error seemeth to proceed of zeal rather than of malice, I do therefore wish he were charitably conferred with and reform, which course I pray your Lordship may be taken with him, either by your Lordship or such as your Lordship shall assign for that purpose. And in case there shall not follow thereof such success, as may be to your liking, that then you would be content to permit him to repair hither to London, to be further dealt with as I shall take order for upon his coming, for which purpose I have written a letter to the Sheriff, if your Lordship shall like thereof. And so I bid your Lordship right hearty farewell. From the Court at Westminster this 21. of April. 1581. Your Lordship's very loving friend W. B. Brown being thus brought up to London, by the advice of his friends was wrought to some tolerable compliance, and being discharged by the Archbishop of Canterbury, was by the Lord Treasurer sent home to his father Anthony Brown at Tolethorp in Rutland Esquire. One I assure you of ancient, and right worshipful extraction, having myself seen a charter granted by King Henry the eighth, (the 16th of July, in the 18th. of his reign) and confirmed by act of Parliament, to Francis Brown father to the aforesaid Anthony, giving him leave to put on his cap, in the presence of the King or his heirs, or any Lord Spiritual or Temporal in the land, and not to put it off but for his own ease, and pleasure. But let us see and the Lord Treasurer's letter in the behalf of Brown to his father. AFter my very hearty commendations, understanding that your son Robert Brown, had been sent for up by my Lord Bishop of Canterbury, to answer to such matters as he was to be charged withal, contained in a Book made by him, and published in print (as it was thought) by his means: I thought good, considering he was your Son, and of my blood, to send unto my Lord of Canterbury in his behalf, that he might find what reasonable favour he could show him; before whom I perceive he hath answered in some good sort; and although I think he will not deny the making of the Book, yet by no means will he confess to be acquainted with the publishing or printing of it. He hath besides yielded unto his Lordship such further contentment, as he is contented (the rather at my motion) to discharge him, and therefore for that he purposeth to repair to you, I have thought good to accompany him with these my letters, and to pray you for this cause, or any his former deal, not to withdraw from him your fatherly love and affection, not doubting but with time he will be fully recovered, and withdrawn from the Relics of some fond opinions of his, which will be the better done, if he be dealt withal in some kind, and temperate manner. And so I bid you very hearty farewell. From my house near the Savoy this eighth of October 1585. Your loving friend and Cousin, William Burghley. But it seems Brown's errors were so inlaid in him, no conference with Divines could convince him to the contrary, whose incorrigibleness made his own father weary of his company. Men may wish, God only can work, children to be good. The old gentleman would own him for his Son no longer, than his Son owned the Church of England for his Mother, desiring to rid his hands of him, as by the ensuing letter will appear. AFter my very hearty Commendations, I perceive by your letters, that you have little or no hopes of your son's conformity, as you had when you received him into your house, and therefore you seem desirous that you might have liberty to remove him further off from you, as either to Stamford, or some other place, which I know no cause but you may very well and lawfully do, where I wish he might better be persuaded to conform himself for his own good: and yours, and his friends comfort. And so I very hearty bid you farewell. From the Court this seventeeths of February. 1585. Your very loving friend and cousin William Burghley. Thus to make our Story of the troublesome man the more entire, we have trespassed on the two following years, yet without discomposing our Chronologie on the Margin. 3. With his assistant Richard Harrisen, Brown his opinions. a petty Pedagogue, they inveighed against Bishops, Ecclesiastical Courts, Ceremonies, Ordination of Ministers, and what not? fancying here on earth a platform of a perfect Church, without any faults (understand it thus, save those that are made by themselves) therein. The Reader, if desirous to know their opinions, is referred to the large, and learned Treatises written against them; particularly to the pains of Dr. Fulke, proving, that the Brownists (so named from this Brown, their ringleader) were in effect the same with the ancient Donatists, only newly revived. Thus there is a circulation, as in fashion of clothes; so of opinions, the same after some years return: Brownisme being no more than Donatism vamped with some new additions. The Queen, and Her Council seriously set themselves, first by gentleness to reduce, and (that not succeeding) by severity to suppress the increase of this faction. Brown himself used to boast, that he had been committed to thirty two prisons, and in some of them be could not see his hand at noon day, Yet for all this he came off at last both with saving his life, and keeping his living (and that none of the meanest, Achurch in Northamptonshire) until the day of his death. 4. One may justly wonder, Extraordinary favour indulged unto him. when many meaner Accessaries in this schism were arraigned, condemned, executed, how this Brown, the Principal, made so fair an escape, yea, enjoyed such preferment. I will never believe, that he ever formally recanted his opinions, either by word or writing, as to the main of what he maintained. More probable it is, that the promise of his genéral compliance with the Church of England (so far forth as not to make future disturbance therein) met with the Arch-Bishops courteous acceptance thereof, both which effectually improved by the countenance of Thomas Cecil, Earl of Exeter (Brown's near kinsman, and patron) procured this extraordinary favour to be indulged unto him. His Parsonage he freely possessed allowing a sufficient salary for one to discharge the cure; and (though against them in his judgement) was contented (and perchance pleased) to take the tithes of his own parish. 5. For my own part (whose nativity Providence placed within a mile of this Brown his pastoral charge) The author's observation on him. I have, when a youth, often beheld him. He was of an imperious nature, offended, if what he affirmed, but in common discourse, were not instantly received as an oracle. He was then so far from the Sabbatarian strictness, to which some preciser Brownists did afterwards pretend, that both in judgement, and practise, he seemed rather libertine therein. In a word, he had in my time a wife, with whom, for many years he never lived, parted from her on some distaste: and a Church, wherein he never preached, though he received the profits thereof. 6. As for his death in the prison in Northampton, The occasion of his late death. many years after (in the reign of King Charles Anno 1630.) it nothing related to those opinons he did, or his followers do maintain. For as I am credibly informed, being by the Constable of the Parish (who chanced also to be his Godson) somewhat roughly and rudely required the payment of a rate, he happened in passion to strike him. The Constable (not taking it patiently as a castigation from a Godfather, but in anger as an affront to his office) complained to Sr. Rowland Sr. John, a neighbouring Justice of the peace, and Brown is brought before him. The Knight of himself, was prone rather to pity, and pardon, than punish his passion; but Brown's behaviour was so stubborn, that he appeared obstinately ambitious of a prison, as desirous (after long absence) to renew his familiarity with his ancient acquaintance. His Mittimus is made, and a cart with a featherbed provided to carry him, he himself being so infirm (above eighty) to go, too unwieldy to ride, and no friend so favourable, as to purchase for him a more comely conveyance. To Northampton jail he is sent, where, soon after he sickened, died, and was buried in a neighbouring Churchyard: and it is no hurt to wish, that his bad opinions had been interred with him. 7. The Tenants of Brownists daily increasing, June 4. 6. July 6. their books were prohibited by the Queen's authority. Two Brownists executed. Notwithstanding which prohibition, some presumed to disperse the same, and paid dearly for their contempt therein. For, Elias a Stow Chronicle pag. 697. Thacker was hanged on the fourth, and John Coping on the sixth of June, at the same place, St. edmond's Bury, and for the same offence, the scattering such schismatical pamphlets. 8. John Whitgift succeeding in the Archbishopric, Sept. 24. found it much surcharged in the valuation, Whitgift succeedeth him. and impaired in the revenues, through the negligence of his predecessor, who would pay willingly what they asked of him, and take contentedly what any tendered to him. First therefore Whitgift b Sr. George Paul in his life pag. 28. procured an order out of the Exchequer, for the abatement of an hundred pound for him, and his successors in the payment of his first-fruits. Afterwards he encountered no meaner man, than that great Courtier, Soldier, and Privie-Councellour Sr. James Crosts; or rather he legally contested with the Queen in him, and recovered from both, long c Idem p. 29. Beachwood in Kent (containing above a thousand acres of land) detained from his predecessor under colour of a lease from Her Majesty. 9 This d Camden's Eliz. in hoc Anno. year Nicholas Sanders (more truly Slanders) Death of Sanders. had in Ireland a woeful end of his wretched life. He was borne in S●rrey, bred first in Winchester, then in New College in Oxford, where he was Kings-Professor of Canon-Law, but afterwards, banishing himself, fled to Rome, there made Priest, and Dr. of Divinity. He accompanied Cardinal Hosius, to the Council of Trent, and there is said, by disputing, and declaiming to have gained himself great reputation. At last he was sent over. Pope's Nuncio into Ireland, conceived then a desperate employment, and therefore many Catholics regreted thereat. Yea, some were overheard to say (but it is e De scriptor. Anglican aetate 16. pag. 773. Pitzaeus Sander's own sister's son, who reports it) Why does his Holiness send our Sanders into Ireland? We value him more than all Ireland is worth. There amongst the bogs, and mountains was he starved to death, justly famished for want of food, who formerly had surfited on improbable lies, by him first forged on the nativity of Queen Elizabeth. 10. We must not forget, Lewes' burnt at Norwich. how this year, one John Lewes was burnt at Norwich for denying the Godhead of Christ, and holding other detestable heresies. He called himself f Stow's Chron. pag. 697. Abdeit (let him tell you what he meant thereby) alluding therein to the promise of a new g Rev. 2. 17. name, which no man knoweth but him that receiveth it, having in it a little mock-Hebrew, to make himself the more remarkable. 11. Now, 27. 1584. so great was the malice of the Jesuits against Her Majesty, Popish libels. that at this time they set forth many slanderous libels, stirring up Her Subjects, and Servants to do the same to Her, as Judith did to h Camden's Eliz. in hoc Anno. Holofernes. One of their principal pamphlets was entitled, A Treatise of Schism. The suspicion of making it, fell on Gregory Martin, one probable enough for such a prank (as being Divinity Professor in Rheims) did not his Epitaph there i Pitzaeus' Descript. Anglic: pag. 782. ensure me, he was dead and buried, two years before. Though it is possible, his posthume work might be born abroad, after the death of the author thereof. But, whoever made it, William Carter, the Stationer, paid dearly for publishing it, being executed at Tyburn. And in the next month five Seminaries, John Fen, George Haddock, John Munden, John Nutter, and Thomas Hemmerford, were hanged, bowelled, and quartered for treason, at Tyburn; and many others about the same time, Anno Dom. 1584. Anno Regin Eliza. 27. executed in other places. 12. Yet, The Queen Her eminent mercy. even in the midst of this necessary severity, Her Majesty was most merciful unto many Popish malefactors, whose lives stood forfeited to the Laws, in the rigour thereof. For, no fewer than seventy Priests (some of them actually condemned to die, all legally deserving death) were, by one act of Grace, pardoned, and sent over beyond sea. Amongst these were 1. Gaspar Heywood, son to that eminent Epigrammatist, the first a Camden's Eliz. 1584. Jesuit that ever set foot in England. 2. James Bosgrave. 3. John Hart, a learned man, zealous to dispute, not dangerous to practise for his religion. 4. Edward Rishton, ungrateful wretch, who afterwards railed in print on the Queen, who gave him his life. Her Majesty's mercy herein was the more remarkable, because done at a time, when treasons against her person (by Arden Summerfield, Throgmorton &c.) did follow, or rather, tread one on another. If hereafter the edge of justice fall sharper on Jesuits, let them thank their own treachery, which whetted it against themselves. 13. This year two conferences or disputations were kept, Two fruitless Conferences. (the last at Lambeth) about the Discipline and Ceremonies of the Church. 1. Whitgift, Archbishop of Canterbury. Sandys of York, and Cooper of Winchester for the same. 2. Unconforming Ministers (whose names I cannot certainly attain) against it. 3. The Lords of Her Majesty's Privy Council, and some other persons of Honour Auditors thereof. This Conference effected nothing on the disputants (as to the altering of their opinions) little on the Auditors, but as much on all as any judicious person ever expected. What Eliah said passionately, b 1 King. 19 4. I am no better than my Fathers, may be soberly said of this conference. It was no happier than any of its Ancestors, which went before it. Let me add also, and no unhappier than its successors that shall come after it. It being observed, that meetings of this nature before or after this time, never produced any great matter on persons present thereat: who generally carry away the same judgement they brought with them. And yet the Lords were pleased to say their judgements were satisfied in the point on the Bishop's behalf, not conceving their adversaries arguments so slight and trivial, as now they appeared. This was in some of them but a Court-Complement, who afterwards secretly acted against the Archbishop, in favour of the other party. 14. Whitgift finding this first way unsuccessful, Subscription severely pressed. fell from other reasoning to a flat argument from Authority, enjoining all admitted to the Ecclesiastical Orders, and Benefices, the subscription of the following Articles. 1. That the Queen had supreme authority over all persons born within Her Dominions, of what condition so ever they were; and that no other Prince, Prelate, or potentate, hath, or aught to have any jurisdiction, Civil, or Ecclesiastical, within Her Realms, or Dominions. 2. That the Book of Common-Prayer, and the Ordination of Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, containeth nothing contrary to the Word of God, but may lawfully be used; and, that they will use that, and none other. 3. That the Articles of Religion agreed in the Synod holden at London, in the year of our Lord 1562. and published by the Queen's authority, they did allow of, and believe them to be consonant to the Word of God. The severe enforcing of subscription hereunto, what great disturbance it occasioned in the Church, shall hereafter by God's assistance be made to appear, leaving others to judge whether the offence was given, or taken thereby. 15. Now came forth the Rhemish Translation of the New Testament. The Rhemish Translation comes forth. A Translation which needeth to be translated, neither good Greek, Latin, or English, as every where bespeckled with hard words (pretended not renderable in English without abatement of some expressiveness) which transcend common capacities. Besides, it is taxed by our Divines as guilty of abominable errors therein. It was printed in large paper, with a fair letter and margin, all which I have charity enough to impute to their desire to do it, for the more dignity of God's word; whilst others interpret it, that thereby purposely they enhanced the price, to put it past the power of poor men's purses to purchase it. Another accident raised the dearness thereof, because so many books being seized on by the Queen's Searchers, the whole price of the Edition fell the more heavy on the remainder. But, suppose a poor Lay-Catholick so rich through his industry, as secretly to purchase one of these Rhemish Testaments, he durst not avouch the reading thereof, without the permission of his Superiors licensing him thereunto. 16. Secretary Walsingham, Cartwright invited to answer it. by his letters solicited Mr. Thomas Cartwright, to undertake the refuting of this Rhemish Translation: and the better to enable him for the work, sent him an-hundred a See ●he preface to Cartwrights book. pounds out of his own purse. A bountiful gift for one, who was though a great Statesman, a man of small estate, contracting honourable b Camden's Elizabeth Anno 1590. poverty on himself, by his expense on the public, as dying not so engaged to his private creditors, as the whole Church, and State was indebted to his endeavours. Walsingham his letters to Cartwright were seconded by another from the Doctors, and Heads of Houses (and Dr, Fulke amongst the rest) at Cambridge, besides the importunity of the ministers of London, and Suffolk, soliciting him to the same purpose, Hereupon Cartwright buckled himself to the employment, and was very forward in the pursuance thereof. 17. No sooner had Whitgift gotten notice, Whitgift stoppeth his book. what Cartwright was a writing, but presently he prohibited his farther proceeding therein. It seems, Walsingham was Secretary of State, not of Religion, wherein the Archbishop overpowred him. Many commended his care, not to intrust the defence of the Doctrine of England, to a pen so disaffected to the Discipline thereof. Others blamed his jealousy, to deprive the Church of so learned pains of him, whose judgement would so solidly, and affections so zealously confute the public adversary. Distasteful passages (shooting at Rome, but glancing at Canterbury) if any such were found in his book, might be expunged, whilst it was pity so good fruit should be blasted in the bud, for some bad leaves about it. Dishartened hereat, Cartwright desisted; but some years after, encouraged by a Honourable Lord, resumed the work; but prevented by death, perfected no further than the fifteenth chapter of the Revelation. Many years lay this worthy work neglected, and the copy thereof mouse-eaten in part, whence the Printer excused some defects therein in his edition; which though late, yet at last came forth Anno 1618. A book, which notwithstanding the foresaid defects, is so complete, Anno Dom. 1584. Anno Regin Eliza. 27. that the Rhemists durst never return the least answer thereunto. 18. Mean time whilst Cartwright his refutation of the Rhemish was thus retarded, Dr. William Fulke, Master of Pembroke-Hall in Cambridge, entered the list against them, judiciously, and learnedly, performing his undertaking therein. His daughter, and (as I take it) the only survivor of his children, lately set forth, the fourth and fairest edition of this his Confutation, and dedicated it to King Charles. 19 The Rhemists profess, in their preface to the New Testament, that the Old Testament also lieth by them for lack of good means to publish the whole in such sort, Dr. Fulke first effected it. as a work of so great charge and importance requireth; which seemeth strange to a judicious consideration. For, had a voluminous legend of Saints-lives (with pictures as costly as superstitious) been to be set forth, a mass, a mint, a mine of money could easily be advanced to defray the expenses thereof. Thus Papists can be poor, or rich, as they please themselves. Some behold this their promise, to set forth the Old Testament, as not really intended, A promise never performed. but given out to raise men's expectations, which in process of time would fall of itself, and the proffer by degrees be forgotten. Others interpret their resolutions real, but purposely revoked, seeing the ill success of their New testament, so canvassed, and confuted by the Protestant Divines. Perceiving that their small pinnace, which they first set forth, met at sea with such boisterous weather, wisely they would not adventure a greater vessel after it: but rather left it to rot on the dock, than they would launch it forth in such danger. A third sort behold this their promise, as a modest, and mannerly, (alias) a crafty, and cunning begging of a contribution of the Catholic party, for setting forth of the same, which never as yet came into public view. Yea, the Old Testament some said would be old indeed, before the translation thereof in English were by them set forth: insomuch that some conceived, a lease of land, till this their promise be performed almost as good as the fee-simple thereof. 20. But now though men were so generally confident, Confidence of many at last deceived. that these long expected Rhemish notes on the Old Testament, would not come forth till the Greek Calends, they have since found themselves deceived, seeing some twenty years after, that long-looked for work crept forth into the World, little notice being taken thereof by the Protestants. Partly, because no great eminency therein to entitle it to their perusal; Partly, because that moiety of the Bible is of least concernment in the controversies betwixt us, and the Church of Rome. 21. I find not this year the death of any eminent English Protestant-Divine. The death of George Etheredge. Amongst the Papists, George Etheredge departed this life, much lamented by those of his own persuasion. He was Bachelor of Physic in Corpus-Christi College in Oxford, and Kings-professor of Greek in that University, which place he quitted at the coming in of Queen Elizabeth, and betook himself there to a private life. His house was an Hospital to relieve those of his own Religion, on whom he expended his estate. He was one of the primitive Catholics (saith my a Pi●zeus de Anglic Script. pag 785. author) persecuted for his conscience. As he started soon, he ran long in the race of patience, used to all the jails in Oxford, and London, for thirty years together. In so much that he professed, that the variety of prisons was some pleasure, and the custom of durance had made fetters to be freedom unto him. 22. This year came forth the exposition of Mr. Thomas Rogers, Mr. Rogers writeth on our Articles. on the Articles of the Church of England; which at first met not with that welcome entertainment, which seemed due to his endeavours. For, besides the two extremes, Papists, and Schismatics, highly enraged, many Protestants of a middle temper were much offended thereat. Some conceived it presumption for any private Minister, to make himself the mouth of the Church, Anno Regin Eliza. 28. Anno Dom. 1585. to render her sense in matters of so high concernment. Others were offended, that his interpretation confined the charitable latitude, formerly allowed in those Articles. The composers whereof, providently foreseeing, that doctrinal differences would inevitably arise, in so large a Church as England was, even betwixt Protestants agreeing in fundamentals of Religion, purposely couched the Articles in general terms (not that falsehood should take shelter under the covert thereof, but) to include all such dissenters within the comprehensiveness of the expressions. Whereas now Mr. Rogers his restrictive Comment, shut out such from their concurrence with the Church of England, which the discreet laxity of the Text admitted thereunto. However the worth of the work, in some years wrought itself into good esteem, as dedicated to, and countenanced by the Archbishop, though the author thereof never got any higher preferment. 23. Three great Societies at this time in London were busily employed, Three great Corporations now on foot together. the two former of them avouched by Law, and the third avouching itself, namely. The Parliament. The Convocation. The assembly of Ministers Begun and holden at Westminster, the twenty third day of November last, and there continued till the twenty ninth of March following, wherein the Statute against Jesuits, and Priests their departing out, and not coming into the Realm, was made, with penalty for the relieving them. Kept in St. Paul's in London, beginning with a most learned Latin a Ven●sta & elequens Concio, saith the Register of Canterbury out of which I transcribed it. sermon preached by John Copcot, Dr. of Divinity (afterwards Master of Bennet College in Cambridge) taking for his text 1 Tim. 6. 13. Praecipiotihi coram Deo. etc. Hence the Convocation was removed to the Collegiate Church of St. Peter's in Westminster, where Dr. Goodman, Dean thereof, made a solemn protestation with his fellow prebend's, that the said meeting ought not to be prejudicial to the privileges of his Church, his Protestation was accepted, and assurance given that the said Convocation met not there in any manner to infringe their Immunities, but only for the maturation of business with the more expedition through the conveniency of the place. William Redman, Dr. of Divinity, Archdeacon of Canterbury was chosen and presented Prolocutor. The certain place of their convening not known, being clandestine, Arbitrary and changeable, as advised by their conveniences; they are better discovered by their moving then by their meeting, and their practices more conspicuous than their places. Some Agent for them were all day at the door of the Parliament house, and some part of the night in the Chambers of Parliament men, effectually soliciting their business with them. 24. Wonder not if Archbishop Whitgift repaired seldom to, The Archbishop afraid of alteration in Church Discipline writes to the Queen. and resided but a short time in the Convocation, having other work to do in the Parliament, where what impression was made by the Agents of the Ministers, will appear by his ensuing Letter to her Majesty. To the Queen's most excellent Majesty. MAy it please your Majesty to be advertised, Out of Bp. whitgift's manuscript of his own Letters afterwards in St. Peter Manwoods, & since in my own possession. that notwithstanding the charge of late given by your Highness to the lower house of Parliament for dealing in causes of the Church; Albeit also according to your Majesty's good liking, we have set down orders for the admitting of meet men into the Ministry hereafter; yet have they passed a Bill in that house yesterday, touching the matter, which, besides other great inconveniences, (as namely the trial of the Ministers sufficiency by twelve lay-men, and such like) hath this also, that if it pass by Parliament, it cannot hereafter but in Parliament be altered, what necessity soever shall urge thereunto; which I am persuaded in short time will appear, considering the multitude of live, not fit for men so qualified, by reason of the smallness thereof: Whereas if it pass but as a Canon from us, by your Majesty's Authority, it may be observed or altered at your pleasure. They have also passed a Bill giving liberty to marry at all times of the year, without restraint, contrary to the old Canons, continually observed amongst us; and containing matter which tendeth to the slander of this Church: as having hitherto maintained an error. There is likewise now in hand in the same house, a Bill concerning Ecclesiastical Courts, and Visitations by Bishops, which may reach to the overthrow of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, and study of the Civil Laws: The pretence of the Bill is against excessive fees, and exactions in Ecclesiastical Courts, which fees are none other than have been of long time accustomed to be taken, the Law already established, providing a sharp and severe punishment, for such as shall exceed the same; Besides an order also which we at this present have taken amongst ourselves for the better performance thereof. I therefore most humbly beseech your Majesty, to continue your gracious goodness towards us, who with all humility submit ourselves to your Highness, and cease not daily to pray for your happy estate, Mar. 24. and long and prosperous Reign over us. Your Majesty's Chaplain and daily Orator most bounden John Cantuar. Thus, the old year (on the last day whereof this Letter was dated) ended sadly, and suspiciously, with the Prelates; but the next year began Cheerfully, and presented good tidings unto them. 25. For, Her Majesty will alter nothing material to church government. the Queen, to verify her Motto, SEMPER EADEM, and to disprove that Inconstancy generally charged on her sex, acquitted Herself more than Woman in Her masculine resolutions: and nothing of moment was altered in Church discipline. Many things indeed were offered to both houses, debated, agitated, and (as it seems) passed the Commons; but nothing in fine was effected. Thus the Major may propound what it pleaseth, and the Minor assume what it listeth, but no conclusive argument could then be framed, without the Ergo of the royal Assent, which the Queen refused to affix to any material Alteration. 26. And few days after the session of the Parliament for the present broke off, Mar. 29. Parliament dissolved. wherewith ended the assenbly of the Ministers. And now all of them had leave to departed to their own homes: Otherwise such members thereof, as formerly went away without leave, were obnoxious to censure. Witness one of them in his Ingenious confession. a Mr. Gelibrand to Mr. Field, cited by Bp. Bancroft in his dangerous positions. pag 75. Touching my departure from that holy assembly without leave etc. I crave pardon both of you and them &c: And thus commending this holy Cause to the Lord himself, and your Godly Council to the Precedent thereof, I take my leave. 27. The next day the Convocation ended, john Hilton in Convocation abjoreth his heretical opinions. having effected nothing of moment, save that in the 9th. session thereof, john Hilton Priest, made a solemn Abjuration of his blasphemous heresies, according to the tenor ensuing. b This was by me faithfully transcribed out of the records of Canterbury. In Dei nomine Amen. Mar. 30. Before you most reverend father in God, Lord John Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate and Metropolitan of all England, and the reverend fathers in God, the Bishops of this your Province of Canterbury, here Congregated and Assembled together in this holy Synod and Convocation, I John Hilton, Priest, of my pure heart, and free will, voluntarily and sincerely, knowledge, confess, and openly recognize, that in times past, I thought, believed, said, held, and presumptuously affirmed, and preached the Errors, Heresies, Blasphemies, and damnable opinions following, etc. Here he distinctly read a Schedule containing his heresies, (which what they were may be collected by that which ensueth) and then proceeded as followeth. Wherefore I the said John Hilton, detesting and abhorring all and every such my said Heresies, Blasphemies, and damned opinions; willing, and with all my power affecting, hereafter firmly to believe in the true and perfect faith of Christ, and his holy Church, purposing to follow the doctrine of Christ, and his holy Apostles, with a pure and free heart, voluntary mind, will and intent, utterly forsake, relinquish, renounce, and despise, the said detestable Errors, Heresies, Blasphemies, and Abominable opinions. Granting, and confessing, that the blessed Trinity consisteth in three distinct persons, and one Godhead; as God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost, coe qual in power and might. Secondly, that Jesus Christ is both God and man, and my Saviour and Redeemer, and of all other baptised and believing in him. Who of his Father of his own substance in his humanity was conceived by the Holy Ghost, incarnate, and for our Redemption being very God became man. And that by the death of Jesus Christ, we be not only made partakers of his Testament, and so deduced to the knowledge of his godly will, and power but also, that we have full Redemption, and Remission of our sins in his blood. And, where I did most ungodly, detestably, and blasphemously affirm, that the Old and New Testaments were Fables; now being most sorry for that abominable, and damnable assertion, I do most humbly and c Here the record is so ill written that this word is not legible. — believe the same Testaments to contain all truths necessary to salvation, and that I and all others are bound to believe the same, as the undoubted word of God, and that without that I cannot be saved. And therefore the said Errors, Blasphemies, and all other Heresies, false doctrines, and damned opinions in general, contrary and repugnant to the faith of Christ I utterly absume, forsake, and purely renounce, before you most Reverend father in God, and the rest of this holy Synod here assembled. And moreover, I swear by this holy Evangelist, by me here bodily touched, that from henceforth I shall never hold, teach, believe or affirm the said Errors, Heres●s, blasphemies, or damned opinions, or any other against, contrary or repugn●t to the holy saith of Christ's Church. Nor yet shall I by myself or any other person, privately o● apertly defend, maintain, succour, favour, or support any person, that to my knowledge holdeth, believeth, affirmeth or teacheth, any such Heresies, Errors, or damned opinions: So help me God, and these holy Evangelists. In witness whereof to this my present Abjuration, and renunciation, I have with my own hand voluntarily subscribed my proper name. JOHN HILTON. 28. Upon this his Abjuration, Pennance imposed upon him. Pennance was imposed on him, first that he should attend at Paul's Cross upon the Preacher, Sunday next all the time of the Sermon, and there penitently stand before the said Preacher, with a faggot on his shoulders. Secondly, that he should not preach, minister Sacraments, nor exercise any Ecclesiastical function in the Church, except specially licenced by the Archbishop thereunto. Thirdly, that he should recant the said heresies, and damnable opinions, in the Church of St. Martius in the fields, at a sermon there to be made by the Archdeacon, and there to show himself very penitent. I find in the Records a recognizance of five hundred pounds drawn up to the Queen, whereby the said Hilton bound himself for the performance hereof; but because the rude draught of the bond is crossed, I conceive it not insisted on, and (finding nothing to the contrary) presume the aforesaid penance by him exactly performed. 29. The Ministers or Brethren now missing their mark, Exchange of important Letters betwixt the Earl of Leicester, and the Archbishop. abated much of their former activity, in so much as that Mr. Cartwright, (whom I conjecture the Precedent mentioned in the last assembly) began to make by the mediation of the Earl of Leicester, (who now designed him master of his new-built hospital in Warwick) compliance with Whitgift, though the wary Archbishop, not overfond of his friendship, kept him at distance, as these two Letters here inserted will sufficiently inform us. My good Lord, I Most hearty thank you, Taken out of the manuscript of Bp. whitgift's Letters, belonging to Sir Peter Manwood, and since in my possession. for your favourable and courteous usage of Mr. Cartwright, who hath so exceeding kindly taken it also, as I assure your Grace he cannot speak enough of it; I trust it shall do a great deal of good, and he protesteth and professeth to me to take no other course, but to the drawing of all men to the unity of the Church, and that your Grace hath so deals with him, as no man shall so command him, and dispose of him as you shall: and doth mean to let his opinion publicly be known even in the Pulpit, if your Grace so permit him, what he himself will, and would all others should do for obedience to the Laws established; and if any little scruple be, it is not great and easy to be reform by your Grace, whom I do most hearty entreat to continue your favour and countenance towards him, with such access, sometimes, as your leisure may permit. For I perceive he doth much desire, and crave it. I am to thank your Grace also very hearty for Mr. Fenne: albeit I understand he is something more opinionate than I wish him: But I trust he will also yield to all reasons: And I mean to deal with the Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield to make some trial of him: for surely he is an honest man. Thus my good Lord, praying to God to bless his Church, and to make his servants constant, July. 14. and faithful, I bid your Grace farewell. At the Court this 14th, July. Your Graces very assured friend R. Leicester. My singular good Lord, MAster Cartwright shall be welcome to me at all times, and using himself quietly as becometh him, and as I hope he will, he shall find me willing to do him any good. But to grant unto him as yet, my Licence to preach, without longer trial, I cannot, especially seeing he protesteth himself to be of the same mind he was at the writing of his Book, for the matter thereof, though not for the manner. Myself also I thank God not altered in any point by me set down to the contrary; and knowing many things to be very dangerous; wherefore notwithstanding I am content, and ready to be at peace with him, so long as he liveth peaceably, yet doth my conscience and duty forbidden me to give unto him any further public approbation, until I be better persuaded of his Conformity. And so being bold to use my accustomed plainness with your Lordship, 17. I commit you to the tuition of Almighty God this 17th of July, 1585. John Cantuar. 30. Seminaries and Priests to the number of thirty two, Sept. 15. Anno. Regin 28. Dece. 8. Seminaries enlarged and transported. late prisoners in the Tower, Marshalsy, Kings-Bench, and other places, were pardoned, enlarged, and transported over into Normandy, though occasionally they were forced to land at Boulogne. 31. The Earl of Leicester, who hitherto had done but little good in England, went now over to do less in the Low-Countries, commanding a great Army and Name, with the illustrious Title of General of the Auxiliaries of the Queen of England; he was not so much pleased with his place there, but that some of his Back-friends were as much delighted with his room here. Mean time the Ministers lost the best stake in their hedge, in his Absence their Patron Paramount: For though by Letters he might solicit their Cause, yet the greatest strength is not so extensive, but to have the virtue thereof abated at such a distance; And afterwards it fared worse with the Ministers, when Whitgift Archbishop of Canterbury, Feb. 2. 1585-86 was sworn of the Privy Council, (an honour which his Predecessor Grindall never obtained, yea never desired) by the Procurement, (as it is believed) of the Lord Burghley. 32. Now for the present, The Liturgy supported by its opposers. I will trouble the Reader no longer with these brawls about discipline, only one story must not be omitted: Though it be fathered ●ather on public report, then fixed on any particular Author in those days avowing the same. Some complained against the Liturgy to the Lord Burleigh, of whom he demanded, whether they desired the taking away thereof. They answered, No. But only the amendment of wh●● was offensive therein. He required them to make a better, such as they would have settled in the stead thereof. Whereupon. The first Classis framed a new one, Somewhat according to the form of Genevah. The second Classis disliking it, altered it in six a 〈…〉 164●. hundred particulars. The third, quarrelled at these alterations, and resolved on a new Model. The fourth Classis dissented from the former. Thus because they could not agree amongst themselves, That wise Statesman put them off for the present, until they should present him a pattern with a perfect consent. 33. Three Protestant Bishops this year exchanged this life for another. Accusations not to be bebelieved in full latitude. The first was Richard courteous (sometimes fellow of St. john's in Cambridge) Bishop of Chichester. The second, Nicholas Robinson Bishop of Bang●r, and John Scory Bishop of Hereford. Of the two former we have not enough to furnish out their Character. Of the later too much, (if all be true) which I find charged upon him. Sure I am he began very well, being an Exile and Confessor in the days of Queen Mary, but is accused afterwards to be so guilty of Oppressions, Extortions, and Simonies, that a Bill was put up against him in the Starr-Chamber, containing matter enough not only to disgrace, but degrade him if prosecuted. But he bought out his innocence with his money. Here know, that our b Sr. John Har●●gton i● his Character of Bp. p. 131. Author (though a person of wit and worship) deriveth his intelligence from a French writer disaffected in religion, and therefore not to be believed in full latitude. When calling him Scoria or Dross, in allusion to his name: but as all is not Gold that Glisters, all is not Drosss, reputed so by our Popish Adversaries. 34. The same year also John Fecknam late Abbot of Westminster ended his life, The death of John Fecknam. whereon we must enlarge ourselves, if not for His, for History sake. Seeing he was a landmark therein. His personal experience being a Chronicle: who like the Axletree stood firm, and fixed in his own judgement: whilst the times like the Wheels turned backwards and forwards round about him. He was born in Worcestershire, in the Forest of Fecknam (whence he fetched his name.) Bred, a Benedict●ne Monk in the Abbey of Evesham, where he subscribed with the rest of his Order, to the resignation of that house, into the hands of King Henry the eighth. Afterwards he studied in Oxford, then applied himself first to Bell Bishop of Worcester, and after his death to Bonner of London, where he crossed the Proverb, like Master, like Man, the Patron being Cruel, the Chaplain Kind to such who in Judgement dissented from him, he never dissembled his religion, being a zealous Papist, and under King Edward the sixth suffered much for his Conscience. 35. In the Reign of Queen Mary, His Courtesy to Protestants. he was wholly employed in doing good offices for the afflicted Protestants, from the highest to the lowest. The Earl of Bedford, and (who afterwards were) of Warwick and Leicester, tasted of his kindness: so did Sr John Cheek, yea and the Lady Elizabeth herself; So interposing his interest with Queen Mary for her enlargement, that he incurred her Grace's displeasure. Hence it is that Papists complain, that in the reign of Queen Elizabeth he reaped not a Cropp of Courtesy proportionable to his large seed thereof in the days of Queen Mary. 36. Queen Marry afterwards preferred him from being Dean of Paul's, Made Abbot of Westminster. a Sanders de schismate Ang. in the Reign of Q. Mary. to be Abbot of Westminster, which Church she erected and endowed for Benedictine Monks, of which order fourteen only could be found in England, then extant since their dissolution, which were unmarried, unpreferred to Cures, and unaltered in their opinions. These also were brought in with some difficulty at first and opposition, for the Prebendaries of Westminster, legally settled in their places would not resign them, till Cardinal Poole partly by compulsion, partly by compensation obtained their removal. 37. Queen Elizabeth coming to the Crown, Q. Elizabeth sendeth for him and prossers him preferment. sent for Abbot Fecknam to come to her, whom the messenger found setting of Elms in the Orchard of Westminster Abbey. But he would not follow the messenger till first he had finished his Plantation, which his friends impute to his soul employed b Reinerius in Apost. Bened. pag. 235. in mystical meditations, that as the Trees he there set should spring and sprout many years after his decease; So his new Plantation of Benedictine Monks in Westminster should take root and flourish, in defiance of all opposition: which is but a bold conjecture of others at his thoughts. Sure I am those Monks long since are extirpated, but how his Trees thrive at this day is to me unknown. Coming afterwards to the Queen, what discourse passed betwixt them, they themselves knew alone, some have confidently guessed she proffered him the Archbishopric of Canterbury on condition he would conform to her laws, which he utterly refused. 38. In the Treaty between the Protestants and Papists primo Elizabethae, Kindly used in restraint. he was present, but in what capacity I cannot satisfy myself. Surely more than a Disputant. (amongst whom he was not named) Yet not so much as a Moderator. And yet his judgement, perchance because Abbot and so, principal man in that place, was c ●Fox Acts & Mon. asked with respect, and heard with reverence. His Moderation being much commended. Now although he was often confined sometimes to the Tower, sometimes to friends houses (and died it seems at last in restraint in Wisbeeich Castle) Yet generally be found fair usage from the Protestants. He built a Conduit in Holborn, and a Cross in Wisbeeich, and relieved the poor wheresoever he came. So that Flies flock not thicker about spilo honey, than beggars constantly crowded about him. 39 Abbot Fecknam thus being dead, A recruit of English Benedictines made after Fecknams' death. the English Benedictines beyond the seas began to bestir themselves, (as they were concerned) about the continuation of their Order: we know some maintain, that if any one species or kind of Creatures be utterly extinct, the whole Univers by Sympathy therewith, and consciousness of its own imperfection, will be dissolved. And the Catholics suspected what a sad consequence there would be, if this Ancient Order of English Black Monks should suffer a total and final defection. The best was Vnus homo Nobis, there was one, and but one, Monk left, namely Father Sigebert Buckley: and therefore before his death, provision was made for others to succeed him, and they (for fear of failing) disposed in several Countries in manner following. In Rome. 〈…〉 In Valladolit in Spain. 1. Father Gregory Sayer. 2. Father Thomas Preston. 3. Father Anselme of Manchester. 4. Father Anthony Martin commonly called Athanasius. 1. Father Austin St. John. 2. Father John Mervin. 3. Father Mark Lambert. 4. Father Maurice Scot 5. Father George Gervis. From these nine new Benedictines the whole Order (which hung formerly on a single string) was then replenished to a competent, and since to a plentiful number. 40. Hitherto our English Papists affectionately leaned (not to say fond do●●d) on the Queen of Scots, 〈…〉 promising themselves great matters from her, towards the advancing of their Religion. But now they began to fall off in their 〈◊〉 partly because beholding her a confined person, (unable to free herself, and more unlikely to help others) partly because all Catholics come off with loss of life, which practised her enlargement. As for her Son, the King of Scots, from whom they expected a settlement of Popery in that land, their hopes were lately turned into despairs, who had his education on contrary principles. 41. Whereupon hereafter they diverted their eyes from the North to the West, Unto the King of Spain. expecting (contrary to the course of nature) that their Sun should rise therein, in magnifying the might of the King of Spain, and his zeal to propagate the Roman Catholic faith. And this was the practice of all Je●uites to possess their English proselytes with high opinions of the Spanish power, as the Nation designed by Divine providence, to work the restitution of their Religion in England. 42. In order hereunto, Pretending a 〈◊〉 the Crown of England. and to hearten their Countrymen, some (for it appears the result of several persons employed in the designing and effecting thereof) drew up a Title of the King of Spain's, to the English Crown, are much admired by their own party, as slighted by the Queen and her Loyal Subjects, for being full of falsehoods and forgeries. Indeed it is easy for any indifferent Herald, so to derive a pedigree, as in some seeming probability to entitle any Prince in Christendom to any Principality in Christendom, but such will shrink on serious examination. Yea, I believe Queen Elizabeth might pretend a better Title to the Kingdoms of Leon and Castille in Spain (as descended by the house of York, from Edmond Earl of Cambridge and his Lady Coheir to King Peter) than any Claim that the King of Spain could make out to the Kingdom of England. However much mischief was done hereby, many Papists paying their good wishes, where they were not due, and defrauding the Queen, (their true creditòr) of the allegiance belonging unto her. 43. Now did the Queen summon a Parliament: Anno Regin Eliza. 30. Anno Dom. 1587. wherein her Majesty appeared not in person. An Act without precedent. But passed over the presidentship of that her great Council, unto John Whitgift Archbishop of Canterbury, William Cecil Lord treasurer, and to the Earl of Derby. A thing done without precedent, when the King at home and in health. But the pleasure of so powerful a Princess might create a leading case in things of this nature. 44. Wonder not if the Nonconformists were very quiet in this Parliament. Good reason why the Nonconformists were quiet. Beholding the Archbishop their great adversary in so great power and place. However their activity in the next, will make their party amends for their stillness in this Session. 45. This year ended the doleful life of a distressed Lady, The death of Mary Queen of Scotland. Mary Queen of Scots, whose Trial and Death belongeth to the State Historian: She was aged forty six years, passing the last twenty in Imprisonment, One of a sharp Wit; undaunted Spirit; comely person, beautiful Face, Majestic, presence, one Reason why Queen Elizabeth declined (what the other so much desired) a personal conference with Her, as unwilling to be either out-shone or even-shone in her own Hemisphere. For her morals, the belief of moderate men embraceth as middle Courts betwixt Buchanan aspersing, and Causinus his Hyperbolical Commending her, because zealous in his own Religion. 46. She was an excellent Poet, Her Poetry. both Latin and English, of the former I have read a distich made, and written by her own hand on a Pane of Glass at Buxton well. Buxtona quae calidae celebraris nomine Lymphae, * So it is in the Glass I had in my hand, though it be celebrabere, in Cand. Brit. in Derbyshire. Forte mihi posthac non adeunda, Vale. Buxton, who dost with waters warm excel; By me, perchance, never more seen, Farewell. And at Fotheringhay-Castle I have read written by Her in a window, with a pointed Diamond. From the Top of all my Trust, Mishap hath laid me in the dust. But her Adversaries conceive; had she not been laid there, the happiness of England had been prostrated in the same place. She was buried in the Choir of Peterborough, and Doctor Wickham Bishop of Lincoln preached her funeral sermon; causelessly carped at by the Martin Mar-Prelate, as too favourable concerning her final condition, though he uttered nothing inconsistent with Charity and Christian discretion. 47. Some twenty years after, Her Body removed to Westminster. King James caused her Corpse to be solemnly removed from Peterborough to Westminster, where in the southside of the Chapel of King Henry the seventh, he erected a stately monument to her memory, and thereon this Epitaph, wherein such cannot but commend the Piety of her Son, who will not believe all the praises of his Mother. D. O. M. MAriae Stuartae, Scotorum Reginae, Franciae Dotariae, Jacobi V. Scotorum Regis Filiae, & Haeredis unicae Henrici VII. Ang. Regis ex Margareta majori Natu Filia (Jacobi IIII Regi Scotorum matrimonio copulata) proneptis, Edwardi FOUR Angliae Regis ex Elizabetha Filiarum natu maxima abneptis, Francisci II. Gallorum Regis conjugis, Coronae Angliae, dum vixit, certae & indubitatae haeredis, & Jacobi magnae Brittanniae monarchae potentissimi matris. Stirpe verè Regiâ & antiquissima prognata erat, Anno Dom. 1587. maximis Totius Europae Principibus Agnatione & Cognatione conjuncta, Anno Regin Eliza. 30. & exquisitissimis Animi & corporis dotibus & ornamentis cumulatissima. Verum, ut sunt variae rerum humanarum vices, postquam annos plus minus viginti in custodia detenta, fortiter & strenuè, (sed frustrà) cum malevolorum obtreclationibus, timidorum suspitionibus, & inimicorum capitalium insidijs conflictata esset; tandem inaudito & infesto Regibus exemplo securi percutitur. Et contempto mundo, devicta morte, lassato Carnifice, Christo Servatori animae salutem, Jacobi Filio spem Regni & posteritatis, & universis caedis infaustae spectatoribus exemplum patientiae commendans, piè & intrepidè C●rvicem Regiam securi maledictae subjecit, & vitae caducae sortem cum coelestis Regni perennitate commutavit. Besides this, there is a long inscription in verses, one distich whereof I remember, because it is the same in effect with what was made of Maud the Empress. On Maud, Magna Ortu, majorque Viro, sed maxima Partu, Hic jacet Henrici Filia, sponsa, Parens. On Queen Mary. Magna Viro, major Natu, sed maxima Partu, Conditor hic Regis Filia, sponsa, Parens. So that it is no disgrace for a Queen to wear part of an Epitaph at the second hand, with some little alteration. 48. About this time it was, A design propounded. that some Privy Councillors endeavoured to persuade Queen Elizabeth, to raise and foment a difference betwixt the Pope and King of Spain, and to assist the former (not as Pope, but temporal Prince) by her shipping to regain Naples, detained from him by the Spanish King. They alleged the design advantageous, to work a diversion of Spanish forces, and prevent an invasion of her own Land. 49. But her Majesty would not listen to the motion to entertain Compliance in any capacity, And blasted by the Queen. on any Conditions with the Pope: as dishonourable in herself, distasteful to the Protestant Princes; nor would she touch Pitch in jest, for fear of being defiled in earnest, but crushed the design in the birth thereof. 50. A first onset was now made by the Nonconformists against the Hierarchy, Conformity to the height. though the more they opposed it, the more the Queen did Countenance their persons and preserve their power: In so much that she would not in Lent feed on any fish, (as forbidden by the Canons of the Church) until she had first attained a solemn * Camden's Eliz. Manuscript shortly likely to be Printed. Licence from the Archbishop of Canterbury, and every year of her life renewed the same. 51. The power of the high Commission began now to extend far, and penalties to fall heavy on offenders. Whereupon the favourers of the Nonconformists, much opposed it in their printed books, some questioning the Court as not warranted by Law, others taxing their proceed, as exceeding their Commission: but hear their Arguments on both sides. Against the High Commission. It is pretended founded on the Statute, primo Elizabethae, wherein the Parliament impowered the Queen by her Letters patents to appoint Commissioners to punish Offenders in Ecclesiastical Causes. But no mention therein of Temporal penalties, and therefore the Commissioners are to confine themselves to Church Censures, by Excommunicating &c. illegally inflicting any other punishments. Such Commissioners proceeding against Offender, by Attachment, Fine, or Imprisonment, are contrary to the express words of Carta Magna, providing that no free man shall be taken or imprisoned, or be disseised of his free hold and liberty, and but by the lawful judgement of his Peers, or of the Law of the Land. Their whole Commission is void in Law; because it beareth date in July, but was not signed till November next after, contrary to the Statute, which enjoineth, that Letters patents should be dated the day of their delivery into Chancery, or else they shall be void. For the High Commission. The words in the Statute run thus; they shall have full power and authority by virtue of this Act, and of the Letters patents under your Highness, your Heirs, and successors, to Exercise, Use, execute all the promises according to the Tenor and effect of the said Letters patents, any matter or cause to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. Now their Letters patents enable them to Attach, Fine, or Imprison, etc. in doing whereof they are sufficiently impowered by the Commission. When Carta Magna was made, Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, though it was, de jure, it was not the facto, in the King. Whereby it plainly appears, that those words related not to the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, but only to Crimes belonging to the Common Law. But since the Parliament hath declared Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in the Queen, the Ecclesiastical persons might impose such penalties even to the Condemning of Heretics, though never tried by a Jury. It appeareth by the Preamble of that Statute, that the words cannot be stretched to Letters patents of that nature, but belong only to such; to private persons, wherein Grantees are unjustly expelled out of their right, by colour of Letters patents bearing an elder date. But the most general exception against the High Commission was this; that proceeding, ex officio mero, by way of enquiry against such whom they pleased to suspect, they tendered unto them an Oath, which was conceived unjust, that in Cases Criminal, a party should be forced to discover what might be penal to himself. The Lawfulness of which Oath was learnedly canvassed with Arguments on both sides. Against the Oath ex Officio. The Common Laws have ever rejected and impugned it, never put in Ure by any civil Magistrate in the Land, but as it is corruptly crept in amongst other abuses by the sinister practices and pretences, of the Romish Prelates and Clergimen. And where loss of Life, Liberty, or good Name, may ensue the Common Law hath forbidden such Oath. It is contrary to the Fundamental Law of Liberty. Nemo tenetur seipsum prodere. It appeareth by the Lord Dyer's Book, that one Hind called before the Commissioners Ecclesiastical for Usury, refused to swear, whereupon he was committed. But upon an Information in the Common pleas, he had a Corpus cum causa, to remove him, so (as it seemeth) the Judges were then of Opinion, that the Commissioners could not give him such an Oath. Though such proceed ex officio were practised by the Popish Prelates, against the Saints and Servants of God; Yet it was never used by Protestants in their Ecclesiastical Censures. The Justice of the Land detesteth that the Judge should himself be an Accuser. (For by Law no man may be Accuser, and Witness; Inditer and Jurer; therefore much less Judge & Accuser) which notwithstanding he is, that tendereth the Oath ex Officio. Even the Heathen Romans were so, Christian, that by ancient custom no Vestal Virgin or * Gellius. lib. 10 c●p. 15. Flamen of Jupiter was restrained to swear, whereof * Plutarch problems. 43. Plutarch rendereth three Reasons. First, because an Oath is a kind of torture to a free man. Secondly, it is absurd in smaller matters, not to credit their words, who in higher matters touching God are believed. Thirdly, an Oath in case they were forsworn, draweth a curse on them, a detestable Omination towards the Priests of God. And why may not as much be allowed to the true Ministers of the Gospel. The Scripture which ought to be the Rule of our Actions, affords neither precepts nor precedent, of such proceed, where Witnesses were produced, and the Accusers brought face to face. William Tindal a worthy Martyr in his * Pag. 208. Comment on the fifth of Matthew saith plainly, that a Judge ought not to compel a man to swear against himself. No Protestant Church beyond the Seas hath made use of such tyrannical proceed. For the Oath ex Officio. It is true. To give this Oath to the Defendant in Causes of Life and Death, is contrary to the Justice of the Land. But where Life or Limb is not concerned, it is usually tendered in Chancery, Court of Requests, Council of Marches, and Council in the North, yea in other Courts of Record at Westminster; where the Judges (time out of mind) by Corporal Oath did examine any person whom (in discretion) they suspected to have dealt lewdly, about any Writ, Return, entry of Rule, pleading, or any such like Matter, (not being Capital.) It is granted. But with all Proditus per deruntiationem, Famam, etc. tenetur seipsum offendere. Some faults are simply secret, no way bruited or published abroad, in which cases the person guilty is not bound to make Confession thereof, though urged on his Oath to any Officer Civil or Ecclesiastical. But if once discovery be made by Presentment Denunciation, Fame etc. according to Law, then is not the fault merely secret, but revealed (in some sort) to the Magistrate, or abroad, who for avoiding Scandal to Christian Religion, and Reformation of the Party, may thus inquire of the Offence, to see it redressed and punished. There is no such report in the Lord Dyer, all that is extant is only this Marginal Note, upon Skroggs his case in Michaelmas Term, 18. of Elizabeth; Simile M. 18. fol. per Hynde qui noluit jurare coram justiciariis Ecclesiasticis, super Articulos pro usura. Which seems added by some unskilful person, it being improbable so learned a Judge, would have termed the Commissioners Justiciarios Ecclesiasticos. Besides, this cause of Hind can not where else be found. Certain Commissioners (whereof some Bishops, some privy Councillors, some Civilians, and some Judges; and Common Lawyers) in the Reign of K. Edward the sixth, charged BP. Bonner with a corporal Oath, * For Act, & Mon. sol. 1512. ex Officio, to answer to questions ministered unto him; and for resusal he was pronounced * For Acts, & Mon. sol. 1516. contumacious; The like Oath in matter criminal and Penal was tendered to * For Acts & Mon. sol. 1536. Stephen Gardener, at appeareth by the sentence of his deprivation of the Bishopric of Winchester. The Laws Civil and Ecclesiastical, hold not the Judge proceeding of office to be an Accuser; but that whereupon the Enquiry is grounded to represent the Accusation. By the granting of this peculiar privilege to these Persons, it plainly appeareth, that all others might by Magistrates be put to their Oaths. Besides, such were superstitiously freed from swearing absolutely, (and not only in matters criminal, here controverted) an unreasonable Immunity, which none will challenge to themselves. It is not necessary that a positive or affirmative warrant, be cited out of Scripture, for all our practices: sufficeth it that may be done, which is not contrary to God's word, and conformable to the politic laws of the Land. Yet have we some footsteps of inquiry in the Judaical Law. When one was found secretly murdered in the Field, and the Murderer neither known nor suspected; the Elders of the next City (of whose guiltiness there was no detestation nor cause of presumption, save only the Vicinage and nearness of the place) were solemnly and secretly to swear before the * Deut. 21. 7. Priest, conceptis Verbis, that their hands had not shed this Blood etc. if this was equal in matters Capital, how can it be challenged for Tyrannical, in matters Criminal? Allowing all due respect to Tindals' memory, his Judgement much failed him in matters of Oaths; For in the following words, he taketh away all necessary Oaths (and leaveth none but voluntary) which no wise man will defend. Even Geneva itself doth sometimes proceed by Oaths, ex Officio, against such suspected Offenders, as in the two following cases will appear. There was one Cumperel of Geneva ordained Minister for a Parish in that Territory, called Drallian, who had a secret design under hand to place himself in the State of Berne, which in him was esteemed a heinous fault. The Consistory coming at some notice hereof, ministered unto him an Oath of Mere Office to answer to several Questions. But because Cumperel answeswered not directly to those Interrogatories (too whereof concerned the very Cogitations of his heart) and because there were Vehementia Judicia, great presumption in the Common fame, the Consistory Inter Epistol. 〈…〉 pag. 421, 422. 〈…〉 story in Geneva. Z pronounced that they had just cause to depose him from his Ministry. 52. There was a wealthy widow living in Geneva called Balthaser, in whose house there was a Dancing held, which is a grievous crime in that Church, and condemned by their last form of Discipline. Amongst these dancers one was a Syndick (one of the four chief Magistrates of the City) the other an Elder (Henrith by name) of the Church for that year. The matter coming to calvin's ear, they were all convented before the Consistory without any Accuser or Party, and therefore of Mere Office put to their Corporal Oaths to confess the Truth. The a Calvin in his Letter to Pharellas' Pag ●4. Elder pleaded for himself the words of S. Paul, receive not an Accusation against an Elder under two or three Witnesses; which would nothing bestead him, so that he was deposed from his Eldership, and the Syndick from his Magistracy, until he should show some public Testimony of his Repentance. 53. But enough of this unwelcome subject, First grievance complained of in tendering the Oath. only I must add that some there were, not offended with the Oath itself, which took exceptions at the Injurious manner of offering it. They complained (how justly God knows) of some created-fames on no grounds, and pretended suspicions of Crimes against those persons to whom they bore ill affection, and then tendered this Oath (the Picklock of Conscience) unto them, merely to find matter to ensnare them. 54. Secondly, Second grievance. they complained, that to discover their Complices (in their disciplinary Assemblies,) Children were on their Oaths interrogated against their own Fathers, contrary to the Rule in Civil Law, Filius non torquetur in caput Patris, a Child ought not to be tortured in point of peril to his Father's life. And although these Accusations were not Capital, yet because their Parent's Credit was so deeply concerned therein, such proceed had a strong tongue of Tyranny. 55. Thirdly, Third grievance. the party to whom the Oath was given, might not before hand be acquainted (a favour usually afforded in the Star Chamber) with the particulars whereon they were to be examined. And if by the Rule of * Prov. 18. 13. Solomon, He that answereth a matter before he heareth it, it is shame and folly unto him: much more is it indiscreet, to swear to answer a matter, before a man hear it. 56. Fourthly, Fourth grievance. they complained this Oath ex Officio (like what is said of black Witches) had only power to do mischief, not to heal and help any. For none were cleared by the taking thereof, if denying what was charged upon them: but the Judges Ecclesiastical oft times proceeded to a further inquiry by examination of Witnesses, on the points denied by the Parties. 57 The Nonconformists who refused to take this Oath, Four ranks of Refusers of this Oath. may be ranked into four forms. First, such as would answer neither, yea, nor nay, what they would resolve to do concerning the Oath; but returned, if our faults be hidden, tarry till the Lord Come, and make the counsels of our hearts * 2 Cor. 4. 5. manifest. But if they be manifest, let our Accuser, and the Witnesses come forth before us. 58. A Second sort refused not the Oath in a Cause Criminal, Second. but did it with this limitation and Protestation, that they intended not to be bound thereby, to accuse either themselves or their Brethren. 59 A Third sort conceived themselves bound to reveal their own and Brother's Crimes and offences to remove evil from the land as they said, Third. but as for such Actions of their Brothers falsely reputed offences, which were none in the Judgement of the Party examined, these they held themselves not bound to reveal. 60. The last sort, The last rank. though they took the Oath as to other things, yet protested, they counted not themselves bound to answer to any such things, whereon witnesses may be had; but if the crime was so hidden and secret that witnesses may not be had, they thought they might lawfully be charged. ●or Instance, they held a Preacher might not be examined on Oath, concerning any thing he had preached in public, alleging the words of our * Joh. 17. 21. Saviour, Why askest thou me? ask them that heard me, they know what I said. It is hard to make the opinion of the first and last form to dwell peaceably together. 61. We take our leave of this Subject, when we have told the Reader, that some twenty years since, one being urged by Archbishop Laud to take the Oath ex Officio, refused it on this reason, An Oath saith he by the * Heb. 6. 16. words of the Apostle is an end of all strife, whereas this saith he is the beginning of strife, yields matter for the Lawyers to molest me: But since the High Commission and this Oath are taken away by Act of Parliament, it is to be hoped, that (if such swearing were so great a grievance) Nihil analogum nothing like unto it, (which may amount to as much) shall hereafter be substituted in the room thereof. 62. Let it not here be forgotten, Nonconformists persecuted in the Star-Chamber. that because many did question the legality and Authority of the High Commission; Archbishop Whitgi●t so contrived the matter, that the most sturdy and refractory Non-conformists (especially if they had any visible Estates) were brought into the Star-Chamber, the power whereof was above dispute. Where some of them, besides imprisonment, had very heavy fines imposed upon them. And because most of the Queen's Council were present at the Censures, This took off the Odium from the Archbishop (which in the high Commission lighted chief, if not only upon him, and fell almost equally on all present therein. 63. John Fox this year ended his life, The death of Mr. Fox. to whom in some respect, our History of him may resemble itself. For he in his life-time was so large a reliever of poor people, (to, and above his estate) that no wonder, if at his death (with some Charitable Churls) he bequeathed no Legacies unto them. Thus have we been so bountiful in describing the life, and transcribing the Letters of this worthy Confessor, that the Reader will excuse us, if at his death we give no farther Character of his piety and painfulness. Only let me add, that whereas there passeth a Tradition (grounded on good Authority) that Mr Fox foretell the ruin and destruction of the Invincible (so called) Armado in the eighty eight. The story is true in its self, though he survived not to see the performance of his own prediction. 64. Nor will it be amiss to insert his Epitaph, as we find it on his Monument in S. Giles nigh Cripplegate in London. Christo S. S. Johanni Foxo Ecclesiae Anglicanae Martyrologo fidelissimo, Antiquitatis Historicae Indagatori sagacissimo, Evangelicae veritatis propugnatori acerrimo, Thaumaturgo admirabili, qui Martyres Marianos, tanquam Phoenices, ex cineribus redivivos praestitit. 65. His dear friend D. Laurence Humphrey, And of D. Humphrey. may be said to die with him, (though his languishing life lasted a year longer) so great his grief, to be parted from his fellow-Collegue bred together in Oxford, and banished together into Germany. But see more of his character in the year 1596, where by mistake, (which here I freely confess) his death is inserted. 66. About this time Mr William Lambert finished his Hospital at Greenvich, The first Protestant Hospital. founded and endowed by him for poor people. He was the first Protestant, who erected a charitable House of that nature, as our * Camd. Brit. in Kent. Antiquary observeth, though I cannot wholly concur with his observation, seeing King Edward the sixth founded Christ-Church and St. Thomas Hospital. 67. Indeed now (pardon a short digression) began beautiful Buildings in England, Beautiful Buildings begin in England. as to the generality thereof, whose Homes were but homely before, as small and ill-contrived, much Timber being needlessly lavished upon them. But now many most regular Pieces of Architecture were erected, so that (as one saith) they began to dwell latiùs and lautiùs, but I suspect not Laetiùs, Hospitality daily much decaying. 68 Amongst other Structures Wimbleton House in Surrey was this year begun (and finished the next, as appeareth by an inscription therein) by St. Thomas Cecil afterward Lord Burghley. On the self same token that many years after Gondomar (treated therein by the Lord with a plentiful feast) was highly affected with his entertainment, and much commended the uniformity of the fabric, till the DATE thereof, showed unto him, dashed all, as built when the Spanish Armado was defeated. 69. Indeed at this time there was more uniformity in the Buildings, Non-conformists stir. than conformity in the Church- behaviour of men, the sticklers against the Hierarchy appearing now more vigorous, though for a time they had concealed themselves. SECTION VII. To Mr. Hamond Ward, and Mr. Richard Fuller of London Merchants. IT is usual for the Plaintiff, to put two or three names upon the same Writ taken out of the Upper-Bench (always provided the persons dwell in the same County and this is done to save Charges. My thanks doth here embrace the same way of thrift. That so, the small stock of my History, may hold out the better amongst my many Friends and Favourers. And this my joynt-dedication is the more proper, because you live in the same City, are of the same profession, and (if not formerly this may minister the welcome occasion of your future acquaintance. BUt now a Session of Parliament was held at Westminster, A Sixteen sold P●●●●ion presented by the Commons to the Lord in Parliament. wherein the House of Comm●ns presented to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal a Petition. Complaining how many Parishes, especially in the North of England and Wales, were destitute of Preachers, and no care taken to supply them. Sixteen were the particulars, whereof, the six first were against insufficient Ministers, very earnestly pressing their taking the same into their serious consideration, for speedy redress of the grievances therein contained. 7. That no oath or subscription might be tendered to any at their entrance into Ministry, but such as is expressly prescribed by the statutes of this Realm, except the oath against corrupt entering. 8. That they may not be troubled for omission of some rites or portions prescribed in the Book of Common-Prayer. 9 That they may not be called and urged to answer before the officials, and Commissaries, but before the Bishops themselves. 10. That such as had been suspended or deprived for no other offence, but only for not subscribing, might be restored; and that the Bishops would forbear their Excommunication, ex officio mero, of godly and learned Preachers, not detected for open offence of life or apparent error in doctrine. 11. That they might not be called before the High-Commission, or out of the Diocese where they lived, except for some notable offence. 12. That it might be permitted to them in every Arch-Deaconry, to have some common exercises and conferences amongst themselves, to be limited and prescribed by the Ordinaries. 13. That the High censure of Excommunication, may not be denounced or executed for small matters. 14. Nor by Chancellors, Commissaries, or officials, but by the Bishops themselves with assistance of grave persons. 15. 16 That Nonresidency may be quite removed out of the Church, or at least that according to the Queen's Injunctions (Artic. 44.) No Nonresident having already a licence or faculty may enjoy it, unless he depute an able Curate, that may weekly preach and catechise, as is required in her Majesty's injunctions. Of all these particulars the house fell most fiercely on the Debate of Pluralities, and (the effect thereof) non-resident. 2. Archbishop Whitgift pleaded, The Arch-Bishops pleaser Nonresidents. that licences for Nonresidency, were at the present but seldom granted. And yet in way of recovering health by changing of Air, of study for a time in th● University, of mortal enmity borne by some in the parish, of prosecution of Law, or of being employed in public Affairs, they cannot be wholly abrogated. That there were in England four thousand five hundred Benefices with Cure, not above ten, and most of them under eight pounds in the first fruits-book, which cannot be furnished with able Pastors, as the Petitioners desire, because of the smallness of their live. Moreover he affirmed, that what ever was pretended to the contrary, England at that time flourished with able Ministers more than ever before, yea had more than all Christendom besides. 3. The Lord Grey rejoined to this Assertion of more learned Ministers in the Church of England then ever heretofore, The Lord Grace his rejoinder. nay then in all the reformed Churches in Christendom, this, That it was not to he attributed to the Bishops or their actions, but to God, who now opened the hearts of many to see into the truth, and that the Schools were better observed. 4. The Lord Treasurer Burghley seeming to moderate betwixt them, The Lord Treasurer his moderation. after a long and learned oration concluded, that he was not so scrupuleus, as absolutely to like of the bill against Pluralities without any exception: for he did favour both learning, and wished a competent reward to it. And therefore could like, and allow a learned man to have two Benefices, so they were both in even parish, that is to say, in one Diocese, and not one in the Diocese of Winchester, and another in the North, where the several Diocesans would have no regard of them, whereas being both in one Diocese, the Bishop would look unto them. 5. Here it was signified that her Majesty was acquainted with the matter, Others interpret. and that she was very forward to redress the faults, and therefore required the Bishops, not to hinder her good and gracious purpose, for that her Majesty would confer with them. 6. The Lord Grace again said, The Lord Grays (quere whether of Withen, or what most probable, of Ruthen afterwards Earl of Kent) replied. he greatly wondered at her Majesty that she would make choice to conser with those who were all enemies to Reformation; for that it merely touched their freeholds, and therefore he thought it good, the house should make choice of some to be joined with them; Also he wished the Bishops might be served as they were in in King Henry the 8th days, when as in the case of praemunire they were all thrust out of doors. 7. Then the Lord Treasurer said, that the Bishops if they were wise would themselves be humble suitors to her Majesty, to have some of the Temporal Lords joined with them. 8. The Lord Chamberlain utterly disliked the Lord Gray's motion, alleging that it was not to be liked of, that the Lords should appoint her Majesty any to confer withal, but that it should be left to her own election. 9 Matters flying thus high, the Archbishop, with the rest of the Clergy, The Bishops providently petition the Queen. conceived it the safest way to apply themselves by Petition to the Queen, which they presented as followeth. To the Queen's most excellent Majesty. THe woeful and distressed state whereinto we are like to fall, forceth us with gri●f of heart in most humble manner, to crave your Majesty's most sovereign Protection. For the pretence being made the maintenance and increase of a learned ministry, when it is throughly weighed, decryeth learning, spoileth their live, taketh away the s●t form of prayer in the Church, and is the means to bring in confusion and Barbarism. How dangerous innovations are in a settled estate, whosoever hath judgement perceiveth Set dangers apart, yet such great inconviniences may ensae, as will make a state lamentable and miserable. Our neighbour's miseries might make us fearful, but that we know who tales the same. All the reformed Churches in Europe, cannot compare with England in the number of learned Ministers. These benefits of your Majesty's most sacred and are fall Government with hearty joy we feel, and humbly acknowledge; senseless are they that rep●ne at it, and careless who lightly regard it. The respect hereof made the Prophet to say; Dii estis. All the faithful and discreet Clergy say, o Dea certè. Nothing is impossible with God. Requests without grounded reasons are lightly to be rejected. We therefore not as directors, but as humble Remembrancers beseech your Highness favourable beholding of our present state: And what it will be in time to come, if the Bill against Pluralities should take any place. To the Petition were annexed a catalogue of those inconveniences to the State present, State to come, Cathedral Churches, Universities to her Majesty, to Religion, in case pluralities were taken away, here too large, to be inserted. So that in effect, nothing was effected, as in relation to this matter, but things left in sta●u quo prius, at the dissolution of this Parliament. 10. Amongst the mortalities of this year, The death of Bp Barns. most remarkable the death of Richard Barnes Bishop of Durham, one commendable in himself, but much suffering for the * See the life of Bernard Gilpin p. 190. corruption, and viciousness of John Barnes his brother and Chancellor. This Bishop was bred in Brasennose College, made Suffragan of Nottingham, (the last I believe who wore that title,) and behaved himself very gravely in his Diocese. A great friend at last to Bernard Gilpin, (though at first by some ill instruments incensed against him) and seeing they were loving in their lives, their memories in my Book shall not be divided, though I confess the later died some three years before. 11. This Bernard Gilpin, And of Bernard Gilpin. born of a right worshipful family, at Kentmir● in Westmoreland, had Cuthbert Tonstali Bishop of Durham for his great Uncle, he was bred first in Queens Colledgs', than Christs-Church in Oxford, and no doubt the prayers of Peter Martyr conduced to his conversion, to be a Protestant. For he hearing this Gilpin dispute cordially on the Popish party, desired of God that so good affections might not be misguided, and at last obtained his desire. 12. He Weathered out the Reign of Queen Mary; Hardly escaped in Queen Mary's days. partly with his travels beyond the seas, Anno Dom. 1587. (chief residing at Louvain, Anno Regin Eliza. 30. and Paris) partly, after his return by the favour of his Uncle Tonstall. Before whom he was often cited, (chief about the Eucharist) but was discharged by confessing the real presence, and that the manner thereof transcended his apprehension. Tonstall not enforcing him to the particularity of Transubstantiation, as using himself to complain on Pope Innocent, for defining, de modo to be an article of faith. However his foes so hardly beset him, that once he ordered his servant to provide for him a long shroud, not for his winding, but burning sheet, as expecting at last he should be brought to the stake for his religion. But men may make clothes either for mirth or for mourning, whilst God alone orders whether or no they shall wear them. 13. After the coming of Queen Elizabeth to the Crown, A single man, yet a true father. he with more earnestness refused a Bishopric, than others affected it. His parsonage at Haughton, as it might seem a Bishop's Palace for building, so was it no less for hospitality. Fourteen Villages belonging to that mother Church, the poor whereof (besides many others) were daily relieved at his door, twenty Scholars he commonly boarded in his house, which seemed a little College. In a word, he was commonly called Father Gilpin, and well deserved it, for his paternal affections to all. Making his yearly progress into Rheadsdale, and Tinsdale in Northumberland, (where people sat in darkness of ignorance, and shadow of death) and instructing them by his heavenly preaching. 14. Now began that fatal yearl generally foretold that it would be wonderful as it proved no less. The brave coming forth of the Spanish Armado. Whence the Astrologers fetched their intelligence hereof; 1588. whether from Heaven, 31. or Hell, from other Stars, or from Lucifer alone, is uncertain: this is most sure, that this prediction, though hitting the mark, yet missed their meaning, who both first reported, and most believed it. Out comes their invincible Navy and Army, perfectly appointed for both Elements, Water, and Land, to Sail and March complete in all warlike Equipage: so that formerly, with far less provision, they had conquered another new world. Mighty was the bulk of their ships, the sea seeming to groan under them, (being a burden to it, as they went, and to themselves, before they returned) with all manner of artillery, prodigious in number, and greatness, so that the report of their guns do still, and aught ever, to sound in the ears of the English, not to fright them with any terror, but to fill them with deserved thankfulness. 15. It is said of Senacherib, The shameful sight and return thereof. coming against Jerusalem with his numerous army, by a 1 Kings 19 33. the way that he came shall he return, and shall not come into this City saith the Lord: as the later part of his threatening was verified here, no Spantard setting foot on English ground, under other notion than a prisoner; so, God did not them the honour to return the same way, who coming by Southeast, a way they knew, went back by South-West, a way they sought, chased by our ships, past the 57th Degree of Northern Latitude, then and there left to be pursued after by hunger and cold. Thus having tasted the English valour in conquering them, the Scotch constancy in not relieving them, the Irish cruelty in barbarous butchering them, the small reversion of this great navy which came home, might be looked upon by religious eyes, as relics, not for the adoration, but instruction of their nation hereafter, not to account any thing invincible which is less than infinite. 16. Such as lose themselves by looking on second causes impute the Spanish ill success, This deliverance principally wrought by God's arm. partly to the Prince of Parma, who either mind-bound or wind-bound, staying himself, or stopped by the Hollander, would or could not come to their seasonable succour, and partly to the Duke of Medina's want of commission to fight with the English, (save on the defensive) till joined with Parma. Anno Regin Eliza. 31. Thus when God will have a design defeated, Anno Dom. 1588. amidst the plenty, yea superfluity of all imaginable necessaries, some unsuspected one shall be wanting to frustrate all the rest. We will not mention (save in due distance of helps) the industry, and loyalty of the Lord H●ward Admiral, the valour of our captains, the skill of our pilots, the activity of our ships, but assign all to the goodness of God, as Queen Elizabeth did. Leave we her in the Choir of Paul's church, devoutly on her knees with the rest of her Nobles in the same humble posture, returning their unseigned thanks to the God and giver of all victory, whilst going abroad, we shall find some of her subjects worse employed in implacable enmity about Ecclesiastical discipline one against another. And let not the mentioning of this deliverance be censured as a deviation from the Church-History of Britain. Silence thereof being a sin, for had the design took effect, neither Protestant Church in Britain had remained, nor History thereof been made at this present. 17. But bullets did not fly about so much at sea, Scurrilous Pamphlets dispersed. as bastardly Libels by land, so fitly called, because none durst father them, for their issue. They are known, though not by their Parents, by their names. 1 The Epitome 2 The demonstration of discipline 3 The Supplication 4 Diotrephes 5 The Minerals 6 Have you any work for the (Cooper? 7 Martin Signior 8 Martin Junior Marprelate. 9 More work for the Cooper (&c. The main drift and scope of these pamphlets, for know one and know all (these foul mouthed papers, like Blackmoors, did all look alike) was to defame and disgrace the English Prelates, scoffing at them for their garb, gate, apparel, vanities of their youth, natural defects, and personal infirmities; it is strange how secretly they were printed, how speedily dispersed, how generally bought, how greedily read, yea and how firmly believed, especially of the common sort, to whom no better music then to hear their betters upbraided. 18. Some precise men of that side thought these jeering pens well employed. Their reasons for the lawfulness of such pamphlets. For having formerly, (as they say) tried all serious and sober means to reclaim the Bishops, which hitherto proved uneffectuall: they thought it not amiss to try this new way, that whom they could not in earnest make odious, in sport they might render ridiculous. Wit's will be working, and such as have a Satirical vein, cannot better vent it then in lashing of sin. Besides, they wanted not a warrant (as they conceived) in Holy Writ, where it was no solecism to the gravity of Eliah to mock a 1 Kings 18, 27. Baal's priests out of their superstition chief, this was conceived would drive on their design, strengthen their party by working on the people's affections, which were marvellously taken with the reading thereof. 19 But the more discreet and devout sort of men, These Books disclaimed by the discreet sort and why. even of such as were no great friends to the Hierarchy, upon solemn debate then resolved, (I speak on certain knowledge from the mouths of such whom I must believe) that for many foul falsehoods therein suggested, such Books were altogether unbeseeming a pious spirit, to print, publish, or with pleasure peruse, which supposed true both in matter and measure, charity would rather conceal, then discover. The best of men being so conscious of their own badness, that they are more careful to wash their own faces, then busy to throw dirt on others. Any man may be witty in a bitting way, and those that have the dullest brains, have commonly the sharpest teeth to that purpose. But such carnal mirth, whilst it tickles the flesh, doth wound the s●ul. And which was the main, these base books would give a great advantage to the general foe, and Papists would make too much use thereof against Protestant religion especially seeing an a Judas 9 Archangel thought himself too good to bring, and Satan not bad enough to have railing speeches brought against him. 20. Bu● leaving private men to abound in their own sense, how highly the state (as it then stood) distasted these books, The instruments embyed in making th●se Books heavily punished. will plainly appe● by the heavy censures inflicted on such as were but accessatie thereunto. To pass by John Henry, and John Udall ministers, accused for making some of them, (of whom in due place) together with the Printers, and Humphrey Newman, a Cohler▪ chief disperser of them: The Star●-Chamber deeply sinned Sr. Richard Knightly, and Sr. 〈◊〉 Wigstow for entertaining and receiving the Press Gentlemen, whom their b Sr. G Pa● in the li●e of Arch Bishop Whitgist pag. 40. advers●rt●s allow qualified with piety, gravity, and wisdom, which made many admire how their discretion could be deluded, and more bemoan that their goodness should be abusedly others, who had designs upon them. Here archbishop Whitgist bestirred himself to improve his interest with the Queen, c Camden's Elizabeth's in Anno 1588. till his importunity had angered her & till his importunity had pleased her again, that they might be delivered out of prison, and eased of their fines, which upon their submission was performed. Whose mildness to mediate for his adversaries, as it was highly commended by some, so there wanted not those, who imputed his moderation therein to declining of envy, gaining of applause, and remorse of his own conscience for over rigorous proceed: it being no charity to cure the wound he hath caused, and solicit the remitting of those fines, which he had procured to be imposed. Thus impossible it is to please froward spirits, and to make them like the best deed, who dislike the doer thereof; and if any desire to know the motions and stages of the Press, which printed these books, know it was first set up at d Sr. G. Paul pag. 39 Mouldy near Kingston in Surrey, thence conveyed 〈◊〉 Fausly in Northamotonshire, thence to Norton, and afterwards to Coventry Hence it was removed to Welstone in Warwickshire, whence the Letters were sent to another Pr●ss, in or near Manchester, and there discovered by Henry Earl of Da●by, in the printing of more work for the C●oper. No wonder then if many 〈◊〉 were committed by this (call it as you please Pylgreme or Vagabond) Press, when itself was ever in a wand'ring and straggling condition. 21. A 〈◊〉 of the Pr●shyterians, of the Warwickshire Classes, Acts of the Synod of Coventry. was called at Coventry, ai● oectmo, quart●; that is, on the 10th of April: wherein the questions, brought the last year from the Brethren of Cambridge Syn●d, were resolved in manner as followeth. 1. That e Transcribed out of Bp. bancroft's book called England's Scotizing for Discipline by practice p 86. and 87 who may seem have had the original in latin. private Baptism was unlawful. 2. That it is not lawful to read Homilies in the Church. 3. That the sign of the Cross is not to be used in Baptism. 4. That th● faithful ought not to communicate with unlearned Ministers, although they may be present at thei● service, if they come of purpose to hear the sermon, the reason is, because Laymen as well as Ministers may read public service. 5. Tha● the calling of Bishops etc. is unlawful. 6. That as they deal in causes Ecclesiastical, there is no duty belonging unto, nor any publicly to be given them. 7. That it is not lawful to be ordained Ministers by them, or to denounce either suspensions, or excommunications s●nt from them. 8. That it is not lawful to rest in the Bishop's deprivat on of any from the Ministry, except (upon consultation with the neighbour Ministers adjoining and his flock) it seems so good unto them: but that he continue in the same until he be compelled to the contrary by civil force. 9 That it is not lawful to appear in a Bishop's Court, but with protestation of their unlawfulness. 10. That Bishops are not to be acknowledged either for Doctors, Elders, or Deacons, as having 〈◊〉 ordinary calling. 11. That touching the restauration of their Ecclesiastical Discipline, it ought to be taught to the people as occasion shall serve. 12. That (as yet) the people are not to be solicited (publicly) to the practice of the Discipline, (till) they be better instructed in the knowledge of it. 13. That men of better understanding are to be alured privately to the present embracing of the Discipline, and practise of it, as far as they shall be well able, with the peace of the Church. Likewise in the same assembly the aforesaid Book of discipline was approved to be a draught essential and necessary for all times; and certain articles (devised in approbation, and for the manner of the use thereof,) were brought forth, treated of, and subscribed unto, by Mr. Cartwright, and others, and afterwards tendered far and near to the several Classes, for a general ratification of all the Brethren. 22. Now if Rebeccah found herself strangely affected when a Gen. 25▪ 22. The English Church distracted b●twi●● contrary disciplines. twins struggled in her womb, the condition of the English Church must be conceived sad, which at the same time had two disciplines, both of them pleading Scripture and Primitive practice, each striving to support itself, and suppress its rival. The Hierarchy commanded by authority, established by law, confirmed by general practice, and continued so long by custom in this land, that had one at this time lived the age of Methuselah he could not remember the beginning thereof in Britain. The Presbytery, though wanting the stamp of authority, claiming to be the purer metal founded by some Clergy men, favoured by many of the Gentry, and followed by more of the Common sort, who being prompted with that natural principle, that the weakest side must be most watchful, what they wanted in strength, they supplied in activity. But what won them most repute, was their Ministers painful preaching in populous places: It being observed in England, that those who hold the Helm of the pulpit, always steer people's hearts as they please. The worst is, that in matters of fact, all relations in these times are relations, I mean much resent of party and interest to the prejudice of truth. Let me mind the Reader to reflect his eye on our Quotations, (the Margin, in such cases being as material as the Text, as containing the authors) and his judgement may, according to the credit or reference of the Author alleged believe, or abate, from the reputation of the report. Let me add, that though it be a lie in the Clock, it's but a falsehood in the Hand of the Dial, when pointing at a wrong hour, if rightly following the direction of the wheel which moveth it. And the fault is not mine, if ●truly cite what is false on the credit of another. The best certainty in this kind we are capable of, is, what we find in the confessions of the parties themselves, The success of the solemn humiliation of the ministers at Northampton. deposed on oath, taken by public notaries, and recorded in court: for such, who herein will fly higher for true intelligence, than the Starr-Chamber, must fetch it from heaven himself. 23. In that Court we find confessed by one Mr. b See England's Sco●tizing for discipline, 3. Cap. 6. pag. 88 Johnson, (formerly a great Presbyterian, but afterwards, it seems falling from that side, he discovered many passages to their disadvantage) how that when the Book of Discipline came to Northampton to be subscribed unto, there was a general censuring used amongst the brethren there, as it were to sanctify themselves; partly by sustaining a kind of penance and reproof for their former conformity to the Orders of the Church; and partly to prepare their minds for the devout accepting of the aforesaid Book. In which course of censuring used at that time, there was such a ripping up one of another's life, even from their youth, as that they came to bitterness, and reviling terms amongst themselves; one growing thereby odious to another, and some did thereupon utterly forsake those kinds of Assemblies. O, how woeful the 〈◊〉 of the English Church, whilst her 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 her ministers, and under-●owers, some tugged it one way, and others towing it another; enough almost to split her in pieces, with the violence of their contrary Discipline. 24. Leave we them for a while, The Contents of the 〈◊〉 to the Catholics of England. to behold how the Popish Clergy were employed, who in the beginning of this year, were as busy as Bees, newly ready to swarm. A Book was set forth called the admonition, dispersed amongst Catholics, and highly cried up, consisting of several Parts, not unfit to be here recited. 1. The Authors make their entrance into the discourse, with a most odious and shameful declamation against her Majesty, stirring up her subjects hearts to contempt of her highness, as being one odious to God and man. They threaten the Nobility, Gentry etc. with loss of all their goods, their Lands, their Lives, and with damnation besides; except that presently upon the landing of the Spaniards, they joined themselves, and all their forces, men, munition, victuals, and whatsoever else they could make with their Catholic Army, (forsooth) for the words be these. If you will avoid (say they) the Popes, the Kings, and other Princes high indignation; let no man of what degree soever, abet, aid, defend or acknowledge her &c. adding that otherwise they should incur the Angels Curse and Malediction, and be as deeply excommunicated as any, because that in taking her Majesty's part, they should fight against God, against their lawful King, against their Country, and that notwithstanding all they should do, they should but defend her highness bootless to their own present destruction, and eternal shame. 2. After all those, and many other such threats, in a high and military stile, to scar fools with, than they come to some more mild persuasions, and promise the noble men, that so they join with the duke of PARMA upon the receipt of their Admonition, they will entreat that their whole houses shall not perish. For Persons did instigate the English Cardinal to swear by his Honour, and in the word of a Cardinal, that in the fury of their intended Massacre, their should as great care be taken of every Catholic and penitent person, as possibly could be, and that he was made a Cardinal of purpose to be sent then into England for the sweet managing of those Affairs. 3. Other arguments they used drawn from the certainty of the victory, as that all the Protestants would either turn their Coats, Copies, arms, or fly away, in fear and torment of the Angel of God prosecuting them; that although none of her Majesty's subjects should assist the Spaniards, yet their own forces, which they brought with them were strong enough, their provision sufficient, their appointment so surpassing: that they had more expert Captains, than her Majesty had good soldiers, all resolute to be in the Cause, which they had undertaken: that the Blood of all the blessed Bishops shed in this Land, and all the saints in heaven prayed for the Spaniards victory, that all the virtuous Priests of our Country, both at Home and Abroad, had stretched forth their sacred hands to the same end: that many priests were in the Camp to serve every spiritual man's necessity: that their forces were guarded with all Gods Holy Angels; with Christ himself in the sovereign Sacrament, and with the daily most holy oblation, of Christ's own dear body and blood: that the Spaniards being thus assisted with so many helps, though they had been never so few they could not lose, and that her Majesty and her Assistants wanting these helps, although they were never so fierce, never so proud, never so many, never so well appointed, yet they could not prevail. Fear you not (say they to such as would take their part) they cannot. And thus far out of their said Jesuitical Admonition. The Book goes under the name of Cardinal Allen, though the secular Priests say he was but the Cloak-father thereof, and that a watson's Quodlibets pag. 240. Parsons the Jesuit made it. Others conceive it equivocally begotten, as the result and extract of several brains. No doubt had the Spanish Invasion succeeded, happy he who could have laid claim to so prophetical a piece: and they would have fallen out as the two * 1 Kings 3. Harlots about the living Child, who should have been Parent thereof. Whereas now on the miscarriage of their great Navy, all disclaimed the Book, and Parsons procured the whole impression to be burnt, (save some b Watson ut prius. few sent abroad before hand to his friends) that it might not remain a monument of their falsehood. And now the Popish Priests, some lurked here in holes, other fled into foreign parts, their confusion being the greater for their former confidence. Thus * Judg. 5. 30. Sisera comes off the more coldly, when stripped out of the garment of divers colours wherewith his mother had arrayed him, in her fancy running faster, than the wheels of her son's Chariot to his imaginary conquest. 25. This year died Edwin Sands Archbishop of York, Aug. 8. born in Lancashire of worshipful Parentage, The death of Edw. Sands, Archbishop of York. bred in Cambridge, banished to Germany, after this promoted to be Bishop of Worcester, then succeeded Grindal in London, and York, an excellent and painful preacher, and of a pious and Godly life, which increased in his old age, so that by a great and good stride, whilst he had one foot in the Grave, he had the other in Heaven. He was buried in Southwell, and it is hard to say, whether he was more eminent in his own Virtues, or more happy in his Flourishing Posterity. 26. The next year produced not any great Church matters in its self, 32. but was only preparatory to the ripening of business, 1589. and raising the charges against the principal Patrons of Nonconformity. Archbishop Whitgift, his discretion. Indeed Archbishop Whitgift according to his constant custom and manner, repaired daily to the Council-table early in the morning, and after an usual apprecation of a Good-morrow to the Lords, he requested to know if there were any Church business to be debated, and if the answer were returned in the Affirmative, He stayed and attended the issue of the matter. But if no such matter appeared, he craved leave to be dispensed withal, saying, Then my Lords, here is no need of me, and departed. A commendable practice clearing himself from all aspersions of civill-pragmaticallness, and tending much to the just support of his reputation. 27. On the first of September Mr. Cartwright, 33. Bachelor in Divinity, 1590. Sept. 1. was brought before Her Majesty's Commissioners, Articles objected against Mr. Thomas Cartwright. there to take his oath, and give in his positive answer to the following Articles. 1. IMprimis, a The copy of these Articles ●ere 〈…〉 after his death, who as kindly communicated as 〈◊〉 have 〈◊〉 inscribed them. We do object and articulate against him, Anno Dom. 1590. that he, Anno Regin Eliza. 33. being a Minister (at least a Deacon) lawfully called, according to the godly laws, and orders of this Church of England hath forsaken, abandoned, and renounced the same orders Ecclesiastical, as an antichristian, and unlawful manner of calling, unto the Ministry, or Deaconship. 2. Item, that he departing this Realm into foreign parts, without licence, as a man discontented with the form of Government Ecclesiastical here by law established, the more to testify his dislike and contempt thereof, and of the manner of his former Vocation, and Ordination, was contented in foreign parts (as at Antwerp, Middeburgh, or elsewhere) to have a new Vocation, Election, or Ordination, by imposition of hands unto the Ministry, or unto some other order or degree Ecclesiastical, and in other manner and form, than the laws Ecclesiastical of this Realm do prescribe. Let him declare upon his oath the particular circumstances thereof. 3. Item, that by virtue or colour of such his later Vocation, Election, or Ordination, becoming a pretended Bishop, or Pastor, of such Congregation as made choice of him, he established, or procured to be established at Antwerp, and at Middleburgh among Merchants, and others, Her Majesty's Subjects, a certain Consistory, Seminary, Presbytery, or Eldership Ecclesiastical, consisting of himself, being Bishop, or Pastor, (and so Precedent thereof) of a Doctor, of certain Ancients, Sentours, or Elders for government Ecclesiastical, and of Deacons for distributing to the poor. 4. Item, that the said Eldership, and the authority thereof, certain English-born Subjects were called, elected, or ordained by imposition of hands, to be Ministers, or Ecclesiastical Doctors (being not of that degree before) as Hart, Travers, Grise, or some of them; and some that were also Ministers afore, according to the orders of the Church of England, as Fenner, Acton, were so called, and other English Subjects were also called, and likewise ordained Elders, and some others were ordained Deacons, in other manner and form, than the laws Ecclesiastical of the Realm do prescribe, or allow of. 5. Item, that such Eldership so established, under the Presidentship of him the said Thomas Cartwright, had used (besides this authority of this Vocation, and Ordination of Officers ecclesiastical) the Censures, and keys of the Church, as public admonition, suspension from the Supper, and from execution of offices ecclesiastical, and the censures of excommunication; likewise authority of making laws, degrees, and orders ecclesiastical, and of dealing with the doctrine, and manners of all persons in that Congregation, in all matters whatsoever so far as might appertain to conscience. 6. Item, that he the said Thomas Cartwright, in the public administration of his Ministry there, among Her Majesty's Subjects, used not the form of liturgy, or Book of Common-Prayer, by the laws of this land established, nor in his government ecclesiastical, the laws and orders of this land, but rather conformed himself in both to the use and form of some other foreign Churches. 7. Item, that since his last return from beyond the Seas, being to be placed at Warwick, he faithfully promised (if he might be but tolerated to preach) not to impugn the laws, orders, policy, government, nor governor's in this Church of England, but to persuade, and procure, so much as he could, both publicly, and privately, the estimation, and peace of this Church. 8. Item, That he, having no Ministry in this Church (other than such as before he had forsaken, and still condemneth as unlawful) and without any licence (as Law requireth) he hath since taken upon him to preach at Warwick, and at sundry other places of this Realm. 9 Item, That since his said return, in sundry private conferences, with such Ministers and others, as at sundry times by word, and letter, have asked his advice, or opinion, he hath showed mislike of the Laws, and Government Ecclesiastical, and of divers parts of the Liturgy of this Church; and thereby persuaded, and prevailed also with many in sundry points, to break the orders and form of the Book of Common-Prayer, who observed them before, and also to oppose themselves to the Government of this Church, as himself well knoweth, or verily believeth. 10. Item. That in all, or most of such his Sermons, and Exercises, he hath taken occasion to traduce, and inveigh against the Bishops, and other governor's under them in this Church. 11. Item, That he hath grown so far in hatred, and dislike towards them, as that at sundry times, in his prayer at Sermons, and namely, Preaching at Banbury, about a year since, in such place as others well disposed pray for Bishops, he prayed to this, or like effect; Because that they, which ought to be pillars in the Church, do bend themselves against Christ, and his truth, therefore O Lord give us grace, and power, all as one man, to set ourselves against them. And this in effect (by way of emphasis) he then also repeated. 12. Item, that preaching at sundry times and places, he usually reacheth at all occasions, to deprave, condemn, and impugn the manner of Ordination of Bishops, Ministers and Deacons; sundry points of the Polity, Government, Laws, Orders, and rights Ecclesiastical, and of the public Liturgy of the Church of England, contained in the Book of Common-Prayer; as namely, the use of the Surplis, the Interrogatories to Godfathers', &c. in the name of the Infants, the Cross in Baptism, the Ring in Marriage, the Thanksgiving after Childbirth▪ Burials by Ministers, the Kneeling at Communion, some points of the Litany, certain Collects and Prayers, the reading of portions of Scripture for the Epistle and Gospel, and the manner of Singing in Cathedral Churches, and others. 13. Item, That preaching at the Baptising of one of Job Throgmortons' children, he spoke much of the unlawfulness, and in derogation of the Government, Polity, Laws, and Liturgy Ecclesiastical of this Realm; and to the justification of a Government by Elderships in every Congregation, and by Conference, and Synods, etc. abroad, as Divine Institutions commanded by Christ, and the only lawful Church-government; seeking to prove and establish such Elderships out of that word in one of the Psalms, where Thrones are mentioned. 14. Item, That by toleration, and impunity, he did grow so confident, and withal implacable against the Laws, Government, and Orders of this Church of England, that he could not endure Mr Bourdman, and others (preaching sundry times at Warwick) to speak in defence thereof, but took upon him to confute in sundry Sermons there, these things which the said Bourdman had truly, and dutifully, in that behalf spoken, and delivered. 15. Item, That in his Sermons at Warwick, and elsewhere, within the said time, he often delivered many frivolous, strange, and undiscreet positions; as namely, that to kneel down and pray when a man comes into the Church, to pray there privately, was but to offer the sacrifice of fools. That it was requisite, all the hearers that were able should stand upon their feet during Sermons; and discoursing about women, and their childbirth, etc. did speak thereof so indiscreetly, and offensively, that sundry of them in great grief, had conspired to have mischieved him with stones in the open streets. 16. Item, That by his persuasions, privately and publicly delivered, sundry persons in and about Warwick, were appointed to impugn, both in words and deeds, the Laws, Orders, and rights prescribed by the Book of Common-Prayer; insomuch as both his own wife by his procurement and consent, refused after childbirth, to come, and give thanks in such place of the Church, and in that solemn manner as thereby is prescribed; and some other women also of that Town, by such persuasion, and example, did use the like contempt. 17. Item, That sundry times (or at lest once) when he communicated at the Lords Supper there, he sat, or stood upon his feet; and divers others, induced by his persuasions, and example, both then and at other times did the like. And, that at other times there, or in other places where he hath communicated, both himself and others, (as he had appointed or persuaded afore) did walk along, and receive the Sacrament of the Ministers as they passed by him. 18. Item, That for these, and such like disorders, he was presented to the Bishop of Wigorne, his Ordinary. Before whom being convented in the Consistory there, he spoke to the justification, and upholding of such doing of his, and of others: and there very publicly, and offensively affirmed, and disputed, That the Book of Common-Prayer, etc. is not established by Law. 19 Item, That when by authority from the said Bishop, for his contempt he was suspended from preaching, & ab omni functione Ministerii, he appealed from the said suspension, yet did not prosecute within a year after, whereby (the cause being according to Law remitted again to the Bishop) he, the said Thomas Cartwright, according to the former proceed, falling again into the sentence of suspension (which was also intimated, and made known unto him) nevertheless in contempt of the Authority Ecclesiastical, he hath preached at Warwick Coventry, and elsewhere since the said time. 20. Item, When one of his man-servants had committed Fornication, and gotten a bastard in his house, he, taking upon him the authority of the Ordinary, did appoint unto the delinquent a public form of penance, or satisfaction, in Saint Maries-Church at Warwick, and caused him to perform the same. 21. Item, Since his placing at Warwick he, with others (at such times as they thought fit) have agreed to have, and so have had, divers public Fasts, without the Queen her Authority, and have invited, and persuaded both sundry persons to be there present, and also certain to preach, to the number of three, four, or five, successively one after another, being all noted to be such, as mislike and impugn sundry points of the Laws, Government, and Liturgy Ecclesiastical of this Church of England. In which Sermons, both he the said Cartwright, and such others also as then preached, did impugn, and inveigh against the present Laws, Government, Polity, and Liturgy Ecclesiastical of this Church of England. 22. Item, That from time to time, since his abode in Warwick, by his practice and dealing, he hath nourished a faction, and heartburning of one inhabitant there against another, severing them in his own, and his followers speeches, by the names of The Godly, or Brethren favouring sincerity, and The Profane. 23. Item, That he doth know, or credibly heard, who were the penners, printers, or some of the dispersers of the several Libels, going under the name of Martin Mar-Prelate, of the Demonstration of Discipline, of Diotrephes, and such like books, before it was known to Authority; and yet in favour of such, and contempt of good laws, did not manifest the same to any who had authority to punish it. 24. Item, that being asked his opinion of such books, he answered thus in effect, or something tending this way, viz. (meaning the Bishops, and others there touched) would not amend by grave books, and advertisements, and therefore it was meet they should thus be dealt with, to their further reproach and shame. 25. Item, that for, and in the behalf of the Church of England, he penned, or procured to be penned, all or some part, of a little book entitled in one part, Disciplina Ecclesiae sacra Verbo Dei descripta; and in the other part, Disciplina Synodicaex Ecclesiarumusu etc. And, after it was perused by others, whom he first acquainted therewith, he recommended the same to the censures, and judgements of more brethren (being learned Preachers) and some others, assembled together by his means, for that and other like purposes: Which, after deliberation, and some alterations, was by them, or most of them, allowed, as the only lawful Church government, and fit to be put in practice; and the ways and means for the practising thereof in this Realm, were also then, or not long after, agreed or concluded upon by them. 26. Item, that for the better and more due practice of it within the space of these seven, six, five, four, three, two or one year last passed, the said Thomas Cartwright, and sundry others (as aforesaid according to former appointment and determinations by them made) have met in Assemblies, termed Synods, more general (as at London, at Terms, and Parliament times; in Oxford at the Act; in Cambridg at the times of Commencement, and Sturbridge-fair) and also more particular, and Provincial Synods, and at Classes, or Conferences of certain selected Ministers, in one, or more places of sundry several shires, as, Warwick, Northampton, R●tland, Oxford, Leicester, Cambridge, Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, and others. 27. Item, that at such Synods and Conferences, it hath been concluded, that all the Ministers, which should be received to be either of the said general Synods, or of any more particular and Provincial, or of a Classis, or Conference, should subscribe to the said Discipline, that they did allow it, would promote it, practise it, and be governed by it. And according to the form of a schedule hereunto annexed, or such like, both he the said Thomas Cartwright, and many others, at sundry, or some general Assemblies, as at Provincial, and at several conferences, have within the said time, subscribed the same, or some part thereof. 28. Item, that at such Synods and all other Assemblies, a moderator of that meeting, was first by him and them chosen, according to the prescription of the said book. And at some of such meetings, and Assemblies amongst other things, it was resolved, and concluded; that such particular conferences in several Shires should be erected; how many persons, and with what letters from every of them, should be sent to the general Assembly; and that one of them, at their coming home to their Conference, should make known the determinations of the general Assembly, to be by every of them followed, and put in practice: which course in sundry places of this Realm hath (within the time aforesaid) been accordingly followed and performed. 29. Item, that he with others in some such Classis or Conference; or in a Synod, Anno Dom. 1590. Anno Regin Eliza. 33. or more general Assembly holden, did treat, and dispute (among other points) these six Articles contained in another schedule annexed, and set down their resolution, and determination of them. 30. Item, that he, with others assembled in such a general Assembly, or Synod at Cambridge, did conclude, and decree (as in another schedule annexed, or in some part thereof is contained) which decrees were made known afterwards at Warwick, to sundry Classes there by his means assembled, and allowed also by them then met together in the same or like form. 31. Item, that all such several meetings, Synods, and Conferences, within the said time, many other determinations, as well what should be done and performed, or omitted; as also what should be holden consonant to God's word, or disagreeing from it, have been set down by the said Thomas Cartwright and others. As namely, that all admitted to either Assembly should subscribe the said book of Discipline, Holy, and Synodical: that those who were sent from any Conference to a Synod, should bring letters fiduciary, or credence: that the last Moderator should write them: that the superscription thereof should be to a known man of the Assembly then to be holden: that no book made by any of them should be put in print, but by consent of the Classis at least: that some of them must be earnest, and some more mild and temperate, whereby there may be both of the spirit of Elias, and Elizeus: that all admitted amongst them, should subscribe, and promise, to conform themselves in their proceed, administration of Sacraments, and of Discipline, to the form of that Book; and that they would subject themselves to the censuring of the Brethren, both for doctrine and life: and lastly, that upon occasion, when any their brethren shall be sent by them upon affairs of the Church (as to the great meetings, Parliament etc.) they all would bear their charges in common: that there might be no superiority amongst them, and that the Moderatorship (as it happened) is not a superiority, or honour, but a burden: that no profane writer, or any other, than Canonical Scripture may be alleged in Sermons: that they should all teach, that the ministry of those who did not preach, is no ministry, but a mere nullity: that it is not lawful to take any oath, whereby a man may be driven to discover any thing penal to himself, or to his brother, especially if he be persuaded the matter to be lawful, for which the punishment is like to be inflicted; or having taken it in this case, need not discover the very truth: that to a Bishop, or other Officer ecclesiastical (as is used now in the Church of England) none obedience ought to be given, neither in appearing before them, in doing that which they command, nor in abstaining from that which they inhibit: that in such places as the most of the people favoured the cause of sincerity, Eldership should warily and wisely be placed and established, which Consistory in some places hath been either wholly, or in part erected accordingly; yea, in some Colleges in the University, as he knoweth, hath heard, or verily believeth. These Articles were tendered to Mr. Cartwright in the Consistory of Paul's, before John Almare Bishop of London, the two Lord Chief Justices, Justice Gawdy, Sergeant Puckering (afterwards Lord keeper) and Attorney-general Popham. 28. Mr. Cartwright refuseth to answer an oath. These Commissioners did move him to give in his answer (the rather because the chief points in the Jnterrogatories were delivered in general terms unto him) and they severally assured him on their credits, that by the Laws of the Realm, he was to take his oath, and to answer as he was required. But Mr. Cartwright desired to be born withal; pleading, that he thought he was not bound by the laws of God so to do. Hereupon he was sent to the rest of his brethren to the Fleet, where he secretly, and silently took up his lodging; many admiring at the panic peaceableness, and so quiet a calm, where so violent a tempest was feared to arise. 29. Wigington his riddling words. Some soon after expected the appearance of the Presbyterian party, Nou. 6. accounting it more valour to free, than to keep their friends from prison. The rather, because of a passage in a letter of Mr. Wigingtons' to one Mr. Porter at Lancaster. Mr. Cartwright is in the Fleet for the refusal of the oath, (as I hear) and Mr. Knewstubs is sent for, and sundry worthy Ministers are disquieted, who have been spared long. So that we look for some Bickering ere long, and then a Battle which cannot long endure. Words variously expounded, as men's fancies directed them. Some conceived that this Bickering, and Battle did barely import a passive conflict, wherein their patience was to encounter the power of their adversaries, and to conquer by suffering. Parallel to the Apostles a 2 Cor. 7. 5. words Without were fightings, meaning combats to wrestle with in many difficulties opposing their proceed. Others expounded the words literally (not of a tame, but wild Battle) and of some intended violence, as if shortly they would muster their (hitherto invisible) forces to storm the Fleet, and rescue their friends therein. A third sort beheld Wigington the writer of these words, as one, but of the soberer sort of distracted men, and therefore in vain do stayed heads make serious comments on light men's random-expressions, where the knot is neither to be untied, nor cut, but east away. 30. The king of Scots writs in favour of the Non-conformists. Now the principal pillars of the Presbyterian party, being some in restraint, more in trouble, all in fear; applied themselves by their secret solicitors to James King of Scotland, and procured his letter to the Queen in their behalf, seconded with another to the same effect. They conceived so potent a Petitioner must needs prevail, especially in this juncture of time; the Queen having lately (since she put his mother to death) Adulced him with fair language, and kind carriage. This Letter was sent to one Mr. Johnson a Scotch Merchant in London, by him presented to the Queen, perused by her Majesty, and remitted to her Privie-Councell; but behold the Tenor thereof. RIght Excellent, 34. 1591. high and mighty Princess, our dearest Sister and Cousin in our heartiest manner, We recommend us unto you. Hearing of the apprehension of Mr. Udall and Mr. Cartwright, and certain other Ministers of the Evangel within your Realm; Of whose good erudition and faithful travels in the Church, we hear a very credible commendation, howsoever that their diversity from the Bishops and others of your Clergy, in matters touching them in conscience hath been a mean by their dilation, to work them your misliking; at this present we cannot (weighing the duty which we own to such as are afflicted for their conscience in that profession) but by our most effectuous and earnest Letter interpone us at your hands to stay any harder usage of them for that cause. Requesting your most earnestly, that for our cause and intercession it may please you to let them be relieved of their present strait, Anno Dom. 1591. Anno Regin Eliza. 34. and whatsoever further accusation or pursuit depending on that ground, respecting both their former merit, in setting forth the Evangell, the simplicity of their conscience in this defence which cannot well be, their let by compulsion, and the great slander which could not fail to fall out upon their further streighting for any such occasion. Which we assure us your zeal to Religion, besides the expectation we have of your good will to pleasure us, will willingly accord to our request, hav●ng such proofs from time to time of or like disposition to you in any matters which you recommend unto us, and thus right excellent, right high, and mighty Princes, our dear sister and Cousin, we commit you to God's protection. Edinburgh June 12. 1591. This letter prevailed little with the Queen, nor do I find that the king of Scotland was discontented thereat. Princes politicly understanding their mutual secret language (not to say silent signs) whose desires to for reign Princes for private persons carry this tacit reservation, if it may stand with the conveniency and pleasure of him to whom it is written. Besides, they know by their own experience, that often there is the least of themselves in their own letters, as granted merely for quietness sake to satisfy the importunity of others. 31. Mr. Cartwright discharged the Star-Chamber by the intercession of Arch Bishop Whitgift. One word from Arch. BP. Whitgift befriended Mr. Cartwright more than both the letters from the King of Scotland. This Prelate reflecting on his abilities, and their ancient acquaintance in Trinity College: and remembering (as an honourable Adversary) they had brandished pens one against another, and considering that both of them now were well stricken in years, and (some will say) fearing the success in so tough a conflict, on Mr. Cartwrights general promise to be quiet, procured his dismission out of the Starr-Chamber, and prison wherein he was confined. Henceforward Mt. Cartwright became very peaceable, not that he began to desert the cause, but the cause him. The Original state of the point of Nonconformity being much altered and disguised from its self, and many state businesses (which Mr. Cartwright disclaimed) by turbulent spirits shuffled into it. 32. A preface to the ensuing discourse. Next followeth the just death of Hacket for his damnable Blasphemy, and I am sensible of a sad dilemma concerning the same. For not relating the story, will be interpreted favouring of him, and wronging the truth. Relating it, may be accounted gracing his impieties by recording them. And seeing it hard for one soul to attend two things at once, some will say, no Author can write and detest, nor Reader peruse and detest these his blasphemies so at the same instant, but that there will be a short interval betwixt them, yet long enough to have Piety wounded therein. However arming ourselves and others with caution premised, we enter on this sorrowful subject. The rather because the best may be bettered by the worst of men. When considering that natural corruption in their hearts, is not less head●rong, but more bridled. Think not that Hacket and his two Companions were worse by nature then all others of the English nation. I tell you nay, for if Gods restraining grace be taken from us we shall all run unto the same excess of riot. 33. The Character of Hacket. This William Hacket was born it Oundale in Northamptonshire, of so cruel and fierce a nature, that he is reported to have bit off, and eat down the nose of his Schoolmaster. A Maulster by trade, which calling being too narrow for his active soul; He undertook to be a Discoveror of, & Informer against Recusants. An employment which often procured his admittance into the presence of great persons, when his betters were excluded. One of a bold and confident nature, who though but an invited guest where many Clergy men were present, would always presume to say grace and pray before them. A great stickler for the Geneva discipline, being very great with Wigginton and other the most violent of that faction. Always inculcating that some extraordinary course must be presently taken with the obstructors thereof. Once he desperately took his dagger and violently struck the same into the picture of the Queen, aiming at her heart therein by proportion. He pretended also to revelations, Immediate Raptures and discourses with God, as also to buffet of Satan, attesting the truth thereof, with most direful oaths and execrations. 34. One Argument Hacket used to allege to prove his own Invulnerability, His monstrous opinions and practices. Because he proffered leave to any one to kill him that would. The cunning Imposter knowing full well that it was death for any to do it, being secured from such violence, not by any secret quality in himself, but by the good laws of the Queen, against whom he so bitterly enveighed. He railed also against the Archbishop Whitgift and Chancellor Hatton, with other of the Privy Councillors, pretending himself sent from Heaven to reform Church and State, and bring in a new discipline into both by extraordinary means. 35. Proclaimed by his two Prophets. Afterwards he gave it out, that the principal spirit of the Messiah rested in him, and had two Attendants. Edmund Coppinger (the Queen's servant and one of good descent) for his prophet of mercy. July 16. And Henry Arthington a Yorkshire Gentleman for his prophet of Judgement. These proclaimed out of a Cart in Cheapside, that Christ was come in Hacket, with his fan in his hand, to purge the godly from the wicked, with many other precedent, concomitant and consequent impieties. For who can otherwise conceive but such a prince-principall of Darkness must be proportionably attended with a black guard of monstrous Opinions and expressions. They cried also, Repent England, Repent. Good counsel for all that heard, but best for them that gave it. With much ado (such the press of people) they got home to broken-wharf where Hacket lay, and next day all three were sent to Bridewell, though some conceived Bedlam the more proper place for them. And some days after, Hacket being solemnly arraigned before the Judges at Westminster, demeaned himself very scornfully, but was found guilty on a double indictment and condemned. 36. An adventure with more boldness than discretion. During his imprisonment in Bridewell, one Dr. Childerly Rector of St. Dunstan's in the East repaired unto him, and proffered to gripe arms with him and try the wrists, which Hacket unwillingly submitted to do. Though otherwise boasting himself invulnerable and impenetrable. The Doctor (though with some difficulty, Hacket being a foul strong lubber, yet) fairly twisted his wrists almost to the Breaking thereof, but not to the bowing of him to any confession or remorse. Whilst the other presently hasteth home to his house, locked himself up in his Study, and with fasting and prayer begged pardon of God for his pride and boldness, that having neither promised precept, or precedent for his practice in scripture, he should adventure on such a trial wherein justly he might have been worsted for his presumption, and discreet men will more commend the relenting tenderness of his heart, than the slight and strength of his hands. 37. 〈…〉 Hacket was brought to the Gibbet near to the Cross in Cheapside, and there 〈◊〉 forth most blasphemous execrations, till the halter stopped his breath. I know what one Lawyer pleadeth in his behalf, though it be little credit to be the Advocate of such a Client, That the Bishops had made 〈◊〉 m●dd with persecuting of him. Sure it was, if he were mad, not any 〈◊〉 but overmuch pride made him so, and sure it is, he discovered no distemper in other particulars, personating at least wise, if not performing all things with a composed gravity. But there is a madness which Physicians count most uncurable, and call it Modesta Insania, when one is mad, as to one particular point alone, whilst serious and sober in all other things. Whether Hacket were not touched with this or no, I will not decide, but leave him to stand or fall to his own master. Coppinger died in Bridewell, starving himself (as it is said) by wilful abstinence. Arthington (the prophet of judgement) lived to prove the object of Gods and the Queen's mercy, and printed a plain book of his hearty repentance. Happy herein that he met with a general belief of his serious sorrow and sincere amendment. 38. 〈…〉 This business of Hacket happened very unseasonably for the Presbyterians. True it is, they as cordially detested his blasphemies as any of the Episcopal party. And such of them as loved Hacket the Nonconformist, abhorred Hacket the Heretic, after he had mounted to so high a pitch of Impiety. But (besides the glutenous nature of all aspersions to stick where they light) they could not wash his odium so fast from themselves, but their Adversaries were as ready to rub it on again. This rendered them at this time so hated at Court, That for many months together no Favourite durst present a petition in their behalf to the Queen, being loath to lose himself, to save others, so offended was her Majesty against them. 39 Mr Stone by his confession discovereth the meeting of the Brethren, with the circumstances thereof. The same day wherein Hacket was executed, Thomas Stone, Parson of Warkton in Northamptonshire (by virtue of an Oath tendered him the day before by the Queen's Attorney, and solemnly taken by him) was examined by the Examiner for the Starr-Chamber in Gray's Inn, from six of the clock in the morning, till seven at night, to answer unto thirty three Articles, but could only effectually depose to these which follow, faithfully by me transcribed out of a confession written with his own hand, and lately in my Possession. 1. Interrog. Who and how many assembled and met together with the said Defendants, T. C. H. E. E. S. etc. all or any of them where, when, how often & c? The answer of T. S. to the Interrog. touching the Circumstances of 1 Places of meeting 1 Greater 2 Less, 1 In London 2 In Cambridge St john's College 1 Travers 2 egerton's 3 Gardeners 4 Barbers Houses 1 In Northampton 1 Jonson's 2 Snapes Houses 2 In Kettering or near it 1 Dams 2 Stones Houses 2 Times. 1 Since the beginning of the last Parliament. 2 Sundry times at London, how oft he remembered not. 3 Sundry times at Northampton, how oft not remembered. 4 Sundry times at Kettering, how not remembered. 5 Once at Cambridge, about Sturbridge fair time was 1. or 2. years. 6 Once at London, a little before Mr Cartwright was committed at Mr Gardeners house. 7 Once at this Deponents house, the certain time not remembered. 3 persons 1 Meeting in London jointly or severally. Mr Travers Mr Chark Mr Egerton Mr Gardener Mr Barber Mr Brown Mr Somerscales Mr Cartwright Mr Chatterton Mr Gyfford Mr Allen Mr Edmands Mr Gyllybrand Mr Culverwell Mr Oxenbridge Mr Barbon Mr Fludd● This Deponent. 2 Meeting in Camb. Mr Chatterton and others of Cambridge Mr Cartwright Mr Gyfford Mr Allen Mr Snape Mr Fl●dde This Deponent. 3 persons 3 Meeting in Northampton jointly or severally. Mr Johnson Mr Snape Mr Sybthorpe Mr Edwards Mr Fludde This Deponent Mr Spicer Mr Fleshware Mr Harrison Mr Littleton Mr Williamson Mr Rushbrook Mr Baxter Mr Barbon Mr King Mr Proudtome Mr Massy Mr Bradshaw 4 Meeting at Kettering or ne'er to it. Mr Dams Mr Pattison Mr Okes Mr Baxter Mr Rushbrook Mr Atkinson Mr Williamson Mr massy. This Deponent. 2 Interrog. Who called these Assemblies, by what Authority, how, or in what sort? Answer. That he knew not by whom they were called, neither knew he any other Authority therein, saving a voluntary, or free motion, one giving another Intelligence as occasion served, sometimes by letters, and sometimes by word of mouth. 3 Interrog. Who were Moderators in them, and what their Office? Answer. That he remembered not who where Moderators in any meeting particularly, saving once at Northampton, when Mr Johns●n was admonished, and that was either himself, or Mr Snapes, he knew not well whether. 4 Interrog. What things were debated in those meetings or Assemblies? Answer. That the things Chief and most often considered of in those Assemblies were these. First, The subscription to the Book of Common-Prayer; how far it might be yielded unto, rather than any should forgo his Ministry. Secondly, The Book of Discipline was often perused, discussed etc. Thirdly, Three petitions or supplications were agreed upon to be drawn. First, to her Majesty Secondly, to the Lords of the Council. Thirdly, to the Bishops. The things debated of in particular, he remembered not more than these. First, the perfecting of the Book of Discipline, and purpose to subscribe to it at Cambridge. Secondly, this question disputed, whether it were convenient for Mr Cartwright to reveal the Circumstances of the Conference, a little before he was committed. Thirdly, The admonishing of Mr Johnson once at Northampton. Fourthly, The debating of this question, whether the Books called Apocrypha were warrantable to be read publicly in the Church as the Canonical Scriptures. 5 Interrog. Whether any Censures were exercised, what kinds, when, where, upon whom, by whom, for what cause? Answer. That he never saw any Censure exercised, saving admonition once upon Mr Johnson of Northampton, for miscarrying himself in his conversation, to the Scandal of his Calling, neither was that used with any kind of Authority, but by a voluntary yielding unto it, and approving of it, as well in him that was admonished, as in him which did admonish. 6 Interrog. Whether any of the said Defendants had moved or persuaded any to refuse an Oath, and in what case & c? Answer. That he never knew any of the Defendants to use words of persuasion to any to refuse an Oath; only Mr Snape sent him down in writing certain reasons drawn out of the Scripture, which moved him to refuse the general Oath, ex officio, which I stood persuaded, that he sent to none other end, but to declare that he refused not to swear, upon any contempt, but only for Conscience sake. I have insisted the longer on this Deposition, because the first and fullest that I find in the kind thereof, containing their Classes more formally settled in Northamptonshire, than any where else in England. For as the west part of that shire is observed to be the highest place of England, as appeareth by the Rivers rising there, and running thence to the four winds; so was that County a probable place (as the midst of the land) for the Presbyterian Discipline, there erected, to derive itself into all the quarters of the kingdom. 40. The reasons why Mr. Stone made this confession against the hope and expectation of the Breath. But when the news of Mr. Stones answer was brought abroad, he was generally censured by those of his party, as well such as were yet at liberty, conceiving themselves endangered by his discovery, as by those already in prison, complaining that he added affliction to their bonds. Yea his embracing a different course from the rest, cast an Aspersion on others of his side, as less sound in Judgement, or tender in conscience, because peremptorily concealing, what he thought fitting to confess. Many that highly esteemed him before, hereafter accounted him no precious but a counterfeit stone: So that he found it necessary in his own vindication to impart the reasons of his Confession to such as condemned him, if not for a Traitor, at least for a Coward in the Cause. 1. a Carefully by me transcribed out of his own Letters to his friends. He judged it unlawful to refuse an oath, limited and bounded within the compass of the conferences, being required before a lawful Magistrate in a Plea for the Prince to a lawful end. 1. to try out the truth in a doubtful fact, suspected and feared to be dangerous, both to Church and Common-Weal, but such was that oath which was tendered to him, ergo. 2. He being lawfully sworn, judged it unlawful to be mute, much more to speak any untruth. 3. If he had not been urged by oath to reveal, yet did he judge that silence unlawful, which justly causeth suspicion of evil, as of Treason, Rebellion, Sedition. etc. 4. He judged that concealment unlawful which was not only scandalous, but also dangerous, as this that might occasion and encourage wicked persons to hid their Complices in their worst attempts. 5. He judged that the clearing of a doubtful fact, requireth the clearing of the Circumstances, which cannot be cleared till they be known. 6. He judged that silence unlawful, which leaveth the truth friendless, or few friends when she hath need of many. 7. He judged it a point or note of Puritanisme for any to stand so upon the integrity of their own Actions, as that they should not be doubted of, suspected, examined, censured, etc. 8. He saw no probability nor possibility in reason to have the circumstances longer concealed. 1. Because many of them are already made known, partly by the letters and writings of the B. in Bonds, which have been intercepted, partly also by certain false brethren, and lastly by certain faithful, but weak brethren, whose confessions are to be seen under their own hands. 2. Because the Magistrate is resolutely set to search them out, and lastly, because divers are to be called and to answer upon Oath, which approve not the concealing of them. 9 He judged the inconveniences which come by the concealing, to be (if not more in number) yet greater in weight, and nor inevitable than those that come by revealings, which as it may appear in some of the former Reasons alleged to prove the unlawfulness of concealing: so may it further appear in these that follow. 10. The good name and credit of any (of a Minister much more) ought to be dearer to him, and to all those that love him then his liberty etc. but by this concealing the credit of many good Ministers is eclipsed. 11. This concealing hath caused the continuance of some in bonds and imprisonment hitherto, would cause others to be committed, and withal causeth suspicion of evils, Treason, Rebellion, Sedition, etc. and thereby also evil report, slander etc. 12. As by concealing the aforesaid suspicion and slander lieth still upon us all which have been in these actions: so doth the same grow every day more grievous by the wicked attempts of hypocrites, and profane persons, which carry the name of Puritans, Precisians etc. as those of late in Cheapside. 13. Although it be very like, that the revealing will bring punishment upon the rest, yet is it not certain nor necessary, but the concealing doth certainly cause suspicion, slalnder etc. 14. The concealing argueth either some guiltiness, or at the least some faintness and fear to be seen or known in these Actions. 15. It leaveth the truth (which now travaileth) poor, naked, destitute, and void of friends, it casteth the care, credit, countenance, defence and maintenance of it upon those few which are in prison, which ought to be supported and maintained by all. 16. It leaveth the burden upon eight or nine men's shoulders, which ought to be eased by many. What satisfaction this gave to his party I know not, sure I am the Bishops till his dying day beheld him as an ingenuous man, carrying his conscience with the reason thereof in his own breast, and not pinning it on the precedent of any other: whereupon they permitted him peaceably to possess his parsonage, (being none of the meanest) though he continued a stiff Non conformist, only quietly enjoying his own opinion. Indeed he was a downright Nathanael, if not guilty of too much of the dove in him: faulty in that defect, wherein more offend in the excess, not minding the world so much, as became a provident parent. But we leave him when we have told the Reader, that he was bred a Student in Christ-Church, and was a Brian Twine in Appendice Ant. Ac. Oxon. Proctor of Oxford, Anno 1580, and died quietly an old man Anno 1617. at Warkton in Northamptonshire. 41. Synodical meetings finally blasted. Thus one link being slipped out, the whole chain was quickly broken and scattered. Stone his discovery marred for the future all their formal meetings, as Classically, or Synodically methodised. If any of these Ministers hereafter came together, it was for visits, not visitations; to enjoy themselves, not enjoin others orders to be observed by them. 42. Perkin's piety 〈…〉 Whereas Mr Stone confesseth their meeting in Cambridge, with Mr Chatterton and others, I find some of these others a Dr Baner●st in his book of dangerous positions chap. 7. p. 59 elsewhere specified, namely Mr Perkins, and Mr Thomas Harrison, afterwards the reverend Vice-Master of Trinity-college, both of them concurring, though neither of them very active in this cause. Mr Perkins, whatsoever his judgement was in point of Church-discipline, never publicly meddled with it in his preaching; and, being pressed by others about the lawfulness of subscription, he declined to manifest his opinion therein, glad to enjoy his own quiet, and to leave others to the liberty of their own consciences. Solomon's observation found truth in him, b Prov. 16. 7● When a man's ways please the Lord, he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him; whose piety procured freedom to his preaching, and fair respect to his person, even from those who in affections differed, and in opinion dissented from him: for all held Perkins for a Prophet; I mean for a painful, and faithful dispenser of Gods will in his word. 43. Transition to a more pleasant subject. But I am weary of writing these sad dissensions in our Church, and fain would pass over to some more pleasing subject: from the renting of God's Church, to the repairing of it, from the confounding thereof, to the founding, and building, of some eminent place for learning, and religion. But finding none of that nature this very year in England, I am fain to seek one beyond the seas, and at last have lighted on the University, and College of Dublin, which now began to be erected. 44. The foundation of an University in Dublin. Anciently Ireland was the Seminary of Saints, people from all parts of Christendom repairing thither, there to find, and thence to fetch the perfect pattern of Monastical devotion. Many hundred years after, namely, in the Reign of King Edward the Second, Alexander Bickner, Archbishop of D●blin, obtained licence of the Pope, to erect an University in Dublin; but the design succeeded not according to his desire, and others expectation. Now at the last the same was effected by Royal Authority, and a College there erected, and dedicated to the Holy Trinity. This mindeth me of a pleasant passage: In the Reign of King Henry the eighth, it was enjoined, that all Churches dedicated to St Thomas Becket, should be new named, and consigned over to some real Saint. Now whilst country people sat in consultation, what new Saint such Churches should assume, being divided in their opinions, to whom the same should be dedicated, an old man gave this advice. Even dedicate it to the Holy Trinity, which will last and continue, when all other Saints may chance to be taken away. 45. The several Benefactors thereto. Many eminent persons concurred to advance so worthy a work. And because we are to speak of a College, wherein seniority takes place, we will rank these persons, not according to their dignity, but time of their benefaction. 1. Henry Usher, than Archdeacon of Dublin, bred in Cambridge (afterward Archbishop of Armagh, and uncle to James Usher the present Archbishop thereof) took a journey with much danger into England, and with more difficulty procured the Mort-main from 2. Queen Elizabeth, who graciously granted it, naming the Corporation, Collegium Sanctae ac Individuae Trinitatis, ex fundatione Reginae Elizabethae, juxta Dublin. 3. William Cicill Baron of Burleigh, Anno Dom. 1591. and treasurer of England, is appointed in the Mort-main first Chancellor of the University, Anno Regin Eliza. 34. as being an active instrument to procure the same. 4. Sr William Fitz-Williams, Lord Deputy of Ireland (whose Arms are deservedly graven over the College gate) issued out his letters for collection to all the Counties in Ireland, to advance so good a design; and the Irish (though then generally Papists) were very bountiful thereunto. 5. Mr Luke Chaloner, Fellow of Trinity College in Cambridge, received, and disbursed the moneys, had the oversight of the fabric, which he faithfully procured to be finished, meriting that verse inscribed on his fair monument in Dublin College Chappel, built by his * Since married to the Archbishop of Armagh. daughter. Conditur hoc Tumulo Chaloneri triste Cadaver, Cujus open, & precibus, conditur ista domus. This Tomb within it here contains, Of Chalnor the sad Remains. By whose prayer, and helping hand, This House erected here doth stand. 6. The Major, and Aldermen of Dublin, bestowed on the College the sight thereof (with some accommodations of considerable grounds about it) being formerly a Religious house, termed Allhallows, which at the suppression of Abbeys was bestowed on their Corporation. 7. Adam Loftus, Fellow of Trinity College in Cambridge, at this present Archbishop of Dublin, and Chancellor of Ireland, was the first Master of the College, holding it as an honorary title, though not so much to receive credit by, as to return lustre to the place. 8. Sr Warham Saint-Leger, was very bountiful in paying yearly pensions, for the maintenance of the first students thereof, before the College was endowed with standing revenues. 9 Sr Francis Shane, a mere Irish man, but good Protestant, was a principal Benefactor, and kept this infant-foundation from being strangled in the birth thereof. 10. Robert D'eureaux Earl of Essex, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and second Chancellor of this University, bestowed at the entreaty of the Students of this College, a Cannoneers pay, and the pay of certain dead places of Soldiers, to the value wellnigh of four hundred pounds a year, for the Scholars maintenance, which continued for some years. 11. King James, that great Patron of learning, to complete all, confirmed the revenues of this College in perpetuum, endowing it with a great proportion of good land in the Province of Ulster. Thus through many hands this good work at last was finished, the first stone whereof was laid May 13. 1591. and in the year 1593. Scholars were first admitted, and the first of them James Usher, since Archbishop of Armagh, that mirror of learning, and religion, never to be named by me, without thanks to him, and to God for him. Nor must it be forgotten, that, what Josephus a Antiq. Jud. lib. 15. cap. 20. reports of the Temple built by Herod, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, during the time of the building of the Temple, it reigned not in the day time, but in the night, that the showers might not hinder the work; I say, what by him is reported, hath been avouched to me by witnesses above exception, that the same happened here from the founding, to the finishing of this College; the officious Heavens always smiling by day (though often weeping by night) till the work was completed. 46. The whole Species of the University of Dublin, The addition of two emissary Hostells. was for many years preserved in the Individuum of this one College. But since this instrument hath made better music, when (what was but a monochord before) hath got two other smaller strings unto it, the addition of New-Colledge, and Kildare-Hall. What remaineth? but that I wish that all those worthy Divines bred therein, may have their a Deut. 32. 2. Doctrine drop as the rain; and their speech distil as the dew, as the small rain upon the tender herb, and as the showers upon the grass. 47. Let none censure this for a digression from our Church-History of England. Dublin a Colony of Cambridge. His discourse that is resident on the Son, doth not wholly wander from the Father, seeing none will deny, but that proles is pars parentis, the child is part of the parent. Dublin University, was a Colonia deducta from Cambridge, and particularly from Trinity College, therein (one motive perchance to the name of it) as may appear by the ensuing Catalogue of the Provosts thereof. 1. Adam Loftus, Fellow of Trinity College, first Provost. 2. Walter Travers, Fellow of the same College, second Provost, 3. Henry Alva, Fellow of St john's College in Cambridge, third Provost. 4. Sr William Temple, who wrote a learned Comment on Ramus, Fellow of King's College, fourth Provost. 5. Joseph Mede, Fellow of Christ-Colledge in Cambridge, chosen Provost, but refused to accept it. 6. 7. William Chapel, Fellow of the same College, seventh Provost. Know also that this University did so Cantabrize, that she imitated her in the successive choice of her Chancellors, the daughter dutifully approving, and following the judgement of her mother therein. 48. This year was fatal to no eminent Protestant Divine, The death of Arthur Faunt. and I find but one of the Romish persuasion dying therein; Arthur (shall I say?) or Laurence Faunt, born of worshipful parentage at Folston in Leicester-shire, bred in Merton-Colledge in Oxford, whence he fled (with Mr Pots, his Tutor) to Louvain, and never more returned into England. From Louvain he removed to Paris, thence to Minchen, an University in Bavaria (where William the Duke exhibited unto him) thence to Rome, where he was admitted a Jesuit. Hence Pope Gregory the thirteenth sent him to be governor of the Jesuits College at Posna in Poland, newly erected by Sigismond King thereof. Yea, so great was the fame of this Faunt, that (if his own letters may be believed) three Princes courted him at once, to come to them. He altered his Christian name of Arthur, because (as his b Burton in Description of Leicester-shire pag. 10. kinsman tells us) no Kalender-Saint was ever of that name, and assumed the name of Laurence, dying this year at Vilna in Lituania, leaving books of his own making, much prized by those of his own profession. 49. Now began the heat, The contest betwixt Hooker and Travers. of the sad contest betwixt Mr Richard Hooker Master, and Mr Walter Travers Lecturer of the Temple. We will be the larger in the relating thereof, because we behold their actions not as the deeds of private persons, but the public Champions of their Party. Now as an Army is but a Champion diffused, so a Champion may be said to be an Army contracted. The Prelatical Party wrought to the height in and for Hooker, nor was the Presbyterian power less active in assisting Mr Travers, both sides being glad they had gotten two such eminent Leaders, with whom they might engage with such credit to their cause. 50. Hooker was born in Devon-shire, Hooker his Character. bred in Oxford, Fellow of Corpus Christi College; one of a solid judgement, and great reading. Yea, such the depth of his learning, that his Pen was a better Bucket than his Tongue to draw it out. A great defender both by preaching and writing of the Discipline of the Church of England, yet never got (nor cared to get) any eminent dignity therein, conscience, not covetousness engaging him in the controversy. Spotless was his conversation, and though some dirt was cast, none could stick on his reputation. Mr Travers was brought up in Trinity College in Cambridge, and because much of Church matter depends upon him, I give the Reader the larger account of his carriage. 51. Travers meeting with some discontents in the College after the death of Dr Beomond (in whose time he was elected fellow) took occasion to travail beyond Seas, Travers takes his ●●ders beyond Seas. and coming to Geneva, contracted familiarity with Mr Beza, and other foreign divines, with whom he by letters continued correspondency till the day of his death. Then returned he and commenced Bachelor of Divinity in Cambridge, and after that went beyond sea again, and at Antwerp was ordained minister, by the Presbytery there, whose Testimonial I have here faithfully transcribed out of the Original. QVam multis de causis sit & aequum & consultum unumquemque eorum qui ad verbi Dei ministerum asciscuntur, vocationis suae testimonium habere, Asserimus, coacta Antuerpiae ad 8. Maij 1578. duodecim Ministrorum verbi cum totidem fere senioribus Synodo, praest ntissimum pretate & eruditione virum ac fratrem reverendum Doctorem Gualterum Traverseum, omnium qui aderant suffragiis ardentissimisque, votis, consueto ritu fuisse in sancto verbi Dei ministerio institutum, precibusque ac ma●uum impositione confirmatum. Postero autem die post sabbatum b●llo in frequenti Anglorum coet● concionem, rogante eo qui a Synodo delegatus erat Ministro, propensissimisque totius Ecclesiae animis acceptum fusse. Quod quidem Domini ac fratris nostri celendi apud Anglos Ministerum, ut benignitate sua Deus omnipotens donorum suorum incremento & amplissimo functionis ejus fructu ornare dignetur, enixè precamur per jesum Christum Amen. Dat. Antwerpiae 14. Maij. 1578. Det Logelerius Vilerius verbi Dei Minister & Johannes Hochelcus verbi Dei minister. Johannes Taffinus Verbi Dei Minister. Thus put in orders by the Presbytery of a foreign Nation, he continued there some years, preached (with Mr Cartwright) unto the English factory of Merchants at Antwerp, until at last he came over into England, and for seven years together became Lecturer in the Temple (refusing all presentative preferment to decline subscription) and lived domestic chaplain in the house of the Lord Treasurer Cicel, being Tutor for a time to Robert his son, afterwards Earl of Sarisbury. And although there was much heaving and shuffing at him (as one disaffected to the discipline) yet Gods goodness, his friend's greatness, and his own honesty, kept him, (but with much difficulty) in his ministerial employment. 52. Yea now so great grew the credit and reputation of Mr Travers, He with Mr Cartwright invited to be Divinity professors in St. Andrews. that (by the advice of Mr Andrew Meluin) he and Mr Cartwright were solemnly sent for, to be Divinity professors in the University of St Andrews, as by this autograph (which I have in my hands, and here think fit to exemplfie) may plainly appear. MAgno quidem, fratres charissimi, gaudio nos afficit constantia vestra, & invicta illa animi fortitudo, quâ contra Satanae imperium & reluctantem Christi imperio mundi fastum armavit vos domini spiritus, in asserenda apud populares vestros Ecclesiae suae disciplina. Sed permelesium tamen nobis semper fuit, pertinaci inimicorum odio & violentia factum esse, ut cum latere & solum subinde vertere cogimini, minus aliquanto fructus ex laboribus vestris ad pios omnes perveniat, quam si docendo publicè & concionando destinatam ecclesiae Dei operam navare licuisset. Hoc quia in patria vobis negatum videbamus, non aliud nobis magis in votis erat, quàm ut exulanti in vobis Christo hospitium aliquod in ultma Scotia praeberatur. Quod ut fieri non incommodè possit, speramus longo nos conatu perfecisse. Vetus est & non ignobilis apud nos Academia, Andreana; in quâ cùm aliae artes, tum philosophia imprimis ita hucasque culta fuit, ut quod ab exteris nationibus peteretur, parum nobis, aut nihil in eo genere deesset. Verum divina ilia sapientia, quam vel solam, vel praecipuam colere christianos decet, neglecta diu in scholis jacuit; quod à prima statim religionis instauratione, summus omnium ardor exstaret in erudienda plebe; in aliis ad sacrum verbi ministerium instituendis paucissimi labor aerent: non leve ut periculum subesset, n● (quod propitius nobis Deus avertat) concionatorum aliquando inopia periret, quod tanta cum spe in hominum animos conjectum est verae pietatis semen. Animadvertit hoc tandem ecclesiasticus Senatus, & cum rege regnique proceribus diligenter egit, ne hanc officij sui & solicitudinis partem desiderari amplius paterentur. Placuit & summo omnium applausu in proximis ordinum comitiis decretum est, ut quod amplitudine ceteris & opulentia collegium praestat theologiae perpetuo studiis consecretur: utque ad verbi Dei ministerium nemo admittatur, nisi linguarum, utriusque testamenti & locorum communium curriculo prius consecto: confiti autem quadriennii spacio à quinque professoribus posse. Ex hoc numero adhuc desunt Thomas Cartwrigtus & Gualterus Traversus: reliquos nobis domi ecclesia nostra suppeditabit. Messem hic videtis singulari vestra eruditione & pietate non indignam. Ad quam pius vos princeps & proceres nostri; ad quam boni vos omnes & fratres vestri; ad quam Christi vos ecclesia & Christus ipse operarios invitat. Reliquum est, ut humanissimè vocantes sequi velitis; & ad docendi hanc provinciam, vobis honorificam, ecclesiae Dei salutarem maturetis; magnas à principe, majores à Christi ecclesia, maximas & immortales à maximo & immortali Deo gratias inituri. Quod ut sine mor a facere dignemini, per eum ipsum vos etiam atque etiam obtestamur, cui acceptum ferri debet, quod ecclesiae filii sui prodesse tantopere possitis. Valete. Edinburgi. Ja Glasgney Academiae Cancelarius. Alaynus Rector. Thomas Smetonius Decanus Andreas Melvinus Collegij praefectus Mr David Wems minister Glascoviensis. This proffer both jointly refused, with return of their most affectionate thanks, and such who know least are most bold in their conjectures, to adventure at the reasons of their refusal. As that they would not leave the Sun on their backs, and remove so far North, or they were discouraged with the slenderness of the salary assigned unto them. In plain truth they were loath to leave, and their friends loath to be left by them, conceiving their pains might as well be bestowed in their native Country; and Travers quietly continued Lecturer at the Temple till Mr Hooker became the Master thereof. 53. Mr Hooker his voice was low, The character of Hooker as to his preaching. stature little, gesture none at all, standing stone-still in the Pulpit, as if the posture of his body were the emblem of his mind, unmoveable in his opinions. Where his eye was left fixed at the beginning, it was found fixed at the end of his Sermon: In a word, the doctrine he delivered, had nothing but itself to garnish it. His stile was long and pithy, driving on a whole flock of several Clauses before he came to the close of a sentence. So that when the copiousness of his stile, met not with proportionable capacity in his auditors, it was unjustly censured, for perplexed, tedious, and obscure. His sermons followed the inclination of his studies, and were for the most part on controversies, and deep points of School Divinity. 54. Mr Travers his utterance was graceful, The description of Travers. gesture plausible, matter profitable, method plain, and his stile carried in it indolem pietatis a Genius of grace flowing from his sanctified heart. Some say, that the congregation in the Temple, ebbed in the fore noon, and flowed in the afternoon, and that the auditory of Mr Travers was far the more numerous, the first occasion of emulation betwixt them. But such as knew Mr Hooker, knew him to be too wise to take exception at such trifles, the rather because the most judicious is always the least part in all auditories. 55. Here might one on Sundays have seen, They clash about matters of Doctrine. almost as many writers as hearers. Not only young students, but even the gravest Benchers (such as St Edw, Cook and St James Altham then were) were not more exact in taking instructions from their clients, then in writing notes from the mouths of their Ministers. The worst was, these two preachers though joined in affinity (their nearest kindred being married together) acted with different principles, and clashed one against another. So that what Mr Hooker delivered in the forenoon, Mr Travers confuted in the afternoon. At the building of Solomon's Temple 1 King. 6. 7. neither hammer, nor axe, nor tool of iron was heard therein. Whereas, alas in this Temple, not only much knocking was heard, but (which was the worst) the nails and pins, which one master-builder drove in, were driven out by the other. To pass by lesser differences betwixt them about Predestination. Hooker maintained. The Church of Rome, though not a pure and perfect, yet is a true Church, so that such who live and die therein * Being weak, ignorant, and seduced. upon their repentance of all their sins of ignorance may be saved. Travers defended. The Church of Rome is no true Church at all, so that such as live and die therein, holding Justification in part by works, cannot be said by the Scriptures to be saved. Thus much disturbance was caused to the disquieting of people's consciences, the disgrace of the ordinance, the advantage of the common enemy, and the dishonour of God himself. 56. Here Archbishop Whitgift interposed his power, Travers is silenced by the Archbishop. and silenced Travers from preaching either in the Temple or any where else. It was laid to his charge: 1. That he was no lawful ordained Minister according to the Church of England. 2ly. That he preached here without licence. 3ly. That he had broken the order (made in the 7th year of her Majesty's reign. Wherein it was provided, that erroneous Doctrine, if it came to be publicly taught, should not be publicly refuted, but that notice thereof should be given to the Ordinary, to hear and determine such causes, to prevent public disturbance. 57 As for Travers, Many pleased with the deed, but not with the manner of doing it. his silencing, many which were well pleased with the deed done, were offended at the manner of doing it. For all the Congregation on a Sabbath in the after noon were assembled together, their attention prepared, the Cloth (as I may say) and napkins were laid, yea, the guests set, and their knives drawn for their spiritual repast, when suddenly as Mr Travers was going up into the pulpit, a sorry fellow served him with a letter, prohibiting him to preach any more. In obedience to Authority, (the mild and constant submission whereunto won him respect with his adversaries) Mr Travers calmly signified the same to the Congregation, and requested them quietly to departed to their chambers. Thus was our good Zacheus struck dumb in the Temple, but not for infidelity, unpartial people accounting his fault at most but indiscretion. Mean time, his Auditory (pained that their pregnant expectation to hear him preach, should so publicly prove abortive, and sent sermonless home) manifested in their variety of passion, some grieving, some frowning, some murmuring, and the wisest sort, who held their tongues, shaked their heads, as disliking the managing of the matter. 58. Travers addressed himself by petition to the Lords of the privy Council (where his strength lay, Travers his plea in his petition. as hooker's in the Archbishop of Cant, and high Commission) grievously complained that he was punished before he was heard, silenced (by him apprehended the heaviest penalty) before sent for, contrary to equity and reason. The a Joh. 7. 51. Law condemning none before it hear him, and know what he hath done. 1. To the exception against the lawfulness of his Ministry, he pleaded that the communion of Saints allows Ordination legal in any Christian Church, Order herein are like degrees, and a Doctor graduated in any University, hath his title and place granted him in all Christendom. 2. For want of licence to preach, he pleaded that he was recommended to this place of the Temple by two letters of the Bishop of London the Diocesan thereof. 3. His Anti-preaching in the afternoon against what was delivered before; he endeavoured to excuse by the example of St Paul, b Gal. 2. 5. Who gave not place to Peter, no not an hour, that the truth of the Gospel might continue amongst them. But we are too tedious herein, especially seeing his petition is publicly extant in print, with Mr Hooker his answer thereunto, whither we refer the reader for his more ample satisfaction. 59 By the way, A charitable adversary. it must not be forgotten, that in the very midst of the Paroxysm betwixt Hooker and Travers, the latter still bare (and none can challenge the other to the contrary) a reverend esteem of his adversary. And when an unworthy aspersion (some years after) was cast on Hooker, (if Christ was dashed, shall Christians escape clean in their journey to heaven) Mr Travers being asked of a private friend, what he thought of the truth of that accusation, In truth, (said he) I take Mr Hooker to be a holy man. A speech with coming from an adversary, sounds no less to the commendation of his charity who spoke it, then to the praise of his piety of whom it was spoken. 60. The Council table was much divided about Travers his petition. All Whitgists foes were ipso facto made Travers his favourers, Travers must have no favour. besides he had a large stock of friends on his own account. But whitgift's finger moved more in Church matters, than all the hands of all the privy Councillors besides, and he was content to suffer others to be believed (and perchance to believe themselves) great actors in Church-government, whilst he knew, he could and did do all things himself therein. No favour must be afforded Travers on any terms. 1. Dangerous was his person, a Cartwright junior, none in England either more loving Geneva, or more beloved by it. 2ly. Dangerous the place, the Temple being one of the Jnns (therefore a public) of Court (therefore a principal) place, and to suffer one opposite to the English discipline, to continue Lecturer there, what was it but in effect to retain half the Lawyers of England to be of Council against the ecclesiastical government thereof. 3ly. Dangerous the Precedent this leading case would be presumed on for others to follow, and a ranks breaking, may be an armies ruining. 61. This was the constant custom of Whitgift, Whitgift his politic carriage. if any Lord or Lady sued to him to show favour for their sakes to Non-conformists, his answer to them was rather respectful to the requester, then satisfactory to the request. He would profess how glad he was to serve them, and gratify them in compliance with their desire, assuring them for his part all possible kindness should be indulged unto them; but in fine, he would remit nothing of his rigour against them. Thus he never denied any great man's desire, and yet never granted it, pleasing them for the present with general promises, and (in them not dissembling, but using discreet and right expressions) still kept constant to his own resolution. Hereupon afterwards the nobility surceased making more suits unto him, as ineffectual, and even left all things to his own disposal. 62. Thus Mr Travers, 1592. notwithstanding the plenty of his potent friends, 35. was overborne by the Archbishop, Travers goeth into Ireland, and returneth. and (as he often complained) could never obtain to be brought to a fair hearing. But his grief hereat was something abated, when Adam Loftus, Archbishop of Dublin, and Chancellor of Ireland, (his ancient Colleague in Cambridge) invited him over, to be Provost of Trinity-college in Dublin. Embracing the motion, over he went, accepting the place, and continued some years therein; till discomposed with the fear of their civil wars, he returned into England, and lived here many years very obscurely (though in himself a shining light) as to the matter of outward maintenance. 63. Yet had he Agurs wish, His contented life, and quiet death. neither poverty, nor riches, though his enough seemed to be of shortest size. It matters not whether men's means be mounted, or their minds descend, so be it that both meet as here in him in a comfortable contentment. Yea, when the right Reverend, and Religious James Usher (than Bishop of Meath, since) Archbishop of Armagh (brought up, under him, and with him agreeing in doctrine, though discenting in Discipline) proffered money unto him for his relief, Mr Travers returned a thankful refusal thereof. Sometimes he did preach, rather when he durst, than when he would, debarred from all cure of souls by his nonconformity. He lived, and died unmarried, and though leaving many nephews (some eminent) Scholars, bequeathed all his books of Oriental languages (wherein he was exquisite) and plate worth fifty pounds to Ston-Colledge in London. Oh! if this good man had had an hand to his heart, or rather a purse to his hand, what charitable works would he have left behind him? But in pursuance of his memory. Anno Regis Eliza. 35. I have entrenched too much on the modern times. Anno Dom. 1592. Only this I will add, perchance the Reader will be angry with me for saying thus much, and I am almost angry with myself for saying no more of so worthy a Divine. 64. Return we to the year 1592., The death of worthy Mr Greenham of the plague. which we find in London filled with funerals, so that within twelve months, moe than ten thousand were swept away therein of the plague; And amongst them, reverend Mr Richard Greenham, the reason why we find not the exact date of his death. In contagious times, the corpses of those who living were best beloved, are rather hurried, than carried to the grave; and in such confusions, those Parishes who have the best memories, prove forgetful, their Registers being either carelessly kept, or totally omitted. Thus our Greenham was mortally visited with the plague (whereof we find Munster, Franciscus Junius, Chimidontius, and other worthy Divines formerly deceased in Germany) that patent of preservation against the pestilence a Psal 91. 7. A thousand shall fall at thy side, and ten thousand at thy right hand, but it shall not come nigh thee, running (as all other temporal promises) with this secret clause of revocation, if God in his wisdom were not pleased otherwise to countermand it. 65. It may be said of some persons in reference to their history, Fellow of Pembroke Hall in Cambridge. that they were born men, namely such of whose birth, and youth, we find no particular account. Greenham is one of these, for, for want of better intelligence we find him full grown at the first, when Anno Domini, he was admitted into Pembroke Hall in Cambridge. In which House some years after, the youth of Mr Lancelot b Some say he had an hand in making some of Mr greenham's works. Andrews (afterwards Bishop of Winchester) was well acquainted with Mr Greenham: and I dare boldly say, if Greenham gained any learning by Andrews, Andrews lost no religion by Greenham. He afterwards left the University, and became Minister three miles off at Drie-Draiton. 66. Drie-Draiton indeed, which though often watered with Mr greenham's tears, and oftener with his prayers, and preaching, moistened the rich with his counsel, the poor with his charity, neither produced proportionable fruitfulness. The generality of his Parish remained ignorant, and obstinate, to their Pastors great grief, and their own greater damage and disgrace. Hence the Verses, Greenham had pastures green, But sheep full lean. Thus God alone is the good shepherd, who doth feed, and can fat his sheep, and can make them to thrive under his keeping. 67. He used often, His dexterity in healing afflicted consciences. at the entreaty of some Doctors to preach at St Maries in Cambridge, where sometimes so great his zeal in pressing important points, that he hath lost himself in the driving home of some application, even to the forgetting of his text (as himself would confess) till he recovered the same on some short recollection. He always bitterly inveighed against non-resident; professing, that he wondered how such men could take any comfort in their wealth. For, me thinks (saith he) they should see written on every thing which they have, Pretium sanguinis, this is the price of blood. But his masterpiece was in comforting wounded consciences. For, although Heaven's hand can only set a broken heart, yet God used him herein as an instrument of good to many, who came to him with weeping eyes, and went from him with cheerful souls. The breath of his gracious counsel blew up much smoking flax, into a blazing flame. 68 Hereupon the importunity of his friends (if herein they proved so) persuaded him to leave his Parish, He leaving his Cure cometh to London. and remove to London, where his public parts might be better advantaged for the general good. They pleaded the little profit of his long pains to so poor and peevish a Parish. Pity it was so good a fisherman should cast his nets elsewhere, than in that ocean of people. What was Drie-Draiton but a bushel to hid, London an high candlestick to hold up the brightness of his parts? Over-entreated by others (even almost against his own judgement) he resigned his Cure to a worthy successor, and repaired to London. Where, after some years preaching up and down in no constant place, he was resident on no Cure, but the curing of consciences. I am credibly a By my own father Mr Thomas Fuller, who was well acquainted with him. A great instrument of the good keeping of the Lordsday. informed, he in some sort repent his removal from his Parish, and disliked his own erratical, and planetary life, which made him fix himself Preacher at last at Christ-Church in London, where he ended his days. 69. He lived Sermons, and was most precise in his conversation; a strict observer of the Lordsday, and a great advancer thereof through the whole Realm, by that Treatise which he wrote of the Sabbath. No book in that age made greater impression on people's practice, as b Mr Joseph Hall. one (than a great wit in the University, now a grave wisdom in our Church) hath ingeniously expressed. On Mr greenham's book of the Sabbath. While Greenham writeth on the Sabbaths rest, His soul enjoys not, what his pen expressed: His work enjoys not what itself doth say, For it shall never find one resting day. A thousand hands shall toss each page, and line, Which shall be scanned by a thousand eine; That, Sabbaths rest, or this Sabbath's unrest, Hard is to say whether's the happiest. Thus godly Greenham is fallen asleep: we softly draw the curtains about him, and so proceed to other matter. SECTION VIII. To the Lady Anne Archer of Tanworth in Warwickshire. Anno Regis Eliza. Anno Dom. Madam, YOu, being so good a Housewife, know, far better than I, how much strength and handsomeness good hemming addeth to the end of a cloth. I therefore being now to put a period to this long and important Century, as big as the whole Book besides (but chief containing her Reign, the Honour of your Sex and our nation) have resolved (to prevent the unraveling thereof,) to close and conclude it, with this Dedication to your Ladyship. On which account alone you are placed last in this Book, though otherwise the first and freest in encouraging my weak endeavours. 1. OF Mr Vdals death come we now to treat, The uncertain date of Mr. Vdals' death. through some defect in the ᵃ Records (transposed, o Searched by me, and my friends in the office of the Clerk of Assize for Surrey. or lost) we cannot tell the certain day of Mr Vdals condemnation, 35. and death. 1592. But this appears in the office, that two years since (viz. 32. of Eliz. July 23.) he was indicted and arraigned at Craydon for defaming the Queen Her government in a book by him written, and entitled, A Demonstration of the Discipline which Christ hath prescribed in his Word for the government of his Church, in all times and places, until the world's end. But the mortal words (as I may term them) are found in tho preface of his book, written to the supposed governors of the Church of England, Arch-Bishops, Bishops etc. and are inserted in the body of his Indictment as followeth. Who can without blushing deny you to be the cause of all ungodliness? seeing your government is that which giveth leave to a man to be any thing, saving a sound Christian. For, certainly it is more free in these days to be a Papist, Anabaptist, of the Family of love, yea any most wicked whatsoever than that which we should be. And I could live these twenty years any such in England (yea in a Bishop's house it may be) and never be much molested for it; so true is that which you are charged with in a Dialogue lately come forth against you, and since burned by you, that you care for nothing but the maintenance of your dignities, be it to the damnation of your own souls, and infinite millions more. To this indictment he pleaded not guilty, denying himself to be the Author of the Book. Next day he was cast by the Jury, and submitted himself to the mercy of the Court, whereby he prevailed that judgement against him was respited till the next Assizes, and he remanded to the marshalsea. 2. Mr. Vdal his supplication to the Lords of the Assizes. March following (the 33d of Queen Elizabeth) he was brought again to the Bar before the Judges, to whom he had privately presented a petition with all advantage, but it found no entertainment. Insomuch, that in this month of March (the day not appearing in the Records) he, at the Assizes, held in Southwark, was there condemned to be executed for a fellow. 3. V●rious censures on his condemnation. Various were men's censures on these proceed against him. Some conceived it rigorous in the greatest (which at the best is cruel in the least) degree, considering the worth of his person, and weakness of the proof against him. For he was a learned man, blameless for his life, powerful in his praying, and no less profitable, than painful, in his preaching. For as Musculus in Germany (if I mistake not) first brought in the plain, (but effectual) manner of preaching by Use and Doctrine: so Vdal was the first who added reasons thereunto, the strength and sinews of a Sermon. His English-Hebrew-Grammar he made whilst in prison, as appears by a subscription in the close thereof. The proof was not pregnant, and it is generally believed that he made only the preface (out of which his indictment was chief framed) and not the body of the book laid to his charge. Besides, it was harsh to inflict immediate, and direct death, for a consequential, and deductory felony, it being pen-housed out beyond the foundation, and intent of the Statute to build the indictment thereupon. Others thought that some exemplary severity was necessary, not only to pinion the wings of such pamphlets from flying abroad, but even thereby to crush their eggs in the nest. Surely the multitude of visits unto him, during his durance, no whit prolonged his life. For, flocking to popular prisoners in such cases, is as ominous a presage of their death, as the flying, and fluttering of Ravens, near, and about the house, and chamber of a sick body. 4. He died peaceably in his bed. But an higher Judge had formerly passed another sentence on Vdals' death, that his soul and body should not by shameful violence be forced asunder, but that they should take a fair farewell each of other. How long he lived after his condemnation we know not, (there being a tradition that Sr Walter Raleigh procured a Reprieve in a fair way to his pardon:) this is certain, that without any other sickness, save heartbroken with sorrow, he ended his days. Right glad were his friends, that his death prevented his death; and the wisest of his foes were well contented therewith, esteeming it better, that his candle should go, than be put out, lest the snuff should be unsavoury to the survivers, and his death be charged as a cruel act on the account of the procurers thereof. 5. Anno Regin Eliza. 36. Anno Dom. 1593. The Ministers of London flocked to his funerals, His solemn burial. and he was decently interred in the Churchyard of St George's in Southwark, not far from Bishop Bonner's grave. So near may their bodies, when dead, in positure be together, whose minds, when living, in opinion were far asunder. Nor have I ought else to observe of him, save that I am informed, that he was father of Ephraim Vdal a solid and pious Divine, dying in our days, but in point of discipline of a different opinion from his father. 6. H. B. I. G. & I. P. executed. And now the Sword of Justice being once drawn, it was not put up again into the Sheath, before others were executed For Henry Barrow Gentleman, Marc. 31. and John Greenwood Clerk, (who some days before were indicted of felony at the Session's Hall without Newgate, before the L rd Major, and the two chief Justices, Stew his Chronicle pag. 265. for writing certain Seditious Pamphlets) were hanged at Tyburn. And not long after John Penry a Welshman, was apprehanged at Stebunhith by the Vicar thereof, arraigned and condemned of felony at the Kings-Bench at Westminster, for being a principal penner and publisher of a libellous Book called Martin-mar-prelates, and executed at St Thomas Water, Daniel Studely Girdler, Saxio Billot Gentleman, and Robert Bowley Fishmonger were also condemned for publishing scandalous Books, but not finding their execution, I believe them reprieved and pardoned. 7. The Queen's last coming to Oxford. About this time, if not somewhat sooner, (for my enquiry cannot arrive at the certain date) Queen Elizabeth took her last farewell of Oxford, where a Divinity Act was kept before her, on this question, Whether it be lawful to dissemble in matters of Religion? One of the opponents endeavoured to prove the affirmative by his own example, who then did what was lawful, and yet he dissembled in disputing against the Truth, Sir I. Harrington in his additional supply to Bp. Godwin p. 134. the Queen being well pleased at the wittiness of the Argument. Dr Westphaling, (who had divers years been BP of Hereford) coming then to Oxford, closed all with a learned determination wherein no fault, except somewhat too copious, (not to so say tedious) at that time her Highness intending that night to make a Speech, and thereby disappointed. 8. 37. 1594. Next day her Highness made a Latin oration to the Heads of Houses, Her Latin Oration. (on the same token she therein gave a check to Dr Reynolds for his nonconformity) in the midst whereof perceiving the old Lord Burileigh stand by, with his lame legs, she would not proceed till she saw him provided of a stool a Idem p. 136. , and then fell to her speech again, as sensible of no interruption, having the Command as well of her Latin tongue, as of her loyal Subjects. 9 John Pierce Archbishop of York ended his life, Dean of Christ-Church in Oxford, Bishop of Rochester, Sarisbury, and Archbishop of York. When newly beneficed a young man in Oxford-shire, he had drowned his good parts in drunkenness, conversing with his country parishioners, but on the confession of his fault to a grave Divine, reform his conversation, so applying himself to his studies, that he deservedly gained great preferment, and was highly esteemed by Queen Elizabeth, whose Almoner he continued for many years, and he must be a wise and good man whom that thrifty Princess would intrust with distributing her money. He was one of the most grave and reverend prelate's of his age, and after his reduced life, so abstemious, that his Physician in his old age could not persuade him to drink wine. So habited he was in sobriety, in detestation of his former excess. 10. The death of Bp. Elmar. The same year died John Elmar Bishop of London, bred in Cambridge, well learned, as appeareth by his Book, titled the harbour of Princes. One of a low stature, but stout spirit, very valiant in his youth, and witty all his life. Once when his Auditory begins at sermon to grow dull in their attentions, he presently read unto them many verses out of the Hebrew Text, whereat they all started, admiring what use he meant to make thereof. Then shown he them their folly, that whereas they neglected English, whereby they might be edified, they listened to Hebrew, whereof they understood not a word. Anno Dom. 1594. Anno Regin Eliza. 37. He was a stiff and stern champion of Church Discipline, on which account, none more mocked by Martin Mar-Prelate, or hated by Non-conformists. To his eldest son he left a plentiful estate, and his second, a Dr of Divinity was a worthy man of his profession. 11. The death of W●ll Reginald. But of the Romanists, two principal Pillars ended their lives beyond the Seas. First William Reginald, alias Rose, born at a P●●zaeus de illustribus Angliae Scriptoribus in Anno 1594. Pinho in Devon-shire, bred in Winchester School, then in New-Colledge in Oxford. Forsaking his Country he went to Rome, and there solemnly abjured the Protestant Religion, and thereupon was permitted to read, (a favour seldom or never bestowed on such novices) any Protestant Books, without the least restriction, presuming on his zeal in their cause. From Rome, he removed to Rheims in France, where he became professor of Divinity and Hebrew, in the English College, where (saith my b Idem, ibidem Author) with studying, writing, and preaching against the Protestants, perchance he exhausted himself with too much labour, and breaking a vein almost lost his life with vomiting of blood. Recovering his strength, he vowed to spend the rest of his life in writing against Protestants, and death at Antwerp ceased on him (the 24th of August the 50th year of his age) as he was a making of a book, called Calvino-Turcismus. which after by his dear friend, William Gifford, was finished, set forth and dedicated to Albert Duke of Austria. 12. The death of Cardinal Allen. William Allen, (commonly called the Cardinal of England) followed him into another world, born of honest Parents, and allied to noble Kindred in Lancashire: Brought up at Oxford in Oriall College, where he was Proctor of the University, in the days of Queen Mary, and afterwards Head of St Mary-Hall, and Canon of York. But on the change of Religion, he departed the land, and became Professor of Divinity at Douai in Flanders, than Canon of Cambray, Master of the English College at Rheims, made Cardinal 1587. August the 7th by Pope Sixtus Quintus, the King of Spain bestowing on him an c Camd. Eliz. in hoc Anno. Abbey in the Kingdom of Naples, and nominating him to be Archbishop of Machlin; But death arrested him to pay the debt to Nature d Pitzaeus de illust. A●g. Script. pag. 793 October 16th, and he was buried in the Church of the English College at Rome. This is that Allen whom we have so often mentioned, conceived so great a Champion for their Cause, that Pope Gregory the 13th said to his Cardinals. e watson's Quod●●bets pag 97. Venitè ●ratres mei, Ostendam vobis Alanum: which the Author thus translates, or rather Comments on, Come my brethren, and I will show you a man, in England born, to whom all Europe may give place for his high prudence, reverend Countenance and purport of Government. His loss was much lamented by the Catholics, not without cause, whose Gravity, and Authority had done many good offices, in composing the Grudge which began to grow betwixt Secular Priests and Jesuits; which private heart-burnings soon after his death blazed out in the prison of Wisbich, into an open Scandal, as now we come to Report. 13. A sad subject to write of Christian discords. Here I protest (though uncertain how far to find belief, 1595. 38. ) that I take no delight in relating these discontents, much less shall my pen widen the wound betwixt them: for though I approve the opinions of neither, yet am I so much friend to the persons of both parties, as not to make much to myself of their Discords: The rather because no Christian can hearty laugh at the factions of his fiercest enemies, because that sight at the same time pincheth him, with the sad remembrance that such divisions that have formerly, do at the present, or may hereafter, be found amongst those of his own profession; such is the frailty of humane Nature in what side soever. However hereafter let not Papists without cause or measure vaunt of their unity, seeing their pretended Ship of St Peter, is not so solidly compacted, but that it may spring a Leak. Nor let them boast so confidently of their sufferings, and blame our severity unto them, as if enduring such hard usage in their imprisonment: Surely like f Psal. 105. 18. Joseph their feet were not hurt in the Stocks, the Iron did not enter into their Soul; neither with g jer. 38. 6. Jeremy, were they cast into a dirty dungeon, where they sunk in mire: nor with h Acts ●2 6. Peter were they bound with two Chains; nor with i Acts 16. 24. Paul and Silas were they thrust into the inner prison, and made fast; but had in their Durance, Liberty, List, and Leisure, to begin, foment, and prosecute, this violent Schism betwixt themselves. 14. The beginning of the Schism betwixt the Seculars and the jesuits. Until this time the prime Catholics in Wisbich Castle, had lived there in restraint, with great Unity and Concord. And the Papists do brag that then and there the English Church was most visible, until one Father Weston alias edmond's, a Jesuit, coming thither, erected a government amongst them, making certain Sanctions and Orders, which all were bound to observe; secretly procuring subjects to himself, and claiming a Superiority over all the Catholics there. Yet so cunningly he contrived the matter, that he seemed not ambitiously to affect, but religiously to accept this Authority proffered unto, yea seemingly forced upon him. For one of his friends writes to Father Henry Garnet, Provincial, then living in England, to this effect. Good Father Weston in the humility of his heart, lies on his bed, like the man sick of the Palsy, in the Gospel. Nor will he walk confidently before others in the way of the Righteous, except first he be let down through the Tiles, and it be said unto him from the Provincial, arise, take up thy Bed and walk. Yet if the Seculars may be believed, he did not only arise but run, before that word of Command given him by Garnet, and put his Jurisdiction in execution. Besides those of his own society, many of the Secular Priests submitted themselves unto him, seduced (say k Declaratio mo●uum ac turbationum etc. ad Clem. octavum exhibita pag. 12. some) by the seeming sanctity of the Jesuits, and having their Judgements bribed to that side by unequal proportions of money received, besides promising themselves that in case the land was invaded, by the activity of the Jesuits, all power and preferment would be at their dispose, and so they should be sooner and higher advanced. 15. The Seculars refuse to obey Weston, and why. But the greatest number, and learned sort of the Secular Priests stoutly resisted his superiority, affirming how formerly it had been offered to Thomas Watson Bishop of Lincoln, (late prisoner amongst them) and he refused it, as inconsistent with their present Condition, affliction making them equals and a Prison putting a parity betwixt them; if any order might pretend to this Priority, it was most proper for the Benedictines, extant in England above a thousand years ago: that the Jesuits were Punies, and if all Orders should sit down as jacob's children, at the Table of Joseph, l Gen. 34. 33. the eldest according to his Age, and the youngest according to his Youth; the last and least place of honour was due unto them; That the Secular Priests had borne the heat of the day, in preaching and persecution; some of them having endured above twenty years' imprisonment for conscience sake, (as Mr Bluet for m watson's Quodlibets pag. 4. one) before some of the Jesuits knew what durance meant. That Weston was not eminent for Learning, Religion, or any prime quality, save only the affecting that place, which his betters had declined. That it was monstrous, that he being a Jesuit, and so a member of another society, should be made a head of their body. The lay-catholics were much offended with the Schism some withheld, others threatening to withhold their charity from both parties, conceiving it the ready means, when maintenance was detained from both sides, to starve them into agreement 16. Weston employed but as a Scout to discover the temper of the secular priests. One might admire why father Weston should so earnestly desire so silly a dominion, having his power, as well as his own person confined within the walls of Wisbich Castle, a narrow Diocese, only to domineer over a few Prisoners. The Gaoler, yea the very Turnkey being his superior to control him, if offering to exceed that compass. But Oh the sweetness of Superemacy, though in never so small a Circuit! It pleased his pride to be Prior of a Prison, but n Declaratio motuum etc. pag. 17. Agent was the Title, wherewith he styled himself; Indeed the English Jesuits both abroad in England, and beyond the Seas, made use of weston's forwardness to try the temper of the Secular Priests, and to make this bold Jesuit, to back and break a Skittish Colt for further designs. If Weston were unhorsed, his fall would be little lamented, and he might thank his own boldness in adventuring, and the ill managing of his place: if he sat the beast, and it proved tame, than others would up and ride: and Father Garnet Provincial of the Jesuits, intended in like manner to procure from the Pope a Superiority over all the Secular Priests in England. Wisbich Prison would be enlarged all over the kingdom, and the Precedent would reach far in the consequence thereof, which increased the Secular Opposition against this leading case of Jurisdiction. 17. He will not stand to the determination of a grave priest chosen Umpire. About this time came to Wisbich an aged Priest, who had given great Testimony of the Ability of his judgement, and ardency of his affections to the Catholic Cause, being the General Collector of the charitable contributions unto the Prisoners. In which place he had been so diligent in gathering, secret in conveying, faithful in delivering, unpartial in dispensing such sums committed unto him, that deservedly he had purchased reputation to himself: Who as he had been a Benefactor to both Parties, so now he was made an Arbitrator betwixt them; with promise of both sides to rest satisfied with his decision. He condemneth the Jesuits guilty of a scandalous separation, and that Weston ought to desist from his Supriority. But the Jesuits would not stand to his sentence, confessing their separation Scandalous, but only per accidens, and therefore not to be left off. And whereas the aforesaid Priest had determined, that that separation could not be continued without sin, the Jesuits in derision demanded of him, whether he meant a venial sin or a mortal; and so the whole business took no effect. 18. At last is forced by letters from his provincial to leave off his Agency. Some months after, two reverend Priests often sent for by both sides, were by joint consent made Judges in this Cause, who resolved that weston's Agency should be abolished as the original of evil, and seminary of much discord: and because Weston refused to obey their order, these two Priests posted up to London, (where Garnet the Jesuits Provincial did lodge) and from him with much ado, obtained peremptory letters to Weston, presently to leave off his pretended superiority. A message which went to the proud Jesuits heart, who was formerly heard to say, that he o Declaratio motuum ac etc. pag. 20. had rather throw himself headlong from the Castle wall, then desist from his office. But now there was no remedy but he must obey, desiring only he might make a speech to his society, exhorting them to unity and concord, and in the midst of his Oration, as if he would have surrendered his soul and place both together, he fell speechless into a p Ibidem. swoon and hardly recovered again; so mortal a wound it is to a proud heart to part with Authority. Thus ended weston's Agency, the short continuance whereof was the best commendation of his command. 19 The Schism notwithstanding continues and increases. But this was but a palliate cure to skin the sore over, which festered within: the enmity still continued, Seculars complaining, that the Jesuits traduced them to lay-catholics, as cold and remiss in the cause, only dull to follow beaten paths, not active to invent more compendious ways, for the advance of Religion. Anno Regin Eliza. 38. Anno Dom. 1595. The Jesuits also boasted much of their own merit, how their order though last starting, had with its speed overtook, and overrun all before them. Indeed they are excellent at the art of self-praising, not directly, but by certain consequence, for though no man blazed his own praise, (for one to be a herald to commend himself, the same on the same is false blazon, as well against the rules of modesty as prudence) yet every one did praise his partner, laying an obligation on him to do the like, who in justice must do as much, and in bounty often did more gratefully repaying the commendations lent him with interest. And thus mutually arching up one another, they filled the ears of all Papists with loud relations, of the transcendent Industry, Piety, Learning, of the men of their society, to the manifest derogation of all other orders. But more of these discords in the year following. 20. The strict keeping of the Sabbath first revived. About this time throughout England, began the more Solemn and strict observation of the Lords day, (hereafter both in writing and preaching, commonly called the Sabbath) occasioned by a Book this year set forth by one P. Bound Doctor of Divinity (and enlarged with Additions Anno 1606.) wherein these following opinions are maintained. 1. That the commandment of Sanctifying every seventh Day, as in the Mosaical Decalogue, is moral and perpetual. 2. That whereas all other things in the a Dr Bounds BOOK of the Sabbath. p. 91. Jewish Church were taken away, (Priesthood, Sacrifices and Sacraments) this Sabbath was so changed that it still remaineth. 3. b pag. 247. That there is a great reason why we Christians should take ourselves as straight bound to rest upon the Lord's day, as the Jews were upon their Sabbath, it being one of the moral Commandments, where all are of equal Authority. 4. c pag. 124. The rest upon upon this day must be a notable and singular rest, a most careful exact and precise rest, after another manner than men are accustomed. 5. d pag. 163. Scholars on that day not to study the liberal Arts, nor Lawyers to consult the case, nor peruse men's evidences. 6. e pag. 164. Sergeants, Apparitours and Summoners to be restrained from executing their offices. 7. f pag. 166. Lustices not to examine Causes for the conservation of the peace. 8. g pag. 102. That ringing of more bells than one that day is not to be justified. 9 h pag. 206. 209. No Solim● feasts, nor wedding dinners to be made on that Day [with permission notwithstanding of the same to i pag. 211. Lords, Knights, and Gentlemen of Quality,] which some conceive not so fair dealing with him. 10. k pag. 102. All honest recreations, and pleasures lawful on other days (as shooting, fencing, bowling,) on this day to be forborn. 11. l pag. 272. 275. No man to speak or talk of pleasures, or any other worldly matter. It is almost incredible how taking this Doctrine was, partly because of its own Purity, and partly for the eminent piety of such persons as maintained it; so that the Lords Day, especially in Corporations, began to be precisely kept, people becoming a Law to themselves, forbearing such sports, as yet by statute permitted; yea many rejoicing at their own restraint herein. On this day the stoutest fencer laid down the buckler, the most skilful Archer unbent his bow, counting all shooting besides the Mark; May-games and Morish-dances grew out of request, and good reason that Bells should be silenced from gingling about men's legs, if their very Ringing in Steeples were adjudged unlawful: some of them were ashamed of their former pleasures, like children which grown bigger, blushing themselves out of their rattles, and whistles. Others forbear them for fear of their Superiors, and many left them off out of a Politic Compliance, lest otherwise they should be accounted licentious. 21 Yet learned men were much divided in their judgements about these sabatarian Doctrines, some embraced them as ancient truths consonant to Scripture, long difused and neglected, now seasonably revived for the increase of piety: Others conceived them grounded on a wrong bottom, but because they tended to the manifest advance of Religion, it was pity to oppose them, seeing none have just reason to complain, being deceived into their own good. But a third sort flatly fell out with these positions, as galling men's necks with a jewish yoke, against the liberty of Christians: That Christ as Lord of the Sabbath had removed the Rigour thereof, and allowed men lawful recreations: That this Doctrine put an unequal Lustre on the Sunday on set purpose to eclipse all other Holy days to the derogation of the authority of the Church: That this strict observance was set up out of Faction to be a Character of Difference, to brand all for libertines who did not entertain it. 22. Tho: Rogers first publicly opposeth Dr Bounds opinions. However for some years together in this controversy, Dr Bound alone carried the Garland away, none offering openly to oppose, and not so much as a feather of a quill in print did wag against him. Yea as he in his second edition observeth, that many both in their Preach, writings, and Disputations, did concur with him in that argument: and three several profitable treatises, (one made by Mr Greenham,) were within few years successively written, by three godly learned a Dr Bound in his preface to the Reader 2 edition. Ministers. But the first that gave a check to the full speed of this doctrine, was Thomas Rogers of Horning●r in Suffolk; in his preface to the Book of Articles. And now because our present age gins to dawn, and we come within the view of that Truth, whose footsteps heretofore we only followed at distance, I will interpose nothing of my own, but of an historian only turn a Notary, for the behoof of the Reader, faithfully transcribing such passages, as we meet with in order of time. Notwithstanding what the b Roger's preface to the Articles Parag. 20. Brethren wanted in strength, and learning, they had in wiliness, and though they lost much one way in the general, and main point of their Discipline, yet recovered they not a little advantage another way by an odd and new device of theirs in a special Article of their Classical instructions. For while worthies of our Church were employing their engines and forces, partly in defending the present Government Ecclesiastical, partly in assaulting the Presbytery, and new discipline, even at that very instant the Brethren, (knowing themselves too weak either to overthrow our holds, and that which we hold, or to maintain their own) they abandoned quite the Bulwarks which they had raised, and gave out were impregnable, suffering us to beat them down without any or very small resistance; and yet not careless of their affairs, left not the Wars for all that, but from an odd corner and after a new fashion which we little thought of, (such was their cunning set upon us a fresh again, by dispersing in Printed Books which for ten years' space before they had been in hammering among themselves to make them complete) their Sabbath speculations and Presbyterian, (that is more than either kingly or Popely, Directions for the observation of the Lords day. And in the next page he c Idem Parag. 23. proceedeth. It is a comfort unto my soul, and will be till my dying hour, that I have been the man and the means that the Sabatarian errors, and impieties are brought into light and knowledge of the state, whereby whatsoever else, sure I am this good hath ensued, namely, that the said Books of the Sabbath, comprehending the abovementioned, and many moe such fearful, and heretical assertions,) hath been both called in, and forbidden any more to be printed and made common. Your Grace's predecessor Archbishop Whitgift, by his letters and officers at Synods and Visitations Anno 1599 did the one, and Sr John Popham Lord chief Justice of England at Bury St edmond's in Suffolk Anno 1600. did the other. But though both Minister and Magistrate jointly endeavoured to suppress Bounds Book, with the Doctrine therein contained, yet all their care did but for the present make the Sunday set in a cloud to arise soon after in more brightness. As for the Archbishop his known opposition to the proceed of the Brethren, rendered his Actions more odious, as if out of envy he had caused such a pearl to be concealed. As for Judge Popham, though some conceived it most proper for his place to punish felonious Doctrines (which rob the Queen's subjects of their lawful liberty) and to behold them branded with a mark of Infamy, yet others accounted him no competent Judge in this controversy. And though he had a dead hand against offenders, yet these Sabbatarian Doctrines (though condemned by him) took the privilege to pardon themselves, and were published more generally than before. The price of the Doctor's Book began to be doubled, as commonly Books are then most called on, when called in, and many who hear not of them when printed, inquire after them when prohibited: and though the Books wings were clipped from flying abroad in print, it ran the faster from friend to friend in transcribed Copies; and the Lords day in most Places was most strictly observed. The more liberty people were offered the less they used it, refusing to take the freedom Authority tendered them. For the vulgar sort have the Actions of their Superiors in constant jealousy, suspecting each gate of their opening to be a Trap, every Hole of their Diging to be a Mine, wherein some secret train is covertly conveyed, to the blowing up of the Subjects liberty, which made them almost afraid of the recreations of the Lords day allowed them; and seeing it is the greatest pleasure to the mind of man to do what he pleaseth, it was sport for them to refrain from sports, whilst the forbearance was in themselves voluntary, arbitrary and elective, not imposed upon them. Yea six years after Bounds Book came forth, with enlargements publicly sold, and scarce any comment, Catechism, or controversy, was set forth by the stricter Divines, wherein this Doctrine (the Diamond in this Ring) was not largely pressed and proved; so that as one saith, the Sabbath itself had no rest. For now all strange and unknown writers, without further examination passed for friends and favourites of the Presbyterian party, who could give the word, and had any thing in their Treatise tending to the strict observation of the Lords day. But more hereof God willing in the 15th year of K. JAMES. 23. Now also began some opinions about Predestination, The Articles of Lambeth. Freewill, Perseverance etc. much to trouble both the Schools and Pulpit. Whereupon Archbishop Whitgift, out of his Christian care to propagate the truth, and suppress the opposite errors, caused a solemn meeting of many grave and learned Divines at Lambeth; where (besides the Archbishop) Richard Bancroft, Bishop of London, Richard Vaughan, Bishop elect of Bangor, Humphrey Tyndall, Dean of Ely, Dr Whitaker Queens professor in Cambridge, and others were assembled; these after a serious debate, and mature deliberation, resolved at last on the now Following Articles. 1. Deus ab Aeterno Praedestinavit quosdam advitam: quosdam reprobavit ad mortem. 2. Causa movens aut efficiens Praedestinationis ad vitam non est praevisio Fidei, aut Perseverantiae, aut bonorum Operum, aut ullius rei quae insit in personis praedestinatis, sed sola voluntas beneplaciti Dei. 3. Praedestinatorum praefinitus, & certus est numerus, qui nec augeri nec minui potest. 4. Qui non sunt praedestinati ad salutem, necessario propter peccata sua Damnabuntur. 5. Vera, viva & justificans fides, & spiritus Dei justificantis, non extinguitur, non excidit, non evanescit in Electis, aut finaliter, aut totalitor. 6. Homo vere fidelis, id est, fidei justificante praeditus, certus est plerophoria Fidei de remissione peccatorum suorum, & salute sempiterna sua per Christum. 7. Gratia salutaris, non tribuitur, non excommunicatur, non conceditur universis hominibus, qua servari possint si velint. 8. Nemo potest venire ad Christum, nisi datum ei fuerit, & nisi pater eum traxerit, & omnes homines non trabuntur à Patre ut veniant ad filium. 9 Non est positum in arbitrio, aut Potestate unius cujusque hominis servari. 1. God from eternity hath predestinated certain men unto life, certain men he hath reprobated. 2. The moving or efficient cause of Predestination unto life, is not the foresight of faith, or of Perseverance, or of good works, or of any thing that is in the person predestinated, but only the good will and pleasure of God. 3. There is predetermined a certain number of the predestinate, which can neither be augmented or diminished. 4. Those who are not predestinated to Salvation, shall be necessarily damned for their sins. 5. A true, living, and justifying faith, and the spirit of God justifying, is not extinguished, falleth not away, it vanisheth not away in the elect, either finally or totally. 6. A man truly faithful, that is, such an one who is endued with a justifying faith, is certain with the full assurance of faith, of the remission of his sins, and of his everlasting salvation by Christ. 7. Saving grace is not given, is not granted, is not communicated to all men, by which they may be saved if they will. 8. No man can come unto Christ unless it shall be given unto him, and unless the Father shall draw him; and all men are not drawn by the Father, that they may come to the Son. 9 It is not in the will or power of every one to be saved. Matthew Hutton, the right Reverend Archbishop of York, did also fully and freely in his judgement Concur with these Divines, as may appear by his Letter here inserted. ACcepi jam pridem literas tuas (Reverendissime Praesul) veteris illius Benevolentiae, & amoris erga me tui plenas, in quibus efflagitas opinionem meam de Articulis quibusdam nuper Cantabrigiae agitatis, non sine aliqua piorum offension, qui graviter, molestéque ferunt Matrem Academiam, jam multitudine liberorum & quidem doctissimorum florentem, ca dissentione filiorum nonnihil contristatem esse, Sed ficri non potest, quin veniant Offendicula, neque desin●t immicus homo i●ter triticum Zizanta Seminare, donec cum Dominus sub pedibus contriverit. Legi Articulos & relegi, & dum parerem aliquid de singulis dicerc, visum est mihi multo potius de ipsa Electione & Rep●obatione, (unde i●la dissentio orta esse videtur) meam sententiam & opinionem pau is verbis explicare, quam singulis sigillatim respondens sratrum forsitan quorundum animas, (Quos in veritate diligo (exacerbare. Meminisse potes (ornatissime Antistes) cum Cantabrigiae unà essemus et sacras literas in Scholis publicis interpretaremur, eandem Regulam seculieam semper fuisse inter nos Consensionem in omnibus Religionis Causis, & ne minima quidem vel dissentionis, vel simultatis suspicio unquam appareret. Igitur hoc tempore si judicio Dominationis tuae, id quod pingui Minerva scripsi probatum ire intellexero, multo mihi minus displacebo. Deus te diutissime servet in●lum●m, ut tum Reginae serenissimae & toti Regno fidelissimus Consilitarius, tum etiam Ecclesiae huic nostrae Anglicanae pastor Vtilissimus multos adhuc ●nnos esse possis. Vale, è Musaeo meo apud Bishop- Thorp. Calend: Octob. Anno Dom. 1995. 24. The high opinions s●me had of these Articles. But when these Articles came abroad into the world, men's Brains and tongues, as since their pens were employed about the Authority of the same, and the obedience due unto them; much puz'led to find the new place, where rightly to rank them in reputation; how much above the results, and resolutions of private Divines, and how much beneath the Authority of a Provincial Synod. Some there, that almost equalled their Authenticalness with the Acts a Synod, requiring the like Conformity of men's judgements unto them. They endeavoured to prove that those Divines, met not alone in their private capacities, but also representing others, alleging this passage in a public a See it cited at large in our History of Cambridge Anno 1595. letter from Cambridge, subscribed with the hands of the Heads of that University. We sent up to London by common Consent in November last, Dr Tyndall, and Dr Whitakers (men especially chosen for that purpose) for conference with my Lord of Canterbury, and other principal Divines there etc. 25. Others value them at a lower rare. Others maintain the contrary. For grant each man in this conference at Lambeth, one of a thousand for Learning and Religion, yet was he but one in Power and Place: and had no Proxy or deputation (the two Cambridge Doctors excepted) to appear in the behalf of others: and therefore their determinations, though of great use to direct, could be but of little Authority to conclude and command the consent of others. 26. Some flatly condemned both the Articles and Authors of them. But a third sort offended with the matter of the Articles, thought that the two Arch-Bishops, and the rest at this meeting, deserved censure for holding an unlawful Conventicle. For they had not express command from the Queen, to meet, debate, and decide such controversies. Those of the opopsite party, were not solemnly summoned and heard, so that it might seem rather a design to crush them, then clear the truth. The meeting was warranted with no legal Authority, rather a private action of Doctor John Whitgift, Doctor Matthew Hutton etc. then the public act of the Arch-Bishops of Canterbury and York. b Mr Montague in his appeal, pag 55. 56. 71. 72. One goeth further to affirm, that those Articles of Lambeth, were afterwards forbidden by public Authority; but when, where, and by whom he is not pleased to impart unto us. And strange it is, that a public prohibition should be whispered so softly, that this Author alone should hear it, and none other to my knowledge take notice thereof. 27. How variously foreign Divines esteemed of them. As for foreign Divines, just as they were biased in judgement. so on that side ran their Affections, in raising or decrying the esteem of these Articles; some a Thysias twice printed them at Hard●ovick Anno 1613. printed, set forth, and b Bogerman in his 107. & 108. notes on the second part of Grotius. cited them, as the sense of the Church of England, others, as fast slighted them, as the narrow positions of a few private and Partial persons. As for Corvinus, as we know not whence he had his intelligence, so we find no just ground for what he reporteth, that Archbishop Whitgift for his pains incurred the Queen's displeasure, and c In his answer to the notes of Bogerman. 2 part. pag. 566. and so forward to pag. 570. a Praemunire. We presume this foreigner better acquainted with the Imperial Law, and local customs of Holland, then with our municipal Statutes, and the nature of a Praemunire. Indeed there goes a tradition that the Queen should in merriment say jestingly to the Archbp. My Lord I now shall want no money, for I am informed all your goods are forfeited unto me by your calling a Council without my consent; but how much of truth herein God knows. And be it referred to our learned in the Law, whether without danger of such a censure, the two Arch-Bishops by virtue of their place had not any implicit leave from the Queen to assemble Divines, for the clearing, declaring and asserting of difficult Truths, provided they innovate or alter nothing in matters of Religion. 28. And now I perceive, These Articles excellent witnesses of the general doctrine of England. I must tread tenderly, because I go not (as before) on men's graves, but am ready to touch the quick of some yet alive. I know how dangerous it is to follow Truth too ne'er to the heels: yet better it is that the teeth of an Historian be struck out of his head for writing the the Truth, then that they remain still and rot in his Jaws, by feeding too much on the sweetmeats of flattery. All that I will say of the credit of these Articles is this. That as Medals of Gold and Silver, though they will not pass in payment for currant coin, because not stamped with the King's Inscription, yet they will go with Goldsmiths for as much as they are in weight: So though these Articles want Authentic Reputation to pass for Provincial Acts, as lacking sufficient Authority, yet will they be readily received of Orthodox Christians, for as far as their own purity bears conformity to God's word. And though those learned Divines be not acknowledged as competent Judges to pass definitive Sentence in those Points, yet they will be taken as witnesses beyond exception; whose testimony is an infallible evidence, what was the general and received doctrine of England in that Age, about the forenamed controversies. 29. This year ended the life, Bp. Wickham, Dr Whitakers, Dan. Halsworth, and R●b: Southwell end their lives. First of Doctor William Wickam, bred in King's College in Cambridge, first Bishop of Lincoln, after of Winchester, whose namesake William Wickham in the Reign of King Edward the third, sat in the same See more years than this did weeks. Indeed we know little of his life, but so much of his death, as we must not mention it without some pity to him, (whilst in pain) and praise to God for our own health, such was his torture with the stone before his death, that for d Bp Goodwin in his Catalogue of the Bishops of Winchester. 14 days together, he made not water. Secondly, Worthy Doctor William Whittakers, whose larger character we reserve God-willing for our History of Cambridge. And amongst the Romanists, Daniel Halseworth, who as e De Angliae scriptoribus Aetate ●6. pag. 794. Pitzaeus describes him (Papists give no scant measure in praising those of their own Party) was well skilled in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, and Elegant Poet, Eloquent Orator, acute Philosopher, expert Mathematician, deep-studied Lawyer, and excellent Divine: flying from England, he lived successively in Savoy, Rome and Milan, having too many professions to gather wealth, and with all his Arts and Parts, both lived in Poverty, and died in Obscurity. More eminent, but more infamous, was the death of Robert Southwell a Jesuit, born in f Idem ibidem. Suffolk, bred beyond the Seas, where he wrote abundance of Books, who returning into England, was executed March the third for a Traitor at London, and honoured for a Martyr amongst men of his own Religion. 30. The Secular Priests continued their complaints, Anno Regin Eliza. 39 Anno Dom. 1596. The complaint of the Seculars against the Jesuits, and principally against Parsons. as against Jesuits in general, so particularly against Robert Parsons. This Parsons about 18 years since was in England, where by his statizing, and dangerous activity, he had so incensed the Queen's Council, that the Secular Priests, made him a main occasion why such sharp laws were so suddenly made against a Declaration motuum ad Clementein ecita●um pag. 24. Catholics in England. But no sooner did danger begin to appear, but away went Parsons beyond the Seas, wherein some condemned his cowarliness, and others commended his policy, seeing such a commander in chief, as he was in the Romish cause, aught to repose his person in safety, and might be never the less virtually present in the fight, by the issuing out of his orders to meaner officers. Nor did Parsons like a wheeling Cock turn aside, with intent to return, but ran quite out of the Cockpit, and then crowed in triumph, when he was got on his own dunghill, safely resident in the City of Rome. Here he compiled, and hence he dispatched many letters and libels into England; and amongst the rest, that Book of the succession to the English (entit'ling the Spaniard thereunto) setting it forth under the false name of b Camden's Eliz. in Anno 1594. p. 72. Dolman, an honest harmless Secular Priest and his professed Adversary. And surely Parsons was a fit fellow to derive the pedigree of the Kings of England, who might first have studied to deduce his own descent from a lawful Father, being himself (otherwise called Cowback) c watson's Qu●●libets. p. 109 & 236. filius populi et filius peccati, as Catholics have observed. Many letters also he sent over full of threats, and assuring his party, that the land would be invaded by foreigners; writing therein not what he knew or thought was, but what he desired and endeavoured should be true. Some of these letters being intercepted, made the Queen's officers (as they had just cause) more strike in searching, as her Judges more severe in punishing the Papists. Hereupon the Seculars complained, that such proceed against them (termed persecution by them, and justice by our State) was caused by the Jesuits, and that Parsons especially, though he had kindled the fire, left others to bear the heat thereof. Yea, which was more, he was not himself contented to sleep in a whole skinn at Rome, but lashed others of his own Religion, and having got his neck out of the collar, accused others for not drawing weight enough, taxing the Seculars as dull and remiss in the cause of Religion: and to speak plainly, they differed as hot and cold poison, the Jesuits more active and pragmatical, the Seculars more slow and heavy, but both maintaining treacherous principles, destructive to the commonwealth. 31. If we look now on the Non-Conformists, A general calm. we shall find them all still and quiet. After a storm comes a calm wearied with a former blustering, they began now to repose themselves in a sad silence, especially since the executions of udal and Penry had so terrified them, that though they might have secret designs, we meet not their open and public motions, so that this Century affordeth little more, than the mortalities of some eminent men. 32. We begin with Richard Fletcher Bishop of London, The death of Bp Fletcher, and Bishop Coldwell. bred in Bennet College in Cambridg, one of a comely person, and goodly presence, (qualities not to be cast away in a Bishop, though a Bishop not to be chosen for them,) he loved to ride the great horse, and had much skill in managing thereof, condemned for very proud, (such his natural stately garb) by such as knew him not, and commended for humility by those acquainted with him, he lost the Queen's favour because of his second unhappy match, and died suddenly more of grief than any other disease: with him let me couple another heartbroken Bishop, John Coldwell of Salisbury Dr of Physic (St Luke we know was both an Evangelist and Physician) who never enjoyed himself, after he had consented (though little better than surprised thereunto) to the alienation of Sherborn Manor from the Bishopric. 33. Here I am at a loss for the date of the death of Laurence Humphrey, The death of Laurence Humphrey. but confident I hit the but, though miss the mark, as about this time. He was a conscientious and moderate Nonconformist, (condemned for lukewarm by such as were scalding-hot,) Dean of Winchester and Master of Magdalen College in Oxford, to which he bequeathed a considerable Sum of Gold, left in a chest, not to be opened, except some great necessity urged thereunto. But lately whilst Dr John Wilkinson was Precedent of the College, this Gold was shared between him and the fellows. And though one must charitably believe the matter not so bad as it is reported, yet the most favourable relation thereof gave a general distaste. 34. Sure I am, A great Antiquaries good intention discouraged. a great Antiquary lately deceased, (rich as well in his state, as learning) at the hearing hereof quitted all his intentions of benefaction to Oxford or any place else, on suspicion it would be diverted to other uses. On the same token that he merrily said, I think the bestway for a man to perpetuate his memory, is to procure the Pope to Canonize him for a Saint, for than he shall be sure to be remembered in their Calendar: Whereas otherwise I see all Protestant charity subject to the covetousness of posterity to devour it, and bury the donor thereof in oblivion. 35. Mr Baltazer Zanches a Spaniard, The charity of a Spanish Protestant. born in Sherez in Estremadura, founded an alms-house at Tottenham high-cross in Middlesex for eight single people, allowing them competent maintenance. Now seeing Protestant Founders are rare, Spanish Protestants rarer, Spanish Protestant Founders in England rarest, I could not pass this over with silence, nor must we forget, that he was the first confectioner or comfit-maker in England, bringing that mystery to London, and (as I am informed) the exactness thereof continues still in his family, in which respect they have successively been the Queens and Kings confectioners. 36. A Parliament held at Westminster, The acts in the Parliament. 1597. 40. wherein the deprivation of Popish Bishops in the first of this Queen's Reign, was declared legal. Some will wonder what need is of this Statute at so many years' distance, but the Preface intimates the necessity thereof. The Legality also of our Bishops and their Officers, were again by act of Parliament confirmed. And whereas there was a pretended concealment of some lands of the Bishopric of Norwich, the same by act of Parliament were settled on that See, and the Exchange of Lands ratified, made in the Reign of King Henry the Eight. The contemporary convocation did nothing of moment. 37. Thomas Stapleton this year ended his life, The death of Tho. Stapleton. 1598. 41. and was buried at St Peter Church in Louvain, it is written in his Epitaph, qui Cicestriae in Anglià nobili loco natus, where Cicestriae is taken not for the City, but Diocese of Chicester, having otherwise good assurance that he was born at Hemfield in Sussex, the same year and month wherein * See Pitzaeus in his life. Sr Thomas Moor was beheaded, observed by the Catholics as a grand providence, he was a most learned assertor of the Romish Religion, wanting nothing but a true cause to defend. On one account I am beholding unto him, viz. for dissuading * Idemibidem. Pitzaeus from being a Soldier to be a Scholar, whose History of our English writers hath so often been useful unto me. 38. Richard Cousin Dr of the Law and Dean of Archeys this year ended his life; The death of Dr Cousin. One of the greatest Civilians which our Age or Nation hath produced, a most moderate man in his own nature, but most earnest assertor of the Ecclesiastical discipline, as by his printed works doth appear. 39 Robert Turner his death was now much bemoaned by the Papists, The death of Rob. Turner. 1599 42. he was born at Barstable in Devon, bred for a while in Oxford, whence flying beyond the Seas, he became Canon of Breslaw in Silesia, and at the same time Privy Councillor to the Duke of Bavaria, falling afterward into his displeasure, probably because more pragmatical than became a foreigner; however Ferdinand of Gratz (afterwards Emperor) took him from the Duke to be his own Secretary for the Latin tongue, wherein he excelled, as by his printed Orations doth appear, he lieth buried at Gratz under a handsome Monument. 40. Great was the grief of Protestants for the decease of Richard Hooker, Anno Regin Eliza. 42. Anno Dom. 1599 The death of Rich. Hooker Turner's Countryman, as born also in Devon-shire, and bred in Corpus-Christi College in Oxford, living and dying a single man, of whom largely before. His innocency survived to triumph over those aspersions which the malice of others (advantaged by his own dovelike simplicity) had cast upon him I am informed Sr Edwin Sands hath erected a monument over him, in his Parish-Church in Kent, where he lieth interred. 41. An over-politick act disliked. I cannot omit what I find in this year in Mr Camden his * Which shortly will be set forth in a new edition. manuscript-life of Queen Elizabeth. A report was cast out by our politicians in the midst of Harvest of the danger of a present foreign invasion, done out of design, to prevent the Popularity of the Earl of Essex, and to try the people's inclinations. Instantly all were put into a posture of defence, mowers, reapers, all harvest folk left their work, to be employed in musters. This afterwards appeared but a Court-project, whereat the country took much distaste, so ill it is to jest with edged tools, especially with Sythes and Sickles. My Author addeth, that people affirmed that such May-games had been fit in the spring (when sports were used amongst the Romans to Flora) and not in the Autumn when people were seriously employed to fetch in the fruits of the earth. But by his leave these Expressions flow from Critics, and fly far above the capacities of Countrymen. 42. This Century Concluded the lives of two eminent Roman Catholics John Sanderson born in Lancashire, 43. 1600. The death of I. Sanderson, and T. Case. bred in Trinity College in Cambridge, where he set forth an excellent Logic, called sanderson's Logic, forty years ancienter than that, which his worthy namesake of Oxford, (of a different judgement in religion) hath since printed on the same subject. From Cambridge he fled to Cambray in Artois, where he lived with good comfort, and died with great credit with those of his own persuasion. The other Thomas Case of St john's in Oxford, Dr of Physic, it seems always a Romanist in his heart, but never expressing the same, till his mortal sickness seized upon him. The end of the sixteenth Century. THE CHURCH-HISTORY OF BRITAIN. THE TENTH BOOK. Containing the Reign of KING JAMES. TO THE HONOURABLE, ROBERT, Lord BRUCE, SOLE SON TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THOMAS EARL of ELGIN. HAving, by God's assistance, drawn down my History to the death of Queen Elizabeth, some dissuade me from continuing it any further: Because, that as Saint Peter out of wariness (alias cowardliness) followed Christ (who was the Truth) * Mat. 26. 58. afar off; so they lay this down for a Maxim, That the Story of Modern Times must not be written by any alive; A Position, (in my poor opinion) both disgraceful to Historians, and prejudicial to Posterity. Disgraceful to Historians:) as if they would make themselves like unto the beasts of the Forest, as charactered by David, Psal. 100LS. 20, 22. Who move in the Darkness, till the Sun ariseth, and they get them away; loving to write of things done at distance, where Obscurity may protect their Mistakes from Discovery, but putting up their pens as soon as the day dawns of Modern Times, and they within the reach of reputation. Prejudicial to Posterity:) seeing intentions in this nature long delayed are at last defeated. * Plutarch in his Morals. The Young man moved by his Mother to Marry; returned, That (as yet) it was too soon: and some years after, pleaded, That now it was too late. So some say, Truth is not ripe enough to be written in the Age we live in, which proveth rotten too much for the next Generation faithfully to report, when the Imprese of memorable matters are almost worn out: the Histories then written having more of the Author's hand, than footsteps of truth therein. Sure I am, the most informative Histories to Posterity, and such as are most highly prized by the judicious, are such as were written by the Eye-witnesses thereof. As Thucydides the reporter of the Peloponesian War. However, one may observe such as write the Story of their own Times, like the two Messengers which carried tidings to David: Of these, Ahimaaz, (sent the rather by permission than injunction) only told David what he knew would please him, acquainting him with his Victory. But being demanded of his Son's death, he made a Tale of a * 2 Sam. 18. 29. Tumult, (no better than an officious Lie for himself) the issue whereof was to him unknown. Cushi, the other Messenger, having his carriage less of cunning, and more of conscience: informing the King of his Son's death, but folding it up in a fair expression, * 2 Sam. 18. 32. The Enemies of my Lord the King, and all that rise against thee to do thee hurt, be as that young man is. Ahimaaz is imitated by such Historians, who leave that unwritten which they suspect will be unwelcome. These following the rule, Summa Lex salus Authoris, when they meet with any necessary but dangerous Truth, pass it over with a Blank flourished up with some ingenious evasion. Such Writers succeed to plain Cushi in their Relations, who give a true account of actions, and to avoid all exasperating terms (which may make a bad matter worse in relating it) use the most lenitive language in expressing distasteful matter, adventuring with their own danger to procure the information of others. Truly one is concerned in conscience to transmit to the next Age some short intimations of these Times, out of fear that Records are not so carefully kept in these so many and sudden Changes, as they were in former Ages. I know Machiavelli was wont to say, That he who undertakes to Write a History, must be of no Religion: if so, he himself was the best qualified of any in his Age to be a good Historian. But, I believe, his meaning was much better than his words, intending therein, That a Writer of Histories must not discover his inclination in Religion to the prejudice of Truth: Levi-like, who said to his Father and Mother, I have not seen them, owning no acquaintance of any Relations. This I have endeavoured to my utmost in this Book; knowing, as that Oil is adjudged the best that hath no taste at all; so that Historian is preferred, who hath the least Tangue of partial Reflections. However, some Candour of course is due to such Historians, (wherein the Courtesy not so great in giving as the Injury in detaining it) which run the Chiding of these present Times in hope that after-Ages may excuse them. And I am confident that these my Labours shall find the same favour (which may be in mere men, should be in all Gentlemen, must be in true Christians) the rather because this Book appeareth Patronised by a Dedication to Your Honour. I have selected your Lordship for a Patron to this part of my History, wherein the Reign of King JAMES is contained, under Whose peaceable Government your Grandfather was His Privy Counsellor, and Master of the Rolls, when your Family was not brought, but brought back into England, where it had flourished Barons many years before. Plants are much meliorated by transplanting, especially when after many years they are restored to their Native soil as Cordial unto them. And thus the continuance and increase of all happiness to yourself and Noble Consort, is the unfeigned Prayer of Your Honour's most obliged servant THOMAS FULLER. THE CHURCH-HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Ann. Reg. Bliz. 43. CENT: XVII. Ann. Dom. 1601 1. THe difference betwixt the Seculars and the Jesuits still continued and increased. Wherefore Bishop Bancroft, The Seculars fomented by the Bishop of Lond. against the Jesuits. counting the Seculars the better but weaker side, afforded them countenance and maintenance in London-house, accommodating them with necessaries to write against their adversaries, hoping the Protestants might assault the Romish cause with the greater advantage, when they found a breach made to their hand by the others own dissensions. But such who bore no good will to the Bishop, beholding the frequent repairing and familiar conversing of such Priests in his house, made a contrary construction of his actions, and reported him Popishly affected. Thus those who publicly do things in themselves liable to offence, and privately reserve the reasons of their actions in their own bosoms, may sufficiently satisfy their consciences towards God, but will hardly avoid the censures of men, to which too unwarily they expose themselves. With more general applause was the bounty of Arch Bishop Whitgift bestowed, who now finished his Hospital founded and endowed by him at Croyden in Surrey, for a Warden, and eight and twenty Brethren: As also a Free-school, with liberal maintenance, for the education of Youth. God the best of Creditors) no doubt, long since hath plentifully re-payed what was lent to him, in his Members. 2. The last Parl. Oct. 17. Nou. 19 in this Queen's reign was now begun at Westm, Acts in the last Parliament of Q. Eliz. and dissolved the month next following. Of such things which at distance may seem to relate to Church affairs, in this Parl. it was Enacted, That Overseers of the Poor should be nominated yearly in Easter week under the Hand and Seal of two a Statute 43. of Q. Eliz. c, 2. Justices of Peace, and that these with the Church wardens should take care for the relief of the Poor, binding out of Apprentices, etc. As also, That the Lord Chancellor should award Commissions under the Great Seal, into any part of the Realm, (as cause should require) to the b Ibid. cap. 4. Bishop of every Diocese, and his Chancellor; and any four or more persons of honest behaviour, to inquire by oaths of twelve men, into the mis-imployment of any Lands or Goods given to pious uses: and by their Orders, to appoint them to be duly and faithfully paid or employed to their true uses and intents. In pursuance of this Statute, much good was and is done to this day, in several parts of the Kingdom, the Law being very tender, that the true intentions of the Donour should take effect, as by this eminent instance may appear. By the rule of the Law, Copyhold Land cannot be aliened, but by Surrender; but yet if a man Devise such Land to a Charitable use, though it had not been surrendered, this is c 15 Jac. in Rivets Cale in Chancery. adjudged good, and shall be construed an appointment to a Charitable use within this Statute. 3. Now if we look into the Convocation, Acts of this year's Convocation. parallel to this Parliament, therein we shall find, that it began with a Latin Sermon of William Barlow Doctor of Divinity, and one of Her Majesty's Chaplains, (afterwards Bishop of Rochester, then of Lincoln) Preaching on this Text, LUKE 19 13. Negotiamini dum venio. In this Convocation, Matthew Sutcliffe, Doctor of the Law, and Deane of Exeter was chosen Prolocutor, but nothing save matters of course passed therein. Nor find I any eminent Divine deceased this year. 4. Francis Godwin doctor of Divinity, Francis Godw: made Bishop of Landaff Sub-Deane of Exeter, Son of Thomas Godwin, Bishop of Wells, (like another d In vit● Greg. Nazianzen. Gregory Nazianzen a Bishop, Son to a Bishop) was promoted to the Church of Landaff, he was borne in the fourth year of Queen Elizabeth, who was not a little sensible of, and thankful for God's favour unto her, in suffering her so long to hold the Helm of the English Church, till one borne within her reign was found fit to be a Bishop. He was stored with all polite Learning, both judicious and industrious in the study of Antiquity, to whom, not only the Church of Landaff (whereof he well deserved) but all England is indebted, as for his other learned Writings, so especially for his Catalogue of Bishops. He was translated Anno 1617. to Hereford, and died, many years after, a very old man in the reign of King CHARLES. 5. Now came forth a notable Book against the Jesuits, Watson's Quodlibers against the Jesuits. written in a Scholastic way, by one Watson a Secular Priest, consisting of ten quodlibets, each whereof is subdivided into as many Articles. It discovereth the Jesuits in their colours, ferreting them out of all their burrows of Equivocation and mental reservation, holding Proteus so hard to it, that in despite of his changing into many shapes, he is forced to appear in his own proper form. No entire Answer, for aught I can learn, was ever returned to this Book. The Jesuits (according to their old Trick) slighting what they cannot confute, and counting that unworthy to be done, which they found themselves unable to do. Indeed, for matters of fact therein, they are so punctually reported with the several circumstances of time and place, that the guilty consciences of such as are concerned therein (though snapping and snarling at pieces and passages thereof) for the main may well give it over for unanswerable. 6. Yet the whole Book is written with an imbittered style, The black character of jesuis painted with the Pencil of a Secular Priest. so that Protestant Charity hath a better conceit of Jesuits, than to account them altogether so bad. Take one passage of many. e Second Quodliber, third Article. pag. 62. No, no, their course of life doth show what their study is, and that howsoever they beast of their perfections, holiness, Meditations and exercises, yet their platform is heathenish, tyrannical, satanical, and able to set ARETINE, LUCI●N, MACHIAVELLI, yea, and DON LUCIFER in a sort to school, as impossible for him, by all the art he hath, to be-sot men as they do. This is the same Watson, who, though boasting of the obedience of the Secular Priests to their Sovereigns, and taxing the jesuits for want thereof, was notwithstanding himself, afterwards executed for a Traitor in the reign of King james. It seems as well Seculars, as jesuits, are so loaden with Loyalty, that both need the Gallows to ease them of the burden thereof. 7. Great at this time was the Calm in the English Church, the Brethren not endeavouring any thing in Opposition to the Hierarchy. A Quiet in the English Ch: and the cause thereof. This some impute not to their Quienesse, but Weariness, because so long they had in vain seeked to cast off that Yoke from them: Besides, they did not so much practise for the Present, as project for the Future, to procure hereafter an Establishment of their Ecclesiastical Government. For they beheld the Queen's old Age as a Taper of Virgin Wax now in the Socket, ready to be extinguished, which made them address and apply themselves with all diligence, to JAMES King of Scotland, the Heir apparent to the Crown, as to the rising Sun, whom they hoped will be more favourable to their Proceed. Hopes not altogether groundless, whilst they considered the Power of the Presbytery in the Church of Scotland, where Bishops, though lately restored to their place, were so restrained in their Power, that small was their Command in Church-affaires, which made the Brethren in England thence to promise Great matters to themselves, but with what success shall be seen hereafter. As for Mr. Thomas Cartwright, the Chiefraine of that Party in England; we find him at this time growing rich in the Town of Warwick, (there Master of an Hospital) by the Benevolence and Bounty of his Followers, where he preached f Sir Geo: Paul in the life of Archbishop Whitgiss. p. 54 very temperately, according to his Promise made to the Archbishop. 8. Some ascribe this his Mildness to his old Age and Experience, Several Reasons assigned of Mr. Cartwright's Moderation. it being commonly observed, Ann. Reg. Bliz. 44. that in Controversies of this kind, Ann. Dom. 1602 Men, when they consult with their own Grey hairs, begin to abate of their Violence. Others conceive that Archbishop Whitgift had conquered him with his kindness, having formerly procured him both his Pardon & Dismission out of all his Troubles, so that his Coals of Courtesies heaped on Mr. Cartwright's Head, made the good Metal (the Ingenuity in him) to melt into Moderation. For in his Letters written with his own hand, March 24. Anno 1601. he confesseth himself much obliged unto him, vouchsafing him the style of A RIGHT REVEREND FATHER IN GOD, AND HIS LORD THE ARCHBISHOP'S GRACE OF CANTERBURY, which Title of GRACE., he also often yieldeth him throughout his Letters, acknowledging his g Sir George Paul, ut prius. Bond of most humble Duty so much the straighter, because his Grace's Favour proceeded from a frank Disposition, without any desert of his own. Others (and that not improbably) do think that Mr. Cartwright grew sensible with Sorrow, how all Sects and Schisms, being opposite to Bishops (Brownists, Barrowists, etc.) did shroud and shelter themselves under his Protection, whom he could neither reject with Credit, nor receive with Comfort, seeing his Conscience could not close with their enormous Opinions, and his Counsel could not regulate their extravagant Violences, which made him by degrees decline their Party. Yet, for all this, there want not those who will maintain, that all this while Mr. Cartwright was not more remiss, but more reserved in his Judgement, being still as sound, but not as sharp in the cause out of Politic intents, like a skilful Pilot in a great Tempest yielding to the Violence of a storm, therewith to be carried away, contrary to his intents for the present, but waiting when the Wind should soon turn about to the North, and blow him and his a prosperous Gale, according to their Desires. 9 What his opinions were, The Character of Mr. Cartwr. may appear by the Premises, and his life may be presumed most pious, it concerning him to be strict in his Conversation, who so stickled for the Reformation of all abuses in the Church. An excellent Scholar, pure Latinist (his Travels advantaging the ready use thereof) accurate Grecian, exact Hebraician, as his Comments on the Proverbs, and other Works, do sufficiently testify. But the Masterpiece of all his Writings, was, that his Confutation of the Rhemish Translation of the New Testament into ENGLISH, at the Importunity of many Ministers of London and Suffolk, and Sir Francis Walsingham, the Queen's Secretary, (Mr. Cartwright's especial Patron) gave him an h See the Preface of M. Cartwright's Book hundred pounds to buy him Books, and encourage him in that Work. However, the setting forth thereof, was stopped by Archbishop Whitgift; probably we may conceive, because some Passages therein did glance at and gird the Episcopal Discipline in England, and after it had lain thirty years neglected, it was first set forth Anno 1618. and then, without either Privilege or Licence, except any will say that Truth is a Licence for itself. In a word, no English Champion in that Age, did with more Valour or Success, charge and rout the Romish Enemy in matters of Doctrine. But when that Adversary sometimes was not in the field, than his active spirit fell foul in point of Discipline, with those which otherwise were of his own Religion. 10. The same year proved fatal to many other eminent Clergymen, Bishop Westphaling, Dean Nowell, Mr. Perkins, Gr: Sayer, and Will: 〈◊〉 depart this World. and I hope, without offence, I may join them together, their Bodies at the same time meeting at the Grave, though their minds before had parted in different Opinions. 1. Herbert Westphaling Bishop of Hereford (though perchance his Ambiguous Death is more properly referred to the last year) brought up in Christ-church in Oxford, being the first Bishop of that Foundation; a Man of great Piety of Life, and of such i Godwin de Prasulibus Anglia. p. 546. Gravity, that he was seldom, or never seen to laugh, leaving no great, but a well gotten Estate, out of which he bequeathed twenty pounds per annum to Jesus College in Oxford. 2. Alexander Nowell Doctor of Divinity, and Deane of S. Paul's in London, borne in Lancashire, bred in Oxford, afterwards fled into Germany, in the reign of Queen Mary. He was the first of k Donald upon in his Life. English Exiles, that returned in the days of Q. Elizabeth. And I have read how in a Parliament he was chosen Burgess of a Town of Cornwall: But his Election pronounced void, because he was a Deacon. A Man of a most Angelical Life, and Deep Learning. A great Defender of Justification by Faith alone, and yet a great Practiser of Good Works; witness l Gamblen's Elizabeth in Anno 2602. two hundred pounds a year rend, for the maintenance of thirteen Students bestowed on Brazen-nose College, wherein he had his Education. A great honourer of the Marriage of the Clergy, and yet who lived and died single himself. An aged Man, of 90. years of age, yet fresh in his youthful Learning: yea, like another Moses, his eyes were not dim, nor did he ever make use of m Hugh Holland in his Icones Vircrum Illustrium. Spectacles to read the smallest Print. 3. William Perkins, who was born in the first, and died in the last of Q. Eliz. so that his Life (as n In the Holy State, where see hi● Life at large. we have elsewhere observed, to which we remit the Reader) running parallel with this Queen's Reign, began, continued, and ended therewith. 4. Gregory (before his entrance into Religion Robert) Sayer, bred in Cambridge, then leaving the University, fled beyond sea, where he became a Benedictine Monk, of the Congregation of S. Justin in Milan. He lived in several parts of Europe, as at Phemes, Rome, Montcasie, Venice, where he died, and was buried o Puzeus de 〈◊〉 Anglick Aetate Detima septima, p. 801. the 30. of Octob. having written many Volumes in great esteem with men of his Profession. 5. William Harris, as Obscure among Protestants, as Eminent with the Popish Party. A Master of Art of Lincoln College in Oxford: whence leaving the Land, he fled beyond-sea, living at Douai, and afterwards he came over into p ●●em ibidem. England, where it seems he had the Hap to escape the Queen's Officers, and to die in his Bed. His Book called THE THEATRE OF THE MOST TRUE AND ANCIENT CHURCH OF ENGLAND, is highly accounted of Roman Catholics. 11. About this time the low Estate of the City of Geneva (the Nursery of the Reformed Religion) was lively represented to the Prelates, Relief sent to the City of Geneva. Clergy, and Well-disposed Persons of England, being for the Present in a very Dolefull condition. Long since it had been undone, but because it had so many Enemies to undo it: So that by God's providence, q Judg. 14. 14. Out of the Devourer came Meat; such Neighbouring Princes and States, which were both Willing and Able to swallow up this Zoar, did preserve it. For rather than Savoy should suppress it, Venice, Florence, the Popish Cantons in Switzerland, and France itself, would support. But for all this politic Geometry, wherewith long it had hung safe betwixt several Competitors, it was, lately, shrewdly shaken by the Puissance of the Duke of Savoy, who, addicted to the Spanish Faction, had banished all Protestants out of his Domin●ons: Archbishop Whitgift (whose hand was ever open to any Pious Design) led with his liberal Example, and the rest cheerfully followed, so that large sums of money were seasonably made over for the Relief of Geneva. 12. Queen Elizabeth, The death of Q. Elizabeth. the mirror of her Sex and Age, having above 40 years, to the Admiration of Envy itself, managed this Kingdom, finding when she began, few Friends that durst help, and leaving no Foes that could hurt her, exchanged her Earthly, for a Heavenly Crown; who, as she lived and died an unspotted Virgin, so her Maiden memory is likely, in this respect, to remain sole and single; seeing History affords no Prince to be marched to her Fame in all considerable Particulars. Her Corpse were solemnly interred under a fair Tomb in Westminster; Ann. Reg. 45. the lively Draught whereof, Ann. Dom. 1602 is pictured in most London, & many Country Churches, every Parish being proud of the shadow of her Tomb; and no wonder, when each Loyal Subject erected a mournful Monument for her in his heart. But soon after all English Souls were employed equally to divide themselves betwixt Exclamations of Sorrow for her Death, and Acclamations of Joy for K. James his succeeding her. 13. And now it is strange with what Assiduity and Diligence, King Ja. 1. the two Potent Parties, the Defenders of Episcopacy and Presbytery, K James sends a Welcome message to the Episcopal Party. with equal Hopes of Success, made (besides Private and Particular Addresses) Public and Visible Applications to King James, the first to continue, the later to restore, or rather set up their Government; So that whilst each Side was Jealous, his Rival should get the Start by early stirring, and rise first in the King's favour. Such was their Vigilancy, that neither may seem to go to Bed: Incestantly diligent both before and since the Queen's Death, in dispatching Posts and Messages into Scotland to advance their several Designs. We take notice of two principal, M. Lewis Pickering a Northampton shire Gentleman, and zealous for the Presbyterian Party, was the third Person of quality, who riding incredibly swift (good News makes good Horsemen) brought King James the Tidings of Queen Elizabeth's Death. But how fare, and with what Answer he moved the King in that Cause, is uncertain. Doctor Thomas Nevil, Deane of Canterburte, came into Scotland some days after him, (except any will say, that he comes first, that comes really to effect what he was sent for) being solemnly employed by s Sir G: Paul's in the Archbishop's Life. Numb. 126. Arch bishop Whitgift to his Majesty in the name of the Bishops and Clergy of England, to tender their Bounden Duties, and to understand his Highness' Pleasure for the ordering and guiding of Ecclesiastical Causes. He brought back a welcome Answer to such as sent him of his Highness' purpose, which was to uphold, and maintain the Government of the late Queen, as she left it settled. 14. Soon after followed the Treason of William Watson on this occasion. Watson's ●lly Treason. This Watson, Secular Priest, had written a bitter Book against the Jesuits, as being one knowing (though not so secret of their faults, as their own Confessors, taxing them with truth so plain, they could not deny, so foul, they durst not confess it. Now such is the charity of Jesuits, that They never owe any man any ill will, making present payment thereof. These Holy Fathers (as Watson intimated on the d Stows Chronicle. p. 831. Scaffold, at his Death, and forgave them for the same) cunningly and covertly drew him into this action, promoting him, who was ambitious, (though pretending to much Mortification) treasonably to practise his own preferment. 15. Watson, with William Clark another of his own profession) having fancied a notional Treason, imparted it to George Brooks, one angry with Nature, His mostly Complices. not so much for making him lame, as a younger Brother. These break it to (Brook his Brother) the L. Cobham, to the Lord Grace of Whaddon, and Sir Walter Raleigh, the one a known Protestant, the other a reputed Puritan, the third an able Statesman: Besides, some other Knights, displeased with their present Fortunes (how quickly is Discontent inflamed into Disloyalty!) because, since the turning of the Wheel, at the Queen's Death, on the wrong Side of Preferment. Watson devised an Oath of Secrecy for them all, which was no more than needful, considering their different Interests, rather pieced than united, patched than pieced together. 16. Had one lost his Religion, he might have found it (though I confess a Treason is but a bad place to seek it in) in this Conspiracy, Their wild means whereby to attain a mad end. wherein men of all persuasions were engaged. Their Parts were as different as their Opinions, some of them being conceived too wise to begin, and others too weak to finish so dangerous a Design. The ends they propounded to themselves, (as they were charged therewith) were to kill the King, raise Rebellion, altar Religion, at least gain a Toleration, and procure a foreign Invasion, with many more things which, may be spoken easier in a Minute, than done in an Age, especially their Interest being not much at home, and nothing abroad. Ann. Dom. 1602 They ante-divided all Offices of State betwixt themselves, Ann. Reg. Jac. 1. Lord Martial to one, Treasurer to another, Master of the Horse to a third, Secretary to a fourth, etc. only Sir Walter Raleigh (able to discharge any) had no particular Office assigned unto him. Watson was to be Lord Chancellor, being very fit for the place, had he but as much skill to decide Causes, as write Quodlibets. There wanted nothing to estate them in all these Offices, but only their getting of them. 17. Wonder not that this Treason was discovered so soon, The two Priests executed. but covered so long. The two Priests alone, Nou. 29. with G: Brook, were executed, who, to use the words of King james in his Letter to Sir Benjamine Tichbourne, Sheriff of Hantshire, (for the Plague being in London, Term was removed to Winchester, where they were tried) Vaire the principal Plotteris and Intisaris of all the rest, to the embracing of the saidis treasonabil Machinations. The rest were pardoned their Lives, not their Lands. We must not forget that the Priests pleaded the silliest for themselves of all that were arraigned, alleging, that their Practice against the King could not be Treason, because done against him before he was crowned. Watson instancing in Saul, who was anointed in e 1 Sam. 10. 1. Ramah, and afterward made King in f Ibid. ver. 24. Mizpeh. Clark insisted on Rehoboam, as being no King till the People had g 1 King. 12. 1 made him so. Not remembering (what our Lawyers there minded them of) the difference betwixt successive Kings, deriving their claim from their Ancestors, and one newly elected, the English Crown also being as incapable of an Inter-regnum, as Nature of a Vacuity. Mean time, the Jesuits looked on, and laughed at Watson's Execution, to see how bunglingly Secular Priests went about a Treason, resolving in the next platform thereof (which now they were contriving) to rectify the errors Watson had committed: not to engage in a squint-eyed company (where two did not look the same way) but to select a competency of cordial Catholics for the purpose. 18. No sooner was King james settled on the English Throne, Mr Cartwright dedicates a Book to King James. but Mr. Cartwright presented unto him his Latin Comment on Ecclesiastes, thankfully mentioning in his Dedication, how he had, some twenty years before been chosen to be Professor in a Scotch University, though declining the acceptance thereof, because of his Pastoral Charge, being then Minister to the English Congregation at Antwerp. Thanks, perchance, not so proper to the person of King james (though in Loyalty and good Manners, justly tendered unto him) as due, rather to those who in his minority steered the affairs of Scotland: Nor let any wonder that an English man should be proffered preferment in Scotland, seeing it was but one for another, remembering that I have read in the life of Mr. Knox, that he was offered an English Bishopric in the reign (as I take it) of K. Edw: the 6. and likewise refused the same. 19 But Mr Cartwright survived not long after (otherwise, Mr. Cartwright his Death. no doubt, we should have heard of him in Hampton Court-Conference, Dec. 27. as the Champion of his Party) who died at the age of sixty, on the 27. of December following. To what we have formerly largely writ of his Character, we now only add, that he was born in Hartford shire, Camden in his Eliz. and married the Sister of M. Stubbs, whose hand was struck off for writing an [interpreted] Libel against Queen Elizabeth's Marriage with Monsieur. This I dare boldly say, She was a most excellent Wife, if she proved like her Brother, whom Mr. Cambden (no great friend of Puritans) cordially commendeth for a right honest man, generally beloved whilst living, and lamented when dead. He was afflicted towards his old Age with many Infirmities, insomuch that he was forced continually to study upon his * See his Life lately set forth by M. Clark. knees. My Ears shall be dear to the uncharitable inference of those, who impute this extraordinary painful posture as a just punishment upon him, in that he had so bitterly inveighed against the gesture of those as superstitious, who reverently received the Sacrament on their knees. M. Dod preached his Funeral Sermon. 20. And now, The Presbyterian Petition to K. & Parl. because there was a general expectation of a Parliament, suddenly to succeed the Presbyterian Party, that they might not be surprised, before they had their tackling about them, Ann. Dom. 1603 went about to get hands of the Ministers to a Petition, which they intended seasonably to present to the K. and Parl M. Arthur Hildersham, and M. Stephen Egerton, with some others, were chosen, and chief entrusted to manage this important business. This was called The millenary Petition, as, One of a thousand, w See M. Hildersam's 〈◊〉 set forth by Mr. Clark. though in indeed there were but seven hundred and fifty Preachers hands set thereunto: But those all collected only out of five and twenty Counties. However, for the more rotundity of the number, and grace of the matter, it passeth for a full thousand; which, no doubt, the Collectors of the names (if so pleased) might easily have completed. I dare not guess what made them desist before their number was finished; whether they thought that these were enough to do the deed, and moe, were rather for ostentation than use; or, because disheartened by the intervening of the Hampton-Court Conference, they thought, that these were even too many to petition for a Denial. It is left as yet uncertain, whether this Conference was by the King's favour graciously tendered, or by the mediation of the Lords of his Counsel powerfully procured; or by the Bishops, as confident of their cause, voluntarily proffered; or by the Minister's importunity effectually obtained. Each Opinion pretends to Probability, but the last most likely. 1603 And, by what means soever this Conference was compassed, Hampton-Court was the Place, the 14 of January the Time, and the following Names the Persons which were employed therein. For Conformity. Moderator Against Conformity. Arch bish of Canterbury. Whitgift. Biashops of London. Bancroft Durham. Matthew. Winchester. Bilson. Worcester. Babington. St. david's. Rudd. Chicester. Watson. Carlisle. Robinson. Peterbor. Dove. Deans of The a Though all these Deans were summoned by Letters, and present in the Presence. Chamber; yet only five, (viz. of the Chapel, Westminister, Paul's, Chester and Sarisbury) on the first day were called in. Chapel. Christ-Church. Worcester. Westminster. Andrew's. S. Paul's. Overall. Chester. Barlow. Sarisbury Bridges. Windsor. D. Field. King. KING JAMES. Spectators. All the Lords of the Privy Council, whereas some at times, interposed a few words. Place. A withdrawing Room within the Privy chamber. Dr. Reynolds. Sparks. Mr. Knewstubs. Chaderton. These remaining in a Room without, were not called in the first day. To omit all gratulatory Preambles, as necessary, when spoken, as needless, if now repeated, we will present only the Substance of this Day's Conference, his Majesty thus beginning it. It is no novel device, but according to the example of all Christian Princes, for Kings to take the first course for the establishing of the Church, both in Doctrine and Policy. To this the very Heathen related in their Proverb, A Jove principium, particularly in this Land, King Henry the 8. towards the end of his Reign, altered much, King Edward the 6. more, Queen Marry reversed all, and lastly, Queen Elizabeth (of b Note his Majesty never remembered her, but with some honourable Addition. famous memory) settled Religion as now it standeth. Herein I am happier than they, because they were feign to alter all things they found established, Ann. Dom. 160 3/4 whereas I see yet no suchcause to change, Ann. Reg. Jac. 1 as confirm what I find well settled already. For blessed be Gods gracious Goodness, who hath brought me into the Promised Land, where Religion is purely professed, where I sit amongst Grave, Learned, and Reverend Men, not as before, elsewhere, a King without State, without Honour, without Order, where Beardless Boys would brave us to the Face. And I assure you, we have not called this Assembly for any Innovation, for we acknowledge the Government Ecclesiastical, as now it is, to have been approved by manifold blessings from God himself, both for the increase of the Gospel, and with a most happy and glorious Peace. Yet because nothing can be to absolutely ordered, but that something may be added thereunto, and corruption in any State (as in the Body of Man) will insensibly grow either thorough Time or Persons; and because we have received many complaints since our first entrance into this Kingdom of many disorders, and much disobedience to the Laws, with a great falling away to Popery. Our purpose therefore is, like a good Physician, to examine and try the Complaints, and fully to remove the occasions thereof, if scandalous; cure them if dangerous and take knowledge of them, if but frivolous, thereby to cast a Sop into Cerberus his Mouth, that he bark no more. For this cause we have called you Bishops and Deans in, severally by yourselves, not to be confronted by the contrary Opponents, that if any thing should be found meet to be redressed, it might be done without any visible Alteration. Particularly there be some special Points wherein I desire to be satisfied, and which may be renduced to three Heads, 1. Concerning the Book of Common Prayer and Divine Service used in the Church. 2. Excommunication in Ecclesiastical Courts. 3. The providing of fit and able Ministers for Ireland. In the Common Prayer-book I require satisfaction about three things: First about Confirmation. For the very name thereof, if arguing a Confirming of Baptism, as if this Sacrament without it were of no validity, is plainly blasphemous. For though at the first use thereof in the Church, it was thought necessary, that baptised Infants, who formerly had answered by their Patrins, should, when come to years of discretion, after their Profession made by themselves, be confirmed with the blessing of the Bishop, I abhor the Abu●e wherein it is made a Sacrament, or Corroboration to Baptism. As for Absolution, I know not how it is used in our Church, but have heard it likened to the Pope's Pardons. There be indeed two kinds thereof from God: One general, all Prayers and Preaching importing an Absolution. The other particular to special Parties, having committed a Scandal, and repenting: Otherwise, where Excommunication precedes not, in my judgement there needs no Absolution. Private Baptism is the third thing wherein I would be satisfied in the Common Prayer: If called Private from the Place, I think it agreeable with the use of the Primitive Church; but if termed private, that any, besides a lawful Minister, may baptise, I utterly dislike it. [And here his Majesty grew somewhat earnest in his Expressions, against the baptising by Women and Laics.] In the second Head of Excommunication, I offer two things to be considered of: First the Matter, Secondly the Persons. For the first, I would be satisfied, whether it be executed (as it is complainmed of to me) in light Causes, and that too commonly, which causeth the undervaluing thereof. For the Persons, I would be resolved, why Chancellors, and Commissaries, being Laymen, should do it, and not rather the Bishops themselves, or some Minister of Gravity and account, deputed by them for the more dignity to so high and weighty a Censure. As for providing Ministers for Ireland, I shall refer it in the last day's Conference to a Consultation. c He addressed himself to the King on his knee. Ar-Bp. of Cant. Confirmation hath been used in the Catholic Church ever since the Apostles; and it is a very untrue suggestion (if any have informed your Highness) that the Church of England holds Baptism imperfect without it, as adding to the virtue and strength thereof. BP. of Lon. The Authority of Confirmation depends not only on d Citing Cypr. Ep. 73. and Jer. Adversus Luciferiam. Antiquity, and the Practice of the Primitive Church, but is an Apostolical Institution, named in express words, Heb. 6. 2. and so did Mr. Calvin expound the very place, earnestly wishing the restitution thereof in the reformed Churches. [The Bishop of Carlisle is said gravely and learnedly to have urged the same, and the Bishop of Durham noted something out of S. Matthew for the Imposition of hands on Children.] The Conclusion was this, For the fuller Explanation that we make Confirmation, neither a Sacrament nor a Corroboration thereof, their Lordships should consider whether it might not without Alteration (whereof his Majesty was still very wary) be entitled an Examination with a Confirmation. Ar-B. of Cant. As for the point of Absolution (wherein your Majesty desires satisfaction) it is clear from all abuse or superstition, as it is used in our Church of England, as will appear on the reading both of the Confession and Absolution following it, in the beginning of the Communion Book. Here the King perused both, and returned. His Majesty. I like, and approve them, finding it to be very true what you say. BP. of Lond. It becometh us to deal plainly with your Majesty. There is also in the Book a more particular and personal absolution in't he Visitation of the Sick. Here the Dean of the Chapel turned unto it and read it. These be severally cited. BP. of Lond. Not only the Confessions of Augusts, Boheme, and Saxon, retain and allow it, but Mr. Calvin also doth approve, both such a general, and such a private (for so he terms it) Confession and Absolution. His Majesty. I exceedingly well approve it, being an Apostolical and Godly Ordinance, given in the name of Christ, to one that desireth it, upon the clearing of his Conscience. The Conclusion was this, That the Bishops should consult, whether unto the Rubric of the general Absolution, these words, Remission of Sins, might not be added for explanation sake. Archbp. of Can. To the point of private Baptism, the administration thereof by Women and Lay-people is not allowed in the practice of the Church, but enquired of, and ceusured by Bishops in their Visitations. His Majesty. The Words of the Book cannot but intent a permission of Women and private Persons to baptise. BP. of Worc. d To this be cited the Testimony of the Archbishop of York. The doubtful words may be pressed to that meaning; yet the Compilers of the Book did not so intent them, as appeareth by their contrary practice. But they propounded them ambiguously, because otherwise (perhaps) the Book would not (then) have passed the Parliament. BP. of Lond. Those reverend Men intended not by ambiguous terms to deceive any, but thereby intended e Here he produced the Letters of some of those first compilers. a Permission of private Persons to baptise, in case of necessity. This is agreeable to the practice of the ancient Church, Act. 2. when three thousand being baptised in a day, (which for the Apostles alone to do, was [at the least] improbable) some being neither Priests nor Bishops, must be presumed employed therein, and some Fathers are of the same opinion. Here he spoke much, and earnestly about the necessity of Baptism. His Ma. That in the Acts was an Act exraordinary, and done before a Church was settled and grounded, wherefore no sound reasoning thence to a Church established and flourishing. I maintain the necessity of Baptism, and always thought the place John 3. 5. Except one be born again of Water, etc. was meant thereof. It may seem strange to you, my Lords, that I think you in England give too much to Baptism, seeing fourteen months ago in Scotland, I argued with my Divines there, for attributing too little unto it; Insomuch that a pert Minister asked me, if I thought Baptism so necessary, that, if omitted, the Child should be damned? I answered, No: But if you, called to baptise a Child, though 0privately, refuse to come, I think you shall be damned. But, this necessity of Baptism I so understand, that it is necessary to be had, if lawfully to be had, that is, ministered by lawful Ministers, by whom alone, and no private person in any case, it may be administered: though I utterly dislike all Rebaptisation on those whom Women or Laics have baptised. Bp. of Winch. To deny private Persons to baptise in case of necessity, were to cross all Antiquity, and the common Practice of the Church, it being a rule agreed on amongst Divines, that the Minister is not of the Essence of the Sacrament. His Ma. Though he be not of the Essence of the Sacrament, yet is he of the Essence of the right, and lawful Ministry thereof, according to Christ's g Mat. 28. 20. Commission to his Disciples, Go preach and baptise, etc. The Result was this, To consult, whether in the Rubric of Private Baptism, which leaves it indifferently to all, these words, Curate, or lawful Minister, may not be inserted. For the point of Excommunication, His Majesty propounded, whether in causes of lesser moment the name might not be altered, and the same censure retained. Secondly, whether in place thereof another coercion, equivalent thereunto, might not be invented? Which all sides easily yielded unto, as long and often desired; and so was The end of the first day's Conference. On Monday January the 16. they all met in the same place, Jan. 16 with all the Deans and Doctors above mentioned; (Patrick Galloway, Minister of Perth in Scotland, admitted also to be there) And hopeful Prince Henry sat on a stool by his Father. The King made a pithy Speech to the same purpose which he made the first day, differing only in the conclusion thereof, being an address to the four Opposers of Conformity, there present, whom he understood the most grave, learned, and modest of the aggrieved sort, professing himself ready to hear at large what they could object, and willed them to begin. Dr. Reyn. All things disliked or questioned, may be reduced to these four Heads▪ 1. That the Doctrine of the Church might be preserved in purity, according to God's Word. 2. That good Pastors might be planted in all Churches to preach the same. 3. That the Church government might be sincerely ministered according to God's Word. 4. That the Book of Common-Prayer might be fitted to more increase of Piety. For the first, may Your Majesty be pleased, that the Book of Articles of Religion concluded on 1562. may be explained where obscure, enlarged where defective, viz. Whereas it is said, Article the 16. After we have received the Holy Ghost, we may departed from Grace. These words may be explained with this or the like addition, Yet neither totally, nor finally. To which end it would do very well, if the mine orthodoxal Assertions, concluded on at Lambeth, might be inserted into the Book of Articles. Secondly, whereas it is said in the 23 Article, that it is not lawful for any in the Congregation to preach, before he be lawfully called: these words ought to be altered, because implying one out of the Congregation may preach, though not lawfully called. Thirdly, in the 25 Article there seemeth a contradiction, one passage therein confessing Confirmation, to be a depraved imitation of the Apostles, and another grounding it on their example. BP. of Lond. May your Majesty be pleased, that the ancient Canon may be remembered, Schismatici contra Episcopos non sunt audiendi. And, there is another Decree of a very ancient Council, That no man should be admitted to speak against that whereunto he hath formerly subscribed. And as for you Doctor Reynolds, and your Sociates, how much are ye bound to his majesty's Clemency, permitting you, contrary to the Statute primo Elizabethae, so freely to speak against the Liturgy, and Discipline established. Feign would I know the end you aim at, and whether you be not of Mr. Cartwright's mind, who affirmed, That we ought in Ceremonies rather to conform to the Turks than to the Papists. I doubt you approve his Position, because here appearing before his Majesty in Turky-Gownes, not in your Scholastic habits, according to the order of the Universities. His Majesty. My Lord Bishop, something in your passion I may excuse, and something I must mislike. I may excuse you thus fare, That I think you have just cause to be moved, in respect that they traduce the well-setled Government, and also proceed in so indirect a course, contrary to their own pretence, and the intent of this Meeting. I mislike your sudden interruption of Doctor Reynolds, whom you should have suffered to have taken his liberty; For, there is no Order, nor can be any effectual Issue of Disputation, if each party be not suffered, without chopping, to speak at large. Wherefore, either let the Doctor proceed, or frame your Answer to his Motions already made, although some of them are very needless. BP. of Lond. Upon the first motion concerning falling from Grace, may Your Majesty be pleased to consider how many in these days neglect holiness of Life, presuming on persisting in Grace upon Predestination, If I shall be saved, I shall be saved. A desperate Doctrine, contrary to good Divinity, wherein we should reason rather ascendendo than descendendo, from our Obedience to God, and Love to our Neighbour, to our Election and Predestination. As for the Doctrine of the Church of England, touching Predestination, it is in the very next Paragraph, viz. We must receive God's Promises in such wise as they be generally set forth to us in Holy Scripture, and in our do the will of God is to be followed, which we have expressly declared unto us in the Word of God. His Majesty. I approve it very well, as consonant with the place of Paul, Work out your salvation with fear and trembling. Yet let it be considered of, whether any thing were meet to be added for clearing of the Doctor's doubt, by putting in the word often, or the like. Mean time, I wish that the Doctrine of Predestination may be tenderly handled, lest on the one side God's Omnipotency be questioned by impeaching the Doctrine of his eternal Predestination, or on the other side a desperate presumption arreared, by inferring the necessary certainty of persisting in Grace. B. of Lond. The second Objection of the Doctors is vain, it being the Doctrine and Practice of the Church of England, that none but a Licenced Minister may preach, nor administer the Lords Supper. His Majesty. As for Private Baptism, I have already with the Bishops taken order for the same. Then came they to the 2d. point of Confirmation, and upon the perusal of the words of the Article, His Majesty concluded the pretended Contradiction a Cvaill. Bp. of Lond. Confirmation is not so much founded on the place in the Acts of the Apostles, but upon Heb. 6. 2. which was the opinion, besides the judgement of the Fathers, of Mr. Calvin h On Heb 6. 2. and Doctor Fulk i On Act. 8. 27. ; neither needeth there any farther proof, seeing (as I suppose) he that objected this holds not Confirmation unlawful; but he and his Party are vexed that the use thereof is not in their own hands, for every Pastor to confirm his own Parish; for than it would be accounted an Apostolical Institution, if Dr. Reynolds were pleased but to speak his thoughts therein. Dr. Reyn. Indeed seeing some Diocese of a Bishop hath therein six k Here the Bishop of London thought himself touched, because about 609 in his Diocese. hundred Parishes, it is a thing very inconvenient to permit Confirmation to the Bishop alone; and I suppose it impossible that he can take due examination of them all which come to be confirmed. BP. of Lond. To the matter of fact, I answer, that Bishops in their Visitations appoint either their Chaplains, or some other Ministers, to examine them which are to be confirmed, and lightly confirm none but by the testimony of the Parsons and Curates, Ecclesiae Salus in sumi sacerdotis dignitate pendet, cui si non exors quaedem & ab omnibus eminens data potestos, tor in Ecclesis efficientur Schismata quot Sacerdotes. where the Children are bred and brought up. To the Opinion I answer, that none of all the Fathers ever admitted any to confirm but Bishops alone. Yea, even S. Jerome himself (otherwise no friend to Bishops) confesseth the execution thereof was restrained to Bishops only. BP. of Winch. Dr. Reynolds, I would fain have you, with all your Learning, show where ever Confirmation was used in ancient times by any other but Bishops; These used ait partly to examine Children, and after Examination by Imposition of Hands (the Jewish Ceremony of Blessing) to bless and pray over them; and partly to try whether they had been baptised in the right form or no. For in former ages some baptised (as they ought) in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy-Ghost. Some (as the Arrians) in the name of the Father as the greater, and the Son as the less. Some in the name of theFather by the Son, in the Holy Ghost. Some not in the name of the Trinity, but only in the Death of Christ. Whereupon Catholic Bishops were constrained to examine them who were baptised in remotis, concerning their Baptism, if right to confirm them, if amiss to instruct them. His Majesty. I descent from the judgement of S. Jerome in his assertion, that Bishops are not of Divine Ordination. BP. of Lond. Unless I could prove my Ordination lawful out of the Scriptures, I would not be a Bishop four hours longer. His Majesty. I approve the calling and use of Bishops in the Church, and it is my Aphorism, No Bishop, no King; nor intent I to take Confirmation from the Bishops, which they have so long enjoyed. Seeing as great reason that none should confirm, as that none should preach without the Bishop's Licence. But let it be referred, whether the word Examination ought not to be added to the Rubric in the title of Confirmation in the Communion-book. And now Dr. Reynolds you may proceed. D ●. Reyn. I protest I meant not to gall any man, though I perceive some took personal exceptions at my words, and desire the imputation of m It seems the Bishop of London, jealous that he was reflected on, (as is aforesaid) called the Doctor Schismatic. Schism may not be charged upon me. To proceed on the 37. Article, wherein are these words, The Bishop of Rome hath no authority in this Land. These are not sufficient, unless it were added, nor aught to have any. His Majesty. Habemus jure, quod habemus, and therefore in as much as it is said he hath not, it is plain enough that he ought not to have. Here passed some pleasant discourse betwixt the King and Lords about Puritants, till returning to seriousness: There began the BP. of Lond. May it please your Majesty to remember the Speech of the French Ambassador, Mounsieur Rognee, upon the view of our solemn service and Ceremony, viz. That if the Reformed Churches in France had kept the same order, there would have been thousands of Protestants more than there are. Dr. Reyn. It were well if this proposition might be added to the Book of Articles, The Intention of the Minister is not of the Essence of the Sacrament, the rather, because some in England have preached it to be essential; and here again I could desire that the nine Orthodoxal Assertions concluded at Lambeth, may be generally received. His Majesty. I utterly dislike the first part of your motion, thinking it unfit to thrust into the Book of Articles every position negative, which would swell the book into a volume as big as the Bible, and confound the Reader. Thus on M. Craig in Scotland with his, I renounce and abhor his multiplied detestations and abrenuntiations, so amazed simple people, that not able to conceive all their things, they fell back to Popery, or remained in their former ignorance. If bound to this form, the Confession of my faith must be in my Table book, not in my head. Because you speak of intention, I will apply it thus. If you come hither with a good intention to be informed, the whole work will sort to the better effect: But if your intention be to go as you came (whatsoever shall be said) it will prove the intention is very material and essential to the end of this present action. As for the nine Assertions you speak of, I cannot suddenly answer, not knowing what those Propositions of Lambeth be. BP. of Lond. May it please your Majesty, this was the occasion of them, by reason of some Controversies arising in Cambridge about certain points of Divinity, my Lords Grace assembled some Divines of special note to set down their opinions, which they drew into nine Assertions, and so sent them to the University for the appeasing of those quarrels. His Majesty. When such questions arise amongst Scholars, the quietest proceed were to determine them in the University, and not to stuff the Book of Articles, with all Conclusions Theological. Secondly, the better course would be to punish the Broachers of false Doctrine, than to multiply Articles, which, if never so many, cannot prevent thecontrary opinions of men till they be heard. Dean of Paul's. May it please your Majesty, I am nearly concerned in this matter, by reason of a Controversy betwixt me and some other in Cambridge, upon a Proposition, which I there delivered, namely, that whosover (though before justified) did commit any grievous sin, as Adultery, Murder, etc. do become ipso facto, subject to God's wrath, and guilty of Damnation, quoad praesentem statum, until they repent. Yet, so that those who are justified according to the purpose of God's Election (though they might fall into grievous sin, and thereby into the present Estate of Damnation) yet never totally nor finally from Justification; but were in time renewed by God's spirit unto a lively Faith and Repentance. Against this Doctrine some did oppose, teaching that persons once truly justified, though falling into grievous sins, remained still in the state of Justification, before they actually repent of these sins; yea, and though they never repent of them through forgetfulness or sudden death, they nevertheless were justified and saved. His Majesty. I dislike this Doctrine, there being a necessity of conjoining repentance and holiness of Life with true Faith, and that is Hypocrisy, and not justifying Faith, which is severed from them. For although Predestination and Election depend not on any qualities, actions, or works of Man which are mutable, but on God's eternal Decree. Yet such is the necessity of repentance after known sins committed, that without it no Reconciliation with God, or Remission of Sins. Dr. Reyn. The Catechism in the Common-Prayer-book is too brief, and that by Mr. Nowell (late Deane of Paul's) too long for Novices to learn by heart. I request therefore that one Uniform Catechism may be made, and none other generally received. His Majesty. I think the Doctour's request very reasonable, yet so, that the Catechism may be made in the fewest and plainest affirmative terms that may be, not like the many ignorant Catechisms in Scotland, set out by every one who was the Son of a good man; insomuch that what was Catechisme-Doctrine in one Congregation, was scarcely received as Orthodox in another; and herein I would have two rules observed: First, That curious and deep questions be avoided in the Fundamental instruction of a People, Secondly, That there should not be so general a departure from the Papists, that every thing should be accounted an Error wherein we agree with them. Dr. Reyn. Great is the Profanation of the Sabbath day, and contempt of your majesty's Proclamation, which I earnestly desire may be reform. This motion found an unanimous consent. Dr. Reyn. May your Majesty be pleased that the Bible be new translated, such as are extant not answering the Original, and he instanced in three particulars. Gal. 4. 25. Psal. 105. 28. Psal. 106. 30. In the Original 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They were not disobedient. Phinehas execut. judgement. Ill translated Bordereth. They were not obedient. Phinehas prayed. B. of Lond. If every man's humour might be followed, there would be no end of translating. His Majesty. I profess I could never yet see a Bible well translated in English; but I think, that of all, that of Geneva is the worst. I wish some special pains were taken for an uniform translation; which should be done by the best learned in both Universities, then reviewed by the Bishops, presented to the Privy Council, lastly ratified by Royal Authority, to be read in the whole Church, and no other. Bp. of Lond. But it is fit that no marginal notes should be added thereunto. His Majesty. That Caveat is well put in, for in the Geneva Translation, some notes are partial, untrue, seditious, and savouring of traitorous conceits: As, when from Exodus 1. 19 Disobedience to Kings is allowed in a Marginal note. And 2 Chron. 15. 16. King Asa taxed in the Note for only deposing his Mother for Idolatry, and not killing her. To conclude this point, let Errors, in matters of Faith, be amended, and indifferent things be interpreted, and a gloss added unto them. For as Bartolus de Regno saith, that a King with some weakness, is better than still a change; so rather a Church with some Faults, than an Innovation. And surely, if these were the greatest matters that grieved you, I need not have been troubled with such importunate Complaints. Dr. Reyn. May it please your Majesty, that unlawful and seditious Books be suppressed, such as Ficlerus, a Papist, De Jure Magistratus in Subditos, applied against the late Queen for the Pope. Bp. of Lond. There is no such licentious divulging of those Books, and none have Liberty, by Authority, to buy them, except such as Dr. Reynolds, who was supposed would confute them. And, if such Books come into the Realm by secret conveyances, perfect nottce cannot be had of their importation. Besides, Ficlerus was a great Disciplinarian, whereby it appears what advantage that sort gave unto they Papists, who, mutatis personis, apply their own arguments against Princes of their Religion, though for my part I detest both the Author and Applyer alike. The Ld. Cecil. Indeed the unlimited liberty of dispersing Popish and Seditious Pamphlets in Paul's Church yard, and both the Universities, hath done much mischief; but especially one called Speculum Tragicum. His Majesty. That is a dangerous Book indeed. L. H: Howard. Both for Matter and Intention. Ld. Chancel. Of such Books, some are Latin, some are English, but the last dispersed do most harm. Secret. Cecil. But my Lord of London (and no man else) hath done what he could to suppress them. His Majesty. Dr. Reynolds, you are a better College man than a Statesman, if meaning to tax the Bishop of London for suffering those Books, between the Secular Priests and Jesuits, to be published, which he did by warrant from the Council, to nourish a Schism betwixt them. Ld. Cecil. Such Books were tolerated, because by them the Title of Spain was confuted. Ld. Treasurer. And because therein it appears, by the Testimony of the Priests themselves, that no Papists are put to death for Conscience only, but for Treason. Dr. Reyn. Indeed I meant not such Books as were printed in England, but one lie such as came from beyond the Seas. And now to proceed to the second general point, concerning the planting of learned Ministers, I desire they be in every Parish. His Majesty. I have consulted with my Bishops about it, whom I have found willing and ready herein: But, as subita evacuatio is periculosa; so subita mutatio: It cannot presently be performed, the Universities not affording them. And yet they afford moe learned men, than the Realm doth Maintenance, which must be first provided. In the mean time, ignorant Ministers, if young, are to be removed, if there be no hope of amendment; if old, their death must be expected, because Jerusalem cannot be built up in a day. BP. of Winch Lay-Patrons much cause the insufficiency of the Clergy, presenting mean Clerks to their Cures (the Law admitting of such sufficiency; and, if the Bishop refuseth them, presently a Quare impedit is sent out against him. BP. of Lond. Because this I see is a time of moving Petitions, * This he spoke kneeling. may I humbly present two or three to your Majesty: First, That there may be amongst us a praying Ministry, it being now come to pass, that men think it is the only Duty of Ministers to spend their time in the Pulpit. I confess, in a Church newly to be planted, Preaching is most necessary, not so in one long established, that Prayer should be neglected. His Majesty. I like your Motion exceeding well, and dislike the Hypocrisy of our Time, who place all their Religion in the Ear, whilst Prayer (so requisite and acceptable, if duly performed) is accounted and used as the least part of Religion. Bp. of Lond. My second motion is, that until Learned men may be planted in every Congregation, godly Homilies may be read therein. His Majesty. I approve your Motion, especially where the Living is not sufficient for the maintenance of a learned Preacher. Also, where there be multitudes of Sermons, there I would have Homilies read divers times. Here the King asked the assent of the Plaintiffs, and they confessed it. A preaching Ministry is best, but where it may not be had, godly Prayers and Exhortations do much good. Ld. Chancel. Live rather want Learned men, Egcrtor, L. Elsemcr. than Learned men Live; many in the Universities pining for want of Places. I wish therefore some may have single Coats [one Living] before others have Doublets [Pluralities.] And this method I have observed in bestowing the King's Benefices. Bp. of Lond. I commend your honourable care that way; but a Doublet is necessary in cold Wether. Ld. Chancel. I dislike not the Liberty of our Church, in granting to one man two Benefices, but speak out of mine own purpose and practise, grounded on the aforesaid reason. BP. of Lond. My last motion is, that Pulpits may not bemade Pasquil's, wherein every discontented Fellow may traduce his Superiors. His Majesty. I accept what you offer, for the Pulpit is no place of personal Reproof, let them complain to me, if injured. BP. of Lond. If you Majesty shall leave yourself open to admit of all Complaints, hour Highness shall never be quiet, nor your under-Officers regarded, whom every Delinquent, when censured, will threaten to complain of. His Majesty. I mean they shall complain to Me by degrees; first to the Ordinary, from him to the Archbishop, from him to the Lords of the Council; and, if in all these no remedy be found, then to myself. Dr. Reyn. I come now to Subscription, * This concerned the fourth general head, (viz. the Communion Book) as he first propounded it; however, here he took occasion to urge it. as a great impeachment to a learned Ministry, and therefore entreat it may not be exacted as heretofore; for which many good men are kept out, though otherwise willing to subscribe to the Statutes of the Realm, Articles of Religion, and the King's Supremacy. The reason of their backwardness to subscribe, is, because the Common-prayer enjoineth the Apocryphas books to be read in the Church, although some Chapters therein contain manifest Errors repugnant to Scripture. For instance, Ecclus. 48. 10. Elias in person is said to come before Christ, contrary to what is in the New * Mat: 11. 14. Luke 1. 17. Testament of Elias in resemblance, that is, John the Baptist. BP. of Lond. Most of the Objections against those Books, are the old Cavils of the Jews, renewed by S. Jerome (who first called them Apocryphas) which opinion, upon Ruffinus his challenge, he, after a sort, disclaimed. BP. of Winch. Indeed S. Jerome saith, Canonici sunt ad informandos mores, non ad confirmandam fidem. His Majesty. To take an even order * Viz. in the Dominical Gospels. betwixt both, I would not have all Canonical Books read in the Church, nor any Chapter out of the Apocryphas, wherein any error is contained; wherefore let Dr. Reynolds note those Chapters in the Apocripha-books, wherein those offences are, and bring them to the Archbishop of Cant. against Wednesday next; and now Dr. proceed. Dr. Reyn. The next Scruple against Subscription, is, because it is twice * Here we omit Mr. Knowstub his exception against the interrogatories in Baptism, because he spoke so perplexedly, that his meaning is not to be collected therein. set down in the Common-prayer-book, Jesus said to his Disciples, when by the Text in the Original, it is plain, that he spoke to the Pharisees. His Majesty. Let the word Disciples, be omitted, and the words, Jesus said be printed in a different Letter. Mr. Knewst. I take exceptions at the Cross in Baptism, whereat the weak Brethren are offended, contrary to the counsel of the Apostle, Romans 14. 2 Corinth. 8. His Majesty. Distingue tempora, & concordabunt Scripturae, Great the difference betwixt those times and ours. Then, a Church not fully settled; Now, ours long established. How long will such Brethren be weak? Are not FORTY FIVE years sufficient for them to grow strong in? Besides, who pretends this weakness? We require not Subscriptions of Layicks and Idiots, but of Preachers and Ministers, who are not still (I trow) to be said with Milk, being enabled to feed others. Some of them are strong enough, if not headstrong; conceiving themselves able enough to teach him who last spoke for them, andall the Bishops in the Land. Mr. Knewst. It is questionable whether the Church hath power to institute an outward signifiant sign. BP. of Lond. The Cross in Baptism is not used otherwise than a Ceremony. Bp. of Winch. Kneeling, lifting up of the Hands, knocking of the Breast, are significant Ceremonies, and these may lawfully be used. D. of the Chap. The Robbines write, that the Jews added both Signs and Words at the institution of the Passeover, viz. when they eaten sour herbs, they said, Take and eat these in remembrance, etc. When they drank Wine, they said, Drink this in remembrance, etc. Upon which addition, and tradition, our Saviour instituted the Sacrament of his last Supper, thereby approving, a Church may institute and retain a Sign significant. His Majesty. I am exceeding well satisfied in this point, but would be acquainted about the antiquity of the use of the Cross. Dr. Reyn. It hath been used ever since the Apostles time; But the onestion is, how ancient the use thereof hath been in Baptism. D. of Westm. It appears out of Tertullian, Cyprian, and Origen, that it was used in immortali lavacro. Bp. of Winch. In Constantine's time it was used in Baptism. His Majesty. If so, I see no reason but that we may continue it. Mr. Knewst. Put the case the Church hath power to add significant signs, it may not add them where Christ hath already ordained them, which is as derogatory to Christ's Institution, as if one should add to thegreat Seal of England. His Majesty. The case is not alike, seeing the Sacrament is fully finished, before any mention of the Cross is made therein. Mr. Knewst. If the Church hath such a power, the greatest scruple is, how far the Ordinance of the Church bindeth, without impeaching Christian Liberty. His Majesty. I will not argue that point with you, but answer as Kings in Parliament Le Roy s'avicera; This is like M. John Black, a beardless Boy, who told me the last * December 1601. Conference in Scotland, that he would hold conformity with his Majesty in matters of Doctrine; but every man for Ceremonies was to be left to his own Liberty. But I will have none of that, I will have one Doctrine, one Discipline, one Religion, in Substance, and in Ceremony. Never speak more to that point, how fare you are bound to obey. Dr. Reyn. Would that the Cross (being superstitiously abused in Popery) were abandoned, as the Brazen Serpent was stamped to powder by Hezekias, because abused to Idolatry. His Majesty. In as much as the Cross was abused to Superstition in time of Popery, it doth plainly imply that it was well used before. I detest their courses, who peremptorily disallow of all things, which have been abused in Popery, and know not how to answwer the objections of the Papists, when they charge us with Novelties, but by telling them, we retain the primitive use of things, and only forsake their Novel Corruptions. Secondly, no resemblance betwixt the Brazen Serpent (a material visible thing) and the sign of the Cross, made in the Air. Thirdly, Papists (as I am informed) did never ascribe any spiritual Grace to the Cross in Baptism. Lastly, material Crosses, to which people fell down in time of Popery (as the Idolatrous Jews to the Brazen Serpent) are already demolished, as you desire. Mr. Knewst. I take exception at the wearing of the Surplice, a kind of Garment used by the Priests of Isis. His Majesty. I did not think, till of late, it had been borrowed from the Heathen, because commonly called a rag of Popery. Seeing now we border not upon Heathens, Ann. Dom 1603-04 Ann. Reg. Jac. 1 neither are any of them conversant with, or commorant amongst us, thereby to be confirmed in Paganism; I see no reason but for comlinesse-sake, it may be continued. Dr. Reyn. I take exception at these words in the Marriage, With my body I thee worship. His Majesty. I was made believe, the phrase imported no less than Divine Adoration, but find it an usual English term, as when we say, A Gentleman of worship, & it agreeth with the Scriptures, giving Honour to the Wife. As for you, This the King spoke smiling. Dr. Reynolds, many men speak of Robin Hood, who never shot in his Bow. If you had a good Wife yourself, you would think all worship and honour you could do her, were well bestowed on her. D. of Sarum. Some take exception at the Ring in Marriage. Dr. Reyn. I approve it well enough. His Majesty. I was married with a Ring, and think others scarce well married without it. Dr. Reyn. Some take exceptions at the Churching of Women, by the name of purification. His Majesty. I allow it very well, Women being loath of themselves to come to Church, I like this, or any other occasion to draw them thither. Dr. Reyn. My last exception is against committing Ecclesiastical Censures to Lay-Chancellors, the rather, because it was ordered, Anno 1571. that Lay-Chancellors, in matters of Correction,, and Anno 1589. in matters of Instance, should not excommunicate any, but be done, only by them who had power of the Keys, though the contrary is commonly practised. His Majesty. I have conferred with my Bishops about this point, and such order shall be taken therein as is convenient. Mean time go on to some other matter. Dr. Reyn. I desire, that according to certain Provincial Constitutions, the Clergy may have meetings every three weeks. 1. First in Rural Deaneries, therein to have prophesying, as Archbishop Grindall, and other Bishops, desired of her late Majesty. 2. That such things as could not be resolved on there, might be referred to the Arch-Deacons Visitations. 3. Andso to the Episcopal Synod, to determine such points before not decided. His Majesty. If you aim at a Scottish Presbytery, it agreeth as well with Monarchy, as God and the Devil. Then Jack, and Tom, and Will, and Dick, shall meet and censure me and my Council. Therefore I reiterate my former speech, Le Ray S'avisera; Stay, I pray, for one seven years, before you demand, and then if you find me grow pursy and fat, I may, perchance harken unto you, for that Government will keep me in breath, and give me work enough. I shall speak of one matter more, somewhat out of order, but it skilleth not; D. Reynolds, you have'often spoken for my Supremacy, and it is well: But know you any here, or elsewhere, who like of the present Government Ecclesiastical, and dislike my Supremacy? Dr. Reyn. I know none. His Majesty. Why then I will tell you a tale: After that the Religion restored by King Edward the sixth, was soon overthrown by Queen Mary here in England, we in Scotland felt the effect of it. For thereupon Mr. Knox, writes to the Queen regent (a virtuous and moderate Lady) telling her that she was the supreme head of the Church; and charged her, as she would answer it at God's Tribunal, to take care of Christ his Evangil, in suppressing the Popish Prelates, who withstood the same; But how long trow did you this continue? Even till by her authority, the Popish Bishops were repressed, and Knox, with his adherents, being brought in, made strong enough. Then began they to make small account of her supremacy, when, according to that more light, wherewith they were illuminated, they made a farther reformation of themselves. How they used the poor Lady my Mother, is not unknown, and how they dealt with me in my minority. I thus apply it. My Lords, the Bishops, I may * This be said putting his hand to his bat. thank you that these men plead thus for my Supremacy. They think they cannot make their Party good against you, but by appealing unto it; but if once you were out, and they in, I know what would become of my Supremacy, for NO BISHOP, NO KING. I have learned of what cut they have been, who, preaching before me, since my coming into England, passed over, with silence, my being Supreme Governor in causes Ecclesiastical. Well Doctor, have you any thing else to say? Dr. Reyn. No more, if it please your Majesty. His Majesty. If this be all your Party hath to say, I will make them conform themselves, or else I will harry them out of the Land, or else do worse. Thus ended the second day's Conference, Jan. 18 and the third began on the Wednesday following, many Knights Civilians, and Doctors of the Law, being admitted thereunto, because the High Commission was the principal matter in debate. His Majesty. I understand, that the parties named in the High Commission, are too many, and too mean, and the matters they deal with, base, such as Ordinaries at home in their Courts might censure. Archb. of Cant. It is requisite their number should be many, otherwise I should be forced oftentimes to sit alone, if in the absence of the Lords of the Council, Bishops, and Judges at Law, some Deans and Doctors, were not put into that Commission, whose Attendance I might command with the more Authority: I have often complained of the meanness of matters handled therein, but cannot remedy it. For though the Offence be small, that the Ordinary may, the Offender ofttimes is so great, and contumacious, that the Ordinary d●re not punish him, and so is forced to crave help at the High Commission. A nameless L d. The Proceed in that Court, I dare not guests him, for fear of failing. are like the Spanish Inquisition, whereiu men are urged to subscribe more than Law requireth; and by the Oath ex officio, forced to accuse themselves, being examined upon twenty, or twenty four Articles on a sudden, without deliberation, and for the most part against themselves. In proof hereof, he produced a Letter of an ancient honourable Counsellor, An. 1584. verifying this usage to two Ministers in Cambridge shire. Archb. of Cant. Your Lordship is deceived in the manner of proceeding; For, if the Article touch the Party, for Life, Liberty, or Scandal, he may refuse to answer; I can say nothing to the particulars of the Letter, because twenty years since, yet doubted not, but at leisure to give your Lordship satisfaction. Ld. Chancel. There is necessity, Here we omit a discourse about Subscription, because not methodised into the Speech of several persons. and use of the Oath Ex officio, in divers Courts, and Causes. His Majesty. Indeed civil Proceed only punish Facts; but it is requisite that Fame and Scandals be looked unto in Courts Ecclesiastical, and yet great moderation is to be used therein. 1. In gravioribus criminibus. 2. In such whereof there is a public Fame, caused by the inordinate demeanour of the Offender. And here he sound described the Oath ex officio, for the ground thereof, the Wisdom of the Law therein, the manner of proceeding thereby, and profitable effect from the same. Archb. of Cant. Undoubtedly your Majesty speaks by the special assistance of God's Spirit. BP. of Lond. I protest my heart melteth with joy, that Almighty God, of his singular mercy, * This he spoke on his knee. hath given us such a King, as, since Christ's time, the like hath not been. Then passed there much discourse between the King, the Bishops, and the Lords, about the quality of the Persons, and Causes in the High Commission, rectifying Excommunications in matters of less moment, punishing Recusants, providing Divines for Ireland, Wales, and the Northern Borders. Afterwards the four Preachers were called in, and such alterations in the liturgy were read unto them, which the Bishops, by the King's advice, had made, and to which, by their silence, they seemed to consent. His Majesty. I see the exceptions against the Communion-book, are matters of weakness, therefore if the persons reluctant be discreet, they will be won betimes, and by good persuasions: If indiscreet, better they were removed, for by their factions many are driven to be Papists. From you Dr. Reynolds and your Associates, I expect obedience and humility (the marks of honest and good men and that you would persuade others abroad by your example. Dr. Reyn. We here do promise to perform all duties to Bishops, as Reverend Fathers, and to join with them against the common Adversary for the quiet of the Church. Mr. Chader. I request * This he spoke kneeling. the wearing of the Surplice, and the Cross in Baptism may not be urged on some godly Ministers in Lancashire, fearing, if forced unto them, many won by their preaching of the Gospel will revolt to Popery, and I particularly instance in the Vicar of Ratsdale. Ar-b. of Cant. You could not have light upon a worse, for not many years ago (as my Lord * Who being there present, averred the same. Chancellor knows) it was proved before me, that by his unreverent usage of the Eucharist (dealing the Bread out of a Basket, every man putting in his hand, and taking out a piece) he made many loath the Communion, and refuse to come to Church. His Majesty. It is not my purpose, and I dare say it is not the Bishop's intent, presently, and out of hand, to enforce these things, without Fatherly Admonitions, Conferences, and Persuasions, premised; but I wish it were examined, whether such Lancashire Ministers, by their pains and preaching, have converted any from Popery, and withal be men of honest Life, and quiet Conversation. If so, let Letters be written to the Bishop of * This was R●ch: Vaughan, afterwards Bishop of Lond. Chester, (who is grave and good man) to that purpose, that some favour may be afforded unto them, and let the Lord Archbishop write the Letters. BP. of Lond. If this be granted, the copy of these Letters will fly all over England, and then all non conformists will make the like request, and so no fruit follow of this Conference, but things will be worse than they were before. I desire therefore a time may be limited, within the compass whereof they shall conform. His Majesty. I assent thereunto, and let the Bishop of the Diocese set down the time. Mr. Knewst. I request * Here he fell down on his knees. the like favour of forbearance to some honest Ministers in Suffolk. For it will make much against their credits in the Country, to be now forced to the Surplice, and Cross in Baptisime. Archb. of Cant. Nay Sir.— His Majesty. Let me alone to answer him. Sir, you show yourself an uncharitable man. We have here taken pains, and, in the end, have concluded on Unity and Uniformity, and you, forsooth, must prefer the credits of a few Private Men before the Peace of the Church. This is just the Scotch Argument, when any thing was concluded, which disliked some humours. Let them either conform themselves shortly, or they shall hear of it. Ld. Cecil. The indecency of ambuling Communions, is very offensive, and hath driven many from the Church. BP. of Lond. And Mr. Chaderton, I could tell you of sitting Communions in Emanuel College. Mr. Chad. It is so, because of the seats so placed as they be, and yet we have some kneeling also in our Chapel. His Majesty. No more hereof for the present, seeing they have jointly promised hereafter to be quiet and obedient. Whereat He risen up to departed into an inner Chamber. BP. of Lond. God's goodness be blessed for your Majesty, and give health and prosperity to Your Highness, your Gracious Queen, the young Prince, and all the Royal Issue. Thus ended the three day's Conference, The general censure of the Conferencers. wherein how discreetly the King carried himself, Posterity (out of the reach of Flattery is the most competent Judge, such matters being, most truly discerned at distance. It is generally said, that herein he went above himself; that the Bishop of London appeared even with himself; and Dr. Reinolds fell much beneath himself. Others observed that Archbishop Whitgift spoke most gravely; Bancroft (when out of passion) most politicly; Bilson, most learnedly. And of the Divines, Mr. Reynolds most largely; Knewstubs most affectionately; Chaderton most sparingly. In this Scene, only Dr. Sparks was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 making use of his hearing, not speech, converted (it seems) to the truth of what was spoken, and soon after setting forth a Treatise of Unity and Uniformity. But the Nonconformists complained, The Non-conformists Complaint. that the King sent for their Divines, not to have their Scruples satisfied, but his Pleasure propounded; not that he might know, what they could say, but they, what he would do in the matter. Besides, no wonder if Dr. Reynolds a little lost himself, whose eyes were partly dazzled with the light of the King's Majesty, partly daunted with the heat of his displeasure. Others complain, that this Conference is partially set forth only by Dr. Barlow, Dean of Chester, their professed Adversary, to the great disadvantage of their Divines. And when the Israelites go down to the Philistines, to whet all their Iron Tools, no wonder if they set a sharp edge on their own, and a blunt one on their Enemy's weapons. This Conference produced some alterations in the liturgy, The Product of this Conference. women's baptising of Infants, formerly frequent, hereafter forbidden; in the Rubric of Absolution, Remission of Sins inserted, Confirmation termed also an Examination of Children; and some words altered in the Dominical Gospels, with a resolution for a new Translation of the Bible. But whereas it was hitherto disputable, whether the North, where he long lived, or the South, whither he lately came, should prevail most, on the King's judgement, in Church-government; this doubt was now clearly decided. Hence forward many cripples in conformity, were cured of their former halting therein, and such, who knew not their own, till they knew the King's mind in this matter, for the future, quietly digested the Ceremonies of the Church. We have formerly made mention of the Millemanus Petition for Reformation, The Copy of the Milenary Petition. which about this time was solemnly presented to His Majesty, and which here we have truly exemplified; The humble Petition of the Ministers of the Church of England, desiring Reformation of certain Ceremonies, and abuses of the Church. To the most Christian, and excellent Prince, our Gracious and dread Sovereign, James by the grace of God, etc. We the Ministers of the Church of England, that desire Reformation, wish a long, prosperous, and happy Reign over us in this Life, and in the next everlasting Salvation. MOst gracious and dread Sovereign, Seeing it hath pleased the Divine Majesty, to the great comfort of all good Christians, to advance Your Highness, according to Your just Title, to the peaceable Government of this Church and Commonwealth of ENGLAND: We the Ministers of the Gospel in this Land, neither as factious men, affecting a popular Parity in the Church, nor as Schismatics aiming at the dissolution of the State Ecclesiastical; but as the faithful servants of Christ, and Loyal Subjects to Your Majesty, desiring, and longing for the redress of divers abuses of the Church; could do no less, in our obedience to God, service to Your Majesty, love to his Church, than acquaint Your Princely Majesty, with our particular griefs: For, as Your Princely Pen writeth, The King, as a good Physician, must first know what peccant humours his Patient naturally is most subject unto, before he can begin his cure. And, although divers of us that sue for Reformation, have formerly, in respect of the times, subscribed to the Book, some upon Protestation, some upon Exposition given them, some with Condition, rather than the Church should have been deprived of their labour, and ministry; Yet now, we, to the number of more than a thousand, of Your Majesty's Subjects and Ministers, all groaning, as under a common burden of Humane Rites and Ceremonies, do, with one joint consent, humble ourselves at Your Majesty's Feet, to be eased and relieved in this behalf. Our humble suit then unto Your Majesty is, that these offences following, some may be removed, some amended, some qualified. I. In the Church-Service. That the Cross in Baptism, Interrogatories ministered to Infants, Confirmation, as superfluous, may be taken away. Baptism not to be ministered by Women, and so explained. The Cap, and Surplice not urged. That Examination may go before the Communion. That it be ministered with a Sermon. That divers terms of Priests, and Absolution, and some other used, with the Ring in Marriage, and other such like in the Book, may be corrected. The long-somenesse of Service abridged. Church-songs, and Music moderated to better edification. That the Lords day be not profaned. The Rest upon Holidays not so strictly urged. That there may be an Uniformity of Doctrine prescribed. No Popish Opinion to be any more taught, or defended. No Ministers charged to teach their people to bow at the name of JESUS. That the Canonical Scriptures only be read in the Church. II. Concerning Church-Ministers. That none hereafter be admitted into the Ministry, but able and sufficient men, and those to Preach diligently, and especially upon the Lord's day. That such as be already entered, and cannot Preach, may either be removed, and some charitable course taken with them for their reliese; or else to be forced, according to the value of their Live, to maintain Preachers. That non-residency be not permitted. That King Edward's Statute, for the lawfulness of Minister's Marriage be revived. That Ministers be not urged to subscribe, but, according to the Law, to the Articles of Religion, and the King's Supremacy only. III. For Church-living, and Maintenance. That Bishops leave their Commendams; some holding prebend's, some Parsonages, some Vicarages with their Bishoprics. That double beneficed men be not suffered to hold, some two, some three Benefices with Cure: and some, two, three, or four Dignities besides. That Impropriations annexed to Bishoprics and Colleges, be demised only to the Preachers Incumbents, for the old rent. That the Impropriations of laymen's Fees may be charged with a sixth, or seventh part of the worth, to the maintenance of the Preaching Minister. iv For Church-Discipline. That the Discipline, and Excommunication may be administered according to Christ's own Institution: Or at the least, that enormities may be redressed. As namely, That Excommunication come not forth under the name of Lay persons, Ann. Reg. Jac. 2 Chancellors, Officials, etc. That men be not excommunicated for trifles, and twelve-peny matters. That none be excommunicated without consent of his Pastor. That the Officers be not suffered to extort unreasonable Fees. That none, having Jurisdiction, or Registers places, put out the same to Farm. That divers Popish Canons (as for restraint of Marriage at certain times) be reversed. That the longsomeness of Suits in Ecclesiastical Courts (which hang sometime two, three, four, five, six, or seven years) may be restrained. That the Oath Ex Officio, whereby men are forced to accuse themselves, be more sparingly used. That Licenses for Marriage, without Banes asked, be more cautiously granted. These, with such other abuses, yet remaining, and practised in the Church of England, we are able to show, not to be agreeable to the Scriptures, if it shall please your Highness farther to hear us, or more at large by Writing to be informed, or by Conference among the Learned to be resolved. And yet we doubt not, but that, without any farther process, your Majesty (of whose Christian judgement, we have received so good a taste already) is able of Yourself, to judge of the equity of this cause. God, we trust, hath appointed your Highness our Physician to heal these diseases. And we say with Mordecai to Hester, who knoweth, whether you are come to the Kingdom for such a time? Thus Your Majesty shall do that, which we are persuaded, shall be acceptable to God, honourable to your Majesty in all succeeding ages, profitable to his Church, which shall be thereby increased, comfortable to your Ministers, which shall be no more suspended, silenced, disgraced, imprisoned for men's traditions: and prejudicial to none, but to those that seek their own quiet, credit, and profit in the world. Thus, with all dutiful submission, referring ourselves to your Majesty's pleasure, for your gracious answer, as God shall direct you: we most humbly recommend Your Highness to the Divine Majesty; whom we beseech for Christ his sake to dispose Your Royal heart to do herein, what shall be to his glory, the good of his Church, and your endless comfort. Your Majesty's most humble Subjects, the Ministers of the Gospel, that desire not a disorderly innovation, but a due and godly Reformation. 25. This calm, The issue of this Petition. and still, but deep Petition, being (as is aforesaid) presented to the King, it was given out that his Majesty lent it a favourable ear; that some great ones about him gave it a consenting entertainment; that some potent strangers (I understand of the Scottish nation) had undertaken the conduct, and managing thereof. Whether indeed it was so, God knows, or, whether these things were made to make the people, the Van pretending a victory, that the Rear might follow the more comfortably. Sure it is, this Petition ran the Gantlop throughout all the Prelatical party, every one giving it a lash, some with their Pens, moe with their Tongues: and the dumb Ministers (as they term them) found their speech most vocal against it. The Universities (and justly) found themselves much aggrieved, that the Petitioners should proportion a seaventh part only out of an impropriation in a Layman's fee; whilst those belonging to Colleges and cathedrals, should be demised to the Vicars at the old rent, without fine, without improvement. Whereas Scholars being children of the Prophets, counted themselves most proper for Church-revenues; and this motion, if effected, would cut off more than the nipples of the breasts of both Universities, in point of maintenance. 26. Cambridge therefore began, Universities justly nettled thereat. and passed a Grace in their Congregation, that whosoever in their University, should by Word or Writing, oppose the received Doctrine, and Discipline of England, or any part thereof; should ●ipso facto, be suspended from their former, & excluded from all future degrees. Oxford followed, recompensing the slowness of her pace, with the firmness of her footing, making a strong and sharp confutation of the Petition. But indeed King James made the most real refutation thereof, not resenting it (whatsoever is pretended) according to the desires and hopes (not to say the reports) of such who presented it. And after his Majesty had discountenanced it, some hotspurs of the opposite party began to maintain (many copies thereof being scattered into vulgar hands) that now the property thereof was altered from a Petition into a Libel. And such papers desamatory of the present Government, punishable by the Statute, Prime Elizabethae. Under favour, Other Millenary Petitions. I conceive this Petition, by us lately exemplified, the proper Millenary Petition. Otherwise I observe, that Millenary Petition is, vox aequivoca, and attributed to all Petitions, with numerous and indefinite subscriptions, which were started this year concerning Church-Reformation. Many there were of this kind, moving for more, or less alteration, as the promoters of them stood affected. For all men's desires will then be of the same size, when their bodies shall be of the same stature. Of these, one, most remarkable, required a subscription in manner as followeth, We whose names are under written, do agree to make our humble Petition to the King's Majesty, that the present state of the Church, may be farther reform in all things needful, according to the rule of God's holy Word, and agreeable to the example of other reformed Churches, which have restored both the Doctrine and Discipline, as it was delivered by our Saviour Christ, and his holy Apostles. Two things are remarkable therein. First, that this was no present Petition, but a preparative thereunto, which in due time might have proved one, if meeting with proportionable encouragement. Secondly, that it went farther than the former, as not being for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Not for the paring, pruning, and purging, but for the extirpating and abolishing of Bishops, and conforming Church-government to foreign Presbytery. Whether the Subscribers to this Petition, were, for the main, a recruit of new persons, or a resumption of those who underwit the former, I dare not define. Probably many, sensible that before they were Petition-bound, enlarged themselves now in their additional desires. For, such who ask no more than what they would have, commonly receive less than what they ask; seeing Petitions of this nature are seldom granted in full latitude, without some aba●ement. They allowed therefore some over-measure in their requests, that the surplusage being defalked, the remainder might, in some manner, give them satisfaction. Sure I am, Unfair dealing in procuring of hands. the Prelatical party complained, that, to swell a number, the non-conformists did not choose, but scrape Subscribers; not to speak of the ubiquitarinesse of some hands, the same being always present at all Petitions. Indeed to the first, only Ministers were admitted, but to the latter brood of Petitions, no hand, which had five fingers, was refused. Insomuch, that Master George (since Lord) Goring, who then knew little, and cared less for Church-government (as unable to govern himself) being then (fifty years since) rather a Youth than a Man; a Boy, than a Youth; set his hand thereunto (in the right, I believe of his Mother, a good Lady, much addicted to that party) and King James would in merriment make sport with him, to know, what reasons moved him at that age, to this Subscription. But enough of these Petitioners. Perchance we shall hear more of them the next Parliament. SECTION II. TO MATTHEW GILLYE Esq. SOlomon saith, Ann. Reg. Ann. Dom. And there is a * Prov. 18. 24. Friend that is nearer than a Brother. Now, though I have read many Writers on the Text, your practice is the best Comment; which hath most truly Expounded it unto me. Accept this therefore as the Return of the Thanks of your respectful Friend. Causeless jealousies attend old age, Jac. 2 1603-04 The death of Archbishop Whitgift. as appears by Archbishop Whitgift, who ended his Life, according to his own desire, that he might not live to see the Parliament; * See the Preface to Hampton Court conference. being more scared than hurt, as fearing some strange opposition therein, & an assault of Un-conformists on Church-Discipline, fiercer than his age▪ feebled body should be able to resist. Born he was of ancient Parentage at great Grimsby in Lincoln shire, bred in Cambridge, admitted in Queen's College, removed Scholar to Pembroke Hall (where Mr. Bradford was his Tutor) translated Fellow to Peter-house, returned Master to Pembroke, thence advanced Master of Trinity College, successively Parson of Teversham, Prebend of Ely, Dean of Lincoln, Bishop of Worcester, where the Queen forgave him his first fruits, a rare gift for her, who was so good an Huswife of Her Revenues. Yea, she constantly called him, Her little black Husband: which favour nothing elated his gravity, carrying himself as one unconcerned in all worldly honour. He survived the Queen not a full year, getting his bane by going in a cold morning by Barge to Fulham, there to consult with the Bishops about managing their matters in the ensuing Parliament. And no wonder if those few sparks of natural heat, were quickly quenched witha small cold in him, who was then above seventy two years of age. He died of the Palsy, one of the worthiest men that ever the English Hierarchy did enjoy. 2. But a modern writer in his voluminous book against the practices of English Prelates, Mr. Pry 〈◊〉 censuring Whitgift, censured. bitterly inveigheth against him whom be termeth, A Pontifical (meaneth he Paganish, or Popish?) Bishop, and chargeth him with many misdemeanours. Give me leave a little without bitterness, both to pass my censure on his book, and make this Archbishop his just defence, against his calumniation. First in general, behold the complexion of his whole book, and it is black and swarthy in the uncharitable Subject and Title thereof. An Historical collection of the several execrable Treasons, Conspiracies, Rebellions, Seditions, State-schismes, Contumacies, anti-monarchical Practices, and oppressions of English Prelates etc. Thus he weeds men's lives, and makes use only to their disgrace, of their infirmities, mean time suppressing many eminent actions, which his own conscience knows were performed by them. What a monster might be made out of the best beauties in the World, if a Limmer should leave what is lovely, and only collect into one Picture, what he findeth amiss in them? I know there be white Teeth in the blackest Blackamoor, and a black Bill in the whitest Swan. Worst men have something to be commended, best mwn something in them to be condemned. Only to insist on men's faults, to render them odious, is no ingenious employment. God, we know, so useth his fan, that he keepth the Corn, but driveth away the Chaff. But who is he that winnoweth so, as to throw away the good grain, and retain the Chaff only? 3. Besides it containeth untruths, His untruth of Anselme. or at the best uncertainties, which he venteth with assurance to posterity. For instance * Pag. 10. speaking of Walter tyrril, the French Knight, casually killing King William Rufus in new Forest, with an arrow glancing from a tree, he saith, that in all likelihood, Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury (our Whitgifts predecessor) with fore-plotted treason, hired Tyrill to murder the King in this manner. Now to condemn the memory of so pious and learned a man as Anselme was (though I will not excuse him in all things) five hundred years after the fact pretended on his own single bare surmise, contrary to the constant current of all authors (no one whispering the least suspicion thereof) hath (I believe) but little of Law, and nothing of Gospel therein. Let the glancing of tyrrel's arrow mind men how they * Psal. 64. 3. bend their bows to shoot arrows, even bitter words at the memory of the deceased, lest it rebound back (not as his did to hit a slander by, but) justly to wound him, who unjustly delivered it. 4. But to come to our reverend Whitgift. His slander of Whitgift. First, he chargeth him for troubling the Judges, with his Contestations about Prohibitions, endeavouring to enlarge his Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction. This being the Accusation but of a Common Lawyer, and that in favour of his own Courts, I leave to some Doctor of the Civil or Canon Law, as most proper to make answer thereunto. Only, whereas he saith, that Whitgift did it to the prejudice of the Queen's * Pag. 149. Prerogative, surely She knew her own Privileges so well (besides those of her Council to teach her) that she would never have so favourably reflected on him, if sensible (wise Princes having a tender touch in that point) that he any way went about to abridge her Royal Authority. 5. Secondly, And filly taxing of his train. he taxeth him for his extraordinary train, of above sixty man-servants, (though not so extravagant a number, if his person and place be considered) who were all trained up to martial affairs, and mustered almost every week, his stable being well furnished with store of great Horses. But was it a fault in those martial days, when the invasion of a Foreign Foe was daily suspected, to fit his Family for their own, and the Kingdom's defence? Did not * Gen. 14. 14. Abraham, that heavenly Prophet, and holy Patriarch, arm his Trained Servants in his own house, in his victorious expedition against the King of Sodom? Yea, if Churchmen of an Anti-prelaticall spirit, had not since tampered more dangerously with training of Servants, (though none of their own) both Learning and Religion had (perchance) looked, at this day, with a more cheerful countenance. 6. Whereas it intimates, Whitgifts care of, and love to Scholars. that this Archbishop had been better employed in training up Scholars for the Pulpit, than Soldiers for the Field; know, that as the Latter was performed, the former was not quitted by him. Witness many worthy preachers bred under him in Trinity College, and more elsewhere relieved by him. Yea, his Bounty was too large to be confined within the narrow Seas; Beza, Drusius, and other foreign Protestant Divines, tasting freely thereof. Nor was his Liberality only a Cistern for the present age, but a running River from a fresh Fountain, to water Posterity in that School of Croyden, which he hath beautifully built, and bountifully endowed. More might be said in the vindication of this worthy Prelate, from his reproachful pen: But I purposely forbear; the rather, because it is possible, that the learned Gentleman since, upon a serious review of his own Work, and experimental Observation of the passages of this Age, may be more offended with his own writing herein, than others take just exception thereat. 7. Archbishop Whitgift was buried at Croyden, His burial, and Successor. 1604. Mar. 27. March 27. The Earl of Worcester, and Lord Zouch, his Pupils attending his Hearse, and Bishop Babington (his Pupil also) made his Funeral Sermon, choosing for his Text 2 Chron. 24. 15, 16. and paralleling the Archbishops life with gracious Jehoida. Ann. Reg. Jac. 2 Ann. Dom. 1604. Richard Bancroft, Bishop of London, brought up in Jesus College, succeeded him in the Archbishopric; whose actions, in our ensuing History, will sufficiently deliver his character without our description thereof. 8. Come we now to the Parliament assembled, A beneficial Statute for the Church. & amongst the many Acts, which passed therein, none more beneficial for the Church than that, which made the King himself, and his Successors incapable of any Churchland to be conveyed unto them, otherwise than for three lives, or twenty one years. Indeed a Statute had formerly been made the thirteenth of Queen Eliz. which to prevent final Alicnation of Churchland, did disable all subjects from accepting them: But in that Statute a Liberty was left unto the * Because it was no● forbidden in the Statute in express words. Crown to receive the same. It was thought fit to allow to the Crown this favourable exception, as to the Patron general of the whole English Church; and it was but reason for the Sovereign, who originally gave all the Loaf to the Church, on occasion to resume a good Shiver thereof. 9 But he who shuts ninety nine gates of Thebes, A contrivance by the Crown to wrong the Church. and leaveth one open, shuts none in effect. Covetousness (shall I say, an apt Scholar to learn, or an able Master to teach, or both) quickly found out a way to invade the Lands of the Church, and evade the Penalty of the Law, which thus was contrived. Some Potent Courtier first covertly contracts with a Bishop (some whereof, though spiritual in Title, were too temporal in Truth, as more minding their Private Profit, than the Public good of the Church) to pass over such a proportion of Land to the Crown. This done, the said Courtier begs the Land of the Queen (even before her Highness had tasted thereof, or the lips of her Exchequer ever touched the same) and so an Estate thereof is settled on him and his Heirs for ever. And thus Covetousness came to her desired end, though forced to go a longer journey, and fain to fetch a farther compass about. 10. For instance, Two eminent instances of former Alienation of Bishopprick-Lands. Doctor Coldwell, Doctor of Physic, and Bishop of Sarisbury, gave his Sea a very strong Purge, when he consented to the Alienation of Shi●bourn Manor from his Bishopric. Indeed, the good old man was shot between Wind and Water, and his consent was assaulted in a dangerous jointure of time to give any denial. For, after he was elected Bishop of Sarisbury, and after all his Church-preferments were disposed of to other persons, yet before his election was confirmed, past a possibility of a legal reversing thereof; Sir W. Raleigh is importunate with him, to pass Sherborne to the Crown, and effected it, though indeed a good round rent was reserved to the Bishopric. Presently Sir Walter beggeth the same of the Queen, and obtained it. Much after the same manner Sir— Killigrew got the Manor of Crediton (a bough almost as big as all the rest of the Body) for the Church of Exeter, by the consent of Doctor Babington the Bishop thereof. 11. To prevent future wrong to the Church in that kind, Several censures on this new Statute. it was now enacted, That the Crown itself, henceforward, should be incapable of any such Churchland to be conveyed unto it. Yet some were so bold as to conceive this Law void in the very making of it, and that all the obligation thereof, consisted (not in the strength of the Law) but only in the Kings and his Successors voluntary obedience thereunto. Accounting it injurious for any Prince in Parliament to tie his Successors, who neither can, nor will be concluded thereby, farther than it stands with their own convenience. However, it was to stand in force, till the same power should be pleased to rescind it. But others beheld this Law, not with a Politic, but Religious Eye, conceiving the King of Heaven, and the King of England, the Parties concerned therein, and accounting it Sacrilege for any to alienate what is given to God in his Church. 12. Thus was the King graciously pleased to bind himself for the liberty of the Church. K. JAMES a great Churchlover. He knew full well all Courtiers (and especially his own Countrymen's) importunity in ask, and perhaps was privy to his own impotency in denying, and therefore, by this Statute, he eased himself of many troublesome Suitors. For hereafter no wise man would beg of the King, what was not in his power to grant, and what (if granted) could not legally be conveyed to any Petitioner. Ann. Dom. 1604 Ann Reg. Jac. 2 Thus his Majesty manifested his good will and affection to Religion; and, although this Law could not finally preserve Church-lands, to make them immortal, yet it prolonged their lives for many years together. 12. Pass we now into the Convocation, The Acts of this Convocation, why as 〈…〉 recovered. to see what was done there: But here the History thereof, as I may say, is shot betwixt the joints of the Armour; in the interval, after Whitgift's death, and before Bancroft's removal to Canterbury, so that I can find the Original thereof neither in the Office of the Vicar-general, nor in the Registry of London; not can I recover it, as yet, from the Office of the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury, where most probably it is to be had, the Jurisdiction belonging to them in the Vacancy. 13. Take this as the result thereof. Many Canon made therein, Bishop Bancroft sitting Precedent. A Book of Canons was compiled, not only being the sum of the Queen's Articles, Orders of her Commissioners, Advertisements, Canons of 1571. and 1597. which were in use before, but also many more were added, the whole number amounting unto 141. Some wise and moderate men supposed so many Laws were too heavy a burden to be long borne, and that it had been enough for the Episcopal party to have triumphed, not insulted over their adversaries in so numerous impositions. However, an Explanation was made in one of the Canons, of the use of the Cross in Baptism, to prevent Scandal; and learned Thuanus in his History taketh an especial notice thereof. 14. Motion being made in this Convocation, Bishop Rudd, why opposing the oath against Simony. about framing an Oath against Simony, to be taken by all, presented to Churchpreferment. Bishop Rudde of St. david's (as conscientious as any of his order, and free from that fault) opposed it; chief, because he thought it unequal, that the Patron should not be forced, as well as the Clerk, to take that Oath: Whereupon it was demanded of him, whether he would have the King to take that Oath when he presented a Bishop or Dean, and hereat the Bishop sat down in silence. 15. About this time the Corporation of Rippon in Yorkshire, The Petition of the Town of Rippon to Queen Anne. presented their Petition to Queen Anne on this occasion. They had a fair Collegiate Church, stately for the structure thereof, (formerly erected by the Nobility and Gentry of the Vicenage) the means whereof, at the dissolution of Abbeys, were seized on by the King, so that small maintenance was left to the Minister of that populous Parish. Now, although Edwin Sands, Archbishop of York, with the Earl of Huntinton, Lord Burgley and Sheaffield, (successively Precedents of the North) had recommended their Petition to Qu. Elizabeth, they obtained nothing but fair unperformed Promises: whereupon, now the Ripponeers humbly addressed themselves to Queen Anne, and hear her answer unto them. ANNA R. ANNE, by the grace of God, Qu. of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, etc. To all, to whom these presents shall come, greeting. Whereas there hath been lately exhibited and recommended unto us, a frame and platform of a College General, to be planted and established at Rippon in the County of York, for the manifold benefit of both the Borders of England and Scotland. Upon the due perusing of the plot aforesaid, hereunto annexed and upon signification given of the good liking and approbation of the chief points contained therein, by sundry grave, learned, and religious parties, and some other of honourable Place and Estate. We have thought good, for the ample and perpetual advancement of Learning and Religion, in both the borders of our aforesaid Realms, to condescend to yield our favour and best furtherance thereunto: And for the better encouraging of other honourable and worthy Personages, to join with us in yielding their bounty and benevolence thereunto: We have and do signify and assure, and by the word of a sacred Princess and Queen, do expressly promise, to procure, with all convenient speed, to and for the yearly better maintenance of the said College All, and every of the Requests, specified and craved to that end, in a small Schedule hereunto annexed. In confirmation whereof, we have signed these Presents by our hand and name above mentioned, and have caused our privy Signet to be set unto the same: July 4. Dated at our Honour at Greenwich, July 4. An. Dom. 1604. and of our Reign, etc. After the sealing thus subscribed, Gulielmus Toulerius, Secretarius de mandate serenissimae Annae Reginae Angliae, Scotiae, Franciae, Hiberniae. 16. Such need never fear success, King James his bountiful grant. who have so potent a person to solicit their suit, King James being forward of himself to advance Learning and Religion, and knowing Christ's precept, Let your Light shine before Men; knew also that Rippon was an advantageous place for the fixing thereof; As which by its commodious position in the North, there would reflect lustre almost equally into England and Scotland. Whereupon he founded a Dean and Chapter of seven prebend's, allowing them two hundred forty seven pounds a year, out of his own Crowne-land, for their maintenance. 17. I am informed, These Lands since twice sold. that, lately, the Lands of this Church, are, by mistake, twice sold to several Purchasers, viz. Once under the notion of Dean and Chapters Lands; and again, under the property of King's Lands. I hope the Chapmen (when all is right stated betwixt them) will agree amongst themselves on their bargain. Mean time, Rippon Church may the better comport with poverty, because only remitted to its former condition. 18. The Family of Love (or Lust rather) at this time, The Petition of the Family of Love to King James. presented a tedious Petition to King James, so that it is questionable, whether His Majesty ever graced it with his perusal, wherein they endeavoured to clear themselves from some misrepresentations, and by fawning expression, to insinuate themselves into his Majesty's good opinion: Which here we present. To the King's most excellent MAJESTY, JAMES the first, by the grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc. MOst gracious and Sveraigne Lord, whereas there is published in a Book written by your Highness, as an instruction to your most noble * In his Basilicon Doron. Son (whom Almighty God bless with much Honour, Happiness, and Long life) of a People that are of a vile Sect among the Anabaptists, called the Family of Love, who do hold and maintain many proud, uncharitable, unchristian, and most absurd Opinions, unto whom your Highness doth also give the name of Puritans, assuming in the said Book, that divers of them (as Brown, Penry, and others) do accord with them in their foul Errors, heady and fantastical Opinions, which are there set down at large by Your Majesty, advising Your Royal Son (as is most meet) to punish them, if they refuse to obey the Law, and will not cease to stir up Rebellion. Now most gracious Sovereign, because it is meet that your Highness should understand by their supplication, and declaration of the truth herein by themselves (of whom Your Majesty hath been thus informed) prostrate at Your Princely Feet, at true, faithful, loyal, and obedient Subjects, to all your Laws and Ordinances, Civil, Politic, Spiritual, Temporal, They with humble hearts do beseech Your Princely Majesty, to understand, and that the people of the Family of Love, or of God, do utterly disclaim, and detest all the said absurd, and self-conceited opinions, and disobedient, and erroneous sorts of the Anabaptists, Brown, Penty, Puritan, and all other proud-minded Sects and Heresies whatsoever, protesting upon pain of our lives, that we are not consenting nor agreeing with any such brainsick Preachers, nor their rebellious and disobedient sects whatsoever, but have been, and ever will be, truly obedient to your Highness and your Laws, to the effusion of our Blood, and expenses of our Goods and Lands in Your Majesty's service. Highly la●ding Almighty God, who hath so graciously, and peaceably appointed unto us such a Virtuous, Wise, Religious, and Noble King, and so careful, and impartial a Justiciar to govern over us, beseeching him daily to bless Your Highness with his godly wisdom, and holy understanding, to the furtherance of his truth and godliness, and with all honour, happiness, peace, and long life, and to judge rightly between Falsehood and Truth. And because Your Majesty shall have a perfect view, or an assured persuasion of the truth of the same our Protestation, if therefore there be any indifferent man of the Kingdom, that can justly touch us with any such disobedient and wicked handling of ourselves, as seemeth by Your Majesty's Book it hath been informed unto Your Highness, unless they be such mortal enemies, the disobedient Puritans, and those of their heady humours, before named, who are much more Zealous, religious, and precise, in the tything of Mint, Annis, and Cummin, and in the preferring of such like Pharisaical, and selfe-chosen outward traditions and grounds, or hypocritical righteousness, than in the performing of Judgement, Mercy and Faith, and such like true and inward righteousness, which God doth most chief require, and regard, (Mat. 15. 15. etc.) and whose malice hath for twenty five years past and upwards, and ever since with very many untrue suggestions, and most foul Errors, and odious Crimes, the which we could then, if need were, prove, sought our utter overthrow & destruction. But that we have behaved ourselves in all orderliness and peaceableness of life where we dwell, and with whom we had to deal, or if we do vary or swerve from the established Religion in this land, either in Service, Ceremonies, Sermons or Sacraments, or have publicly spoken or inveighed, either by word or writing against our late Sovereign Princess government in cases spiritual or temporal, then let us be rejected for Sectaries, and never receive the benefit of Subjects. Only * Henry Nicholas. Right Gracious Sovereign, we have read certain Books brought forth by a Germane Author under the Characters of H. N. who affirmeth therein, that he is prepared chosen and sent of God to minister, and set forth the most holy service of the love of God, and Christ, or of the Holy Ghost unto the children of men upon the Universal earth, out of which service or writings we be taught all Dutiful Obedience towards God, and Magistrates, and to live a Godly and honest life, and to love God above all things, and our neighbours as ourselves agreeing therein with all the Holy scriptures as we understand them. Against which Author, and his books we never yet heard or knew any Law established in this Realm by our late Gracious Sovereign, but that we might read them without offence, whose writings we suppose under your Highness' correction, your Majesty hath yet never seen or perufed, heard of by any indifferent nor true information: For the said H. N. in all his doctrine and writings (being as we are credibly informed, as much matter in volume, if they were all Compiled together as the whole Bible contoineth) doth neither take part with, nor write against any particular party or company whatsoever, as naming them by their names, nor yet praise, or dispraise any of them by name; But doth only show in particular in his said writings, as saith he, the unpartial service of love, requireth what is good or evil for every one, wherein the man hath right or wrong in any point, whether it be in the State of his Soul towards God, or in the State of his body towards the Magistrates of the world and towards one another, to the end that all people (when they hear or read his writing, and do thereby perceive their sin, and estranging from God and Christ) might endeavour them to bring forth the due fruits of Repentance, which is reformation and newness of life, according as all the Holy Scriptures doth likewise require the same of every one. And that they might in that sort become saved through Jesus Christ, the only Saviour of all the world. Notwithstanding dear Sovereign, yet hath the said Author, and his Doctrine a long time, and still is most shamefully and falsely slandered by our foresaid adversaries both in this land, and in divers others, as to be replenished with all manner of damnable Errors, and filthy liberty of the flesh. And we his well willers, and favourers in the upright drift of his doctrine, as aforesaid have also been of them complained of, & accused unto our Late Gracious Sovereign, and the Magistrates of this land, both long time past, and now lately again as to be a people so infected and stained with all manner of detestable wickedness and errors, that are not worthy to live upon the earth, but yet would never present any of his Books unto his Majesty to peruse; nor yet set them forth in any indifferent or true manner to the view of the world, lest their malicious, and standerous reports, and accusations against the same, and us, should thereby be revealed and disproved to their great shame. Through which their most odious and false complaints against us, the Magistrates did then, and also have now lately cast divers of us into Prison, to our great hindrance & discredit. But yet have never proved against us, by sufficient and true testimony any one of their foul accusations, as the Records in such cases, and the Magistrates that have dealt therein can testify, but are so utterly void of due and lawful Proof thereof, that they have framed divers subtle Articles for us, being plain, and unlearned men to answer upon our Oath, whereby to urge and gather some things from ourselves, so to prove their false and unchristian accusations to be true, or else will force us to renounce, recant, and condemn that which we do not wilfully maintain nor justify, (much like as it was practised in the Primitive Church against the Christians) yea they are not ashamed to lay their own and all other men disobedient and wicked acts (of what profession soever it be) upon our backs, to the end cunningly to purchase favour and credit to themselves, and to make us seem monstrous and detestable before the Magistrates, and the common people every where, for that we, and the doctrine of H. N. might without any indifferent trial, and lawful or orderly proceed as heretofore hath been used in the Christian Church in such eases for confuting and condemning of Heresy, be utterly rooted out of the Land: with divers other most cruel practices, proceeding out of their bitter and envious hearts towards us, tending to the same unchristian and merciless purpose, the which we will here omit to speak of, because we have already been over-tedious to your Highness, and most humbly crave your most gracious pardon and patience therein, in respect we speak to clear ourselves of such matters as may touch our lives and liberties (which are two of the chiefest jewels that God hath given to Mankind in this world) and also for that we have few friends, or any other means than this, to acquaint your Highness with the truth and state of our cause, whereof we think your Majesty is altogether ignorant, but have very many Enemies, whom we do greatly suspect will not be slack to prosecute their false and malicious purpose against as unto your Highness, even like as they have accustomed in times past to do unto our late Sovereign Queen, through which prevailing in their slanderous defacing of us and our cause, divers of us for want of friends to make is rightly known unto her Majesty have sundry times been constrained to endure their injurious dealing towards us to our great vexation and hindrance. Wherefore most gracious Sovereign, this is now our humble suit unto your Highness, that when your Kingly affairs of importance, which your Majesty hath now in hand, shall be well overpast (for the prosperous performance whereof we will (as duty bindeth us daily pray unto Almighty God) that than your Highness will be pleased because we have always taken the same Authors work aforesaid to proceed out of the great grace and love of God and Christ extended towards all Kings, Princes, Rulers, and People, upon the universal earth (as he in many of his works doth witness no less) to their salvation, unity, peace, and concord in the same Godly love) to grant us that favour, at your Majesty's fit and convenient time to peruse the Books yourself with an impartial eye, conferring them with the holy Scriptures, wherein it seemeth by the Books that are set forth under your Highness' name, that you have had great travel, and are therefore better able to judge between Truth and Falsehood. And we will whensoever it shall please your Highness to appoint the time, and to command, and licence us thereto, do our best endeavours to procure so many of the Books, as we can out of Germany (where they be Printed) to be delivered unto your Majesty, or such Godly, Learned, and indifferent men, as it shall please your Majesty to appoint. And we will also (under your Highness' lawful Licence, and commandment in that behalf) do our like endeavour to procure some of the Learned men in that Country (if there be any yet remaining alive that were well acquainted with the Author and his Works in his life time, and which likewise have exercised his works ever since) to come over and attend upon your Majesty at your appointed time convenient, who can much more sufficiently instruct and resolve your Highness in any unusual words, phrase, or matter, that may happily seem dark and doubtful to your Majesty that any of us in this your Land are able to do. And so upon your Highness advised consultation and censure thereupon (finding the same Works heretical or seditious, and not agreeable to God's holy Word and testimonies of all the Scriptures) to leave them, to take them as your Majesty's Laws shall therein appoint us, having no intent or meaning to contend or resist there-against, however it be, but dutifully to obey thereunto according to the Counsel of Scriptures, and also of the said Authors work. And our further humble suit unto your Highness is, that of your gracious favour, and clemency you will grant and give order unto your Majesty's Officers in that behalf, That all of us your faithful loving Subjects, which are now in Prison in any part of this your Realm for the same cause, may be released upon such Bail, or Bond as we are able to give; and that neither we, nor any of that company (behaving ourselves orderly and obediently under your Highness' laws) may be any further persecuted or troubled therein, until such time as your Majesty and such Godly learned and indifferent men of your Clergy, as your Highness shall appoint thereto, shall have advisedly consulted and determined of the matter, whereby we may not be utterly wasted by the great Charge of Imprisonment, and Persecution, and by the hard dealing of our Adversaries, for we are but a People few in number, and yet most of us very poor in worldly wealth. O sacred Prince! we humbly pray that the Almighty will move your Princely heart with true judgement to discern between the right and the wrong of our cause, according to that most certain and Christian Rule set down by our Saviour Christ unto his Disciples, Matth: 7. 12. Ye shall know the tree by the fruit, and in our obedience, peaceable, and honest lives, and conversation to protect us; and in our disobedience and misdemeanour to punish us, as resisters of God's Ordinance, of the Kingly Authority, and most high Office of Justice committed to your Majesty to that purpose towards your Subjects, Rom. 13. And gracious Sovereign, we humbly beseech your Highness with Princely Regard in equity and favour to ponder, and grant the humble suit contained in this most lowly supplication of your loyal, true hearted, faithful subjects, And to remember that your Majesty in your Book of Princely, grave, and fatherly advice, to the happy Prince, your Royal Son, doth conclude, Principis est parcere subjectis & debellare superbos, and then no doubt, God will bless your Highness with all your Noble Offspring, with peace, long life, and all honours, and happiness, long to continue over us; for which we will ever pray with incessant prayers to the Almighty. I find not what effect this their Petition produced; whether it was slighted, and the Petitioners looked upon as inconsiderable, or beheld as a few frantic folk out of their wits, which consideration alone often melted their Adversaries Anger into Pity unto them. 19 The main design driven on in the Petition is to separate themselves from the Puritans (as persons odious to King JAMES) that they might not far the worse for their Vicinity unto them; The Familists will in no wise be accounted Puritan. though these Familists could not be so desirous to leave them as the others were glad to be left by them. For if their opinions were so senseless, and the lives of these Familists so sensual, as is reported, no purity at all belonged unto them. 20. b Sam. Ruthersurd in his Survey, pag. 353. Some take exceptions at their Prayer for King JAMES; Phrases in their Petition censured. willing him, and his, Peace, long life, all honour, and happiness, without mentioning of Life Eternal and the Blessings thereof, whilst others are so much of the Family of Charity to this Family of Love, as to excuse the omission as casual, or else extend happiness as comprehensive of the World to come. Others are more justly offended to see God and Dung joined together, God's Word and the words of H. Nicholas equally yeaked by them as infallible alike. They confess in this book some unusual words which are Dark and Doubtful, which at this day is affected by many Sectarists (whilst Truth is plain and easy) amusing People with mystical expressions, which their Auditors understand not, and perchance not they themselves. So that as one saith very well of their high soaring pretended spiritual language, That it is a great deal too high for this world, and a great deal too low for the world to come. 21. I find one in his Confutation of this Petition inveighing against our Bishops: Mr. Ruthorfurd causelessly asperseth the Bishops and Courtiers of Queen Eliz That they were friends unto Familisme, c In his Notes on his Petition of Survey, pag. 349. and favoured the Promoters thereof, adding moreover, That sew of the Prelatical way refuted them. Now though the best friends of Bishops, yea, and the Bishops themselves will confess they had too many faults; Yet I am confident this is a false and uncharitable aspersion upon them: No better is that when he saith, That divers of the Court of Queen Elizabeth, and some Nobles, were Familists; wherein I am sure Plenty of Instances hath put him to such a Penury that he cannot insist upon any one. But I am inclined the rather to Pardon his Error herein, because the Author reporting this, is a Foreigner then living in Scotland; And should I trear of the Character of the Court of King JAMES at Edinburgh at the same time, possibly my Pen at so great a distance might commit fare worse mistakes. 22. Some will say, where are these Familists now adays? Familists turned into modern Ranters. are they utterly extinct, or are they lost in the heap of other Sects, or are they concealed under a new name? The last is most probable. This Family (which shut their Doors before) keeps open house now: Yea, Family is too narrow a name for them they are grown so numerous. Formerly by their own Confession in this Petition they had three Qualities, Few, Poor, and Unlearned; for the last Billa vera, their Lack of Learning they still retain, being otherwise many, and some rich, but all under the name of RANTERS, and thus I fairly leave them, on condition they will fairly leave me, that I may hear no more of them for delivering Truth and my own Conscience in what I have written concerning their Opinions. 23. I find no Protestant tears dropped on the grave of any eminent Divine this year, but we light on two Romanists dying beyond Sea, The death of Hall, and Eli. much lamented: one, Richard Hall, bred in Christ's College in Cambridge, whence he ran over to Rome, whence he returned into the Low Countries, and died Canon, and Official of the Cathedral of S. Omer: The other, Humphrey Eli, an Herefordshire man by birth, Fellow of St. John's in Oxford, whence going beyond sea, at Rome he commenced Doctor of Law, and afterwards died Professor thereof in the University of Ponta * In the Duchy of Lorraine. Mousan. He is charactered to be, Juris peritus doctus, pauper, & pacificus; A Lawyer learned, poor, and peaceable. And thus much my charity can easily believe of him: but the h Pitsevi de illustr●bu● Angli● scriptoribus, pag. 804. Distich (the Epitaph I take it on his Tomb) is damnable hyperbolical; Albion haereseos velatur nocte, viator Desine mirari, sol suus hic latitat. Wonder not, Ann. Dom 1605. Ann. Reg. Jac. 4. England's dark with errors night, For lo here buried lies her Sun so bright. Or else the Poet lies who made the Verses. But his ashes shall not be disturbed by me. 24. The Romish Catholics, The plotrers in the Powder Treason. now utterly despairing, either by flattery to woo, or force to wrest, any free and public exercise of their Religion, some of them entered into a damnable, and devilish conspiracy, to blow up the Parliament-House with gunpowder. In this plot were engaged, 1. Robert Catesby. 2. Thomas Percy. 3. Sir Everard Dighie. 4. Francis Tresham. 5. Robert Winter. 6. Thomas Winter. 7. John Wright. 8. Christopher Wright. 9 Ambrose Rookwood. 10. Robert Keys. 11. John Grant. 12. Thomas Bates, Catesbie's man. 13. Guido Faux. Twelve, besides their Foreman, but, how honest and true, let their ensuing action declare. Surely all of resolute spirits, most of ancient families, some of plentiful fortunes, and Percy, though weak in purse himself, pretended to command the wealthiest coffers of another. 25. But, Ga●net his deciding a case of conscience. a treason without a Jesuit, or one of Jesuited principles therein, is like a dry wall, without either lime, or mortar: Gerard must be the cement, with the Sacrament of Secrecy, to join them together: Garnet and Tismond (whelps of the same litter) commended, and encouraged the design. But here an important scruple was injected, How to part their friends, from their foes in the Parliament, they having many in the House, of alliance, yea, of the same (in conscience a nearer kindred) Religion with themselves. To slay the righteous with the a Gen. 18. 25. wicked, be it fare from God, and all good men. And yet, as such an unpartial destruction, was uncharitable: so an exact Separation seemed as impossible. Here Garnes, instead of untying, cut this knot asunder, with this his sharp decision; That in such a case as this, it was lawful to kill friend, and foe together. Indeed, the good husbandman in the b Mat. 13. 29. Gospel, permitted the tares to grow for the corne's sake; whereas here, by the contrary counsel of the Jesuit, the corn (so they reputed it) was to be rooted up for the tares sake. 26. This scruple in conscience, Two other difficulties removed. thus satisfied by Garnet, two other difficulties in point of performance, presented themselves. For, CHARLES, Duke of York, probably (by reason of His minority) would not be present, and the Lady ELIZABETH would certainly be absent from the Parliament-House. How then should these two (the next Heirs to the Crown) be compassed within their power? But for the first, Percy, proffered his service, promising to possess himself, by a fraudulent force, of the person of the Duke. Catesby undertook the other difficulty, under a pretended Hunting-match (advantaged thereunto by the vicinity of Ashbie, to the Lord Harrington's, where the Princess had Her education) to train Her into their command. All rubs thus removed, their way was made as smooth as glass, and as slippery too, as by the sequel may appear. 27. But first be it remembered, The odium must be cast on the Puritan. that, though these plotters intended at last with honour to own the action, when success had made all things secure; yet they purposed, when the blow was first given, and whilst the act was certain, but the success thereof doubtful, to father the fact on the Puritans. They thought, their backs were broad enough, to bear both the sin, and shame; and, that this saddle, for the present, would finely fit their backs, whose discontent (as these plotters would pretend) unable otherwise to achieve their desired alteration in Church-Government, had, by this damnable treason, effected the same. By transferring the fact on the than most innocent Puritans; they hoped, not only to decline the odium of so hellish a design, but also (by the strangeness of the act, and unsuspectednesse of the actors) to amuse all men, and beget an universal distrust, that every man would grow jealous of himself. And, whilst such amazement tied, Ann. Reg. Jac. 5 Ann. Dom. 1604. in a manner, all men's hands behind them, these plotters promised themselves the working out their own ends, part by their home-strength, and the rest by calling in the assistance of foreign Princes. 28. They fall a working in the Vault. Will-worship a painful labour. Dark the place, in the depth of the earth; dark the time, in the dead of the night; dark the design, all the actors therein concealed by oath from others, and thereby combined amongst themselves. Oh! how easy is any work, when high merit is conceived the wages thereof? In piercing through the wall c speeds Chro: in King James. nine foot thick, they erroneously conceived, that they thereby hewed forth their own way to heaven. But they digged more with their silver in an hour, than with their iron in many days; namely, when discovering a Cellar hard by, they hired the same, and these Pioners saved much of their pains by the advantage thereof. And now all things were carried so secretly, no possibility of any detection, seeing the actors themselves had solemnly sworn that they would not, and all others might as safely swear, they could not make any discovery thereof. 29. But, God gives them warning to desist, but they will take none. so it fell out, that the sitting of the Parliament was put off from time to time; namely, from the seventh of February (whereon it was first appointed to meet) it was adjourned till the fifth of October, and afterward from the fifth of October, put off till the fifth of November, and accordingly their working in the vault (which attended the motion of the Parliament) had several distinct intermissions, and resumptions thereof. As if Divine Providence had given warning to these Traitors (by the slow proceeding, and oft adjourning of the Parliament) mean time seriously to consider, what they went about; and seasonably to desist from so damnable a design, as suspicious, at last it would be ruined, which so long had been retarded. But, no taking off their d Exod. 14. 25. wheels will stay those chariots from drowning, which God hath decreed shall be swallowed in the Red sea. 30. Behold! The latitude of their design. here is fire, and wood, but where is the Lamb for the burnt offering? Alas! a whole flock of lambs were not fare off, all appointed to the slaughter. The King, Prince Henry, Peers, Bishops, Judges, Knights, and Burgesses, all designed to destruction. Let me smite him (said Abishat of Saul) e 1 Sam. 26. 8. even at once, and I will not smite him the second time. So here, a blow, so sound, secret, and sudden, was intended it would not need iteration: once, and ever, the first act would finish all in an instant. But, thanks be to God, nothing was blown up but the Treason, or brought to execution but the Traitors. 31. Indeed, The apish behaviour of Keys. some few days before the fatal stroke should be given, Master Keys, being at Tichmersh in Northamptonshire, at the house of Master Gilbert Pickering, his Brother-in-law (but of a different Religion, as a true Protestant) suddenly whipped out his sword, and in metriment made many offers therewith, at the heads, necks, and sides of many Gentlemen and Gentlewomen then in his company. This than was taken as a mere frolic, and for the present passed accordingly; but afterwards (when the Treason was discovered) such as remembered his gestures, thought thereby he did act, what he intended to do (if the plot had took effect) hack, and hue; kill, and slay all eminent persons, The mystical Letter. of a different Religion from themselves. 32. Curse f Eccles. 10. 20. not the King, no not in thy thought— for a bird of the air shall carry the voice, As here such a discovery was made: with a Pen (fetched from the feather of a foul) a Letter was written to the Lord Mounteagle, in manner following: My Lord, OUt of the love I bear to some of your friends, I have a care of your preservation: Therefore, I would advise you, as you tender your life, to devise some excuse to shift off your attendance at this Parliament: For, God and man have concurred to punish the wickedness of this Time. And think not slightly of this advertisement, but retire yourself into your Country, where you may expect the event in safety: For, though there be no appearance of any stir, yet I say, they shall receive a terrible Blow this Parliament, and yet they shall not see who hurts them. This counsel is not to be contemned, Ann. Dom 1605. Ann. Reg. Jac. 4 because it may do you good, and can do you no harm; for the danger in past so soon as you have burnt the Letter: And I hope God will give you the grace to make good use of it: To whose holy protection I commend you. A strange Letter, from a strange hand, by a strange Messenger: without date to it, name at it, and (I had almost said) sense in it. A Letter, which, even when it was opened, was still sealed, such the affected obscurity therein. 33. The Lord Mounteagle, as loyalty advised him, The first search proves ineffectual. communicates the Letter to the Earl of Salisbury, he to the KING. His Majesty, on the second perusal, expounded the mystical Blow meant therein must be by Gunpowder, and gives order for searching the Rooms under the Parliament House, under pretence to look for lost Hang, which were conveyed away. The first search about evening, discovered nothing but Percy's Cellar, full of Wood, and Johnson his man (under that name was Faux disguised) attending therein. However the name of Percy, and sight of Faux so quickened the jealousy of the Lord Mounteagle, that this first slight Search led to a second scrutiny, more strictly, and secretly performed. 34. This was made at midnight by Sir Thomas Knevet, The second search discovers all. Gentleman of His Majesty's Privy Chamber, and others, into the Vault under the Parliament House. There the mystery of iniquity was quickly discovered; a Pile of Fewell, faced over with Billets, lined under with thirty six Barrels of Powder, besides Iron bars, to make the force of the fire more effectual. Guido Faux was apprehended in the outward Room, with a Dark Lantern in his hand (the lively emblem of their design, whose dark side was turned to man, whiles the light part was exposed to God) and three Matches, ready to give fire to the Train. This Caitiff professed himself only grieved, that he was not in the inner room, to blow himself, and them, all up together: affirming moreover, that, not God, but the Devil made the discovery of the Plot. 35. Mean time, The Traitor's sly, and are taken. Catesby, Percy, Rookwood, both the wright's, and Thomas Winter, were hover about London, to attend the issue of the matter. Having sat so long abrood, and hatching nothing, they began to suspect, all their eggs had proved addle. Yet betwixt hope, and fear, they and their Servants post down into the Country, through Warwick, and Worcester, into Stafford shire. Of Traitors they turn Felons, breaking up Stables, and stealing Horses as they went. But many of their own men (by a fare more lawful felony) stole away from their Masters, leaving them to shift for themselves. The neighbouring Counties, and their own consciences, rise up against these riotous Roisters, as yet unknown for Traitors. At last Sir Richard Walsh, High Sheriff of Worcestershire, overtook them at Holbeck in Stafford shire at the house of Mr. Stephen Littleton; where, upon their resistance, the two wright's were killed; Rookwood, and Thomas Winter shrewdly wounded. 36. As for Percy, Catesby, and Piercie, fight desperately for their lives. and Catesby, they fought desperately for their lives (as knowing, no quarter, but quartering, would be given unto them) and, as if they scorned to turn their backs to any but themselves, setting back to back, they fought against all that assaulted them. Many swords were drawn upon them, but gunpowder must do the deed, which discharged that bullet, which dispatched them both. Never were two bad men's deaths more generally lamented of all good men; only on this account, that they lived no longer, to be forced to a farther discovery of their secret Associates. 37. It must not be forgotten, The Lord is just. how some hours before their apprehension, as these Plotters were drying dank gunpowder in an jane, a Miller casually coming in (haply not heeding the black meal on the hearth) by careless casting on of a billet, fired the gunpowder: Up flies the Chimney, with part of the house: all therein are frighted, most hurt, but especially Catesby and Rookwood had their faces sound scorched; so bearing in their bodies, not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 g Gal. 6. 17. the marks of our Lord Jesus Christ, but the print of their own impieties. Well might they guess, how good that their cup of cruelty was, whose dregs they meant others should drink, Ann. Reg. Jac. 4 Ann. Dom. 1605-6. by this little sip, which they themselves had unwillingly tasted thereof. 38. The rest were all at London solemnly arraigned, The rest are legally executed. convicted, condemned. So foul the fact, so fair the proof, they could say nothing for themselves. Master Tresham dying in the prison, prevented a more ignominious end. 1. Sir Everard Digbie, Robert Winter, Grant, and Bates, were hanged, drawn, Jan. 30. and quartered, at the West end of S. Paul's. Three of them, but especially Sir Everard Digbie, died very penitently, and devoutly; only Grant expressed most obstinacy at his end. 2. Thomas Winter, Ambrose Rookwood, Keies, Jan. 31. and Faux were executed, as the former, in the Parliament-yard in Westminster, Keys followed Grant in his obstinacy; and h Stow's Chro: pag. 882. Faux shown more penitency than all the rest. 3. Garnet, Provincial of the English Jesuits, was arraigned some weeks after, by i Stow, p. 883. four several names, and executed on the Saturday, which, he said, was called Institutio crucis; of whom largely in the next year. They all craved testimony, that they died Roman Catholics; my pen shall grant them this their last, and so equal petition, and bears witness to all whom it may concern, That they lived, and died in the Romish Religion. And although the heinousness of their offence, might, with some colour of justice, have angered severity into cruelty against them; yet so favourably were they proceeded with, that most of their Sons, or Heirs (except since disinherited by their own prodigality) at this day enjoy their Paternal possessions. 39 Heaven having thus defeated Hell of its desired success, The presumption of a posthume report justly censured. Earth since hath endeavoured to defraud Heaven of its deserved praise. A posthume report is brought forth into the world (nursed, as it is fit, by the mothers thereof) that King JAMES was privy to this Plot all along; and, that His observing ran parallel with the Traitors, acting therein, so that He could discover it, when He pleased, but was not pleased to discover it, until the Eve of the fifth of November, A fancy inconsistent with that ordinary piety, which all charitable men must allow King JAMES as a Christian; and with that extraordinary policy, which His adversaries admire in Him as a Statesman. Was it probable, that He would tempt God so profanely, as solemnly to thank him, for revealing that to Him, which he knew before? Would King JAMES his wisdom, not to say, His wariness, not to say, His fearfulness, dally so long with destruction, as to put it off to the last hour, when, Uno actu, tactu; ictu, nictu, all might have been confounded? Was it not hard for Him to equivocate before such a Master of equivocation, as Garnet the Jesuit was? who, certainly, if he had smelled any juggling of King JAMES therein; would, no doubt, have proclaimed it to all the world at his execution. I deny not, but, that the King, both by intelligence from foreign parts, and secret information from those secular Priests, that Bishop Bancroft secretly kept in his house, was advertised in general of some great Plot which the Jesuited Papists were hatching against the ensuing Parliament: but, for the particulars, that ridd'ling Letter brought Him the first notice thereof, whatsoever is fancied to the contrary. But, if wild conjectures in such cases from obscure Authors, shall be permitted to justle for credit against received Records, all former unquestionable history, will be quickly reduced to an universal uncertainty. But there is a generation of people, who, to inhanse the reputation of their knowledge, seem not only, like moths, to have lurked under the carpets of the Counsel Table; but, even like fleas, to have leapt into the pillows of Prince's bedchambers, thence deriving their private knowledge of all things, which were, or were not ever done, or thought of. In defiance of whom I add, Give unto Cesar the things that are Caesar's, and unto God the things that are Gods. The memory of this treason perpetuated by Act of Parl: Let King JAMES by reading the Letter, have the credit of discovering this Plot to the world, and GOD the glory for discovering it unto King JAMES. 40. A learned k Gamblen Brit. in Middlesex. Author, The memory of this treason▪ ●e pe●u●ted by Act of Parl: Ann. Dom. 1605-06 Ann. Reg. Jac. 5 making mention of this Treason, breaketh forth into the following rapture: Excidat illa dies aevo, ne postera credant Secula; nos certè taceamus, & obruta multâ Nocte tegi propriae patiamar crimina gentis. Oh let that day be quite dashed out of time, And not believed by the next generation; In night of silence we ' ll conceal the crime, Thereby to save the credit of our nation. A wish, which, in my opinion, hath more of Poetry, than of piety therein, and from which, I must be forced to descent. For, I conceive not the credit of our Countrymen concerned in this Plot; not beholding this as a national act, whose actors were but a party of a party, a desperate handful of discontented persons of the Papistical faction. May the day indeed be ever forgotten, as to the point of imitation, but be ever remembered to the detestation thereof. May it be solemnly transmitted to all posterity, that they may know, how bad man can be to destroy, and how good God hath been to deliver. That especially we Englishmen may take notice, how woeful we might have been, how happy we are, and how thankful we ought to be. In order whereunto the Parliament (first moved therein by Sir Edward Montague, afterward Baron of Boughton) enacted an annual, and constant memorial of that day to be observed. 41. Certainly, Just complaint that the day is no better observed. if this Plot had took effect, the Papists would have celebrated this day with all solemnity, and it should have taken the upper hand of all other Festivals. The more therefore the shame, and pity, that amongst Protestants, the keeping of this day (not as yet full fifty years old) gins already to wax weak, and decay. So that the red letters, wherein it is written, seem daily to grow dimmer, and paler in our English Calendar. God forbidden, that our thankfulness for this great deliverance, formerly so solemnly observed, should hereafter be like the squibs, which the Apprentices in London make on this day; and which give a great flash, and crack at the first, but soon after go out in a stink. 42. Matthew Hutton Archbishop of York ended his religious life, The death of Archbishop H●tton. descended from an ancient Family of Hutton Haell (as I take it, in Lancashire) Fellow of Trinity College in Cambridge (to the enlarging whereof he gave an hundred marks) afterwards Master of Pembroke Hall, and Margaret Professor, than Bishop of Durham, and Archbishop of York. One of the last times that ever he preached in his Cathedral was on this occasion: The Catholics in Yorkshire were commanded by the Queen's Authority to be present at three Sermons, and at the two first behaved themselves so obstreperously, that some of them were forced to be gagged, before they would be quiet. The Archbishop preached the last Sermon most gravely and solidly, taking for his Text, Joh. 8. 47. He that is of God heareth God's words, ye therefore hear them not, because ye are not of God. 43. Here I must clear the memory of this worthy Prelate, A foul mistake rectified. from a mistake committed, surely not wilfully, but through false intelligence, by a pen, otherwise more ingenuous, and professing respect to him, and some familiarity with him. Sir John Harrington in his Additional to Bishop Godwin, page 192. This Archbishop his eldest Son is a Knight, lately Sheriff of Yorkshire, and of good reputation. One other Son he had, Luke Hutton by name, so valiant, that he feared not men, nor laws; and for a robbery done on Saint Luke's day; for names sake, he died as sad a death (though I hope with a better mind) as the Thief of whom Saint Luke writes. The Archbishop herein shown that constancy and severity worthy of his place, for he would not endeavour to save him, as the world thought he easily might. The Truth. Ann. Reg. Jac. 4. Ann. Dom. 1606. This worthy Prelate had but three Sons, 1. Mark, who died young, 2. Sir Timothy Hutton, Knighted Anno 1605. and Sheriff of Yorkshire. 3. Sir Thomas Hutton, Knight, who lived and died also respected in his own Country. As for this Luke Hutton, he was not his, but Son to Doctor Hutton, prebendary of Durham. This Archbishop was a learned man, excepted even by a Jesuit, (who wrote in disgrace of the English, as neglecting the reading of Fathers) and another Matthew more, qui unus in paucis versare Patres dicitur. He founded an Hospital in the North, and endowed it with the yearly revenue of thirty five pounds. 44. Two other Bishops this year also ended their lives: The death of the Bishops of Rochester and Chichester. In March, John l See Bishop Godwin in his Catalogue. Young Doctor in Divinity, once Master of Pembroke Hall in Cambridge, Bishop of Rochester, in which See he sat above twenty seven years. And Anthony Watson, Fellow of Christ's College in Cambridge, first Dean of Bristol, and afterwards Bishop of Chichester, whom Queen Elizabeth made Her Almoner, namely after Bishop Fletcher, at whose indiscreet second marriage the Queen took distaste. Bishop Watson died in September, and always led a single life. 45. Father Henry Garnet was now most solemnly, Garnet's education & early viciousness. and ceremoniously brought to the scaffold: who, because he is cried up by the Papists for so precious a piece of piety, we will be the larger in the delivery of his true character. For, although we will not cast dirt on the foulest face, it is fit we should wash off the paint of counterfeit holiness from the hypocritical pretenders thereunto. Bred he was in Winchester School, where, with some other Scholars, he conspired to cut off his Schoolmasters, Bilson's m Attested by Bishop Bilson of Winchester alive at Garnet's death, and many years after. right hand (early his enmity against Authority retrenching his riot) but that his design was discovered. Being Prepositour of the School (whose frown, or favour was considerable to those under his inspection) he sodomitically abused five n Rob Abbot in his Antilogia, Epistle to the Reader. , or six, of the handsomest youths therein. Hereupon his Schoolmaster advised him, yea, he advised himself, rather silently to slink away, than to stand Candidate for a repulse in his preferment to New College. Over he fled to Rome, where, after some years, he so improved himself, that, from a Prepositour over boys, he was made Provincial over men, even the whole Order of English Jesuits. 46. Hence he returned into England, Canvased in the Tower by the Protestant Divines. and was not only privy to, but a principal plotter of the Gunpowder-Treason. Being attached, and imprisoned in the Tower, the Earl of Sarisbury, and Doctor Overall, Dean of S. Paul's, with other Divines, repaired unto him, charging it on his conscience, for not revealing so dangerous a conspiracy; Garnet pleaded for himself, that it was concredited unto him under the solemn seal of Confession; the violation whereof he accounted the highest impiety. This they disproved, because he had disccursed thereof frequently, and publicly, with Catesby, Gerard, and Greenwood, circumstances inconsistent with the essential secrecy of Confession. Garnet sought to salve himself with a fine distinction (so fine that it broke to pieces in the spinning) that it was told him in viâ ad confessionem, in order to confession; which, though wanting some formalities thereof, did equally oblige his conscience to conceal it. 47. Dean Overall rejoined, Confession only of antefacts. that Confession was of antefacts, not postfacts; and, that it is not confession, but menacing to impart to a Priest intended villainies. He farther urged, that their most conscientious Casuists allowed, yea, enjoined Priests discovery in such case, when a greater good accrued by revealing, than concealing such secrecies. I was minded (quoth Garnet) to discover the plot, but not the persons therein. 48. Here the Earl of Sarisbury interposed; Earl of Sarisbury's question answered. and, who said he) hindered you from discovering the Plot? Even you yourself (answered Garnet) for I knew full well, should I have revealed the Plot, and not the Plotters, you would have racked this poor body of mine to pieces, to make we confess. And now we have mentioned the rack, Know, that never any rack was used on Garnet, Ann. Dom. 1606. Ann. Reg. Jac. 5 except a wit-rack, wherewith he was worsted, and this cunning archer outshot in his own bow. For being in prison with Father Oldcorne, alias Hall, his Confessor, they were put into an o Abbot in Antilogia, cap. 1. fol. 5. equivocating room, (as I may term it) which pretended nothing but privacy, yet had a reservation of some invisible persons within it, ear-witnesses to all the passages be twixt them, whereby many secrecies of Garnet's were discovered. 49. In Guild hall he was arraigned before the Lord Major, Garnet his arraignment, & condemnation. and the Lords of the Privy Council, Sir Baptist Hicks (afterwards Viscount Camden) being foreman of the Jury, consisting of Knights, Esquires, and the most substantial Citizens, whose integrities and abilities were above exception. I see therefore no cause why the defender of Garnet, after his death accuseth those men as incompetent, or improper for their place, as if he would have had him tried per pares by a Jury of Jesuits (and, would he have them all Provincials too?) which I believe, though summoned, would unwillingly have appeared in that place. Garnet, May 3 pleading little against pregnant proofs, was condemned, and some days after publicly executed in S. Paul's Churchyard. 50. The Secretary of the Spanish Ambassador (for we charitably believe his Master honester, Popish false relations disproved. and wiser) writing into Spain, and Italy, what here he took upon hear-say, filled foreign Countries with many falsehoods concerning Garnet's death, as namely, 1. That he manifested much alacrity of mind, in the cheerfulness of his looks at his death. 2. His zealous, and fervant prayers much moved the people. 3. The people hindered the hangman from cutting the rope, and quartering him while alive. 4. The people so clawed the Executioner, that he hardly escaped with life. 5. When he held up Garnet's head to the people, there was a Panic silence, none saying, God save the King. Whereas 1. He betrayed much servile fear, and consternation of spirit, much beneath the erected resolution of a Martyr. 2. His prayers were saint, cold, and perplexed, oft interrupted with his listening to, and answering of others. 3. That favour by special order from His Majesty, was mercifully indulged unto him. 4. No violence was done unto him, able many years after to give a cast of his office, if need required. 5. Acclamations in that kind were as loud, and general, as heretofore on the same occasion. Thus suffered Father Garnet, after whose death some subtle persons have impudently broached, and other silly people senslesly believed a certain miracle of his working, which we here relate as we find it reported: 51. John Wilkinson, The solemn tale of Garnet's Straw-miracle. a thorough-paced Catholic, living at S. Omers, posted over into England, as having a great desire to get, and keep some of Garnet's relics. Great was his diligence in coming early before others to the place of his execution (which advantaged him near to Garnet's person) and greater his patience in staying till all was ended, and the rest of the people departed. When, behold a straw be sprinkled with some drops of his blood (and having an ear of corn at the end thereof) leapt p Abbot, lib. ut priùs, cap. 14. sol. 198. out of whom for the main, all this storv is taken, with the confutation thereof. up on this Wilkinson, not taking the rise of its leap from the ground, he was sure, but whether from the scaffold, or from the basket wherein Garnet's head was, he was uncertain: Was not this Wilkinson made of Jet, that he drew this straw so wonderfully unto him? Well, however it came to pass, joyfully he departs with this treasure, and deposits the same with the Wife of Hugh Griffith, Ann. Dom. 1607. a Tailor (a Zealot of his own Religion) who provided a Crystal Case for the more chary keeping thereof. 52. Some weeks after, Garnet's picture appears in a straw. upon serious inspection of this straw, the face of a man (and we must believe it was Garnet's) was perceived therein, appearing on the outside of a leaf (which covered a grain within it) and where the convexity thereof represented the prominency of the face, with good advantage. Wilkinson, Hugh Griffith, and his wife, Thomas Laithwaith, and others beheld the same, though there be some difference in their depositions, whose eyes had the first happiness to discover this portraiture. Soon after, all England was belittered with the news of this straw, and Catholics cried it up for no less than a miracle. 53. There are two infallible touchstones of a true miracle, Not presently done. which always is done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 presently, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perfectly. Neither of these on examination appeared here. For, when this straw salient leapt first up into Wilkinson's lap, it is to be presumed, that he (having it so long in his possession) critically surveyed the same, the volume whereof might quickly be perused: and yet then no such effigiation was therein discovered, which some nineteen weeks after became visible, about the nineteenth of September following. Surely had this pregnant straw gone out its full time of forty weeks, it would have been delivered of a perfect picture indeed, whereas now miscarrying before that time, wonder not if all things were not so complete therein. 54. For the face therein was not so exact, Not perfectly done. as which might justly entitle heaven to the workmanship thereof. Say not it was done in too small a scantling to be accurate, for Deus est maximus in minimis, God's exquisiteness appears the most in q Exod. 8. 18. models. Whereas when Witnesses were examined about this mock-miracle before the Archbishop of Canterbury, Francis Bowen deposed, that he believed that a good Artisan might have drawn one more curiously, and Hugh Griffith himself attested, that it was no more like Garnet, than to any other man who had a beard; and that it was so small, none could affirm it to resemble him; adding moreover, that there was no glory, or streaming rays about it, which some did impudently report. 55. However, Garnet's beatification occasioned by this mock-miracle. this inspirited straw was afterward copied out, and at Rome printed in pomp, with many superstitious copartments about it (as a coronet, a cross, and nails) more than ever were in the original. Yea, this miracle (how silly, and simple soever) gave the groundwork to Garnet's beatification by the Pope some months after. Indeed Garnet complained before his death, That he could not expect that the Church should own him for a Martyr, and signified the same in his Letter to his dear Mistress Anne (but for her surname call her Garnet, or Vaux, as you please) because nothing of religion, and only practices against the State were laid to his charge. It seemed good therefore to his Holiness, not to canonize Garnet for a solemn Saint, much less for a Martyr, but only to beatificate him, which (if I mistake not in their heavenly heraldry) is by Papists accounted the least, and lowest degree of celestial dignity, and yet a step above the Commonalty, or ordinary sort of such good men as are saved. This he did to qualify the infamy of Garnet's death, and that the perfume of this new title might out-sent the stench of his treason. But we leave this Garnet (loath longer to disturb his blessedness) in his own place, and proceed to such Church-matters as were transacted in this present Parliament. 56. Evil manners prove often (though against their will) the parents of good laws, Acts against Papists in Parliament, but principally the Oath of Obedience. as here it came to pass. The Parliament begun, and holden at Westminster the fifth of November, and there continued till the 27 of May following, enacted many things for the discovering, and repressing of Popish Recusants, extant at large in the printed Statutes. Whereof none was more effectual, than that Oath of Obedience, which every Catholic was commanded to take, the form whereof is here inserted: The rather, because this Oath may be termed like two of Isaac's r Gen. 26. 20. 21. wells, Esek, and Sitnah; Contention, and Hatred, the subject of a tough controversy versie betwixt us and Rome, about the legal urging, and taking thereof; Protestant's no less learnedly asserting, than Papists did zealously oppose the same. The form of which Oath is as followeth: I A. B. do truly and sincerely acknowledge, profess, testify, and declare in my conscience before God, and the world, That our Sovereign Lord King James is lawful, and rightful King of this Realm, and of all other His Majesty's Dominions, and countries'; and that the Pope, neither of himself, nor by any authority of the Church, or See of Rome, or by any other means with any other, hath any power, or authority to depose the King, or to dispose any of His Majesty's Kingdoms, or Dominions, or to authorise any foreign Prince to invade, or annoy Him, or His Count●●, or to discharge any of His subjects of their allegiance, and obedience to His Majesty, or to give licence, or leave to any of them to bear arms, raise tumult, or to offer any violence, or hurt to His Majesty's Royal Person, State, or Government, or to any of His Majesty's subjects, within His Majesty's Dominions. Also I do swear from my heart, that notwithstanding any declaration, or sentence of Excommunication, or deprivation, made, or granted, or to be made, or granted by the Pope, or his Successors or by any authority derived, or pretended to be derived from him, or his See, against the said King, His Heirs, or Successors, or any absolution of the said subjects from their obedience: I will bear faith, and true allegiance to His Majesty, His Heirs, and Successors, and Him, and Them will defend to the uttermost of my power, against all conspiracies and attempts whatsoever, which shall be made against His or Their Persons, Their Crown, and Dignity, by reason or colour of any such sentence, or declaration, or otherwise, and will do my best endeavour to disclose, and make known unto His Majesty, His Heirs and Successors, all treasons, and traitorous conspiracies, which I shall know, or hear of, to be against Him, or any of Them. And I do farther swear, That I do from my heart abhor, detest, and abjure, as impious, and heretical, this damnable doctrine, and position, That Princes, which be excommunicated, or deprived by the Pope, may be deposed, or murdered by Their subjects, or any other whatsoever. And I do believe, and in conscience am resolved, that neither the Pope, nor any person whatsoever, hath power to absolve me of this Oath, or any part thereof, which I acknowledge by good and full authority to be lawfully ministered unto me, and do renounce all Pardons, and Dispensations to the contrary. And all these things I do plainly, and sincerely acknowledge, and swear, according to these express words, by me spoken, and according to the plain, and common sense, and understanding of the same words, without any equivocation, or mental evasion, or secret reservation whatsoever. And I do make this recognition, and acknowledgement hearty, willingly, and truly, upon the true faith of a Christian. So help me God. This Oath was devised to discriminate the pernicious from the peaceable Papists. Sure bind, sure find. And the makers of this were necessitated to be larger therein, because it is hard to strangle equivocation, which, if unable by might to break, will endeavour by slight to slip the halter. 57 No sooner did the news thereof arrive at the ears of his Holiness, The Pope his two Breve's against this Oath. but presently he dispatcheth his s See K. James his Works, pag. 250. Breve into England, prohibiting all Catholics to take this Oath, so destructive to their own souls, and the See of Rome; exhorting them patiently to suffer persecution, and manfully to endure martyrdom. And, because report was raised, that the Pope wrote this Breve, not of his own accord, and proper will, but rather for the respect, and at the instigation of others; next year he sent a t Extant, ibid. pag. 258. second to give faith, and confirmation to the former. Notwithstanding all which, this Oath, being tendered to, was generally taken by Catholics, without any scruple or regret. And particularly, George Blackwell, Archpriest of the English, being apprehended, and cast into prison, by taking this Oath wrought his own enlargement. Which made Cardinal Bellarmine (some forty years ago acquainted with him) in his Letters u Extant, ibit. pag. 206. kindly to reprove him for the same. 58. And now the alarm being given, Pens 〈◊〉 at pens about ●e lawfulness of this Oath. whether this Oath was lawful, or no▪ both parties of Protestants and Papists drew forth their forces into the field. King JAMES undertook the POPE himself; the wearer of Three, against the wearer of a Triple Crown (an even match) effectually confuting his Breve's. Bishop Andrews takes Bellarmine to task; Bishop Barlow pours out upon Parsons; Doctor Morton, Doctor Robert Abbot, Doctor Buckeridge, Doctor Collins, Doctor Burrel, Master Tomson, Doctor Peter Moulin, maintain the legality of the Oath, against Suarez, Eudaemon, Becanus, Cofteteus, Peleterius, and others, to whose worthy Works the Reader is referred for his farther satisfaction. I may call at, not go into these controversies, lest, by staying so long, I be benighted in my way, the rather, because the nearer we approach our home, the longer the miles grow, I mean, matter multiplieth toward the conclusion of our work. And now it is not worth the while, to go into the contemperary Convocation, where we meet with nothing but formality and continuations. SECTION III. THOMAE DACRES DE CHESTHUNT, Armig: AVdîsti saepius de Rotundâ tabulâ, quam Wintonia jactitat: Hanc Regem Arthurum instituisse ferunt; ne inter Milites ejus discumbentes aliquid discordiae ob 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 orireretur. Nôsti quales olim Libri fuerunt cum in gyrum rotarentur. Hinc adhuc inter Latinos volumen à volvendo obtinet. Nihil igitur interest quo ordine Patroni mei collocentur, cum in circulari formâinter primum & imum nihil sit discriminis. Sed quorsùm haec! Cum Genus tuum, licèt splendidum, (tanta est Comitas, quae te illustrem reddidit) non fastuosè consulas: Tibi omnia prospera. Vale. WE May remember, The names, places, and several employments of the Translators of the Bible. that one of the best things produced by Hampton-Court-Conference, was a resolution in His Majesty for a new Translation of the Bible. Which religious design was now effectually prosecuted, and the Translators, being seven and forty in number, digested into six companies, and several Books assigned them, in order as followeth, according unto the several places wherein they were to meet, confer, and consult together; so that nothing should pass without a general consent. Westminster 10. The Pentateuch; the Story from Joshua, to the first Book of the Chronicles, exclusively. Doctor Andrews, Fellow, and Master of Pembroke-Hall in Cambr: then Dean of Westminster, after Bishop of Winchester. Dr. Overall, Fellow of Trin: Coll: Master of Kath: Hall in Cambr: then Dean of S. Paul's, after Bishop of Norwich. Dr. Saravia. Dr. Clerk, Fellow of Christ-Coll: in Cambr: Preacher in Canterbury. Dr. Laifield, Fellow of Trin in Cambr: Parson of St. Clement-Danes. Being skilled in Architecture, his judgement was much relied on for the farbrick of the Tabernacle and Temple. Dr. Leigh, Archdeacon of Middlesex, Parson of Allhallows-Barking. Master Burgley. Mr. King. Mr. Thompson. Mr. Bedwell of Cambridge, and (I think) of Saint john's, Vicar of Tottenham nigh London. Cambridge 8. From the first of the Chronicles with the rest of the Story, & the Hagiographa, viz: Job, Psalms, Proverbs, Canticles, Ecclesiastes. Master Lively. Mr. Richardson, Fell: of Emman: after D. D. Master first of Peterhouse, then of Trin: Coll: Mr. Chaderton, after D. D. Fell: first of Christ-Coll: the Master of Emmanuel. Mr. Dillingham, Fell. of Christ Coll: beneficed at in Bedford-shire, where he died a single, and a wealthie-man. Mr. Andrews, after D. D. brother to the Bishop of Winchester, and Master of Jesus-Coll: Mr. Harrison, the Reverend Vice-Master of Trinity-Coll: Mr. Spalding, * See our Catalogue of the Hebrew Professors in Cambridge to marshal their succession. Fell: of St. John's in Cambr: and Hebrew-Professor therein. Mr. B'ing, Fell: of Peterhouse in Cambr: and Hebrew-Professour therein. Oxford 7. The four greater Prophets, with the Lamentations, and the twelve lesser Prophets. Doctor Harding, Precedent of Magdalent-Colledge. Dr. Reynolds, Precedent of Corpus-Christi-Colledge. Dr. Holland, rector of Exceter-Colledge, and Kings-Professour. Dr. Kilby, rector of Lincoln-Colledge, and Regius Professor. Master Smith, after D. D. and Bishop of Gloucester. He made the learned and religious Preface to the Translation. Mr. Brett, of a worshipful family, beneficed at Quainton in Buckingham shire. Mr. Faireclowe. Cambridge 7. The Prayer of Manasseh, and the rest of the Apocrypha. Doctor Duport, Prebend of Elie, and Master of jesus College. Dr. Brainthwait, first Fellow of Emmanuel, than Master of Gonvel and Caius-Coll: Dr. Radclyffe, one of the seniour Fellows of Trin: Coll: Master Ward, Emman: after D. D. Master of Sidney-Coll: and Margaret-Professour. Mr. Downes, Fellow of St. johns-coll: and Greek-Professour. Mr. Boyse, Fellow of St. johns-coll: Prebend of Elie, Parson of Boxworth in Cambridge-shire. Mr. Ward, Regal, after D. D. Prebend of Chichester, rector of Bishop-Waltham in Hampshire. Oxford 8. The four Gospels, Acts of the Apostles, Apocalyps. Doctor Ravis, Dean of Christ-Church, afterwards Bishop of London. Dr. Abbot, Master of University-Coll: afterward Archbishop of Canterbury. Dr. Eedes. Mr. Thompson, Mr. Savill: Dr. Peryn. Dr. Ravens. Mr. Harmer. Westminster 7. The Epistles of S. Paul, The Canonical Epistles. Doctor Barlowe, of Trinity-Hall in Cambridge, Dean of Chester, after Bishop of Lincoln. Dr. Hutchenson. Dr. Spencer. Mr. Fenton. Mr. Rabbit. Mr. Sanderson. Mr. Dakins. Now, for the better ordering of their proceed, His Majesty recommended the following Rules by them to be most carefully observed: The King's instructions to the Translators. 1. The ordinary Bible read in the Church, commonly called the Bishop's Bible, to be followed, and as little altered as the Original will permit. 2. The names of the Prophets, and the Holy Writers, with the other names in the text, to be retained as near as may be, accordingly as they are vulgarly used. 3. The old Ecclesiastical words to be kept, viz: as the word [Church] not to be translated Congregation, etc. 4. When any word hath divers significations, that to be kept which hath been most commonly used, by the most eminent Fathers, being agreeable to the propriety of the place, and the analogy of faith. 5. The division of the Chapters to be altered either not at all, or as little as may be, if necessity so require. 6. No marginal notes at all to be affixed, but only for the explanation of the Hebrew, or Greek words, which cannot without some circumlocution, so briefly and fitly be expressed in the text. 7. Such quotations of places to be marginally set down, as shall serve for the fit reference of one Scripture to another. 8. Every particular man of each company to take the same Chapter, or Chapters; and, having translated, or amended them severally by himself where he thinks good, all to meet together, confer what they have done, and agree for their part what shall stand. 9 As any one company hath dispatched any one Book in this manner, they shall send it to the rest, to be considered of seriously, and judiciously; for, His Majesty is very careful in this point. 10. If any company upon the review of the Book so sent, shall doubt, or differ upon any places, to send them word thereof, note the places, and therewithal send their reasons: to which if they consent not, the difference to be compounded at the General Meeting, which is to be of the chief persons of each company, at the end of the work. 11. When any place of special obscurity is doubted of, Letters to be directed by Authority, to send to any learned in the Land for his judgement in such a place. 12. Letters to be sent from every Bishop, to the rest of his Clergy, admonishing them of this Translation in hand; and to move, and charge as many as, being skilful in the Tongues, have taken pains in that kind, to send his particular observations to the Company, either at Westminster, Cambridge, or Oxford. 13. The directours in each Company, to be the Deans of Westminster, and Chester, for that place; and the King's Professors in the Hebrew, and Greek, in each University. 14. These Translations to be used, when they agree better with the Text, than the Bishops-Bible, viz: tindal's. Matthews. Coverdals. Whitchurch. Geneva. Besides the said directions before mentioned, three or four of the most ancient, and grave Divines in either of the Universities, not employed in translating to be assigned by the Vicechancellor, upon conference with the rest of the Heads, to be Overseers of the Translations, as well Hebrew, as Greek, for the better observation of the fourth Rule above-specified. 2. The untimely death of Mr. Edward Lively, Mr. Lively his death. much weight of the work lying on his skill in the Oriental Tongues, happening about this time (happy that servant whom his Master, when he cometh, findeth so doing) not a little retarded their proceed. However the rest vigorously, though slowly, proceeded in this hard, heavy, and holy task, nothing offended with the censures of impatient people, condemning their delays, though indeed but due deliberation, for laziness. Our pen for the present taketh its leave of them, not doubting but within two years to give a good account of them, or rather that they will give a good account of themselves. In the translating of the Bible, one of the eminent persons employed therein, The death of Dr. Reynolds. was translated into a better life, viz: 3. Doctor John Reynolds, May 21 King's Professor in Oxford, born in Devon▪ shire, with Bishop jewel, and Mr. Hooker, and all three bred in Corpus-Christi College in Oxford. No one County in England bare three such men * He was Bachelor of Arts before Bishop Jewels death. contemporary at large) in what College soever they were bred, no College in England bred such three men, in what County soever they were born. 4. This john Reynolds at the first was a zealous Papist, A strange encounter. whilst William his Brother was as earnest a Protestant, and afterwards Providence so ordered it, that by their mutual disputation john Reynolds turned an eminent Protestant, and William an inverterate Papist, in which persuasion he died. This gave the occasion to an excellent Copy of Verses, Ann. Dom. 1607 Ann. Reg. Jac. 5 concluding with this Distich, Quod genus hoc pugnae est? ubi victus gaudet uterque, Et simul alteruter se superâsse dolet. What war is this? when conquered both are glad, And either to have conquered other sad. Daniel saith, Chap. 12. ver. 4. Many shall run to and fro, and knowledge shall be increased. But here indeed was a strange transcursion, and remarkable the effects thereof. 5. His memory was little less than miraculous (he himself being the truest Table to the multitude of voluminous Books he had read over, His admirable parts and piety. whereby he could readily turn to all material passages in every leaf, page, volume, paragraph, not to descend lower, to lines and letters. As his Memory was a faithful Index, so his Reason was a solid Judex of what he read; his Humility set a lustre on all (admirable that the whole should be so low, whose several parts were so high) communicative of which he knew to any that desired information herein, like a tree Joaden with fruit, bowing down its branches to all that desired to ease it of the burden thereof, deserving this Epitaph: Incertum est utrum Doctior an Melior. 6. His disaffection to the discipline established in England was not so great, Most conformable in his practice to the Church of England. as some Bishops did suspect, or as more Non conformists did believe. No doubt he desired the abolishing of some Ceremonies for the ease of the conscience of others, to which in his own practice he did willingly submit, constantly wearing Hood and Surplice, and kneeling at the Sacrament. On his deathbed he earnestly desired absolution, Dr. Crackenthorp, in his Defence of the English against Spalleto. according to the form of the Church of England, and received it from Doctor Holland, whose hand he * affectionately kissed, in expression of the joy he received thereby: Doctor Featly made his funeral Oration in the College, Sir Isaac Wake in the University. 7. About this time Mr. John Molle, Mr. Molle his birth and breeding. Governor to the Lord Ross in his travails, began his unhappy journey beyond the Seas. This Mr. Molle was born in, or near South-Molton in Devon. His youth was most spent in France, where both by sea and land he gained much dangerous experience. Once the ship he sailed in sprung a-leak, wherein he and all his company had perished, if an Hollander (bound for Garnesay) passing very near, had not speedily taken them in; which done, their ship sunk immediately. Being Treasurer for Sir Thomas Shirley of the English Army in Brittany, he was in the defeat of Cambray wounded, taken prisoner, and ransomed; Providence designing him neither to be swallowed by the surges, nor slain by the sword, but in due time to remain a Landmark of Christian patience to all posterity. At last he was appointed by Thomas, Earl of Exeter, (who formerly had made him Examiner in the Council of the North) to be Governor in Travail to his Grandchild, the Lord Ross, undertaking the charge with much reluctancy (as a presage of ill success) and with a profession, and a resolution not to pass the Alps. 8. But a Vagari took the Lord Ross to go to Rome, His sad Dilemma. though some conceive this motion had its root in more mischievous brains. In vain doth Mr. Molle dissuade him, grown now so wilful, he would in some sort govern his Governor. What should this good man do? To leave him were to desert his trust, to go along with him was to endanger his own life. At last his affections to his charge so prevailed against his judgement, that unwillingly willing he went with him. Now, at what rate soever they road to Rome, the fame of their coming came thither before them; so that no sooner had they entered their Inn, but Officers asked for Mr. Molle, took and carried him to the Inquisition-House, where he remained a prisoner, whilst the Lord Ross was daily feasted, favoured, entertained: so that some will not stick to say, That here he changed no Religion for a bad one. 9 However, His constancy in the 〈…〉. such Mr. Molle's glorious constancy, that whilst he looked forward on his cause, and upwards to his crown, neither frights nor flattery could make any impression on him. It is questionable, whether his friends did more pity his misery, or admire his patience. The pretence, and allegation of his so long and strict imprisonment, was, because he had translated Du Plessis his Book of The Visibility of the Church, out of French into English; but besides, there were other contrivances therein, not so fit for a public relation. In vain did his friends in England, though great and many, endeavour his enlargement by exchange, for one or more Jesuits, or Priests, who were prisoners here. Papists beholding this Molle as a man of a thousand, who, if discharged the Inquisition, might give an account of Romish cruelty to their great disadvantage. 10. In all the time of his durance, His death in durance. he never heard from any * So am I informed by a Letter from Mr. H●n Molle his Son. friend, nor any from him, by word or letter: no Englishman being ever permitted to see him, save only one, viz: Mr. Walter Strickland of Botnton-house in York shire. With very much desire, and industry, he procured leave to visit him, an Irish Friar being appointed to stand by, and be a witness of their discourse. Here he remained thirty years in restraint, and in the eighty first year of his age died a Prisoner, and constant Confessor of Christ his cause. God be magnified in, and for the sufferings of his Saints. 11. In this year Richard Vaughan, The death of Bishop Vaughan. Doctor of Divinity, bred in S. John's College in Cambridge, successively Bishop of Bangor, Chester, and London, ended his life. A corpulent man, but spiritually minded, such his integrity, not to be bowed (though force was not wanting) to any base connivance, to wrong the Church he was placed in. His many virtues made his loss to be much bemoaned. 12. Greater was the grief, Mr. Brightmen birth, and breeding. which the death of Master Thomas Brightman caused to the disaffectors of the Church-discipline of England. He was born in the Town of Nottingham, bred in Queens-Colledge in Cambridge, where a constant opposition, in point of judgement about Ceremonies, was maintained between him, and Doctor Meryton, afterwards Dean of York. Here he filled himself with abilities for the Ministry, waiting a call to vent himself in the Country. 13. It happened this very time, A Patron paramount. that Sir John, Son to Mr. Peter Osborne (both lovers of learned, and godly men) not only bought, and restored the rectory of Haunes in Bedford shire, (formerly alienated) to the Church, but also built thereon from the ground a fair House, which he furnished with fitting utenfils for the future Incumbent thereof. This done, at his desire of an able Minister▪, Doctor Whitakers recommended Master Brightman unto him, on whom Sir John, not only freely conferred the Living, but also the profits of two-former years, which the Knight inned at his own cost, and kept in his possession. 14. Here Mr. Brightman employed himself both by preaching, Exceptions against Master Brightman's Book. and writing, to advance God's glory, and the good of the Church, witness his learned Comments in most pure Latin on the Canticles, and Revelation; though for the latter greatly grudged at on several accounts: 1. For the Title thereof, conceived too insolent for any creature to affix, A Revelation of The Revelation; except immediate Inspiration, which made the lock, had given the key unto it. 2. For being over-positive in his interpretations: The rather, because the Reverend Mr. Calvin himself, being demanded his opinion of some passages in the Revelation (as a learned * Bodin in his Method of History, cap. 7. man reporteth) answered ingenuously, That he knew not at all what so obscure a writer meant. 3. For over-particularizing in personal expositions, applying several Angels mentioned therein, Chap. 14. v. 18 He maketh Archbp. Cranmer the Angel to have power over the fire: and Ch. 16. v. 5. He makes Hill● Cecil Ld Treas. of England the Angel of the waters (if Lord Admiral, it had been more proper) justifying the pouring out of the third vial. to the Lord Cromwell, Archbishop Cranmer, Cecil Lord Burley, etc. Such restrictiveness being unsuitable with the large concernment of Scripture; as if England, half an Island in the Western corner, were more considerable than all the world besides, and the theatre whereon so much should be performed. 4. In resembling the Church of England to lukewarm Laodicea, praising, and preferring the purity of foreign Protestant-Churches. Indeed his daily discourse was against Episcopal Government, which he declared would shortly be pulled down. He spoke also of great troubles, which would come upon the Land; of the destruction of Rome, and the Universal calling of the Jews, affirming, That some then alive should see all these things effected. 15. However, His angelical life. his life was most angelical by the confession of such, who in judgement dissented from him. His manner was always to carry about him a Greek Testament, which he read over every fortnight, reading the Gospels, and the Acts, the first; the Epistles, and the Apocalypse, the second week. He was little of stature, and (though such commonly choleric) yet never known to be moved with anger; and therefore when his pen falls foul on Romish superstition, his friends account it zeal, and no passion. 16. His desire was to die a sudden death, His sudden death. if God so pleased (surely not out of opposition to the English Liturgy praying against the same, but) for some reasons best known to himself. God granted him his desire, a death, sudden in respect of the shortness of the time, though premeditated on, and prepared for by him, who waited for his change; and, being a watchful soldier, might be assaulted, not surprised. For, riding in a Coach with Sir john Osborne, and reading of a Book (for he would lose no time) he fainted, and, though instantly taken out in a servants arms, and set on his lap, on an hillock, all means affordable at that instant being used for his recovery, Aug. 24. died on the place, on the twenty fourth of August, and is buried in the Chancel of Haunes (Reverend Doctor Bulkley preaching his funeral Sermon) after he had faithfully fed his flock therein for fifteen years. 17. He was a constant Student, Whence we derive our intelligence. much troubled before his death with obstructions, both of the liver, and gall; and is supposed by Physicians to have died of the later, about the fiftieth one year of his age. And now no doubt he is in the number of those * Revel. 14. 4. Virgins, who were not defiled with women, and follow the Lamb whithersoever he goeth. Who always led a single life, as preferring a bed unfilled, before a bed undefiled. This my intelligence I have received by Letter, from my worthy friend lately gone to God, Master William Buckly. Bachelor of Divinity, and once Fellow of Queen's College in Cambridge, who living hard by Haunes, at Clyfton, at my request diligently inquired, and returned this his character, from aged, credible persons, familiar with Master Brightman. 18. This year silently slipped away in peace, 1608. plenty, and prosperity, being ended before effectually begun, as to any memorable Church-matter therein. Indeed all the Reign of King JAMES was better for one to live under, than to write of, consisting of a Champion of constant tranquillity, without any tumors of trouble to entertain posterity with. 19 In the Parliament now sitting at Westminster (in whose parallel Convocation nothing of consequence) the most remarkable thing Enacted was, An Act for Chelsey-Colledge. 1609. the Act made to enable the Provosts, and Fellows of Chelsey-Colledge, to dig a trench out of the river Lee, to erect Engines, water-works, etc. to convey, and carry water in close-pipes under ground, unto the City of London, and the Suburbs thereof, for the perpetual maintenance, and sustentation of the Provost, and Fellows of that College, and their successors, by the rent to be made of the said waters so conveyed. Where, first lighting on the mention of this College, we will consider it in a fourfold capacity: 1. As intended, and designed. 2. As growing, and advanced. 3. As hindered, Ann. Reg. Jac. 7 Ann. Dom. 1609. and obstructed. 4. As decaying, and almost, at the present, ruined. I shall crave the Reader pardon, if herein I make excursions into many years (but without discomposing of our Chronologie on the margin) because it is my desire (though the College be left imperfect) to finish, and complete my description thereof, so fare as my best intelligence will extend; being herein beholding to Doctor Samuel Wilkinson, the fourth, and present Provost of that College, courteously communicating unto me the considerable Records thereof. 20. It was intended for a Spiritual Garrison, The glory of the design. with a Magazine of all Books for that purpose; where learned Divines should study, and write, in maintenance of all Controversies against the Papists. Indeed, the Romanists herein may rise up, and condemn those of the Protestant Confession. For, as a 2 Chron. 8. 9 Solomon used not his military men for any servile work, in building the Temple (whereof the Text assigneth this reason, (For they were men of war:) so the Romish Church doth not burden their Professors with preaching, or any parochial encumbrances, but reserves them only for Polemical studies. Whereas in England, the same man reads, preacheth, catechizeth, disputes, delivers Sacraments, etc. So that, were it not for God's marvellous blessing on our studies, and the infinite odds of truth on our side, it were impossible, in humane probability, that we should hold up the bucklers against them. Besides the study of Divinity, at the least two able Historians were to be maintained in this College, faithfully, and learnedly to record, and publish to posterity all memorable passages in Church, and Commonwealth. 21. In pursuance of this design, K. James His Mortmain, and personal benefaction. His Majesty incorporated the said foundation, by the name of King JAMES his College in Chelsey; and bestowed on the same by his Letters Patents, the reversion of good land in Chelsey (then in possession of Charles Earl of Nottingham, the Lease thereof not expiring till about thirty years hence) and also gave it a capacity to receive of His loving Subjects any lands, not exceeding in the whole the yearly value of three thousand pounds. 22. Next King JAMES, Dr. Sutcliffe his bounty. let me place Doctor Matthew Sutcliffe, Dean of Exeter; who, though no Prince by birth, seems little less by his bounty to this College. As Araunah, but a private Subject, gave things b 2 Sam. 24. 23. as a King to God's service, such the royal liberality of this Doctor, bestowing on this College, The Farms of 1. Kingston 2. Hazzard 3. Appleton 4. Kramerland in the Parish of 1. Staverton 2. Harberton 3. Churchton 4. Stoke-rivers All in the County of Devo●, and put together, richly worth three hundred pounds per annum. Besides these, by his Will, dated November 1. 1628. he bequeathed unto Doctor John Prideaux; and Doctor Clifford (as Feoffees in trust, to settle the same on the College) the benefit of the Extent on a Statute of four thousand pounds, acknowledged by Sir Lewis Steuklie, etc. A bountiful benefaction, and the greater, because the said Doctor had a Daughter, and she Children of her own. And, although this endowment would scarce make the Pot c 2 Kings 4. 38, 39 of pottage seethe for the sons of the Prophets; yet, what feasts would it have made in his private family, if continued therein? Seeing therefore so public a mind in so private a man, the more the pity, that this good Doctor was deserted, Uriah- d 2 Sa●. 11. 15. - like, engaged in the forefront to fight alone against an army of difficulties; which he encountered in this design, whilst such men basely retired from him, which should have seasonably succoured, and seconded him in this action. 23. The fabric of this College was begun on a piece of ground called Thameshot, The Structure. containing about six acres, and then in possession of Charles Earl of Nottingham, who granted a Lease of his term therein to the said Provost, at the yearly rent of seven pounds ten shillings. King JAMES laid the first stone thereof, and gave all the timber requisite thereunto, which was to be fetched out of Windsor-Forrest. And yet that long range of building, which alone is extant, scarce finished at this day (thus made, though not of freestone, of free-timber) as I am informed, cost (oh the dearness of Church and Colledge-work!) full three thousand pound. But alas! what is this piece (not an eighth part) to a double quadrant, besides wings on each side, which was intended? If the aged fathers, which remembered the magnificence of Solomon's, wept at the meanness of the e Ezra 3. 12. second Temple; such must needs be sad, which consider the disproportion betwixt what was performed, and what was projected in this College: Save that I confess, that the destruction of beautiful buildings once really extant, leave greater impressions in men's minds, than the miscarriages of only intentional structures, and the faint Ideas of such future things, as are probably propounded, but never effected. 24. And here we will insert the number, The first Provost and Fellows. and names of the Provost, and first Fellows (and some of them probable to be last Fellows, as still surviving) as they were appointed by the King Himself, Anno 1610. May 8. Matthew Sutcliffe, Dean of Exeter, Provost. 1. John Overal, Dean of S. Paul's. 2. Thomas Morton, Dean of Winchester. 3. Richard Field, Dean of Gloucester. 4. Robert Abbot, Doctors of Divinity. 5. John Spenser, 6. Miles Smith, 7. William Covitt, 8. John Howson, 9 John Layfield, 10. Ben: Charrier, 11. Martin Fo●herbie, 12. John Boys, 13. Richard Bret, 14. Peter Lily, 15. Francis Burley, 16. William Hellier, Archdeacon of Barstable. 17. John White, Fellow of Manchester-Colledge. William Cambden, Clarenceaux, Historians. John Haywood, Doctor of Law, See here, none, who were actual Bishops, were capable of places in this College. And, when some of these were afterwards advanced to Bishoprics, others translated to heaven, King JAMES by His now Letters Patents, 1622. Novemb: 14. substituted others in their room. Amongst whom the Archbishop of Spalleto (but no more than Dean of Windsor in England) was most remarkable. 25. To advance this work, The King his Letters to ●he Archbishop: and his to the Bishops. His Majesty Anno 1616. sent His Letters to the Archbishop of Canterbury, to stir up all the Clergy in his Province to contribute to so pious a work, according to the tenor thereof here inserted: WHereas the enemies of the Gospel have ever been forward to write, and publish Books for confirming of erroneous doctrine, and impugning the truth, and now of late seem more careful than before, to send daily into Our Realms such their writings, whereby Our loving Subjects, though otherwise well-disposed, might be seduced, unless some remedy thereof should be provided. We, by the advice of Our Council, have lately granted a Corporation, and given Our allowance for erecting a College at Chelsey, for learned Divines to be employed to write, as occasion shall require, for maintaining the Religion professed in Our Kingdoms, and confuting the Impugners thereof. Whereupon, Doctor Sutcliffe, designed Provost of the said College, hath now humbly signified unto Us, that upon divers promises of help, and assistance, towards the erecting, and endowing the said College, he hath at his own charge begun, and well proceeded in building, as doth sufficiently appear by a good part thereof already set up in the place appointed for the same. We therefore, being willing to favour and farther so religious a work, will and require you to write your Letters to the Bishops of your Province, signifying unto them in Our name, that Our pleasure is, they deal with the Clergy, and others of their Diocese, to give their charitable be nevolence for the perfecting of this good work so well begun: And, for the better performance of Our desire, We have given order to the said Provost, and his Associates to attend you, and others whom it may appertain, and to certify Us from time to time of their proceeding. A copy of this His Majesty's Letter was sent to all the Bishops of England, with the Archbishop's additional Letter, in order as followeth: NOw because it is so pious, and religious a work, conducing both to God's glory, and the saving of many a soul within this Kingdom; I cannot but wish, that all devout, and well affected persons should by yourself, and the Preachers in your Diocese, as well publicly as otherwise, be excited to contribute in some measure to so holy an intendment now well begun. And, although these, and the like motions have been frequent in these later times, yet let not those, whom God hath blessed with any wealth, be weary of well-doing, that it may not be said, That the idolatrous and superstitious Papists be more forward to advance their falsehoods, than we are to maintain God's truth. Whatsoever is collected, I pray your Lordship may be carefully brought unto me; partly that it pass not through any defrauding hand, and partly, that His Majesty may be acquainted what is done in this behalf. Yet, for all these hopeful endeavours, and collections in all the Parishes of England, slow, and small were the sums of money brought in to this work. Many of them were scattered out, in the gathering them up, the charges of the Collectors consuming the profit thereof. If (as it is vehemently suspected) any of these collections be but detained by private persons, I conceive it no trespass against Christian charity to wish, that the pockets, which keep such money, may rot all their suits that wear them, till they make true restitution thereof. 26. Various are men's conjectures (as directed by their own interest) what obstructed so hopeful proceed, Divers opininions touching the non-proceeding of the College. and it is safer for me to recite all, than resolve on any of them. Some ascribe it to 1. The common fatality which usually attends noble undertake. As partus octimestres, children born in the eighth month, are always not long lived: so good projects quickly expire. 2. The untimely death of Prince HENRY, Our principal hope f Continuation of Stow's Survey of London, pag. 533. , and the chief author of this design. If so, Erubuit Domino firmius esse suo. The modest College blushed to be stronger, Than was its Lord; He dead, it lived no longer. But, upon my serious perusal of the Records of this College, I find not so much as mention of the name of Prince HENRY, as in any degree visibly contributive thereunto. 3. The large, lose, and lax nature thereof, no one prime person (Sutcliffe excepted, whose shoulders sunk under the weight thereof, zealously engaging therein; King JAMES His maintenance amounting to little more than countenance of the work.) Those children will have thin chaps, and lean cheeks, who have every body (and yet no body) nurses unto them. 4. The original means of the College, principally founded on the fluid, and unconstant element, unstable as water (the Rent of a New River, when made) which at the best (thus employed) was beheld but as a religious Monopoly. And, seeing that design than took no effect (though afterwards in another notion, and nature, it was perfected) no wonder if the College sunk with the means thereof. 5. Some of the * This fift and sixth obstruction signify nothing to discreet men, however they must pass for company-sake, and are alleged by some as very material. greatest Prelates (how much self is there in all men?) though seemingly forward, really remiss in the matter: Suspecting these controversial Divines would be looked on, as the principal Champions of Religion, more serviceable in the Church than themselves, and haply might acquire privileges prejudicial to their Episcopal Jurisdiction. 6. The jealousy of the Universities, beholding this design with suspicious eyes, as which in process of time might prove detrimental unto them. Two breasts, Cambridge and Oxford, being counted sufficient for England, to suckle all her children with. 7. The suspicion of some Patriots, and Commoners in Parliament, such as carried the keys of Countrymen's coffers under their girdles! may, I safely report what I have heard from no mean mouths) that this College would be too much Courtier; and, that the Divinity (but especially the History thereof) would 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, propend too much in favour of King JAMES, and report all things to the disadvantage of the Subject. Wherefore, though the said Patriots in Parliament countenanced the act, (as counting it no policy, publicly to cross the project of King JAMES, especially as it was made popular with so pious a plausibility) yet, when returned home, by their suspicious Items, and private instructions, they beat off, and retarded people's charities thereunto. The same conceived this foundation superfluous, to keep men to confute Popish opinions by writings, whilst the maintainers of them were every where connived at, and countenanced, and the penal Laws not put in any effectual execution against them. 8. It's being begun in a bad time, when the world swarmed with proleing Projectors; and necessitous Courtiers, contriving all ways to get moneys. We know, that even honest persons, if strangers, and casually coming along with the company of those, who are bad, contract a suspicion of guilt, in the opinions of those, to whom they are unknown. And it was the unhappiness of this innocent, yea, useful good design, that it appeared in a time, when so many Monopolies were on foot. 9 Some great Church men, who were the more backward, because Doctor Sutcliffe was so forward therein. Such as had not freeness enough to go before him, had frowardness too much to come after him, in so good a design: The rather because they distasted his person, and opinions; Doctor Sutcliffe being a known rigid Anti-Remonstrant; and, when old, very morose, and tasty in his writings against them. An infirmity, which all ingenuous people will pardon in him, that hope, and desire to attain to old age themselves. Thus have I opened my wares, with sundry sorts of commodities therein, assigning those Reasons, which I have either read, or heard from prime men of several interests; and am confident, that in the variety, yea, contrariety of judgements now adays, even those very Reasons, which are cast away by some, as weak, and frivolous, will be taken up, yea, preferred by others, as most satisfactory, and substantial. 27. At this present it hath but little of the case, The present sad condition of it. and nothing of the jewel, for which it was intended. Almost rotten before ripe, and ruinous before it was finished. It stands bleak like a Lodge in a garden of cucumbers, having plenty of pleasant water [the Thameses] near it, and store of wholesome air about it, but very little of the necessary element of earth belonging unto it. Yea, since I am informed, that seeing the College taketh not effect, according to the desire, and intent of the first Founders, it hath been decreed in Chancery, by the joint consent of Doctor Daniel Featly, the third Provost of this College, and Doctor John Prideaux, the surviving Feoffee entrusted in Dr. Sutcliffe's Will, that the foresaid Farms of Kingston, Hazzard, and Appleton, should return again to the possession of Mr. Halce, as the Heir-generall to the said Dr. Sutcliffe. On what consideration, let others inquire; it is enough to persuade me, it was done in equity, because done by the Lord Coventrie, in the high Court of Chancery. So that now, only the Farm of Kramerland, in Devonshire, of Sutcliffe's donation, remains to this College. All I will add is this, As this College was intended for Controversies: so now there is a controversy about the College, costly suits being lately commenced betwixt William Lord Mounston (who married the Widow of the aforesaid Earl of Nottingham) and the present Provost thereof, about the title of the very ground whereon it is situated. 28. Three Bishops, The death of Bishop Overton, Heton, & Ravis. all Oxford-men, ended their lives this year: First, William Overton (about the beginning of April) bred in Magdalene College, one sufficiently severe to suppress such, whom he suspected of Nonconformity. The second Martin Heton, first Dean of Winchester, and then Bishop of Elie. I say of Elie, which See had stood empty almost twenty years in the Reign of Queen ELIZABETH, after the death of Bishop Cox. So long the lantern of that Church (so g Camdeus Brit: Cambridge-shire artificial for the workmanship thereof) wanted a light to shine therein. Some suspected, this place, so long empty, would never be filled again; seeing no Bishopric so large in revenues, was so little in jurisdiction, not having the small County of Cambridge b Part is of the Diocese of Norwich. wholly belonging unto it. Some cunning Courtiers, observing this breach in Elie-Minster, as fiercely assaulted it, with hope to get gain to themselves. During the vacancy, it was offered to many Churchmen, (or chapmen, shall I say?) but either their consciences, or coffers, would not come up to the conditions thereof. Amongst others, Mr. Parker, brought up in Peterhouse in Cambridge, and Archdeacon of Elie (saith my i A Manuscript of the Bishops of Elie, lent me by Mr. Wright: Author) iniquis conditionibus Episcopatum oblatum respuit, tantam opum usuram, nisi saluâ Ecclesiâ, negligens. At last (but with the revenues much altered, and impaired) it was conferred on Doctor Heton, who, after ten years' possession thereof, died July 14. and seems the more obscure, because of the lustre, and learning of Doctor Lancelot Andrew's, who immediately succeeded him. The third Bishop deceasing this year December 14, was Thomas Ravis, sometime Dean of Christ-Church, and successively Bishop of Gloucester, and London, born at Malden in Surrey, of worthy parentage, Claris parentibus, saith the Epitaph on his tomb in St. Paul's, who left the memory of a grave, and good man behind him. Nor must it be forgotten, that, as he first had his learning in Westminster-School: so he always continued, both by his counsel, and countenance, a most especial incourager of the studies of all deserving Scholars belonging to that Foundation. 29. As Archb●. Nich: Fuller engages for his Clients. Bancroft was driving on conformity very fiercely throughout all his Province, He met with an unexpected rub, which notwithstanding, he quickly removed; for, about this time, Nich: Fuller, a Bencher of Greyes-Inne, eminent in his profession, Ann. Dom. 1610. Ann. Reg. Jac. 8 pleaded so boldly for the enlargement of his Clients, that he procured his own confinement: the Case thus, Tho: Lad, a Merchant of Yarmouth in Norfolk, was imprisoned a long time by the High Commission, and could not be bailed, because (having formerly answered upon his oath twice before the Chancellor of Norwich, to certain Articles touching a Conventicle) he refused to answer upon a new oath without sight of his former answers. Richard Mansell, a Preacher, charged to be a partaker in a Petition exhibited to the House of Commons in Parliament, and refusing the Oath Ex Officio, to answer to certain Articles to him propounded, was long imprisoned by the Commissioners at Lambeth, and could not be bailed. 30. Both Prisoner's were brought to the Bar upon the Writ of Habeas corpus, where Nich: Fuller pleaded, they ought to be discharged, endeavouring by a large Argument (lately printed) to prove, that the Ecclesiastical Commissioners have no power by virtue of their Commission to imprison, to put to the oath Ex Officio, or to fine any of His Majesty's subjects. Archbishop Bancroft got some legal advantage against Mr. Fuller in the managing thereof, To the loss of his own liberty and life. and then let him alone to improve the same: Fuller's friends complained, that only by the Colour of Right, and the Rigour of Might, he was cast into Prison. Here this learned Counsellor could give himself no better, nor other advice, but only pure patience. Many were his Petitions to the King for his enlargement, whom the Archbishop had pre-acquainted with the Case, representing him to the King as the Champion of Non-conformists, so that there he lied and died in prison. However, he left behind him the reputation of an honest man, and a plentiful estate to his Family (besides his bountiful benefaction to Emmanuell College, and other pious uses) at this day enjoyed by his Grandchild, a Gentleman k Master Douse Fuller of Berk. Esq. deservedly beloved in his Country. 31. On the 26 of October began the fifth Session of this long-lasting Parliament, The l●st Sessi ●n of 〈◊〉, Parliament. A Session, which may be found in the Records, though it be lost in our Statute-book, because nothing therein was enacted, as soon after dissolved by Proclamation. 32. Cervas Babington, The death of 〈◊〉 Babington Bishop of Worcester, May 17. ended his pious life. He was born in Norti●gham-shire, of worshipful extraction. Now, although lately the chief of the Family abused by Papists, (otherwise in himself an accomplished l Anthony Babington of Dethi●k in Derbyshire. Gentleman) had tainted his blood with Treason against the Queen: the learning, loyalty, and Religion of this worthy Prelate may serve to rectify the Surname, and justly restore that Family to its former repute with all posterity. He was bred Fellow of Trinity-college in Cambridge; first Chaplain to Henry, Earl of Pembroke, whose Countess made an exact Translation of the Psalms, and they first procured him to be preferred Treasurer of Landaffe. 33. He was soon after made Bishop of Landaffe, His parts and praise. which in merriment he used to call Affe; the land thereof long since being alienated: thence was he translated to Exeter, thence to Worcester, thence to Heaven. He was an excellent Pulpit-man, happy in raising the affections of his Auditory; which, having got up, he would keep up till the close of his Sermon. An industrious Writer, witness his large Comment on the five books of Moses; the Lords Prayer, Creed, and Commandments, with other portions of Scripture. Nought else have I to observe of this Bishop, save that as a Bahington's Arms were Argent, ten Torteauxes, four, three, two and one, Gules, the self same being the Arms of the Bishopric of Worcester. His paternal Coat being just the same with that of his Episcopal See, with which it is impaled. 34. The same year expired Bishop Bancroft, The death of Archbishop 〈◊〉 Nou. 2. Archbishop of Canterbury. He was brought up in Jesus College in Cambridge, preferred by degrees to the Bishopric of London: Sir Christopher Hatton was his Patron, who made him his Examiner. His Adversaries character him a greater Statesman than Divine, a better Divine than Preacher, though his printed Sermon sufficiently attesteth his abilities therein. Being a Cambridge-man, he was made Chancellor of Oxford, to hold the scales even with Cardinal Poole, Ann. Reg. Jac. 9 Ann. Dom. 1611. an Oxford-man, made Chancellor of Cambridge. 44. I find two faults charged on his memory, Vindicated from cruelty. Cruelty and Covetousness, Un-Episcopall qualities, seeing a Bishop ought to be godly and hospitable. To the first, it is confessed he was most stiff and stern to press Conformity. And, what more usual than for Offenders to nickname necessary severity to be cruelty? Now though he was a most stout Champion to assert Church-Discipline, let me pass this story to posterity from the mouth of a person therein concerned, An honest and able Minister privately protested unto him, That it went against his conscience to conform, And the aspersion of Covetousness being then ready to be deprived: Which way, saith the Archbishop, will you live if put out of your Benefice? The other answered, He had no way but to go a begging, and to put himself on Divine Providence. Not that (saith the Archbishop) you shall not need to do; but, come to me, and I will take order for your maintenance. What impression this made on the Minister's judgement, I am not able to report. 45. As for his Covetousness, a witty Writer m M●. Arthur Wilson. (but more Satirist than Historian) of King JAMES his Life, reports this Pasquin of him: Here lies his Grace, in cold clay clad; Who died for want of what he had. True it is, he maintained not the state of Officers like Predecessor or Successor in house-keeping, having a Citizen-Tradesman (more acquainted with thrift, than bounty) for his Domestical Steward; yet was he never observed in his own person to aim at the enriching of his Kindred, but had intentions to make pious uses his public Heir, bequeathing his Library, the confluence of his own collections with his Predecessors, Whitgift, Grindoll, Parkers, to Chelsey-Colledge; and if that took not effect, to the public Library in Cambridge, where at this day they remain; his clear estate at his death exceeded not six thousand pound, no sum to speak a single man covetous who had sat six years in the See of Canterbury, and somewhat longer in London. 46. It is needless to clean his memory from the aspersion of Popery, Falsely traduced for Popish inclinations. two eminent acts of his own being his sufficient Compurgatours: One in setting the secular Priests against the Jesuits (as S. Paul did the Pharisees against the Sadducees) thereby so deriding their languages, as scarce they can understand one another, at this day. The other his forwardness in founding Chelsey-Colledge, which, as a two-edged sword, was to cut on both sides to suppress Papists and Sectaries. 47. One passage more of this Prelate, A good Patron of Church-Revenues. and I have done; A company of young Courtiers appeared extraordinarily gallant, at a Tilting, fare above their fortunes and estates; These gave for a private Motto amongst themselves, Solvat Ecclesia, Let the Church pay for all: Bancroft, than Bishop of London, arriving at the notice thereof, finds on inquiry, that the Queen was passing a considerable parcel of Churchland unto them, the Prelate stops the business with his own and his friend's interest leaving these Gallants to pay the shot of their pride and prodigality out of their own purses. Add to this, that I am credibly informed from a good hand, how in the days of King JAMES, a Scotchman, and a prevalent Courtier had swallowed up the whole Bishopric of Durham, had not this Archbishop seasonably interposed his power with the KING, and dashed the design. George Abbot succeeded Bancroft in Canterbury, The new Translation of the Bible finished by the Command of King james, and care of some chosen Divines. of whom largely hereafter. 48. And now after long expectation, and great desire came forth the new Translation of the Bible (most beautifully printed) by a select and competent number of Divines, appointed for that purpose, not being too many; lest one should trouble another; and yet many, lest in any things might haply escape them. Who neither coveting praise for expedition, nor fearing reproach for slackness (seeing in a business of moment, none deserve blame for convenient slowness) had expended almost three years in the work, not only examining the channels by the fountain, Translations with the Original, which was absolutely necessary, but also comparing channels with channels, which was abundantly useful, in the Spanish, Italian, French and Dutch Languages. So that their industry, skilfulness, piety and discretion, hath therein bound the Church unto. them in a debt of special remembrance and thankfulness. These, with a Gen. 29. 10. Jacob, rolled away the Stone from the mouth of the Well of Life: So that now even Rahel's, weak women may freely come, both to drink themselves, and water the flocks of their families at the same. 49. But day shall sooner lack a night to attend it, The causeless Cavil the Papists thereat. and the Sunshine be unseconded with the sullen shade, than a glorious action shall want Detractors to defame it. The Popish Romanists much excepted hereat. Was their Translation (say they) good before? Why do they now mend it? Was it not good? Why then was it obtruded on the People? These observe not, that whilst thus in their passion they seek to lash the Protestants, their whips fly in the faces of the most learned and pious Fathers, especially Saint Jerome, who, not content with the former Translations of the Septuagints, Aquila, Symachus, and others, did himself translate the Old Testament out of the Hebrew. Yea, their cavil recoils on themselves, and their own Vulgar Translation, whereof they have so many and different Editions b Loca ad Octo millia annotata atque emendata à nobis sunt. Is●d: Clarius in in Praes. Bibl. Sacrosanct. Edit. Venctik 1542. but which in the following Edition is left out. Isidorus Clarius a famous Papist, (first a Friar, afterward a Bishop) observed and amended, as he said, eight thousand faults in the vulgar Latin. And since his time, how doth the Paris Editions differ from the Louvain, and Hentenius his, from them both? How infinite are the differences (many of them weighty and material) of that which Pope Clement the eighth published from another, which Sixtus Quintus, his immediate Predecessor set forth. Thus we see to better and refine Translations, hath been ever counted a commendable practice even in our Adversaries. 50. Besides this, They take exceptions at the several senses of words noted in the Margin. the Romanists take exception, because in this our new Translation the various senses of words are set in the Margin. This they conceive a shaking of the certainty of the Scriptures, such variations, being as succours to be pruned off, because they rob the stock of the Text of its due credit, and reputation. Somewhat conformable whereto Pope c Sixtus Quintus Praes. Bibl. Sixtus Quintus expressly forbade that any variety of Readins of the vulgar Edition should be put in the Margin. But on serious thoughts it will appear, that these Translators, affixing the diversity of the meaning of words in the side Column, deserve commendations for their modesty, and humility therein. For though, as d On the Second Thes. 2. cap. Saint chrysostom observeth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, all things that are necessary to salvation are plainly set down in the Scriptures; yet seeing there is much difficulty and doubtfulness (not in Doctrinal, but) in matters of less importance, fearfulness did better beseem the Translators than confidence, entering in such cases a caution, where words are of different exceptions. 51. Some of the Brethren were not well pleased with this Translation, Some Brethren complain for lack of the Geneva Annotations. suspecting it would abate the repute of that of Geneva, with their Annotations made by English Exiles in that City, in the days of Qu. Marry, dedicated to Qu. Elizabeth, and Printed with the general liking of the People above thirty times over. Yea, some complained, That they could not see into the sense of the Scripture for lack of the spectacles of those Geneva Annotations. For, although a good Translation is an excellent Comment on the Bible, wherein much darkness is caused by false rendering of it, and wherein many seeming Riddles are read, if the words be but read, Expounded if but truly Rendered; Yet some short Exposition on the Text was much desired of the People. But to say nothing of the defects and defaults of the Geneva Annotations (though the best in those times, which are extant in English) those Notes were so tuned to that Translation alone, that they would jar with any other, and could no way be fitted to this new Edition of the Bible. Leave we then these worthy men, now all of them gathered to their Fathers, and gone to God, (however they were requited on earth) well rewarded in Heaven for their worthy work. Of whom as also of that Gracious KING that employed them, we may say, Wheresoever the Bible shall be preached or read in the whole world, there shall also this that they have done be told in memorial of them. 52. And as about this time some perchance overvalued the Geneva Notes, Doctor H in Oxford 〈◊〉 inveigheth against the Geneva N●tes. out of that especial Love they bore to the Authors and Place whence it proceeded, so on the other side, some without cause did slight, or rather without charity did slander the same. For in this, or the next year, a Doctor in solemn assembly in the University of Oxford publicly in his Sermon at St. Mary's, accused them as guilty of misinterpretation touching the Divinity of Christ, and his Messiahship, as if Symbolising with Arrians and Jews against them both: For which he was afterwards suspended by Doctor Robert Abbot, Propter conciones publicas minùs orthodoxas, & offensionis plenas. But more properly hereof, God willing, hereafter in our particular History of Oxford. We will proceed to Report a memorable Passage in the Low-countrieses, not fearing to lose my way, or to be censured for a wanderer from the English Church-story, whilst I have so good a Guide, as the Pen of King JAMES to lead me out, and bring me back again. Besides I am afraid that this Alien Accident is already brought home to England, and though only Belgic in the Occasion, is too much British in the Influence thereof. SECTION IU. To EDWARD LLOYD, Esq. River's are not bountiful in Giving, but just in Restoring * Eccles. 1. 7. their Waters unto the Sea. However, they may seem grateful also, because openly returning thither, what they Secretly received thence. This my Dedication unto you cannot amount to a Present, but a Restitution, wherein only I tender a Public acknowledgement of your Private courtesies conferred upon me. KING JAMES took into His Princely care the seasonable suppression of the dangerous Doctrines of Conradus Vorstius. Dangerous Opinions broached by Conradus Vorstius. This Doctor, had lived about 15 years a Minister at Steinford, within the Territories of the Counts of TECKLENBOURG, BENTHEM, etc. the Counts whereof, (to observe by the way) were the first in Germany, not in dignity or Dominion, but in casting off the Yoke of Papacy, and ever since continuing Protestants. This Vorstius had both written and received several Letters from certain Samosetenian Heretics, in Poland, or thereabouts; and it happened that he had handled Pitch so long, that at last it stuck to his Fingers, and became infected therewith. Hereupon, he set forth two Books, the one entitled, TRACTATUS THEOLOGICUS DE DEO, dedicated to the Land-Grave of Hessen; the other, EXEGESIS APOLOGETICA, printed in this year, and dedicated to the States; both of them facred with many dangerous Positions concerning the Deity. For whereas it hath been the labour of the Pious and Learned in all Ages to mount Man to God, (as much a smite be) by a Sacred adoration, (which the more humble, the more high) of the Divine incomprehensibleness, this Wretch did Seek to Stoop GOD to Man, by debasing his Purity, assigning him a material Body, confining his Immensity, as not being every where, shaking his Immutability, as if his will were subject to change, darkening his Omnisciency, as uncertain in future Contingents, with many more monstrous Opinions, fit to be remanded to Hell, than committed to writing. Notwithstanding all this, the said Vorstius was chosen, by the Curators of the University of Leyden, to be their Public Divinity-Professour, in the Place of Arminius lately deceased: and, to that end, his Excellency, and the State's General, by their Letters sent, and sued to the Count of TECKLENBOURG, and obtained of him, that Vorstius should come from Steinford, and become Publick-Professour in Leyden. 2. It happened that His Majesty of Great Britain, Reason's moving K. James to Oppose him being this Autumn in His hunting-Progresse, did light upon and perused the aforesaid Books of Vorstius. And whereas too many do but Sport in their most serious Employment. He was so serious amidst His Sports and Recreations, that with Sorrow, and Horror, He observed the Dangerous Positions therein, determining speedily to oppose them, moved thereunto with these Principal Considerations: First, the Glory of God; seeing this e In His Declaration against Vorflius, p. 365. ANTI-St. JOHN, (as His Majesty terms him) mounting up to the Heavens, belched forth such Blasphemies against the Divine ineffable Essence: and was not a King on Earth concerned, when the King of Heaven was dethroned from his Infiniteness, so fare as it lay in the Power of the treacherous Positions of an Heretic? Secondly, charity to His next Neighbours, and Allies. And lastly, a just fear of the like Infection within His own Dominions, considering their Vicinity of Situation and Frequency of intercourse; many of the English Youth, travelling over to have their Education in Leyden. And indeed, as it hath been observed, that the Sin of Drunkenness, was first brought over f See Camden's Elizabeth, anno 1581. into England out of the Low Countries, about the midst of the Reign of Queen ELIZABETH, (before which time, neither general Practice, nor legal punishment of that vice in this Kingdom) so we must Sadly confess, that since that time, in a Spiritual Sense, many English Souls have taken a cup too much of Belgic wine: Whereby their Heads have not only grown daisy, in matters of less moment, but their whole Bodies stagger in the Fundamentals of their Religion. 3. Hereupon King JAMES presently dispatched a Letter to Sir Ralph Winwood, The States entertain not the motion of K. James against Vorstius, according to just expectation. his Ambassador, resident with the States, willing and requiring him to let them understand how Infinitely he should be displeased, if such a Monster as Vorstius should receive any advancement in their Church. This was seconded with a large Letter of His Majesties to the States, dated October the 6, to the same effect: But neither found that Success which the KING did earnestly desire, and might justly expect, considering the many Obligations of the Crown of England on the States: the Foundation of whose Commonwealth, (as the Ambassador told them) was first cemented with English blood. Several Reasons are assigned of their non-concurrence with the KING's motion. The Curators of Leyden-University conceived it a disparagement to their Judgements, if so near at hand, they could not so well examine the Soundness of Vorstius his Doctrine, as a foreign Prince at such a distance; It would cast an aspersion of Levity and Inconstancy on the States, solemnly to invite a Stranger unto them, and then so soon recede from their Resolution; An Indignity would redound to the Count of Tecklenbourg, to slight that which so lately they had sued from him. The Opposition of Vorstius was endeavoured by a male-contented Party amongst themselves, disaffected to the Actions of Authority; who distrusting their own strength, had secretly solicited His Majesty of Great Britain to appear on their Side, That as King JAMES his motion herein, proceeded rather from the Instance of others, than His own Inclination, so they gave out, that He began to grow remiss in the matter, careless of the Success thereof. That it would be injurious, yea, destructive to Vorstius and his Family, to be fetched from his own home, where he lived with a sufficient Salary, (promised better Provisions from the Landgrave of Hessen to be Divinity Professor in his Dominions) now to thrust him out with his Wife and Children, lately settled at Leyden; That if Vorstius had formerly been faulty in unwary, and offensive Expressions, he had since cleared himself in a new Declaration. 4. For, Vorstius gives no satisfaction in his new Declaration. lately he set forth a Book, entitled, A Christian and modest Answer, which notwithstanding by many was condemned, as no Revocation, but a Repetition of his former Opinions, not less pernicious, but more plausible, with sophistical Qualifications. So that he was accused to aim, neither at the Satisfaction of the Learned, Ann. Dom 1611. Ann. Regis Jac. 9 whom he had formerly offended; nor the Safety of the Ignorant, whom he might hereafter deceive, but merely his own Security, for the present. His grand Evasion was this, That what he had wrote before, was but probably propounded, not dogmatically delivered. But, alas! how many silly Souls might easily be infected, mistaking his slenting Problems for downright Positions. In a word, he took not out any Venom, but put in more Honey into his Opinions, which the corruption of Man's Nature would swallow with more greediness. And how dangerous it is for wit-wanton Men, to dance with their nice Distinctions, on such Mystical Precipices, where Slips in jest may cause deadly Downfalls in earnest, the Roman Orator doth in part pronounce, Mala est & impia consuetudo, contra Deum disputandi, sive seriò id fit, sive simulatè. 5. Now King JAMES being as little Satisfied in Judgement with the Writings of Vorstius in his own Defence, K. James setteth forth a Declaration against Vorstius, si●st written in French, Since by His leave Translated into English, and amongst His other Works. as ill pleased, in Point of Honour, with the do of the States, in return to His Request, gave Instructions to His Ambassador to make Public Protestation against their Proceed; which Sir Ralph Wynwood, in Pursuance of his Master's Command, most solemnly performed. Nor did His Majesty's Zeal stop here, with Joash King of Israel, (smiting only but thrice, and then desisting) but after His Request, Letter, and Protestation had miss ●heir Desired effect, He wrote in French, a Declaration against Vorstius. A Work well beseeming the defender OF THE FAITH; by which Title (to use His Ambassador's Expression) He did more value Himself, than by the Style of KING OF GREAT BRITAIN. Once I intended to present the Reader with a Brief of His Majesty's Declaration, till deterred with this Consideration, that although great Masses of Lead, Tin, and meaner Metals, may by the extraction of Chemists be epitomised and abridged into a Smaller quantity of Silver, yet what is altogether Gold already, cannot without extraordinary damage, be reduced into a Smaller Proportion. And seeing each word in His Majesty's Declaration is so pure and precious, that it cannot be lessened without loss, we remit the Reader to the same in His Majesty's Works; And so take our Leave of Verstius for the present, whose Books, by the KING's Command, were publicly burnt at St. Paul's Cross in London, and in both Universities. 6. But leaving this Outlandish, let us come to our English Vorstius (though of fare less Learning, The character of Bartholomew Legate. of more Obstinacy, and dangerous Opinions) I mean that Arrian, who this year suffered in Smithfield: His name Bartholomew Legate, native County Essex, person comely, complexion black, age about forty years: Of a bold spirit, confident carriage, fluent tongue, excellently skilled in the Scriptures; and well had it been for him, if he had known them less, or understood them better; whose ignorance abused the Word of God, therewith to oppose God the Word. His conversation (for aught I can learn to the contrary) very unblameable; And the poison of Heretical Doctrine is never more dangerous, than when served up in clean cups, and washed dishes. 7. King JAMES caused this Legate often to be brought to Him, Discourse be●twixt K. James, and Legate. and seriously dealt with him to endeavour His conversion. One time the KING had a design to surprise him into a Confession of Christ's Deity (as His Majesty afterwards declared to a right reverend g James Archbishop of Armagh, from whose mouth I had the Relation. Prelate) by ask him, Whether or no he did not daily pray to Jesus Christ? Which, had he acknowledged, the KING would infallibly have inserted, that Legate tacitly consented to Christ's Divinity, as a searcher of the hearts. But herein His Majesty failed of His expectation, Legate returning, That indeed he had prayed to Christ in the days of his ignorance, but not for these last seven years. Hereupon the KING in choler spurned at him with His foot; Away base Fellow (saith He) it shall never be said, that one stayeth in My presence, that hath never prayed to our Saviour for seven years together. 8. Often was he covented before the Bishops in the Consistory of St. Paul's, Bishop King grav●ll●●h him with a place of Scripture. where he persisted obstimate in his Opinions, flatly denying the Authority of that Court. And no wonder that he slighted the power of earthly Bishops, denying the Divinity of Him, Who is h 1 P●t. 2. 25. The Shepherd and Bishop of our souls. The dispatation against him, was principally managed by John King, Bishop of London, who gravelled and utterly confuted him with that place of Scripture, John 17. 5. And now O Father, glorify thou me with thine own self, with the glory which I had with thee before the world was. This Text, I say, was so seasonably alleged, so plainly expounded, so pathetically enforced by the eloquence, and gravity of that Bishop (qualities wherein, he excelled) that it gave marvellous satisfaction to a multitude of people there present, that it is conceived, it happily unproselyted some inclinable to his Opinions; though Legate himself remained pertinatious, both against the impressions of Arguments, and Scripture, daily multiplying his enormous Opinions. It is the happiness nature indulgeth to monsters, that they are all barren; whereas on the contrary, monstrous positions are most procreative of the like, or worse than themselves. 9 Before we set down his pestilent Opinions; Wholesome caution premised before the naming of Legate's blasphemies. may Writer, and Reader sense themselves with prayer to God, against the infection thereof; lest otherwise, touching such pitch (though but with the bare mention) defile us, casually tempting a temptation in us, and awaking some corruption, which otherwise would sleep silently in our souls. And, if notwithstanding this our caution, any shall reap an accidental evil to themselves, by reading his damnable Opinions, my pen is no more accessary to their harm, than that Apothecary is guilty of murder, if others, out of a liquorish curiosity, kill themselves with that poison, which he kept in his shop for sovereign use to make Antidotes thereof. His damnable Tenets were as followeth: 1. That the Creed called the Nicene Creed, and Athanasius Creed, contain not a Profession of the true Christian Faith. 2. That Christ is not God of God begotten, not made; but begotten, and made. 3. That there are no Persons in the Godhead. 4. That Christ was not God from everlasting, but began to be God, when he took flesh of the Virgin Mary. 5. That the world was not made by Christ. 6. That the Apostles teach, Christ to be Man only. 7. That there is no generation in God, but of creatures. 8. That this assertion, God to be made Man, is contrary to the rule of Faith, and monstrous blasphemy. 9 That Christ was not before the fullness of time, except by promise. 10. That Christ was not God, otherwise than an anointed God. 11. That Christ was not in the form of God equal with God, that is, in substance of God, but in righteousness, and giving salvation. 12. That Christ by his Godhead wrought no miracle. 13. That Christ is not to be prayed unto. For maintaining these Opinions, Legate had long been in prison in Newgate, yet with liberty allowed him to go abroad; not contented wherewith, he openly boasted, and often threatened to sue the Court, which committed him, for reparations for false imprisonment; so that his own indiscretion in this kind, hastened his execution. 10. For hereupon Bishop King finally convented him in the Consistory of S. Paul's. Condemned for an obstinate Heretic. And that worthy Prelate, foreseeing that his proceed herein would meet with many listening ears, prying eyes, and prating tongues, chose many reverend Bishops, able Divines, and learned Lawyers to assist him. So that the Consistory, so replenished for the time being, seemed not so much a large Court, as a little Convocation. Mar. 3. By the counsel and consent of these, by his definitive sentence, he pronounced, decreed, and declared the foresaid Bartholomew Legate an obdurate, contumacious, and incorrigible Heretic. And by an Instrument called a SIGNIFICAVIT, certified the same into the Chancery, delivering him up unto the Secular power, the Church-Keyes, in such cases craving the help of the Civil Sword. Mar. 11. Whereupon, King JAMES, with His Letters, dated March 11, under the Privy-Seal, gave order to the Broad-Seal to direct the Writ de Haeretico comburendo, to the Sheriffs of London, for the burning of the foresaid Legate. 11. Now as the Bishop herein surrendered Legate to the Secular Power, Quae●es left to Lawyers to decide. my Ecclesiastical History in like manner resigns him to the Civil Historian, together with all the doubts, difficulties, and legal scruples attending on, or resulting from his Condemnation. Let the Learned in the Law consider on what Statute the Writ for his Burning was grounded, whether on those old Statutes enacted in the Reigns of RICHARD the TWO, and HENRY the IV; or on the branch of some other new Statute to that effect. Let them satisfy us, how fare those Laws were repealed in 1 more ELIZABETHAE, and how fare they still stand in force; as, though not to [pretended] Lollardisme, yet to Blasphemy. Let them examine the Judgement of the Learned i De natura bre●ium, fol. 269. 2. Fitz-Herbert, whether sound in his assertion, That Heretics, before the Writ of their burning be issued out against them, must first be convicted of Heresy before a Provincial Convocation; whilst others affirm, That they being convicted before their Ordinary, sufficeth: provided it be for such Opinions, which Convocations have formerly condemned for Heretical. 12. To Smithfield he was brought to be burned. Legate burnt in Smithfield. Mar. 18. See here, it is neither the pain, nor the place, but only the cause makes a Martyr. In this very Smithfield how many Saints in the Marian-days, suffered for the testimony of Jesus Christ? Whereas now one therein dyeth in his own blood for denying him. Vast was the Conflux of people about him. Never did a scare-fire at midnight summon more hands to quench it, than this at noonday did eyes to behold it. At last, refusing all mercy, he was burned to ashes. And so we leave him, the first that for a long time suffered death in that manner: And, oh that he might be the last to deserve it! 13. In the next month Edward Wightman of Burton upon Trent, Wightman worse than Legate. April 11. convicted before Richard Neile Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, was burned at Litchfield for far worse Opinions (if worse might be) than Legate maintained. Marry Magdalene indeed was once possessed with seven Devils, but ten several Heresies were laid to Wightman's charge; namely, those of k So reckoned up in the Warrant for his burning. Ebion, Cerinthus, Valentinian, Arrius, Macedonius, Simon Magus, Manes, Manichaeus, Photinus, and of the Anabaptists. Lord! What are we when God leaves us? Did ever man maintain one Heresy, and but one Heresy? l Judas 6. Chains of darkness, we see, have their links, and errors are complicated together. 14. God may seem well-pleased with this seasonable Severity. The success of this severity. For the fire thus kindled, quickly went out for want of sewell. I mean, there was none ever after that openly avowed these Heretical Doctrines. Only a Spanish Arrian, who, condemned to die, was notwithstanding suffered to linger out his life in Newgate, where he ended the same. Indeed, such burning of Heretics much startled common people, pitying all in pain, and prone to asperse justice itself with cruelty, because of the novelty and hideousness of the punishment. And the purblind eyes of vulgar judgements looked only on what was next to them, (the suffering itself) which they beheld with compassion, not minding the demerit of the guilt, which deserved the same. Besides, such being unable to distinguish betwixt constancy and obstinacy were ready to entertain good thoughts even of the Opinions of those Heretics, who sealed them so manfully with their blood. Wherefore King JAMES politicly preferred, that Heretics hereafter, though condemned, should silently, and privately waste themselves away in the Prison, rather than to grace them and amuse others with the solemnity of a public Execution, The death of Master S●tton Founder of that famous Hospital. which in popular judgements usurped the honour of a persecution. 15. I find no eminent Divine or Scholar deceased in this year: Only one, whose bounty made many of both kinds, ended his life; namely, Richard Sutton, the Phoenix of our Age, and sole Founder of Charter-Hospitall, Esquire; born of Gentile Parentage at Knaith in Lincolnshire: In his youth bred a Soldier, gaining both wealth and credit by his valour; but afterwards embracing a more peaceable Profession of a Merchant. This his Foundation he called, The Hospital of King JAMES: all discreet Subjects having learned this lesson from politic Joab (calling m 2 Sam. 12. 28. Rabbah after the name of King David) to entitle their Sovereign to the honour of their Achievements, which are of extraordinary proportion. Children not yet come to, and Old men already past helping of themselves, have in this Hospital their souls and bodies provided for. The latter must be decayed Gentlemen, the most proper Objects of Charity, as whose ingenious spirits are most sensible of want, and most unable to provide for themselves. 16. It is utterly improbable that it will ever come within the compass of my power to found any place for pious uses. The several Manors belonging thereunto. All, wherein my weak ability can express its forwardness, is to honour the Charity of others, and for the present Alphabetically to methodise the Manors which Master Sutton in several Counties settled for the maintenance of this his Hospital: 1. Balsham- Manor, in Cambridge-shire. 2. Bastinghorpe- Manor, in Lincolnshire. 3. Blacke-grove- Manor, in Wilt-shire. 4. Broad-Hinton Land, in Wilt-shire. 5. Castle-Camps- Manor, in Cambridge-shire. 6. Chilton- Manor, in Wilt-shire. 7. Dunby- Manor, in Lincolnshire. 8. Elcombe- Manor and Park, in Wilt-shire. 9 Hackney Land, Middlesex. 10. Hallingbury-Bouchers- Manor, in Essex. 11. Missanden- Manor, in Wiltshire. 12. Much-Stanbridge- Manor, in Essex. 13. Norton- Manor, in Essex. 14. Salthrope- Manor, in Wilt-shire. 15. South-Minster- Manor, in Essex. 16. Tottenham Land, in Middlesex. 17. Ufford- Manor, in Wilt-shire. 18. Watelescote- Manor, in Wilt-shire. 19 Westcot- Manor, in Wilt-shire. 20. Wronghton- Manor, in Wilt-shire. See here the most liberal Endowment made by one man. May it most truly be said of our London Merchants, as of those of Tyre, n Isa. 23. 8. whose Merchants are Princes? 17. But no work so virtuous, The jesuits carping at his good work. which some malicious spirits will not endeavour to disgrace. One who writeth himself J. H. but generally conceived to be Mr. Knott the Jesuit, in his Answer to Doctor Potter's Book of o 2 part. 1. ch. 2. parag. Charity mistaken, let's fly as followeth: Do your Hospitals deserve so much as to be named? Have you any thing of that kind in effect of particular Note, saving the few mean Nurseries of idle Beggars, and debauched People? Except (perhaps) Sutton's Hospital, which [as I have been informed] was to take no profit till he was dead. He, who [as I have also understood] died so without any Children, or Brothers, or Sisters, or known Kindred, as that [peradventure] it might have escheated to the King. He, who lived a wretched and pecunious life, and drew that Mass of Wealth together by Usury, in which case, according to good conscience, his Estate, without ask him leave, was by the Law of God, obnoxious to Restitution, and aught to have been applied to Pious Uses. Where as anciently in this Country, and at all times, and specially in this last Age, 〈◊〉 see abundance of Heroical Actions of this kind performed in foreign parts. And if it were not for fear of noting many other great Cities, as if there were any want of most munificent Hospitals in them, wherein they abound; I could tell you of One called the Annunciata, in the City of Naples, which spends three hundred thousand Crowns per Annum; which comes to above fourscore thousand pounds sterling by the year: Which ever feeds and c●res a thousand sick persons, and pays for the nursing and entertaining of three thousand sucking Children of poor people, and hath fourteen other distinct Hospitals under it, where the persons of those Poor creatures are kept, and where they are defrayed of all their necessary charges every week. I could also tell you of an Hospital in Rome called S. Spirito, of h●ge Revenues, but it is not my meaning to enter into particulars, which would prove endless. 18. Before we come to the particular Examination of this his Accusation, His politic modesty in his corrective. it is observable how many Qualificatives, Correctives, and Restrictives (Perhaps, as I have been informed, As I have also understood, peradventure) he inserteth in this his Relation. Indeed such Qualifications are better than Equivocations, yet, what some may impute to Modesty, is his Policy, if well considered. For if any Protestant confute what he hath written, this Accuser will take Sanctuary under the protection of those Restrictions, defending himself that he delivered nothing positively, whilst ignorant Papists of his own profession (not heeding his doubting limitations) swallow all down for dogmatic truth. 19 More particularly the reformed Religion in England hath been the Mother of many brave Foundations: Answers to Jesuits Cavils. Many famous Hospitals (as that at Warwick built by the Earl of Leicester: Croyden by Archbishop Whitgift: Guildford by Archbishop Abbot: (not to speak of Christ-Church, and St. Thomas Hospital, built by King EDWARD the VI) though none of them have thrived and battled so fast and so fairly as this of Sutton's foundation. Whereas he chargeth him to have had no Children, it is confessed, seeing he died a Bachelor: Whose life (had he been of their Opinion) had been cried up for a precious piece of Virginity. That he had no known Kindred, is false. Some of them afterwards, but in vain, endeavouring to overthrow his Will: though he made the Poor to be his Mother, and Sister, and Brother. As for his getting wealth by unlawful wales, I am not to justify the particular circumstances of any man's actions. Should a secret Scrutiny be made, how all Founders of Monasteries first came by their wealth, many would be found justly obnoxious to censure. 20. Indeed our Sutton began with a good Stock, M. Sutto●s constant prayer. had no Charge to burden him, lived to be very aged, 79 years: and by God's blessing on his Providence, Industry and Thirst, advanced the main of his Estate. This I can confidently report from the mouth of a credible Witness, who heard it himself, and told it to me, that Master Sutton used often to repair into a private Garden, where he poured forth his prayers to God, and amongst other passages, was frequently overheard to use this Expression, Lord, thou hast given me a large and liberal Estate, give me also a heart to make use thereof; which at last was granted to him accordingly. 21. As for the overgrown Hospital of the Annuntiata at Naples, Sutton's Hospital how exceeding the Annuntiata. we envy not the wealth thereof; (though reports at such distance lose nothing in the relation.) Nor do we wonder that it cureth yearly a thousand sick persons, considering what disease first came from Naples, and was thence denominated. As for the three thousand Children nursed therein, it is to be feared many wanted Fathers to own them; and this not so much the fruit of charity as of wantonness. However, that Hospital hath at several times been advanced by a College of Benefactors, Whereas Sutton's may stand peerless in this respect, that it was founded, finished, p Stow's Survey of London, p. 43. and endowed by himself alone; Disbursing 13000 li. (paid down before the ensealing of the Conveyance) for the ground whereon it stood, with some other ●ppurtenances; besides 6000 li. expended in the building thereof; and that vast yearly Endowment, whereof heretofore. We mention not the large Sums bequeathed by him to Poor, to Prisons, to Colleges, to mending Highways, to the Chamber of London, Ann. Reg. Jac. 10. Ann. Dom. 1612. besides Twenty thousand pounds left to the discretion of his Executors. What remaineth but that we pray, that according to his pious intentions the same may be continued to the Glory of God, Credit of the Protestant Religion, Comfort to the Poor, good Example to the Rich, and perpetual Memory of King JAMES the Honorary, and Mr. Sutton the effectual Founder thereof: That this Sun, amongst the lesser Lights of Protestant-charities', may shine on Earth, as long as the Sun (that faithful Witness) endureth in Heaven. Being more confident that my desire herein will take effect, considering the Honourable Governous of this Hospital are Persons so Good, they will not abuse it themselves, and so Great, they will not suffer it to be abused by others. 22. England at this time enjoying abundance of Peace, Nou. 6. The death and pray● of Pr. HENRY. Plenty, and Prosperity, in full speed of her Happiness, was checked on a soddain with the sad News of the death of Prince HENRY, in the rage of a malicious extraordinary burning-fever. He was generally lamented of the whole Land, both Universities publishing their Verses in print: and give me leave to remember four made by Giles Fletcher of Trinity-college in Cambridge on this PRINCE'S plain Grave, because wanting an Inscription: and it will be Honour enough to me if I can make thereof a Translation: Si sapis, attonitus sacro decede Sepulchro, Nec cineri quae sunt nomina, quaere novo, Prudens celavit Sculptor, nam quisque rescivit, Protinus in lachrymas solvitur, & moritur. If wise, amazed departed this holy Grave; Nor these New-ashes ask, what Name's they have? The Graver, in concealing them, was wise; For, who so knows, straight melts in tears, and dies. Give me leave to add one g Made by Mr. George Herbert. more, untranslatable for its Elegancy, and Expressivenesse: Vlteriora timens cum morte paciscitur Orbis. And thus we take our leave of the Memory of so Worthy a PRINCE, never heard by any alive to swear an Oath; for which, Archbishop Abbot commended Him in his Funeral Sermon, the PRINCE being wont to say, That He knew no Game or Value to be won or lost, that could be worth an Oath. 23. One generation goeth and another generation cometh, Feb. 14. The Marriage of the Palatine. but the earth remaineth for ever: the Stage stands, the Actors alter. Prince HENRY's Funerals are followed with the Prince PALATINE's Nuptials, solemnised with great State, in hopes of happiness to both Persons, though sad in the event thereof, and occasioning great revolutions in Christendom. 24. Expect not of me an account of the Divorce of the Lady Fra: Howard from the Earl of Essex; 11. 1613. Essex his Divorce discussed. and of her re-marriage to Robert Car Earl of Somerset; which Divorce divided the Bishops of the Land in their judgements: Against it, George Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury. John King, Bishop of London. Alleging the common same of Incontinency betwixt Her and the Earl of Somerset. For it, Thomas Bilson, Bishop of Winchester. Lancelot Andrews, Bishop of Elie. Rich: Neale, BP. of Coventry and Litchfield. These proceeded, secundùm allegata, & probata, of the Earls inability, quoad hanc: and the Ladies untainted Virginity. 25. Only I will insert one passage, A memorable Speech of Bishop King. Bishop Overall discoursing with Bishop King about the Divorce, the later expressed himself to this effect, I should never have been so earnest against the Divorce, Ann. Dom. 1613. Ann. Reg. Jac. 11 save that because persuaded in my conscience of falsehood in some of the depositions of the Witnesses on the Lady's behalf. This sure I am from her second Marriage is extracted as chaste and virtuous * Anne Countess of Bedford. a Lady as any of the English Nation. 29. Nicholas Wadham, Wadham-Colledge sounded. Esquire, of Merryfield in the County of Somerset, did by his last Will bequeath Four hundred pounds per annum, and Six thousand pounds in money to the building of a College in Oxford, leaving the care and trust of the whole to Dorothy his Wife. One of no less learned and liberal than Noble extraction. A Sister to John Lord Peter, and Daughter to Sir William Peter, Secretary to four Kings, and a worthy Benefactor to All-Souls College. In her life-time she added almost double to what her Husband bequeathed, whereby at this day it is become one of the most Uniform buildings in England, as no additional result at several times of sundry fancies and Founders, but the entire product all at once of the same Architect. 30. This year the same was finished, Where formerly a Monastery of Augustine●s. built in a place where formerly stood a Monastery of the Augustine Friars, who were so eminent for their abilities in disputing, that the University did by a particular Statute impose it as an Exercise upon all those that were to proceed Masters of Art, that they should first be disputed upon by the Augustine Friars, which old Statute is still in force, produced at this day for an Equivalent exercise, yet styled, Answering Augustine's. The College hath from its beginning still retained something of its old Genius, having been continually eminent for some that were acute Philosophers and good Disputants. Wardens, Bishops, Benefactors, Learned Writers, Doctor Wright admitted 1613. Dr. Fleming admitted 1613. Dr. Smith, 1616. Dr. Escott, 1635. Dr. Pitt, 1644. Dr. Joh. Wilkins, 1648. Robert Wright, Bishop of Bristol, than Coventrie and Lichfield. Philip Bisse, Doctor of Divinity, Canon of Wells, and archdeacon of Taunton, gave 1849 Books for their Library, valued at 1200 pounds. Humphrey Sydenham, a very eloquent Preacher. So that very lately r viz. An. 1634. there were in this College, one Warden, fifteen Fellows, fifteen Scholars, two Chaplains, two Clerks, besides Officers and Servants of the Foundation, with many other Students, the whole number 120. As for Dr. John Wilkins, the present Warden thereof, my worthily respected friend, he hath courteously furnished me with my best intelligence from that University. 31. A Parliament was called, A Parliament suddenly called, soon dissolved. wherein many things were transacted, nothing concluded. In this Parliament, Dr. Harsenet, Bishop of Chichester, gave offence in a Sermon preached at Court, pressing the word Reddite Caesari quae sunt Caesaris, as if all that was levied by Subsidies, or paid by Custom to the Crown, was but a redditum of what was the Kings before. Likewise Doctor Neale, Bishop of Rochester, uttered words in the House of the Lords, interpreted to the disparagement of some reputed Zealous Patriot in the House of Commons: both these Bishops were questioned upon it, and to save them from the storm, this was the occasion chief (as was supposed) of the abrupt breaking up of the Parliament. 32. Anthony Rudde, The death of Bishop Rudde. Bishop of S. David's, ended his life. He was born in Yorkshire, bred in Trinity-college in Cambridge, where he became Fellow. A most excellent Preacher, whose Sermons were very acceptable to Qu. ELIZABETH. Hereon dependeth a memorable Story, which, because but defectively delivered by Sir John Harrington, I request the Readers Patience, and require his Belief, to this large and true Relation thereof. 33. Bishop Rudde preaching in his course before Queen ELIZABETH at Whitehall, Ann. Reg. Jac. 12 Ann. Dom. 1614 A remarkable 〈◊〉. Her Majesty was highly affected with his Sermon; in so much that She commanded Archbishop Whitgift to signify unto him, Mar. 12. That ●e should be his Successor in case the Archbishopric ever fell in the Queen's disposal. 34. Not long after the Archbishop meeting Bishop Rudde, The Bishop by ●lain preaching, gains the Queen's ●avour. Brother, said he, I bring good tidings to you, though bad to myself, for they cannot take full effect till after my death: Her Grace is so pleased with your last Sermon, She enjoined me to signify to you Her pleasure, That you shall be my Successor in Canterbury if surviving me. The Bishop modestly declined his words, desiring the long life of his Grace, and in case of his advancement to Heaven, confessed many other in England fare fit for the Place than his own unworthiness, adding after some other exchange of words, Good my Lord, might I be my ●wn-Judge, I conceive I have preached better Sermons at Court, surely such as cost me more time and pains in composing them. I tell you, (replied the Archbishop) the truth is this, the Queen now is grown weary of the vanities of wit and eloquence, wherewith Her youth was formerly affected, and plain Sermons, which come home to Her heart, please Her the best. Surely his Grace was too mortified a man (though none naturally love their Successors whilst themselves are alive) intentionally to lay a train to blow up this Archbishop designed, though by the others unadvised practice of his words it proved so in the event. 35. For, And by too personal preaching, loseth it again. next time when it came to the Bishop's Course to preach at Court, then lying at Richmond, Anno ●596. he took for his Text, Psalm 90. 12. O teach us to number our days, that we may incline our hearts unto wisdom: and in the close of his Sermon, touched on the Infirmities of Age, Ecclesiastes 12. When the grinders shall be few in number, and they wax dark that look out at the windows: personally applying it to the QUEEN, how Age had furrowed Her face, and besprinkled her hair with its meal. Whereat Her MAJESTY (to whom ingratissimum acroama to hear of death) was highly displeased. Thus, he not only lost his Reversion of the Archbishopric of Canterbury (which indeed never fell in the QUEENS days) but also the present possession of Her MAJESTY'S favour. 36. Yet he justly retained the repute of a Reverend and godly Prelate, Yet did generally beloved and lamented. and carried the same to the grave: He wrought much on the Welsh by his wisdom, and won their affections; and by moderate thrift, and long staying in the same See, left to his Son, Sir Rise-Rudde Baroner, a fair estate at Aberglaseny in Carmarthenshire. 37. Some three years since, Causabon invited into England. (on the death of King HENRY the fourth) Isaac Causabon, that learned Critic was fetched out of France by King JAMES, and preferred Prebendary of Canterbury. Thus desert will never be a drug, but be vented at a good rate in one Country or another, as long as the world affordeth any truly to value it. King HENRY is not dead to Causabon, as long as King JAMES is alive. He who formerly flourished under the Bays, now thriveth altogether as well under the Olive. Nor is Causabon sensible that England is the colder Climate, whilst he finds the beams of His Majesty so bright and warm unto him, to whom also the lesser lights of Prelates and Peers contributed their assistance. 38. Presently he falls a writing, Where he dy●th, and is buried. as natural (and almost as necessary) as breathing unto him: First, to Fronto-Duraeus his learned Friend. Then to Cardinal Peron, in the just Vindication of our English Church. After these, he began his Exercitations on Baronius his Ecclesiastical Annals, which more truly may be termed, the Annals of the Church of Rome. But alas! Death here stopped him in his full speed, and he lieth entombed in the South-Ile of Westminster-Abbey. Not on the East, or Poetical Side thereof, (where Chaucer, Spencer, Draiton, are interred) but on the West or Historical Side of the I'll, next the Monument of Mr Camden. Both whose plain Tombs, made of white Marble, show the simplicity of their intentions, the candidness of their natures, and perpetuity of their memories. Mr. Causabon's was erected at the cost of Thomas Moreton Bishop of Durham, that great lover of Learned men, dead or alive. 39 The KING comes to Cambridge in a sharp Winter, The supposed occasion of Mr. Selden's writing against the Divine Right of Tithes. Mar. 7. when all the world was nothing but Air and Snow. Yet the Scholars Wits did not Freeze with the Wether, witness the pleasant Play of IGNORAMUS, which they presented to His Majesty. Yet whilst many laughed aloud at the mirth thereof, some of the graver sort were sad to see the Common Lawyers made ridiculous therein. If Gowns begin once to abase Gowns, Cloaks will carry away all. Besides, of all wood, the Pleaders Bar is the worst to make a Stage of. For, once in an Age, all Professions must be beholding to their patronage. Some a Author of Dr. Preston's Life. conceive that in revenge Master John Selden soon after set forth his Books of Titbes, wherein he historically proveth, That they were payable jure humano, and not otherwise. 40. I cannot suspect so high a Soul, Many writ in Answer to his Book. 1615. 13. guilty of so low reflections, that his Book related at all to this occasion, but only that the latitude of his mind, tracing all paths of learning, did casually light on the road of this Subject. His Book is divided into two parts, whereof the first is a mere Jew, of the practice of Tithing amongst the Hebrews; the second a Christian, (and chief an Englishman) of their customs in the same. And although many Divines undertook the Answer of this Book, as Mr. Stephen Nettles Fellow of Queens-Coll: in Cambridge, (applying himself to the Judaical part) Dr. Tillesly, and Mr. Montague, (all writing sharply, if strongly enough) yet sure it is, never a fiercer storm fell on all Parsonage Barns since the Reformation, than what this Treatise raised up. 41. By this time Mr. Andrew Melvin, Melvin freed from the Tower. a Scotchman, got to be enlarged out of the Tower, whither he had been committed for writing some satirical Verses against the Ornaments on the Altar (or Communion-Table) in the King's Chapel. When first brought into the Tower, he found Sir William Seymour (now the Right Honourable, most truly Noble, and religious Marquis of Hertford) there imprisoned for marrying the Lady ARABELLA, so nearly allied to the Crown without the KING's consent. To whom, Melvin being an excellent Poet (but inferior to Buchanan his Master) sent this Distich: Causa mihi tecum communis Carceris, ARA Regia, BELLA tibi, Regia SACRA mihî. As for his invective Verses against the Chappel-Ornaments, I conceive the following Copy most authentic, though there be various Lections of them, but all in the main agreeing together: Quod duo stent Libri clausi Anglis Regiâ in ARA, Lumina caeca duo, Pollubra sicca duo. An clausum caecúmque, Dei tenet Anglia cultum Lumine caeca suo, sorde sepulta suâ? Romano & ritu dum Regalem instruit ARAM, Purpuream pingit * ali●s Religiosa. Luxuriosa Lupam. 42. Mr. George Herbert of Trinity-Coll: in Cambridge, made a most ingenious retortion of this Hexastick, which as yet all my industry cannot recover. Yet it much contenteth me, that I am certainly informed, that the posthume Remains (shave of Gold are carefully to be kept) of that not less pious, than witty writer, are shortly to be put forth into Print, when this his Anti— pelvi— Melvi— But now at last Melvin his liberty was procured by the intercession of the chief of the Reformed in France, Ann. Reg. Jac. 13 Ann. Dom. 1615. and being released, he afterwards became Professor at Sedan in the Duke of ●ovillion his Country. Here he ceased not to traduce the Church of England, against which he wrote a scroale of Sapphics, entitled TAMICHAMI-CATEGERIA. 43. This year Thomas Bilson, The death of Bishop Bilson. Bishop of Winchester, (who carried Prelature in his very aspect) ended his life: first Schoolmaster, than Warden of Winchester, afterwards Bishop of Worcester, and lastly, of Winchester. A deep and profound Scholar, excellently well read in the Fathers, principally showed in his Defence of Christ his descent into Hell. 44. By the way, Campian his falsehood. it is a falsehood what Campian writes confidently, that Cheney, Bishop of Gloucester, had affirmed unto him, Namely, that concerning this Article, it was moved in a Convocation at London. Quemad●odum sine tumultu penitus eximatur de Symbol, How it might without any noise be wholly taken out of the Creed. For no such debate appeareth upon Record in our Convocations, and as for Campian, his single affirmation is of no validity. 45. Marcus Antonius de Dominis, 1616. Dec. 6. Archbishop of Spalleto. Archbishop of Spalleto, came over into England, was here courteously welcomed, and plentifully preferred, of whose hypocrisy and ingratitude largely b viz anno 1622. hereafter. 46. King JAMES went into Scotland to visit His native Country, Mar. 14. The King goes into Scotland. with a Princely train. In his passage thither He was much affected with a Sermon which one of his Chaplains preached upon this Text, c Gen. 13. 2, 3. Gen. 13. 2, 3. And Abraham was very rich in cattles, in silver, and in gold. And he went on his journeys from the South even to bethel, to the place where his Tent had been at the beginning. As for His entertainment in Scotland, we leave it to their Historians to relate. For may my pen be plindered by the Borderers, or Mosse-Troopers, if offering to cross Tweed into another Country. 47. This year died Doctor William James, The death of Bishop James. born in Cheshire, Master first of the University-Colledge, then D●an of Christ-Church in Oxford, Chaplain to Robert Dudley Earl of Leitester, and Confessor to him at his death, and at last made Bishop of Durham. He expended much on the repairing of the Chapel of Durham-house in the Strand, and in his younger da●es was much commended for his hospitality. 48. Two other prime Prelates accompanied him to the other world, Bishop Robinson and Bishop Bennet. Dr. Henry Robinson, Provest of Queen-Colledge in Oxford, Bishop of Carlisle, of great temperance, mild in speech, but weak in constitution. The other, Robert Bennet, Fellow of Trinity-college in Cambridge, Chaplain to the Lord Burleigh, termed by a great Divine, Eruditus Bene●ictus, Bishop of Hereford, well-deserving of his See, whose Houses he repaired. 49. Doctor Mocket, Doctor Mocket his Translation of our English Liturgy. Warden of All-Souls in Oxford, Chaplain to George Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury, set forth a Book in pure Latin, containing The Apology of the Church of England. The greater and lesser Catechism. The nine and thirty Articles. The Common Prayer. The Ordination of Bishops, Priests, and Deacons. The Polity, or Government of the Church of England. As for the Homilies, too tedious to be translated at large, he epitomised them into certain Propositions, by him faithfully extracted. 50. No sooner appeared this Book in print, Cavilled at by many. but many faults were found therein. Indeed it fared the worse for the Author, the Author for his Patron the Archbishop, against whom many Bishops began then to combine. Some accused him of presumption for undertaking such a task without d Yet ●um Privilegio, is prefixed on the first page. Commission from the KING, it being almost as fa●all for Private persons to tamper with such Public matters, Ann. Dom. 1617. Ann. Reg. Jac. 15 as for a Subject to match into the blood-Royal without leave of his Sovereign. Others complained, that he enlarged the liberty of a Translator into the licence of a Commenter, and the Propositions out of the Homilies by him collected were made to lean to the judgement of the collector. James Montague, Bishop of Winchester, a potent Courtier, took exceptions that his Bishopric in the marshalling of them was wronged in the method, as put e In his Politica Ecclesiae Angl. cap 5. p. 314. The pinching accusation. after any, whose Bishop is a Privy Counsellor. 50. But the main matter objected against it, was, That this Doctor was a better Chaplain than a Subject, contracting the Power of his PRINCE to enlarge the Privilege of his Patron, allowing the Archbishop of Canterbury's power to confirm the Election of Bishops in his Provinces, citing f ibid. pag. 309. for the same the 6● Canon of the first Nicene Council established by Imperial authority. If any be made a Bishop without the censent of his Metropolitan, he ought not to be a Bishop. 51. This was counted an high offence to attribute an obliging authority either to Canon or Civil Law, Imperial Decrees command not in England. both which if crossing the Common Law of the Land, are drowned in their passage as they sail over from Calais to Dover, and K. JAMES justly jealous of his own Prerogative approved not such a confirming power in the Archbishop, which might imply a Negative Voice in case he disliked such Elects as the KING should recommend unto him. 52. Hereupon, On the burning of his Book Dr. Mocket dyeth. Doctor Mocket his Book was ceasured to be burned, which was done accordingly. Now although the imperfections and indiscretions of this Translator might be consumed as dross in the fire, yet the undoubted truth of the Articles of the English Church therein contained as Flame-free and perfectly refined will endure to all eternity. The Doctor took this censure so tenderly, especially so much defeated in his expectation to find punishment where he looked for preferment, as if his life were bound up by sympathy in his Book he ended his days soon after. 53. Though his death much affected his friends in Oxford, The death of Robert Abbot Bishop of Salisbury. Mar. 2. yet fare greater the grief of that University for the decease of Robert Abbot Bishop of Salisbury, who died this year. One of the honours, not only of that See, but of the Church of England, born at Guildford in Surrey, of religious Parents, as persevering in the Truth though g Abel Redivivus, pag. 540. persecuted for the same in the Reign of Queen MARY: Whose two younger Brothers George and Maurice, the one came to be Archbishop of Canterbury, the other was Lord Mayor of London, and the first Knight of King CHARLES his dubbing. This good Bishop his deserts, without any other Friend or Spokesman preferred him to all his Promotions. For Upon his Oration made on Queen ELIZABETH her Inauguration, he was chosen Scholar (and afterwards Fellow and Master) of Baliol-Colledge. Upon a Sermon preached At Worcester he was made Lecturer of that City. At Paul's Cross Master John Stanhoppe preferred him to the rich Benefice of Bingham in Nottinghamshire. Before King JAMES he was nominated Successor to Doctor Holland in the Kings-Professour his place in Oxford. Upon the same of his incomparable Lectures de potestate Regiâ, and other labours he was made Bishop of Salisbury, In conferring which Place, the KING conquered all opposition, which some envious persons raised against him, witness His MAJESTY'S pleasant speech: Abbot, I have had much to do to make● thee a Bishop, but I know no reason for it, unless it were because thou hast written a Book against a Popish Pre●●●e, meaning William Bishop, entitled by the Pope, the Nominal Bishop of the Aerial Diocese of Chalcedon, which enraged the Cour● Papists against him to obstruct his preferment. The hourglass of his life (saith my h Dr. Fealty in the Life 〈◊〉 Bp. Abbor, p. 549. Author) ran out the sooner for having the sand or gravel thereof stopped; so great his grief of the stone, though even whilst his body was on the rack, his soul found ease in the assurance of salvation. 54. About this time, The Imp. stu●e of the Boy of Bil●on. a Boy dwelling at Bilson in Stafford-shire, William Perry by name, not full fifteen years in age, (but above forty in cunning) was practised on by some Jesuits (repairing to the house of Mr. Gifford in that County) to dissemble himself Possessed. This was done on design that the Priests might have the credit to cast out that Devil (which never was in) so to grace their Religion with the reputation of a Miracle. 55. But now the best of the jest (or rather the worst of the earnest, Found ou● by Bishop Mo●cton. was) the Boy having gotten a habit of counterfeiting, leading a lazy life thereby, to his own ease and Parents profit (to whom he was more worth than the best Ploughland in the shire) would not be undeviled by all their Exorcisms, so that the Priests raised up a spirit which they could not allay. At last, by the industry of Dr. Moreton Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, the juggling was laid open to the world by the Boys own confession and repentance: who being bound an Apprentice at the Bishop's cost, verified the Proverb, That an untoward Boy may make a good Man. 56. Indeed all this KING's Reign was scattered over with Cheaters in this kind. Cheaters of several kinds. Some Papists, some Sectaries, some neither, as who dissembled such possession, either out of malice to be revenged on those whom they accused of Witchcraft, or covetousness to enrich themselves, seeing such, who out of charity, or curiosity repaired unto them, were bountiful in their relief. But take a few of many. Papists. No Papists. i See Bp. Harsnet his Book on this subject, pag. 81. Sarah Williams lying past all sense in a Trance, had a Devil, say the Romanists, slipped up into her leg. k John G●●'s Foot out of the snare, pag. 53. Grace Sourebuts of Salmisbury in the County of Lancaster was persuaded by Southworth a Priest to dissemble possession to gain himself credit by Exorcising her. l Idem pag. 54. Mary and Amie two Maids of Westminster, pretended themselves in raptures from the Virgin Mary and Michael the Archangel. m Idem p. 55. Edward Hance a Popish Priest (born at Lutterworth in Leicester-shire gave it out that he was possessed of the Blessed Trinity. Rich: Haydok Fellow of New-Colledge in Oxford, preached in his dreams Latin Sermons against the Hierarchy. He afterwards recanted, lived in good esteem to a great age in Salisbury, practising Physic, being also an excellent Poet, Limner, and Ingraver. Anne Gunter a Maid of Windsor, gave it out she was possessed of a Devil, & was transported with strange Extaticall Frenzies. A Maid at Standon in Hartfordshire, which personated a Demoniac so lively, that many judicious persons were deceived by her. See we this Catalogue consists most of the weaker sex, either because Satan would plant his Battery where easiest to make a Breach, or because he found such most advantaged for dissembling, and his Cloven-foot best concealed under Long coats. Indeed, some Feminine weaknesses made them more strong to delude the ruins of the Disease of the Mother being the best Foundation to build such Impostourie thereon. 57 K. James remembering what Solomon n Prov. 25. 2. King James his dexterity in detecting them. Ann. Dom. 1618. Ann. Regis Jac. 16 saith, It is the honour of a King to search out a matter, was no less dexterous than desirous to make discovery of these Deceits. Various were His ways in detecting them, awing some into confession with His presence, persuading others by promise of pardon and fair usage. He ordered it so, that a Proper Courtier made love to one of these be witched Maids, and quickly Cupid his Arrows drove out the pretended Darts of the Devil. Another there was, the Tides of whose Possession did so Ebb and Flow, that punctually they observed one hour till the KING came to visit her. The Maid loath to be so unmannerly as to make His MAJESTY attend her time, antedated her Fits many hours, and instantly ran through the whole Zodiac of tricks which she used to play. A third, strangely-affected when the first verse of S. John's Gospel was read unto her in our Translation, was tame and quiet whilst the same was pronounced in Greek, her English Devil belike understanding no other language. The frequency of such forged Possessions wrought such an alteration upon the judgement of King JAMES, that he receding from what he had written in his Demonology grew first diffident of, and then flatly to deny the workings of Witches and Devils, as but Falsehoods and Delusions. 58. K. James having last year in His progress passed through Lancashire, The King's Declaration for liberty on the Lord's day. May 24. took notice, That by the preciseness of some Magistrates, and Ministers, in several places of this Kingdom, in hindering people from their recreations on the Sunday, the Papists in this Realm being thereby persuaded, that no honest mirth or recreation was tolerable in our Religion. Whereupon, the Court being then at Greenwich, He set forth a Declaration to this effect, That for His good people's lawful recreations, His pleasure was, that after the end of Divine Service, they should not be disturbed, letted, or discouraged from any lawful recreations; Such as dancing either of men, or women; archery for men, leaping, vaulting, or any such harmless recreations: Nor from having of May-games, Whitsun-ales, or Morice-dances, and setting up of Maypoles, or other sports therewith used, so as the same be had in due and convenient time, without impediment, or let of Divine Service: and that women should have leave to carry rushes to the Church for the decoring of it, according to their old custom; withal prohibiting all unlawful games to be used on the Sundays only, as bearbaiting, bull-baiting, interludes, and (at all times in the meaner sort of people by Law prohibited) bowling. 59 But when this Declaration was brought abroad, The various effects thereof. it is not so hard to believe, as sad to recount what grief and distraction thereby was occasioned in many honest men's hearts, who looked on it, not as local for Lancashire, but what in process of time would enlarge itself all over a So it was in the Reign of King Charles, Anno 1633. England. Some conceived the recreations specified, impeditive to the observation of the Lords day; yea, unsuitable and unbeseeming the essential duties thereof. But others maintained, that if private men's speeches must not be pressed to an odious construction, much more men were bound, candidly to interpret the Acts of Authority; and in charity must presume, and be persuaded, that religious Princes will command nothing, what they conceive either to be unjust, or not expedient, all things considered. They considered moreover (which was mainly material) that this Declaration was not dogmatical, or doctrinal, to say, or aver these things to be Theologically lawful, but it was Edictum civil, what the King thought fit upon just reasons to permit, without restraint, or punishment. The hardness of men's hearts on one side, which will break lose though restrained, and the hope of gaining others on the other side, by a favourable allowance, might be just motives in Authority, to give way to things civiliter, that they may be done impunè, and yet not prejudice any point of Religion, and not be done licitè, as in Divorces extra casum adulterii, Usury, etc. 60. But the difficulty was increased, Reasons of the re●a●ers to publish this Declaration. when Ministers daily feared to be urged upon their Canonical obedience, to promulgate, and publish the said Declaration in their Parish Churches, which some resolved flatly to refuse, especially such, who formerly had strictly preached, and pressed the observation of the Lordsday, alleging for, and applying to themselves that place of Saint Paul b Gal. 2. 18. , For, if I build again the things which I have destroyed, I make myself a transgressor. Besides this, they enforced the Reasons following for their recusancy: Yea, though the KING Himself should enjoin them on their Allegiance. 1. That the publishing of this Declaration would be interpretatiuè an approbation thereof, whereas on the contrary they are c Ephes. 5. 11. commanded, to have no fellowship with the unfruitful works of darkness, but rather to reprove them. 2. That hereby they should draw a just woe upon them pronounced by the Prophet d Isa. 10. 1. , Woe unto them that decree unrighteous decrees, and that writ grievousness which they have prescribed. Where (as the e Junius & Piscator on the place. Learned interpret) even public Notaries, which are but instrumental, are threatened with a curse. 3. That the promulgation of a Law is de essentia Legis, so that people would neither take notice of this Declaration, nor liberty by it, till it were published, and so the Publisher should per see be a Promoter of a sin. 4. That Obedience to Authority obligeth only in licitis & honestis; and the f 2 Cor. 13. 10. Apostle confesseth, That he himself had power to edification, and not to destruction; whereunto the publishing thereof did manifestly tend. 61. On the other side, The Arguments for the lawful publishing of the Declaration. some learned and pious Ministers, who in their judgements were convinced, that some of the aforesaid recreations were incompatible with the sanctification of the Sabbath; notwithstanding, in case His MAJESTY should enjoin it, on serious deliberation resolved in obedience to the KING, publicly to read, or cause the reading of the Declaration, not looking at the contents therein, but at the Authority commanding the publication thereof; the rather, because no Subscription was required, or Vocal assent to approve, what therein was contained, to be just, or affirm it to be true; but a bare ministerial declaring of the KING's will and pleasure therein, which they conceived themselves bound in conscience to perform, for the Reasons ensuing: 1. The refusal, well observed, doth resolve into a principle, which would take away the necessity of Obedience universally, when the Party commanded can pretend, the Magistrate ought not to command him any such thing; and, if the PRINCE must suspend His Edicts upon each Subjects doubt, He should never set forth any, considering the variety of judgements, and the distractions which are in His Subjects. 2. A Sheriff may, yea must, disperse the KING his Proclamations, which he liketh not; and a Clerk, at the command of his Master, a Justice of Peace, may lawfully write the Mittimus of that person to Prison, whom in his parricular judgement he conceiveth to be innocent: and (what is most proper to our purpose, because a religious instance) a Minister, without any sin, may safely pronounce an Excommunication, legally delivered unto him, though in his own private conscience he be convinced, that the Party is unjustly excommunicated. 3. There are many precedents hereof in antiquity. A Father g Optatus Mel●vitanus, lib. 7. gives this censure, that when the Jews, commanded by Antiochus, gave up the Divine Books to His Officers, to be destroyed, it was, Peccatum imperantis, & minantis; non populi, cum dolore & tremore tradentis, A sin of Him that commanded, and threatened it; not of the people, who surrendered up those Volumes with fear, and sorrow. And Saint h Contra Faustum, lib. 22. cap. 75. Augustine resolveth it in the case of a Christian Soldier, fight under a sacrilegious Emperor; that, though he be not satisfied in the lawfulness of the commands, he may notwithstanding lawfully obey. Ita ut fortasse reum fa●iat Regem iniquitas imperandi, innocentem militem ostendat ordo serviendi. And, what is most apposite to the matter in hand (because the Edict of a godly Emperor, seriously distasted by a godly Bishop) Mauritius set forth a command, That no Soldier should be admitted into a Monastery, and though Gregory the great was persuaded, the prohibition was in itself injurious and unlawful, yet he did, In i Lib. 2. Ep. 61. diversas terrarum partes transmittere legem, quia erat subjectus Ejus jussionibus. Convinced with these Reasons, some Ministers (not with any delight in the Message, but in Duty to the Authority which sent) intended (if put to the trial) sadly and unwillingly to publish the Declaration. A third sort took up a resolution to read the Declaration, A third sort resolve on a strange expedient. or suffer it to be read, and presently after to preach against the contents of what they had published; hoping so, warily to avoid the danger of disobedience, in refusing to promulgate it, and of profaneness in seeming to approve it. But, whether by this middle way, setting God and the King as openly opposite, they would have declined, or contracted more odium, it is hard to determine. 62. But now, Laucashire Ministers more scared than hurt. after so long, and many diversities of Opinions and Arguments on several sides, their own fear proved at last their only foe: The KING's goodness taking away the subject of their jealousy; so that no Minister in the County was enjoined to read the Book in his Parish, wherewith they had so affrighted themselves. However, their Arguments may be kept cold, and laid up provisionally against the time they had use thereof, especially for such, who survived till the seventh of King CHARLES, when the Declaration for Liberty on the Lordsday was enjoined (though not by the KING) the Ministers to publish clean through the Land. 63. However, A third sort read it with approbation of the contents therein. there wanted not many, both in Lancashire, and elsewhere, who conceived the Declaration came forth seasonably, to suppress the dangerous endeavour of such, who now began in their Pulpits, to broach the dregs of Judaisme, and force Christians to drink them. So that those legal Ceremonies, long since dead, buried, and rotten in the grave of our Saviour, had now their ghosts, as it were, walking; frighting such people with their terrible apparitions, who were persuaded by some Preachers to so rigorous observation of the Sabbath, that therein it was unlawful to dress meat, sweep their houses, kindle the fire, or the like. Yea, and the Papists, in Lancashire especially (a frontier Country, as I may term it, of Papists and Protestants, where the Reformed Religion had rather a truce, than a peace, standing on its guard, and posture of defence) I say, in Lancashire the Romanists made advantage of this strictness, to pervert many to Popery, persuading them, That the Protestant Religion was the School of Tyrannus, where no lawful liberty was allowed. And no wonder, if many common people were hereby fetched off unto them, starting aside as a broken bow, chief because over-bent for lack of lawful recreation. But enough hereof, and too much (if not pressed thereunto in pursuance of our History) and yet ere long we must have more on the same sad subject. 64. Now of the Brokers of Judaisme, The Heretical Opinions of John Thra●ke John Thraske was a principal. Whether ever he sucked on the breasts of either University, or only was brought up by hand in some petty-School, I know not. This I know, that seeking to be made Deacon, or Minister, by James Bishop of Bath and Wells; Doctor Samuel Ward then Poser, and the Bishop's Chaplain, refused him as altogether insufficient. However, afterwards he got Orders, and then began to vent his Opinions; That the Lordsday was to be observed with the same strictness by Christians, as it was by Jews; and, That all Meats and Drinks forbidden in the levitical Law bound Christians to the same observance, thereby opening a door to let in the rabble of all Ceremonies. Thus he brought in a constant Lent of his own making. And, whereas Divines can forbid no meat as unlawful (though Politicians may as unthrifty for the State, and Physicians as unhealthful for the body) because CHRIST hath given us that Licence, To the clean all things are clean, yet he seduced many souls with his Tenets, and his own Wife amongst many others. For these he was censured in the Star-Chamber, but afterwards recanted his Opinions, and lived (as unsettled in judgement, as place) in several parts of the Kingdom. I have heard him preach a Sermon, nothing relating to the aforesaid Doctrine, and when his Auditors have forgotten the matter, they will remember the loudness of his stentorious voice, which indeed had more strength, than any thing else he delivered. He afterwards relapsed, not into the same, but other Opinions, rather humorous, than hurtful, and died obscurely at Lambeth in the Reign of King CHARLES. Nor must we forget, that his Wife could never be unperverted again, but perished in her Judaisme; because, as our Saviour k Mat. 13. 15. observeth, Proselytes in general are twofold worse than their Leader: and her Sex (as pliable to receive, as tenacious to retain) had weakness enough to embrace an error, and obstinacy too much to forsake it. 63. At this time began the troubles in the Low-countrieses, about matters of Religion, heightened between two opposite parties, Remonstrants, and Contra-Remonstrants; their Controversies being chief reducible to five points; Of Predestination, and Reprobation; Of the Latitude of Christ's death; Of the power of man's Free will, both before, and after his conversion; and, Of the Elects perseverance in grace. To decide these difficulties, the States of the United Provinces, resolved to call a National Synod at Dort; And, to give the more lustre, and weight to the determinations thereof, desired some foreign Princes to send them the assistance of Their Divines for so pious a work: Especially, they requested our KING of Great Britain, to contribute His aid thereunto (being Himself as forward to do, as they desire any thing conducible to GOD's glory, and the Churches good) Who, out of His own Princely wisdom, and free favour, made choice of George Carleton, Doctor of Divinity, then Bishop of Landaff, and afterward Bishop of Chichester. Joseph Hall, Doctor of Divinity, than Dean of Worcester, and afterward Bishop of Exeter, and Norwich. John Davenant, Doctor of Divinity, than Margaret-Professour, and Master of Queens-Colledge in Cambridge, afterwards Bishop of Salisbury. Samuel Ward, Doctor of Divinity, than Master of Sidney-Colledge in Cambridge, and Archdeacon of Taunton. These, These Instructions I saw transcribed out of Dr. Davenant his own Manuscript. according to their summons, repairing to His MAJESTY at Newmarket, received from Him there these following Instructions, concerning their behaviour in the Synod: 1. OUr will, and pleasure is, That from this time forward, upon all occasions, you inure yourselves to the practice of the Latin Tongue; that, when there is cause, you may deliver your minds with more readiness, and facility. 2. You shall in all points to be debated, and disputed, resolve amongst yourselves beforehand, what is the true State of the Question, and jointly, and uniformly agree thereupon. 3. If in debating of the cause by the Learned men there, any thing be emergent, whereof you thought not before; you shall meet, and consult thereupon again, and so resolve among yourselves jointly, what is fit to be maintained. And this to be done agreeable to the Scriptures, and the doctrine of the Church of England. 4. Your advice shall be to those Churches, that their Ministers do not deliver in the Pulpit to the people, those things for ordinary Doctrines, which are the highest points of Schools, and not fit for vulgar capacity, but disputable on both sides. 5. That they use no Innovation in Doctrine, but teach the same things which were taught twenty or thirty years past, in their own Churches: and especially, that which contradicteth not their own Confessions, so long since published, and known unto the world. 6. That they conform themselves to the public Confessions of the neighbour-reformed Churches, with whom to hold good correspondency, shall be no dishonour to them. 7. That, if there be main opposition between any, who are overmuch addicted to their own opinions, your endeavour shall be, that certain Positions be moderately laid down, which may tend to the mitigation of heat on both sides. 8. That, as you principally look to God's glory, and the peace of those distracted Churches: so you have an eye to Our honour, Who send and employ you thither; and consequently, at all times consult with Our Ambassador there residing, who is best acquainted with the form of those countries', understandeth well the Questions, and differences among them, and shall from time to time receive Our Princely directions, as occasion shall require. 9 Finally, in all other things which We cannot foresee, you shall carry yourselves with that advice, moderation, and discretion, as to persons of your quality, and gravity shall appertain. Doctor Davenant, and Doctor Ward, Octo. 8. presented themselves again to His MAJESTY at Royston, October the 8. Where His MAJESTY vouchsafed His familiar discourse unto them, for two hours together, commanding them to sit down by Him, and at last dismissed them with His solemn prayer. That God would bless their endeavours; which made them cheerfully to departed His presence. 66. Addressing themselves now with all possible speed to the Seaside, they casually miss that Man of War, which the States had sent to conduct them over (though they saw him on Sea at some distance) and safely went over in a small Vessel, 20. landing October 20 at Middleburgh. On the 27 of the same Month they came to Hague, 27. where they kissed the hand of His Excellency GRAVE MAURICE, to Whom the Bishop made a short Speech, and by Whom they were all courteously entertained. Hence they removed to Dort, Nou. 3. where November the 3, the Synod began, and where we leave them with the rest of their fellow-Divines, when first every one of them had taken this Admission-Oath, at their entrance into the Synod: I Promise before God l Acts Synodi Dordratenae pag. 64. , whom I believe, and adore, the present searcher of the heart, and reins, that in all this Synodal action, wherein shall be appointed the examination, judgement, and decision, as well of the known five Articles, and difficulties thence arising, as of all other Doctrinals; that I will not make use of any Humane Writing, but only of God's Word, for the certain, and undoubted Rule of Faith: And, that I shall propound nothing to myself in this whole cause, besides the glory of God, the peace of the Church, and es; pecially the preservation of the purity of Doctrine therein. So may my Saviour Jesus Christ be merciful unto me, whom I earnestly pray, that in this my purpose, He would always be present with me with the grace of his Spirit. I say, we leave them here with fellow-Divines. For, should my pen presume to sail over the Sea, it would certainly meet with a storm in the passage, the censure of such; who will justly condemn it for meddling with transmarine matters, especially Doctrinal points, utterly alien from my present subject. Only a touch of an Historical passage therein, confining ourselves to our own Countrymen. 67. These four Divines had allowed them by the STATES Ten pounds sterling a day, 〈…〉. Threescore and ten pounds by the week; an entertainment far larger than what was appointed to any other foreign Theologues; and politicly proportioned, in grateful consideration of the Greatness of His MAJESTY who employed them. And, these English Divines, knowing themselves sent over, not to gain wealth to themselves, but glory to God, and reputation to their Sovereign, freely gave what they had freely received, keeping a Table general, where any fashionable Foreigner was courteously and plentifully entertained. 68 They were commanded by the KING to give Him a weekly account (each one in his several Week, Weekly intelligence to the King from his Divines. according to their seniority) of all memorable passages transacted in the Synod. Yet it happened, that, for a month, or more, the KING received from them no particulars of their proceed, whereat His Majesty was most highly offended. But afterwards, understanding, that this defect was caused by the countermands of an higher King, even of him who m Prov. 30. 4. gathereth the wind in his fists, stopping all passages by contrary weather; no wonder if He, who was so great a peacemaker, was himself so quickly pacified: yea, afterwards highly pleased, when four weekly dispatches (not neglected to be orderly sent, but delayed, to be accordingly bought) came all together to His Majesty's hands. 69. On the 10 of December, Dec. 10. Gualther Balca●quall, Bachelor of Divinity, and Fellow of Pembroke-Hall, Mr. balcanqual admitted into the Synod. came into the Synod, where his Credential Letters from King JAMES were publicly read; Whose pleasure it was, that he should be added to the four English Colleagues, in the name of the Church of Scotland. The Precedent of the Synod welcomed him with a short Oration, which by Mr. balcanqual was returned with another, and so was he conducted to his place; A place built for him particularly, as one coming after all the rest, so that his seat discomposed the uniformity of the building, exactly regular before. But it matters not how the seats were ordered, so that the judgements of such as sat therein, were conformed to the truth of the Scriptures. 70. Doctor Joseph Hall being at the Synod of Dort, 17. and finding much indisposition in himself, 1619. the air not agreeing with his health, Dr. Hall his return thence. on his humble request obtained His Majesty's leave to return. Whereupon, composing his countenance With a becoming gravity, he publicly took his solemn farewell of the Synod, With this Speech following: NOn facilè verò mecum in gratiam redierit cadaverosa haec moles, quam aegrè usque circumgesto, quae mihi hujus Conventus celebritatem toties inviderit, jamque prorsus invitissimum à vobis importunè avocat, & divellit. Neque enim ullus est profectò sub coelo locus aequè coeli aemulus, & in quo tentorium mihi figi maluerim, cujusque adeo gestiet mihi animus meminisse. Beatos verò vos, quibus hoc frui datum! non dignus cram ego (ut fidelissimi Romani querimoniam imitari liceat) qui & Christi, & Ecclesiae suae nomine, sanctam hanc provinciam diutius sustinerem. Illud vero 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Nempe audito, quod res erat, non aliâ me quàm adversissimâ hic usum valetudine, Serenissimus Rex meus misertus miselli famuli sui, revocat me domum, quip quoòd cineres meos, aut sandapilam vobis nihil quicquam prodesse posse nôrit, succenturiavitque mihi virum è suis selectissimum, quantum Theologum! De me profectò (mero jam silicernio) quicquid fiat, viderit ille Deus meus, cujus ego totus sum. Vobis quidem ita feliciter prospectum est, ut sit cur infirmitati meae haud parùm gratulemini, quum hujusmodi instructissimo succedaneo coetum hunc vestrum beaverit. Neque tamen committam (si Deus mihi vitam, Ann. Dom. 1619 & vires indulserit) ut & corpore simul, Ann. Reg. Jac. 17 & animo abesse videar. Intereà sanè huic Synodo, ubicunque terrarum sum, & vobis, consiliis conatibusque meis quibuscunque, res vestras me, pro virili, sedulò, ac seriò promoturum, sanctè voveo. Interim vobis omnibus, ac singulis, Honoratissimi Domini Delegati, Reverendissime Praeses, Gravissimi Assessores, Scribae doctissimi, Symmystae colendissimi, Tibique Venerandissima Synodus universa, aegro animo ac corpore aeternùm valedico. Rogo vos omnes obnixiùs, ut precibus vestris imbecillem reducem facere, comitari, prosequi velitis. Thus returned Dr. Hall into his own Country; Since so recovered (not to say revived) therein, that he hath gone over the graves of all his English Colleagues there, and (what cannot God, and good air do?) surviving in health at this day, three and thirty years after, may well with n 1 Sam. 17. 12. Jesse, go amongst men for an old man in these days. And living privately, having passed through the Bishop ricks of Exeter, and Norwich, hath now the opportunity in these troublesome times, effectually to practise those his precepts of patience, and contentment, which his pen hath so eloquently recommended to others. 71. On the seventh of January, Doctor Goad in the room of Dr. Hall. Thomas Goad Doctor of Divinity, Ann. Reg. Jan. 7. Chaplain to George Archbishop of Canterbury, came into the Synod, sent thither by His MAJESTY of Great Britain. The Precedent entertained him with a soleman Oration, highly commending King James' care, not recalling one Divine, till he had substituted another. The Doctor requited him with a pithy Oration, promising the utmost of his assistance to the general good. A promise by him well performed, giving afterwards ample testimony of his general learning and solid judgement in Divinity; nothing being wanting in him, but that he came hither so late to this employment. SECTION V. TO Master PETER MOROLOYS, AND Master THOMAS ROWSE, OF LONDON, Merchants. THE NETHERLANDS are the Scene whereon the beginning of this Section was transacted. They were also the Native Countries of your Ancestors, flying hither from persecution. Since as your Fathers then found Safety amongst the ENGLISH; some of the ENGLISH, to my knowledge, have felt Bounty from their Children. God increase your Store, and make you like the good Merchant in the Gospel * Mat. 13. 46. , who, to purchase the GREAT PEARL, sold all that the had, that is, undervalved all Worldly wealth, coming in competition with God, or Grace, or Glory. BEfore the end of the hundred forty fifth Session, The Belgic Confession presented in the Synod. April the 20th, in the forenoon, the Belgic Confession was brought into the Synod, containing matter both of Doctrine, and Discipline, and the public consent thereunto was required. Here the Bishop of Landaffe, in the name of all the rest, approved all the points of Doctrine. But as for matter of Discipline, that his Mother Church, and his own order might not suffer therein, and he seem by silence to betray the cause thereof, a Protest was entered by him, as Mouth for the rest, to preserve the same, as by the perusing the following passage will appear. Interca tamen de Disciplina pancis monet. Nunquam in Ecclesia obtinuisse Ministrorum paritatem non tempore Christi ipsius, tanc enim duodecim Apostolos fuisse Discipulis superiores; non Apostolorum aetate, non subsecutis secu●lis. Nec valere rationem in hac Confessione usurpatam, Nempè quia omnes funt aequè Ministri Christi. Name & septuaginta Discipuli, erant Ministri Christi aequè ac Apostoli, non tamen inde Apostolis aequales: & omnes omnino homines sunt aequè homines, non inde tamen homo homini non debet subesse. Haec, non ad harum Ecclesiarum ●ssensionem, sed ad nostrae Anglicanae defensionem sese monuisse professus est.— Br tannorum interpellationi responsum ne gru quidem. Not withstanding, in the mean time, he briefly gave his advice concerning Discipline. That the parity of Ministers never prevailed in the Church, no, not in the time of Christ himself; for, than the twelve Apostles were superior to the Disciples; not in the time of the Apostles, nor in the ages after them. Nor is that reason of any force alleged in their Confession, namely, Because all are equally the Ministers of Christ. For, even the seventy Disciples were equally Ministers of Christ with the Apostles, and yet it follows not thence, they were equal with the Apostles: and all men altogether are equally men, yet thence it cannot be inferred, that one man ought not to be subject to another. There things he professed himself to have hinted, not to offend these Churches therewith, but to defend their own Church of England— To this interpellation of the British Divines nothing at all was answered. Hereby the equal Reader may judge how candidly Master Montague in his Appeal, dealeth with our English Divines, charging o Appeal, p. 70. them, That the Discipline of the Church of England is in this Synod held unlawful. And again, p Appeal, p. 108. The Synod of Dort in some points condemneth upon the by, even the Discipline of the Church of England. But, let such as desire farther satisfaction herein, peruse the joint Attestation, which those English Divines set forth, Anno 1626. to justify their proceed herein. 2. On the 29 of April the Synod ended. The states to express their gratitude, April 29. bestowed on the English Divines at their departure, Two hundred pounds, The State's bounty to the British Divines. to bear their charges in their return: besides, a golden Medal of good value was given to every one of them, wherein the sitting of the Synod was artificially represented. And now, these Divines, who for many month had, in a manner, been fastened to their chairs, and desks, thought it a right due to themselves, that when their work was ended, they might begin their recreation. Wherefore they viewed the most eminent Cities in the Low-countrieses, and at all places were bountifully received, Leiden only excepted. Wonder not, that they, who had most learning, should show least civility, especially having Professors of Humanity amongst them, seeing generally the great ones of that University at this time, being Remonstrants, were disaffected to the decisions of this Syond. This gave occasion to that passage in the speech of Sir Dudlie Carleton, the English Ambassador, when in the name of his Master he tendered the States public thanks, for their great respects to the English Divines, using words to this effect, That they had been entertained at Amsterdam, welcome at the Hague, cheerfully received at Rotterdam, kindly embraced at Utreich, etc. and that they had seen Leiden. 3. But, Their Letter to K. James. how high an esteem, the STATES-GENERAL had of these our English-mens seriuce, will best appear by Their Letter, which They sent to King JAMES, as followeth: Serenissime REX, Qvemadmodum hoc unicè propositum Nobis fuit, ut, quae in Civitatibus, Provinciisque nostris, ante annos aliquot, exortae erant, infelices de Religione contentions, eruditorum, ac piorum hominum judicio, legitimè tolli, ac componi possent; ut & conscientiis eorum, quibus Nos praeesse Deus Immortalis voluit, ipsique pariter Reipublicae, suâ in Religione, ac pietate simul, ratio constaret, & tranquillitas; ita nos benïgnè is respexit, cui hactenus curae fuimus, Qui Conventui nostro Nationali, quem ex omnibus idem sentientibus Ecclesiis convocavimus, ita benedixit, ut, re tantâ ad felicem, atque optatum exitum perductâ, domum, & ad suos se conferant. Quibus, benedictionem Domini, studium nostrum in promovendo pietatis negotio, consensum planè cum aliis Ecclesiis unanimem, indicabunt. Inter quos, cum praecipui & consilio, & loco, fuerint Magnae Britanniae Theologi, quos, pro singulari, & divino, in Nos, & Ecclesias nostras affectu, ad Nos mittere dignata est Majestas Tua; curae Nobis fuit, ut, quantopere hujus beneficii magnitudinem aestimemus, ex nobis intelligeret Majestas Tua. Est verò illud, Rex Serenissime, etiamsi cum reliquis, quae infinita sunt, conferatur, tantò majus, quantò uberiores sunt fructus, quos ex Dei causa expectamus, quantòque id Majestatis Tuae nomini est convenientius; Qui, cùm nullâ re externâ, atque humanâ quae potissimùm aliis Principibus conciliant dignitatem, quoquam Rege sit inferior, Fidei Defensionem, tanquam Dei, Ecclesiaeque Patronus in his terris, sibi meritò assumit. Neque dubitare possumus, quin, & Majestatis Tuae Regna tot, & tanta; reliquaeque, quae in hoc nego io Nobis operam nauârunt, Ecclesiae, magnam utilitatem ex hoc instituto nostro percepturae sint, quae exemplo nostro descent, quanto periculo conjunctum sit, quae bene in Religione constituta sunt temerè movere, quùm sint felices, atque fortunatae, quamdiu simili remedio opus non habebunt: cui hactenus abundè Majestatis Tuae curâ, atque vigilantiâ, prospectum fuit. In Theologis porrò utriusque Regni Vestri omnibus, & singulis, quorum agmen ducit verè Reverendissimus Dominus Georgius, Landavensis Episcopus, imago, atque expressa virtutis effigies; eam eruditionem, pietatem, pacis studium, eumque zelum deprehendimus, ut, cum ipsius beneficii causâ Majestati Tue multum debamus, magna pars ipsius beneficîi Nobis videatur, quod ipsi ad Nos missi fint. Deus immortalis Majestati Tuae, Rex Serenisime, ita benedicat, ut illius benedictionis partem, Orbis Christianus, ex diuturniate Regni Tui, & Ecclesiae defension, diu percipat. 4. With these Testimonial Letters, over they came into England, The British Divines return into England. and first presented themselves to King JAMES. Who, seeing them out of a window, when first entering the Court, Here comes, said He, my good Mourners, alluding to their black habit, and late death of Queen ANNE. Then, after courteous entertaining of them, He favourably dismissed them, and afterward on three of them q Removing Carleton to Chcbester, preferring Davenant to Salisbury, and bestowing the Mastership of the Savoy on balcanqual. bestowed preferment. So returned they all to their several professions; Bishop Carleton to the careful governing of his Diocese Doctor Davenant besides his Collegiate Cure, to his constant Lectures in the Schools; Dr. Ward to his discreet ordering of his own College; Dr. Goad to his diligent discharging of Domestical duties in the family of his Lord, and Patton; and Mr. balcanqual to his Fellowship in Pembroke-Hall. 5. Since it hath been the success of this Synod, This Synod diversely censured. john 7.12. to have the decisions thereof to be approved, applauded, magnified by some: vilified, contemned, condemned by others. If men were divinded in their censures about Christ, some saying, He is a good man: others, way, but he deceiveth the people; no wonder, if ever since, all Conventions of Christians be subject to variety of men's verdicts upon them. Of such as dislike the Synod, none falls heavier upon it than a London s M. john Goodwin in his Redemption Redeemed, cap. 15. parag. 24. pag. 395. Divine, charging the Synodians to have taken a previous Oath, to condemn the opposite party on what terms soever. But take him in his own words, Fare be it from me to subscribe the report, or information of those, who charge the respective Members of this Synod, with suffering themselves to be bound with an Oath, at, or before their admission thereunto, to vote down the Remonstrants, and their Doctrines (howsoever) Yet, when Iread, and consider, 1. How learnedly, solidly, and substantially they quit themselves, and argue, whilst they go along with the Remonstrants, and declare wherein they agree with them, in the points controverted betwixt them. 2. How feebly, and unlike themselves they reason, when they come to the quick of the difference. 3. and lastly, How near, at very many turns, even in those things wherein they pretend to differ, they come unto them, as if they had a very good mind, to be no more two, but one with them, when (I say) I consider all these things, methinks I see the interest and obligation of an oath, working much after the same manner, as sometimes it did in Herod, when for his oath sake, contrary to his mind, and desire otherwise, he caused, John the Baptist' s head to be given to Herodias in a t Mat. 14.9. platter. See here, how this Suggester, though at the first he takes water, and washeth his hands, with a Fare be it from me to subscribe the report etc. yet afterwards he crucifies the credit of a whole Synod, and makes them all guilty of no less than damnable perjury. 6. I could have wished, that he had mentioned in the margin, The Suggesters surmise most improbable. the Authors of this suggestion; whereas now the omission thereof will give occasion to some, to suspect him for the first raiser of the report; an heavy accusation, charging a whole Synod of injustice. When Festus, the heathen Magistrate, was so much Christian, as not to condemn an accused man u Acts 25. 26. before he hath licence to answer for himself: could any Assembly of Christian Ministers to so heathen, as to bind themselves by an oath, right or wrong, with blind obedience, to beat down the opposite party?. Wherein they were all actually forsworn, having publicly taken so solemnan oath, to proceed impartially, according to God's Word, and their own conscience. What said Laban to w Gen. 31. 50. Jacob? If thou shalt take other wives besides my daughters, no man is with us, see, God is witness between thee, and me: So, if these Divines, having betrothed their faith to God, and the world, in so open and public a manner; besides this Oath, did bind themselves with any other, taken before, or after, in a clandestine way, contrary to their public promise; would not God the sole judge herein, sensible of this affront offered to him, and his truth, heavily punish so heinous an offence? And, can any charitable-minded man believe, that learned men would, that godly men could be guilty of so deep, and damnable dissimulation? 7. Musing with myself on this matter, and occasionally exchanging Letters with the Sons of Bishop Hall, it came into my mind to ask them Joseph's Bishop Hall his Letter to the Author. * Gen. 43. 27. question to his brethren, Is your father well, the old man of whom ye spoke, is he yet alive? And, being informed of his life and health, I addressed myself in a Letter unto him, for satisfaction in this particular, who was pleased to honour me with this return herein inserted: WHereas you desire from me a just relation of the carriage of the business at the Synod of Dort, and the conditions required of our Divines there, at, or before their admission to that grave, and learned Assembly: I, whom God was pleased to employ, as an unworthy agent in that great work, and, to reserve still upon earth, after all my reverend, and worthy Assocaites, do, as in the presences of that God, to whom I am now daily expecting to yield up my account, testify to you, and (if you will) to the world, that I cannot, without just indignation, read that slanderous imputation, which Mr. Goodwin, in his Redemption Redeemed, reports to have been raised, and cast upon those Divines, eminent both for learning, and piety, That they suffered themselves to be bound with an Oath, at, or before their admission into that Synod, to vote down the Remonstrants howsoever; so as they came deeply preingaged to the decision of those unhappy differences. Truly, Sir, as I hope to be saved, all the Oath that was required of us was this; After that the Moderator, Assistants, and Scribes were chosen, and the Synod form, and the several Members allowed, there was a solemn Oath required to be taken by every one of that Assembly, which was publicly done in a grave manner, by every person in their order, standing up, and laying his hand upon his heart, calling the great God of heaven to witness, that he would unpartially proceed in the judgement of these controversies, which should be laid before him, only out of, and according to the written Word of God, and no otherwise, so determining of them, as he should find in his conscience most agreeable to the Holy Scriptures, which Oath was punctually agreed to be thus taken by the Articles of the States, concerning the indiction, and ordering of the Synod, as appears plainly in their tenth Article; and, this was all the Oath that was either taken, or required. And fare was it from those holy souls, which are now glorious in heaven, or mine (who still for some short time survive, to give this just witness of our sincere integrity) to entertain the least thought of any so foul corruption, as by any overruling power to be swayed to a prejudgment in the points controverted. It grieves my soul therefore to see, that any learned Divine should raise imaginary conjectures to himself, of an interest and obligation of a fancied Oath (working upon them, and drawing them contrary to the dictation of their own conscience, as it did Heords in the case of John Baptist's beheading) merely out of his own comparative construstion of the different forms of expressing themselves in managing those Controversies. Wherein if at any time they seemed to speak nearer to the Tenet of the Remonstrants, it must be imputed to their holy ingenuity, and gracious disposition to peace, and to no other sinister respect. Sir, since I have lived to see so foul an aspersion cast upon the memory of those worthy and eminent Divines, I bless God that I yet live to vindicate them, by this my knowing, clear, and assured attestation; which I am ready to second with the solemnest Oath, if I shall be thereto required. Higham, August 30. 1651. Your much devoted friend, precessor, and fellow-labourer, Jos: Hall, B. N. Let the Reader consider with himself, how the Suggester speaks by hear-say, of things done at distance, whereat himself not present, whose disassection to the decisions of that Synod, inclines him to credit ill reports against it. And yet, as afraid, though willing to speak out, in his methinks I see, vents but his own conjectural surmises. Let him also weigh in the balance of his judgement, how this purgation of this Synod is positive, and punctual, from one an ear-and eyewitness thereof, being such an one as Doctor Hall, and now aged; so that his testimonium herein, may seem testamentum; his witness, his will, and the truth therein delivered, a Legacy by him bequeathed to posterity. I say, the premises seriously considered, let the Reader proceed to sentence, as God and his conscience shall direct him; and, either condemn a private person of slander, and salsity; or a whose Synod of injustice, and perjury. 8. My desire to make this History of the Synod entire, The death of Bp. Montague. hath made me omit the death of James Montague, the worthy Bishop of Winchester, who left this life the last year: Son to Sir Ed: Montague of Boughton in Northamptonshire, bred in Christ's, afterwards Master of Sidney-Colledge in Cambridge, highly favoured by King JAMES, (whose Works he set forth) preferring him to the Bishopric first of Bath and Wells, then to Winchecter: in Bath he lies buried under a fair Tomb, though the whole Church be his Monument, which his bounty repaired, or rather raised out of the ruins thereof. One passage at his burial I must not forget, having received it from the mouth of his younger Brother Sir Sidney Montague, present at his Funeral solemnities. 9 A certain Officer of Bath-Church, A strange accident at his burial. being a very corpulent man, was upon the day of the Bishop's burial appointed to keep the doors: He entered on this his employment in the Morning whereon the Funeral was kept, but was buried himself before night, and before the Bishop's body was put into the ground, because being bruised to death by the pressing in of people, his Corpse required speedy interment; so needful it is for those to watch for their own change, who wait on the graves of others. 10. I cannot attain the exact date of the death of John Overall, The death of Bp. Overall. carrying Superintendency in his Surname, the Bishop of Norwich; first, Fellow of Trinity. Coll: then Master of Katherine-Hall, and King's Professor of Divinity in Cambridge. One of a strong brain to improve his great reading, and accounted one of the most Learned Controversial Divines of those days. 11. A grand Grievance was now much complained of, A great abuse of the King's favour. but little redressed: some great Courtiers there were, to whom the KING had passed His Grants to compound with Papists for their recusancy. Some of these Grantees abused the KING's favour, and Compounded with such persons for light sums, even before their legal Conviction, whereby the Offenders in that kind became the more backward to Conform themselves to the king's Laws, Hit Majesty not aiming at their punishment, but reformation. And although this indirect course was flatly forbidden by His Royal Declaration, set forth 1610: yet was this corruption connived at, and is conceived a main cause of the great and speedy increase of Popery. 12. About this time, Ann. Reg. Ja. 19 a sad mischange befell George About Archbishop of Can terbury, Ann. Dom. 1621. in this manner, Archbishop casually killed a Ke●per. He was invited by the Lord Zouch to Bramshill in Hampshire to hunt and kill a Buck; The Keeper ran amongst the Herd of Dear to bring them up to the sairer mark, whilst the Archbishop litting on his Horse back, let lose a barded-Arrow from a Crossbow, and unhappily hit the Keeper: He was shot through the Enmontery of the left Arm, and the Arrow dividing those grand auxiliary vessels, he died of the flux of blood immediately. Nature having provided, that all the large Vessels are defended externally by bones: He never spoke after, as the person still alive at Croyden, who brought off his body, informed me, and died not of the ill-dressing of the Wound, as some have printed it. This presently put an end to the sport that day, and almost to the Archbishop's mirth to the last of his life. 13. The same of this man's death, The mischance rigidly censured. flew faster than the Arrow that killed him: The Archbishop's mischance, in many men met not with so sad a casualty did deserve: He was not much beloved by the inferior Clergy, as overrigid and austere: Indeed, he was mounted to command in the Church, before he ever learned to obey therein; Made a Shepherd of Shepherds, before he was a Shepherd of Sheep; Consecrated Bishop, before ever called to a Pastoral Charge; which made, say some, him not to sympathise with the necessities and infirmities of poor Ministers. As for the superior Clerigie, some for his irregularity and removal expected preferment, as the second Bowl is made first, and the third, second, when that nearest the mark, is violently removed. 14. It is strange to see, Many Canonists quickly made. how suddenly many men started up Canonists and Casuists in their discourse, who formerly had small skill in that procession. In their ordinary talk they cited Counsels and Synods: some had up S. Jerome's speech, Venatorem nunquam legimus sanctum: others were busy with the Decree of the Council of Orleans, (Gratian 49 B. distinct. 34.) Episcopo * Note that these Canons were never admitted Laws in England. Presbytero, an't Diacono canes ad venandum, an't accipitres habere non licet. Others distinguished of a threefold hunting: 1. Oppressiva. 2. Arenaria. 3. Saltuosa. These maintained, that the two former were utterly unlawful, but the last might lawfully be used. Others distinguished of Homicide: 1. Exnecessitate. 2. Ex voluntate. 3. Excasu. the case in hand. In a word, this accident divided all great companies into pro and con, for or against the Archbishop's irregularity on this occasion, yet all the force of their skill could not mount the guilt of this fact higher than the fountain thereof. When all was done it was but Casual Homicide, who sought not for the man, but God was pleased to bring the Man to his hand. 15. Sir Henry Savill, Archbishop's may hunt by the Laws of the Land. the Archbishop's old acquaintance as his contemporary in Oxon, repaired on his behalf to the Oracle of the Law, Sir Edward Coke, whom he found a bowling for his recreation. My Lord, said he, I come to be satisfied of you in a point of Law. If it be a point of Common Law, (said sir Edward Coke) I am unworthy to be a Judge, if I cannot presently satisfy you; but if it be a point of Statute Law, I am unworthy to be Judge, if I should undertake to satisfy you; before I have consulted my Books. It is this, (said Sir Henry) Whether may a Bishop Hunt in a Park by the Laws of the Realm? I can presently resolve you, said the Judge, He may bunt by the Laws of the Realm by this very token, That there is an old Law, (let the young Students in that profession find it out) that a Bishop, when dying, is to leave his pack of Dog's (called Muta * From the French macte de chiens. canum) to the King's free use and disposal. 16. The party, whom the Archbishop suspected his greatest Foe, Bp. Andrew's the Archbishop's great friend. proved his most firm and effectual Friend, even Lancelot Andrews Bishop of Winchester: For when several Bishop inveighed against the irregularity of the Archbishop, laying as much (if not more) guilt, on the act, than it would bear, He mildly checked them: Brethren (said he) be not too busy to condemn any for Uncanonicalls according to the strictness thereof, left we render ourselves in the same condition. Besides we all know, canon's, qui dicunt lapsos post actam poenitentiam, ad clericatum non esse restituendos, de rigore loquuntur disciplinae, noninjiciunt desperationem indulgentiae. 17. His restitution and mortification. King James being Himself delighted in Hunting, Ann. Dom. 1621. was sorry any ill accident should betid the users thereof. Ann. Regis Jac. 19 But when He was assured, how deeply the Archbishop laid this casualty to his heart, He much pitied him, and said to a Lord, discoursing thereof, It might have been My chance or thine. So that not long after the Archbishop (who had lately retired himself to Guildford Almshouse of his own founding) returned to Lambeth, and to the performance of his Office, though some squeamish, and nice-conscienced Elects scrupled to be consecrated by him. He gave during his own life Twenty pounds a year to the Man's Widow, which was not long a Widow, as quickly remarried. He kept a Monethly-Fast on a Tuesday, as the day whereon this casualty befell; in a word, this Keeper's death was the Archbishop's mortification. 18. A project against the Clergy to get money. At this time the KING's Exchequer grew very low, though Lionel Cransield Lord Treasurer, and Earl of Middlesex, neglected no means for the improving thereof. In order whereunto, (Reader, let this Story pass into thy belief, on my credit, knowing myself sufficiently assured thereof) a Projector, such necessary evils then much countenanced) informed His MAJESTY of a way whereby speedily to advance much Treasure. And how for sooth was it? Even that a new Valuation should be made of all Spiritual preferments, (which now in the King's Books passed at Under-tates) to bring them up to, or near the full value thereof. This would promote both the casual fines (as I may term them) of First-fruits, and the Annual rent of Tenths, to the great advantage of the Crown. The KING sent to the Lord Treasurer demanding his judgement thereof. 19 Declined by the Lord Treasurer. The Treasurer returned His MAJESTY an Answer to this effect, so near as I can remember from the mouth of a Noble person then present: Sir, You have ever been beheld, as a great Lover and Advancer of Learned men, and You know clergymen's education is chargeable to them, or their friends: Long it is before they get any preferment, which at last, generally, is but small in proportion to their pains and expenses. Let it not be said, that You gained by grinding them; other ways less obnoxious to just censure, will be found out, to furnish your occasions. The KING commended Cranfield, (as doing it only for trial) adding moreover, I should have accounted thee a very knave, if encouraging Me herein: and so the project was blasted, for the present, as it was, when it budded again, propounded by some unworthy instrument in the Reign of King CHARLES. 20. Who is truly excused. I know, some will suspect the Treasurer, more likely to start than crush so gainful a design, as who by all ways & means sought to increase the royal Revenue. I know also, that some accuse him, as if making his Master's wings to moult, thereby the better to feather his own nest. Indeed, he raised a fair estate, and surely he will never be a good Steward for his Master, who is a bad one for himself. Yet on due and true enquiry it will appear, that though an High power did afterwards prosecute him, yet his innocence in the main preserved him to transmit a good estate to his posterity. So that much of truth must be allowed in his * Frequent in his House at Cop●hall. Motto, PERDIDIT FIDES, he was lost at Court for his fidelity to K. JAMES, in sparing His Treasure, and not answering the expensiveness of a great Favourite. 21. The L. Bacon outed ●or Bribery. A Parliament was called, Jan. 20. wherein Francis Bacon Ld Chancellor, was outed his Office for Bribery, the frequent receiving thereof by him, or his, was plainly proved. Yet for all his taking, just and unjust, he was exceedingly poor and much indebted. Wherefore, when motion was made in the House of Commons, of Fining him some thousand of pounds, Sir Fr. S. a noble Member standing up, desired that for two Reasons his Fine might be mitigated into forty shillings: First, because that would be paid, whereas a greater sum, would only make a noise, and never be paid. Secondly, the shame would be the greater, when such his prodigality that he, who had been so large a taker in his Office, was reduced to such penury, that forty shillings should be conceived a sufficient Fine for his Estate. But it was fine enough for him to lose his Office, remitted to a mean and private condition. 22. None can character him to the life, An 〈…〉 his character. save himself. He was in parts, more than a Man, who in any Liberal profession, might be, whatsoever he would himself. A great Honourer of ancient Authors, yet a great Deviser and Practiser of new ways in Learning. Privy Counsellor, as to King JAMES, so to Nature itself, diving into many of her abstruse Mysteries. New conclusions he would dig out with mattocks of gold & silver, not caring what his experience cost him, expending on the Trials of Nature, all and more than he got by the Trials at the Bar, Posterity being the better for his, though he the worse for his own, dear experiments. He and his Servants had all in common, the Men never wanting what their Master had, and thus what came flowing in unto him, was sent flying away from him, who, in giving of rewards knew no bounds, but the bottom of his own purse. Wherefore when King JAMES heard that he had given Ten pounds to an underkeeper, by whom He had sent him a Buck, the KING said merrily, I and He shall both die Beggars, which was condemnable Prodigality in a Subject. He lived many years after, and in his Books will ever survive, in the reading whereof, modest Men commend him, in what they do, condemn themselves, in what they do not understand, as believing the fault in their own eyes, and not in the object. 23. Bishop Williams made Lord Keeper. All stood expecting who should be Bacon's Successor in the Chancery. Sure he must be some man of great and high abilities, (otherwise it would seem a valley next a mountain) to maintain a convenient and comely level in that eminent Place of Judicature. Now whilst in common discourse, some made this Judge, others that Sergeant Lord Chancellor, King JAMES made Dr. Williams, lately (and still) Dean of Westminster, soon after Bishop of Lincoln. Though the KING was the principal, July 10. the Duke of Buckingham was more than the instrumental advancer of him to the title of Lord Keeper, in effect the same in Place and Power with the Lord Chancellor. 24. Some causelessly offended. The KING's choice produced not so much dislike as general wonder. Yet some cavilled at Doctor Williams his Age, as if it were preposterous for one, to be able for that Office before ancient, and as if one old enough for a Bishop; were too young for a Chancellor. Others questioned his abilities, for the Place. Can any expect to reap Law, where it was never sown? who can apply the remedy whilst he is ignorant in the malady? Being never bred to know the true grounds and reasons of the Common Law, how could he mitigate the rigour thereof in difficult cases? He would be prone to mistake the severity of the Common Law for cruelty, and then unequal equity, and unconscionable conscience must be expected from him. Besides the Place was proper not for the plain but guarded Gown, and the Common Lawyers prescribed for six * Yet Sir Ch. Hatton was never bred a Lawyer. Descents (a strong Title indeed) wherein only Men of their Robe were advanced thereunto. 25. His eminent abilities. Yet some of these altered their judgements, when considering his education, who for many years had been House Chaplain (yea, and more than Chaplain, intimate Friend-servant) to the old Lord Edgerton, who understood the Chancellor-Craft as well as any who ever sat in that Place; and who, whilst living, imparted many Mysteries of that Court; when dying, bequeathed many choice Books and directions unto him. His parts were eminent, who could make any thing he read or heard his own, and could improve any thing which was his own to the utmost. Besides, for a Clergyman to be Lord Chancellor was no usurpation, but a recovery, seeing ecclesiastics anciently were preferred to that Place, and Sir Nicholas Bacon, (Father to the last Chancellor) received the Broad Seal from a Churchman, viz: Nicholas Heath, Archbishop of York. 26. Considering all disadvantages, Well manage the place. he managed the Office to admiration. I know it is reported by his adversaries to his discredit, That never L. Keeper made so many Orders, which afterwards were reversed, which whether true or no, I know not. Sure it is that unpartial men of the best & clearest judgements highly commended him, and J. Yeluerton himself hearing him in a case of concernment, ingenuously professed, This is a most admirable Man. Here he sat in the Office, so long, till disdaining to be a Dependent (as a Penthouse) on the Duke's favour, and desiring to stand an absolute structure on his own foundation, at Court; he fell, as God willing shall in due time be related. 27. Should we now look into the Convocation, A stillborn Convocation. we should find them on Wednesdays and Fridays devoutly at the Litany, otherwise having little employment, as impowered by no Commission to alter any thing. So that sitting amongst the Tombs in Westminster Church, they were (as once one of their Prolocutors said) Viva cadavera inter mortuos, as having no motion or activity allowed unto them. 28. About this time Meric Casaubon set forth a Book in defence of his deceased Father, Young Merit Casaubon vindicates his Father from railers. against whom many had spit their venom. First, Heribert Roswed, a Jesuit; and after him Andrew Schoppius, a renowned railer; one that is always incensed against Learning, and Honesty, wheresoever he finds them severally, but implacable against such a man in whom both meet together. It seems it is his policy thus to seek to perpetuate his memory, by railing against eminent persons; hoping, that he shall jointly survive with their worth, whereas their light shall burn bright, when his snuff shall be trodden under foot. Then Julius Cesar Bullinger, and Andrew Eudemono Joannes, a vizard-name, composed to fright fools, and make wise men laugh at it. Yea, though he had formerly met with a quaternion of learned Confuters, Bishop Abbot, Doctor Prideaux, Doctor Collins, Master Burrhill; young Casaubon, than Student in Christ-Church, thought it his duty farther to assert his Father's memory, and to give a brief account of his life, and conversation. 29. This is the benefit of Learned men's marriage, The good effect of his endeavours. God oftentimes so blessing it, that they need not go out of themselves, for a champion to defend them, but have one springing from their own bowels. And his Son, though by reason of his age low in himself, is tall when standing on the advantage-ground of his Father's grave, whose memory he is to maintain. Yea, God seems so well pleased with his piety, that his endeavours took such effect, that no railing Libels to that purpose came forth afterwards, which formerly had been so frequent. Whether because these curs, weary of their own barking, did even sneak away in silence; or because they had no more mind to challenge, seeing a Defendant provided to undertake them. 30. Upon the removal of Richard Milborne to Carlisle, William Laud Bp. of S. David's. William Laud, Precedent of S. John's College in Oxford, was made Bishop of S. David's. Of whom, because every one speaks so much, I will * When I wrote this, I intended to close my History at K. james his d●ath, since by importunity urged to continue it farther. say the less. The rather, because at this time, and during the extent of our History, this Bishop lived in a private way, bore no great stream, as being before that the tide of greatness flowed in upon him. Yea, as yet he took more notice of the world, than the world did of him. Indeed, as the matter, whereof China-dishes are made, must lie some Ages in the earth before it is ripened to perfection: so great persons are not fit for an historians use to write freely of them, till some years after their decease, when their memories can neither be marred with envy, nor mended with flattery. However his good deeds to S. John's College in Oxford must not be forgotten; yea, that whole University (if afraid in English to speak in praise of his bounty) will adventure with safety to commend him in the Arabic tongue, whereof he founded them a Professor. 31. This year was fatal to many eminent Clergymen, Io●n K●ng Bp. of London di●s. beside others of inferior note. We begin with john King, Bishop of London, formerly Dean of Christ-Church, who died on Good-Friday of the stone. Of ancient extraction, in cujus Genere vel Indole nihil reperio mediocre, nihil quod non praecellens, descended (saith the * pag. 775: Survey of London) from the Saxon Kings in Devonshire by his Father Philip King, sometimes Page to King HENRY the VIII, Nephew and Heir to Robert King last Abbot of Osney, and first Bishop of Oxford, who left him a great personal Estate, which it seems was quickly consumed, so that this Prelate used to say, He believed there was a Fate in Abbey-Money no less than Abbey-Land, which seldom proved Fortunate or of Continuance to the Owners. 32. He was Chaplain to Queen ELIZABETH, His eminencies. and as he was appointed by Her Council to preach the first Sermon at Court when Her Body lay In hearsed in the Chapel of White-Hall, so was he designed for the first Sermon to Her Successor King JAMES at Charter-House when He entered London, then sworn his first Chaplain; Who commonly called him [the King of Preachers.] And Sir Edward Coke would say of him, He was the best Speaker in Star-chamber in his time. Soon after he was made Dean of Christ-Church, Oxon; and chosen one of the four Preachers in the Conference at Hampton-Court. Then advanced to the Bishopric of London: Where he let the world see his high Place of Government, did not cause him to forget his Office in the Pulpit; showing by his example, That a Bishop might Govern and Preach too. In which service he was so frequent, that unless hindered by want of health, he omitted no Sunday whereon he did not visit some Pulpit in London, or near it. 33. The Papists raised an aspersion, A loud L●e. as false, as foul, upon him; That, at his death he was reconciled to the Church of Rome, sufficiently confuted by those eye● and ear-witnesses, present at his pious departure. These slanders are no news to such as have read, how Luther is traduced by Popish pens, to have died blaspheming. Caralostadius to have been carried quick by a Devil. And Beza to have apostated before his death. In all which, truth hath triumphed over their malicious forgeries. Something, Bp. King endeavoured in the repairing of S. Paul's; but alas! a private man's estate may be invisibly buried under the rubbish of the least Chapel therein. Born at Thame in Oxford-shire. By order in his Will he provided, that nothing should be written on his plain Grave-stone, save only RESURGAM: and still he is alive, both in his memory, and happy posterity. George Mountain, Bishop of Lincoln, succeeded him in his See; who, when his great House-keeping, and magnificent entertaining of King JAMES, shall be forgotten, will longer survive for his bountiful benefaction to Queens-Coll: in Cambridge, whereof he was Fellow and Proctor. 34. Secondly, Will. Cotton Bp. of Exeter dies, whom Valentine Carew succeeds. William Cotton, Bishop of Exeter, born in Cheshire, formerly Archdeacon of Lewes: one of a stout spirit, and a great maintainer of Conformity against the opposers thereof in his Diocese: Valentine Carew, Dean of S. Paul's, and Master of Christ-Colledge in Cambridge, of a courtlike carriage, and stout spirit, succeeded him in Exeter, which place can give the best account of his behaviour therein. 35. Thirdly, Robert Townson Bishop of Salisbury dies, whom John Davenant succeeds. Robert Townson, born in Cambridge, Fellow of Queens-Colledge, Dean of Westminster, of a comely carriage, courteous nature, an excellent Preacher: He left his Wife and many Children, neither plentifully provided for, nor destitute of maintenance, which rather hastened than caused the advancement of John Davenant, his Brother-in-law, to succeed him in the Bishopric of Sarisbury. 36. Therein also expired Andrew Willet, The death of Dr. And. W●●●e●. Doctor of Divinity, (Godson to Andrew Pearne, Dean of Elie, where he was born) brought up in Christ-Colledge in Cambridge, who ended his pious life, being much bruised with a fall from his horse. A man of no little judgement, and greater industry, not unhappy in Controversies, but more happy in Comments, and one that had a large soul in a narrow estate. For, his charge being great (may his Children remember and practise their Father's precepts) and means small, as more proportioned to his desires, than deserts; he was bountiful above his ability, and doubled what he gave by cheerful giving it. He was buried in his Parish at Barley in Hertford shire. Happy Village! which lost such a Light, and yet was not left in darkness, only exchanging blessings, Reverend Doctor Brou●rigge succeeding him. 37. Nor must we forget Richard Parry, And of Dr. Richard Parry. Doctor of Divinity, Bishop of Asaph, who this year exchanged this life for a better. He was first bred in Christ-Church in Oxford, where he made plentiful proceeding in Learning, and Religion, and thence was advanced to the deanery of Bangor, on whom Bishop Godwin bestows this (call it compliment, or) character: * Godwin in Episcopis As●phenfibus. Cui erudition, caeterisque Episcopalibus virtutibus utinam egomet tam illi essem aequalis, quàm ille mihi aetate, studiorúmque Academicorum tempore, locóque. 38. We conclude this year with the death of Master Francis Mason, The death of Mr. Fr. Mason. to whose worthy Book, De Ministerio Anglicano, we have been so much beholding. Nor will it be amiss to insert his Epitaph: Prima Deo cui cura fuit sacrare labores, Cui studium Sacris invigilare Libris; Ecce sub hôc tandem requievit marmore MASON, Expectans Dominum spéque fidéque suum. He was born in the Bishopric of Duresme, brought up in the University of Oxford, Bachelor of Divinity, Fellow of Merton-Colledge, Chaplain to King JAMES, rector of Orforde in Suffolk, where he lies buried, and where he built the Parsonage-House. He had three Children by his loving Wife Elizabeth, who erected a fair Monument to his Memory. SECTION VI. Ann. Reg. Ann. Dom. TO SAMVEL MICO OF LONDON, Alderman. YOu have not spent, but laid out much time in ITALY, to the great improvement of your judgement and estate: How cunning Chapmen those Countrymen are in buying and selling, is not to you unknown; but this Section presents you with an Italian Cardinal, a most crafty broker in matters of Religion, till at last he deceived himself. Peruse it I pray, and if the reading thereof can add nothing to your knowledge, the writing of it may serve as my acknowledgement of your favours received. LAtely * ●ide supra, pag. 71. sect. 45. we made mention of the coming over of Marcus Antonius de Dominis the Archbishop of Spalleto into England, Ja. 20 1622. and now shall prosecute that subject at large. The causes of Spalato's coming over. For, this year began happily, because with the end of that arrant Apostata in this Land, and his fair riddance out of the limits thereof. He had 14 years been Archbishop of Spalleto in Dalmatia, under the State of Venice, and some five years since, to wit, 1616, came over into England. Conscience in show, and Covetousness in deed, caused his coming hither. He pretended to have discovered innumerable a In his Book called Confilium Proscotionis, pag. 15, 16, 17. Novelties, and pernicious Errors in the Court of Rome, injuriously engrossing the right and honour of the Universal Church. He complained, many Points were obtruded on men's Consciences, as Articles of Faith, which CHRIST in the Scripture never instituted. He accounted the Romish Church, mystical b Ibid. pag. 34. Babylon, and Sodom; and the Pope, Nimrod, a Tyrant, Schismatic, Heretic, yea, even c Ibid. pag. 76. Antichrist himself. But that which sharpened his pen against the Pope, was a particular grudge against Pope Paul, who had ordered him to pay a yearly Pension of Five hundred crowns, out of his Bishopric, to one Andreutius, a Suffragan Bishop; which this Archbp. refused to do, complaining, it was unjust, and imposed without his knowledge and consent. The matter is brought to the Rota, or Court of Rome, where the wheel went on the wrong side for our Spalleto, who, angry that he was cast in his Cause, posts out of Italy, through Germany, into the Low-countrieses. Here he stayed a while, and tampered for preferment, till finding the roof of their Church too low for his lofty thoughts, and their Presbyterian Government uncomplying with his Archiepiscopal spirit, he left the Netherlands, and came over into England. 2. It is almost incredible, His bountiful entertainment. what flocking of people there was to behold this old Archbishop, now a new Convert; Prelates and Peers presented him with Gifts of high valuation. Indeed, it is an humour of our English, strangely to admire strangers, believing invisible Perfections in them, above those of our Land. A quality commendable in our Countrymen, whilst inclining them to Hospitality, but sometimes betraying their Credulity, to be thereby dangerously deluded. He was feasted wheresoever he came, and the Universities (when he visited them) addressed themselves to him in their solemn reception, as if he himself alone had been an University. 3. But above all, He is richly preferred by K. James. King JAMES (whose hands were seldom shut to any, and always open to men of merit) was most munificent unto him, highly rejoicing, that Rome had lost, and England got such a Jewel. How many of English Youth were tolled out of our Universities into Italy, and there taught treason and heresy together? This aged Prelate, of eminent parts, coming thence of his own accord, would make us plentiful reparation for the departure of many Novices. The KING consigned him to the Archbishop of Canterbury, for his present entertainment, till he might be accommodated to subsist of himself: and, as an earnest of His bounty, sent him to Lambeth, a fair basin, and bowl of silver. Which Spalleto received with this compliment, Misit mihi REX Magnae Britanniae polubrum argenteum ad abstergendas sordes Romanae Ecclesiae, & poculum argenteum ad imbibendam Evangelii puritatem, The KING of Great Britain hath sent me a silver basin, to wash from me the filth of the Roman Church; and a silver cup to mind me to drink the purity of the Gospel. Preferment is quickly found out, and conferred upon him: as, the deanery of Windsor (though founded, not in a Cathedral, but Collegiate Church) one of the gentilest and entirest Dignities of the Land; the Mastership of the Hospital of the Savoy, with a good Parsonage at West-Islesly in Berk-shire, being a Peculiar belonging to the Episcopal Jurisdiction of the Dean of Windsor. And, finding one precedent in his Predecessor, he collated this Parsonage on himself, and there made shift for so much English as sufficed him to read the Nine and thirty Articles (as an * Mr. Caesar Calendrine Minister of the Dutch Church. Auditor there present hath informed me) which formerly he had subscribed. Thus had he two Houses furnished above plenty, even unto magnificence, and might alternately exchange society, for privacy, at pleasure. 4. He improved the profit of his Places to the utmost, His great avarice. and had a design to question all his Predecessors Leases at the Savoy; and began to be very vexatious to his Tenants. Some of them repaired to Doctor King, Bishop of London; who, at their request, took Spalleto to task, and, as gravely, as sharply reproved him: that, being a Foreigner, he would fall out with Natives, endeavouring to put others here out of their peaceable Possessions, who himself had fled hither for his own refuge. Especially, having professed in print, That he had deposed all d In 〈◊〉 lib. 1. De Repub. E●l. num. 6. affection to, and gust of earthly things; and, that he himself, being almost naked, did follow a e ● or pri pag. 191. naked Christ. Hereupon, at the reverend Bishop's admonition, he let fall his former design. But, it was not the counsel of this King, but of a greater KING, which deterred him from his project, viz: K. JAMES himself, to whom Spalleto complained, That the Lands of the Savoy were let out for little Rents to the great loss of his place, and poor therein (not that he cared for the poor, but bare the bag, Ann. Reg. Ja 20 and what was put into it) acquainting His MAJESTY with his intent, Ann. Dom. 1622. to rectify those abuses, and call those Leases into question. To whom the KING in some choler, Extraneus, extraneus es, re●inque res sicut eas invenisti, You are a stranger, you are a stranger, leave things as you found them. And yet the same man would very passionately persuade others to bounty to the Poor, though he would give nothing himself, witness his earnest moving the Chapter of Windsor in this kind, to whom one of the Prebendaries answered, QUI SUADET, SUA DET, Let him that persuades others, give something of his own. 5. I am also credibly informed from an excellent hand, Another instance of his ungrateful covetousness. of the truth of this story. Spalleto had found a small slaw in a Lease of value, which a Gentlewoman of quality held of the Dean and Chapter of Windsor. To her house he comes with all his men, where she magnificently entertains him, as overjoyed, that her chief Landlord came so courteously to visit her. Spalleto next morning, after his plentiful Supper, having settled himself in the Parlour, suddenly cries out, Abscedite omnes, abscedite; Be ye all gone, be ye gone: intending to take possession for himself. The Gentlewoman perceiving him at this posture, with herself and servants well favouredly thrust him out of her house, coming off with sufficient disgrace. Afterwards consulting the Learned in our Laws about the Lease, they told him, That though possibly he might get the better of her in the Common-Law, yet the Chancery would relieve her, who so dearly had bought, so truly had paid for, and so peaceably had possessed her estate therein. Fie for shame! (saith Spalleto) are your English Laws so contrived, that, what is done by one Court, may be undone by another? This may suffice to evidence his avarice. Nor must it be forgotten, though he pretended at his coming over, that for conscience he freely left his Archbishopric of Spalleto, that in very deed he resigned the same to his Nephew, conditionally to pay him an annual Pension out of it; Sed magnus nebulo nil solvit, But the great knave pays me nothing, as he himself complained to my reverend friend the Archbishop of Armagh. 6. He falls now to perfect his Books. His learned Writings against Romish error. For, his Works were not now composed, but corrected; not compiled, but completed; as being, though of English birth, of Italian conception. For, formerly the Collections were made by him at Spalleto, but he durst not make them public for fear of the Inquisition. His Works (being three fair Folio's, De Republicâ Ecclesiasticâ) give ample testimony of his sufficiency. Indeed, he had a controversial head, with a strong and clear stile, nor doth an hair hang at the neb of his pen to blur his writings with obscurity: but, first understanding himself, he could make others understand him. His writings are of great use for the Protestant cause. Many (saith the f Dan. 12. 4. Prophet) shall run to and fro, and knowledge shall be increased. And surely the transcursion of Italians hither, added much to the discovery of the Papal abominations. Yet, allowing Spalleto diligent in writing, his expression was a notorious hyperbole, when saying, In g In ●ectione, meditatione, & scriptione p●ne marcesco. Resp. Archiepis. Spal. Feb. 11. add Artic. 3. 1622.— reading, meditation, and writing I am almost pined away; otherwise, his fat cheeks did confute his false tongue in that expression. 7. Amongst other of his ill qualities, The jeerer jeered. he delighted in jeering, and would spare none who came in his way. One of his sarcasmes he unhappily bestowed on Count Gondomar, the Spanish Ambassador, telling him, That three turns at Tyburn was the only way to cure his Fistula. The Don, highly offended hereat (pained for the present more with this flout, than his fistula) meditates revenge, and repairs to King JAMES. He told His MAJESTY, that His charity (an error common in good Princes) abused His judgement, in conceiving Spalleto a true convert, who still in heart remained a Roman Catholic. Indeed, His Majesty had a rare felicity in discovering the falsity of Witches, and forgery of such who pretended themselves possessed: but, under favour, was deluded with this man's false spirit, and, by His Majesty's leave, he would detect unto Him this his hypocrisy. The KING cheerfully embraced his motion, and left him to the liberty of his own undertake. 8. The Ambassador writeth to His Catholic Majesty; Spalleto his hypocrisy discovered. He to his Holiness, Ann. Dom. 1622. Ann. Regis. Ja. 20 Gregory the fifteenth, that Spalleto might be pardoned, and preferred in the Church of Rome, which was easily obtained. Letters are sent from Rome to Count Gondamar, written by the Cardinal Millin, to impart them to Spalleto, informing him, that the POPE had forgiven, and forgotten all which he had done or written against the Catholic Religion; and, upon his return, would prefer him to the Bishopric of Salerno in Naples, worth twelve thousand crowns by the year. A Cardinal's Hat also should be bestowed upon him. And, if Spalleto, with his hand subscribed to this Letter, would renounce and disclaim what formerly he had printed, an Apostolical Breve, with pardon, should solemnly be sent him to Brussels. Spalleto embraceth the motion, likes the pardon well, the preferment better, accepts both, recants his opinions largely, subscribes solemnly, and thanks his Holiness affectionately for his favour. Gondamar carries his subscription to King JAMES, who is glad to behold the Hypocrite unmasked, appearing in his own colours; yet the discovery was concealed, and lay dormant some days in the deck, which was in due time to be awakened. 9 Now it happened a false rumour was spread, He is incensed ●●th a repulse. that Tob●e Matthew, Archbishop of York, (who died yearly in report) was certainly deceased. Presently posts Spalleto to Theobalds'; becomes an importunate Petitioner to the KING for the vacant Archbishopric, and is as flatly denied; the KING conceiving, He had given enough already to him, if grateful; too much, if ungrateful. Besides, the KING would never bestow an Episcopal charge in England, on a foreigner, no not on His own Countrymen; some Scotish-men being preferred to Deaneries, none to Bishoprics. Spalleto, offended at this repulse (for he had rather had York, than Salerno, as equal in wealth, higher in dignity, nearer in place) requests His MAJESTY by his Letter, to grant His good leave to departed the Kingdom, and to return into Italy; Pope Paul, his fierce foe, being now dead, and Gregory the fifteenth, his fast friend now seated in the Chair. The Copy of whose Letter we have here inserted: To the high and mighty Prince, JAMES by the Grace of God King of Great Britain, etc. Defender of the Faith, etc. M. Anthony de Dominis, Archbishop of Spalleto, wisheth all happiness. THose two Popes which were most displeased at my leaving of Italy, and coming into England, Paulus Quintus, and he which now liveth Gregory the Fifteenth, have both laboured to call me back from hence, and used divers Messages for that purpose; to which notwithstanding I gave no heed. But now of late, when this same Pope (being certified of my Zeal in advancing, and furthering the union of all Christian Churches) did hereupon take new care, and endeavour to invite me again unto him, and signified withal, that he did seek nothing therein but God's glory, and to use my poor help also to work the inward peace and tranquillity of this Your Majesty's Kingdom. Mine own conscience told me, that it behoved me to give ready ear unto his Holiness. Besides all this, the diseases and inconveniences of old age growing upon me, and the sharpness of the cold air of this Country, and the great want (I feel here amongst strangers) of some friends and kinsfolks, which might take more d●ligent and exact care of me, make my longer stay in this Climate very offensive to my body. Having therefore made an end of my Works, and enjoyed Your Majesty's goodness, in bestowing on me all things needful and fit for me; and in heaping so many, and so Royal benefits upon me; I can do no less than promise perpetual memory and thankfulness, and tender to You my continuance in Your Majesty's service wheresoever I go, and will become in all places a reporter and extoller of Your Majesty's praises. Ann. Reg. Ja. 19 Now if my business proceed, Ann. Dom. 1621. and be brought to a good end, I well hope that I shall obtain Your Majesty's good leave to departed, without the least diminution of Your Majesty's wont favour towards me. I hear of Your Majesties late great danger, and congratulate with Your Majesty for Your singular deliverance from it by God's great goodness, who hath preserved You safe from it, as one most dear unto him, for the great good of his Church, I hope. Jan. 16. From the Savoy, Jan. the 16. 1621. Farewell, the glory and ornament of Princes. Your Majesties ever most devoted Servant, Ant. de Dominis, Archbishop of Spalleto. To this Letter no present Answer was returned; 21. but five days after, the Bishops of London, and Duresme, with the Dean of Westminster, by His MAJESTY'S direction, repaired to this Archbishop, propounding unto him Sixteen Quaeres, all arising out of his former Letter, 31. and requiring him to give the explanation of five most material under his hand, for His MAJESTY'S greater satisfaction, which he did accordingly; yet not so clearly, but that it occasioned a second meeting, wherein more interrogatories were by command propounded unto him; which, with his Answers thereunto, because publicly printed, are purposely omitted: and, notwithstanding all obstructions, Spalleto still continued his importunity to departed. 10. He pretended many Reasons for his return: Reasons pleaded for his return. First, Longing after his own Country. Who so iron-hearted as not to be drawn home, with the loadstone of his native Land? Secondly, To see his Friends, Kindred, Nephews, but especially his beloved Niece; a story hangs thereon, and it is strange, what was but whispered in Italy, was heard over so plain into England. In the Hebrew Tongue Nephews, and Nieces, are called Sons, and Daughters; but the Italian Clergy, on the contrary often term their Sons, and Daughters, Nephews, and Nieces. Thirdly, The late-pretended-discovery of many errors in our English Church (how quicksighted did the promised Bishopric make him?) whereof formerly he took no notice, and all which are learnedly answered in the posthume book of Doctor Crakenthorpe, carefully set forth by Dr. Barkham, after the Author's death, and may all orphan-works have the happiness of so faithful a Guardian. Lastly, and chief (as he confesseth himself) allectus pretio octuplicis stipendii, alured with the reward of a salary eight times as great, as his revenues in England. In which computation, as he ungratefully depresseth the value of what he had in hand: so he undiscreetly advanced the worth of what in hope he promised himself: not to speak of the difference of Italian Ducats, when told out, and when told off at so great a distance. 11. In pursuance of which his desire, Spalato's second Letter to King James. he wrote a second Letter to K. JAMES: the tenor whereof we thought fit here to insert for the better clearing of the matter: Most excellent Prince, and most gracious Lord, AS I signified lately unto Your Majesty in my former Letter, I neither aught, nor could neglect the Pope's fair and gracious invitation of me; especially, when I saw that he dealt with me concerning the service of Christ, and his Church. And, being now at length better certified, that all things are in a readiness for me, I am tied to my former promises. Yet I make it my humble request, that I may take my journey with Your Majesty's good will. And for that purpose, I do now most humbly, and earnestly crave your leave by these Letters, which I would much more willingly have begged by word of mouth in Your presence (that I might have parted with Your Majesty with all due thanks and submission) but that my access to Your Majesty might have confirmed the vain, and foolish * viz. That the King had employed Spalleto to the Pope, to make a reconciliation betwixt us and Rome. rumours of the people. I beseech Your Majesty therefore to vouchsafe to give me some Letters, whereby my departure may be made both safe, and creditable. As for the Ecclesiastical Titles and Revenues, which I hold by Your Majesty's gift, I shall resign them by public Indentures. So from the bottom of my heart, I do commit myself to Your Royal favour, and vow myself your servant for ever, London: From the Savoy, Feb. 3. Your MAJESTY'S, etc. M. Ant. de Dom. Archbishop of Spalleto. This Letter produced new Interrogatories, Feb. 3. 1622. and several fruitful Controversies (one always begetting another) but the last was a sharp one at Lambeth, March the 30, which cut off all future discourse. For, a Commission was issued out to the Archbishop of Canterbury, Mar. 30. the Bishops of Lincoln (Lord Keeper of the Great Scale of England) London, Duresme, Winchester, and several other Privy Councillors, before whom Spalleto personally appeared. When the Archbishop of Canterbury in the name of the rest, by His MAJESTY'S special command, in a long Latin Speech, recapitulated the many misdemeanours of Spalleto, principally insisting on his changing of Religion, as appeared by his purpose of returning to Rome: and that, contrary to the Laws of the Realm, he had held correspondency by Letters with the Pope, without the privity of the King's Majesty. To which Charge when Spalleto had made, rather a shuffling Excuse, than a just Defence, the Archbishop in His Majesty's name commanded him to departed the Kingdom, at his own peril, within twenty days, and never to return again. To this he promised obedience, protesting he would ever justify the Church of England for orthodox in fundamentals, even in the presence of the Pope, or whomsoever, though with the loss of his life. 12. However, Desires in vain still to stay. loath to departed was his last tune. And no wonder, if well considering, whence, and whither he went. He left a Land where he lacked nothing, but a thankful heart to God, and a contented soul in himself. He went to a place of promise, suspicious whether ever it should be performed. He feared (not without cause) he might lose his grey Head to fetch a red Hat. And an ominous instance was lately set before his eyes: One Fulgentius, a Minorite, had inveighed at Venice against the Pope, and was by his Nuncio trained to Rome, on promise of safe conduct: where, being favoured, and feasted at first, soon after in the field of Flora he was burnt to ashes. This made Spalleto effectually, but secretly, to deal with his friends in the English Court, that His Majesty would permit him to stay. But in vain, and therefore within the time appointed, he went over in the same ship with Count Swartzenburgh, the Emperor's Ambassador, returning hence into Flanders. 13. And now Spalleto is shipped. Departeth to Rome. A good wind, and fair weather go after him. His sails shall not be stuffed with a blast of my curses, conceiving, that his fault was sufficient punishment. But b Dr. Barkham in his Dedicatory Epistle to King James. others have compared him to the house i Mat. 12. 44. swept, and garnished, to which the Devil returned with seven spirits more wicked than himself. Which they thus reckon up, Avarice, Ambition, and Hypocrisy, whilst he stayed here; Apostasy, and Perjury, when going hence; Ingratitude, and Calumny, when returned to Rome. Yea, they find as many punishments lighting on him; God angry with him, the Devil tormenting him, his conscience corroding him, the world cursing him, the true Church disdaining him, Protestant-pens confuting him, and the Pope, at last, in revenge executing him. And, now the Master hath had the just shame for his Apostasy, let the Man receive the due praise of his perseverance, one Gio Pietro Paravicino, a Grizon, who waited on Spalleto in his chamber, whom neither frights nor flatteries could remove, but he died in Holland a firm professor of the Protestant Religion. 14. Being come to Brussels, Ann. Reg. Ja. 20 Ann. Dom. 1622. Returns to his railing vomit. he recants his Religion, and rails bitterly on the English Church: calling his coming hither an unhappy, irrational, pestiferous, k In his Book, called, Cencilium Reditus, pag. 9 devilish voyage, to which he was moved with sickness of soul, impatience, and a kind of frenzy l Ibid. pag. 5. of anger. Here he stayed six months for the Pope's Breve, which was long a coming, and at last was utterly denied him. Insomuch that Spalleto was fain to run the hazard, and desperately adventure to Rome, having nothing in Scriptis for his security, but barely presuming on promises, and the friendship of Gregory the fifteenth, now Pope; formerly his Colleague, and chamber-fellow. 15. I find not his promised Bishopric conferred upon him; Lives at Rome not loved, and di●s unlamented. who as well might have been made Primate, and Metropolitan of Terra incognita. Yea, returning to Sodom (though not turned into a pillar of salt) he became unsavoury-salt, cared for of no side. Such a crooked-stick, which had bowed all ways, was adjudged unfit to make a beam, or raster, either in Popish, or Protestant Church. And now, what would not make timber to build, must make fuel to burn, to which end he came at last. But for some years he lived at Rome, on a pension which Pope Gregory assigned him out of his own revenues; until there arose a new Pope, who never knew Spalleto (with the least knowledge of approbation viz: Urban the eighth, brought in by the antifaction of the French. He finding his revenue charged with a pension paid to his adversary, (thrift is a flower even in the Triple Crown) prohibits the future issuing out of the same. His pension being stopped, Spalato's mouth is open, and passionately discourseth reputed heresy in several companies. 16. There was residing at Rome, Cardinal Clesel's neglected friendship destructive to Spalleto. one Cardinal Clesel, an High German, betwixt whom, and Spalleto, formerly great familiarity, whilst Clesel was the Pope's Legate the Latere, with the Emperor at Vienna, where Spalleto negotiated business for the State of Venice. This Cardinal expected Spalato's applications unto him, after he was returned to Rome, which he refused, being (belike) too high in the instep, or rather too stiff in the knees to bow to beg a kindness. Clesel, perceiving his amity made contemptible, resolved to make his enmity considerable: yet, dissembling friendship for the better opportunity of revenge, he invites Spalleto to supper; and, a train of discourse being laid at a liberal meal, Spalleto is as free in talking, as in eating; and let's fall this expression, that (though divers had endeavoured it) no Catholic had as yet answered his Books, De Republica Ecclesiastica; but adding moreover, That he himself was able to answer them. Presently his person is clapped into prison, his study seized on, wherein many papers were found speaking heresy enough, his Adversaries being admitted sole Interpreters thereof. 17. As for his death, Sp●lato's body burnt after his death. some months after, some say he was stifled, others strangled, others, stabbed, others starved, others poisoned, others smothered to death; but my intelligence from his own Kindred at Venice informs me, that he died a natural death: adding moreover, non sine praeveniente gratiâ, not without God's preventing grace; for, had his life been longer, his death had been more miserable. Yea, they say, the Pope sent four of his sworn Physicians, to recognize his corpse, who on their oath deposed, that no impression of violence was visible thereon. However after his death, his excommunicated corpse were put to public shame, and solemnly proceeded against in the Inquisition, for relapsing into heresy since his return to Rome. His Kindred were summoned to appear for him, if they pleased, but durst not plead for a dead man, for fear of infection of the like punishment on themselves. Several Articles of heresy are charged upon him, and he found convict thereof, is condemned to have his body burnt by the public Executioner in the field of Flora, which was performed accordingly. Such honour have all Apostates. 18. We must not forget, The word Puritan how first abused by Spalleto. that Spalleto (I am confident I am not mistaken therein) was the first, who, professing himself a Protestant, used the word PURITAN, to signify the defenders of matters doctrinal in the English Church. Formerly the word was only taken to denote such, as dissented from the Hierarchy in Discipline, and Church-Government, which now was extended to brand such as were Anti-Arminians in their judgements. As Spalleto first abused the word in this sense: so we could wish he had carried it away with him in his return to Rome. Whereas now leaving the word behind him in this extensive signification thereof, it hath since by others been improved to asperse the most orthodox in doctrine, and religious in conversation. 19 He was of a comely personage, His unpartial character. tall stature, grey beard, grave countenance, fair language, fluent expression, somewhat abdominous, and corpulent in his body. Of so imperious, and domineering spirit, that (as if the Tenant were the Land Lord) though a stranger, he offered to control the Archbishop of Canterbury in his own house. An excellent Preacher (every first Sunday in the month to the Italian Nation at Mercers-Chappel) as his Sermon called Scopleos, or the Rocks, doth plentifully witness, wherein he demonstrates, That all the Errors of the Roman Church proceed from their pride and covetousness. And (under the Rose be it spoken) if the great ship of Rome split itself on these Rocks, Spalleto his own pinnace made m 1 Tim. 1. 19 shipwreck of the faith on the same, which were his bosome-sins. In a word, he had too much Wit, and Learning, to be a cordial Papist; and too little Honesty, and Religion, to be a sincere Protestant. 20. About the same time three other Italians made their escape into England. Three other Italian jugglers. One, Antonio (as I take it, a Capuchian) who here married a Wife, and was beneficed in Essex. The other two, Benedictines, living, the one with the Archbishop of Canterbury; the other, with the Archbishop of York. All these three were neither good dough, not good bread, but like Ephraim, n Hos. 7. 8. a cake not turned, though they pretended to true conversion. The first of these, being kin to Spinola the Low-Countrey-General, was by him (on what terms I know not) trained over, and reconciled to Rome. The other two (only racking, no thorough-paced Protestants) watched their opportunity to run away. Yet let not this breed in us a jealousy of all Italian● Converts, seeing Vergerius, Peter Martyr, Emanuel Tremellius, etc. may reconcile us to a good opinion of them, and to believe, That God hath p Revel. 3. 4. a few names even in Sardis, where the Throne of the Beast is erected. And indeed Italian Converts, like Origen, where they do well, none better; where ill, none worse. 21. All men's mouths were now filled with discourse of Prince CHARLES his match with Donna MARIA the Infanta of Spain. The Spanish Match the discourse general. The Protestants grieved thereat, fearing that this marriage would be the funerals of their Religion: and their jealousies so descanted thereon, that they suspected, if taking effect, more water of Tiber, than Thames, would run under London-bridge. The Church●Catholicks grew insolent thereat, and such, who formerly had a Pope in their belly, shown him now in their tongues, and faces, avouching their Religion, which they concealed before. Yet at last this Match (so probable) broke off, Heaven forbidding the Banes, even at the third, and last ask thereof. 22. Count Gondomar was the active Instrument to advance this Match, Gondoma● procures the inlargment of all Iesu●s. who so carried himself in the twilight of jest-earnest, that with his jests he pleased His MAJESTY of England, and with his earnest he pleasured his Master of Spain. Having found out the length of King James' foot, he fitted Him with so easy a shoe, which pained Him not (no, not when He was troubled with the gout) this cunning Don being able to please Him in His greatest passion. And although the Match was never effected, yet Gondomar, whilst negotiating the same, in favour to the Catholic cause, procured of His MAJESTY, the enlargement of all Priests and Jesuits through the English Dominions. 23. The actions of Princes are subject to be censured, A malicious Comment on a merciful Text. even of such people who reap the greatest benefit thereby, as here it came to pass. These Jesuits, when at liberty, did not gratefully ascribe their freedom to His Majeties mercy, but only to His willingness, to rid and clear His gaoles' over-pestered with prisoners: As if His Majesty (if so minded) could not have made the gallows, the bosom to sweep the gaol; and as easily have sent these prisoners from Newgate up westward by land, as over Southward by Sea. What moved King JAMES to this lenity at this time, I neither do know, nor will inquire. Surely, such as sit at the stern, and hold the helm, can render a reason why they steer to this or that point of the compass, though they give not to every mariner (much less passenger in the ship) an account thereof. I, being only by my place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a rower, or minister in the vessel, content myself in silence with the will of the Master thereof. But let us exemplify the Lord Keeper's Letter to this purpose: To the Judges. AFter my hearty commendations to you: His Majesty having resolved (out of deep Reasons of State, and in expectation of the like correspondence from foreign Princes, to the profession of our Religion) to grant some grace, and connivency to the imprisoned Papists of this Kingdom, hath commanded me to pass some Writs under the Broad Seal to this purpose: Requiring the Judges of every Circuit to enlarge the said Prisoners according to the tenor, and effect of the same. I am to give you to understand (from His Majesty) how His Majesty's Royal pleasure is, that upon receipt of these Writs, you shall make no niceness or difficulty to extend that His Princely favour to all such Papists, as you shall find Prisoners in the Gaols of your Circuits, for any Church Recusancy whatsoever, or refusing the Oath of Supremacy, or dispersing Popish Books, or hearing, saying of Mass, or any other point of recusancy, which doth touch, or concern Religion only, and not matters of State. And so I bid you farewell. Westminster-Colledge, August 2. 1622. Your loving friend, John Lincoln. Now although one will easily believe many Priests and Jesuits were set at liberty, Yet surely that p Mr. Pr●● in loc. Gentleman is no true accountant, if affirming to fewer than four thousand to be set free at this time: Especially considering that q Jo Gee in his Foot out of the snare. one, who undertakes to give in a perfect list of all the Jesuits in England (and is since conceived rather to asperse some Protestants than conceal any Papists) cannot mount their number higher than two hundred twenty and five. To which, if such whom he detects for Popish Physicians, with all those whom he accuses for Popish Books, be cast in, they will not make up the tithe of four thousand. 24. However, Bitter Compliments betwixt Gondomar and the Earl of Oxford. most distasteful was Gondomar' s greatness to the English ancient Nobility, who manifested the same, as occasion was offered, as by this one instance may appear: Henry Vere Earl of Oxford, chanced to meet with Count Gondomar at a great entertainment. The Don accosted him with high Compliments, vowing, That amongst all the Nobility of England there was none he had tendered his service with more sincerity than to his Lordship, though hitherto such his unhappiness, that his affections were not accepted according to his integrity who tendered them. It seems (replied the Earl of Oxford) that your Lordship had good leisure, when stooping in your thoughts to one so inconsiderable as myself, whose whole life hath afforded but two things memorable therein. It is your Lordship's modesty (returned Gondomar) to undervalue yourself, whilst we, the spectators of your Honour's deserts make a true and unpartial estimate thereof, Hundreds of Memorables have met in your Lordship's life: But, good my Lord, what are those Two signal things more conspicuous than all the rest? They are these two (said the Earl) I was Born in the Eighty Eight, and Christened on the Fift of November. 25. Henry Copinger, Dec. 21. The death of Master Henry C●pinger. formerly Fellow of S. John's Coll: in Cambridge, Prebendary of York, once Chaplain to Ambrose Earl of Warwick, (whose funeral Sermon he preached) made Master of Magdalene College in Cambridge by Her MAJESTY'S Mandate (though afterwards Resigning his Right at the Queens (shall I call it?) request to prevent trouble) ended his religious life. He was the sixth Son of Henry Copinger of Bucks-Hall in Suffolk Esquire, by Agnes, Daughter of Sir Thomas Jermyn. His Father on his deathbed, ask him what course of life be would embrace? He answered, he intended to be a Divine. I like it well, (said the old Gentleman) otherwise what shall I say to Martin Luther when I shall see him in heaven, and he knows that GOD gave me eleven Sons, and I made not one of them a Minister? An expression proportionable enough to Luther's judgement, who r Pantalcon de Illustribus Germaniae in Vitae Lutheri. p. 82.— maintained some hours before his death, That the Saints in heaven shall knowingly converse one with another. 26. Laneham Living fell void, A free Patron, and faithful Incumbent well met. which both deserved a good Minister, being a rich Parsonage, and needed one, it being more than suspicious that Dr. Reinolds, late Incumbent, (who ran away to Rome) had left some superstitious leaven behind him. The Earl of Oxford, being Patron, presents Mr. Copinger to it, but adding withal, That he would pay no Tithes of his Park, being almost half the land of the Parish. Copinger desired to resign it again to his Lordship, rather than by such sinful gratitude to betray the Rights of the Church. Well! if you be of that mind, then take the Tithes, (saith the Earl) I scorn that my Estate should swell with church-good. However, it afterwards cost Master Copinger Sixteen hundred pounds, in keeping his questioned, and recovering his detained rights, in suit with the Agent for the next [minor] E. of Oxford, and others: all which he left to his Churches quiet possession, being zealous in God's cause, but remiss in his own. 27. He lived forty and five years the painful Parson of Laneham, His long and good life. in which Market-Town there were about nine hundred Communicants, amongst whom, all his time, no difference did arise which he did not compound. He had a bountiful hand & plentiful purse (his paternal inheritance by death of elder Brothers, and others transactions descending upon him) bequeathing Twenty pounds in money, and Ten pounds per annum to the Poor of the Parish, in the Chancel whereof he lieth buried under a fair Monument, dying on S. Thomas his day, in the Threescore and twelfth year of his age. 28. Papists now appearing very daring; A Conference with jesuits. Dec. 21. a Conference, or Dispute (if you please) was entertained betwixt Doctor White, and Doctor Featley, Protestants; Father Fisher, and Father Sweet, Jesuits; on his occasion: Edward Bugs Esq. living in London, aged seventy, and a professed Protestant, was in his sickness seduced to the Romish Religion. But recovering, this Dispute was held at his request, in the house of Sir Humphrey Lined, a learned and religious Gentleman; about the Visibility of the Church, and the Tenants now maintained by the Protestants to have been before Luther. The printed Book hereof may satisfy the Reader, as this Conference did so satisfy Master Bugs, that renouncing his former wavering, he was confirmed in the Protestant-Truth. 29. Now happened the sad Vespers, The fatal Vespers at Blackfriars. Octob. 26. or doleful Evening-song at Black Friars in London: Father Drury a Jesuit of excellent Morals, and ingratiating Converse, (wanting nothing, saving the embracing of the truth, to make him valuable in himself, and acceptable to others) Preached in a great upper-Room in Blackfriars, next to the house of the French-Ambassadour, where some Three hundred persons were assembled. His Text the 18 Chap. of S. Matthew, ver. 32. O thou ungracious servant! I forgave thee all the debt because thou desiredst me, shouldst not thou also have had compassion on thy fellow servant? etc. In application whereof, he fell upon a bitter invective against the Protestants. 30. His Sermon began to incline to the middle, Death without giving any warning. 1623. the Day to the end thereof; when on the soddain the Flore fell down whereon they were assembled. It gave no charitable warning-groan beforehand, but cracked, broke, and fell, all in an instant. Many were killed, more bruised, all frighted; sad sight to behold the flesh and blood of different persons mingled together, and the brains of one on the head of another. One lacked a leg, another an arm; a third whole and entire wanted nothing but breath stifled in the ruins. Some Protestants coming merely to see, were made to suffer, and bore the heavy burden of their own curiosity. About Ninety five persons were slain outright, Ann. Reg. Ja. 21 Ann. Dom. 1623. amongst whom Mr. Drury, and Mr. Rodiat, Priests; with the Lady Webbe, were of the greatest quality. Nor must we forget, how when one comforted a Maid-childe about 10 years of age, Exhorting her to patience for her Mother and Sister. The Child replied, That however it fared with them, this would be a great scandal to their Religion. A speech commendable in any, admirable in one of her age. 31. Yet marvellous was God's mercy in the preservation of some there present. ● will sing of m●rcy and justice. One corner of the first Flore rather hung still than stood, (without any beams) by the relative strength from the side walls, and about Twenty persons upon it. These beheld that Tragedy wherein instantly they expected to act, and, which was the worst, their fall would not only kill them, but by their weight they should be the unwilling● slayers of others, which as yet laboured for life beneath them. It was put into their minds with their knives (fright adding force unto them) to cut their passage out of a lome-wall into the next chamber, whereby their lives were preserved. Of those that fell, one was kept alive (though embraced by death on either side) a chair falling hollow upon her. Thus any arms are of proof, if Divine Providence be but pleased to put them on. 32. Next day was Impanelled a Coroner's Inquest of substantial Citizens to inquire into the cause and manner of their death. A fair and true verdict. These found it done neither by miracle nor malice, no plot or indirect practice appearing (as some no less falsely, than maliciously gave it out) the Roof standing, Side-wall sound, Foundation firm, only the Flore broken by God's wisdom permitting it; and their own folly occasioning it. Nor could the Carpenter be justly accused for slight and unfaithful building, making it substantial enough for any private purpose, and none could foresee that they would bring a Church into a Chamber. Twenty of the poorer sort were buried hard by in one Grave, and the rest bestowed by their friends in several places of Sepulture. 33. The sad death of these persons, Beware wildewishes. the Object of Pity to all good and wise men, was the Subject of Envy to some, so sillily superstitious, as to repine at it, That they had not a share in this slaughter. On this account, because the Priest or Clerk after every Mass in the City of London, solemnly invited the people present with a loud voice to say, Three Pater noster's, and three Ave Maria's for the souls of such as died in Blackfriars. Particularly one Parker * Jo. Gee in his Book called the Foot out of the snare. who narrowly escaped the danger there, professed, That nothing grieved him more but that he had not been one of those that died by the aforesaid mischance. But see what happened, this man going over to Douai to take Priestly Orders the week following, was drowned in his passage: Thus wild-wishes for death, prove sometimes such Guests as come home to the Inviters before they be welcome unto them. 34. This accident fell on Sunday, the 26 of October, which according to the new style observed beyond-sea (having the speed of ours by ten days) fell upon their fifth of November: a day notoriously known in the Popish Calendar. Whereupon, Master Edward Benlowes, a Religious and Learned Gentleman, no small Promoter of my former and present Labours, thus expressed himself: Quinta Novembris eat, Graias orsura Calendas; Sit quocunque Stilo, quinta Novembris eat. Illa Dies Letho BRITONUM devoverat Aulam; Letho Devotam sospitat illa dies. Ista dies duxit Sacra ad Miseranda Misellos; Adductos Sacris sustulit ista dies. Lapsa repentè domus vos irâ atroce peremit, Quêis fuit irâ atrox lapsa repentè Domus. Drury, cum Cerebro conspergis Pulpita vano, Dum spargis Cerebri Phasmata vana tui, Trabe peremptus obis, qui Lignea vivus adoras, Lignea vivus ades, Trabe peremptus obis; Ligna, Lapísque, manus in foedera dantia, mactant Hos, quibus in sacra sunt foedera Ligna, Lapis Quêis Crux coeca Deus (tenebrosa Magistra) colentes In tenebras Coecos coeca Magistra rapit. Ah! erit Exemplum cui non hoc triste timori, Tristis hic Exemplum triste timoris erit. Haec (Romista cave) Domus unâ ut corruit horâ, Vnâ sic horâ Roma, caveto, Ruet. I have nothing else to add of this sad disaster, A Caveat to Rome. save that the news thereof next Monday-morning, October the 27, was fresh in every man's mouth in His Majesty's Chapel in White-Hall; at what time the 13 Chap. of S. Luke's Gospel was read for the Lesson appointed for the day by the Rubric of the Church of England: Wherein near the beginning, Or those eighteen upon whom the Tower of Shilo fell and slew them, think ye that they were sinners above all men that dwelled in Jerusalem? I tell you nay: but except you repent, ye shall likewise perish. SECTION VII. TO THOMAS SHUGBOROUGH OF BYRDENBURY in Warwickeshire, Esquire. * Plut. in his Life. THemistocles was wont to say, That it was the best Music for a Man to hear his own Commendation. Should I play a Lesson thereof unto your ears, (insisting on your Bounty to public BOOKS) sure I am, the Tune would be more cheerful to me, than grateful to you, better pleased in deserving than hearing your own Encomium. I therefore will turn my praising of you, into praying for you, as more proportionable to my public Profession, and acceptable to your modest Disposition. MAny Papists not truly humbled with this late sad accident, The Archbishop's Letter against a Toleration. so demeaned themselves, that indeed most offensive was their insolence to all true Englishmen, the rather because it was generally reported, that His Majesty intended a Toleration of Religion, which made the Archbishop of Canterbury (though under a cloud for his disaster) to adventure humbly to present the King with his apprehensions, losing with some the reputation of a politic Statesman, but preserving with others the character of an honest down right Protestant. Which Letter, though sent and delivered with all privacy, came by some (whether his friends or foes, uncertain) to be generally known, and afterwards publicly printed, as followeth. May it please your Majesty, I have been too long silent, and am afraid, by my silence, I have neglected the duty of the place it hath pleased God to call me unto, and your Majesty to place me in. And now I humbly crave leave, I may discharge my conscience towards God, and my duty to your Majesty. And therefore I beseech your Majesty, give me leave freely to deliver myself, and then let your Majesty do with me what You please. Your Majesty hath propounded a Toleration of Religion: I beseech you Sir, take into Your consideration, what the Act is, next what the Consequence may be. By your Act you labour to set up that most damnable, and heretical Doctrine of the Church of Rome, the Whore of Babylon. How hateful will it be to God, and grievous unto Your good Subjects, the true Professors of the Gospel; that your Majesty, who hath often disputed, and learnedly written against those wicked Heresies, should now show Yourself a Patron of those Doctrines, which your Pen hath told the world, and Your conscience tells Yourself, are superstitious, idolatrous, and detestable. Add hereunto what You have done in sending the Prince into Spain, without the consent of your Council, the privity and approbation of Your people. And though, Sir, you have a large interest in the Prince, as the Son of Your flesh, yet hath the People a greater, as the Son of the Kingdom, upon whom (next after your Majesty) their eyes are fixed, and welfare depends. And so tenderly is His going apprehended, as, believe it Sir, however His return may be safe, yet the Drawers of Him to that action, so dangerous to Himself, so desperate to the Kingdom, will not pass away unquestioned, and unpunished. Besides, this Toleration which You endeavour to set up by Proclamation, cannot be done without a Parliament, unless your Majesty will let your Subjects see, that you will take unto Yourself a liberty to throw down the Laws of the Land at Your pleasure. What dreadfnll consequence these things may draw after them, I beseech your Majesty to consider. And above all, lest by this Toleration, and discontinuance of the true profession of the Gospel, whereby God hath blessed us, and under which this Kingdom hath for many years flourished, your Majesty do not draw upon the Kingdom in general, and yourself in particular, God's heavy wrath and indignation. Thus in discharge of my duty towards God, to your Majesty, and the place of my calling, I have taken humble boldness to deliver my conscience. And now, Sir, do with me what you please. 2. What effect this Letter took, Toleration the general table-talk argued. is unknown; sure it is, all men's mouths were filled with a discourse of a Toleration for, or against it. Some no professed Papists, but who lived at the sign of the Protestant, engage in their Arguments very earnestly in the defence thereof; whilst others were as zealous to prove a Toleration intolerable by Reasons drawn both from piety and policy. We will only instance in few out of many as they were bandied on both sides, and chief such as concern Religion. PRO. 1. Argument. The Papists of late were grown very peaceable, justly recovering the reputation of Loyal Subjects: in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, scarce escaped a year without a Treason from them; now they vied obedience with Protestants themselves. Pity it was but they should be encouraged, and their Loyalty fixed for ever, by granting them a Toleration. 2. We see the same liberty allowed the Hugonites in France, to whom the King permits their Churches, Ministers, Service, Sermons, Sacraments, according to the direction of their own Conscience. 3. The King of Spain would be highly affected with this savour allowed to the English Catholics, and this would fasten him in firm friendship to the English Crown, to which his amity for the present was not only useful, but necessary. 4. Truth will ever triumph over falsehood, and verity gain the victory of error, the Protestanisme notwithstanding the Toleration) would get ground on Popery by the demonstration of the Spirit in the Scriptures. 5. The Apish and mimical Popish Pageant, with the toys and trifles in the●: service, would render their Religion ridiculous. No danger that any wise man should ever be seduced thereby. 6. Protestant Ministers would be more painful in preaching, and careful in residing on their Cures, to keep them from infection. 7. The thing in effect was already allowed to Papists, who now (though privately) safely celebrated Mass in many places, which favourable connivance fell but little short of a Toleration. CON. 1. Answer. Papists were not more peaceable, but more politic than formerly for private ends. Though their practice more plausible, their Positions and Principles were as pernicious as ever before, viz: That Princes excommunicated may be deposed. No faith to be kept with Heretics. That the Pope etc. 2. The case is different. This liberty was not so much given to, as gotten by the Hugonites so numerous and puissant, it was conceived dangerous to deny them such Privileges. Thanks be to God not such as yet the condition of Catholics in England, whose Par●y was not so powerful, but certain by such a Toleration to be improved. 3. The necessity of h●s friendship at this time was only fancied ●y such as desired it. Besides, the King of heaven must not be offended, that the King of Spain may be pleased. 4. Though Truth itself be stronger than falsehood, yet generally the Promoters of falsehood are more active and sedulous than the Advancers of Truth. Besides, it is just with God upon the granting of such an unlawful Toleration to weaken the converting power of Truth, and strengthen the perverting power of Falsehood, giving the English over to be deluded thereby. 5. The world hath ever consisted of more fools than wise people, such who carry their judgement more in their eyes than in their brains; Popery being made Inscious to people's senses, too probably would court many to the embracing thereof. 6. It is no policy to let in the Wolf merely on design to make the Shepherds more watchful: Rather on the contrary, Protestant Ministers would be utterly disheartened in the performance of their place when the Parishioners were countenanced to desert them without any punishment. 7. If the Papists already have what they would have, let them be contented therewith. Why desire they any more? but indeed there is a grand difference betwixt a States winking at their wickedness for a time, and a formal and final tolerating thereof. During the former, Catholics sin on their own account, and at their own peril, the Laws though not executed standing in full force against them, but a public Toleration of their Superstition adopts the same to become the Act of the English Nation. Here it would be tedious to recite the Texts of Scripture (some more, The Pulpit is loud against the Toleration. some less proper to the purpose alleged by several persons against the Toleration: Ann. Dom. 1623. Ann. Regis Ja 21. some Typical, Thou a Deht. 22. 10. shalt not blow with an Ox and an Ass. Some Historical, God's Children must not speak two tongues. Ashdod, and b Neh. 13. 24. Hebrew. Some Doctrinal, We must not do evil that good c Rom. 3. 8. may come thereof. The best was, the Toleration bare date with the Spanish Match, with which it was propounded, and agitated, advanced, expected, desired by some; opposed, suspected, detested by others; and at last both together finally frustrated, and defeated. 3. Now was His Majesty informed, His Majesty's care to regulate Preaching. that it was high time, to apply some cure to the Pulpits, as sick of a Sermon-surfeit, and other exorbitances. Some meddled with State-matters, and generally (by an improper Transposition) the People's duty was preached to the King at Court, the Kings to the People in the Country. Many shallow Preachers handled the profound points of Predestination; wherein (pretending to guide their flocks) they lost themselves. Sermons were turned into Satyrs against Papists, or Non Conformists. 4. To repress the present, and prevent future mischiefs in this kind, His Majesty issued out His Directions to be written fair in every Registers Office, whence any Preacher (if so pleased) might with his own hand, take out Copies gratis, paying nothing for d Cabala part. 2. pag. 191. expedition. Herein, the King revived the primitive and profitable order of Catechising in the afternoon (better observed in all other Reformed Churches than of late in England) according to the tenor ensuing: Most Reverend Father in God, His Directions. right trusty and entirely beloved Counsellor We greet you well. FOrasmuch as the abuses and extravagancies of Preachers in the Pulpit have been in all times repressed in this Realm, by some Act of Council, or State, with the advice and resolution of grave and learned Prelates: Insomuch, that the very licensing of Preachers, had beginning by an Order of Star Chamber, the eighth day of July, in the 19th year of the Reign of King Henry the eighth, our Noble Predecessor: And whereas at this present, divers young Students, by reading of late Writers, and ungrounded Divines, do broach many times unprofitable, unsound seditions, and dangerous Doctrines, to the scandal of the Church, and disquiet of the State, and present Government: We, upon humble representations unto Us of these inconveniencies by yourself, and sundry other grave and reverend Prelates of this Church, as also, of our Princely care and Zeal for the extirpation of Schism, and dissension growing from these seeds, and for the settling of a religious and peaceable Government, both in Church, and Common wealth; do by these Our special Letters, straight charge and command you, to use all possible care, and diligence, that these Limitations and Cautions herewith sent unto you concerning Preachers, be duly and strictly from henceforth put in practice and observed by the several Bishops within your Jurisdiction. And to this end Our pleasure is, that you send them forthwith Copies of these Directions to be by them speedily sent and communicated unto every Parson, Vicar, Curate, Lecturer, and Minister, in every Cathedral, or Parish Church, within their several Diocese, and that you earnestly require them to employ their utmost endeavours, in the performance of this so important a business, letting them know that We have a special eye unto their proceed, and expect a strict account thereof, both of you, and every one of them: and these Our Letters shall be your sufficient Warrant and discharge in that behalf. Give under our Signet at Our Castle of Windsor the 4th of August, in the twentieth year of Our Reign. Directions concerning Preachers sent with the Letter. 1. THat no Preacher under the degree and calling of a Bishop, or Dean of a Cathedral, or Collegiate Church and they upon the King's days, and set Festivals) do take occasion (by the expounding of any Text of Scripture whatsoever to fall into any set Discourse or Common place, otherwise than by the opening the Cohaerence and Division of the Text, which shall not be comprehended and warranted in essence, substance, effect, or natural in ference, within some one of the Articles of Religion, set forth 1562. or in some of the Homilies set forth by authority of the Church of England. not only for the help of the Non-Preaching, but withal for a Pattern and Boundary as it were) for the Preaching Ministers. And for their further instructions for the performance hereof, that they forthwith read over and peruse diligently the said Book of Articles, and the two Books of Homilies. 2. That no Parson, Vicar, Curate, or Lecturer, shall preach any Sermons or Collation hereafter upon Sundays and Holidays in the afternoon in any Cathedral or Parish Church throughout the Kingdom, but upon some pare of the Catechism, or some Text taken out of the Creed, ten Commandments, or the Lord's Prayer, Funeral Sermons only excepted) and that those Preachers be most encouraged and approved of who spend the Afternoons exercise in the examination of Children in their Catechism, which is the most ancient and laudable custom of teaching in the Church of England. 3. That no Preacher of what title soever under the degree of a Bishop or Dean, at the least, do from henceforth presume to preach in any popular Auditory deep points of Predestination, Election, Reprobation, or of the Universality, Efficacy, Resistibility, or Irresistibility of GOD'S grace, but leave those themes rather to be handled by the Learned men, and that moderately and modestly by way of Use and Application, rather than by way of Positive Doctrines, being fit for the Schools than for simple Auditories. 4. That no Preacher of what title or denomination soever, from henceforth shall presume in any Auditory within this Kingdom, to declare, limit, or bound out, by way of Positive Doctrine in any Lecture, or Sermon, the Power, Prerogative, and Jurisdiction, Authority or Duty of Sovereign Princes, or otherwise meddle with matters of State, and the differences between Princes and the People, than as they are instructed, and (precedented in the Homilies of Obedience and the rest of the Homilies, and Articles of Religion, set forth, (as before is mentioned) by public Authority: but rather confine themselves wholly to those two heads, of faith and good life, which are all the subjects of the ancient Sermons, and Homilies. 5 That no Preacher of what title or denomination soever, shall presume caussesly, or (without invitation from the Text to fall into bitter investives and undecent railing speeches against the persons of either Papists, or Puri tans; but modestly and gravely, when they are occasioned thereunto by the Text of Scripture, free both the Doctrine, and the Discipline of the Church of England, from the aspersions of either Adversaries, especially where the Auditory is suspected to be tainted with the one or the other infection. 6. Lastly, that the Archbishops and Bishops of the Kingdom (whom His Majesty hath good cause to blame for their former remissness) be more wary and choice in their licensing of Preachers, and revoke all Grants made to any Chancellor, Official, or Commissary, to pass Licences in this kind, and that all the Lecturers throughout the Kingdom of England (a new body severed from the ancient Clergy, as being neither Parsons, Vicars, nor Curates) be licenced henceforward in the Court of Faculties, but only, from a Recommendation of the party, from the Bishop of the Diocese under his hand and seal, with a Fiat from the L. Archbishop of Canterbury, a Confirmation under the Great Seal of England. And that such as do transgress any one of these Directions, be suspended by the Bishop of the Diocese, or in his default by the Archbishop of the Province, ab Officio, & Beneficio, for a year and a day, until his Majesty by the advice of the next Convocation, shall prescribe some farther punishment. 5. No sooner were these the King's Declarations dispersed into every Diocese, Various censures on the King's Letters. but various were men's opinions thereof. Some counted it a cruel act, which cut off half the preaching in England (all afternoon-ermons) at one blow. Others thought the King did but Uti jure suo, doing not only what in justice He might, but what in prudence He ought in this juncture of time. But hear what I have heard and read in this case. Objections. Answers. 1. Christ grants Ministers their Commission, Go teach all Nations. S. Paul corroborates the same, Preach the word, be instant in season, out of season. Man therefore ought not to forbid, what God enjoins. 2. This is the way to starve souls by confining them to one meal a day: or, at the best by giving them only a mess of milk for their supper, and so to bed. 3. Such as are licenced to make Sermons, may be entrusted to choose their own Texts, and not in the Afternoons to be restrained to the Lords Prayer, Creed, and ten Commandments. 4. In prohibiting the preaching of Predestination, man makes that the forbidden fruit, which God appointed for the tree of life: so cordial the comforts contained therein to a distressed conscience. 5. Bishops and Deans (forsooth) and none under their dignity, may preach of Predestination. What is this but to have the word of God in respect of persons? As if all discretion were confined to Cathedral men, and they best able to preach who use it the least. 6. Papists and Puritans in the King's Letters are put into the same balance, and Papists in the prime scale first named, as preferred in the King's care, chief to secure them from Invectives in Sermons. 7. Lecturers are made such riddles in the King's Letters, reduceable to no Ministerial function in England. Whereas indeed the flower of piety, and power of godliness flourished most in those places where such Preachers are most countenanced. 1. Ministers, if commanded not at all to speak, or teach in the name of Jesus, are with the Apostles, to obey God rather than man. But vast the difference betwixt a total prohibition, and (as in this case) a prudential regulation of preaching. 2. Milk (catechetical Doctrine) is best for babes, which generally make up more than a moiety of every Congregation. 3. Such restraint hath liberty enough, seeing all things are clearly contained in, or justly reducible to these three, which are to be desired, believed, and performed. 4. Indeed Predestination, solidly and soberly handled, is an antidote against despair. But, as many ignorant Preachers ordered it, the cordial was turned into a poison; and therefore such mysteries might well be forborn by mean Ministers in popular Congregations. 5. It must be presumed that such of necessity must be of age and experience, and may in civility be believed of more than ordinary learning, before they attained such preferment. Besides, Cathedral Auditories being of a middle nature for understanding, (as beneath the University, so above common City and Country Congregations) are fit for such high points to be preached therein. 6. The King's Letter looks on both under the notion of guilty persons. Had Puritan been placed first, such as now take exception at their post-posing, would have collected, that the King esteemed them the greatest offenders. 7. Lectures are no creatures of the Church of England, by their original (like those mixed kinds, little better than monsters in nature, to which God, as here the State, never said, multiply and increase) and therefore the King had just cause to behold them with jealous eyes, who generally supplanted the Incumbents of Live in the affections of their Parishioners, and gave the greatest growth to Nonconformity. These Instructions from His Majesty were not pressed with equal rigour in all places, seeing some overactive Officials, more busy than their Bishops, tied up Preachers in the Afternoon to the very letter of the Catechism, questioning them if exceeding the questions and answers therein, as allowing them no liberty to dilate, and enlarge themselves thereupon. 6. Expect not of me a particular account of the politic intricacies touching the Spanish Match, A needless subject waved. or no Match rather. First, because Spanish, and so alien from my subject. Secondly, because the passages thereof are so largely and publicly in print. Thirdly, because in fine it proved nothing, though kept on foot so long, till K. James, by endeavouring to gain a Daughter-in Law, had in effect, lost His own Daughter, Her Husband, and Children, being reduced to great extremities. 7. Truly K. James never affected his Son in Law's acceptance of the Bobemian Crown, A Crown not joyed in. nor promised Himself any good success thence, though great the hope of the Germane Protestants therein. Indeed, some of them were too credulous of a blind Prophecy commonly currant amongst them, POST TER VIGINTI, CESSABIT GLORIA QUINTI. Expecting the ending of the Austrian Family, sixty years being now expired since the death of Charles the fift: but discreet persons slighted such vanities, and the Qvinti had like to have proved the extirpation of Frederick, fift of that name, Palatine of Rhyne; had not God almost miraculously lately countermanded it. 8. Yea, K. james accused by some. K. James privately foretold to some principal persons, that this matter would prove the ruin of his Daughter. There want not some who say, That he went about to virefie his own Prediction, by not sending seasonable succours for their assistance, who, had He turned His Embassies into Armies, might probably have prevented much Protestant misery. 9 Others excuse K. James, Defended by others. partly from the just hopes He had to accommodate all interests in a peaceable way; partly from the difficulty of conveying effectual forces into so fare distant a Country. 10. Mean time both the Palatinates were lost, Both the Palatinates lost. the Upper seized on by the Emperor, the Nether (but higher in value) by the King of Spain, the City of Heidelberg taken and plundered, and the inestimable Library of Books therein carried over the Alps on Mules backs to Rome. Each Mule laded with that learned burden, had a silver-plate on his forehead, wherein was engraven, FERO BIBLIOTHECAM PRINCIPIS PALATINI. Now those Books are placed in the Pope's Vatican, entituling Protestants to visit the place, who one day may have as good success, as now they have just right to recover them. 11. As for the Palatinate, Land of Promise; Now Land of Performance. Satirical tongues commonly called it the Land of Promise, so frequently and so solemnly was the restitution thereof promised to King James, fed only with delays, which amounted to mannerly denials. Since it hath pleased God to turn this Land of Promise into a * The nether Palatinate. Land of Performance, the present Palatine being peaceably possessed thereof. 12. Prince Charles, Prince Charles goes to Spain. with the Duke of Buckingham, lately went privately through France, where He saw the Lady, (whom afterwards He married) into Spain. It is questionable, whether then more blamed K. James for sending him, or afterwards blessed God for his safe return. Sumptuous his entertainment in the Spanish Court, where it was not the King's fault, but Kingdom's defect that any thing was wanting. He quickly discovered (the coursness of fine-pretending wares at distance are easily confuted near hand) that the Spanish State had no mind or meaning of a Match, as who demanded such unreasonable Liberty in education of the Royal Offspring (in case any were born betwixt them) and other Privileges for English Papists, that the King neither could nor would in honour or conscience consent thereunto. However, Prince Charles (whose person was in their power) took his fair farewell with courteous compliance. 12. Though He entered Spain like a private person, His return. * Sept. 12. He departed it like Himself, and the Son of his Father, * The Reader is requested to pardon our short setting back of time. a stately Fleet attending Him home. Foul weather forced them to put in at the Isse of Silly, (the parings of England, South-west of Cornwall) where in two days they fed on more, and better flesh than they found in Spain for many months. Octob. 5. 6. Soon after He arrived at Portesmouth, and the next day came to London, to the great rejoicing of all sorts of people, signified by their bonfires, ringing of bells, with other external expressions of joy. 13. King James now despaired of any restitution, The Palatinate beheld desperate. especially since the Duke of Bavaria was invested in the upper Palatinate, and so His Sons-in-law Land cantoned betwixt a Duke, a King, and an Emperor. Whose joint consent, being requisite to the restoring thereof, One would be sure to descent from the seeming-consenting of other two. Whereupon, King James not only broke off all treaty with Spain, but also called the great Council of his Kingdom together. 14. Indeed, An happy Parliament. the Malcontents in England used to say, That the King took Physic, and called Parliaments both alike, using both for mere need, and not caring for either how little time they lasted. But now there happened as sweet a compliance betwixt the King and his Subjects, as ever happened in man's memory, the King not ask more than what was granted. Both Houses in the Name of the whole Kingdom, promising their assistance with their lives and fortunes for the recovery of the Palatinate. A smart Petition was presented against the Papists, and order promised for the education of their Children in true Religion. 15. As for the Convocation contemporary with this Parliament, The Convocation. large Subsidies were granted by the Clergy, otherwise no great matter of moment passed therein. I am informed Doctor Joseph Hall preached the Latin Sermon, and Doctor Donne was the Prolocutor. 16. This is that Doctor Donne, Doctor Donne Prolocutor. born in London; (but extracted from Wales) by his Mother-side, great-great Grandchild to Sir Thomas More, whom he much resembled in his endowments; a great Traveller, first, Secretary to the Lord Egerton, and after by the persuasion of K. James, (and encouragement of Bishop Morton) entered into Orders, made Doctor of Divinity (of Trinity College in Cambridge) and Dean of S. Paul's, whose Life is no less truly than elegantly written by my worthily respected friend Mr. Isaac Walton, whence the Reader may store himself with further information. 17. A Book was translated out of the French Copy, A Book falsely fathered on I. Casaubon. by Abraham Darcye, entitled, [The Original of Idolatry:] pretended made by Dr. Isaac Casaubon, dead ten years before, dedicated to Prince Charles, but presented to King James, and all the Lords of the Council. A Book printed in French before the said Isaac Casaubon was born, whose name was fraudulently inserted in the Title-page of the foregoing Copy. 18. Merick Casaubon his Son then Student of Christs-Church, The falsehood detected. by Letter informed King James of the wrong done to his Father, by making him the Author of such a Book; contrary to his Genius and constant profession, being full of impertinent allegations, out of obscure and late Authors, whom his Father never thought worthy the reading, much less the using their Authority. His Majesty was much incensed hereat, and Doctor Mountain Bishop of London had much ado to make his Chaplains peace for licensing thereof, the Printer and Translator being for some time kept in Prison. 19 Yet after all this; Yet still con●hued. and after Merick Casaubon had written a Latin Vindication to give satisfaction to all, Ann. Regis Ja. 22. Ann. Dom. 1624. the same Translation since is printed in Amsterdam, with a Justificatory Preface of the former Edition. So impudent are some, falsely to father Books on worthy Authors, to make them more vendible for their own profit, though it discredit the memory of others. 20. The business of the Palatinate being now debated by martialists, None of the work counsel. the King's Council of War, dissuading from regaining it in kind, advised Him rather to recover it in value where he could with the best conveniency out of the Spanish Dominions: For, the Palatinate was not worth the rewinning, which (grant recovered by the English) could not recover itself for many years, such the havoc and waste made therein. Secondly, it was hard to be gotten, such the distance thereof; and harder to be kept, so ill-neighboured it was on all sides. So that the King if so pleased, might with as much honour, and more ease, carve out his own reparations nearer home. 21. During these Agitations, King james falleth sick. K. James fell sick at Theobalds' of a tertian Ague, commonly called in Spring; for a King rather Physical than dangerous. But soon after his Ague was heightened into a Fever; four mischiefs meeting therein. 22. First, A confluence of four mischiefs. the malignity of the Malady in itself, hard to be cured. Secondly, an aged Person, of sixty years' current. Thirdly, a plethoric Body, full of ill humours. Fourthly, the King's averseness to Physic, and impatience under it. Yet the last was quickly removed, above expectation, The King (contrary to His custom) being very orderable in all His sickness. Such sudden alterations, some apprehend, a certain prognostic of death, as if when men's minds acquire new qualities, they begin to habit and cloth themselves for a new world. 23. The Countess of Buckingham contracted much suspicion to herself, A plaster applied to His wrists, and her Son, for applying a plaster to the King's wrists, without the consent of His Physicians. And yet it plainly appeared, that Dr. John Remington of Dunmoe in Essex, made the same plaster: (one honest, able, and successful in his practice, who had cured many Patients by the same,) a piece whereof applied to the King, one eat down into His belly, without the least hurt or disturbance of nature. However, after the applying thereof, the King grew worse. 24. The Physicians refused to administer physic unto Him till the plasters were taken off, And Julip without the advice of His Physicians. which being done accordingly. His fift, sixth, and seventh fits were easier (as Dr. Chambers said.) On the Monday after, the plasters were laid on again without the advice of the Physicians, and His Majesty grew worse and worse. so that Mr. Hayes (the King's Chirurgeon) was called out of his bed to take off the plasters. Mr. Baker (the Duke's servant) made the King a Julip, which the Duke brought to the King with his own hand, of which the King drank twice, but refused the third time. After His death, a Bill was brought to the Physicians to sign, that the ingredients of the Julip and Plasters were safe: but most refused it, because they knew not whether the ingredients mentioned in the Bill were the same in the Julip and Plasters. This is the naked truth delivered by oath from the Physicians to a select Committee two years after, when the Parliament voted the Duke's act a transcendent presumption, though most thought it done without any ill intention. 25. Four days before His death, Catechised on His deathbed in His Faith and Charity. He desired to receive the Sacrament, and being demanded whether He was prepared in point of faith and charity for so great mysteries? 〈◊〉 24. He said, He was, and gave humble thanks to God for the same. Being desired to declare His faith, and what He thought of those Books He had written in that kind? He repeated the Articles of the Creed one by one, and said, He believed them all as they were received and expounded by that part of the Catholic Church which was established here in England: And said, with a kind of sprightfulness and vivacity, that whatever He had written of this Faith in his life, he was now ready to seal with his death. Being questioned in point of charity; He answered presently, that He forgave all men that offended Him, and desired to be forgiven by all Christians, whom He in any wise had offended. 26. Then after absolution read and pronounced, His death. He received the Sacrament, and some hours after. He professed to the standers by, that they could not imagine what ease and comfort he found in himself since the receiving hereof; And so quiedy resigned His soul to God, having reigned twenty two years and three days. 27. He was of a peaceable disposition. Of a peaceable nature. Indeed, when he first entered England, at Barwick, He himself gave fire to, and shot off a * Stows Chro. p. 819. piece of Ordnance, and that with good judgement. This was the only military act personally performed by Him. So that He may have seemed in that Cannon to have discharged War cut of England. 28. Coming to York, Made Nobility less respected by the commonness thereof. He was somewhat amazed with the equipage of the Northern Lords repairing unto Him, (especially with the Earl of Cumberland's) admiring there should be in England so many Kings; for less, He could not conjecture them, such the multitude and gallantry of their attendance. But (following the counsel of His English Secretary there present) He soon found a way to abate the formidable greatness of the English Nobility, by conferring Honour upon many persons, whereby Nobility was spread so broad, that it became very thin, which much lessened the ancient esteem thereof. 29. He was very eloquent in speech, His eloquence, whose Latin had no fault, but that it was too good for a King, whom carelessness (not curiosity) becomes in that kind. His Scotch tone he rather affected than declined: and though His speaking spoiled His speech in some English ears; yet the masculine worth of his set Orations, commanded reverence, if not admiration in all judicious hearers. But in common speaking, (as in His hunting he stood not on the cleanest but nearest way) He would never go about to make any expressions. 30. His wit was passing-sharp and piercing, And piercing wit. equally pleased in making and taking a smart jest, His Majesty so much stooping to His mirth, that He never refused that coin which he paid to other folk. This made Him please Himself so much in the company of Count Gondomer: and some will say, the King was contented (for reasons best known to Himself) to be deceived by him, and humoured into a peace to His own disadvantage. 31. Once, King James in an Afternoon was praising the plentiful provision of England, King james his return to Gondomer. especially for flesh, and fowl; adding, the like not to be had in all Spain, what one County here did afford. Yea, but my Master (quoth Gondomer, there present) hath the gold and silver in the East and West Indies: And I, by my Saul, (saith the King) have much ado to keep my men from taking it away from Him. To which the Don's Spanish gravity returned silence. 32. His judgement was most solid in matters of Divinity, Judicious, bountiful, and merciful. not fathering Books of others, (as some of His Predecessors) but His Works are allowed His own by His very adversaries. Most bountiful to all, especially to Scholars, no King of England ever doing (though His Successor suffered) more, to preserve the revenues of the English Hierarchy. Most merciful to Offenders, no one person of Honour (without parallel since the Conquest) being put to death in His Reign. In a word, He left His own Coffers empty, but His Subjects Chests full, the Land being never more wealthy; it being easier than to get, than since to save an estate. The end of the Reign of King JAMES. THE CHURCH-HISTORY OF BRITAIN. THE ELEVENTH BOOK. Containing the Reign of KING CHARLES. excepted, who in due time may be) happy in their Marriage, hopeful in their Issue. These five have all been of the same Christian Name. Yet is there no fear of Confusion, to the prejudice of your Pedigree, (which Heralds commonly in the like cases complain of) seeing each of them being, as eminent in their kind, so different in their eminency, are sufficiently distinguished by their own character to Posterity. Of these, the first a Judge; for his gravity and learning famous in his Generation. The second, a worthy Patriot, and bountiful Housekeeper; blessed in a numerous Issue, his four younger Sons, affording a Bishop to the Church; a Judge, and Peer to the State; a Commander to the Camp, and an Officer to the Court. The third, was the first Baron of the House, of whose worth I will say nothing, because I can never say enough. The fourth, your Honourable Father, who because he doth still, and may he long, survive; I cannot do the right which I would to his merit, without doing wrong, which I dare not to his modesty. You are the fift in a direct Line; and let me acquaint you with what the world expected, (not to say requireth of you) to dignify yourself with some select and peculiar desert, so to be differenced from your Ancestors, that your memory may not be mistaken, in the homonymy of your Christian Names; which, to me seemeth as improbable, as that a burnning-Beacon, (at a reasonable distance) should not be beheld; such the brightness of your parts, and advantage of your education. You was bred in that School which hath no superior in England; and successively in those two Universities, which have no equal in Europe. Such the stock of your native perfection, before graffed with the foreign accomplishments of your travels. So that men confidently promise themselves to read the best, last, and largest Edition of MERCATOR's ATLAS, in your experience and discourse. That good God who went with you out of your Native Country, and since watched over you in foreign parts, return with you in safety in due time, to his Glory, and your own Good, which is the daily desire of Your Honour's most devoted Servant, THOMAS FULLER. THE CHURCH-HISTORY OF BRITAIN. XVII. CENTURIE. 1. THe sad news of King James his death was soon brought to Whitehall, Anno Regis Caroli primi 1 Anno Dom. 1625 News of the King's death brought to White Hall. at that very instant, when Dr Land Bishop of St david's, was preaching therein. This caused him to a See his own Diatie on that day. March 27 Sunday May 14 break off his Sermon in the midst thereof, out of civil compliance with the sadness of the congregation: and the same day was King Charles proclaimed at White-Hall. 2. On the fourteenth of May following King James his funerals were performed very solemnly, His solemn funerals. in the Collegiate-Church at Westminster, his lively statue being presented on a magificent Hearse. King Charles was present thereat. For, though modern state used of late to lock up the chief Mourner in his Chamber, where his grief must be presumed too great for public appearance; yet the King caused this ceremony of sorrow so to yield to the substance thereof, and pomp herein to stoop to piety, that in his person he sorrowfully attended the funerals of his Father. 3. Dr. Williams, Dr. Williams his text, Sermon, and parallel betwixt K. Solomon and K. James. Lord Keeper and Bishop of Lincoln, preached the Sermon, taking for his Text 2 Chron. 9 29, 30. and part of the 31, verse. containing the happy reign, quiet death, and stately burial of King Solomon. The effect of his Sermon was to advance a parallel betwixt two peaceable Princes, King Solomon and King James. A parallel which willingly went, (not to say ran of its own accord) and when it chanced to stay, was fairly led on by the art, and ingenoitie of the Bishop, not enforcing, but improving the conformity betwixt these two Kings in ten particulars, all expressed in the Text, as we read in the vulgar Latin somewhat different from the new Translation. King Solomon, King James, 1. His eloquence, the rest of the words of Solomon. 2. His actions, and all that he did. 3. A well within to supply the same, and his wisdom. 4. The preservation thereof to eternity, Are they not written in the book of the acts of Solomon, made by Nathan the Prophet, Ahijah the Shilonite, and Iddo the Seer? 5. He reigned in Jerusalem, a great City, by him enlarged, and repaired. 6. Over all Israel, the whole Empire. 7. A great space of time, full forty years. 8. Then he slept, importing no sudden and violent dying, but a premeditate and affected kind of sleeping. 9 With his fathers, David especially, his Soul being disposed of in happiness. 10. And was buried in the City of David. 1. Had b Tacitus of Augustus. profluentem, & quae Principem deceret, eloquentiam. 2. Was eminent in his actions of Religion, Justice, War, and Peace. 3. So wise that there was nothing that any c pag. 59 would learn, which he was not able to teach. 4. As Trajan was nicknamed herba parietaria, a Wal-flower, because his name was engraven on every wall: so King James shall be called herba chartacea, the paper-flower, and his glory be read in d pag 61. in all writers. 5. He reigned in the capital City of London, by him much augmented. 6. Over great Britain, by him happily united, and other Dominions. 7. In all fifty eight (though over all Britain but two and twenty years) reigning as c pag. 6●. better, so also longer than King Solomon. 8. Left the world most resolved, most prepared, embracing his Grave for his Bed. 9 Reigning gloriously with God in Heaven. 10. Whilst his body was interred with all possible solemnity in King Henry the seventh his Chapel. Be it here remembered, that in this Parallel the Bishop premised to set forth Solomon, not in his full proportion, faults and all, but half-faced (imagine lusca as Apelles painted Antigonus to conceal the want of his eye) adding, that Solomon's vices could be no blemish to King James, who resembled him only in his choicest virtues. He concluded all with that verse Ecclesiasticus 30. 4. Though his Father die, yet he is as though he were not dead, for he hath left one behind him that is like himself: in application to his present Majesty. 4. Some Auditors, Exceptions taken at his Sermon. who came thither rather to observe than edify, cavil than observe, found, or made faults in the Sermon, censuring him for touching too often, and staying too long on an harsh string, three times straining the same, making eloquence too essential, and so absolutely necessary in a King, that the want thereof made Moses in a manner f pag. 16. refuse all Government though offered by God: that no g pag. 5. man ever got great power without eloquence; Near being the first of the Caesar's qui alienae facundiae eguit, who usurped another man's language to speak for him. Expressions which might be forborn in the presence of his Son, and Successor, whose impediment in speech was known to be great, and mistook to be greater. Some conceived him too long in praising the passed, too short in promising for the present King (though saying much of him in a little) and the Bishop's Adversaries (whereof then no want at Court) some took distaste, others made advantage thereof. Thus is it easier, and better for us to please one God, than many men with our Sermons. However the Sermon was publicly set forth by the Printer (but not the express command) of his Majesty, which gave but the steddier Mark to his enemies, noting the marginal notes thereof, and making all his Sermon the text of their captious interpretations. 5. Now began animosities to discover themselves in the Court, Discontents begin in the Court. whose sad influences operated many years after, many being discontented that on this change they received not proportionable advancement to their expectations. Anno Regis Car. 1. 1 Anno Dom. 1625 It is the prerogative of the King of Heaven alone, that he maketh all his Son's Heirs, all his Subjects Favourites, the gain of one being no loss to the other. Whereas the happiest Kings on Earth are unhappy herein, that unable to gratify all their Servants (having many Suitors for the same place) by conferring a favour on one, they disoblige all other competitors, conceiving themselves, as they make the estimate of their own deserts, as much (if not more) meriting the same preferment. 6. As for Doctor Preston he still continued, Dr Preston a great favourite and increased in the favour of the King, and Duke; it being much observed, that on the day of King James his death, he h S●e his Life pag. 503. road with Prince, and Duke, in a Coach shut down from Theobalds' to London, applying comfort now to one now to the other, on so sad an occasion. His party would persuade us, that he might have chose his own mitre, much commending the moderation of his mortified mind, denying all preferment which courted his acceptance; verifying the Anagram which a i Mr Ay●● of Lincoln's Inn. friend of his made on his name Johannes Prestonius, Enstas pius in honore. Indeed he was conceived to hold the Helm of his own party, able to steer it to what point he pleased, which made the Duke [as yet] much to desire his favour. 7. A book came forth called Appello Caesarem made by M. Montague. He formerly had been Fellow of King's College in Cambridge, Mr. Montague his character. at the present a Parson of Essex and Fellow of Eton. One much skilled in the Fathers, and Ecclesiastical Antiquity, and in the Latin and Greek Tongues. Our great k Mr. Selden in his book De Di●s Syris pag. 361. Antiquary confesseth as much (Graecè simul & Latinè doctus) though pens were brandished betwixt them: and virtues allowed by one's adversary may pass for undeniable truths. These his great parts were attended with tartness of writing, very sharp the neb of his pen, and much gall in his ink, against such as▪ opposed him. However, such the equability of the sharpness of his style he was unpartial therein, be he ancient or modern writer, Papist or Protestant, that stood in his way, they should all equally taste thereof. 8. Pass we from the Author to his Book, Sets forth his Appell● Caesa●em. whereof this was the occasion. He had lately written satirically enough against the Papists in consutation of The Gagger of Protestants: Now two Divines of Norwich Diocese, Mr. Yates, and Mr. Ward informed against him for dangerous errors of Arminianism and Popery, deserting our cause, in stead of defending it. M. Montague, in his own vindication, writes a second Book licenced by Francis White, Dean of Carlisle, finished, and partly printed in the reign of James, to whom the Author intended the dedication. But on King James his death, it seems it descended by succession on King Charles his Son, to whom Mr. Montague applied the words which Ockam once used to Lewes of Bavier, Emperor of Germany, Domine Imperator defend me gladio, & ego te defendam calamo, Lord Emperor defend me with thy Sword, and I will defend thee with my Pen. Many bitter passages in this his Book gave great exception, whereof largely, hereafter. 9 On Sunday being the twelfth of June, Queen Marry her first arrival at Dover. about seven of the clock at night, June 12. Queen Marie landed at Dover: at what time a piece of Ordinance being discharged from the Castle, flew in fitters, yet did no body any harm. Moe were fearful at the presage, than thankful for the providence. Next day, the King coming from Canterbury, met her at Dover, whence with all solemnity she was conducted to Sommerset-House in London, where a Chapel was new prepared for her devotion, with a Covent adjoining of Capuchin-Friers, according to the Articles of her Marriage. 10. A Parliament began at London, The King rescueth Mr. Montague from the House of Commons. wherein the first Statute agreed upon, was for the more strict observation of the Lordsday. Which day, as it first honoured the King (His Reign beginning thereon) so the King first honoured it by passing an Act for the greater solemnity thereof. Anno Regin Caroli 1 The House of Commons fell very heavy on Mr. Montague, for many bitter passages in his Book: who in all probability, had now been severely censured, but that the King himself was pleased to interpose in his behalf; July 7 Thursday 9 Saturday. signifying to the House, That those things which were then spoken, and determined concerning Montague, without his Privity, did not please Him; who by his Court-friends being employed in the King's Service, his Majesty signifiyed to the Parliament that he thought his Chaplains (whereof Mr. Montague was one) might have as much protection as the Servant of an ordinary Burgess: nevertheless his bond of two thousand pounds wherewith he was tailed, continued uncancelled, and was called on the next Parliament. 11. The Plague increasing in London, The Parliament removed to Oxford, and broke up in discontent. the Parliament was removed to Oxford. But alas! no avoiding God's hand. The infection followed, or rather met the Houses there, (whereof worthy Dr. Challenor died, much lamented) yet were the Members of Parliament, not so careful to save their own persons from the Plague, as to secure the Land from a worse, and more spreading contagion, the daily growth of Popery. In prevention whereof they presented a Petition to his Majesty, containing sixteen particulars, all which were most graciously answered by his Majesty, to their full satisfaction. Thus this meeting began hopefully, and cheerfully; proceeded turbulently, and suspiciously; broke off suddenly, and sorrowfully; the reason whereof is to be fetched from our Civil Historians. 12. The Convocation kept here, Dr. James his motion in the Convocation. is scarce worth the mentioning, seeing little the appearance thereat, nothing the performance therein. Dean Bowles, the Prolocurour, absented himself for fear of infection, Dr. Thomas Good officiating in his place, and their meeting was kept in the Chapel of Merton-Colledge. Here Dr. James that great Bookman, made a motion, that all Manuscript-fathers' in the Libraries of the Universities, and elsewhere in England, might be perused, and that such places in them as had been corrupted in Popish editions (much superstition being generated from such corruptions) might faithfully be printed, according to those ancient Copies. Indeed, though England at the dissolving of Abbeys lost more Manuscripts than any Country of Christendom (of her dimensions) ever had, yet still enough were left her, if well improved, to evidence the truth herein to all posterity. This design might have been much beneficial to the Protestant cause, if prosecuted with as great endeavour, as it was propounded with good intention: but, alas! this motion was ended, when it was ended, expiring in the place with the words of the mover thereof. 13. The King according to his late answer in the Parliament at Ox. The insolence of Papists seasonably restrained. Nou. 11. issued out a Commission to the Judges to see the Law against Recusants put in execution. This was read in all the Courts of Judicature at Reading (where Michaelmas Term was kept) and a letter directed to the Archbishop of Cant. to take special care for the discovery of Jesuits, Seminary Priests etc. within his Province. A necessary severity, seeing Papists (presuming on Protection by reason of the late Match) were grown very insolent. And a Popish Lord when the King was at Chapel was heard to prate on purpose louder in a Gallery adjoining then the Chaplain prayed, whereat the King was so moved that he sent him this message; Either come and do as we do, or I will make you prate further off. 14. In this, Several Writers against Mr. Montague. and the next year, many Books from persons of several abilities, and professions, were written against Mr. Montague, By 1. Dr. Sutcliffe, Dean of Exeter. One who was miles emeritus, age giving him a Supersedeas, save that his zeal would employ itself, and some conceived, that his choler became his old age. 2. Mr. Henry Burton, who then began to be well (as afterwards wards too well) known to the World. 3. Mr. Francus Rowse, a Layman by profession. 4. Mr. Yates, a Minister of Norfolk, formerly a Fellow of Emmanuel in Cambridge: he entitles his Book Ibus ad Caesarem. 5. Dr. Carleton, Bishop of Chichester. 6. Anthony Wootton, Divinitie-Professour in Gresham-Colledge. In this Army of Writers the strength is conceived to consist in the rear, and that the last wrote the solidest confutations. Of these six, Dean Sutcliffe is said to have chode hearty, Mr. Rowse meant honestly, Mr. Burton wrote plainly, Bishop Carleton very piously, Mr. Yates learnedly, and Mr. Wootton most solidly. 15. I remember not at this time any of Master Mountague's party engaged in print in his behalf. Mr. Montague left to de●end himself. Whether, because they conceived this their Champion, sufficient of himself to encounter all opposers; or, because they apprehended it unsafe (though of the same judgement) to justify a Book which was grown so generally offensive. Insomuch as his Majesty himself, sensible of his Subjects great distaste thereat (sounded by the Duke of Buckingham to that purpose) was resolved to leave Mr. Montague to stand or fall, Jan. 19 1611-16 according to the justice of his cause. The Duke imparted as much to Dr. Laud, Bishop of Saint david's, who conceived it of such ominous concernment, that he entered the same in his Diary, viz. I seem to see a cloud arising, and threatening the Church of England, God for his mercy dissipate it. 16. The day of the King's Coronation drawing near, A maim on the emblem of Peace. his Majesty sent to survey, and peruse the Regalia, or Royal Ornaments; which then were to be used. It happened that the left wing of the Dove on the Sceptre was quite broken off, by what casualty God himself knows. The King sent for Mr. Acton then his Goldsmith, commanding him that the very same should be set on again. The Goldsmith replied, that it was impossible to be done so fairly, but that some mark would remain thereof. To whom the King in some passion returned, l His Son succeeding his Father in that place and then present, attested to me the truth hereof. If you will not do it, another shall. Hereupon Mr. Acton carried it home, and got another Dove of Gold to be artificially set on; whereat, when brought back, his Majesty was well contented, as making no discovery thereof. 17. The Bishop of Lincoln, A Dilemma well waved. Lord-Keeper, was now daily descendant in the King's favour; who so highly distasted him, that he would not have him, as Dean of Westminster, to perform any part of His Coronation; yet so (was it a favour, or a trial?) that it was left to his free choice, to prefer any Prebendary of the Church to officiate in his place. The Bishop met with a Dilemma herein. To recommend Dr. Laud, Bishop of Saint david's (and Prebendary of Westminster) for that performance, was to grace one of his greatest enemies: to pass him by, and prefer a private Prebendary for that purpose before a Bishop, would seem unhandsome, and be interpreted a neglect of his own Order. To avoid all exceptions, he presented a list of all the Prebendaries of that Church, referring the election to his Majesty himself, who made choice of Dr. Laud, Bishop of Saint david's, for that attendance. 18. Dr. Senhouse, Feb 2. The Coronation Sermon. Bishop of Carlisle (Chaplain to the King when Prince) preached at the Coronation; his text,— And I will give unto thee a Crown of life. In some sort it may be said, that he preached his own funeral, dying shortly after; and even then the black Jaundice had so possessed him (a disease which hangs the face with mourning as against its burial) that all despaired of his recovery. Now, seeing this Coronation cometh within (if not the pales and Park) the purlieus of Ecclesiastical History, we will present so much thereof, as was acted in the Church of Westminster. Let Heralds marshal the solemnity of their advance from Westminster-Hall to this Church, The solemn advance to the Church. Anno Dom. 1625-2●. Anno Regis Car. 1. 1 where our pen takes the first possession of this subject. 19 But first we will premise the equipage, according to which they advanced from Westminster-Hall, to the Abbey-Church, in order as followeth. 1. The Aldermen of London two by two, ushered by an Herald. 2. Eighty Knights of the Bath in their Robes, each having an Esquire to support, and Page to attend him. 3. The King's Sergeants at Law, Solicitor, Attorney, Masters of Request, and Judges. 4. Privie-Counsellors that were Knights, and chief Officers of the King's Household. 5. Barons of the Kingdom, all bareheaded, in their Parliament-Robes, with swords by their sides. 6. The Bishops with Scarlet-gowns, and Lawn-sleeves, bareheaded. 7. The Vice-Counts, and Earls (not in their Parliament, but) in their Coronation-Robes, with Coronetted-Caps on their Heads. 8. The Officers of State for the day; whereof these are the principal. Sr. Richard Winn. Sr. George Goreing. The Lord Privie-Seal. The Archbishop of Canterbury. The Earl of Dorset carrying The first Sword naked. The Earl of Essex The second The Earl of Kent The third The Earl of Montgomerie The Spurs. The Earl of Sussex The Globe, and Cross upon it. The Bishop of London The Golden Cup for the Communion. The Bishop of Winchester The Golden Plate The Earl of Rutland The Sceptre. The marquis Hamilton The Sword of State naked. The Earl of Pembroke The Crown. The Lord Mayor in a crimson Velvet gown, carried a short Sceptre before the King, amongst the Sergeants. But I am not satisfied in the criticalness of his place. The Earl of Arundel, as earl-marshal of England, and the Duke of Buckingham, as Lord High-Constable of England for that day, went before his Majestity in this great solemnity. 20. The King entered at the West-gate of the Church, The manner of the King's Coronation. under a rich Canopy carried by the Barons of the Cinque-Ports, his own person being supported by Dr. Neyle Bishop of Durham on the one hand; and Dr. Lake, Bishop of Bath and Wells, on the other. His train being six yards long of purple Velvet, was held up by the Lord Compton (as belonging to the Robes) and the Lord Viscount Dorcester. Here he was met by the prebend's of Westminster (Bishop Laud supplying the Dean his place) in their rich Copes, who delivered into his Majesty's hand the Staff of King Edward the Confessor, with which he walked upto the Scaffold. 21. This was made of wood at the upper end of the Church, The fashion of the Scaffold. from the Choir to the Altar. His Majesty mounted it, none under the degree of a Baron standing thereon, save only the prebend's of Westminster who attended on the Altar, three Chairs were appointed for him in several places; one of Repose, the second the ancient Chair of Coronation, and the third (placed on an high square of five Stairs ascent) being the Chair of State. 22. All being settled and reposed, The King presented and accepted by the People. the Lord Archbishop did present his Majesty to the Lords and Commons, East, West, North, South, ask their minds four several times, if they did consent to the Coronation of King Charles their lawful Sovereign. The King mean time presented himself bareheaded: Anno Regis Car. 1. 1. Anno Dom. 1623-26 the consent being given four times with great acclamation, the King took his Chair of repose. 23. After the Sermon (whereof before) the L. Archbishop, Sworn and anointed. invested in a rich Coape, tendered to the King (kneeling down on cushions at the Communion-Table) a large Oath, than were his Majesty's Robes taken off him, and were offered on the Altar. He stood for a while stripped to his Doublet and Hose, which were of white Satin (with Ribbons on the Arms and Shoulders, to open them) and he appeared a proper Person to all that beheld him. Then was he led by the L. Archbishop and the Bishop of St. David's, and placed in the Chair of Coronation (a close Canopy being spread over him) the L. Archbishop anointing his head, shoulders, arms, and hands with a costly ointment, the Choir singing an Anthem of these words, Zadok the Priest anointed King Solomon. 24. Hence the King was led up in his Doublet and Hose with a white Coif on his head to the Communion Table, Solemnly Crowned, where Bishop Laud (Deputy for the Dean of Westminster) brought forth the ancient Habiliments of King Edward the Confessor, and put them upon him. Then was his Majesty brought back to the Chair of Coronation, and received the Crown of King Edward (presented by Bishop Laud, and) put on his head by the Archbishop of Canterbury. The Choir singing an Anthem, Thou shalt put a Crown of pure Gold upon his head. Whereupon the Earls and Viscounts put on their Crimson Velvet Caps with Coronets about them (the Barons and Bishops always standing bare headed) Then every Bishop came severally to his Majesty to bring his benediction upon him, and he in King Edward's Robes with the Crown upon his head, rose from his Chair, and did bow severally to every Bishop apart. 25. Then was King Edward's Sword girt about him, And gi●t with several Swords. which he took off again and offered up at the Communion Table with two Swords more (surely not in relation to Scotland and Ireland, but to some ancient Principalities his Predecessors enjoyed in France.) Then the Duke of Buckingam (as Master of the Horse) put on his Spurs, and thus completely crowned; his Majesty offered first Gold, than Silver at the Altar, and afterwards Bread and Wine which were to be used at the holy Communion. 26. Then was his Majesty conducted by the Nobility to the Throne upon that square B●fs of five ascents, Homage done by the Nobility to his Majesties the Choir singing Te deum. Here his Majesty took an Oath of homage from the Duke of Buckingam (as Lord high Constable for that day) and the Duke did swear all the Nobility besides to be Homagers to his Majesty at his Majesty's knees. 27. Then as many Earls and Barons as could conveniently stand about the Thrane, With their solemn oath. did lay their hands on the Crown on his Majesty's head, protesting to spend their bloods, to maintain it to him and his lawful Heirs. The Bishops severally kneeled down, but took no oath as the Barons did, the King kissing every one of them. 28. Then the King took a Scroll of parchment out of his bosom and gave it to the Lord Keeper Williams, A Pardon general granted who re●d it to the Commons four several times, East, West, North and South. The effect whereof was, that his Majesty did offer a pardon to all his Subjects-who would take it under his Broad-Seale. 29. From the Throne, The Communion concludes the solemnity. his Majesty was conducted to the Communion Table, where the Lord Archbishop kneeling on the North side, read prayers in the Choir; and sung the Nicene Creed. The Bishop of Landaff and N●●ich, read the Epistle and Gospel, with whom the Bishops of Durham and St. David's in rich Copes kneeled with his Majesty and received the Communion; the bread, from the Archbishop, the wine, from the Bishop of St. David's, his Majesty receiving last of all, whilst Gloria in excelsis was sung by the Choir, Anno Dom. 1625-26 Anno Regis Caroli 1 and some prayers read by the Archbishop concluded the solemnity. 30. The King after he had disrobed himself in King Edward's Chapel, The return to White-Hall came forth in a short Robe of red Velvet girt unto him, lined with Ermines, and a Crown of his own on his head set with very precious stones, and thus the Train going to the Barges on the water side returned to White Hall in the same order wherein they came, about three a clock in the afternoon. 31. I have insisted the longer on this Subject moved thereunto by this consideration, Our prolixity herein excused. that if it be the last Solemnity performed on an English King in this kind, Posterity will conceive my pains well bestowed, because on the last. But if hereafter Divine providence shall assign England another King, though the transactions herein be not wholly precedential, something of State may be chosen out grateful for imitation. 32. And here if a Blister was not, A soul mouth railer. it deserved to be on the fingers of that scandalous Pamphleteer, who hath written that King Charles was not Crowned like other Kings. Whereas all essentills of his Coronation were performed with as much ceremony as ever before, and all Robes of State used according to ancient prescription. But if he indulged his own fancy for the colour of his clothes, a White Suit etc. Persons meaner than Princes, have in greater matters assumed as much libery to themselves. 33. Indeed one Solemnity (no part of, Why the King road not through the City. but preface to the Coronation) was declined on good consideration. For whereas the Kings of England used to ride from the Tower, through the City to Westminster; King Charles went thither by water, out of double providence, to save health and wealth thereby. For though the infectious Air in the City of London had lately been corrected with a sharp Winter, yet was it not so amended, but that a just suspicion of danger did remain. Besides such a procession would have cost him threescore thousand Pounds, to be disbursed on Scarler for his Train. A sum which if then demanded of his Exchequer, would scarce receive a satisfactory answer thereunto; and surely some who since condemn him for want of state, in omitting this Royal Pageant, would have condemned him more for prodigality, had he made use thereof. 34. As for any other alterations in Prayers or Ceremonies, A memorable alteration in a Pageant, though heavily charged on Bishop Laud, are since conceived by unpartial people, done by a Committee, wherein (though the Bishop accused as most active) others did equally consent. Indeed a passage not in fashion, since the Reign of King Henry the sixth, was used in a prayer at this time. Obtineat gratiam huic populo sicut Aaron in Tabernaculo, Elizeus in Fluvio, Zacharias in Templo, sit Petrus in Clavae, Paulus in Dogmate. Let him obtain favour for this people like Aaron in the Tabernacle, Elisha in the Waters, Zacharias in the Temple, give him Peter's Key of discipline, Paul's Doctrine. This I may call a Protestant passage, though anciently used in Popish times, as fixing more spiritual power in the King, than the Pope will willingly allow, jealous that any should finger Peter's Keys save himself. 35. A few days after a Parliament began, A Conference at York House. Feb 6 11. wherein Mr. Montague was much troubled about his Book, but made a fhift by his powerful Friends to save himself. During the sitting whereof, at the instance and procurement of Robert Rich Earl of Warwick, a conference was Kept in York house, before the Duke of Buckingam and other Lords, betwixt Dr. Buckridge, Bishop of Rochester, and Dr. White, Dean of Carlisle, on the one side, and Dr. Morton Bishop of Coventry, and Dr. Preston on the other, about Arminian points, and chief the possibility of one elected to fall from grace. The passages of which conference ar● variously reported. For it is not in tongue combats, Anno Regin Carol. 1 Anno Dom. 1626-2● as in other battles, where the victory cannot be disguised, as discovering itself in keeping the field, number of the slain, Captives, and Colours taken. Whilst here no such visible effects appearing, the persons present were left to their liberty, to judge of the Conquest, as each one stood affected. However William Earl of Pembroke was heard to say, that none returned Arminians thence, save such who repaired thither with the same opinions. 36. Soon after a second conference was entertained, Feb. 17. A second on the same Subject. in the same place, on the same points, before the same Persons; betwixt Dr. White Dean of Carlisle, and Mr. Montague, on the on side; and Dr. Morton, Bishop of Lichfield, and Dr. Preston on the other. Dr. Preston carried it clear at the first, by dividing his adversaries, who quickly perceiving their error, pieced themselves together in a joint opposition against him. The passages also of this conference, are as differently related as the former. Some making it a a Thus the writer of Dr. Prestons' Life concludes the conquest on his side. clear conquest on one, some on the other side, and a third sort a drawn battle betwixt both. Thus the success of these meetings, answered neither the commendable intentions, nor hopeful expectations, of such who procured them. Now whilst other dare say, Universally of such conferences, what David saith of mankind, that of them b Psalm 14. 3. there is none that doth good, no not one, we dare only intimate, that (what Statesmen observe of Interviews betwixt Princes; so) these conferences betwixt Divines rather increase the differences than abate them. 37. The Bishop of Lincoln fell now through the Dukes, The Bishop of Lincoln loseth his Keeper's place. into the King's displeasure; and such who will read the late letters in the Cabala, may conjecture the cause thereof, but the certainty we leave to be reported by the Historians of the State; belonging in his Episcopal capacity to my pen, but as Lord Keeper properly to theirs. 38. The Bishop finding his own tottering condition, The Duke incensed against him. addressed himself to all who had intimacy with the Duke to reingratiate himself. But such After-games at Court seldom succeed. All would not do, for as Amicus omnium optimus was part of the Duke's Epitaph * On his Tomb in Westminster Chapel. , so no fiercer foe when displeased, and nothing under the Bishop's removal from his office would give him satisfaction. 39 Sir John Suckling was sent unto him from the King, The Bishop's wariness in resigning the Seal. to demand the broad Seal of him, which the cautious Bishop refused to surrender into his hands, to prevent such uses as might be made thereof (by him or others) in the interval betwixt this resigning it, and the Kings conferring it on another; but he charily locked it up in a Box, and sent the Box by the Knight, and Key thereof enclosed in a letter to his Majesty. 40. However his bruise was the less, But keeps his Bishopric. because he fell but from the first Loft and saved himself on the second Floere. Outed his Lord Keepership, but keeping his Bishopric of Lincoln and Deanarie of Westminster, though forced to part with the King's Purse, he held his own and that well replenished; And now he is retired to Bugden-great, where, whither greater his anger at his enemies for what he had lost, or gratitude to God, for what he had left, though others may conjecture, his own Conscience only could decide. Here we leave him at his hospitable Table, where sometimes he talked so loud, that his discourse at the second hand was heard to London, by those who bore no good will unto him. 41. An old Hall turned into a new College, A new College of an old Hall in Oxford was this year finished at Oxford. This formerly was called Broadegates Hall and had many Students therein, amongst whom Edmund Bonner afterwards Bishop of London (Scholar enough and Tyrant too much) had his education. But this place was not endowed with any Revenues till about this time, for Thomas Tisdale of Glimpton in the County of Oxford Esquire, bequeathed five thousand Pounds, wherewith Lands were purchased to the value of two hundred and fifty pounds per annum, Anno Dom 16●● Anno Regis Caroli 1 for the maintenance of seven Fellows and six Scholars. Afterwards Richard Wightwick Bachelor of Divinity, Rector of East-Isle in Berkshire, gave Lands to the yearly value of one hundred pounds, for the maintenance of three Fellows and four Scholars; whereupon petition being made to King James, this new College was erected, and a Charter of Mortmain of seven hundred pounds per annum, granted thereunto. 42. It was called Pembroke College, Called Pembroke College partly in respect to William Earl of Pembroke, than Chancellor of the University, partly in expectation to receive some favour from him. And probably had not that noble Lord died suddenly soon after, this College might have received more than a bare Name from him. The best, where a Child hath rich parents it needeth the less any gifts from the Godfather. Master's Benefactors Bishops Learned Writers. 1 Dr. Clayton 2 Dr. Langley King Charles, who gave the Patronage of St. Aldates the Church adjoining. So that this College consisteth of a Master, ten Fellows, and ten Scholars with other Students and Officers to the number of one hundred sixty nine. 43. The Doctor and the Duke were both of them unwilling to an openbreach, loved for to temporise and wait upon events. Surely Temperise here is taken in the Apostle sense, according to some * Dr. Prestons' Life, p 505. * Rom. 12. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ambiosius. copies, serving the Times. And henceforwards the Duke resolved to shake off the Doctor, who would not stick close unto him, betaking himself to the opposite Interest. Nor was the other surprised herein, as expecting the alteration long before. 44. By the late conferences at York-house it appeared, Dr. Preston declines in the Duke's favour. that by the Duke's cold carriage towards him (and smiling on his Opponents) Dr. Preston was now entering into the Autumn of the Duke's favour. Indeed they were well met, each observing, neither trusting other (as I read in the Doctor's Life, written by his judicious Pupil.) 45. This year concluded the life of Arthur Lakes, The death of godly Bishop Lakes. Warden of New-Colledge in Oxford, Master of St. Crosses, Dean of Worcester, and at last promoted Bishop of Bath and Wells, not so much by the power of his Brother Sir Thomas (Secretary to King James) as his own desert; as one whose piety may be justly exemplary to all of his Order. He seldom (if at all) is said to have dreamt, justly imputed, not to the dulness of his fancy, in which faculty he had no defect, but to the staidness of his judgement, wherein he did much excel, as by his learned Sermons doth appear.) 46. About the sametime Lancelot Andrews ended his religious life, The death and character of Bishop Andrews. born at Alhollows-Barking in London, Scholar, Fellow, and Master of Pembrook-Hall in Cambridge. Then Deane of Westminster, Bishop of Chicester, Ely, and at last of Winchester. The world wanted learning to know how learned this Man was, so skilled in all (especially oriental) Languages, that some conceive he might (if then living) almost have served as an INTERPRETER GENERAL at the confusion of Tongues. Nor are the Fathers more faithfully cited in his books, than lively copied out in his countenance and carriage, his gravity in a manner awing King James, who refrained from that mirth and liberty, in the presence of this Prelate, which otherwise he assumed to himself. He lieth buried in the Chapel of St. Marry Overees, having on his Monument a large, elegant a Stow's Survey of London, pag. , and TRUE Epitaph. 47. Since his death some have unjustly snarld at his memory, accusing him for covetousness, Anno Regis Car. 1. 2. Anno Dom 1626. Unjustly accused for Covetousness, who was neither rapax, to get by unjust courses (as a professed enemy to usury, simony, and bribery:) nor tenax, to hold money when just occasion called for it: for in his life time he repaired all places he lived in, and at his death left the main of his Estate to pious uses. Indeed he was wont to say, that Good Husbandry was good Divinity, the truth whereof no wise man will deny. 48. Another falls foully upon him for the ornaments of his Chapel as Popish and superstitious, And Superstition. in the b W. Prynne, in Canterbury's Doom, pag. 121 & sequenti●us. superabundant ceremonies thereof. To which I can say little; but this I dare affirm, that wheresoever he was a Parson, a Dean, or a Bishop, he never troubled Parish, College, or Diocese with pressing other ceremonies upon them, than such which he found used there before his coming thither. And it had not been amiss, if such who would be accounted his friends and admirers, had followed him in the footsteps of his moderation, content with the enjoying, without the enjoining their private practices, and opinions, on others. 49. As for such who causelessly have charged his Sermons as affected, Causelessly charged with affectation in his Sermons. and c Mr. Bayley in his Lade●sium Autocatacriton. surcharged with verbal allusions, when they themselves have set forth the like, it will then be time enough to make this Bishop's first defence, against their calumniations. Nor is it a wonder that the Master's Pen, was so in his writings, whose very Servant (a Lay man) was so successful in the same: I mean Mr. Henry Isackson (lately gone to God) the industrious Author of the useful Chronologie. 50. It is pity to part this Patron from his Chaplain, Nicholas Fuller his Chaplain, that profitable Critic. Nicholas Fuller, born, as I take it, in Hampshire, bred in Oxford, where he was Tutor to Sir Henry Walhop, who afterwards preferred him to the small Parsonage of Aldingeton in Wiltshire: And Robert Abbot, Bishop of Salisbury, made him Canon of that Church. Afterwards a Living of great value was sent by Bishop Andrews (the Patron d See Bishop And his funeral Sermon thereof) on the welcome errand to find out Mr. Fuller to accept the same, who was hardly contented to be surprised with a presentation thereunto; such his love to his former small Living and retired life. He was the Prince of all our English Critics; And whereas men of that tribe are generally morose, so that they cannot descent from another without disdaining, nor oppose without inveighing against him, it is hard to say whether more candour, learning, or judgement, was blended in his Miscellanies. By discovering how much Hebrew there is in the New-Testament-Greek, he cleareth many real difficulties from his verbal observations. 51. A Commission was granted unto five Bishops (whereof Bishop Laud of the Quorum) to suspend Archbishop Abbot from exercising his Authority any longer, 3 1627. Severe proceed against Archbishop Abbot: suspended from his Jurisdiction. because uncanonical for casual Homicide; the proceeding against him being generally condemned as overrigid and severe. 1. The Act was committed seven years since, in the reign of King James. 2. On a Commission then appointed for that purpose, he was cleared from all Irregularity, by Bishop Andrews, in Divinity; Sir Ed. Coke, in Common; and Sir Henr. Martin, in Canon Law. 3. It would be of dangerous consequence to condemn him by the Canons of foreign Counsels, which never were allowed any Legislative Power in this Land. 4. The Archbishop had manifested much remorse and self-affliction, for this (rather sad than sinful) act. 5. God may be presumed to have forgotten so much as there was of fault in the fact, and why then should man remember it: 6. Ever since he had executed his Jurisdiction without any interruption. 7. The Archbishop had both feet in the Grave, Anno Dom. 1627. Anno Regis Car. 1. 3 and all his whole Body likely soon after to follow them. 8. Such heighsning of Casual-Homicide, did ●avour of Intentional malice. The truth is, the Archbishops own stiffness and averseness to comply with the Court-Designes, advantaged his Adversaries against him, and made him the more obnoxious to the King's displeasure. But the blame did most light on Bishop Laud, men accounting this a kind of Filius ante diem, etc. As if not content to succeed, he endeavoured to supplant him; who might well have suffered his decayed old age to have died in honour: What needs the felling of the tree a falling? 52. However a double good accrued hereby to the Archbishop. Two good effects of a bad cause. First, he became the more beloved of Men: (the Country hath constantly a blessing for those, for whom the Court hath a curse.) And secondly, he may charitably be presumed to love God the more, whose service he did the better attend, being freed from the drudgery of the World, as that soul which hath the least of Martha, hath the most of Mary therein. 53. And although this Archbishop survived some years after, The character of Archbishop Abbot. yet it will be seasonable here for us to take a fair farewell of his memory, seeing henceforward he was buried to the World. He was bred in Oxford, Master of University College; an excellent Preacher, as appears by his Lectures on Jonah; Chaplain to the Earl of Dunbar (with whom he was once solemnly sent by King James into Scotland to preach there) and afterwards by his means promoted to the Archbishopric of Canterbury, haply according to his own; but sure I am above, if not against, the expectations of others; A grave man in his conversavion, and unblameable in his life. 54. Indeed it is charged on him that non amavit Gentem nostram, Accounted no great friend to the Clergy. he loved not our Nation, forsaking the Birds of his own feather to fly with others, and generally favouring the Laity above the Clergy, in all cases brought before him. But this he endeavoured to excuse to a private friend, by protesting he was himself so severe to the Clergy on purpose to rescue them from the severity of others, and to prevent the punishment of them from Lay Judges to their greater shame. 55. I also read in a nameless e In answer to the Pamphlet entitled, The Court and Character of King James, page 132. Author, Accused for the fautor of malcontents. that towards his death he was not only discontented himself, but his house was the randezvouz of all malcontents in Church and State: making midnight of noonday, by constant keeping of candle's light in his Chamber and Study; as also such visitants as repaired unto him, called themselves Nicodemits, because of their secret addresses. But a credible f Dr. Barnard his Household Chaplain. person, and one of his nearest relations knew nothing thereof, which with me much shaketh the probability of the report. And thus we leave this Archbishop, and the rest of his praises to be reported by the poor people of Gilford in Surrey, where he founded and endowed a fair Almshouse in the Town of his Nativity. 56. The King's Treasury now began to grow low, A Toleration blasted in Ireland. and his expenses to mount high. No wonder then if the Statesmen were much troubled to make up the distance betwixt his Exchequer and his Occasions. Amongst other designs, the Papists in Ireland (taking advantage of the King's wants) proffered to pay constantly 5000 Men, if they might but enjoy a Toleration. But that motion was crushed by the Bishops opposing it, and chief by Bishop Dounhams sermon in Dublin, on this Text, Luke 1. 74. That we being delivered from the hands of our Enemies might serve him without fear. 57 Many a man, Hopes to spring in England: sunk in his Estate in England, hath happily recovered it by removing into Ireland; whereas, by a contrary motion, this project, bankrupt in Ireland, presumed to make itself up in England: Where the Papists promised to maintain a proportion of Ships, on the aforesaid condition, of free exercise of their Religion. Anno Regis Car. 1. Anno Dom. Some were desirous the King should accept their tender, who might lawfully take what they were so forward to give, seeing no injury is done to them who are willing. 58. It was urged on the other side, But is rejected. that where such willingness to be injured proceeds from the Principle of an erroneous conscience, there their simplicity ought to be informed, not abused. Grant Papists so weak as to buy, Protestants should be more honest than to sell such base wares unto them. Such Ships must needs spring many leaks, rig'd, victualled, and manned withil-gotten money, gained by the sale of Souls. And here all the objections were revived, which in the reign of King James were improved against such a Toleration. 59 Here Sir John Savil interposed, Sir John Savil his motion. that if the King were pleased but to call on the Recusants to pay thirds (legally due to the Crown) it would prove a way more effectual and less offensive to raise a mass of Money: it being but just, who were so rich and free to purchase new Privileges, should first pay their old Penalties. This motion was listened unto, and Sir John (with some others) appointed for that purpose in the Counties beyond Trent, scarce a third of England in ground, but almost the half thereof for the growth of Recusants therein. But whether the Returns seasonably furnished the King's occasions is to me unknown. 60. It is suspicious that all such Projects to quench the thirst of the King's necessities proved no better than sucking-bottles, 4 1628. A Parliament called, which proves full of troubles. soon emptied, & but cold the liquor they afforded. Nothing so natural as the milk of the breast, I mean Subsidies granted by Parliament, which the King at this time assembled. But alas, to follow the Metaphor, both the breasts, the two Houses, were so sore with several grievances, that all money came from them with much pain and difficulty; the rather, because they complained of Doctrines destructive to their propriety, lately preached at Court. 61. For towards the end of this Session of Parliament Dr. Manwaring was severely censured for two Sermons he had preached and printed about the power of the King's Prerogative. Mr. Pimm's Speech against Dr. Manwaring. Such is the precipice of this matter (wherein each casual slip of my Pen may prove a deadly fall) that I had rather the Reader should take all from Mr. Pimm's mouth, than from my hand, who thus uttered himself: Master a Transcribed out of his Manuscript Speech. Speaker, June 9 I am to deliver from the Sub-Committee, a Charge against Mr. Manwaring, a Preacher and Doctor of Divinity, but a man so criminous that he hath turned his titles into accusations; for the better they are, the worse is he that hath dishonoured them. Here is a great Charge that lies upon him; it is great in itself, and great because it hath many great Charges in it: Serpens, qui Serpentem devorat, fit Draco; his Charge, having digested many Charges into it, is become a Monster of Charges. The main and great one is this; A plot and policy, to alter and subvert the frame and fabric of this State and Commonwealth. This is the great one, and it hath others in it, that gains it more greatness. For, to this end, he labours to infuse into the conscience of his Majesty, the persuasion of a power not bounding itself with Laws, which King James of famous memory calls, in his Speech in Parliament 1619, Tyranny, yea Tyranny accompanied with Perjury. 2. Secondly, He endeavours to persuade the consciences of the Subjects, that they are bound to obey illegal commands; yea, he damns them for not obeying them. 3. Thirdly, He robs the Subjects of the property of their goods. 4. Fourthly, He brands them that will not lose this property, with most scandalous and odious titles, to make them hateful both to Prince and People, so to set a division between the Head and Members, Anno Dom. 1628. Anno Regis Caroli 4 and between the Members themselves: 5. Fifthly, To the same end (not much unlike to Faux and his fellows) he seeks to blow up Parliaments and Parliamentary Power. These five being duly viewed, will appear to be so many Charges, and withal they make up the main and great Charge, A mischievous Plot to alter and subvert the frame and Government of this State and Commonwealth. And now that you may be sure that Mr. Manwaring, though he leave us no propriety in our Goods, yet he hath an absolute propriety in his Charge; Audite ipsam belluam, hear Mr. Manwaring by his own words making up his own Charge. Here he produced the Book, particularly insisting on pag. 19 29. and 30. in the first Sermon, pag. 35. 46. and 48 in the second Sermon. All which passages he heightened with much eloquence and acrimony; thus concluding his Speech, I have showed you an evil Tree that bringeth forth evil Fruit; and now it rests with you to determine, whether the following sentence shall follow, Cut it down and cast it into the fire. 62. Four days after the Parliament proceeded to his censure, The severe censure on the Doctor. June 13 consisting of eight particulars, it being ordered by the House of Lords against him, as followeth: 1. To be imprisoned during the pleasure of the House. 2. To be fined a thousand pounds. 3. To make his submission at the Bar in this House, and in the House of Commons, at the Bar there, in verbis conceptis, by a Committee of this House. 4. To be suspended from his Ministerial function three years, and in the mean time a sufficient preaching man to be provided out of the profits of his living, and this to be left to be performed by the Ecclesiastical Court. 5. To be disabled for ever hereafter from preaching at Court. 6. To be for ever disabled of having any Ecclesiastical Dignity in the Church of England. 7. To be uncapable of any secular Office or preferment. 8. That his Books are worthy to be burned, and his Majesty to be moved that it may be so in London, and both the Universities. But much of this censure was remitted, in consideration of the performance of his humble submission at both the Bars in Parliament: 63. Where he appeared on the three and twentieth of June following, His humble submission. 23 and on his knees, before both Houses, submitted himself, as followeth, with outward expression of sorrow: I do here in all sorrow of heart, and true repentance, acknowledge those many errors and indiscretions which I have committed in preaching and publishing the two Sermons of mine, which I called Religion and Allegiance, and my great fault in falling upon this theme again, and handling the same rashly, scandalously, and unadvisedly in my own Parish-Church in St. Giles in the fields, the fourth of May last past. I humbly acknowledge these three Sermons to have been full of dangerous passages and inferences, and scandalous aspersions, in most part of the same. And I do humbly acknowledge the just proceed of this Honourable House against me, and the just sentence and judgement passed upon me for my great offence. And I do from the bottom of my heart crave pardon of God, the King, and this Honourable House, and the Commonweal in general, and those worthy persons adjudged to be reflected upon by me in particular, for those great offences and errors. How this Doctor, Roger Manwaring (notwithstanding the foresaid censure) was afterwards preferred, first to the Deanarie of Worcester, next to the Bishopric of St. David's, God willing in due place thereof. 64. On Thursday the 26th. of this month, June 16. The Acts of this Parliament. ended the Session of Parliament, wherein little, relating to Religion, was concluded; save only that divers abuses on the Lordsday were restained: All Carrier's, Carters, Waggoners, Wain-men, Drovers of Cattles forbidden to travel there●n, on the forfeit of twenty shillings for every offence. Likewise, Butchers to lose six shillings and eight pence for killing or selling any victuals on that day. A Law was also made, That whosoever goeth himself, or sendeth others beyond the Seas to be trained up in Popery, etc. shall be disabled to sue, etc. and shall lose all his Goods, and shall forfeit all his Lands, etc. for life. Five entire Subsidies were granted to the King by the Spirituality, and the said Grant confirmed by the Act of this Parliament, which now was first prorogued to the twentieth of October following, and then, (on some intervening obstructions) put off to the twentieth of January when it began again. 65. As for the Convocation, Nothing done in th● Convocation. concurent [in time] with this Parliament, nothing considerable was acted therein. Dr. Thomas Winniff, Dean of Gloucester, preached the Latin Sermon; his text Acts 20. 28. Attendite ad vos ipsos, & totum gregem, etc. Dr. Curl was chosen Prolocutor: and a low voice would serve the turn where nothing was to be spoken. 66. On the twentieth of July following Dr. Preston died in his native Country of Northamptonshire, July 20 Tho death of Dr. Preston. near the place of his birth, of a consumption, and was buried at Fawsley, Mr. Dod preaching his funeral Sermon: An excellent Preacher, of whom Mr. Noy was wont to say, that he preached as if he knew God's Will: a subtle Disputant and great Politician; so that his Foes must confess, that (if not having too little of the Dove) he had enough of the Serpent. Some will not stick to say he had large parts of sufficient receipt to manage the Broad Seal itself, which if the condition had pleased him, was proffered unto him: For he might have been the Duke's right hand, though at last less than his little finger unto him: Who despairing that this Patriarch of the Presbyterian Party would bring off his side unto him, used him no longer who would not or could not be useful unto him. Most of this Doctor's posthume-books have been happy in their education, I mean in being well brought forth into the World, though all of them have not lighted on so good guardians: But his life is so largely and learnedly written by one of his own * Mr. The. Balle of Northampton. Pupils, that nothing can be added unto it. 67. About this time George Carleton, The death of Bishop Carleton. that grave and godly Bishop of Chichester ended his pious life. He was born at b Camden Brit in Northumberland. Norham in Northumberland, where his Father was the Keeper of that important Castle in the Marches; an employment speaking him wise and valiant, in those dangerous and warlike days. He was bred and brought up under Mr. Bernard Gilpin, that Apostolical man (whose Life he wrote in gratitude to his memory) and retained his youthful and Poetical studies fresh in his old age. He was selected by King James one of the five Divines sent over to the Synod of Dort. He wrote many small Tracts (one against Sir John Heydon, about judicial Astrology) which conjoined would amount to a great volume. Mr. Richard Montague, one of a different judgement, succeeded in his See, who at first met with some small opposition on the following occasion. 68 There is a solemnity performed before the consecration of every Bishop, Aug. 22. Mr. Mountagues Confirmation opposed. in this manner. The Royal assent being passed on his election, the Archbishop's Vicar-general proceeds to his Confirmation, commonly kept in B●w Church. A Process is issued forth to call all persons to appear, to show cause why the Elect there present should not be confirmed. For, seeing a Bishop is in a manner married to his See (save that hereafter he taketh his surname from his Wife, and not she from him) this ceremony is a kind of ask the Banes, to see if any can allege any lawful cause to forbid them. Now at the confirmation of Mr. Montague, when liberty was given to any objectors against him, one Mr. Humphreys (since a Parliament Colonel, lately deceased) and William Jones, a Stationer of London (who alone is mentioned in the Record) excepted against Mr. Montague, as unfitting for the Episcopal office, chief on this account, because lately censured by Parliament for his book, and rendered uncapable of all preferment in the Church. 69. But exception was taken at Jones his exceptions (which the Record calls praetensos articulos) as defective in some legal formalities. But the opposition ineffectual. I have been informed, it was alleged against him for bringing in his objections viuâ voce, and not by a Proctor, that Court adjudging all private persons effectually dumb, who speak not by one admitted to plead therein. Jones returned, that he could not get any Proctor, though pressing them importunately, and proffering them their fee, to present his exceptions, and therefore was necessitated o'er tenus there to allege them against Mr. Montague. The Register c Regist●um Cantuar. fol. 140. in anno 1628. mentioneth no particular defects in his exceptions, but Dr. Rives (Substitute at that time for the Vicar-general) declined to take any notice of them, and concludeth Jones amongst the contumacious, quòd nullo modo legitimè comparuit, nec aliquid in hac parte juxta juris exigentiam diceret, exciperet, vel opponeret. Yet this good Jones did Bishop Montague, that he caused his addresses to the King to procure a pardon, which was granted unto him, in form like those given at the Coronation, save that some particulars were inserted therein, for the pardoning of all errors heretofore committed, either in speaking, writing, or printing, whereby he might hereafter be questioned. The like at the same time was granted to Dr. Manwaring, on whom the rich Parsonage of Stanford Rivers in Essex was conferred, as void by Bishop Mountagues preferment. 70. An intention there was for the Bishop and all the company employed at his Confirmation, Caution seasonably used. to dine at a Tavern, but Dr. Thomas Rives utterly refused it, rendering this reason; that he had heard, that the dining at a Tavern gave all the colour to that far-spreading and long-lasting lie, of Matthew Parker his being consecrated at the Nagshead in Cheapside; and, for aught he knew, captious people would be ready to raise the like report on the same occasion. It being therefore Christian caution, not only to quench the fire of sin, but also (if possible) to put out the smoke of scandal, they removed their dining to another place. 71. On the twentieth of January the Parliament was reassembled, The Parliament dissolved. January 20 which died issueless (as I may say) the March following, leaving no Acts (abortions are no Children) completed behind it. Let the Reader who desireth farther instructions of the passages herein consult the Historians of the State. Indeed if the way were good, and weather fair, a traveller, to please his curiosity in seeing the Country, might adventure to ride a little out of the road; but he is none of the wisest, who in a tempest and miry way will lose time and leave his own journey. If pleasant and generally acceptable were the transactions in this Parliament, it might have tempted me to touch a little thereon, out of the tract of my church-story; but finding nothing but stirs and storms therein, I will only go on fair and softly in my beaten path of Ecclesiastical affairs. Bishop Land had no great cause to be a Mourner at the Funerals of this Parliament, having entered it in his Diary, that it endeavoured his destruction. 72. At this time Richard Smith (distinct from Henry Smith, Proclamation against the Bishop of Chalcedon. alias Lloyd, a Jesuit, whom some confound as the same person) being in title Bishop of Chalcedon in Greece, in truth a dangerous English Priest, acted and exercised Episcopal Jurisdiction over the Catholics here, by Commission from the Pope, appearing in his Pontisicalibus in Lancashire, with his Mitre and Crosier to the wonder of poor People, and conferring Orders, and the like. This was much offensive to the Regulars, March 24 as entrenching on their Privileges, who countermined him as much as they might. His Majesty, having notice of this Romish Agent, renewed his Proclamation (one of a former date taking no effect) for his apprehension, promising an hundred pounds to be presently paid to him that d●d it, besides all the profits which accrued to the Crown, as legally due from the person who entertained him. 72. However such as hid and harboured him, He flieth into France. were neither frighted with the penalty, nor flattered with the profit, to discover him. But Smith, conceiving his longer stay here to be dangerous, conveyed himself over into France, where he became a Confident of Cardinal Richelieu's. The conveniency and validity of his Episcopal power was made the subject of several Books which were written thereon, In favour of him. 1. N. de Maistre, a Sorbon- Priest, in his book entitled De persecutione Episcoporum, & De illustrissimo Antistite Chalcedonensi. 2. The Faculty of Paris, which censured all such as opposed him. In opposition to him. 1. Daniel, a Jesuit. 2. Horucan. 3. Lumley. 4. Nicolas Smith. This Chalcedon Smith wrote a book called The Prudential Balance, much commended by men of his own persuasion; and, for aught I know, is still alive. 74. Within the compass of this year died the Reverend Toby Matthew, The death and Character of Toby Matthew. Archbishop of York. He was born in the Somersetshire-side of Bristol, and in his childhood had a marvellous preservation, when with a fall he broke his foot, ankle, and small of his leg, which were so soon recovered to eye, d Sr. John Harington, in his continuation of Bishop Godwin's Catalogue of Bishops. use, sight, service, that not the least mark remained thereof. Coming to Oxford, he fixed at last in Christ-Church, and became Dean thereof. He was one of a proper person (such People, cateris paribus, and sometimes cateris imparibus, were preferred by the Queen) and an excellent Preacher, Campian himself confessing, that he did dominari in Concionibus. He was of a cheerful spirit, yet without any trespass on Episcopal gravity, there lying a real distinction between facetiousness and nugacitie. None could condemn him for his pleasant wit, though often he would condemn himself, as so habited therein, he could as well not be, as not be merry, and not take up an innocent jest as it lay in the way of his discourse. 75. One passage must not be forgotten. His gratitude unto God. After he had arrived at his greatness, he made one journey into the West, to visit his two Mothers; her that bare him at Bristol, and her that bred him in learning, the University of Oxford. Coming near to the latter, attended with a train suitable to his present condition, he was met almost with an equal number, who came out of Oxford to give him entertainment. Thus augmented with another troop, and remembering he had passed over a small water a poor Scholar, when first coming to the University, he kneeled down and took up the expression of Jacob, With my staff came I over this Jordan, and now I am become two Bands. I am credibly informed, that, mutatis mutandis, the same was performed by his Predecessor, Archbishop Hutton at Sophister's Hills nigh Cambridge, and am so far from distrusting either, that I believe both. 76. He died yearly in report, Died yearly. and I doubt not, but that in the Apostles sense he died daily in his mortifying meditations. He went over the graves of many who looked for his Archbishopric; I will not say they catched a cold in waiting barefoot for a living man's shoes. His wife, the Daughter of Bishop Barlow (a Confessor in Queen Mary's days) was a prudent, and a provident matron. Anno Dom. 1528 Of this extraction came Sir Toby Matthew, having all his Father's name, many of his natural parts, few of his moral virtues, fewer of his spiritual graces, as being an inveterate enemy to the Protestant Religion. George Mountain succeeded him, scarce warm in his Church before cold in his Coffin, as not continuing many months therein. 77. I humbly crave the Readers Pardon for omitting due time of the death of reverend Dr. Nicholas Felton Bishop of Ely, The death of Bishop Felton. as buried before (though dying some days after) Bishop Andrews: and indeed great was the conformity betwixt them. Both being Sons of Seafaring * Bishop Andrews in London, and Felton in Yarmouth. Men, (who by God's blessing on their industry, attained comfortable estates) both Scholars, Fellows, and Masters of Pembroke Hall, both great Scholars, painful Preachers in London for many years, with no less profit to others than credit to themselves, both successively Bishops of Ely. This Bishop Felton had a sound Head and a sanctified Heart, beloved of God, and all good men, very Hospitable to all, and charitable to the poor. He died the 5. of October 1626., and lieth buried under the Communion Table in St. Antholins' in London, whereof he had been Minister for twenty * Attested unto me by John Norgate his Son in Law. eight years. One (whilst a private man) happy in his Curates (whereof two Dr. Bowlles, and Dr. Westfield afterwards became Bishops) and (when a Bishop) no less happy in his learned and religious Chaplains. TO JOHN CARY, OF STANSTED in HARTFORD-SHIRE, Esq RAre is your happiness in leaving the Court, before it left you. Not in deserting your attendance on your Master, (of whom none more constantly observant) but in quitting such vanities, which the Court then in Power did tender, and You, then in Prime, might have accepted. Whilst you seasonably retrenched yourself, and reduced your Soul to an Holy Seriousness, declining such expensive Recreations, (on Principles of Piety, as well as Providence) wherewith your Youth was so much affected. And now Sir, seeing you are so judicious in RACING, give me leave to prosecute the Apostles Metaphor, in applying my best wishes to you and to your worthy Lady, which hath repaired the Losses caused by Loyalty, so that you have found in a virtuous Mate, what you have lost for a gracious Master. Heaven is your Mark, Christ your way thither, the Word the way to Christ, God's Spirit the Guide to both. When in this Race Impatience shall make you to tyre, or Ignorance to stray, or Idleness or Weakness to stumble, or Wilfulness to fall; may Repentance raise you, Faith quicken you, Patience strengthen you, till Perseverance bring you both to the Mark. 1. QUeen Mary surprised with some fright, Anno Regis Carol. 5 Anno Dom. 1629 The birth and death of Pr. Charles. (as is generally believed) antedated the time of her travel by some weeks, and was delivered of a Son. Wednesday May 13. But a greater acceleration was endeavoured in his Baptism, than what happened at his Birth, such the forwardness of the Popish Priests, to snatch him from the hands of those as dressed him, had not the care of K. Charles prevented t●em, assigning Dr. Web (then waiting his Month) to christian him. He died about an hour after; the King very patiently bearing the loss, as receiving the first fruits of some of his Subjects estates, Anno Dom. 1629 Anno Regis Carolis and as willingly paying those of his own Body, to the King of Heaven. 2. The University of Oxford, Oxford Muses. (Cambridge being then heavily infected with the Plague) at once in their verses congratulated the safe Birth, and condoled the short life of this Prince, and a Tetrastich, made by one of Christi-Church, (thus in making his address to the Queen) I must not omit. Quòd Lucina tuos semel est frustrata Labores, Nec fortunantes praebuit illa manus, Ignoscas Regina: uno molimine Ventris, Non potuit Princeps ad triae Regna dari. This Prince the next day after was buried by Bishop Laud in the Chapel at Westminster. 3. During the sitting of the last Parliament, Dr. Leighton his ra●ling Book. May 14 one Leighton a Scotish-man presented a Book unto them: had he been an English man, we durst call him a Furious, and now will term him a fiery (whence kindled let other guess) Writer. His Book consisted of a continued railing, from the beginaing to the end; exciting the Parliament and People to kill all the Bishops, and to smite them under the fifth Rib. He bitterly enveyed against the Queen calling her a Daughter of Heth, a Canaanite and Idolatress, and ZIONSPLEA was the specious Title of his Pamplhet; for which he was sentenced in the Star-chamber, to be whipped and stigmatised, to have his ears cropped and nose slit. But betwixt the pronouncing and inflicting this Censure, he makes his escape into Bedford-shire. 4. The Warden of the Fleet was in a Bushel of Troubles about his escape, Recovered (after his escape) and severely punished. though alleging that some helped him over the wall, and that he himself knew nothing thereof till the noon after. But no plea seemed available for one in his place but either the keeping, or recovering of his Prisoner; unfortunate in the former, he was happy in the latter, & brought him back into his custody; so that the aforesaid censure was inflicted on him. It is remarkable, that amongst the many accusations charged on Archbishop Laud at his trial, the severity on Leighton is not at all mentioned, chief because (though he might be suspected active therein) his faults were of so high a nature none then or since dare appear in his defence. The Papists boast that they have beyond the Seas, with them, his Son of an other persuasion. 5. Some three years since, Feoffees to buy in impropriations. certain feoffees were (though not incorporated by the King's Letters Patent, or any Act of Parliament) legally settled in trust to purchase in impropriations with their own and other well disposed Persons money, and with their profit to set up and maintain a constant preaching Ministry in places of greatest need, where the word was most wanting. These consisted of a number neither too few, as the work should burden them, nor so many, as might be a burden to the work, twelve in all, diversely qualified. 1 William Gouge 2 Richard Sibbs Drs. in Divinity. 3 C. Offspring 4 J. Davenport 5 Ralph Eyre 6 S. Brown of Lincoln's Inn. 7 C. Sherland 8 John White of Gray's Inn. Middle Temple. 9 John Jeering 10 Richard Davis 11 George Harwood 12 Francis Bridges Citizens. Here were four Divines, Anno Regis Caroli 6 Anno Dom. 1950. to persuade men's consciences, four Lawyers to draw all conveyances, and four Citizens who commanded rich Coffers, wanting nothing, save (what since doth all things) some Swordmen, to defend all the rest. Besides these the Capemerchants (as I may term them) there were other inferior Factors, Mr. Foxley, etc. who were employed by appointment, or of officiousness employed themselves in this design. 6. It is incredible, Begin and precceed hopefully. what large sums were advanced in a short time towards so laudable an employment. There are indeed in England of Parish Churches, nine thousand two hundred eighty four, endowed with Glebe and Tithes. But of these, (when these Feoffees entered on their work) three thousand eight hundred forty five were either or Appropriated to Bishops, Cathedrals and Colleges, Impropriated (as Lay-fees) to private persons, as formerly belonging to Abbeys. The redeeming and restoring of the latter, was these Feoffees design, and it was verily believed (if not obstructed in their end ●●vours) within fifty years, rather Purchases then Money would have been wanting unto them, buying them generally (as Candle-rents) at or under twelve year's valuation. My Pen passing by them at the present, may safely salute them with a God speed, as neither seeing nor suspecting any danger in the Design. 7. Richard Smith titulary Bishop of Chalcedon taking his honour from Greece, The Bishop of Chalcedon his hyiscopizing in England his profit from England (where he Bishoped it over all the Romtsh Catholics) was now very busy in his employment. But when, where and how oft he acted here, is past our discovery, it being never known when Men of his profession come hither, till they be caught here. Now if any demand why the Pope did not entitle him to some English rather then this Grecian Bishopric (the grant of both being but of the same price of his Holiness his breath, and the confirmation equally cheap in wax and parchment) especially seeing that in Ireland he had made Anti-Bishops to all Sees, it is easy for one (though none of his Comclave) to conjecture. For in Ireland he had in every Diocese and Parish a Counterpart of People for number and quality, which he had not in England, and therefore to entitle Bishops here, had but rendered it the more ridiculous in the granter, and dangerous in the accepter thereof. 8. Nicholas Smith a Regular, June 1 Opposed by Nicholas Smith. (and perchance a Jesuit) much stomached the advancement and activity of Richard Smith Bishop of Chalcedon and wrote bitterly against him, the hammer of one Smith clashing against another. He fell foul also on Dr. Kellison Precedent of the College of Dowag, who lately set forth a Treatise of the Dignity and necessity of Bishop and Secular Clergy, generally opposing his Doctrine, and particularly in relation to the English Bishops, instancing in the following exceptions. 9 First a Bishop over the English was useless, Alleging a Bishop over English Catholics useless in persecutiou. and might well be spared in times of persecution, there being but two pecu●iar performances of a Bishop. viz. Ordination and Confirmation. For the former it might be supplied by Foreign Bishops; the Priests of our English nation being generally bred beyond the Seas. As for confirmation of the Children of English Catholics, he much decried the necessity thereof (though not so far as to un-seven the Sacraments of the Church of Rome) affirming it out of St. * 3. p. q. 79. art. 21. ad 1. Thomas of Aquin, and other Divines, that, by commission from the Pope, a Priest, though no Bishop, might confirm. To this Dr. Kellison his Scholar (or themselves under the vizard) replied, that in the definition of St. Cyprian. A Church was a people united to its Bishop, and therefore an absolutenecessity of that function. 10. Secondly he was burdensome to the Church, And burdensome. considering the present pressures of poor English Catholics, needing now no unnecessary expenses for the maintenance of the Bishop and his Agents. To this it was answered, that Mr. Nicholas Smith, and his Brothers, Regulars, daily put the Catholics to fare greater charges, Reply to Mr. N. Smith pag. 294. as * Gen. 49. appeareth by the stately Houses, Purchases etc. Indeed generally the little finger of a Jesuit was conceived, in his entertainment, heavier than the Loins of a Secular. Mean time in what care were our English Lay Catholics, with Issachar couching down between two burdens, bearing the weight of both Regulars and Seculars? But who need pity them who will not pity themselves? 11. Thirdly, And this Bishop no Ordinary. he took exceptions at the person of this Bishop of Chalcedon, as not lawfully called in Canonical Criticism. First, because not estated in his Episcopal inspection over England, during his life (as a Bishop ought to be) but only constituted ad beneplacitum Papae, at the pleasure of the Pope, which restriction destroyeth his being a Lawful Ordinary. Secondly, he carpeth at him as made by Delegation and Commission, and therefore a Delegate not an Ordinary. To which the other replied, that even Legates have that clause in their Commission, limited to the Pope's pleasure, and yet no Catholic will question them to be Lawful Ordinaries. As to the second exception, the same (saith he) doth not dest●●●y his Ordinary-ship, but only showeth he was made an Ordinary, in an extraordinary manner: which distinction how fare it will hold good in the Canon Law, let those inquire who are concerned therein. 12. Notwithstanding Dr. Kellison his confutation, Regulars pride & proposition condemned. the insolency of the Regulars daily increased in England, so that they themselves may seem the most seculars; so fixed were they to the wealth and vanity of this world. The Irish Regulars exceeded the English in pride, maintaining (amongst other printed propositions) that the Superiors of Regulars are more worthy than Bishops themselves, because the honour of the Pastor is to be measured from the condition of the Flock: quemadmodum Opilio dignior est subulco, as a Shepherd is of more esteem than a Hoggard. In application of the first to themselves, the last to the Seculars, it is hard to say whether their pride was more in their own praise, or charity less in condemning of others. It was therefore high time for the Doctors of Sorbone in Paris (who for many ages have maintained in their College, 1630-31 January 15 30. the hereditary reputation of learning) to take these Regulars to task. Sixty of the Sorbone Doctors censured the aforesaid proposition, and the Archbishop of Paris condemned the Book of Nicholas Smith, as also another tending to the same subject, made by one Daniel a Jesuit. 13. On what terms the Regulars and Seculars stand in England at this day, Quere whether now reconciled I neither know nor list to inquire. Probably they have learned wit from our woes, and our late sad differences have occasioned their reconcilement. Only I learn this distinction from them, the Catholics * Reply to Mr. N. Smith preface p. 20. as Catholics agree always in matters of faith, but the best Catholics as men may vary in their opinions. I hope they will allow to us, what liberty they assume to themselves. March 14. Dr. Bishop Davenant his Sermon at Court. John Davenant Bishop of Salisbury preached his course on a Sunday in Lent at White-Hall before the King and Court, finishing a Text Rom. 6. 23. the former part whereof he had handled the year before. In prosecution whereof it seems he was conceived to fall on some forbidden points, in so much that his Majesty (whether at first by his own inclination, or others instigation, is uncertain) manifested much displeasure there at. Sermon ending his Adversaries at Court hoped hereby to make him fall totally and finally from the King's favour, though missing their mark herein, as in fine it did appear. 15. Two days after he was called before the Privy Council; For which he is convented before the Council. where he presented himself on his knees, and so had still continued for any favour he found from any of his own function there present. But the Temporal Lords bade him arise and stand to his own defence, being as yet only accused, not convicted. Dr. Harsenet Archbishop of York managed all the business against him (Bishop Laud walking by all the while in silence spoke not one word) making a long oration uttered with much vehemency to this effect. First, He magnified King James his bounty unto him, Anno Regis Caroli 6 Anno Dom. 1630-31 who from a private Master of a College in Cambridge (without any other immediate preferment) advanced him by an unusual rise to the great and rich Bishopric of Salisbury. Secondly, He extolled the piety and prudence of King Charles in setting forth lately an useful Declaration, wherein he had commanded that many intricate questions tending more to distraction then edification of people, should utterly be forborn in preaching, and which had already produced much peace in the Church. Thirdly, He aggravated the heinousness of the Bishop's offence, who so ill requited his Majesty's favour unto him, as to offer in his own presence, in so great an Auditory to break his Declaration, inviting others by his example to do the like. Fourthly, that high contempt was the lowest term could be given to such an offence, seeing ignorance could in no probability be pretended in a person of his reputed learning and eminent Profession. What the other answered hereunto will best appear by his own letter written to his worthy friend Doctor Ward, giving him an exact account of all proceed herein in manner as followeth. 16. As for my Court business, Bishop Davenant his relation of the whole matter in his letter to Doctor Ward. though it grieved me that the established Doctrine of our Church should be distasted, yet it grieved me the less, because the truth of what I delivered was acknowledged even by those which thought fit to have me questioned, for the delivery of it. Presently after my Sermon was ended, it was signified unto me by my L. of York, and my L. of Winchester, and my L. Chamberlain, that his Majesty was much displeased, that I had stirred this question which he had forbidden to be meddled withal, one way or other: My answer was that I had delivered nothing, but the received Doctrine of our Church established in the 17 Article, and that I was ready to justify the truth of what I had then taught. Their answer was, the Doctrine was not gainsaid, but his Highness had given command, these questions should not be debated, and therefore he took it more offensively that any should be so bold, as in his own hearing to break his royal commands. And here my L. of York aggravated the offence, from many other circumstances. My reply was only this. That I never understood that his Majesty had forbid a bandling of any Doctrine comprised in the Articles of our Church, but only raising of new questions, or adding of new sense thereunto, which I had not done, nor ever should do. This was all that passed betwixt us on Sunday night after my Sermon. The matter thus rested, and I heard no more of it, till coming unto the Tuesday Sermon, one of the Clerks of the Council told me, that I was to attend at the Council-table, the next day at two of the clock. I told him I would wait upon their Lordships at the hour appointed. When I came thither, my L. of York made a speech well-nigh of half an hour long, aggravating the boldness of mine offence, and showing many inconveniences that it was likely to draw after it. And he much insisted upon this, what good effect his Majesty's Declaration had wrought, how these controversies had ever since been buried in silence, no man meddling with them one way or other. When his Grace had finished his speech, I desired the Lords, that since I was called thither as an offender, I might not be put to answer a long speech upon the sudden, but that my Lord's grace would be pleased to charge me point by point, and so to receive my answer, for I did not yet understand wherein I had broken any commandment of his Majesties, which my Lord i● his whole discourse took for granted. Having made this motion, I gave no further answer, and all the Lords were silent for a while. At length my Lord's Grace said I knew well enough the point which was urged against me, namely the breach of the King's Declaration. Then I stood upon this Defence, that the Doctrine of Predestination which I taught, was not forbidden by the Declaration: First, because in the Declaration all the Articles are established, amongst which, the Article of Predestination is one. Secondly, because all Ministers are urged to subscribe unto the truth of the Article, and all Subjects to continue in the profession of that as well as of the rest. Upon these and such like grounds, I gathered, it could not be esteemed amongst forbidden, curious, or needless Doctrines; and here I desired that out of any Clause in the Declaration it might be showed me, that keeping myself within the bounds of the Article, I had transgressed his Majesty's command; but the Declaration was not produced, nor any particular words in it; only this was urged that the Kings will was, that for the peace of the Church these high questions should be forborn. My answer then was, that I was sorry I understood not his Majesty's intention, which if I had done before, I should have made choice of some other matter to entreat of, which might have given none offence; and that for the time to come, I should conform myself as readily as any other to his Majesty's command. The Earl of Arundel seemed to approve of this my answer, and withal advised me to proceed no further in my defence. This in substance all which was done or said in this matter, and so I was dismissed. The Lords said nothing either in approbation of what I had alleged, to show that I had not wittingly broken the Kings known command, or in confirmation of the contrary, urged against me by my Lord's Grace. At my departure I entreated their Lordships to let his Majesty understand, that I had not boldly, or wilfully and wittingly, against his Declaration, meddled with the forenamed point; and that now understanding fully his Majesty's mind, and inten●ion, I should humbly yield obedience thereunto. This business thus ended, I went the next day to my L. Chamberlain, and entreated him to do me the favour, that I might be brought to kiss the King's hand, before I went out of Town, which his Lordship most readily promised and performed. When I came in, his Majesty declared his resolution, that he would not have this high point meddled withal or debated, either the one way or the other, because it was too high for the people's understanding; and other points which concern Reformation and newness of life, were more needful and profitable. I promised obedience herein, and so kissing his Majesty's hand departed. I thought fit to acquaint you with the whole carriage of this business, because I am afraid many false reports will be made of it, and contrary one to another, as men stand contrarily affected. I shown no letter or instructions, neither have any but these general instructions, which King James gave us at our going to Dort, which make little or nothing to this business. I sought amongst my papers, but could not find them on the sudden, and I suppose you have them already. As for my Sermon the brief heads were these: Text, Rom, 6. 23. Eternal life is the gift of god, through Jesus Christ our Lord. As in the former part, I had spoken of the threefold misery of the wicked; so here I expounded the threefold happiness of the godly to be considered. 1. Happy in the Lord whom the serve: God or Christ Jesus. 2. Happy in the reward of their service: Eternal life. 3. Happy in the manner of their reward: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or gratnitum donurn in Christo. The two former points were not excepted against. In the third and last I considered eternal life in three divers instances, in the eternal destination thereunto which we call Election, Anno Regis Caroli Anno Dom. in our Conversion, Regeneration, or Justification, which I termed the Embryo of Eternal life, John 4. 14. And last of all in our Coronation, when full possession of eternal fi●e is given us. In all these I shown it to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the free gift of God through Christ, & not procured, or premented, by any special Acts depending upon the free will of Men. The last point, wherein I opposed the Popish Doctrine of Merit wàs not disliked. The second, wherein I shown the effectual Vocation or Regeneration (whereby we have Eternal life inchoated and begun in us is a free gift, was not expressly taxed. Only the first was it which bred the offence; not in regard of the Doctrine itself, but because (as my Lords grace said) the King had prohibited the debating thereof. And thus having let you understand the carriage of this business I commit you to the protection or the Almighty. 17. This year Thomas Dove Bishop of Peterborough ended his life. The death of Bishop Dove. He was bred in Pembroke-Hall in Cambridge, chosen Tanquam therein, which it seems is a Fellow in all things save the name thereof. Afterwards Chaplain to Q. Eliz●beth who made him Dean of Norwich, being much affected with his Preaching, as wont to say that, The * Godwin in the Bishops of Peterborough, and Sir john Havington in his continuation. Holy Ghost was again come down in the Dove. He was a constant Housekeeper and Reliever of the Poor, so that such who in his life time condemned him for Covetousness, have since justly praised his Hospitality. Now though Doves are generally said to want gall, yet the Non-conformists in his Diocese will complain of his severity in asserting Ecclesiastical Discipline, when he silenced five of them in one morning, on the same token that King James is said to say it might have served for five years. He was an aged man, being the only Queen Elizabeth's Bishop of that Province which died in the Reign of King Charles, living in a poor Bishopric, and leaving a plentiful estate: to show that it is not the moisture of the Place, but the long lying of the stone, which gathereth the great moss therein. In a word, had he been more careful in conferring of Orders (too commonly bestowed by him) few of his Order had exceeded him for the unblamablenesse of his behaviour. 18. Now began great discontents to grow up in the University of Oxford on this occasion. 7 1631 Troubles begin in Oxford. Many conceived that Innovations (defended by others for Renovations, and now only reduced, as used in the Primitive times) were multiplied in Divine service. Offended whereat, they in their Sermons broke our into (what was interpreted) bitter invectives. Yea their very Texts gave some offence, one preaching on Numbers 14. 4. Let us make us a Captain, and let us return into Egypt. Another on 1 Kings 13. 2. And he cried against the Altar in the word of the Lord, and said, O Altar, Altar, etc. In prosecution whereof they had not only tart reflection on some eminent Persons in the Church, but also were apprehended to violate the King's Declaration, for the sopiting of all Arminian controversies. 19 Dr. An apreale from the Vicechancellor to the Proctors. Smith Warden of Wadham convented the principal persons (viz. Mr. Thorn of Bailiol Col. and Mr. Ford of Magdalen Hall) as offenders against the King's instructions, and ordered them to bring in the Copies of their Sermons. They suspecting partiality in the Vicechancellor, appealed from him to the Proctors, two men of eminent integrity and ability, Mr. Atherton Bruch, and Mr. John Doughty, who received their appeal, presuming the same justifiable by the Statutes of the University. But it seems the Proctors were better Scholars than Lawyers, except any will say both Law, and Learning must submit, when Power is pleased to interpose. 20. Archbishop Laud did not like these retrograde appeals, Severely punished, but sensible that his own strength moved rather ascendendo, than descendendo, procured the cause to be heard before the King at Woodstock, where it was so ordered, that, 1 The Preachers complained of, were expelled the University. 2 The Proctors were deprived of their places for accepting their appeal. Anno Dom. 1631 Anno Regis Caroli 7 3 Dr. Prideaux, and Dr. Wilkinson were shrewdly checked for engaging in their behalf. The former of these two Doctors ingenuously confessing to the King, Nemo mortalium omnibus horis saepit, wrought more on his Majesty's affections, than if he had harangued it with a long oration in his own defence. 21. The expulsion of these Preachers expelled not, And il resented. but increased the differences in Oxford, which burned the more for blaZing the less, many complaining, that the Sword of Justice did not cut indifferently on both sides, but that it was more Penal for some to touch, than others to break the King's declaration. 22. This year ended the days of Mr. Arthur Hildersham, The death of Mr. Haldersh●●. born at Stechworth in the County, bred in Christ-Colledge in the University of Cambridge, whose education was an experimental Comment on the words of David, * Psalm 27. 10 When my father and mother forsake me, than the Lord taketh me up. My Father Thomas Hildersham a Gentleman of an ancient Family. And Mother Anne Poole, daughter to Sir Jeffery, niece to Cardinal Poole, grandchild to Sir Richard Poole, and Margaret Countess of Sarisbury, who was daughter to George Duke of Clarence. Forsake me Quite casting him off because he would not be bred a Papist, and go to Rome. THAN An emphatical Monosyllable, just in that nick of time. The Lord taketh me up. Not immediately (miracles being ceased) but in and by the Hands of Henry Earl of Huntingdon (his honourable kinsman) providing plentiful maintenance for him. 23. However, Often silenced and restored. after he was entered in the Ministry, he met with many molestations, as hereby doth appear. 1 silenced by The High Commission, 1590. in June. 2 Bishop Chaderton, 1605. April 24. 3 Bishop Neile, 1611. in November. 4 The Court at Lecest. 1630. March 4. 1 restored by The High Commission, 1591. in January. 2 Bishop Barlow, 1608. in January. 3 Doctor * Vicar Gen. to Archbishop Abbots. Ridley, 1625. June 20. 4 The same Court, 1631. August. 2. And now me thinks I hear the Spirit speaking unto him, as once to the Prophet * 24. 27. Ezechiel, Thou shall speak and be no more dumb, singing now with the Celestial Choir of Saints and Angels. Indeed though himself a Nonconformist, he loved all honest men, were they of a different judgement, minded like Luther herein, who gave for his Motto, In quo aliquid CHRISTI video, illum diligo. 24. He was Minister of Ashby de la Zouch forty and three years. His long and assiduous preaching. This putteth me in mind of Theodosive and of Valentinian (too worthy Christian Emperors) their constitutions making those Readers of the Civil Law, Counts of the first Order, cùm * 〈…〉 lib. 6. tit. a●. adviginti annos observatione jugi, Anno Regis Caroli Anno Dom. ac sedulo docendi labore pervenerint, when with da●ly observation and diligent labour of teaching they shall arrive at twenty years. Surely the Readers of God's Law which double that time shall not lose their reward. 25. The same year died Robert Bolton, The death of Bolton. born in Lancashire, bred in Brasennose College in Oxford, beneficed at Broughton in Northamptonshire. An authoritative Preacher, who majestically became the Pulpiz, and whose life is exactly * By my good friend Mr. Pagshaw. written at large, to which I refer such as desire farther satisfaction. And here may the Reader be pleased to take notice, that henceforward we shall on just grounds for bear the description of such Divines, as yearly deceased. To say nothing of them save the dates of their deaths, will add little to the reader's information, to say much in praise or dispraise of them, (wherein their relations are so nearly concerned) may add too much to the Writers danger. Except therefore they be persons so eminent for their learning, or active for their lives, as their omission may make a ma●m in our History, we shall pass them over in silence hereafter. 26. Archbishop Laud began to look with a jealous eye on the Feoffees for Impropriations, Impropriation Feoffees questioned. as who in process of time would prove a thorn in the sides of Episcopacy, and by their purchases become the prime Patroness, for number and greatness of benefices. This would multiply their dependants; and give a secret growth to Nonconformity. Whereupon by the Archbishop's procurement a Bill was exhibited in the Exchequer Chamber, by Mr. Noy the Attorney General, against the Feoffees aforesaid, and that great Lawyer endeavoured to overthrow (as one termed it) their Apocrypha Incorporation. 27. It was charged against them, 8 1632 first, Their first acculation. that they diverted the charity, wherewith they were entrusted, to other uses, * Being by their Feoffment to e●●ct them where preaching was wanting. when erecting a Lecture every morning at St. Antholines in London. What was this but lighting candles to the Sun, London being already the Land of Goshen, and none of those dark and far distant corners, where Souls were ready to famish for lack of the food of the word? What was this but a bold breach of their trust, even in the Eye of the Kingdom? 28. They answered that London being the chief staple of charity and the place where the principal contributers to so pious a work did reside, And answer thereunto. it was but fit, that it should share in the benefit of their bounty. That they were not so confined to the uses in their Feoffment, but that in their choice they might reflect as well on the Eminency, as Necessity of the place; that they expended much of their own (as well as other men's) money, and good reason they should do therewith as they pleased. 29. It was pressed against them, A second charge against them. that they generally preferred Non conformists to the Lectures of their Erection. To this it was answered, that none were placed therein, but such whose Sufficiency and Conformity were first examined and approved by the Ordinary, to be to such a Degree as the Law required. Yea it is said that Mr. White, one of the Feoffees, privately proffered Bishop Laud at his house in Fulham, that if he disliked either the Persons, who managed, or Order which they took in this work, they would willingly submit the alteration to his Lordship's discretion. 30. In conclusion the Court condemned their proceed, They are overthrown. as dangerous to the Church and State, pronouncing the Gifts, Feoffments and Contrivances made to the Uses aforesaid to be illegal, and so dissolved the same, confiscating their money unto the King's use. Their criminal part was referred to, but never prosecuted in, the Star-chamber, because the Design was generally approved, and both discreet and devout men were (as desirous of the Regulation, so) doleful at the ruin of so pious a Project. 31. Samuel Harsenet about this time ended his life, The death of Archbishop Harsen●t. born in Colchester, bred Scholar, Fellow, Master of Pembroke-Hall in Cambridge, afterwards Bishop of Chtchester and Norwich, Anno Dom. 1633 Anno Regis Caroli 9 Archbishop of York, and privy Counsellor. He was a zealous asserter of ceremonies, using to complain of (the first I believe who used the expression) of CONFORMABLE PURITANS, who practised it out of policy, yet dissented from it in their judgements. He lieth buried in Chigwell Church in Essex, (where he built a School) with this Epitaph, Indignus Eptscopus Clcestrensis, indignior Norvicensis, & indignissimus Archiepiscopus Eboracensis. 32. Now the Sabbatarian controversy begun to be revived, Bradborn his etroneous opinion. which broke forth into a long and hot contention. Theophilus Bradborn, a Minister of Suffolk, founded the first trumpet to this fight, who some five years since, namely anno 1628. set forth a Book, dedicated to his Majesty, entitled, A defence of the most ancient, and sacred ordinance of God, The Sabbath Day: maintaining therein, 1. The fourth Commandment simply, and entirely moral. 2. Christians, as well as Jews, obliged to the everlasting observation of that day. 3. That the Lordsday is an ordinary working-day, it being will-worship, and superstition to make it a Sabbath by virtue of the fourth Commandment. But whilst Mr. Bradborn was marching furiously, and crying Victoriae to himself, he fell into the ambush of the High Commission, whose well tempered severity herein so prevailed upon him, that, submitting himself to a private conference, and perceiving the unsoundness of his own principles, he became a Convert, conforming himself quietly to the Church of England. 2. Francis White Bishop (formerly of Norwich) then of Ely, Sabbatarian controversies revived. was employed by his Majesty, to confute Mr. Bradborn his erroneous opinion. In the writing whereof, some expressions fell from his pen, whereat many strict people (but far enough from Bradborn's conceit) took great distaste. Hereupon Books begat Books, and controversies on this subject were multiplied, reducible to five principal heads. 1. What is the fittest name to signify the day set apart for God's public service? 2. When that day is to begin, and end? 3. Upon what authority the keeping thereof is bottomed? 4. Whether or no the day is alterable? 5. Whether any recreations, and what kinds of them, be lawful on that day? And they are dinstinguishable into three several opinions: Sabbatarians. Moderate men. Anti-Sabbatarians. I Are charged to affect the word Sabbath as a Shiboleth in their writing, preaching, and discoursing, to distinguish the true Israelites from lisping Ephraimites, as a badge of more [pretended] purity. As for Sunday, some would not have it mentioned in Christian mouths, as resenting of Saxon Idolatry, so called from, and dedicated to the Sun, which they adored. 2. Some make the Sabbath to begin on Saturday night, (The evening and the morning were the first day) and others on the next day in the morning, both agreeing on the extent thereof for four and twenty hours. 3. They found it partly on the law, and light of nature, deriving some countenances for the septenary number, out of heathen authors: and partly on the fourth Commandment, which they avouch equally moral with the rest. I. Sabbath (especially if Christian be premised) may inoffensively be used, as importing in the original only a Rest. And it is strange that some who have a dearness, yea fondness, for some words of Jewish extraction [Altar, Temple, etc.] should have such an antipathy against the Sabbath. Sunday may not only safely be used, without danger of Paganism, but with increase of piety, if retaining the name, we altar the notion, and therewith the notion thereof, because on that day The a Mal. 4. 2. Sun of Righteousness did arise with healing in his wings. But the most proper name is the Lordsday, as ancient, used in the Apostles b Revel 1. 10. time; and most expressive, being both an Historian, and Preacher. For, the Lords day looking backward mindeth us what the Lord did for us thereon, rising from the dead: and, looking forward, it monisheth us what we ought to do for him on the same, spending it to his glory, in the proper duties thereof. 2. The question is not of so great concernment. For, in all circular motions, it matters not so much where one beginneth, so be it he continueth the same, until he return unto that point again. Either of the aforesaid computations of the day may be embraced. — Diésque quiésque redibit in orbem. 3. In the Lordsday three things are considerable. 1. A day, founded on the light of nature; pure impure Pagan's destining whole days to their idolatrous service. 2. One day in seven, grounded on the moral equity of the fourth Commandment, which is like the feet and toes of Nebuchadnezzar's c Dan. 2. 41. Image, part of potter's clay, and part of iron. The clay part, and ceremonial mottie of that Commandment (viz. that seventh day, or Jewish Sabbath) is mouldered away, and buried in Christ's grave. The iron part thereof, viz. a mixture of morality therein, one day in seven, is perpetual, and everlasting. 3. This seventh day (being indeed the eighth from the creation, but one of the seven in the week) is built Sabbatarians. 1 The word Sabbath (as now used) containeth therein a secret Magazeen of Judaisme, as if the affecters thereof by spiritual Necromancy endeavoured the reviving of dead and rotten Mosaical Ceremonies. 2. They confine the observation of the day, only to the few hours of public service. 3. These unhinge the day off from any Divine Right, and hang it merely on Ecclesiastical authority first introducing it, as custom, and consent of the Church had since established it. Sabbatarians. Moderate-Men. Anti-Sabbatarians. Anno Dom. 1633 Anno Regis Carol. 9 4. The Church, no not ex plenitudine suae potestatis, may, or can, altar the same. 5. No exercises at all (walking excepted, with which strictness itself cannot be offended) are lawful on this day. Insomuch as some of them have been accused of turning the day of rest, into the day of torture, and self-ma●eration. on Divine right in a larger sense, having an analogy in the Old, and insinuations in the New Testament, with the continued practice of the Church. 4. Would be right glad of the general agreement of the Christian Church; but, withal, right sorry, that the same should be abused for the alteration of the Lordsday. But, as there is but little hope of the former: so is there no fear of the latter, it being utterly unexpedient to attempt the altering thereof. 5. The Sabbath (in some sort) was Lord (yea, Tyrant) over the Jews; and they by their superstition, contented vassals under it. Christ was e Matth. 12. 8. Lord of the Sabbath, and struck out the teeth thereof. Indeed such recreations as are unlawful on any day, are most unlawful on that day; yea, recreations doubtful on other days, are to be forborn on that day, on the suspicion of unlawfulness. So are all those, which, by their over violence, put people past a praying capacity. Add also those, which, though acted after Evening-Service, must needs be preacted by the fancy (such the volatility thereof) all the day before, distracting the mind, though the body be at Church. These recreations forbidden, other innocent ones may be permitted. 4. The Universal consent of the Christian Church may alter it. Yea, d Pocklington in his Sunday no Sabbath pag. 8. one saith, that the Church of Geneva went about to translate it to Thursday, but, it seems, it was carried in the negative. 5. Mixed dance, Masques, Interludes, Revels etc. are by them permitted in the intervals betwixt, but generally after Evening-Service ended. A worthy f Dr. Paul Micklewaite. Doctor, who in his Sermons at the Temple, no less piously than learnedly, handled the point of the Lordsday, worthily pressed, that Gentlefolk were obliged to a stricter observation of the Lordsday, than labouring people. The whole have no need of the Physician, but those who are sick. Such as are not annihilated with labour, have no title to be recreated with liberty. Let Servants, whose hands are ever working, whilst their eyes are waking; let such, who all the foregoing week had their Cheeks moistened with sweat, and hands hardened with labour; let such have some recreation on the Lordsday indulged unto them: whilst persons of quality, who may be said to keep Sabbath all the week long, I mean who rest from hard labour, are concerned in conscience, to observe the Lordsday with the greater abstinence from recreations. Anno Dom. 34. Pass we now from the pen, Troubles beg●n in Somerset-shire. to the practical part of the Sabbatarian difference. Somerset-shire was the stage, whereon the first and fiercest Scene thereof was acted. Here Wakes (much different, I dare say, from the watching prescribed by our Saviour) were kept on th● Lords day, with Church-Ales, Bid-Ales, and Clerks-Ales. If the Reader know not the critical meaning, and difference of these words, I list not to be the interpreter; and his ignorance herein, neither is any disgrace, nor can be any damage unto him. The Gentry of that County, perceiving such revels the cause of many, and occasion of more misdemeanours (many acts of wantonness bearing their dates from such meetings) importuned Sr. Thomas Richardson, Lord Chief Justice, and Baron Denham, than Judges, riding the Western circuit in the Lent-vacation, to make a severe Order for the suppressing of all Alice, and Revels on the Lordsday. 35. In compliance with their desire, March 19 Judge Richardsons' order against Lordsday Revels. the aforesaid Judges made an order on the 19 day of March (founded on former precedents signed by Judge Popeham, Lord Chief Justice in the latter end of Queen Elizabeth her Reign) therein suppressing such Revels, in regard of the infinite number of inconveniences daily arising by means thereof, enjoining the Constables to deliver a copy thereof to the Minister of every Parish, who, on the first Sunday in February, and likewise the two first Sundays before Easter, was to publish the same every year. 36. The Archbishop of Canterbury beheld this as an usurpation on Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, Which he would not revoke. and complained of the Judges to his Majesty, procuring a Commission to Bishop Pierce, and other Divines, to inquire into the manner of publishing this Order, and the Chief Justice his carriage in this business. Notwithstanding all which, the next Assize Judge Richardson gave another strict charge against these Revels, required an account of the publication, and execution of the aforesaid Order, punishing some persons for the breach thereof. After whose return to London the Archbishop sent for him, and commanded him to revoke his former Order, as he would answer the contrary at his peril, telling him it was his Majesty's pleasure he should reverse it. The Judge alleged it done at the request of the Justices of the Peace in the County, with the general consent of the whole Bench, on the view of ancient precedents in that kind. 1634 However, the next Assize he revoked his Order with this limitation, as much as in him lay. At what time also the Justices of the Peace in Somerset shire (who in birth, brains, spirit and estate were inferior to no County in England) drew up an humble petition to his Majesty, for the suppressing of the aforesaid unlawful assemblies, concurring with the Lord Chief Justice therein, sending it up by the hand of the Custos Rotulorum, to deliver it to the Earl of Pembroke, Lord Lieutenant of their County, to present it to his Majesty. 37. Just in this juncture of time a Declaration for sports, The King's Declaration. set forth the fifteenth of King James, was revived, and enlarged. For, his Majesty being troubled with petitions on both sides, thought good to follow his Father's royal example, upon the like occasion in Lancashire; and we refer the Reader to what we have written * See the 15. of K. James. before, for argument's pro and con about the lawfulness of public reading thereof. 38. It was charged at his trial, The Archbishop excuseth himself. on the Archbishop of Canterbury, that he had caused the reviving, and enlarging of this Declaration, strong presumptions being urged for the proof thereof. He denied it, yet professing his judgement for recreations on that day, alleging the practice of the Church of Geneva, allowing shooting in long Bows etc. thereon. Adding also, that, though indulging liberty to others, in his own person he strictly observed that day. Anno Dom. 1634 Anno Regis Caroli 10 A self-praise, or rather self-purging, because spoken on his life, which seemed uttered without pride, and with truth, and was not clearly confuted. Indeed they are the best carvers of liberty on that day, who cut most for others, and leave least for themselves. 39 However, No injunction to the Ministers. there was no express in this Declaration, that the Minister of the Parish should be pressed to the publishing. Many counted it no Ministers work, and more proper for the place of the Constable, or Tithing-man to perform it. Must they, who were (if not worst able) most unfitting; hold the Candle to lighten, and let in licentiousness? But, because the Judges had enjoined the Ministers to read their order in the Church, the King's Declaration was enforced by the Bishops, to be published by them in the same place. 40. As for such whose consciences reluctated to publish the Declaration, Yet some silenced for refusal to read the book. various were their evasions. Some left it to their Curates to read. Nor was this the plucking out of a thorn from their own, to put it in another Man's conscience, seeing their Curates were persuaded of the lawfulness thereof. Others read it indeed themselves, but presently after read the fourth Commandment. And was this fair play, setting God and their King (as they conceived) at odds, that so they themselves might escape in the fray? Others pointblank refused the reading thereof; for which some of them were suspended ab officio & beneficio, some deprived, and moe molested in the High Commission: it being questionable, whether their sufferings procured more pity to them, or more hatred to the causers thereof. 41. All Bishops urged not the reading of the Book with rigour alike, Moderation of some Bishop● therein. nor punished the refusal with equal severity. I hear the loudest, longest, and thickest complaints come from the Diocese of Norwich, and of Bath and Wells. I knew a Bishop in the West (to whom I stood related in kindred, and service) who, being pressed by some to return the names of such as refused to read the Book, to the Archbishop of Canterbury, utterly denied: and his words to me were these, I will never turn an accuser of my Brethren, there be enough in the World to take that office. As for the Archbishop of Canterbury, much was his moderation in his own Diocese, silencing but three (in whom also a concurrence of other non-conformities) through the whole extent thereof. But oh! The necessity of the general day of Judgement, wherein all men's actions shall be expounded according to their intentions, which here are interpretable according to other men's inclinations! The Archbishop's adversaries imputed this, not to his charity, but policy, Foxlike preying farthest from his own den, and instigating other Bishops to do more than he would appear in himself. As for his own Visitation-Articles, some complained they were but narrow as they were made, and broad as they were measured; his under-officers improving, and enforcing the same, by their inquiries, beyond the letter thereof. 42. Many complain that Man's badness took occasion to be worse, Licentiousness increaseth. under the protection of these sports permitted unto them. For, although liberty on the Lordsday may be so limited in the notions of learned men, as to make it lawful, it is difficult (if not impossible) so to confine it in the actions of lewd people, but that their liberty will degenerate into licentiousness. 43 Many moderate Men are of opinion, Conceived by some, a concurring cause of our civil Wars. that this abuse of the Lords day was a principal procurer of God's anger, since poured out on this land, in a long and bloody civil war. Such observe, that our fights of chief concernment were often fought on the Lordsday, as pointing at the punishing of the profanation thereof. Indeed amongst so many battles which in ten year's time have rend the bowels of England, some on necessity would fall on that day (seeing we have be-rubricked each day in the week, almost in the year, with English blood) and therefore to pick a solemn providence out of a common-casualty, savours more of curiosity than conscience. Ye●, seeing Edge-hill-fight (which first broke the peace, and made an irreconcilable breach betwixt the two parties) was fought on that day, and some battles since of greatest consequence, there may be more in the observation, than what many are willing to acknowledge. But, whatsoever it is which hence may be collected, sure I am, those are the best Christians, who lest censure others, and most reform themselves. 44. But here it is much to be lamented, A sad alteration. that such who at the time of the Sabbatarian controversy, were the strictest observers of the Lordsday, are now reeled by their violence into another extreme, to be the greatest neglecters, yea, contemners thereof. These Transcendents, accounting themselves mounted above the Predicament of common piety, aver, they need not keep any, because they keep all days lords-days, in their elevated holiness. But alas, Christian duties said to be ever done, will prove never done, if not sometimes solemnly done. These are the most dangerous Levellers, equalling all times, places, and persons, making a general confusion to be Gospell-perfection. Whereas to speak plainly, we in England are, rebus sic stantibus, concerned now more strictly to observe the Lordsday, than ever before. Holidays are not, and Holy-eves are not, and Wednesday and Friday-Letanies are not, and Lordsday eves are not, and now some (out of error, and others out of profaneness) go about to take away the Lordsday also, all these things make against God's solemn and public service. Oh let not his public worship, now contracted to fewer channels, have also a shallower stream. But enough of this subject; wherein if I have exceeded the bounds of an Historian, by being to large therein, such will pardon me, who know (if pleasing to remember) that Divinity is my proper profession. 45. At this time miserable the maintenance of the Irish Clergy, Irish impropriations restored. where Scandalous means, made Scandalous Ministers. And yet a Popish Priest would grow fat in that Parish where a Protestant would be famished, as have not their livelihood on the oblations of those of their own Religion. But now such Impropriations as were in the Crown, by the King were restored to the Church, to a great diminution of the Royall-Revenew, though his Majesty never was sensible of any loss to himself, if thereby gain might redound to God, in his Ministers. Bishop Laud was a worthy Instrument in moving the King to so pious a work, and yet this his procuring the restoring of Irish, did not satisfy such discontented at his obstructing the buying in of English Impropriations: thus those conceived, to have done hurt at home will hardly make reparations with other good deeds at distance. 46. A Convocation (concurrent with a Parliament) was called and kept at Dublin in Ireland, The 39 Articles received in Ireland. wherein the 39 Articles of the Church of England were received in Ireland for all to subscribe unto. It was adjudged fit, seeing that Kingdom complies with England in the Civil government; it should also conform thereto in matters of Religion. Mean time the Irish Articles concluded formerly in a Synod 1616. (wherein Arminianisne was condemned in terminis terminantibus, and the observation of the Lords day resolved jure Divine) were utterly excluded. 47. A Cardinals-Cap once and again offered by the Pope, Bishop Laud refuseth a Cardinalls-Cap. to Bishop Laud, was as often refused by him. The fashion thereof, could not fit his Head, who had studied and written so much against the Romish Religion. He who formerly had foiled the Fisher himself in a public disputation, would not now be taken with so silly a bait, but acquainted the King therewith: timuit Roman vel donaferentem, refusing to receive anything from Rome till she was better reform. 48. Doctor William Juxon Bishop of London, March 6 1635 Bishop Juxon made Lord Treasurer. was by Bishop laud's procurement made Lord Treasurer of England, entering on that Office with many and great disadvantages. Anno Dom. 1635 Anno Regis Caroli 10 First, because no Clergyman had executed the same, since William Grey Bishop of Ely, almost two hundred year ago, in the reign of King Edward the fourth. Secondly, because the Treasury was very poor, and if in private houses, bare walls make giddy Housewives, in Prince's Palaces, empty Coffers make unsteady Statesmen. Thirdly, because a very Potent (I cannot say Competitor, the Bishop himself being never a Petitor for the Place, but) desirer of this Office was frustrated in his [almost assured] expectation of the same to himself. 49. However so discreet his carriage in that place, His commendable carriage. it procured a general love unto him, and politic malice, despairing to by't, resolved not to bark at him. He had a perfect command of his passion, (an happiness not granted to all Clergymen in that age, though privy-Counsellors,) slow, not of speech as a defect, but to speak, out of discretion, because when speaking he plentifully paid the principal and interest of his Auditor's expectation. No hands, having so much money passing through them, had their fingers less soiled there with. It is probable his frugality would have cured the consumption of the King's Exchequer, had not the [unexpected] Scotch commotion, put it into a desperate relapse. In this particular he was happy above others of his order, that whereas they may be said, in some sort to have left their Bishoprics (flying into the King's quarters for safety) he stayed at home till his Bishopric left him, roused from his Swans-nest at Fulham for a bird of another feather to build therein. 50. Dr. Laud, Archbishop Laud presses conformity. (formerly Archbishop in power) now so in place, after the decease of Bishop Abbots, this year kept his metropolitical visitation, & henceforward conformity was more vigorously pressed than before. Insomuch that a Minister was censured in the High-Commission for this expression in a sermon, That it was suspicious that now the night did approach because the shadows were so much longer than the body, and ceremonies more in force then the power of godliness. And now many differences about divine worship, began to arise, whereof many books were written pro and con. So common in all hands, that my pains may be well spared in rendering a particular account of what is so universally known. So that a word or two will suffice. 51. One controversy was about the Holiness of our Churches, Our Churches succeed not to the Temple, but Synagogues. some maintaining, that they succeed to the same degree of sanctity with the Tabernacle of Moses, & Temple of Solomon, which others flatly denied. First, because the Tabernacle, and Temple, were, and might be, but one at a time, whilst our Churches, without fault, may be multiplied without any [se●] number. They both for their fashion, fabric, and utensils, were jure divino, their Architects being inspired, whilst our Churches are the product of humane fancy. Thirdly, God gloriously appeared both in the Tabernacle and Temple, only graciously present in our Churches. Fourthly, The Temple was a type of Christ's Body, which ours are not. More true it is, our Churches are heirs to the holiness of the Jewish Synagogues, which were many, and to whom a reverence was due as publicly destined to divine service. 52. Not less the difference about the manner of adoration to be used in Gods-House, Adoration towards the Altar. which some would have done towards the Communion-Table, as the most remarkable place of God's presence. Those used a distinction between bowing ad altar towards the Altar, as directing their adoration that way, and ad altar to the Altar, as terminating their worship therein; the latter they detested as Idolatrous, the former they defended as lawful and necessary, such a * Mal. 1. 7. slovenly unmannerlynes had lately possessed many people in their approaches to God's House that it was high time to reform. 53. But such as disliked the gesture, Disliked by many. could not, or would not, understand the distinction as in the Suburbs of Superstition. These allowing some corporal adoration lawful, yea necessary, seeing no reason the Moiety of Man, yea the Totall Sun of Him, Anno Regis Caroli 13 Anno Dom. 1637 which is visible [his Body,] should be exempted from God's service, except such a Writ of Ease could be produced and proved from Scripture. But they were displeased with this adoration because such as enjoin it maintain one kind of reverence due to the very place, another to the Elements of the Sacraments, if on the Table, a third to God himself: these several degrees of reverence ought to be railed about as well as the Communion-Table and clearly distinguished, lest that be given to the Creature which belongs to the Creator, and such as shun profanation run into Idolatry. 54. A controversy was also started about the Pasture of the Lords Board, Communion-Table, or Altar, the last name beginning now in many men's mouths to out the two former. Some would have it constantly fixed with the sides East and West ends North and South, on a graduated advance next the East-wall of the Chancel, citing a Canon and the practice in the Kings-Chappell for the same. Others pressed the Queen's injunctions that (allowing it at other times to stand, but not Altarwise in the Chancel) it ought to be set in the body of t●e Church when the Sacrament is celebrated thereon. 55. Such the heat about this Altar till both sides had almost Sacrificed up their mutual charity thereon, and this controversy was prosecuted with much needless animosity. This mindeth me of a passage in Cambridge, when King James was there present, to whom a great Person complained of the inverted situation of a Colledge-Chappell, [North and South] out of design to put the House to the cost of new building the same. To whom the King answered, It matters not how the Chapel stands, so their hearts who go thither be set aright in God's service. Indeed if moderate men had had the managing of these matters, the accommodation had been easy with a little condescension on both sides. But as a small accidental heat or cold (such as a healthful body would not be sensible of) is enough to put him into a fit, who was formerly in latitudine febris, so men's minds distempered in this age with what I may call a mutinous tendency, were exasperated with such small occasions which otherwise might have been passed over and no notice taken thereof. June 14. Wednesday. Mr William Prinne. 56. For now came the censure of Mr. Prinne, Dr. Bastwick, and Mr. Burton, and we must go a little backwards to take notice of the nature of their offences. a The perpetuity of the regenerate man his estate. Mr. William Prinne born (about Bath) in Gloucestershire, bred some time in Oxford, afterwards Utter-Baraster of Lincolns-Inn, began with the writing of some useful and Orthodox Books. I have heard some of his Detractours account him as only the hand of a better head setting forth at first the endeavours of others. Afterwards he delighted more to be numerous with many then ponderous with select quotations, which maketh his Books to swell with the loss ofttimes of the Reader, sometimes of the Printer, and his Pen generally querulous hath more of the Plaintiff then of the Defendant therein. 57 Some three years since he set forth a Book called Histriomastrix, or the Whip of Stage-players. Accused for libelling against the Bishops. Whip so held and used by his hand, that some conceived the Lashes thereof flew into the face of the Queen herself, as much delighted in Masques. For which he was severely censured to lose his EARS on the Pillory, and for a long time (after two removals to the Fleet) imprisoned in the Tower. Where he wrote, and whence he dispersed new Pamphlets, which were interpreted to be Libels against the established Discipline of the Church of England, for which he was indicted in the Star-chamber. 58. Dr. John Bastwick (by vulgar error generally mistaken to be a Scotchman) was born at Writtle in Essex, Dr. Bastwick his accusation. bred a short time in Emanuell-Colledge, then travailed nine years beyond the Seas, made Dr. of Physic at Milan. Returning home he practised it at Colchester, and set forth a Book in Latin (wherein his Pen commanded a pure and fluent style) entitled Flagellum Pontificis, & Episcoporum Latialium. But it seems he confined not his character so to the Latian Bishops beyond the Alps, but that our English Praelates counted themselves touched therein. Hereupon he was accused in the High-Commission, committed to the Gatehouse, where he wrote a second Book taxing the injustice of the proceed of the High-Commission, for which he was indicted in the Star-Chamber. 59 Mr. Henry Burton Minister rather took a snap than made a meal in any University, Mr. Burton his character. was first Schoolmaster to the Sons of the Lord Cary (afterwards Earl of Monmouth) whose Lady was Governess to King Charles when Prince. And this opportunity (say some) more than his own deserts, preferred him to the service of Pr. Ch. being designed (as I have heard) to wait on him in Spain, but afterwards (when part of his goods were shipped for the voyage) excluded the attendance. Whether because his parts and learning were conceived not such, as to credit our English Church in Forain-Countries, or because his Principles were accounted uncomplying with that employment. 60. The crudity of this affront lay long on his mind, The cause of his discontent. hot stomaches (contrary to corporal concoction) being in this kind the slowest of digestion. After the venting of many mediate discontents, on the last fifth of November he took for his Text Pro. 24. 21. My Son fear thou the Lord and the King, and meddle not with them that are given to change. This Sermon was afterwards printed, charging the Prelates for introducing of several innovations into Divine worship, for which, as a Libel, he was indicted in the Star-Chamber. 61. But the fault-generall, Their fault-generall. which at this day was charged on these three Prisoners at the Bar in the Star-Chamber, was this. That they had not put in their effectual answer into that Court wherein they were accused, though sufficient notice, and competent time was allowed them for the performance thereof. The Lord-Keeper Coventry minded them, that for such neglect, they had a Precedent, wherein the Court after six days had taken a cause pro confesso, whereas the favour of six weeks was allowed unto them, and now leave given them to render reason, why the Court should not proceed to present censure. 62. Hereat Mr. Prinne first moved that they would be pleased to accept a cross Bill (which he there tendered) against the Prelates. Mr. Brinne his Plea rejected. This the Lord-Keeper refused to accept of at the present, as not being the business of the day. Then he moved that the Prelates might be dismissed the Court: It being agreeable neither to nature, reason, nor justice, that those who were their Adversaries should be their Judges. This also was rejected by the Lord-Keeper, because by the same proportion, had he libelled against the Temporal Lords, Judges, and Privy Counsellors in the place; by this Plea, none should pass censure upon them, because all were made Parties. 63. Mr. Prinne proceeded to show he had done his endeavour to prepare his answer, And his answer refused. being hindered first by his close imprisonment, denied pen, ink and paper; and by the imprisonment also of his Servant, who was to solicit his business. That the Council assigned him came very late, and though twice paid for their pains, deferred the drawing up of his answer, and durst not set their hands unto it. Mr. Hole, one of his Council being present, confessed that he found his answer would be very long, and of such a nature as he durst not subscribe it, fearing to give their Lordship's distaste. 64. Dr. Bastwick being spoken to, So is Dr. bastwick's. to speak for himself, why he brought not in his answer before; laid the blame on the cowardice of his Council that durst not sign it for fear of the Prelates. He there tendered his answer on oath with his own hand, which would not be accepted. He spoke much of his own Abilities, that he had been a Soldier able to lead an Army of men into the Field, and now was a Physician able to cure Kings, Princes, and Emperors; and therefore how unworthy it was to curta●lize his EARS, generally given out by the Bishop's Servants, as a punishment intended unto him. He minded them of the mutability of all earthly things, and chief of the changes in the Court; where he, * The Bishop of Lincoln. lately the chief Judge therein, was the next day to have his own cause censured: wishing them seriously to consider, that some who now sat there on the Bench, might stand Prisoners at the Bar another day, and need the favour which now they denied. 65. Mr. Burton being asked what he could allege, Mr. Purtons' cast ou● for imperfect. why the Court should not take his Fault pro confesso, pleaded that he had put in his answer, drawn up with great pains and cost, signed by his Council, and received into the Court. The Lord-Keeper rejoined that the Judges had cast his answers out as imperfect. Judge Finch affirming that they did him a good turn in making it imperfect, being otherwise as libellous as his Book, and deserving a censure alone. 66. Here the Prisoners desiring to speak were commanded silence, The severe censure. and the premises notwithstanding the Court proceeded to censure: namely, that they should lose their EARS in the Palace Yard at Westminster, fining them also five thousand pound a man to his Majesty, perpetual imprisonment in three remote places. The Lord Finch added to Mr. Prinnes censure, that he should be branded in each Cheek with S. L. for Slanderous Libeler, to which the whole Court agreed. The Archbishop of Canterbury made a long speech, since printed, to excuse himself from the introducing of any Innovations in the Church, concluding it, that he left the Prisoners to God's mercy and the King's justice. 67. It will be lawful and safe to report the discourse of several persons hereon. Esteemed too low by some. This censure fell out scarce adaquate to any judgement, as conceiving it either too low, or too high for their offence. High Conformists counted it too low, and that it had been better if the Pillory had been changed into a Gallows. They esteemed it improvident (but by their leaves more of Machiavelli than of Christ in such Counsel) to kindle revenge, and not to quench life in such turbulent Spirits. The only way with them, had been to rid them out of the way. 68 Most moderate men thought the censure too sharp, Too high by most. too base and ignominious for Gentlemen of their ingenuous vocation. Besides, though it be easy in the notion, June 27 it is hard in the action to fix shame on the Professors, and sever it from the Professions of Divinity, Law, and hysick As for the former, though Burton was first * By Sir John Lamb in the high Commission in St. Paul's. degraded, yet such who maintain an indelible character of Priesthood hold that Degradation cannot delete what Ordination hath impressed; and gran● the censure pronounced ad terrorem, it might have become the Bishops t ᵈ mediate for a mitigation thereof. Let Canvas be rough and rugged, Lawn ought to be soft and smooth. Meekness, Mildness, and Mercy being more proper for men of the Episcopal Function. 69. Two days after, 30 Mr Burton his words on the Pillory. three Pillories were set up in the Palace-yard, or one double one, and a single one at some distance, for Mr. Prinne as the chief offender. Mr. Burton first suffered, making a long speech in the Pillory, not entire and continued, but interrupted with occasional expressions. But the main intent thereof was to parallel his sufferings with our Saviour's. For at the first sight of the Pillory, Me thinks, said he, I see Mount-Calvary whereon the three Crosses were erected. If Christ was numbered amongst Thiefs, shall a Christian think much for his sake to be numbered amongst Rogues? And whereas one told an Halberter standing by, who had an old rusty Halberd (the Iron whereof was tacked to the staff with an old crooked nail) What an old rusty weapon is this? Mr. Burton overhearing them answered: It seems to be one of those Halberds which accompanied Judas when Christ was betrayed and apprehended. 70. His Ears were cut off very close, Several censures on his behaviour. so that the Temporal or Head Artery being cut, the blood in abundance streamed down upon the Scaffold, all which he manfully endured, without manifesting the least shrinking thereat. Indeed of such who measured his mind by his words, some conceived his carriage fare above: others (though using the same scale) suspected the same to be somewhat beside himself. But let such who desire more of his character, consult with his printed life, written with his own hand, though it be hard for the most Excellent Artist truly to draw his own Picture. 71. Dr. Bastwick succeeded him, Mr. Bastwick his Speech. making a Speech to this effect. Here are many spectators of us, who stand here as Delinquents, yet am I not conscious to myself of the least trespass, wherein I have deserved this outward shame. Indeed I wrote a Book against Antichrist the Pope, and the Pope of Canterbury said it was written against him. But were the Press open unto us, we would scatter his Kingdom, and fight courageously against Gog and Magog. There be many here that have set many days apart on our behalf (let the Prelates take notice thereof) and have sent up strong prayers to God for us, the strength and fruit whereof we have felt all along in this cause. In a word, so fare am I from fear or care that had I as much blood as would swell the Thames (than visible unto him, his face respecting the South) I would lose every drop thereof in this cause. 72. His Friends much admired and highly commended the erection of his mind triumphing over pain and shame, Many Men many minds making the one easy, the other honourable, and imputed the same to an immediate Spiritual support. Others conceived that anger in him acted the part of patience, as to the stout undergoing of his sufferings, and that in a Christian there lieth a real distinction betwixt Spirit and Stomach, Valour and Stubbornness. 73. Mr. Prinne concluded the sad sight of that day, Mr. Prinne his Speech. and spoke to this purpose. The cause of my standing here is for not bringing in my Answer, God knoweth, my conscience beareth witness, and my Council can tell, for I paid them twice though to no purpose. But their cowardice stands upon Record. And that's the reason why they did proceed, and take the cause pro confesso against me. But rather than I would have my cause a leading cause to the depriving of the Subject's liberties, which I seek to maintain, I choose to suffer my body to become an example of this punishment. 74. The censure was with all rigour executed on him, His behaviour at the censure. and he who felt the most, fretted the least; commended for more kindly patience than either of his Predecessors in that place. So various were men's fancies in reading the same letters, imprinted in his face, that some made them to spell the guiltiness of the Sufferer, but others the cruelty of the Imposer. Of the latter sort many for the cause, more for the man, most for humanity sake bestowed pity upon him: and now all three were remanded 〈◊〉 their former Prisons; and Mr. Prinne as he returned by water to the T●●er, made this Distich upon his own stigmatising. S. L. Stigmara maxillis referens, insignia Laudis, Exultans remeo, Victima grata Deo. Not long after they were removed: Mr. Prinne to Carnarvan-Castle in Wales: Dr. Bastwicke, and Mr. Burton; the one to Lancaster-Castle, the other to Lanceston in Cornwall. 75. But it seems these places were conceived to have, Their removal. either too little of Privacy, or too much of Pleasure. The two latter therefore were removed again; One to the Isle of Scilly, the other to the Isle of ●ernezey; and Mr. Prinne to Mount Orgueile-Castle in Jersey. This in vulgar apprehensions, added breadth to the former depth of their sufferings, scattering the same over all the English Dominions, making the Islands thereof as well as the Continent partake of their patience. And here we leave them all in their Prisons, and particularly Mr. Prinne improving the Rocks and the Seas (good Spiritual Husbandry) with pious meditations. But we shall hear more of them hereafter at the beginning of the Parliament. 76. Next came the Bishop of Lincoln to be censured in the Star-chamber, A preparative to the censure of the Bishop of Lincoln. and something must be premised preparative thereunto. After the great Seal some ten years since was taken from him, he retired himself to Bugden in Huntingdonshire, where he may be said to have lived in a public privacy. So many his Visitants, hospital his house-keeping: it being hard to say, whether his Table were more free and full in diet or discourse: indeed he had a plentiful estate to maintain it, besides his purchased Land. The revenues of his Bishopric, and Deanery of Westminster, out of which, long since he had been shaken, if not fastened therein, by the Letters Patents of King James. His Adversaries beheld him with envious eyes, and one great Prelate plainly said in the presence of the King, that the Bishop of Lincoln lived, in as much pomp and plenty as any Cardinal in Rome, for Dy●t, Music, and attendance. They resolved therefore to humble his height, the concurrence of many matters ministering occasion thereunto. 77. Sir John Lamb Dean of the Arches formerly a Favourite of Lincoln (feucht off from being prosecuted in Parliament, The Bishop his discourse at the table with Sir John Lamb. and knighted by his means) with Dr. Sibthorp, Allen and Burden (two Proctors as I take them) were entertained at the Bishops talk at Bugden, where their table was (the discourse general of those days) against Puritan. The Bishop advised them to take off their heavy hand from them, informing them that his Majesty intended to use them hereafter with more mildness, as a considerable party ●●ing great influence on the Parliament, without whose concurrence the 〈◊〉 could not comfortably supply his necessities: adding moreover that 〈◊〉 Majesty had communicated this unto him by his own mouth, with his ●●●tions hereafter of more gentleness to men of that opinion. 〈◊〉 Some years after upon the denial of an officials place in Leicester 〈◊〉 (which notwithstanding, Informed against him in the Star-chamber. he carried in despite of the Bishop) Sir John ●●●be fell foul with his old Friend, and in revenge complained of him for revealing the King's secrets concredited to his privacy. Hereupon Attorney Noy was employed to put the same into an Information in the Star-chamber; unto which Bishop Williams by good advice of counsel did plead and demur, as containing no matter fit for the cognizance of that Court, as concerning words spoken of matters done in Parliament, & secrets pretended to be revealed by him, a Privy Counsellor and Peer of Parliament, and therefore not to be heard but in that High-Court. This Demurrer being heard & argued by Counsel Pro and Con in open Court for two or three hours (the Lord Keeper and other Lords there present, finding no cause nor colour to overrule it) was referred to Judge Richison (who lately having singded his Coat from blasts at the Court) by him to be smothered, who in a private Chamber presently after dinner overruled the same in a quarter of an hour. 79. The Demurrer thus rendered useless in the Bishop's defence, Deserteth his intents of compounding with the King. he used what means he could by the Lord Weston (a proper person, because Treasurer to meddle in money matters) to compound with his Majesty: but his Majesty resolved to have the Bishop's answer, and confession of his fault before he would compound with him. Whereupon the Bishop quitting all thoughts of composition, resolved to weather out the Tempest of his Majesty's displeasure at open sea, either out of confidence of the strength of his tackling, his own innocence, or skill of his Pilots, who were to steer his suit, having the learnedst Counsel of the Land by whose advice he put in a strong plea, which likewise being argued and debated in open Court, came at last to 70. His Ears were cut off very close, Several censures on his behaviour. so that the Temporal or Head Artery being cut, Anno Dom. 1637 the blood in abundance streamed down upon the Scaffold, Anno Regis Caroli 13 all which he manfully endured, without manifesting the least shrinking thereat. Indeed of such who measured his mind by his words, some conceived his carraige fare above: others (though using the same scale) suspected the same to be somewhat beside himself. But let such who desire more of his character, consult with his printed light, written with his own hand, though it be hard for the most Excellent Artist truly to draw his own Picture. 71. Dr. Bastwick succeeded him, Mr. Bastwick his Speech. making a Speech to this effect. Here are many spectators of us, who stand here as Delinquents, yet am I not conscious to myself of the least trespass, wherein I have deserved this outward shame. Indeed I wrote a Book against Antichrist the Pope, and the Pope of Canterbury said it was written against him. But were the Press open unto us, we would scatter his Kingdom, and fight courageously against Gog and Magog. There be many here that have set many days apart on our behalf (let the Prelates take notice thereof) and have sent up strong prayers to God for us, the strength and fruit whereof we have felt all along in this cause. In a word, so fare am I from fear or care that had I as much blood as would swell the Thames (than visible unto him, his face respecting the South) I would lose every drop thereof in this cause. 72. His Friends much admired and highly commended the erection of his mind triumphing over pain and shame, Many Men many minds making the one easy, the other honourable, and imputed the same to an immediate Spiritual support. Others conceived that anger in him acted the part of patience, as to the stout undergoing of his sufferings, and that in a Christian there lieth a real distinction betwixt Spirit and Stomach, Valour and Stubbornness. 73. Mr. Prince concluded the sad sight of that day, Mr. Prince his Speech. and spoke to this purpose. The cause of my standing here is for not bringing in my Answer, God knoweth, my conscience beareth witness, and my Council can tell, for I paid them twice though to no purpose. But their cowardice stands upon Record. And that's the reason why they did proceed, and take the cause pro confesso against me. But rather than I would have my cause a leading cause to the depriving of the Subject's liberties, which I seek to maintain, I choose to suffer my body to become an example of this punishment. 74. The censure was with all rigour executed on him, His behaviour at the censure. and he who felt the most, fretted the least; commended for more kindly patience than either of his Predecessors in that place. So various were men's fancies in reading the same letters, imprinted in his face, that some made them to spell the guiltiness of the Sufferer, but others the cruelty of the Imposer. Of the latter sort many for the cause, more for the man, most for humanity sake bestowed pity upon him: and now all three were remanded 〈◊〉 their former Prisons; and Mr. Prinne as he returned by water to the T●●er, made this Distich upon his own stigmatising. S. L. Stigmara maxillis referens, insignala Laudis, Exultans remeo, Victima grata Deo. Not long after they were removed: Mr. Prinne to Carnarvan-Castle in Wales: Dr. Bastwicke, and Mr. Burton; the one to Lancaster-Castle, the other to Lanceston in Cornwall. 75. But it seems these places were conceived to have, Their removal. either too little of Privacy, or too much of Pleasure. The two latter therefore were removed again; One to the Isle of Scilly, the other to the Isle of Gernezey; and Mr. Prinne to Mount Orgueile-Castle in Jersey. This in vulgar apprehensions, added breadth to the former depth of their sufferings, scattering the same over all the English Dominions, making the Islands thereof as well as the Continent partake of their patience. And here we leave them all in their Prisons, and particularly Mr. Prinne improving the Rocks and the Seas (good Spiritual Husbandry) with pious meditations. But we shall hear more of them hereafter at the beginning of the Parliament. 76. Next came the Bishop of Lincoln to be censured in the Star-chamber, A preparative to the censure of the Bishop of Lincoln. and something must be premised preparative thereunto. After the great Seal some ten years since was taken from him, he retired himself to Bugden in Huntingdonshire, where he may be said to have lived in a public privacy. So many his Visitants, hospital his house-keeping: it being hard to say, whether his Table were more free and full in diet or discourse: indeed he had a plentiful estate to maintain it, besides his purchased Land. The revenues of his Bishopric, and Deanery of Westminster, out of which, long since he had been shaken, if not fastened therein, by the Letters Patents of King James. His Adversaries beheld him with envious eyes, and one great Prelate plainly said in the presence of the King, that the Bishop of Lincoln lived in as much pomp and plenty as any Cardinal in Rome, for Dy●t, Music, and attendance. They resolved therefore to humble his height, the concurrence ●f many matters ministering occasion thereunto. 77. Sir John Lamb Dean of the Arches formerly a Favourite of Lincoln (feucht off from being prosecuted in Parliament, The Bishop his discourse at the table with Sir John Lamb. and knighted by his means) with Dr. Sibthorp, Allen and Burden (two Proctors as I take them) were entertained at the Bishops talk at Bugden, where their table was (the discourse general of those days) against Puritan. The Bishop advised them to take off their heavy hand from them, informing them that his Majesty intended to use them hereafter with more mildness, as a considerable party having great influence on the Parliament, without whose concurrence the King could not comfortably supply his necessities: adding moreover that his Majesty had communicated this unto him by his own mouth, with his resolutions hereafter of more gentleness to men of that opinion. 78. Some years after upon the denial of an officials place in Leicestershire (which notwithstanding, Informed against him in the Star-chamber. he carried in despite of the Bishop) Sir John Lamb fell foul with his old Friend, and in revenge complained of him for revealing the King's secrets concredited to his privacy. Hereupon Attorney Noy was employed to put the same into an Information in the Star-chamber; unto which Bishop Williams by good advice of counsel did plead and demur, as containing no matter fit for the cognizance of that Court, as concerning words spoken of matters done in Parliament, & secrets pretended to be revealed by him, a Privy Counsellor and Peer of Parliament, and therefore not to be heard but in that High-Court. This Demurrer being heard & argued by Counsel Pro and Con in open Court for two or three hours (the Lord Keeper and other Lords there present, finding no cause nor colour to overrule it) was referred to Judge Richison (who lately having singded his Coat from blasts at the Court) by him to be smothered, who in a private Chamber presently after dinner overruled the same in a quarter of an hour. 79. The Demurrer thus rendered useless in the Bishop's defence, Deferreth his intents of compounding with the King. he used what means he could by the Lord Weston (a proper person, because Treasurer to meddle in money matters) to compound with his Majesty: but his Majesty resolved to have the Bishop's answer, and confession of his fault before he would compound with him. Whereupon the Bishop quitting all thoughts of composition, resolved to weather out the Tempest of his Majesty's displeasure at open sea, either out of confidence of the strength of his tackling, his own innocence, or skill of his Pilots, who were to steer his suit, having the learnedst Counsel of the Land by whose advice he put in a strong plea, which likewise being argued and debated in open Court, came at last to the same untimely end with the Demurrer, as referred to Judge Richison, and smothered by him in a Chamber. 80. This Plea thus overruled, Puts in an especial answer. the Bishop put in an especial answer to the information, declaring, how all was grounded by a conspiracy and combination of the persons named in the Bill, to wit, (Lamb, Sibthorpe, Allen and Burden) out of an intent to advance themselves, and hatred they bore to him, for not permitting them to pole and pill the King's Subjects in Leicestershire, in their Ecclesiastical Courts by haling them into their nets ex officio mero without any previous complaint, under an imaginary colour of Puritanism. To this especial answer, Attorney Noy rejoined in issue, admitting the Bishop to prove his especial matters, who proceeded to the examination of his witnesses therein. 81. Now began Attorney Noy to grow weary of the matter, Kilve●t entertained his Prosecutor. and became slow and remiss in the prosecution thereof, whether out of respect to the Bishop whom he honoured (though tart in terms against him to please a greater Prelate) or out of consciousness that more weight was hung thereon, than the slender Wires of the cause would bear. Hereupon Richard Kilvert was entertained to follow the Suit, (though not entering himself as he ought Prosecutour upon record) at the best being a necessary evil, to do what an honest man would be ashamed of. Indeed like an English Mastiff he would fiercely fly upon any person, or project, if set on with promise of profit, and having formerly made his Breakfast on Sir John Bennet, he intended to dine and sup on the Bishop. And though his strength consisted much in a cunning head, yet fare more in an able back as seconded in this suit and abetted from the Court in his undertake. This Kilvert so wrought himself into Warren an Examiner of the Star-Chamber, that (some say) contrary to his oath he revealed unto him that the Testimony of one John Pregion Register of Lincoln and Leicester was most material in the Bishop his defence. 82. Then was it Kilvert his design to uncredit the Testimony of Pregion, Pregion a principal witness of the Bishop much molested. by charging him with several accusations, particularly getting a Bastard, though being no matters upon record, to take away the validity of his witness. The Bishop apprehending himself necessitated to weigh up Pregion his repute, engaged himself more zealously therein, then was conceived consistent with the gravity of so great a Prelate for so inconsiderable a person. Especially to such who knew not that Dr. Morrison and this Pregion, were the only persons of note present at the Bishop his Table when the discourse passed betwixt him and Sir John Lamb. The Bastard laid to his charge, is bandied at Lincoln-Sessions, backward and forward betwixt Pregion and another. The first Court fathers it upon him, the next freed him from it, and a third returned it upon him again. This last order of Sessions was again dissolved as illegal, by the Judges of the Kings-Bench, and Pregion cleared from the child charged on him. Sir John Munson a Justice of that County appearing very active against him, and the Bishop no less earnest in his behalf. 83. Here happened the occasion or that which was afterwards so highly charged, Subornation of perjury charged on the Bishop. and heavily censured on the Bishop Williams, wiz. tampering to 〈◊〉 witnesses Henceforward 〈…〉 all his first information, which from this day sunk 〈◊〉 silence, and employed all his power on the proof of Subornation. That 〈…〉 too hard for his Teeth to enter, and fastened his fangs on a softer place, so to pinch the Bishop to purpose; yea so expensive was the suit that the Bishop (well skilled in the charge of charitable works) might with the same cost have built and endowed a small College. 84. Some days before she hearing, a Noble Lord of his Majesty's Council, In 〈…〉 with the King. the Bishop's great Friend, interposed himself to compound the matter, prevailing so fare that on his payment of two thousand pound, the Suit should be superseded in the Star-Chamber, and he freed from further molessation. But at this Lords return the price was risen in the market, and besides the aforesaid 〈◊〉 it was demanded of him, that to procure his peace he must part with his Deanery of Westminster, Parsonage or Walgrave, and Prebend of Lincoln which he kept in commendam. To this the Bishop answered, that he would in no base forgo those few remainders of the favour which his dead master King James had conferred 〈◊〉 him. 85. Not long after another bargain was driven, frustrated therein by his great Adversary. by the well intended endeavours of the same Lord, that seeing his Majesty at that time had much occasion of moneys? if he would but double the former sum, and lay down four thousand pounds, he should be freed from further trouble, and might go home with all his 〈◊〉 about him. The Bishop returned that he took no delight, 〈◊〉 at law with his Sovereign, and thankfully embracing the motion, prepared himself for the payment. When a great Adversary stepping in, so violented his Majesty to a Trial, that all was not only frustrated, but this afterwards urged against the Bishop, to prove him conscious of a crime from his forwardness to entertain a composition. 86. The day of censure being come, July 11. Tuesday. Sir John Finch Lord chief Justice fined the Bishop ten thousand pound for tempering to suborn Witnesses, His heavy censure. Secretary Windebank concurred with (that little Bell, being the loudest and shrillest in the whole pea●) as who alone motioned to degrade him; which was lustily pronounced by a Knight and Layman, having no precedent for the same in former ages. The other Lords brought the fine down to eight thousand pound, and a thousand marks to Sir John Munson, with suspension ab officio et beneficio, and imprisoning him, during the King's pleasure. The Earl of Arundel added, that the cause in its self was extraordinary, not so much prosecuted by the Attorney, as immediately by the King himself recommended to their justice. Manchester Lord privy Seal said that this was the first precedent, wherein a Master had undone himself to save his Servant. 87. The Archbishop of Canterbury did consent thereunto, To which the Archbishop of Canterbury did concur. aggravating the fault of subornation of perjury, with a pathetical speech of almost an hour long, showing how the world was above three thousand years old before ripe enough to commit so great a wickedness, and Jesabell the first in Scripture branded with that infamy, whose false Witnesses the holy Spirit refused to name, otherwise than under the Character of Men of Belial. Wherefore although (as he said) he himself had been five times down on his knees to his Majesty, in the Bishop's behalf; yet considering the guilt so great, he could not but agree with the heaviest censure. And although some Lords, the Bishops Friends, as Treasurer Weston, Earl of Dorset etc. concurred in the fine, with hope the King should have the sole honour of the mitigation thereof, yet his Majesty's necessaries, meeting with the person adjudged guilty, and well known for solvable; no wonder if the utmost penny of the fine was exacted. 88 At the same time were fined with the Bishop, Three of his Servants fined with 〈◊〉. George Walker his Secretary, Cadwallader powel his Steward, at three hundred pounds, a piece, and Thomas Lund the Bishop his Servant at a thousand 〈◊〉 all as 〈◊〉 in the same cause, yet none of them was imprisoned, save Lund for a few weeks, and their fine never called upon into this day, which the Bishop said, was commuted into such Office, as hereafter they were go do in the favour of Kilvert. 7. To make this our History entire, The complaints against the unjust proceed against him put in by the Bishop into the Parliament. the matter, in this particular suit. Be it therefore known to the Reader, than some four years after, 〈◊〉 1640, when this Bishop was fetch out of the Tower, and restored a Peer in Parliament, he there in presented several grievances, concerning the indirect prosecution of this cause against him, whereof these the principal. First, that his Adversaries utterly wa●ed, and declined the matter of their first Information, about revealing the King's secrets; as hopeless of success therein, and sprung a new mine to blow up his credit, about perjury in the examination of Witnesses. Whereas he conceived it just, that all accidentals and occasionalls should sink with the substance of the accusation, otherwise suits would be endless, if the branches thereof should still survive when the root doth expire. * These complaints I extracted out of the Bishop his Original. Secondly, that he was deprived of the benefit of bringing in any exceptions against the Testimonies of Sir John Lamb and Dr. Sibthorp, to prove their combination against him, because they deposing pro Domino Rege, non● must impeach the credit of the King's Witnesses, who must be reputed holy and sacred in what they 〈◊〉 in so much that after Briefs were drawn by Counsels on both sides, the Court was moved to expunge those Witnesses, which made most against the King, and for the Defendant. Thirdly, that Kilvert used all ways to menace, and intimidate the Bishop his Witnesses, frighting them as much as he could, out of their own consciences, with dangers presented unto them. To this purpose, he obtained from Secretary Windebank, that a Messenger of the Star-chamber, one Pechye by name, was directed to attend him all along the speeding of the Commission in the Country, with his Coat of Arms upon him, with power to apprehend, and close imprison any person whom Kilvert should appoint, pretending from the Secretary Warrants for matters of State, and deep consequence so to do; by virtue whereof, in the face of the Commission, he seized on, and committed George Walker and Thomas Lund, two material Witnesses for the Bishop, and by the terror thereof chased away many more, whose Depositions were necessary to the clearing of the Bishop his integrity: yet when the aforesaid two Prisoners, in the custody of the Messenger were produced before Secretary Winebank, he told them he had no matters of State against them, but turned them over to Kilvert, wishing them to give him satisfaction; and were not permitted to have their liberty, until after long close imprisonment, they were forced to confess under their own hands, Crimes against themselves and the Bishop, which afterwards they denied and revoked upon their Oaths. Lastly and chief, that the Judges privately overruled his Pleas, so that what shame, and the honour of the Court, with the inspection of so many eyes, would not permit to be done publicly in the Sunshine of Justice, was posted over by a Judge privately in a corner. These and many more Kilvertismes, as he calls them, did the Bishop complain of in Parliament, who so far tendered his innocency therein, that they ordered all the Records of that Suit in the Star-chamber to be obliterated. Y●a we may justly conceive, that these Grievances of the Bishop did much hasten, if not chief cause the suppression of that Court. 8. Thirteen days after he was suspended by the High-commission, Is examined again in the Tower. and imprisoned in the Tower for almost four years, during whose durance therein, two Bishops and three Doctors were sent thither unto him, to take his answer to a Book of Articles, of twenty four Sheets of papes written on both sides. They proffered him the Bible to take the oath thereon, which he utterly refused, claiming the privilege of a Peer, adding moreover that being a Bishop, it was against law and Precedent in Antiquity, that young Priests his Graces (and some who had been his own) Chaplains, and Lay Doctors should sit as Judges of a Bishop his Doctrine, with power to deprive him of his Bishopric, if disliking the same. This was overruled, and he as one of the King's Subjects required to make his answer. 9 First the article that all Books licenced by his Grace's Chaplains (as Chune his, Whether some Books were orthodox. and Sala his Book with Doctor Mannering his Sermons) are presumed by all true Subjects to be orthodox, and agreeable to sound Religion. This the Bishop utterly denied, and wondered at their impudency, to propound such an Article unto him. 10. Secondly they alleged, that no Bishop but his Grace, Who had power to licence them. the Lord of London, and their Chaplains, had power to allow Books. This the other denied, saying that all Bishops, who were as learned as they, had as much power as they, citing for the same the Council of Lateran under Leo the tenth. Reformatio Cleri, under Cardinal Poole. Queen Elizabeth her injunctions, and the Decree of the Star-chamber relating to all these: He also stoutly averred the privilege, to belong only to the Bishops, and not to their Servants: howbeit his Grace had shuffled in his Chaplains to the last printed Star-chamber decree. More frivolous were the ensuing Articles whereon he was examined. That he called a Book entitled A coal from the Altar, a Pamphlet. That he said, that all flesh in England had corrupted their ways. That he said scoffingly he had heard of a Mother-Church, but not of a Mother-Chappell, meaning the Kings, to which all Churches in ceremonies were to conform. That he wickedly jested upon St. Martin's hood. That he said, that the people are not to be lashed by every man's whip. That he said (citing a national Council for it) that the people are Gods, and the Kings, and not the Priest's people. That he doth not allow Priests to jeer and make invectives against the People. 11. To all which the Bishop made so wary an answer, His cautious answer. that no advantage could be gained thereby: yea though some days after they returned to re-examine him, upon the same Articles, to try as he thought the steddiness of his memory, or else to plunge him into some crime of perjury, if in any material point he dissented from his former depositions; but the Bishop like a good boy said his Lesson over again and again, so that no advantage could be taken against him, & thereupon they gave him leave to play, proceeding no further in this cause; only they painted him out in an ugly shape to the King, as disaffected to the present government, and God willing we shall hear more of their proceed against him hereafter. 12. But now we are summoned to a sadder subject; Transition to a sad Subject from the sufferings of a Private Person, to the miseries and almost mutual ruin of two Kingdoms, England and Scotland. I confess my hands have always been unwilling to write of that cold Country, for fear my fingers should be frost bitten therewith, but necessity to make our story entire, puts me upon the employment. Miseries caused from the sending of the Book of Service, or new Liturgy thither, which may sadly be termed a RUBRIC indeed, died with the blood of so many of both Nations, slain on that occasion. 95. It seems the design began in the reign of King James, The project of a public Prayer-book, began in the reign of King James, who desired and endeavoured an uniformity of public Prayers, through the Kingdom of Scotland. In order whereunto an Act was passed in the general Assembly a The King's large Declaration concerning the tumults in Scotland pag. 16 at Aberdeene 1616, to authorize some Bishop's present to compile, and frame a Public form of Common Prayer: and let us observe the motions thereof. 1. It was committed to the Bishop's aforesaid, and principally to the Archbishop of St. Andrews * See the life of Archbishop Spo●swood. and William Cooper Bishop of Galloway, to draw up the order thereof. 2. It was transmitted into England to King James, who punctually perused every particular passage therein. 3. It was remitted with the King's Observations, Additions, Expunctions, Mutations, Accommodations to Scotland again. But here the design sunk with the sudden death of King James, and lay not only dormant but dead; till some years after it was awakened or rather revived again. 96. In the reign of King Charles, Why a difference betwixt the Scotch and English Liturgy. the project being resumed (but whether the same book or no God knoweth) it was concluded not to send into Scotland the same Liturgy of England Totidem verbis, left this should be misconstrued a badge of dependence of that Church on ours. It was resolved also, That the two Liturgies should not differ in substance, b King's Declaration pag. 18 left the Roman party should upbraid us with weighty and material differences. A Similitude therefore not Identity being resolved of, it was drawn up with some, as they termed them, insensible alterations, but such as were quickly found and felt by the Scotch to their great distaste. These alterations are of two natures. First, ingratiating, which may be presumed, made to gain the affection of that Nation. Secondly, distasting, which (if not in the intent) in the event proved the great grievance and general cause that the book was hated and rejected. We will insist on three of the first sort. First, Canonical Scripture only used in the Scotch Liturgy Whereas there was an ancient complaint, That so much of the Apocrypha was read in Churches, viz. about sixty Chapters for the first lesson (from the 28. of September till the 24. of November) Canonical Scripture is alone appointed to be read in the Scotch Liturgy, one day alone excepted, viz. All Saints day, when Wisdom the 3, and Ecclesiasticus the 14, are ordered for Morning and Evening Prayer, on the same token there wanted not such, who said that those two Chapters were left there, to keep possession, that all the rest might in due time be reintroduced. Secondly, The word Priest therein declined. The word Priest often used in the English Liturgy, gave offence to many, in so much that c Cartwright in his Admonition 3. cap. 1. division. one writeth, To call us Priests as touching our office, is either to call back again the old Priesthood of the Law, which is to deny Christ to be come, or else to keep a memory of the Popish Priesthood of abomination still amongst us; besides we never read in the New-Testament, that the word Priest (as touching office) is used in the good part. Whereupon to prevent exception, it was mollified into Presbyter in the Scotch Rubric. 97. The names of sundry Saints omitted in the English, Scotch Saints inserted into the Calendar. are inserted into the Scotch Calendar (but only in black letters) on their several days according to the form following. January. February. March. 11 David King. 13 Mungo Bishop, in Latin Kentigernus. 18 Colman. 11 Constantine the 3. King. 17 Patrick. 20 Cuthbert. April. May. June. 1 Gilbert Bishop. 20 Serfe Bishop. 9 Columba. July. August. September. 6 Palladius. 18 Ninian Bishop. 25 Adaman Bishop. October. November. December. 16 Margaret Queen. 27 Ode Virgin. 4 Droftane. Some of these were Kings, all of them Natives of that Country, (Scotch and Irish in former ages being effectually the same) and which in probability might render them to the favour of their countrymen, some of them (as Coleman &c.) zealous opposites to the Church of Rome in the celebration of Easter. 98. But these Scotch Saints were so far from making the English Laturgy acceptable, Alterations of Addition in the Scotch Liturgy. that the English Liturgy, rather made the Saints odious unto them. Such the Distasting alterations in the Book reduceable to 1. Additions, 2. Omissions, 3. Variations, 4. and Transpositions. To instance in the most material of the first kind. 1. In the Baptism, these words are inserted d Fol. 106. pag. 2. Sanctify this fountain of water, thou which art the Sanctifier of all things. Which words are enjoined to be spoken by the Minister, so often as the water in the Fount is changed, which must be at least twice a month. 2. In the Prayer after the Doxology, and before the Communion, this Passage (expunged by the English Reformers out of our Liturgy) is out of the Ordinary of Sarum inserted in the Scotch Prayer Book. And of thy almighty c fol. 102. pagina 1. goodness vouchsafe so to bless, and sanctify with thy word and holy word, these thy gifts and Creatures of Bread and Wine, that they may be unto us the body and blood of thy most dearly beloved Son: from which words saith the Scotch Author, all f Bayly in his Canterburians Self-conviction pag. Papists use to draw the truth of the Transubstantiation. 3. He that Celebrateth, is enjoined to cover that which remaineth of the consecrated Eleents, with a fair linen Cloth or Corporall g fol. 103. pag. 2. ; a word unknown to vulgar Ears of either Nations, in other sense then to signify an under-officer in a foot Company, and complained of to be purposely placed here, to wrap up therein all Romish superstition of Christ's Carnal Corporal presence in the Sacrament. 4. In the Prayer for the State of Christ's Church Militant, these words are added. And h folio 98. pagina 1. we also bless thy holy name, for all those thy servants who having finished their course in faith, do now rest from their labours. And we yield unto thee most high praise and hearty thanks, for the wonderful grace and virtue declared in all thy Saints, who have been the choice vessels of thy grace and the lights of the world in their several generations: most humbly beseeching thee, that we may have grace to follow the example of their steadfastness in thy faith, and obedience to thy holy commandments, that at the day of the general Resurrection, we, and all they which are of the mystical body of thy Son, may be set on his right hand, and hear that his most joyful voice, Come ye blessed etc. 99 Amongst the Omissions none more complained of than the deleting these words, The most material omission. in the delivery of the bread at the Sacrament. Take i fol. 103. pag. 2. and eat this in remembrance that Christ died for thee, and feed on him in thine heart by faith with thanksgiving. A passage destructive to Transubstantiation, as diverting Communicants from Carnal Munducation, and directing their Souls to a spiritual repast on their Saviour. All which in the Scotch Liturgy is cut off with an Amen from the Receiver. The Variations and Transpositions are of less moment, as where the money gathered at the offer ory, distributable by the English Liturgy to the poor alone, hath a moiety thereof assigned the Minister therewith to buy him books of holy Divinity, and some prayers are transposed from their place, and ordered elsewhere, whereat some do take no small exception. Other smaller differences (if worth the while) will quickly appear to the curious perusers of both Liturgies. 100 Pass we now from the constitution of the book, The discontented condition of the Scorch Nation when the Liturgy was first brought unto them. to the condition of the Scotch Nation, in this unhappy juncture of time when it was imposed upon him. For it found them in a discontented posture (and high Royalists will maintain, that murmuring and muting against Princes differ only in degree, nor in kind) occasioned on several accounts. 1. Some years since, the King had passed an Act of revocation of Crown Lands (aliened in the minority of his Ancestors) whereby much land of the Nobility became obnoxious to forfeiture. k The King's declaration at large pag. 6. And though all was forgiven again by the King's clemency, and nothing acted hereby to the prejudice of any, yet it vexed some to hold that as remitted by the King's bounty, wherein they conceived themselves to be before unquestionably estated. 2. Whereas many formerly in Scotland, were rather Subjects than Tenants, rather Vassals than Subjects: Such the Landlords Princely (not to say Tyranniolly) power over them, the King had lately freed many from such dangerous dependence. Especially in point of payment of Tithes to the Lords of the Erection, equivalent to our English lay Impropriators (but allowing the Land lords a valuable consideration, according to the purchases l Idem pag. 9 of that Country) whereby the King got the smiles of those who were most in number, but the frowns of such who were greatest in power. 3. Many were offended that at the King's Coronation, some six years ago, and a Parliament following thereon, an act of ratification was passed concerning the Church her liberties and privileges, which some complained of, was done without Plurality of Suffrages. 4. Some Persons of honour desiring higher Titles m 〈…〉 were offended, that they were denied unto them, whilst his Majesty conferred them on others. There want not those also, who confidently suggest it to Posterity, that Pensions constantly paid out of the English Exchequer in the Reign of King James to some principal pastors in the Scottish Church were since detained. So also the bounty of boons was now restrained in the Reign of King Charles, which could not fall so freely, as in the days of his father (the Cloud being almost drained) adding moreover that the want of watering of Scotland with such showers, made them to chap into such Clefts and Chinks of Parties and Fashions, disaffected to the Kings proceed. 101. To increase these distempers, some complain (how justly, The Book bears the blame of all. their own Countrymen best know) of the pride and pragmaticainess of the Scotch Bishops, who being but Probationers on their good behaviour (as but reintroduced by King James) offended the ancient Nobility, with their medleing in State matters. And I find two principally accused on this account; Doctor Forbes Bishop of the new Bishopric of Edenburg, and Doctor Welderburne Bishop of Dumblane. Thus was the Scotch Nation full of discontents, when this Book being brought unto them bore the blame of their breaking forth into more dangerous designs, as when the Cup is brim full before, the last (though least) superadded drop is charged alone to be the cause of all the running over. 102. Besides the Church of Scotland claimed not only to be Independent, The Scotch Church standeth on the terms of its own independency. & free as any Church in Christendom (a Sister not Daughter of England) but also had so high an opinion of its own purity, that it participated more of Moses his platform in the Mount, than other Protestant Churches, being a reformed reformation; So that the practice thereof might be directory to others, and she fit to give, not take, writ, not receive copies from any Neighbouring Church, destring that all others were like unto them, save only in their afflictions. 103. So much for the [complained of] burden of the book, Archbishop Land accused as principal Composer of the Book. as also for the sore back of that Nation (gauled with the aforesaid grievances) when this Liturgy was sent unto them: and now we must not forget the hatred they bore to the hand, which they accused for laying it upon them. Generally they excused the King in their writings, as innocent therein, but charged Archbishop Laud as the principal (and Doctor n Bayly ut pri. pag. 102. Cousins for the instrumental) compiler thereof, which may appear by what we read, in a Writer o Idem pag 95. & 96. of that Nation, afterwards employed into England, about the advancing of the Covenant betwixt both Nations, and other Church affairs. This unhappy Book was his Gracet invention; if he should deny it, his own deeds would convince him. The manifold letters which in this Pestiferous affair have passed betwixt him and our Prelates are yet extant. Anno Dom. 1637 If we might be heard, Anno Regis Caroli 13 we would spread out sundry of them, before the Convocation-House of England, making it clear as the light, that in all this design his hand had ever been the prime stickler, so that upon his back mainly, nill he will he, would be laid the charge of all the fruits good or evil, which from that Tree are like to fall on the King's Countries. Surely if any such evidence was extant, we shall hear of it hereafter at his arraignment, produced and urged by the Scotch-Commissioners. 10. But leaving the Roots to lie under the Earth, The tumult at Edinburgh at the first reading the book. let us look on the Branches spreading themselves above ground, July 23. Sunday and passing from the secret Author of this Book, behold the evident effects thereof. No sooner had the Dean of Edinburgh began to read the Book in the Church of St. Gyles, in the presence of the privy-councel, both the Archbishops, divers Bishops and Magistrates of the City, but presently such a Tumult was raised, that through clapping of hands, cursing, and crying one could neither hear nor be heard. The Bishop of Edinburgh endeavoured in vain to appease the Tumult; whom a Stool aimed to be thrown at him, had killed, p The King's la●ge declaration pag. 23. if not diverted by one present, so that the same Book had occasioned his Death, and prescribed the form of his burial, and this Hubbub was hardly suppressed by the Lord Provost and Bailiffs of Edinburgh. 105. This first Tumult was caused by such, More considerable persons engaged in the cause. whom I find called the Scum of the City, considerable for nothing but their number: But few days after the cream of the Nation (some of the highest and best quality therein) engaged in the same cause, crying out, God defend all those who will defend God's cause, and God confound q The King's large declaration pag. 37. the Service-Book and all the maintainers of it. 106. The Lords of the Council interposed their power, Octob. 17. and to appease all parties issued out a Proclamation to remove the Session (much like to our Term in London) to Lithgou. The occasion of the Scotch covenant. This abated their anger as fire is quenched with Oil, seeing the best part of the Edenburgers' livelihood depends on the Session kept in their City, yea so highly were the People enraged against Bishops as the procurers of all these Troubles, that the Bishop of Galloway passing peaceably along the street towards the Council-house; was way-layed r King's large declaration pag. 35. in his coming thither, if by divine Providence, and by Frances Stewart Son to the late Earl of Bothwell, he had not with much ado been got within the doors of the Council-house. Indeed there is no fence, but flight, nor counsel, but concealment, to secure any single par●y against an offended multitude. 107. These troublesome beginnings afterwards did occasion the solemn League and Covenant, The Author's excuse, why not proceeding in this subject. whereby the greatest part of the Nation united themselves, to defend their Privileges, and which laid the foundation of a long and woeful War in both Kingdoms. And here I crave the Readers pardon to break off; and leave the prosecution of this sad subject, to Pens more able to undertake it. For first, I know none will pity me, if I needlessly prick my fingers with meddling with a Thistle, which belongs not unto me. Secondly, I despair of perfect notice of particulars, at so great a distance of place, and greater of Parties concerned therein. Thirdly, if exact intelligence were obtained: as ages long ago are written with more saefety than truth, so the story hereof might be written with more truth than safety. Lastly, being a civil business it is aliened from my subject, and may justly be declined. If any object that it is reduceable to Ecclesiastical story, because one as they said termed this Bellum episcopale, The War for Bishops: I conceive it presumption for so mean a Minister as myself (and indeed for any under that great order) to undertake the writing thereof. TO HENRY PUCKERINGNEWTON SON and HEIR to Sr. HENRY PUCKERINGNEWTON BARONET. NO Gentleman in this Nation is more advantaged to be a Scholar born then yourself. You may be free of the City of the Muses by the Copy of your Grandfathers. By your Father's side, Sir Adam Newton, Tutor to Prince Henry. By your Mother's side, Mr. Murray, Tutor to K. Charles. If you be not more than an ordinary Scholar, it will not be less than an extraordinary disgrace: Good is not good, where better is expected. But I am confident, if your pains be added to your parts, your prayers to your pains, God's blessing will be added to your prayers to crown all with success. 1. NOw Bishop Williams was sentenced the second time in the Star-Chamber on this occ●sion, Bishop Williams his second censure. Mr. Lambert Osbaston Schoolmaster of Westminster wrote a Letter unto him wherein this passage. The little vermin the Urchin and Hocus pocus is this stormy Christmas at true and real variance with the Leviathan. Now the Bishop was accused for d vulging scandalous Libels on Privy-Counsellors, and that the Archbishop of Canterbury was meant by the former names. The Lord Treasurer Weston by the Leviathan, because he should have presented the libellous Letter at the receipt thereof, to some Justice of Peace, Anno Dom. and not dispersed the same. Anno Regis Carol. 2. The Bishop pleaded, that he remembered not the receiving of any such letter, that he conceived no law directs the subject to bring to a Justice of Peace, Enigmas or Riddles, but plain literal and grammatical Libels, against a known and clearly deciphered Person. Mr. Osbaston denied the words so meant by him, and deposed that he intended one Doctor Spicer a Civilian by Hocus Pocus, and the Lord Richardson (alive when the letter was written, but then dead) for the Leviathan. 3. Here a paper was produced by Mr. Walker the Bishop's Secretary, and found in a band-box at Bugden, wherein the Bishop had thus written unto him. Here is a strange thing, Mr. Osbaston importunes me to contribute to my Lord Treasurer's use, some charges upon the little great man, and assures me they are mortally out. I have utterly refused to meddle in this business, and I pray you learn from Mr. S. and Mr. H. if any such falling out be, or whether some body hath not gulled the Schoolmaster in these three last letters, and keep it to yourself what I writ unto you. If my Lord Treasurer would be served by me, be must use a more near, solid, and trusty Messenger, and free me from the bonds of the Star-chamber, else let them fight it out for me. Now Mr. Walker being pressed by a friend, why he would discover this letter to his Master's prejudice, averred, he brought it forth as a man witness of his innocency, and as able to clear him of all in the informaton: however it was strongly misunderstood; for by comparing both letters together the Court collected the Bishop guilty. 4. Sir John Finch fined him a just ten thousand pounds, Rotundi numeri causa, whom Secretary Windebank did follow. The rest brought it down to eight thousand pounds only, one Lord thought fitting to impose no fine upon him, rendering this reason, Qui jacet in terra non habet unde cadet. 5. The Bishop already being sequestered from all his Temporal Lands, spiritual preferment, and his Person imprisoned, Mr. Osbaston was sentenced five Thousand pounds, loss of his good living at Whethamstede, and to have his ear●s tacked to the Pillory in the presence of his Scholars, whom his industry had improved to as great eminency of learning as any of his Predecessors, insomuch that he had at the present above fouresore Doctors, in the two Universities, and three learned faculties, all gratefully acknowledging their education under him. But this last personal penalty he escaped by going beyond Canterbury, conceived seasonably gone beyond the Seas, whilst he secretly concealed himself in London. 6. All this put not a period to the Bishop's troubles; 1638 his unsequestred Spirit so supported him, 14 that some of his Adversaries frowned because he could smile under so great vexations. A design is set a foot, either to make him voluntarily surrender his Bishopric, Deanary and dignities (permitted perchance a poor Bishopric in Ireland) or else to press his degradation: in order whereunto a new information with ten Articles is drawn up against him, though for the main, but the consequence and deductions of the fault for tampering with Witnesses, for which in the 13. of King Charles he had been so severely censured. 7. To this the Bishop put in a Plea, and Demurrer, that Deus non judicat bis in id ipsum, God punisheth not the same fault twice: that this is the way to make causes immense and punishments infinite: that whereas there was two things that Philosophers denied, infiniteness and vacuity, Kilvert had found them both in this prosecution; infiniteness in the Bishop's cause and vacuity in his purse: that the profane wits of this age should begin to doubt of the necessity of believing a Hell hereafter, Anno Regis Caroli 14 when such eternal punishments are found here in such kind of prosecution: Anno Dom. 1638 he added also that he could prove it that it was a conspiracy of Kilverts with other persons, if he might have freedom to bring his witnesses against them; which because it cast scandal on those who were Pro domino Rege, was now denied him. 8. Then put he in a rejoinder and an Appeal unto the next Parliament, whensoever it should be assembled, pleading his privilege of Peerage, as his freehold, and that he could not be degraded of his Orders and Dignities. This was filled in the Star-chamber under the Clarks Book; and Copies thereof signed with the usual Officers. Now although this was but a poor help, no light of a Parliament dawning at that time; yet it so far quashed the proceed that it never came to farther hearing, and the matter superseded from any final Censure. 9 And now began Scotland to be an Actor, 15 and England, 1639 [as yet] a sad Spectator thereof, Scots broile● begin. as suspecting ere long to feel what ●e beheld. There is an Hie Hill in Cumberland called Skiddaw, & another answering thereto, [Scrussell by name] in Anandale in Scotland, and the people dwelling by, have an old Rythme. — If * Camden's Brit. in Cumber. p. 7●7. Skiddaw hath a Cap, Scrussle wots full well of that. Meaning that such the vicinity (and as I may say sympathy) betwixt these two Hills, that if one be sick with a mist of clouds, the other soon after is sad on the like occasion. Thus none, seeing it now foul weather in Scotland, could expect it fair sunshine in England, but that she must share in the same miseries: as soon after it came to pass. 10. Let those who desire perfect information hereof, March 27. satisfy themselves, The Reader referred to other Authors. from such as have, or may hereafter write the History of the State. In whom they shall find how King Charles took his journey Northward, June 17. against the Scottish Covenanters. How some weeks after, on certain conditions a Peace was concluded betwixt them. How his Majesty returned to London's and how this palliated cure soon after brake out again, more dangerous than ever before. 11. In these distracted times a Parliament was called with the wishes of all, April 13 Monday. and hopes of most that were honest, A Parliament and Convocation called. yet not without the fears of some, who were wise, what would be the success thereof. With this Parliament began a Convocation; all the mediate transactions (for aught I can find out) are embezzled; and therein it was ordered, that none present should take any private notes in the House; whereby the particular passages thereof are left at great uncertainty. However, so far as I can remember, I will faithfully relate; being comforted with this consideration, that generally he is accounted an unpartial arbitrator who displeaseth both sides. 12. On the first day thereof Dr. Turner, Doctor Turne● his text, and Sermon. Chaplain to the Archbishop of Canterbury, 14. Tuesd. made a Latin Sermon in the Choir of St. Paul's. His text Matth. 10. 16. Behold, I send you forth as Sheep in the midst of Wolves. In the close of his Sermon he complained, that all Bishops held not the reins of Church-discipline with an even hand, but that some of them were too easy, and remiss, in the ordering thereof. Whereby whiles they sought to gain to themselves the popular praise of meekness, and mildness, they occasionally cast on other Bishops (more severe than themselves) the unjust imputation of rigour, and tyranny; and therefore he advised them all with equal strictness to urge an universal conformity. The effect of the Archbishop's Lat●n speech. Sermon ended, we chose Dr. Stewart Dean of Chichester Prolocutor. 13. 17. Friday. Next day of sitting we met at Westminster, in the Chapel of King Henry the seventh both the Houses of Convocation being joined together; Anno Dom 1640 when the Archbishop of Canterbury entertained them with a Latin Speech, Anno Regis Caroli 16 well-nigh three quarrels of an hour gravely uttered, his eyes ofttimes being but one remove from weeping. It consisted most of generals, bemoaning the distempers of the Church, but concluded it with a special passage, acquaining us how highly we were indebted to his Majesty's favour so far intrusting the integrity, and ability of that Convocation, as to empower them with his Commission, the like whereof was not granted for may years before, to alter old, or make new Canons for the better government of the Church. 14. Some wise men in the Convocation began now to be jealous of the event of new Canons, The just suspicions of wise men. yea, became fearful of their own selves, for having too great power, lest it should tempt them to be over tampering in innovations. They thought it better, that this Convocation, with its predecessors, should be censured for laziness, and the solemn doing of just nothing, rather than to run the hazard by over activity to do any thing unjust. For, as waters long dammed up, ofttimes flownce, and fl●e out too violently, when their sluices are pulled up, and they let lose on a sudden: so the judicious feared, lest the Convocation, whose power of meddling with Church-matters, had been bridled up for many years before, should now, enabled with such power, overact their parts, especially in such dangerous, and discontented times. Yea, they suspected, lest those who formerly had outrun the Canons with their additional conformity (ceremonizing more than was enjoined) now would make the Canons come up to them, making it necessary for others, what voluntarily they had prepractised themselves. 15. Matters began to be in agitation, The Parliament suddenly dissolved. May 5 when on a sudden the Parliament (wherein many things were started, nothing hunted down, or brought to perfection) was dissolved. Whilst the immediate cause hereof is commonly cast on the King, and Court, demanding so many Subsidies at once (England being as yet unacquainted with such prodigious payments;) the more conscientious look higher, and remoter, on the crying sins of our Kingdom. And from this very time did God begin to gather the twiggs of that rod [a civil war] wherewith soon after he intended to whip a wanton nation. 16. Next day the Convocation came together, Yet the Convocation still continues. 6 as most supposed, merely meeting to part, and finally to dissolve themselves. When, contrary to general expectation, it was motioned, to improve the present opportunity, in perfecting the new Canons which they had begun. And soon after a new Commission was brought from his Majesty, by virtue whereof we were warranted still to sit, not in the capacity of a Convocation, but of a Synod, to prepare our Canons for the Royal Assent thereunto. But Doctor Brownrigg, Doctor Hacket, Doctor Holesworth, Master Warmistre with others, to the number of thirty six (the whole House consisting of about six score) earnestly protested against the continuance of the Convocation. 17. These importunately pressed that it might sink with the Parliament, A party dissents, and protests against the continuance thereof. it being ominous & without precedent, that the one should survive, when the other was expired. To satisfy these, an Instrument was brought into Synod, signed with the hands of the Lord Privy-Seal, the two chief Justices, and other Judge's, justifying our so sitting in the nature of a Synod, to be legal according to the Laws of the Realm. It ill becometh Clergymen to pretend to more skill in the Laws, than so learned Sages in that profession, and therefore unpartial judgements may take off from the fault of the followers, and lay it on the leaders, that this Synod sat when the Parliament was dissolved. This made the aforesaid thirty six dissenters (though solemnly making their oral protests to the contrary, yet) not to dissever themselves, or enter any act in Scriptis against the legality of this Assembly: the rather, because they hoped to moderate proceed with their presence. Surely some of their own coat, which since have censured these dissenters for cowardly compliance, and doing no more in this cause, would have done less themselves, if in their condition. 18. Thus was an old Convocation converted into a new Synod; Out of the burial of an old Convocation the birth of a new Synod. and now their disjointed meeting being set together again, they betook themselves to consult about new Canons. Now because great bodies move slowly, and are fit to be the consenters to than the contrivers of business, it was thought fit to contract the Synod into a select Committee of some six and twenty, beside the Prolocutor, who were to ripen matters, as to the propounding and drawing up the forms to what should pass, yet so, that nothing should be accounted the act of the House, till thrice (as I take it) publicly voted therein. 19 Expect not here of me an exemplification of such Canons, Why the Canons of this Synod are not by us exemplified. as were concluded of in this Convocation. Partly, because being printed they are public to every eye, but chief because they were never put in practice, or generally received. The men in Persia did never look on their little ones, till they were seven years old (bred till that time with th●ir Mothers, and Nurses) nor did they account them in their Genealogies amongst their children (but amongst the more long-lived abortives) if dying before seven years of age. I conceive such Canons come not under our cognizance, which last not (at least) an apprenticeship of years in use, a●d practice, and therefore we decline the setting down the Acts of this Synod. It is enough for us to present the number, and titles of the several Canons. 1. Concerning the Regal power. 2. For the better keeping of the day of his Majesty's most happy Inauguration. 3. For suppressing of the growth of Popery. 4. Against Socinianism. 5. Against Sectaries. 6. An Oath enjoined for the preventing of all Innovations in Doctrine and Government. 7. A Declaration concerning some Rites, and Ceremonies. 8. Of Preaching for Conformity. 9 One Book of Articles of inquiry to be used at all Parochial Visitations. 10. Concerning the Conversation of the Clergy. 11. Chancellor's Patents. 12. Chancellors alone not to censure any of the Clergy in sundry Cases. 13. Excommunication, and Absolution not to be pronounced but by a Priest. 14. Concerning the Commutations, and the disposing of them. 15. Touching concurrent Jurisdictions. 16. Concerning Licences to Marry. 17. Against vexatious Citations. 20. As for the Oath concluded on in this Synod, The form of the Oath etc. because since the subject of so much discourse, it is here set forth at large, according to the true tenor thereof, as followeth. I A. B. do swear, That I do approve the Doctrine and Discipline or Government established in the Church of England, as containing all things necessary to salvation: And that I will not endeavour by myself or any other, directly or indirectly, to bring in any Popish Doctrine contrary to that which is so established: nor will I ever give my consent to alter the Government of this Church, by Archbishops, Bishops, Deans, and Archdeacon's, &c. as it stands now established, and as by right it ought to stand, nor yet ever to subject it to the usurpation and superstitions of the Sea of Rome. And all these things I do plainly and sincerely acknowledge and swear, according to the plain and common sense and understanding of the same words, without any equivocation or mental evasion, or secret reservation whatsoever. And this I do hearty, willingly, and truly, upon the faith of a Christian. So help me God, in Jesus Christ. 21. Towards the close of the Convocation Doctor Griffith, A motion for a new edition of the Welsh Bible. a Clerk for some Welsh Diocese, (whose moderate carriage all the while was very commendable) made a motion that there might be a new edition of the Welsh Church-Bible, some sixty years since first translated into Welsh, by the worthy endeavours of Bishop Morgan, but not without many mistakes and omissions of the printer. He insisted on two most remarkable, a whole verse left out Exod. 12. concerning the Angels passing over the houses besprinkled with blood, which mangleth the sense of the whole Chapter. Another Habak. 25. where that passage, He is a proud man, is wholly omitted. The matter was committed to the care of the Welsh Bishops, who (I fear) surprised with the troublesome times effected nothing herein. 22. The day before the ending of the Synod, Gloucester his singularity threatened with suspension. Godfrey Goodman, Bishop of Gloucester, privately repaired to the Archbishop of Canterbury, acquainting him, that he could not in his conscience subscribe the new Canons. It appeared afterwards that he scrupled some passages about the Corporal presence. But, whether upon Popish, or Lutheran principles, he best knoweth himself. The Archbishop advised him to avoid obstinacy, and singularity therein. However the next day, when we all subscribed the Canons (suffering ourselves, according to the order of such meetings, to be all concluded by the majority of Votes, though some of us in the Committee privately dissenting in the passing of many particulars) he alone utterly refused his subscription thereunto. Whereupon the Archbishop, being present with us in King Henry the seventh his Chapel, was highly offended at him; My Lord of Gloucester, (said he) I admonish you to subscribe: and presently after, My Lord of Gloucester, I admonish you the second time to subscribe: and immediately after, I admonish you the third time to subscribe: To all which the Bishop pleaded conscience, and returned a denial. 23. Then were the judgements of the Bishops severally asked, His suspension suspended. whether they should proceed to the present suspension of Gloucester, for his contempt herein. Davenant, Bishop of Sarisbury, being demanded his opinion, conceived it fit some Lawyers should first be consulted with, how far forth the power of a Synod in such cases did extend. He added moreover, that the threefold admonition of a Bishop ought solemnly to be done with some considerable intervals betwixt them, in which the party might have time of convenient deliberation. However some days after he was committed (by the King's command, as I take it) to the Gatehouse, where he got by his restraint what he could never have gained by his liberty, namely, of one reputed Popish, to become for a short time popular, as the only Confessor suffering for not subscribing the Canons. Soon after the same Canons were subscribed at York, where the Convocation is but the hand of the Dial, moving, and pointing as directed by the clock of the Province of Canterbury. June 30. And on the last of June following, the said Canons were publicly printed, with the Royal Assent affixed thereunto. 24. No sooner came these Canons abroad into public view, First exception against ●he Canons. but various were men's censures upon them. Some were offended, because bowing toward the Communion-Table (now called Altar by many) was not only left indifferent, but also caution taken, that the observers, or the omitters thereof should not mutually censure each other: yet many complained, that this ceremony, though left indifferent as hereafter to salvation, was made necessary as here to preferment. Yea, this knee-mark of bowing or not bowing, would be made the distinguishing character, that hereafter all such should be condemned as halting in conformity, who were not through paced in these addition all ceremonies. 25. Many took exception at the hollowness of the Oath in the middle thereof, Second exception. having its bowels puffed up with a windy etc. a cheverel word, which might be stretched as men would measure it. Others pleaded for it, as only inserted to save the enumeration of many mean Officers in the Church, whose mention was beneath the dignity of an Oath, and would but clog the same. Yea since, some have endeavoured to excuse the same by the interpretative etc. incorporated into the body of the Covenant, whereby people are bound to defend the privileges of Parliament, though what they be is unknown to most that take the same. 26. But most took exception against that clause in the Oath, Third and greatest exception. we will never give any consent to alter this Church-government, as if the same were intended to abridge the liberty of King and State in future Parliaments, and Convocations, if hereafter they saw cause to change any thing therein. And this obligation seemed the more unreasonable, because some of those Orders specified in the Oath (as Archbishops, Deans, Archdeacon's) stand only established jure humano, sive Ecclesiastico; and no wise man ever denied, but that by the same power, and authority they are alterable on just occasion. 27. Yet there wanted not others, Endeavoured to be excused. who with a favourable sense endeavoured to qualify this suspicious clause, whereby the taker of this Oath was tied up from consenting to any alteration. These argued, that if the Authority Civil, or Ecclesiastical, did not herein impose an Oath, binding those that took it hereafter to disobey themselves, and reject such orders, which the foresaid Civil, or Ecclesiastical power might afterwards lawfully enact, or establish. For, seeing in all oaths this is an undoubted Maxim, Quacunque forma verborum juratur, Deus sic juramentum accipit, sicut ille cui juratur intelligit, none can probably suppose, that the governors in this oath intended any clause thereof, to be an abridgement of their own lawful power, or to debar their inferiors from consenting, and submitting to such alterations, as by themselves should lawfully be made. Wherefore these words, We will never give any consent to alter, are intended here to be meant only of a voluntary, and pragmatical alteration; when men conspire, consent, labour, and endeavour to change the present government of the Church, in such particulars as they do dislike, without the consent of their superiors. 28. But the exception of exceptions against these Canons, The ●ver activity of some Bishops. is, because they were generally condemned as illegally passed, to the prejudice of the fundamental liberty of the Subject, whereof we shall hear enough in the next Parliament. Mean time some Bishops were very forward in pressing this Oath, even before the time thereof. For, whereas a liberty was allowed to all, to deliberate thereon, until the feast of Michael the Archangel, some presently pressed the Ministers of their Dioceses, for the taking thereof, and, to my knowledge, enjoined them to take this oath kneeling. A ceremony (to my best remembrance) never exacted, or observed in taking the Oath of Supremacy or Allegiance; which some accounted an essay of their activity, if providence had not prevented them. 29. Many impressions of English-Bibles, The importation of false printed Bibles. printed at Amsterdam, and moe at Edinburgh in Scotland, were daily brought over hither, and sold here. Little their volumes, and low their prices, as being of bad paper, worse print, little Margin, yet greater than the care of the Corrector, many most abominable errata being passed therein. Take one instance for all. Jer. 4. 17. speaking of the whole ●nstead of, because she hath been rebellious against me, saith the Lord. Commonwealth of Judah. it is printed Edinburgh 1637. because she hath been religious against me, saith the Lord. Many complaints were made, especially by the company of Stationers, against these false printed Bibles, as giving great advantage to the Papists, but nothing was therein effected. For in this juncture of time came in the Scotish Army, and invaded the Northern parts of England. What secret solicitations invited them hither, is not my work to inquire. Many beheld them as the only Physicians of the distempered State, and believed, that they gave not their Patient a visit on pure charity, but having either received, or being well promised their fee before. 30. Soon after began the long lasting Parliament, Parliament and Convocation b●gin. so known to all posterity for the remarkable transactions therein. The King went to the House privately by water, many commending his thrift in sparing expenses, when two Armies in the bowels of the Land expected their pay from his purse. Others distinguishing betwixt needless Pomp, and necessary State, suspected this might be misinterpreted as if the Scotch had frighted him out of that Ceremony of Majesty: and some feared such an omission presaged that Parliament would end with sadness to him, which began without any solemnity. Abreast therewith began a Convocation though unable long to keep pace together, the latter soon tiring as never inspirited by commission from the King to meddle with any matters of Religion: Mr. Warmistre (a Clerk for Worcester) made a motion therein, that they should endeavour (according to the levitical Law) to cover the pit which they had opened, and to prevent their adversaries intention, by condemning such offensive Canons, as were made in the last Convocation. But it found no acceptance, they being loath to confess themselves guilty before they were accused. 31. This day happened the first fruits of anabaptistical insolence, The insolence of Anabaptists 1640-41 Jan. 18. when 80 of that Sect meeting at a house in St. Saviour's in Southwark, preached that the Statute in the 35. of Eliz. for the administration of the Common-Prayer was no good Law because made by Bishops. That the King cannot make a good Law because not perfectly regenerate. That he was only to be obeyed in Civil matters. Being brought before the Lords they confessed the articles, but no penalty was inflicted upon them. 32. About this time Mr. Prinn, The 3 Exiles brought home in Triumph. Dr. Bastwick, and Mr. Burton were brought out of durance and exile, with great Triumph into London, it not sufficing their friends to welcome them peaceably, but victoriously, with bays and rosemary in their hands and hats. Wise men conceived that their private returning to the Town, had signified as much gratitude to God, and less affront to authority. But some wildness of the looks must be pardoned in such, who came suddenly into the light out of long darkness. 33. As Bishop Williams and Mr. Osbaston, Dr Pocklinton and Dr. Bray censured. were the two first Clergymen who found the favour of this Parliament, (being remitted their fin●s, and restored to their live and liberty) so Doctor Pocklington and Doctor Bray were the two first that felt their displeasures. The former for preaching and printing, the latter for licensing two books, one called Sunday no Sabbath, the other The Christian altar. Bishop Williams moved, that D●ctor Bray might recant seven errors in the first, four and twenty in the second Treatise. Soon after both the Doctors deceased, for grief, say some, that they had written what they should not; for shame, say others, that they had recanted what they would not; though a third sort more charitably take notice neither of the one nor the other, but merely impute it to the approach of the time of their dissolution. 34. Anno Dom. 1640. Doctor Cousin soon after was highly accused, Superstitions charged on Dr. Cose●. for superstition and unjust proceed against one Mr. Smart on this occasion. The Doctor is charged to have set up in the Church of Durham a Marble Altar with Cherubins, which cost two thousands pounds, with all the appurtenances thereof, namely, a Cope with the Trinity, and God the Father in the figure of an old man, another with a Crucifix and the Image of Christ, with a red Beard and blue Cap. Besides he was accused for lighting two hundred wax Candles about the Altar on Candlemas day. For forbidding any Psalms to be sung before or after Sermon, though making an Anthem, to be sung of the three Kings of Collen (by the names of) Gasper, Balthasar, and Melchior; and for procuring a consecrated Knife only to cut the Bread at the Communion. 35. Mr. Smart a prebendary of the Church, Cruel usage of Mr. Smart. one of a grave aspect and reverend presence, sharply enveyed in a Sermon against these innovations, taking for his text: I hate all those that hold superstitious vanities, but thy law do I love. 36. Hereupon he was kept prisoner four months by the high Commission of York, before any Articles were exhibited against him, and five months before any Proctor was allowed him. Hence was he carried to the High-Commission at Lambeth, and after long trouble remanded to York, fined 500 pounds, committed to prison, ordered to recant, and for that neglect thereof, fined again, excommunicated, degraded, and deprived, his damage (as brought in) amounting to many thousand pounds. 37. But now Mr. Rows of the House of Commons, Relieved by Parliament. bringing up the charge to the Lords against Doctor Cousin, termed Mr. Smart the Proto martyr of England in these latter days of persecution, and large reparations was allowed unto him, though he lived not long after to enjoy them. 38. Now though none can excuse and defend Doctor Cousin his carriage herein, Dr. Cousin his due praise. yet this must be reported to his due commendation. Some years after getting over into France, he neither joined with the Church of French Protestants at Charentoun nigh Paris, nor kept any communion with the Papists therein, but confined himself to the Church of old English Protestants therein. Where by his pious living and constant praying and preaching, he reduced some recusants to, and confirmed more doubters in the Protestant Religion. Many his encounters with Jesuits and Priests defeating the suspicions of his foes, and exceeding the expectation of his Friends, in the success of such disputes. 39 The Commons desired the Lords to join with them to find out, Jan. 23 Goodman a Priest handled betwixt life and death. who moved the King to reprieve John Goodman a seminary Priest, who (as they said) had been twice condemned, and now the second time reprieved, whilst the Parliament sat. 40. The King sent a message by the Lord Privy-Seal, Jan. 25 that Goodman was not (as the Commons were informed) condemned and banished, but only sentenced for being a Priest, and therefore that in reprieving him he shown but the like mercy which Queen Eliz. and King James had showed in the like cases. 41. The Lords joined with the Commons in their desire concerning Goodman, Jan. 27 that the Statutes might speedily be executed upon him, as necessary in this juncture of time, wherein Papists swarmed in all parts presuming on indemnity. With what credit or comfort could they sit to enact new Laws, whilst they beheld former Statutes daily broken before their eyes? 42. The King acquainted the Houses that though Queen Eliz. and King James never condemned Priest merely for Religion, Feb. 3 yet rather than he would discontent his Subjects he left him to the judgement of both Houses, to be disposed of at their pleasure. 43. Goodman petitioned the King that like Jonah the Prophet, Anno Dom 1640 Anno Regis Caroli 16 he might be cast into the Sea, Yet he escaping with l●fe at last. to still the tempest betwixt the King and his People, conceiving his blood well spent to cement them together. But in fine he escaped with his life, not so much by any favour indulged him, as principally because the accusations could not be so fully proved against him. Febr. 4. 44. About this time was the first motion of a new Protestation, The first mention of the Protestation. to be taken all over England (the Copy whereof is omitted as obvious every where) which some months after, was generally performed as containing nothing but what was lawful and commendable therein. Yet some refused it as suspecting the adding of new, would subtract obedience from former outhes, (men being prone to love that best which left the last relish in their souls) and in fine such new obligations of conscience like suckers, would draw from the stock of the old oaths of supremacy and allegiance. 45. March began very blusteringly, March 1. on the first day whereof Archbishop Laud was in Mr. Maxfeild his Coach carried to the Tower, A Committee of the Lords to settle religion. and not long after the Lords appointed a Committee of their own Members for settling of peace in the Church. What hopeful opinion the aforesaid Archbishop had of their proceed, will appear by the following note which he entered into his a March 21. pag. 24. Diary. A Committee for Religion settled in the upper house of Parliament. Mond. 21. Ten Earls, ten Bishops, ten Barons. So the Lay-Votes will be double to the Clergy. This Committee will meddle with Doctrine as well as Ceremonies, and will call some Divines to them to consider of the business, as appears by a Letter hereto annexed, sent by the Lord Bishop of Lincoln to some Divines, to attend this service: upon the whole matter, I believe this Committee will prove the Nationall Synod of England, to the great dishonour of the Church. And what else may follow upon it, God knows. 46. At the same time the Lords appointed a Sub-committee, A Sub-Committee for the same purpose. to prepare matters fit for their cognizance, (the Bishop of Lincoln having the Chair in both) authorised to call together divers Bishops and Divines, to consult together for correction of what was amiss, and to settle peace, viz. b More were named, but these chief were present. The Archbishop of Armagh. The Bishop of Durham. The Bishop of Exeter. Doctor Samuel Ward. Doctor John Prideaux. Doctor William Twisse. Doctor Robert Sanderson. Doctor Daniel Featly●. Doctor Ralph Brounrigg. Doctor Richard Holdsworth. Doctor John Hacket. Doctor Cornelius Burges. Master John White. Master Stephen Martial. Master Edmund Calamy. Master Thomas Hill. Jerusalem-Chamber in the Dean of Westminster's house, was the place of their meeting, (where they had solemn debates six several days) always entertained at his Table with such bountiful cheer as well became a Bishop. But this we behold as the last course, of all publick-Episcopall-Treatments, whose Guests may now even put up their Knives, seeing soon after the Voider was called for, which took away all Bishop's lands, and most of English-Hospitality. 47. First they took the Innovations of Doctrine into consideration, They consult on Innovations in Doctrine. and here some complained, that all the tenets of the Council of Trent, had (by one or other) been preached and printed, abating only such points of State-Popery 'gainst the King's Supremacy, made treason by the Statute. Good works co-causes with faith, by justification; private confession, by particular enumeration of sins, needful necessitate medii to salvation, that the oblation (or as others, the consumption) of the Elements, in the Lords-Supper, holdeth the nature of a true sacrifice, prayers for the dead, lawfulness of monastical vows, the gross substance of Arminianism, and some dangerous points of Socintanisme. 48. Secondly, And in discipline. they enquired into preter-canonicall conformity, and innovations in discipline. Advancing Candlesticks in parochial Churches in the day time, on the Altar so called. Making Canopyes over, with traverses of Curtains (in imitation of the Veil before the Holy of Holyes) on each side and before it. Having a credentia, or side-Table, (as a Chapel of ease, to the Mother Altar) for divers uses in the Lord's Supper. Forbidding a direct prayer before Sermon, and Ministers to expound the Catechism at large to their Parishioners, carrying children (when baptised) to the Altar so called, and there offering them up to God, pretending for some of these innovations, the injunctions and advertisements of Queen Eliz. which are not in force, and appertaining to the printed Liturgy secundo & tertio Edvardi sexti, which is reform by Parliament. 49. Thirdly, And concerning the Common-Prayer. they consulted about the Common Prayer-Book, whether some legendary, and some much doubted saints, with some superstitious memorials were not to be expunged the calendar. c This I did write out of the private notes of one of the committee. Whether it was not fit that the Lessons should be only out of Canonical Scripture, the Epistles, Gospels, Psalms, and Hymen's, to be read in the n●w translation, etc. Whether times prohibited for Marriage, are not totally to be taken away. Whether it were not fit that hereafter none should have a Licence, or have their Banes of Matrimony asked, save such who should bring a Certificate from their Minister, that they were instructed in their Catechism. Whether the Rubick is not to be mended, altered and explained in many particulars. 50. Lastly, And regulation of government. they entered on the regulating of Ecclesiastical government, which was not brought in, because the Bishop of Lincoln has undertaken the draught thereof, but not finished it, as employed at the same time in the managing of many matters of State: so easy it is for a great person never to be at leisure, to do, what he hath no great mind should be done. 51. Some are of opinion that the moderation and mutual compliance of these Divines, Divers opinions what this conference might have produced. might have produced much good, if not interrupted, conceiving such lopping might have saved the felling of Episcopacy. Yea they are confident, had this expedient been pursued and perfected, Troiaque nunc stairs, Priamique, arx alta maneres. Troy still had stood in power, And King Priam's lofty Tower, Had remained at this hour: it might, under God, have been a means, not only to have checked, but choked our civil War in the infancy thereof. But the Court prelate's expected not good from the result of this meeting, suspecting the Doctrinal Puritans, (as they nicknamed them) joined with the Disciplinary Puritans, would betray the Church betwixt them. Some hot spirits would not have one ace of episcopal power or profit abated, and (though since confuted by their own hunger) preferred no bread, before half a loaf. These maintained that any giving back of ground, was in effect the granting of the day to the opposite party, so covetous they be to multiply their cravings, on the others concessions. But what the issue of this conference concluded would have been, is only known to him who knew what * 1 Sam. 23. 12. the Men of Keilah would do, and whose prescience extends not only to things future, but futurable, having the certain cognisance of contingents, which might, yet never actually shall, come to pass. 52. This consultation continued till the middle of May, Broken off. and the weaving thereof was fairly forward on the Loom, when Atropos occat, the bringing in the Bill against Deans and Chapters, Root and Branch, Anno Dom. 1641 Anno Regis Caroli 16 cut off all the threads, putting such a distance betwixt the foresaid Divines, that never their Judgements, (and scarce their Persons) met after together. 53. In the midst of these troublesome times, April 21. John Davenant Bishop of Sal●sbury ended his life. The d●ath of B●sh●p Davenant. His Father was a wealthy and religious Citizen of London, but born at Davenants-lands in Sible Heningham in Essex. Where his Ancestors had continued in a worshipful degree from Sir John Davenant, who lived in the time of King Henry the third. He bred his son a Fellow Commoner in Queens-Colledge in Cambridge, and would not suffer him to accept a Fellowship, though offered, as conceiving it a bending of these places from the direct intent of the Founders, when they are bestowed on such as have plenty. Though indeed such preferments are appointed, as well for the reward of those that are worthy, as the relief of those that want: and after his Father's death he was chosen into that Society. In his youthful exercises, he gave such an earnest of his future maturity, that Dr. Whitacre, hearing him dispute, said, The he would in time prove the Honour of the University. A Prediction that proved not untrue; when afterward he was chosen Margaret Professor of Divinity, being as yet but a private Fellow of the College. Whereof some years after he was made Master, and at last Bishop of Salisbury. Where with what gravity, and moderation he behaved himself, how humble, hospitable, painful in preaching and writing, may better be reported hereafter, when his memory (green as yet) shall be mellowed by time. He sat Bishop about twenty years, and died of a Consumption anno 1641. to which, sensibleness of the sorrowful times, (which he saw were bad, and foresaw would be worse) did contribute not a little. I cannot omit, how some few hours before his death, having lain for a long time (though not speechless, yet) not speaking, nor able to speak (as we beholders thought, though indeed he hide that little strength we thought he had lost, and reserved himself for purpose) he fell into a most emphatical prayer for half a quarter of an hour. Amongst many heavenly passages therein, He thanked God for this his fatherly correction, because in all his life time he never had one heavy affliction, which made him often much suspect with himself, whether he was a true Child of God or no, until this his last sickness. Then he sweetly fell asleep in Christ, and so we softly draw the Curtains about him. 54. The whole Bodies of Cathedral Churches, Deans and Chapters first opposed by Parliament. being of too great a bulk, to be blown up by their adversaries at once, they began with the Quires, accusing the members thereof for useless and unprofitable. The Prelatical Court Clergy, were not so active and diligent in defending these foundations, as it was expected from their interest and relations. Whether because they were disheartened at the imprisonment of their chief the Archbishop of Cant. or because some of them being otherwise obnoxious to the Parliament were loath therein to appear; or because they vainly hoped that this heat once over, all things would continue in their pristine condition; or because they were loath to plead in that Suit, wherein they despaired to prevail, as foreseeing those places destined to dissolution. 55. Yet some of the same side causelessly complained of the backwardness of other moderate Cathedral men, An unjust charge. that they improved not their power with their Parliament friends so zealously as they might in this cause, as beginning too late, and proceeding too lazily therein, who should sooner have set their shoulders and backs to those tottering Quires, so either to support them, The Cathedral men endeavour to preserve their foundations. or to be buried under the ruins thereof. Whereas they did whatsoever good men could, or wise men would do in their condition, leaving no stone unturned which might advantage them herein. 56. Indeed it was conceived inconsistent with their gravity, to set themselves to fight against the shadow of common rumour (and so to feign an enemy to themselves) whilst as yet no certainty of the Parliaments intentions to destroy Deans and Chapters. What had this been but perchance to put that into their brains, which otherwise they charitably believed would not enter therein? But no sooner were they certified of the reality of their design, but they vigorously in their callings endeavoured the prevention thereof. By Appointing one in each Cathedral Church to solicit their friends on this behalf. Drawing up a Petition (the same mutatis mutandis) to House of Lords and Commons, which (because never formally presented) I forbear to insert. Retaining and instructing learned Council to move for them in the House. Until they were informed that the Orders of the House, would not bear any to plead for them, but that they must personally appear and viva voce plead for themselves. 57 Lest therefore their longer silence should by posterity be interpreted, May 12. either Sullenness, Dr. Hacket his Speech in the defence of Deans and Chapters. that they would not; or guiltiness, that they durst not speak for themselves, by their friends they obtained leave to be admitted into the House of Commons, and to be heard what they could allege in their own behalf. They made choice of Dr. John Hacket, Prebendary of Paul's, and Archdeacon of to be the mouth in the behalf of the rest. The brief heads of whose speech, copied (by his leave) out of his own papers, are here inserted. 58. First he craved the favour of that Honourable House, to whom he was to speak on a double disadvantage. One caused from the shortness of time, this employment being imposed on him but in the afternoon of the day before. The other because he had not heard what crimes or offences were charged on Deans and Chapters, (that so he might purge them from such imputations) reports only flying abroad that they were accounted of some, of no use, and convenience; the contrary whereof he should endeavour to prove, reducing the same to two heads, quoad res, & quoad Personas, in regard of things of great moment, and divers Persons concerned in such Foundations. 59 To the first. It is fit that to supply the defects of prayer committed by private men, the public duty thereof should be constantly performed in some principal place (in imitation of the primitive practice) and this is daily done in Cathedral Churches. And whereas some complain that such service gives offence for the super-exquisitenesse of the Music therein, (so that what was intended for Devotion vanished away into Quavers and Air) he with the rest of his Brethren there present wished the amendment thereof, that it might be reduced to the form which Athanasius commends, ut legentibus sint quàm cantantibus similiores. And here he spoke much in praise of the Church-music, when moderated to Edification. 60. Hence he passed to what he termeth the other wing of the Cherubin, which is Preaching, first planted since the Reformation in Cathedral Churches, as appears by the learned Sermons which Dr. Allens (afterwards Bishop of Excester) preached in the Church of St. Paul's, and since continued therein. Where by the way he took occasion to refel that slander, which some cast on Lecture-Preachers as an upstart-Corporation, alleging that the local Statutes of most, or all Cathedral Churches do require Lectures on the week days. And in the name of his Brethren he requested that Honourable House, that the godly and profitable performance of preaching might be the more exacted. 61. In the third place he insisted on the advancement of learning, as the proper use and convenience of cathedrals, each of them being a small Academy, for the Champions of Christ his cause against the Adversary by their learned pens. Here he proffered to prove by a catalogue of their names and works, which he could produce, that most excellent labours in this kind (excepting some few) have proceeded from persons preferred in cathedrals or the Universities. Now what a disheartening would it be to young Students, if such promotions were taken away, witness the fewness of such admitted this last year into the Universities, and the deadness of the sale of good Books in St. Paul's Church yard, merely upon a timorous imagination abroad, that we are now shutting up learning in a case and laying it aside. But if the bare threatening make such a stop in literature, what will the blow given do thereon? 62. Fourthly, he alleged that the ancient and genuine use of Deans and Chapters was, as Senatus Episcopi, to assist the Bishop in his jurisdiction. Now whereas some of his reverend Brethren had lately complained, that Bishops have for many years usurped the sole government to themselves, and their Consistories, the continuing of Chapters rightly used, would reduce it from one Man, to a plurality of assistants. 63. Lastly, the structures themselves should (said he) speak for the structures. Not that he would have then with Christ's disciples fond to admire the Fabrics, but to put them in remembrance, that Cathedral Churches were the first monuments of Christianity in the Kingdom. 64. From things, he passed to Persons, and began with the multitude of such members as had maintenance from cathedrals, (some one of them allowing livelihood to three hundred, and) the total amounting to many thousands. All which by the dissolutions of Deans and Chapters, must be exposed to poverty. Next he instanced in their Tenants, who holding Leases from Deans and Chapters, are sensible of their own happiness, (as enjoying six parts of seven in pure gain) and therefore have petitioned the House to continue their ancient Landlords. Thirdly, such Cities wherein Cathedrals stand, (if maritime) being very poor in Trade, are enriched by the hospitality of the Clergy, & the frequent resort of strangers unto them. 65. Then proceeded he to speak of the branches of the whole Kingdom, all being in hope to reap benefit by the continuance of Deans and Chapters lands as now employed. For all men (said he) are not born elder Brothers, nor all elder Brother's inheriters of Land. Divers of low degree, but generous Spirits would be glad to advance themselves, and archieve an estate by qualifying themselves by industry and virtue, to attain a share of Cathedral Endowments, as the common possession of the Realm, enclosed in no private men's estate. 66. And whereas travellers inform them, that all ranks and degrees of people in England, [Knights, Gentlemen, Yeamen,] live more freely and fashionably, than in any other Countries, he trusted their Honours would account it reasonable, that the Clergy had in some sort, a better maintenance then in neighbouring reformed Churches, and not with Jeroboams Priests, to be the basest of all the People. 67. Then did he instance in some famous Protestants of foreign parts, who had found great relief and comfort by being installed Prebendaries in our Cathedral and Collegiate Churches, as Dr. Saravia, preferred by Queen Elizabeth, Dr. Casaubon, (Father and Son) by King James, Dr. Primrose, Mr. Vossius, in the reign of King Charles, and Dr. Peter Moulin alive at this day, and who intended to leave Sedan, (if the warlike preparations there proceeded) and come over into England, where he should have but sad welcome if all his livelihood, were taken away from him. 68 Nor could an Act be done, more to gratify the Church of Rome, than to destroy Deans and Chapters, seeing * De schismot● Anglicano pag. 163. Sanders himself seemeth to complain, that Queen Elizabeth had left Provosts, Deans, Canons and Prebendaries, in Cathedral and Collegiate Churches, because he foresaw, such foundations would conduce to the stability of religion, so that by his words, a fatter Sacrifice could not be offered up, to such as himself, than the extirpation of them. 69. He went forwards to show the benefit the King, and Commonwealth reaped by such Lands, as paying greater sums to the Exchequer, for first fruits, tenths and subsidies, according to the proportion, than any other estates, & Corporations in the Kingdom. And are ready (said he) if called upon, cheerfully to contribute in an extraordinary manner to the charge of the Kingdom. 70. Now as he was by their Honour's favour admitted to plead under that roof, where their noble Progenitors had given to the Clergy, so many Charters, Privileges, & Immunities, so he implored to find the ancient & honourable justice of the House unto his Brethren, who were not charged, much less convicted of any scandalous faults, justly for the same to forfeit their estates. 71. At last he led them to the highest degree of all considerations, viz. the honour of God, to whose worship and service such Fabrics and Lands were dedicated, and barred all alienation with (which he said is tremenda vox) curses and imprecations; he minded them of the censers of Korah and his complices, pronounced hallowed, * Numbers 16. 38. because pretended to do God service therewith. And left any should wave this as a levitical nicety, it was * Proverbs 20. 25. proverbial Divinity, as a received rule in every man's mouth. It is a snare to a man that devoureth that which is holy. He added the smart question of St. Paul, Thou that abhorrest Idols, dost thou commit Sacrilege? and concluded, that on the ruins of the rewards of learning, no structure can be raised but ignorance, and upon the chaos of ignorance, nothing can be built but profaneness and confusion. 72. This his speech was uttered with such becoming gravity, The Speech well accepted. that it was generally well resented and wrought much on the House for the present, so that had the aliening of such Lands been then put to the Vote, some (who conceived themselves knowing of the sense of the House) concluded it would have been carried on the Negative by more than six score suffrages. 73. In the afternoon Dr. Cornelius Burges, Dr. Burges his Speech against Deans and Chapters. as Speaker for his Party, made a vehement invective against Deans and Chapters, and the unprofitableness of such Corporations. He heavily aggravated the debauchedness of Singingmen, not only useless, but hurtful by their vicious conversations. Yet he concluded with the utter unlawfulness, to convert such Endowments to any private Persons profit. So that the same Doctrine was delivered by both the Doctors, only they differed in their Applications, the former being for the continuing such lands to their ancient, the latter for diverting them to other, but neither for alienating them from public and pious employments. 74. If since Dr. Burges hath been a large purchaser of such lands to himself, His ability in casuistical Divinity. If since St. Andrew * wells and London. the first converted, and St. Paul the last converted Apostle have met in his purse, I doubt not but that he can give sufficient reason for the same, both to himself and any other, that shall question him therein. The rather because lately he read his learned Lectures in St. Paul's, on the Criticisms of Conscience, no less carefully then curiously weighing satisfaction to scruples, and if there be any fault, so able a Confessor, knows how to get his absolution. 75. A Bill brought up from the Commons to the Lords against Bishops and Clergymen, A medley Bill against Bishops partly granted, partly denied. which having several branches was severally voted. 1. That they should have no votes in Parliament. 2. That they should not be in the Commission of the Peace, nor Judges in Temporal Courts. 3. Nor sit in the Star-Chamber, nor be Privy-Counsellors. The two last branches of this Bill passed by general consent; not above two dissenting. But the first branch was voted in the Negative, wherein all the Bishops gave their own voices for themselves. Yet had their suffrages been secluded, and the question only put to the lay-Lords, it had been carried for the Bishops by sixteen decisive. June 8 76. After some day's debate, the Lords who were against the Bishops, protested that the former manner of voting the Bill by branches, was unparlamentary and illegal. Wherefore they moved the House that they should be so joined together, as either to take the Bill in wholly or cast it all out. Whereupon the whole Bill was utterly cast out by many voices; had not the Bishops (as again they did) given their suffrages in the same. 77. Master Maynard made a Speech in the Committee of Lords against the Canons, At last wholly cast out. made by the Bishops in the last Convocation, therein with much learning endeavouring to prove 1. That in the Saxons times (as Malmesbury, Hoveden, Sir Henry Spelman etc. do witness) Laws and constitutions Ecclesiastical had the confirmation of Peers and sometimes of the People, Mr. Maynards' Speech against the Canons. to which great Counsels our Parliaments do succeed. 2. That it appears out of the aforesaid Authors, and others, that there was some checking about the disuse of the general making of such Church Laws. 3. That for Kings to make Canons without consent of Parliament cannot stand, because built on a bad foundation, viz. on the Pope's making Canons by his sole Power, so that the groundwork not being good the superstructure sinketh therewith. 4. He examined the Statute 25 of Henry 8, avouching that that clause, The Clergy shall not make Canons without the King's leave, implieth not, that by his leave alone they may make them. Lastly he endeavoured to prove that these Canons were against the King's Prerogative, the Rights, Liberties and Properties of the Subject, insisting herein on several particulars. 1. The first Canon puts a penalty on such as disobey them. 2. One of them determineth the King's Power and the Subjects right. 3. It showeth that the Ordinance of Kings is by the Law of Nature, and then they should be in all places and all alike. 4. One of the Canons saith that the King may not be resisted. 5. Another makes a Holy Day, whereas that the Parliament saith there shall be such and no more. This his Speech lost neither life nor lustre, being reported to the Lords by the Bishop of Lincoln a back friend to the Canons, because made during his absence and durance in the Tower. 78. One in the House of Commons heightened the offence of the Clergy herein, Several judgements of the Clergyes offence. into Treason, which their more moderate adversaries abated into a Praemunire. Many much insisted on the Clarks of the Convocation for presuming (being but private men after the dissolution of the Parliament) to grant subsidies, A Bill read against the High-Commission. and so without Law, to give away the estates of their fellow-subjects. 78. A Bill was read to repeal that Statute of 1 Eliz. whereby the High-Commission Court is erected. This Bill afterwards forbade any Archbishop, Bishop etc. deriving power from the King to Assess, or inflict any pain, penalty, amercement, imprisonment, or corporal punishment for any ecclesiastical offence or transgression. Forbidding them likewise to administer the Oath Ex officio or give Oath to Churchwardens, Sides-men or any others, whereby their own or others offences should be discovered. DIGNISSIMO DOM. THOMAE FISHER BARONETTO. CUM Insignia tua Gentilitia intueor, Anno Regis Carol 16 Anno Dom. 1640 non sum adeò Heraldicae Artis ignarus, quin probè sciam, quid sibi velit Manus illa, Scutello inserta. Te scilicet Baronettum designat, cùm omnes in illum Ordinem cooptati, ex Institutione sua, ad * Seldenus in titulis Honoris. Vltoniam, (Hiberniae Provinciam) forti dextrâ defendendam teneantur. At sensum (praeter hunc vulgarem) alium latiorem, & (quoad meipsum) laetiorem, Manui illi expansae, quae in tuo Clypeo spectabilis, subesse video. Index est summae tuae Munificentiae, quo nomine me tibi divinctissimum profiteor. 1. OMitting matters of greater consequence, The High-Commission Court put down. know that the Bill against the High-Commission, June 24 was the third time read in the House of Lords and passed it, which some days after was confirmed by his Majesty. Thus the edge of the Spiritual Sword, as to discipline, was taken away. For although I read of a Proviso made in the House of Lords, that the general words in this Bill should extend only to the High-Commission Court, and not reach other Ecclesiastical jurisdiction: yet that Proviso being but written and the Statute printed, all coercive power of Church Consistories were taken away. Mr. Pim triumphed at this success, crying out, Digitus Det, it is the finger of God, Anno Dom. 1641 that the Bishops should so supinely suffer themselves to be surprised in their power. Anno Regis Caroli 16 Some disaffected to Episcopy observed a Justice, that seeing many simple souls were in the high Commission Court by captious interrogatories circumvented into a self-accusation, an unsuspected clause in this Statute should abolish all their lawful authority. 2. The Bishop of Lincoln brought up a Bill to regulate Bishops and their jurisdiction, The Bill for Regulation of Bishops. consisting of several particulars: July 2 1. That every Bishop being in his Diocese not sick should preach once every Lord's day, or pay five pounds to the poor to be levied by the next Justice of Peace, and distress made by the Constable. 2. That no Bishop shall be Justice of Peace, save the Dean of Westminster in Westminster, and St. Martin's. 3. That every Bishop should have twelve assistants (besides the Dean and Chapter) four chosen by the King, four by the Lords, and four by the Commons, for jurisdiction and ordination. 4. That in all vacancies they should present to the King, three of the ablest Divines in the Diocese, out of which his Majesty might choose one to be Bishop. 5. Deans and prebend's to be resident at the cathedrals but sixty days. 6. That Sermons be preached therein twice every Lord's day, once every Holy day, and a Lecture on Wednesday with a salary of 100 Marks. 7. All Archbishops, Bishops, Collegiate Churches, etc. to give a fourth part of their fines and improved rents, to buy out Impropriations. 8. All double beneficed men to pay a moiety of their benefice to their Curates. 9 No appeal to the Court of Arches or Audience. 10. Canons and Ecclesiastical capitulations, to be drawn up and fitted to the Laws of the Land by sixteen learned men, chosen six by the King, five by the Lords, and five by the Commons. This Bill was but once read in the House, and no great matter made thereof: the Anti●piscopall party conceived it needless to shave their beards, whose heads they intended to cut off, designing an utter extirpation of Bishops. 3. By the way the mention of a moiety to the Curates, A crying sin of the English Clergy. minds me of a crying sin of the English Clergy conceived by the most conscientious amongst them, a great incentive of Divine anger against them; namely, the miserable and scandalous Stipends afforded to their Curates. Which made Laymen follow their pattern in Vicaridges unindowed, seeing such who knew most what belong to the work, allowed the least wages to the Ministry. Hence is it that God since hath changed his hand, making many who were poor Curates rich Rectors, and many wealthy Incumbents to become poor Curates. It will not be amiss to wish thankfulness without pride to the one, and patience without dejection to the other. 4. A Bill was sent up by the Commons against Matthew Wren Bishop of Ely, July 20 containing twenty five Articles, A Bill against Bishop Wren. charging him for being Popishly affected, a suppressor of Preaching, and introducer of Arbitrary Power to the hazard of the estates and lives of many. They desired he might be sequestered from the King's Person and Service. 5. To return to the Bishops, The Bishops impeached for making of Canons. the Commons perceiving that they were so tenacious of their votes in Parliament, resolved vigorously to prosecute the impeachment against them for making of Canons, expecting the Bishops should willingly quit their votes as Barons to be acquitted of their praemunire, whereby they forfeited all their Personal estates, yet the sound of so great a charge did not so affright them but that they persisted legally to defend their innocence. 6. The Bishops that were impeached for making Canons, Aug. 16. craved time till Michaelmas Term to make their answer. Have time and council allowed them. This was vehemently opposed by some Lords, and two questions were put. 1. Whether the Bishops should sit still in the House though without voting (to which themselves consented) whilst the circumstance of time for their answer was in debate. 2. What time they should have for their answer. The first of these was carried for them by one present voice, and four Proxies; and for the second, time was allowed them till the tenth of November. And although the adverse Lords pleaded that in offences criminal, for matters of fact, no council should be allowed them, but to answer yea or no: yet on the Lord Keepers affirming it ordinary and just to allow council in such cases, it was permitted unto them. 7. Bishop Warner of Rochester is chosen by joint consent, The impeachment of the Bishops waved and why. to solicit the cause, sparing neither care nor cost therein. Of the Council he retained, two only appeared; Sergeant Jermin, who declined to plead for them, except the Bishops would first procure him a Warrant from the House of Commons (which they refused to do:) and Mr. Chuite, who being demanded of the Lords whether he would plead for the Bishops, Yea (said he) so long as I have a tongue to plead with. Soon after he drew up a Demurrer in their behalf, that their offence in making Canons could not amount to a Praemunire. This being shown to the Bishop of Lincoln, he protested that he never saw a stronger demurrer all the days of his life: and the notice hereof to the Lords was probably the cause, that they waved any further prosecution of the charge, which henceforward sunk in silence. 8. Pass we now from the outworks of Episcopacy (I mean the Deans and Chapters) this fiercely stormed (but as yet not taken) to the Bishops themselves, The Bishops accused for mean birth. who began to shake, seeing their interest and respects in the House of Lords did daily decay, and decline. Yea, about this time came forth the Lord Brook his book against Bishops, accusing them in respect of their parentage to be de faece populi, of the dregs of the people; and in respect of their studies no way fit for government, or to be Barons in Parliament. 9 Whereupon the Bishops taking this accusation to heart, Vindicated their parentage. meet together; and in their own necessary defence, thought fit to vindicate their extractions, some publicly, some in private discourse. Dr. Williams began, than Archbishop of York (Canterbury being in the Tower) was accused, in the Star-Chamber, for purchasing the two ancientest Houses and inheritances in North-Wales (which are Penrhyne and Quowilocke) in regard he was descended from them. So that he might as truly accuse all the ancient Nobility of Britain, as tax him for meanly descended. Dr. Juxon Bishop of London did or might plead that his parents lived in good fashion, and gave him large allowance first in the University, then in Grays-Inn, where he lived as fashionably as other Gentlemen, so that the Lord Brooks might question the parentage of any Innss-of-court-gentleman, as well as his. Bishop Morton of Durham, averred that his father had been Lord Major of York, and born all the Offices of that City with credit and honour; so that the Lord Brook might as justly quarrel the descent of any Citizen's Sons in England. Bishop Curl of Winchester his father was for many years Auditor in the Court of Wards, Anno Dom. 1641 Anno Regis Carol. 16 to Queen Elizabeth, and King James: and the aforesaid Lord may as well condemn all the sons of Officers to be meanly born as accuse him. Bishop Cook of Hereford, his Father's family had continued in Darbyshire, in the same house, and in the same means, four hundred years at least, often Sheriffs of that County, and matched to all the best houses therein. So that the Lord Brook might as well have charged all the ancient Gentry of that shire for mean parentage as accuse him. Bishop Owen of Asaph, that there was not a Gentleman in the two Counties of Carnarvan and Anglesey, of three hundred pounds a year, but was his Kinsman or allieman in the fourth degree; which he thinks, will sufficiently justify his parentage. Bishop Goodman of Gloucester, that though his very name seemed to point out his descent from Yeomantry, yet (though the youngest son of the youngest brother) he had more left unto him, than the Lord Brook his father had to maintain him and all his family. That his grandfather by his father side, purchased the whole estate of Sir Thomas Exmew, Lord Maior London 1517. and that by his mother's side he was descended of the best parentage of the City of London. The rest of the Bishops might sufficiently vindicate their parentage, as most the Sons of Ministers, or Lay-Gentlemen, whose extractions ran not so low as to any such feculencie charged upon them. 10. But more symptoms of their dying power in Parliament daily discovered themselves, The degrees whereby the Bishops declined in Parliament. some whereof we will recount, that posterity may perceive by what degrees they did lessen in the House, before they lost their Votes therein. First, whereas it was customary, that in all Commissions, such a number of Bishops should be joined with the temporal Lords, of late their due proportions were not observed. The Clerk of the Parliament, applying himself to the prevalent party, in the reading of Bills turned his back to the Bishops, who could not (and it seems he intended they should not) distinctly hear any thing, as if their consent or dissent were little concerned therein. When a Bill passed for exchange of Lands, betwixt the Bishop of London and Sir Nicolas Crispe, the temporal Lords were offended that the Bishop was styled Right Honourable therein, which at last was expunged and he entitled, one of his Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council; the honour being fixed upon his State employment, not Episcopal function. On a solemn Fast in their going to Church, the temporal Lords first took precedency of the Bishops (who quietly submitted themselves to come behind) on the same token, that a The young Lord Spencer afterwards E. of Sunderland. one of the Lay-Lords said, Is this a day Humiliation, wherein we show so much pride, in taking place of those to whom our ancestors ever allowed it? But the main matter was, that the Bishops were denied all meddling even in the Commission of preparatory examinations concerning the Earl of Strafford, as causa sanguinis, and they as men of mercy not to deal in the condemnation of any person. The Bishops pleaded, though it was not proper for them to condemn the guilty, yet they might acquit the innocent, and such an one as yet that Earl was charitably presumed to be, until legally convicted to be otherwise. They alleged also in their own behalf, that a Commission was granted in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, to certain Privy-Counsellors, for the examination of the Queen of Scots, Anno Dom. 1640 even to her condemnation if just cause appeared, b Camden's Eliz in An. 15●6. and John Whitgift Archbishop of Canterbury, first named therein. All would not prevail, the Bishops being forbidden any interposing in that matter. 11. It must not be forgotten, Bishops refus willingly to resign their Votes. how about this time the Lord Kimbolton made a motion to persuade the Bishops, willingly to departed with their Votes in Parliament; adding, that if the same would surrender their suffrages, the temporal Lords who remained in the House, were obliged in honour, to be more tender of and careful for the Bishop's preservation in their Jurisdictions and Revenues. An instrument was employed by the Earl of Essex (or else he employed himself, conceiving the service acceptable) who dealt privately with several Bishops to secure themselves by prevention, to surrender that which would be taken away from them. But the Bishops persisted in the negative, refusing by any voluntary act to be accessary to their own injury, resolving to keep possession of their Votes, till a prevalent power outed them thereof. 12. Now no day passed, Multitudes of petitions against Bishops wherein some petition was not presented to the Lords or Commons, from several persons against the Bishops as grand grievancers, causing the general decay of trade, obstructing the proceed in Parliament, and what not? In so much, that the very Porters (as they said) were able no longer to undergo the burden of Episcopal tyranny, and petitioned against it. But hitherto these were but blunt petitions, the last was a sharp one (with point and edge) brought up for the same purpose by the armed Apprentices. 13. Now, A land-tide of Apprentices flow to Westminster. seeing men's judgements are at such a distance, about the nature of this their practice, some terming it a tumult, Anno Dom. 1441. mutiny, riot; others calling it courage, zeal, and industry; some admiring them as acted with a public spirit, above their age and education; others condemning them much, their countenancers more, their secret abetters and contrivers, most of all: I say, when men are thus divided in point of judgement, it will be safest for us to confine ourselves, merely to matter of fact. Wherein also we meet with much diversity of relation; though surely, what a c John Vicars in his God in the Mount or Parliamentary Chronicle, lib. 1. pag. 58. Parliatary Chronicler writes thereof, must be believed. Now, Decem. 26. see how it pleased the Lord it should come to pass; some of the Apprentices, and Citizens were again affronted about Westminster-Abbey, and a great noise and hubbub fell out thereabouts. Others, some of them, watched (as it seems by the sequel) the Bishops coming to the Parliament, who, considering the disquiet and great noise by land all about Westminster, durst not come to Parliament that way, for fear of the Apprentices, and therefore intended to have come to Parliament, by water in Barges. But the Apprentices watched them that way also; and as they thought to come to land, they were so pelted with stones, and frighted at the sight of such a company of them, that they durst not land, but were rowed back, and went away to their places. Thus the Bishops were fain to shelter themselves from the shower of stones ready to fall upon them, and with great difficulty made their escape. Who otherwise on St. stephan's day, had gone St. stephan's way, to their graves. 14. As for the hubbub at Westminster Abbey lately mentioned, The manner of the tumult at Westminster Abbey and White-Hall belongs to the pens of State Historians. eye-witnesses have thus informed me of the manner thereof. Of thoses Apprences who coming up to the Parliament cried, No Bishops, no Bishops, some rudely rushing into the Abbey Church, were reproved by a Virger for their irreverent behaviour therein. Afterwards quitting the Church, the doors thereof by command from the Dean were shut up, to secure the Organs and Monuments therein, against the return of Apprentices. For though others could not foretell the intentions of such a tumult, who could not certainly tell their own, yet the suspicion was probable, by what was uttered amongst them. The multitude presently assault the Church, (under pretence that some of their party were detained therein) and force a pane out of the North door, but are beaten back by the officers & Scholars of the College. Here an unhappy tile was cast by an unknown hand, from the leads or battlements of the Church, which so bruised Sir Richard Wiseman (conductor of the Apprentices) that he died thereof, and so ended that day's distemper. 15. To return to the Bishops, Why no more than 12 of the Bishop's present at the Protest. the next day twelve of them repaired to Jerusalem-Chamber in the Deans lodgings; and if any demand where were the rest of them to make up twenty six, take this account of their absence. 13 Dr. Laud Archbishop of Cant. was in the Tower. 14 Dr. Juxon Bishop of London, was keeping his hospitality, (it being Christmas) at Fulham. 15 So was Dr. Curl at Winchester-House, and it was conceived unsafe (though but cross the Thames) to send unto him. 16 So also was Dr. Warner of Rochester, returned to entertain his neighbours in the Country. 17 Dr. Bridgeman of Chester were not as yet come out of the Country. 18 Dr. Roberts of Bangor 19 Dr. Manwaring Bishop of St. David's sat not in the house, as disabled long since by his censure in Parliament. 26 Dr. Duppa Bishop of Salisbury, was attending his charge Prince Charles. 21 Dr. John Prideaux were not yet consecrated Bishops of Worcester. 22 Dr. Winniffe Lincoln. 23 Dr. Ralf Brounrigge. Exeter. 24 Dr. Henry King Chichester. 25 Dr. John Westfield Bristol. 20 Carlisle was void by the late death of Dr. Potter, only conferred by the King on Archbishop Ussher to hold it in Commendam. Thus have we made up their numbers, and must not forget that a secret item was given to some of the Bishops, by some of their wellwishers, to absent themselves in this licentious time of Christmas, though they had not the happiness to make use of the advice. 16. The other twelve Bishops being not yet fully recovered from their former fear, The form thereof. grief, and anger (which are confessed by all, to be but bad counsellors, in cases of importance) drew up in haste and disturbance such a Protestation, that posterity already hath had more years to discuss and examine, than they had hours, (I had almost said minutes) to contrive and compose, and (most of them implicitly relying on the conceived infallibility of the Archbishop of York in point of common law) all subscribed, as followeth. To the Kings most excellent Majesty and the Lords and Peers, now assembled in Parliament. WHereas the Petitioners are called up by several and respective writs, Decem. 27. and under great penalties to attend the Parliament, and have a clear and indubitable right to vote in Bills, and other matters whatsoever debatable in Parliament by the ancient customs, Laws and Statutes of this Realm, and aught to be protected by your Majesty quietly to attend, and prosecute that great service. They humbly remonstrate, and protest before God, your Majesty, and the noble Lords, and Peers, now assembled in Parliament, That as they have an indubitate right to sit and vote in the House of the Lords; so are they, if they may be protected from force and violence, most ready and willing to perform their duties accordingly. And that they do abominate all actions or opinions tending to Popery, and the maintenance thereof, as also all propension and inclination to any malignant party or any other side or party whatsoever, to the which their own reasons, and conscience shall not move them to adhere. But whereas they have been at several times violently menaced, affronted and assaulted by multitudes of people in their coming to perform their services in that Honourable House, and lately chased away, and put in danger of their lives, and can find no redress or protection upon sundry complaints made to both Houses in these particulars; They humbly protest before your Majesty, and the Noble House of Peers, that saving unto themselves all their rights and interest of sitting, and voting in that House at other times, they dare not sit or vote in the House of Peers, until your Majesty shall further secure them from all affronts, indignities and dangers in the premises. Lastly, whereas their fears are not built upon fantasies and conceits, but upon such grounds and objects as may well terrify men of resolution and much constancy; they do in all humility and duty protest before your Majesty, and Peers of that most Honourable House of Parliament, against all Laws, Orders, Votes, Resolutions, and Determinations, as in themselves Null and of none effect, which in their absence, since the 27th of this instant month of December 1641. have already passed; as likewise against all such as shall hereafter pass in that most Honourable House, during the time of this their forced and violent absence from the said most Honourable House: not denying, but if their absenting of themselves were wilful and voluntary, that most honourable House might proceed in all their premises, their absence or this protestation notwithstanding. And humbly beseeching your most excellent Majesty to command the Clerk of that house of Peers to enter this their Petition and Protestation among his Records. They will ever pray God to bless etc. John Eborac. Jho. Duresme. Ro. Co. Lich. Jos. Norw. Jo. Asaph. Guli. Ba. and Wells. Geo. Heref. Robt. Oxon. Ma. Ely. Godfrey Glouc. Jo. Peterburg. Morris Landasf. This instrument they delivered to Archbishop Williams, who according to their desire, his own counsel, and promise, at the next opportunity, presented it to his Majesty. 17. His Majesty would not meddle therewith in this dangerous juncture of time, The Bishops impeached of High-Treason (his great Council then sitting) but wholly remitted the matter to the Parliament. The next morning, a Privy-Counsellor brought this protestation into the house, at the reading whereof the anti-episcopal party much triumphed, that the Bishops had gratified them with such an advantage against themselves, which their adversaries might wish, but durst not hope for heretofore. A conference is desired with the Commons in the painted Chamber, and therein concluded, that the Bishops should be impeached of high Treason, for endeavouring to subvert the fundamental laws of the land, and the very being of Parliaments. 18. Hereupon the next day the twelve subscribes were voted to be committed to the Tower, And committed to the Tower. 28 save that Bishop Morton of Durham, and Hall of Norwich, found some favour, partly in respect of their old age; and partly in regard of the great good they had done with their pens and preaching, to the Church of God: So that they alone were sent to the custody of the black rod. The rest being brought into the Tower, had that honour granted them in the prison which was denied them in the Parliament, to be esteemed equal with, yea above, temporal Lords, as appeared by the fees demanded of them; Though in fine Sir John Byron Lieutenant of the Tower, 30 proved very courteous in removing the rigour thereof. The Archbishop of Cant. by a civil message, excused himself for not conversing with them, because he was committed on a different account from them, and probably they might mutually far the worse, for any intercourse. And here we leave them prisoners for eighteen weeks together, and proceed. 19 Now was the Bill against the Bishops sitting in Parliament brought up into the house of Lords, Viscount Newwark his two Speeches in the behalf of Bishops. and the matter agitated with much eagerness on both sides. Amongst those, who sided with them, none appeared in print more zealous, than the Lord Viscount Newwarke (afterward Earl of Kingston, etc.) whose two speeches in Parliament although spoken some * The first May 21. The second May 24 anno 1641. months before, yet for the entireness of the History may now seasonably be inserted. I shall take the boldness to speak a word or two upon this subject, first as it is in itself, then as it is in the consequence: For the former, I think he is a great stranger in Antiquity, that is not well acquainted with that of their sitting here, they have done thus, and in this manner, almost since the conquest; and by the same power and the sameright the other Peers did, and your Lordships now do; and to be put from this their due, so much their due, by so many hundred years, strengthened and confirmed, and that without any offence, nay, pretence of any, seems to me to be very severe; if it be jus, I dare boldly say it is summum. That this hinders their Ecclesiastical vocation, an argument I hear much of, hath in my apprehension more of shadow than substance in it: if this be a reason, sure I am it might have been one six hundred years ago. A Bishop, my Lords, is not so circumscribed within the circumference of his Diocese, that his sometimes absence can be termed, no not in the most strict sense, a neglect or hindrance of his duty, no more than that of a Lieutenant from his County; they both have their subordinate Ministers, upon which their influences fall, though the distance be remote. Besides, my Lords, the lesser must yield to the greater good; to make wholesome and good Laws for the happy and well regulating of Church and Commonwealth, is certainly more advantageous to both, than the want of the personal execution of their office, and that but once in three years, & then peradventure but a month or two, can be prejudical to either. I will go no further to prove this, which so long experience hath done so fully, so demonstratively. And now my Lords, by your Lordship's good leave, I shall speak to the consequence as it reflects both on your Lordships, and my Lords the Bishops. Dangers and inconveniences are ever best prevented è longinquo; this Precedent comes near to your Lordships, the bill indeed hath a direct aspect only upon them, but an obliqne one upon your Lordships, and such a one, that mutato nomine de vobis. Pretences are never wanting, nay, sometimes the greatest evils appear in the most fair and specious outsides; witness the Shipmoney, the most abominable, the most illegal thing that ever was, and yet this was painted over with colour of the Law; What Bench is secure, if to allege be to convince, and which of your Lordships can say that he shall continue a member of this House, when at one blow six and twenty are cut off? It than behoves the Neighbour to look about him, cùm proximus ardet Ucalegon. And for the Bishops, my Lords, in what condition will you leave them? The House of Commons represents the meanest person, so did the Master his Slave, but they have none to do so much for them, and what justice can tie them to the observation of those Laws, to whose constitution they give no consent? Anno Regis Carol. 17 the wisdom of former times gave proxies unto this House merely upon this ground, that every one might have a hand in the making of that, which he had an Obligation to obey: This House could not represent, therefore proxies in room of persons were most justly allowed. And now my Lords, 28 before I conclude, I beseech your Lordships to cast your eyes upon the Church, which I know is most dear and tender to your Lordships; you will see her suffer in her most principal members, and deprived of that honour which here and throughout all the Christian World ever since Christanity she constantly hath enjoyed; for what Nation or Kingdom is there in whose great and public assemblies, 30 and that from her beginning, she had not some of hers, if I may not say as essential, I am sure I may say as integral parts thereof: and truly my Lords, Christianity cannot alone boast of this, or challenge it only as hers, even Heathenism claims an equal share. I never read of any of them, Civil or Barbarous, that gave not due honour to their Religion, so that it seems to me to have no other original, to flow from no other spring, than nature itself. But I have done, and will trouble your Lordships no longer; how it may stand with the honour and justice of this house to pass this Bill, I most humbly submit unto your Lordships, the most proper and only Judges of them both. His second Speech. I shall not speak to the preamble of the Bill that Bishops and Clergymen ought not to intermeddle in temporal affairs. For, truly, My Lords, I cannot bring it under any respect to be spoken of. Aught is a word of relation, and must either refer to Humane or Divine Law: to prove the lawfulness of their intermedding by the former, would be to no more purpose, than to labour to convince that by reason, which is evident to sense. It is by all acknowledged. The unlawfulness by the later, the Bill by no means admits of, for, it excepts Universities and such persons as shall have honour descend upon them. And your Lordships know, that circumstance and chance altar not the nature and essence of a thing, nor can except any particular from an universal proposition by God himself delivered. I will therefore take these two as granted, first that they ought by our Law to intermeddle in Temporal affairs; secondly, that from doing so they are not inhibited by the Law of God, it leaves it at least as a thing indifferent. And now my Lords, to apply myself to the business of the day, I shall consider the conveniency, and that in the several habitudes thereof. But, very briefly; first in that which it hath to them merely as men, quà tales: then as parts of the Commonweal: Thirdly, from the best manner of constituting Laws: and lastly, from the practice of all times both Christian and Heathen. Homo sum, 1. nihil humanum à me alienum puto, was indeed the saying of the Comedian, but it might well have become the mouth of the greatest Philosopher. We allow to sense, all the works and operations of sense, and shall we restrain reason? Must only man be hindered from his proper actions? They are most fit to do reasonable things that are most reasonable. For, Science commonly is accompanied with conscience; so is not ignorance: they seldom or never meet. And why should we take that capacity from them, which God and nature have so liberally bestowed? My Lords, 2. the politic body of the Commonwealth is analogical to the body natural: every member in that contributes something to the preservation of the whole, the superfluity or defect which hinders the performance of that duty, your Lordships know what the Philosopher calls, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, nature's sin. And truly my Lord, to be part of the other body, and do nothing beneficial thereunto, cannot fall under a milder term. The Commonwealth subsists by Laws and their execution: and they that have neither head in the making, nor hand in the executing of them, confer not any thing to the being or well being thereof. And can such be called members unless most unprofitable ones? only fruges consumere nati. Me thinks it springs from nature itself, 3. or the very depths of justice, that none should be tied by other laws than himself makes; for, what more natural and just, then to be bound only by his own consent? to be ruled by another's will is merely tyrannical. Nature there suffers violence, and man degenerates into beast. The most flourishing Estates were ever governed by Laws of an universal constitution; witness this our Kingdom, witness Senatus Populusque Romanus, the most glorious Commonwealth that ever was, and those many others in Greece and elsewhere of eternal memory. Some things, 4. my Lords, are so evident in themselves that they are difficult in their proofs. Amongst them I reckon this conveniency I have spoken of: I will therefore use but a word or two more in this way. The long experience that all Christendom hath had hereof for these 1300. years, is certainly, argumentum ad hominem. Nay, my Lords, I will go further (for the same reason runs through all Religions) never was there any Nation that employed not their religious men in the greatest affairs. Anno Regis Caroli 16 But to come to the business that now lies before your Lordships. Bishops have voted here ever since Parliaments began, and long before were employed in the public. The good they have done your Lordships all well know, and at this day enjoy: for this I hope ye will not put them out, nor for the evil they may do, which yet your Lordships do not know, and I am confident never shall suffer. A position ought not to be destroyed by a supposition, & à posse ad esse non valet consequentia. My Lords I have done with proving of this positively, I shall now by your good favours do it negatively in answering some inconveniences that may seem to arise. For the Text, Object. 1. No man that wars entangles himself with the affairs of this life, which is the full sense of the word both in Greek and Latin, it makes not at all against them, except to intermeddle and entangle be terms equivalent. Besides my Lords, though this was directed to a Churchman, yet it is of a general nature and reaches to all, Clergy and Laity, as the most learned and best expositors unanimously do agree. To end this, Argumentum symbolicum non est argumentativum. It may be said that it is inconsistent with a spiritual vocation; Object. 2. Truly my Lord, Grace and Nature are in some respects incompatible, but in some others most harmoniously agree, it perfects nature, and raises it to a height above the common altitude, and makes it most fit for those great works of God himself, to make laws, to do Justice. There is then no inconsistency between themselves, it must arise out of Scripture, I am confident it doth not formally out of any place there, nor did I ever meet with any learned writer of these or other times that so expounded any Text. But though in strict terms this be not inconsistent, Object. 3. yet it may peradventure hinder the duty of their other calling. My Lords, there is not any that sits here, more for preaching than I am, I know it is the ordinary means to salvation, yet, I likewise know, there is not that full necessity of it as was in the primitive times. God defend that 1600 year's acquaintance should make the Gospel of Christ no better known unto us. Neither, my Lords, doth their office merely and wholly consist in preaching, but partly in that, partly in praying and administering the blessed Sacraments, in a godly and exemplary life, in wholesome admonitions, in exhortations to virtue, dehortations from vice, and partly in easing the burdened conscience. These my Lords complete the office of a Churchman. Nor are they altogether tied to time or place, though I confess they are most properly exercised within their own verge, except upon good occasion, nor then the omission of some can be termed the breach of them all. I must add one more, an essential one, the very form of Episcopacy that distinguisheth it from the inferior Ministry, the orderly and good government of the Church: and how many of these, I am sure, not the last, my Lords, is interrupted by their sitting here, once in 3 years, and then peradventure but a very short time: and can there be a greater occasion than the common good of the Church and State? I will tell your Lordships what the great and good Emperor Constantine did, in his expedition against the Persians, he had his Bishops with him, whom he consulted about his military affairs, as Eusebius has it in his life, lib. 4. c. 56. Reward and punishment are the great negotiators in all worldly businesses; Object. 4. these may be said to make the Bishops swim against the stream of their consciences; And may not the same be said of the Laity? Have these no operations, but only upon them? Has the King neither frown, honour, nor offices, but only for Bishops? Is there nothing that answers their translations? Indeed my Lords, I must needs say, that in charity it is a supposition not to be supposed; no nor in reason, that they will go against the light of their understanding. The holiness of their calling, their knowledge, their freedom from passions and affections to which youth is very obnoxious, their vicinity to the gates of death, which, though not shut to any, yet always stand wide open to old age: these my Lords, will surely make them steer aright. But of matter of fact there is no disputation, Object. 5. some of them have done ill, Crimine ab uno disce omnes, is a poetical not a logical argument. Some of the Judges have done so, some of the Magistrates, and Officers; and shall there be therefore neither Judge, Magistrate, nor Officer more? A personal crime goes not beyond the person that commits it, nor can another's fault be mine offence. If they have contracted any filth or corruption through their own or the vice of the times, cleanse and purge them throughly: But still remember the great difference between reformation and extirpation. And be pleased to think of your Triennial Bill which will save you this labour for the time to come; fear of punishment will keep them in order, if they should not themselves through the love of virtue. I have now my Lords, according to my poor ability, both shown the conveniences, and answered those inconveniences that seem to make against them. I should now propose those that make for them. As their falling into a condition worse than slaves, not represented by any, and then the dangers and inconveniences that may happen to your Lordships; but I have done this heretofore, and will not offer your Lordships, Cramben bis coctam. These speeches (though they converted none of the opposite) confirmed those of the Episcopal party, making the Lords very zealous in the Bishop's behalf. 20. There were in the House, Temporal Lords favourers of Bishops. many other defenders of Episcopacy; as William, Lord Marques of Hartford; the Earl of Southampton, the Earl of Bristol, and the Lord Digby, his Son, and (the never to be forgotten) William, Earl of Bath, a learned Lord, and lover of learning, oftentimes on occasion, speaking for Bishops, once publicly prefessing it, one of the greatest Honours which ever happily happened to his family, that one thereof, (Thomas Bourcher by name) was once dignified with the Archbishopric of Canterbury. Many other Lords (though not haranging irin long Orations,) by their effectual Votes for Bishops, manifested their unfeigned affections unto them. 22. About this time, The death of Bishop Montague. there were many vacant Cathedrals, Anno Dom. 1641 Anno Regis Caroli 17 which the King lately had, or now did furnish with new Bishops; Dr. Joseph Hall being removed from Exeter to Norwich, void by the death of Richard Montague, born in Westminster, bred in Eton School, Fellow in King's College; a great Grecian, and Church Antiquary, well read in the Fathers. But (all in his Diocese, not being so well skilled in Antiquity as himself) some charged him, with superstitious urging of Ceremonies, and being accused in Parliament, he appeared not (being very weak) but * He died on the 12 of April went a more compendious way, to answer all in the High-Court of Heaven. 22. As for new elected Bishops, Eminent and popular persons made Bishops. his Majesty was most careful to choose them out of the most sound for Judgement, and blameless for Conversation. 1. Dr. John Prideaux, almost grown to the Kings-Professors-Chair in Oxford, he had set so long and close therein: Procuring by his painful and learned Lectures, deserved repute at home, and amongst Foreign Protestants: he was made Bishop of Worcester. 2. D. Thomas Winniffo, Dean of St. Paul's; a grave, learned, and moderate Divine; made Bishop of Lincoln. 3. Dr. Ralph Brownrig, of most quick, and solid parts, equally eminent for disputing, and preaching, made Bishop of Exeter. 4. Dr. Henry King, acceptable on the account of his own merit, and on the score of a Pious, and popular Father, made Bishop of Chichester. 5. Dr. John Westfield, for many years the painful and profitable Preacher, of great St. bartholomew's London, made Bishop of Bristol. He died not long after. Surely, si urbs defensa, fuisset his dextris, if Divine Providence had appointed, that Episcopacy (at this time) should have been kept up and maintained, more probable Persons for that purpose, could not have been picked out of England, so that envy and detraction might even feed on their own flesh, their teeth finding nothing in the aforesaid Elects to fasten upon. 23. But Episcopacy was so far from faring the better for them, All would not do. that they fared the worse for it, insomuch that many, who much loved them in their Gowns, did not at all like them in their Rochets. 24. The Bill was again brought in, A disadvantageous juncture of time for Bishops. against Bishop's Votes in Parliament, and that in a disadvantageous juncture of time, the Bishops then being under a threefold qualification. 1. Imprisoned in the Tower. Of these eleven besides Archbishop Laud, whose absence much weakened the party. 2. Lately Consecrated, and later inducted into the House of Lords, as the Bishops of Worcester, Lincoln, Exeter, Chichester, Bristol, such their modesty, and manners, they conceived it fitting to practise their hearing, before speaking in the House. So that in some sort, they may be said, to have lost their Voices, before they found them in the Parliament. 3. The remainder of ancient Bishops, London, Salisbury, Bangor, etc. who seldom were seen (detained with other occasions) and more seldom heard in the Parliament. So that the Adversaries of Episcopacy could not have obtained a fit opportunity (the spirits of time at large being distilled thereinto) then in this very instant to accomplish their desires. 25. Only Dr. John Warner Bishop of Rochester, Bishop Warner the best Champion for Bishops. was he, in whom dying Episcopacy gave the last groan in the House of Lords, one of good speech, and a cheerful spirit, and which made both, a good Purse, and which made all three, a good cause, as he conceived in his conscience, which made him very pertinently and valiantly defend the Antiquity and Justice of Bishop's Votes in Parliament. This is he, of whose bounty many distressed souls since have tasted, whose reward no doubt is laid up for him in another World. 26. The main argument which was most insisted on, The principal Plea against Bishop's Barontes. against their temporal Baronies, were the words of the Apostle, * 2 Tim. 2 4 No man which warreth, entangleth himself with the affairs of this life. Their friends pleaded, 1. That the words equally concerned all Militant Christians, Bishops not being particularised therein. 2. That it was uncharitable to conclude their fingers more clasping of the World, or the World more glutinous to stick to their fingers, that they alone, of all persons, could not touch the World, but must be entangled therewith. But it was answered, that then, à fortiore, Clergymen were concerned in the Text aforesaid not to meddle with Worldly matters, whose Governing of a whole Diocese, was so great an employment, that their attendance in Parliament must needs be detrimental to so careful a vocation. 27. The Earl of Bristol engaged himself a valiant Champion in the Bishop's behalf, Earl of Bristols Plea for Bishops. he affirmed, that it was according to the Orders of the House, that no Bill being once cast out, should be brought in again at the same Sessions. Seeing therefore the Bill against Bishop's Votes, had formerly been clearly carried by many decisive Votes for the Bishops, it was not only praeter, but contra Parliamentary, it should be brought again this Sessions. 28. But seeing this Parliament was extraordinary in the manner and continuance thereof (one Session being likely to last for many years) Resuted by others. it was not conceived fit they should be tied to the observance of such punctual niceties; and the resumption of the Bill was not only overruled by Votes, but also it was clearly carried in the Negative, that Bishops never more should vote as Peers in Parliament. 29. Nothing now wanted, The King unwilling to consent. save the Royal Assent, to pass the said Votes into a Law. The King appeared very unwilling therein, partly because he conceived it an injury, to give away the Bishops undoubted right, partly because he suspected, that the haters of the function, and lovers of the Lands of Bishops, would grow on his grants, and improve themselves on his concessions, so that such yielding unto them, would not satisfy their hunger, but quicken their Appetites to demand the more hereafter. 30. The importunity of others pressed upon him, Febr. that to prune off their Baronies, But is importuned thereunto. was the way to preserve their Bishoprics; that his Majesty lately obnoxious to the Parliament, for demanding the five Members, would now make plenary satisfaction, and give such assurance of his affections for the future, that all things would answer his desired expectation. This was set home unto him, by some (not the farthest) relations, insomuch that at last he signed the Bill, as he was in St. Augustine's in Canterbury, passing with the Queen towards Dover, then undertaking her voyage into the Low-Countries. 31. Many expected, Keep in thy calling. and more desired that the King's condescension herein should put a period unto all differences. 18 1642 But their expectations were frustrate, and not long after the King apprehending himself in danger by tumults, deserted Whitehall, went into the North, erected his Standard at Nottingham, Edge-Hill-field was fought, and much English blood on both sides shed in several battles. But I seasonably remember that the Church is my Castle, viz. that the writing thereof is my House and Home, wherein I may stand on my own defence against all who assault me. It was good counsel King Joash gave to King Amaziah, * 2. Kings 14. 10. Tarry at home. The practice whereof shall I hope secure me from many mischiefs. 32. About this time the word Malignant, Malignant first coined. was first born (as to the Common use) in England; the deduction thereof being disputable, whether from malus ignis bad fire; or, malum lignum, bad fuel; but this is sure, betwixt both, Anno Dom. 1642 Anno Regis Caroli 18 the name made a combustion all over England. It was fixed as a note of disgrace on those of the King's party, and (because one had as good be dumb, as not speak with the Volge) possibly in that sense it may occur in our ensuing History. However the Royalists plead for themselves, that Malignity (a * Rom. 1. 29. Scripture word) properly denoteth activity in doing evil, whereas they being ever since on the suffering side, in their Persons, Credits, and Estates, conceive the name improperly applied unto them. Which plea the Parliamentary-party smile at in stead of answering, taking notice of the affections of the Royalists, how Malignant they would have appeared, if success had befriended them. 33. Contemporary with Malignant, And the word, Plunder. was the word, Plunder, which some make of Latin original, from planum dare, to level, or plane all to nothing. Others make it of Dutch extraction, as if it were to plume or pluck the feathers of a Bird to the bare skin. Sure I am, we first heard thereof in the Swedish wars, and if the name and thing be sent back from whence it came, few English eyes would weep thereat. 34. By this time ten of the eleven Bishops, The Bishops in the Tower released. formerly subscribing their protestation to the Parliament, were (after some month's durance) upon good bale given) released; two of them, finding great favour in their fees from the Lieutenant of the Tower, in respect of their great charge, and small estate. These now at liberty severally disposed themselves; some went home to their own Diocese, as the Bishops, of Norwich, Oxford, etc. Some continued in London, as the Bishop of Durham, not so rich in Age, as in all commendable Episcopal qualities. Some withdrew themselves into the King's quarters; as Archbishop Williams, etc. Only Bishop Wren was still detained in the Tower, where his long imprisonment, (being never brought in to a public answer) hath converted many of his adversaries into a more charitable opinion of him. 35. The Bishop's Votes in Parliament, A query, worth enquiring. being dead, and departed, (neither to be helped with flattery, nor hurt with malice) one word of enquiry in what notion, they formerly voted in Parliament. Whether, as a distinct third Estate of the Clergy, or, Whether, as so many single Barons in their temporal capacity. This was formerly received for a truth, countenanced with some passages in the old Statutes, reckoning the Lords spiritual, and Lords temporal, and the Commons, to be the three Estates, the King, (as Paramount of all) not comprehended therein. This is maintained by those, who account the King, the Lords, and Commons the three Estates, amongst which Lords the Bishops (though spiritual persons) appeared as so many temporal Barons: Whose absence, is no whit prejudicial to the Acts passed in Parliament. Some of the Aged Bishops had their Tongues so used to the language of a third Estate, that more than once they ran on that [reputed] Rock, in their Speeches, for which they were publicly shent, and enjoined an acknowledgement of their mistake. 36. The Convocation now not sitting, Divines consulted with in Parliament. 1643 19 and matters of Religion many being brought under the Cognizance of the Parliament, their Wisdoms adjudged it, not only convenient but necessary, that some prime Clergyman might be consulted with. In order whereunto, they resolved, to select some out of all Counties, whom they conceived best qualified, for their design herein, and the first of July was the day appointed for their meeting. SECTION IX. To Mr Giles Vandepit Clegat Peter Matthewes of London Merchants. A Threefold Cable is not easily broken, and a Triplicate of Friends may be presumed effectual to protect my endeavours. Of whom two are of Dutch, the third in the midst of English Extraction, not falling there by casual confusion, but placed by designed Conjunction. Me thinks it is a good sight, to behold the Dutch embracing the English, and this Dedication may pass for the Emblem of the late Agreement, which God long continue, if for the mutual good of both Nations. 1. WHen on this day the Assembly of Divines, Anno Regis Caroli 19 Anno Dom. 1643. The first meeting of the Assembly. to consult about matters of Religion, met at Westminster in the Chapel of King Henry the Seventh. Then the constitution of this Assembly, July 1. Satur. as first elected, and designed, was to consist of about one hundred and twenty persons chosen by the Parliament (without respect of Dioceses) in relation to Shires, two or more of a County. They thought it not safe to entrust the Clergy with their own choice, of whose general corruption they constantly complained, and therefore adjudged it unfit that the Distempered Patients should be or choose their own Physicians. 2. These Elects were of four several natures, The four English quarters of the Assembly. as the quarters of the same body, easily distinguishable by these conditions or opinions. First, men of Episcopal persuasion, as the Right Reverend James Usher Archbishop of Armagh, Doctor Browmrig Bishop of Exeter, Doctor Westfield Bishop of Bristol, Dr Daniel Featly, Dr Richard Holdsworth etc. Secondly, such who in their judgements favoured the Presbyterian Discipline, or in process of time were brought over to embrace it, amongst whom (to mention those who seemed to be pillars, as on whose abilities the weight of the work most lay) we take special notice of. Dr Hoyle Divinity Professor in Ireland. Cambridge. Dr Thomas Gouge of blackfriars. Dr Smith of Barkeway. Mr Oliver Bowls. Mr Thomas Gataker. Mr Henry Scudder. Mr Usum Tuckeners. Mr Steven Martial. Mr John Arrowsmith. Mr Herbert Palmer. Mr Thomas Throughgood. Mr Thomas Hill. Mr Nathanael Hodges. Mr Gibbons. Mr Timothy Young. Mr Richard Vincs. Mr Thomas Coleman. Mr Matthew Newcomen. Mr Jeremiah Whitaker. etc. Oxford. Dr William Twisse. Dr Cornelius Burgess. Dr. Stanton. Mr White of Dorchester. Mr Harris of Hanwell. Mr Edward Reynolds. Mr Charles Herl. Mr Corbet of Merton College. Mr Conant. Mr Francis Cheinell. Mr Obadiah Sedgewick. Mr Cartar Senior. Mr Cartar Junior. Mr Joseph caryl. Mr Strickland. etc. I hope an et caetera (so distasteful elsewhere) may be permitted in the close of our Catalogue, and am confident that the rest here omitted as unknown unto me will take no exception. The like assurance I have, that none will cavil if not reckoned up in their just Seniority, both because they know I was none of the Register that entered their Admissions in the Universities, and because it may savour something of a Prelatical spirit to be offended about precedency. Thirdly, some zealous Ministers, who formerly disliking conformity, to avoid the censures of Episcopal Consistories removed themselves beyond the Seas, chief to Holland, where some had plentiful, all comfortable subsistence, whence they returned home at the beginning of this Parliament. These afterwards proved Dissenting Brethren to some transactions in the Assembly, as Tho: Goodwin, Sidrach Symson, Philip Nye etc. Fourthly, some members of the house of Lords and Commons, were mingled amongst them, and voted jointly in their consultations, as the Earl of Pembroke, the Lord Say. The most learned Antiquary Mr John Selden. Mr Francis Rouse, Mr Bulstrode Whitlock etc. Thus was this Assembly (as first chosen and intended) a Qwint-Essence of four Parties. Some conceive so motley a meeting promised no good results, whilst others grounded their hopes on what was the motive of the former to despair. The Miscellaneous nature of the Assembly. For what speedier way to make peace in a Distracted Church, then to take in all Interests to consult together. It had been little better than a Spiritual Monopoly, only to employ those of one Party, whilst if all men's Arguments, Objections Complaints, Desires, be indifferently admitted, an Expedient may be the sooner found out for their just and general satisfaction. 3. So much for the English party of this Assembly. The Scots Commissioners joined in the Assembly. For know, that Commissioners from Scotland were joined with them; some of the Nobility, as the Earl of Lothian, The Lord Lauderdale, The Lord Warristone. Others of the Clergy, as Mr Alexander Henderson, Mr. Galasphie etc. So that as Livy calleth the general meeting of Aetolia Pan-Aetol●um, this Assembly endeavoured to put on the face of Pan-Britanicum, that the walls of the Palace wherein they met might in some sort be like the waves of the Sea, with the compass whereof they lived, as surrounding one Island and two Nations. 4. Dr Twisse preached the first Sermon at the meeting of the Assembly, Dr Twisse the Prolocutor his sermon. though the Schools not the Pulpit was his proper Element, (witness his Controversal writings) and in his sermon he exhorted them faithfully to discharge their high calling to the glory of God and the honour of his Church. He much bemoaned that one thing was wanting, namely the Royal assent to give comfort and encouragement to them. Yet he hoped that by the efficacy of their fervent prayers, it might in due time be obtained, and that a happy union might be procured betwixt him and the Parliament. Sermon ended, the Ordinance was read, by which was declared the cause, ground, and intent of their Convention, namely, to consult with the Parliament for the settling of Religion, and Church-government: Then the list of their names was called over who were appointed to be present there, and a mark, (but no penalty) set on such who appeared not at the time prefixed. 5. The appearance of the persons elected answered not expectation, The Royalists reasons of their non-appearance. seeing of an hundred and twenty, but sixty nine were present, and those in Coats and Cloaks, of several forms and fashions, so that Dr Westfield and some few others seemed the only Non-conformists amongst them, for their conformity whose gowns and Canonical habits differed from all the rest. For of the first sort of Royalists, Episcopal in their judgements very few appeared, and scarce any continued any time in the House (save Dr Daniel Featly, of whom hereafter) alleging privately several reasons for their absence or Departure. 1. First, they had no call from the King, (having read how anciently the breath of Christian Emperors gave the first being to Counsels) Yea some on my knowledge had from his Majesty a flat command to the contrary. 2. They were not chosen by the Clergy, and so could not appear as Representatives, but in their personal capacities. 3. This meeting seemed set up to pluck down the Convocation (now neither sitting, nor legally dissolved) which solemnly was summoned for Ecclesiastical affairs. 4. If appearing there they should be beheld by the rest (what Joseph charged on his Brethren) as spies come thither to see the nakedness of the Assembly. 5. Being few, they should easily be out-voted by the Opposite Party, and so only worn as Countenances to credit their proceed. However I have heard many of both Parties desire, that those Defenders of the Hierarchy had afforded their presence, as hoping that their learning and abilities, their temper and moderation might have conduced much to mitigate some violence and extremity in their proceed. But God in his all ordering providence saw it unfitting, and whether or no any good had been effected by them, if present (seeing as yet no law to order men's conjectures) is left to the liberty of every man's opinion. 6. Soon after, The Assembly consituted. the Assembly was completely constituted with all the Essentials thereunto, Dr Twisse Prolocutor, Mr Roborough and Adoniram Byfield, their Scribes and Notaries; And now their good success (next to the Parliaments) was publicly prayed for by the Preachers in the City, and books dedicated unto them, under the title of the most * Mr Stalmarsh his Book against Tho. Fuller. Sacred Assembly, which because they did not disavow, by others they were interpreted to approve, four shillings a day salary was allowed them, much too little as some thought for men of their merit, others grumbling at it as too much for what by them was performed. And now what place more proper for the building of Zion (as they propounded it,) then the Chamber of Jerusalem (the fairest in the Deans Lodgings, where King Henry the fourth died, and) where these Divines did daily meet together. 7. Be it here remembered, The superadded Divines. that some (besides those Episcopally affected) chosen to be at this Assembly notwithstanding absented themselves, pretending age, indisposition, etc. as it is easy for able unwillingness to find out excuses, and make them probable. Fit it was therefore so many evacuities should be filled up, to mount the Meeting to a competent number and Assemblies, as well as Armies when grown thin, must be recruited. Hence it was that at several times the Lords and Commons added more Members unto them, by the name of the superadded Divines. Some of these though equal to the former in power, were conceived to fall short in parts, as chosen rather by the affections of others, then for their own abilities, the Original members of the Assembly not overpleased thereat, such addition making the former rather more, then more considerable. 8. One of the first public Acts, The Assemblies first petition for a fast. which I find by them performed, was the humble presenting of a Petition to both Houses, for the appointing of a solemn fast to be generally observed. And no wonder if their request met with fair acceptance, and full performance, seeing the Assemblies Petition, was the Parliaments intention and this solemn suit of the Divines did not create new, but quicken the old resolutions in both Houses, presently a Fast is appointed, July 21. Frid. and accordingly kept on the following Friday, Mr Bowls and Mr Newcomen (whose sermons are since printed) preaching on the same, and all the rest of the particulars promised to be taken into speedy consideration. 9 It was now projected to find out some Band or Tie, The Covenent entereth England. for the straighter Union of the English and Scotish amongst themselves, and both to the Parliament. In order whereunto the Covenant was now presented. This Covenant was of Scottish extraction, born beyond Tweed, but now brought to be bred on the Southside thereof. 10. The House of Commons in Parliament, The Covenant first taken. and the Assembly of Divines solemnly took the Covenant at St. Margaret's in Westminster. 11. It was ordered by the Commons in Parliament that this Covenant be forthwith printed and published. Commanded to be printed. 12. Divers Lords, Taken by Gentlemen. Knights, Gentlemen, Colonels, Officers, Soldiers and others, Sept. 27. Wed. 29. Frid. then residing in the City of London met at St Margaret's in Westminster, and there took the said Covenant. Mr Coleman preaching a Sermon before them concerning the piety and legality thereof. 13. It was commanded by the authority of both Houses, Enjoined all in London. that the said Covenant on the Sabbath day ensuing, Frid. Octo. 1. Sund. should be taken in all Churches and Chapels of London within the lines of Communication, and throughout the Kingdom in convenient time appointed thereunto, according to the Tenor following. A Solemn league and Covenant, for Reformation and defence of Religion, the honour and happiness of the King, and the peace and safety of the three Kingdoms, of England, Scotland, and Ireland. WE Noblemen, Barons, Knights, Gentlemen, Citizens, Burgesses, Ministers of the Gospel, and Commons, of all sorts in the Kingdom of England, Scotland, and Ireland, by the providence of God living under one King, and being of one Reformed Religion, having before our eyes the glory of God, and the advancement of the Kingdom of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, the honour and happiness of the King's Majesty and his posterity, and the true public liberty, safety and peace of the Kingdom, wherein every ones private condition is included; And calling to mind the Treacherous and Bloody Plots, Conspiracies, attempts, and Practices of the enemies of God, against the true Religion and the professors thereof in all places, especially in these three Kingdoms ever since the Reformation of Religion, and how much their rage, power, and presumption are of late, and at this time increased and exercised, whereof the deplorable estate of the Church and Kingdom of Ireland, the distressed estate of the Church and Kingdom of England, the dangerous estate of the Church and Kingdom of Scotland, are present and public Testimonies. We have now at last after (other means of Supplications, Remonstrances, Protestations, and sufferings) for the preservation of our selves and our Religion from utter ruin and destruction, according to the commendable practices of these Kingdoms in former times, and the example of God's people in other nations, after mature deliberation resolved and determined to enter into a mutual solemn League and Covenant, wherein we all subscribe, and each one of us for himself, with our hands lifted up to the most High God do swear. That we shall sincerely, really, and constantly, through the grace of God endeavour in our several places and callings, the preservation of the reformed Religion in the Church of Scotland in Doctrine, Worship, Discipline, and Government, against our common enemies, the Reformation of Religion in the Kingdoms of England and Ireland, in Doctrine, Worship, Discipline, and Government, according to the word of God, and the example of the best reformed Churches, and shall endeavour to bring the Churches of God in the three Kingdoms to the nearest conjunction, and uniformity in Religion, Confession of Faith, form of Church-Government, directory for Worship and Catechising; That we and our posterity after us may as Brethren live in faith and love, and the Lord may delight to dwell in the midst of us. That we shall in like manner without respect of persons endeavour the extirpation of Popery, Prelacy, that is, Church-government by Arch-Bishops, Bishops, their Chancellors, and Commissaries, Deans, Deans and Chapters, Arch-Deacons and all other Ecclesiastical Officers, depending on that Hierarchy, Superstition, Heresy, Schism, Profaneness, and whatsoever shall be found to be contrary to sound Doctrine, and the power of godliness; lest we partake in other men's sins, and thereby be in danger to receive of their plagues, and that the Lord may be one, and his name one in the three Kingdoms. We shall with the same sincerity, reality, and constancy in our several Vocations, endeavour with our estates and lives mutually to preserve the Rights and privileges of the Parliaments, and the due liberties of the kingdoms, and to preserve, and defend the King's Majesty his person and authority, in the preservation and defence of the true Religion, and liberties of the Kingdoms, that the world may bear witness with our consciences of our loyalty, and that we have no thoughts or intentions to diminish his Majesty's just power and greatness. We shall also with all faithfulness endeavour the discovery of all such as have been or shall be Incendiaries, Malignants, or evil instruments by hindering the Reformation of Religion, dividing the King from his people, or one of the Kingdoms from another, or making any faction or parties amongst the people contrary to this League and Covenant, that they may be brought to public trial, and receive condign punishment, as the degree of their offences shall require or deserve, or the supreme Judicatories of both Kingdoms respectively, or others having power from them for that effect shall judge convenient. And whereas the happiness of a blessed peace between these Kingdoms, denied in former times to our progenitors, is by the good providence of God granted unto us, and hath been lately concluded, and settled by both Parliaments, we shall each one of us according to our place, and interest, endeavour that they remain conjoined in a firm peace and union to all posterity, and that justice may be done upon the wilful opposers thereof in manner expressed in the precedent Article. We shall also according to our places and callings, in this common cause of Religion, liberty, and peace of the Kingdoms, assist, and defend all those that enter into this league and Covenant, in the maintaining and pursuing thereof, and shall not suffer ourselves directly, or indirectly, by whatsoever combination, persuasion, or terror to be divided, and withdrawn from this blessed Conjunction and union, whether to make defection to the contrary part, or to give ourselves to a detestable indifferency or neutrality in this cause, which so much concerneth the glory of God, the good of the Kingdoms, and honour of the King, but shall all the days of our lives zealously and constantly endeavour to continue therein against all opposition, and promote the same according to our power against all lets and impediments whatsoever; and what we are not able of ourselves to suppress or overcome, we shall reveal and make known, that it may be timely prevented or removed. All which we shall do as in the sight of God. And because these Kingdoms are guilty of many sins and provocations against God, and his Son Jesus Christ, as is too manifest by our present distresses and dangers, the fruits thereof; We profess and declare before God and the world, our unfeigned desire to be humbled for our own sins, and for the sins of these Kingdoms, especially that we have not as we ought valued the inestimable benefit of the Gospel, that we have not laboured for the purity and power thereof, and that we have not endeavoured to receive Christ in our hearts, nor to walk worthy of him in our lives, which are the causes of other sins and transgressions so much abounding amongst us, and our true and unfeigned purpose, desire and endeavour for ourselves, and all others under our charge, both in public and in private, in all duties we own to God and man, to amend our lives, and each one to go before another in the example of a real reformation, that the Lord may turn away his wrath and heavy indignation, and establish these Churches and Kingdoms in truth and peace. And this Covenant we make in the presence of Almighty God the searcher of all hearts, with a true intention to perform the same, as we shall answer at the great day, when the secrets of all hearts shall be disclosed, most humbly beseeching the Lord to strengthen us by his Holy Spirit to this end, and to bless our desires and proceed with such success, as may be deliverance and safety to his people, and encouragement to other Christian Churches groaning under, or in danger of the yoke of Antichristian Tyranny, to join in the same or like Association and Covenant, to the glory of God, the enlargement of the Kingdom of Jesus Christ, and the peace and tranquillity of Christian Kingdoms, and Commonwealths. We listen not to their fancy, who have reckoned the words in the Covenant, six a Rev. 13. 19 hundred sixty six, Preface and Conclusion, as only circumstantial appendants, not accounted, and esteem him who trieth it, as well at leisure (alias as idle) as he that first made the observation. Much less applaud we their parallel, who (the number in branches agreeing) compare it to the superstitious and cruel Six Articles enacted by King Henry the Eighth. But let us consider the solid and serious exceptions alleged against it, not so light and slight as to be puffed away with the breath of the present age, but whose weight is likely to sink them down to the consideration of posterity. 14. First, Exceptions general to the whole. seeing this Covenant (though not as first penned) as Prosecuted had heavy penalties inflicted on the refusers thereof, such pressing is inconsistent with the nature of any Contract; wherein consent, not constraint is presumed. In a Covenant men should go of their own good 〈◊〉, or be led by persuasions, not drawn by frights and fears, much less driven by forfeits and punishments. 15. Secondly, Made without the King's consent. Subjects are so far from having the express or tacit consent of the King for the taking thereof, that by public Proclamation he hath forbidden the same. Now seeing Parents had power by the b Num. 30. 6. law of God to rescind such vows which their children made without their privity: by the equity of the same law this Covenant is void, if contrary to the flat command of him who is Parens Patriae. 16. Many words occur in this Covenant, Full of doubtful words. some obsure, others of doubtful meaning, viz. Common enemies, Best-Reformed-Churches, Malignants, Highest Judicatories of both Kingdoms etc. Until therefore the obscure be cleared, the doubtful stated and fixed, the same cannot (as it ought) be taken in judgement. Exceptions to the Preface. Therein it is suggested, that Supplications, Remonstrance, Protestations to the King, were formerly used; which proving ineffectual, occasioned the trying of this Covenant, Anno Dom. 1643. Anno Regis Carol. 19 as the last hopeful means to preserve Religion from ruin etc. Now, seeing many joined neither with their hands nor hearts in presenting these writings, such persons scrupled this Covenant, which they cannot take in truth, because founded on the failing of the aforesaid means, to the using whereof they concurred not in the laast degree. 17. It is pretended in the Preface, Pretended ancient, yet unprecedented. that this Covenant is according to the commendable practice of these Kingdoms in former times. Whereas indeed it is new in itself, following no former Precedents; a grand Divine a Phil. Nye Covenant with Narrat. pag. 12. of the Parliament-party publicly professing, that, We read not either in Divine or Hamane Histories, the like Oath extant in any age, as to the matter, persons, and other circumstances thereof. Exceptions to the First Article. 18. They are unsatisfied to swear, Cannot be taken knowingly. to maintain the Preservation of the Reformed Religion of Scotland, in Doctrine, Worship, Discipline, and Government, as being ignorant (such their distance thence, and small intelligence there) of the particulars thereof. They are loath therefore to make a blind promise, for fear of a lame performance. 19 As for the Reforming of Religion (which necessarily implies a changing thereof) of England, Nor without a double scandal. and Ireland, in Doctrine, Worship, Discipline, and Government; they cannot consent thereunto without manifest scandal, both to Papists and Separatists. For (besides that they shall desert that just cause, which many pious Martyrs, Bishops, and Divines of our Church, have defended both with their ink and blood, writings and sufferings) hereby they shall advantage the cavils of Papists against our Religion, taxing it of uncertainty, not knowing where to fix our feet, as always altering the same. Yea, they shall not only supply Papists with pleas for their Recusancy, Sectaries for their Separation, acknowledging something in our Church-Doctrine and Service, not well agreeing with Gods-word; but also shall implicitly confess Papists unjustly punished by the Penal-Statutes, for not conforming with us to the same Publick-Service, wherein somethings are by ourselves, as well as them, misliked and disallowed. 20. Nor can they take this Covenant without injury and perjury to themselves. Injury to themselves. Injury, by ensnaring their consciences, credits, and estates, if endeavouring to reform Religion (under the notion of faulty and vicious) to which formerly they had subscribed, enjoined thereto by the b 13. Eliz. cap. 12. Law of the Land, not yet abrogated, never as yet checked by the regrets of their own consciences, nor confuted by the reasons of others for the doing thereof. 21. Perjury, Perjury to their souls. as contrary to the Protestation and solemn vow they had c May the 5. 1641. lately taken, and Oath of Supremacy, swearing therein to defend all the King's Rights and Privileges, whereof His Spiritual Jurisdiction in reforming Church-matters, is a principal. Now, although a latter oath may be corroborative of the former, or constructive of a new obligation consistent therewith, yet can it not be inductive of a tie, contrary to an oath lawfully taken before. Exceptions to the Second Article. 22. It grieveth them therein to see Prelacy so unequally yoked; Ill but forced 〈◊〉 of Prelacy. Popery being put before it; Superstition, Heresy, Schism, and Profaneness following after. Such the pleasure of those that placed them, though nothing akin in themselves. But a captive by the power of others may be fettered to those whom he hates and abhors. Consent they cannot to the extirpation of Prelacy, Four reasons against extirpation of Prelacy. neither in respect, Of 1 The thing itself, being persuaded that neither Papal Monarchy, nor Presbyterian Democracie, nor Independent Anarchy are so conformable to the Scriptures as Episcopal Aristocracy, being if (not of Divine in a strict sense) of Apostolical Institution, confirmed with Church-practice (the best Comment on Scripture when obscure) for 1500 years, and bottomed on the same foundation with Infants-Baptisme, National Churches, observing the Lordsday, and the like. 2 Themselves, of whom, 1 All when taking degrees in the University. 2 Most, as many as are entered into Holy-Orders 3 Not a few when lately petitioning the Parliament for the continuing of Episcopacy 4 Some being members of Cathedral, and Collegiate Churches have subscribed with their hands, and with their corporal oaths avowed the justification and defence of that government. 3 Church of England, fearing many mischiefs from this alteration, (felt sooner than seen in all great and sudden changes) especially because the Ecclesiastical Government is so interwoven in many Statutes of the land. And, if Schisms so increase on the Suspension, what is to be expected on the Extirpation of Episcopacy. 4 His Majesty, as contrary to their Oath of Supremacy, wherein they were bound to maintain His Privileges, amongst which a principal is, that He is Supreme moderator over all Causes and Persons Spiritual, wherein no change is to be attempted without his consent. Dignity, The Collations of Bishoprics and Deaneries, with their profits in their vacancies belonging unto Him, and the First-fruits and Tenths of Ecclesiastical Dignities, a considerable part of the Royal Revenue. Here we omit their Plea, whose chief means consisting of Cathedral preferment, allege the like not done from the beginning of the world, that men (though deserving deprivation for their offences) should be forced to swear sincerely, seriously, and from their souls, to endeavour the rooting out of that, whence their best livelihood doth depend. Exceptions against the Third Article. 23. It grieveth them herein to be sworn, to the Preservation of the Privileges of Parliament, and liberties of the Kingdom, at large and without any restriction, being bound in the following words to defend the King's person and Authority, as limited in the preservation and defence of true Religion, and the Liberties of the Realm; enlarging the former, that the later may be the more confined. 24. They are jealous what should be the cause of the inversion of the method, seeing in the Solemn Vow and Protestation, the Defence of the King's Person and Authority is put first, which in this Covenant is postposed to the Privileges of Parliament. However, seeing the Protestation was first taken, the Covenant as the younger cannot disinherit the elder, of the possession which it hath quietly taken in men's consciences. Exceptions to the Fourth Article. 25. They are unsatisfied whether the same imposeth not a necessity for children to prosecute their Parents even to death, under the notion of Malignants against all rules of Religion and humanity. For even in case of Idolatry, children under the old * Deut. 13. 6. law were not bound publicly to accuse their Parents, so as to bring them to be stoned for the same; though such unnatural cruelty be foretold by our * Mat. 10. 21. Saviour, to fall out under the Gospel, of those that shall rise up against their Parents, and cause them to be put to death. Exceptions to the Fifth Article. 26. They understand not what is meant therein by the happiness of a blessed peace betwixt these Kingdoms, whereof Ireland must needs be one, whilst the same is rend with a woeful war, and the other two lands distracted with homebred discords: whereof no settlement can be hoped until first all interests be equally stated, and the King's Authority, Privileges of Parliament, and Liberties of Subjects justly bounded, and carefully preserved. Exceptions to the Sixth Article. 27. They are unsatisfied therein as wholly hypothetical, supposing what as yet is not cleared by solid arguments, viz. that this is the common cause of Religion, Liberty, and peace of the Realms etc. And if the same be granted, it appeareth not to their conscience, that the means used to promote this Cause, are so lawful and free from just objections which may be raised from the Laws of God and man. Exceptions to the Conclusion. 28. They quake at the mention, that the taking of this Covenant should encourage other Churches groaning under the yoke of Antichristian Tyranny, to join in the same, fearing the dangerous consequences this may produce to foreign Protestants, and enrage Popish Princes (in whose Dominions they live) to cruelty against them, as disaffected to their Government. Besides, when Divine Providence layeth such burdens on his servants, even the yoke of Antichrist is then the yoke of Christ, not to be thrown off with force, but to be born with the confession of the truth, prayers, patience, and Christian courage. 29. So much concerning the Covenant, which some three months after began to be rigorously and generally urged. Nor have I ought else to observe thereof, save to add in mine own defence, that I never saw the same, except at distance as hung up in Churches, nor ever had any occasion to read, or hear it read, till this * July 1 1654. day in writing my History, what ever hath been reported and printed to the contrary, of my taking thereof in London, who went away from the Savoy to the King's quarters, long before any mention thereof in England. 30. True it is, The Author's plea in his own just defence. there was an Oath which never exceeded the Line of Communication, meeting with so much opposition that it expired in the infancy thereof, about the time when the plot was discovered, for which Mr Tomkins and Mr Chaloner suffered. This was tendered to me, and taken by me in the Vestry of the Savoy-Church, but first protesting some limitations thereof to myself. This not satisfying was complained of by some persons present, to the Parliament, where it was ordered, that the next Lordsday I should take the same oath in terminis terminantibus, in the face of the Church, which not agreeing with my conscience, I withdrew myself into the King's parts, which (I hope) I may no less safely, than I do freely confess, because punished for the same with the loss of my livelihood, and since (I suppose) pardoned in the Act of Oblivion. 31. Now began the great and general purgation of the Clergy in the Parliaments quarters, The Parliaments purge to the Clergy. many being outed for their misdemeanours by the Committee appointed for that purpose. Some of their offences were so foul, it is a shame to report them, crying to Justice for punishment. Indeed Constantine the Christian Emperor was wont to say; If I see a Clergyman offending, I will cover him with my cloak, but surely he meant such offences as are frailties, and infirmities, no scandalous enormities. Such unsavoury salt is good for nothing * Luke 14. 33. no not for the dunghill, because as the savour is lost which makes it useful, so the fretting is left, which makes it useless, whereby it is so far from being good compost to fatten ground, that it doth rather embarren it. Let Baal therefore plead for itself, nothing can be said in their Excuse, if (what was the main matter) their crimes were sufficiently proved. 32. But as to the point, The expelled Clergies plea. hear what the Royalists at Oxford say for their Friends, whilst they conceive themselves to take just exceptions at the proceed against these Ministers. 1. Some of their faults were so foul, that the * Centu. p. 1. foulness of them, is all that can be pleaded for them. For being Capital, the persons deserved to be outed of life, not of living, which leaves a suspicion of imperfect proof. 2. The Witnesses against them were seldom deposed on oath, but their bare complaints believed. 3. Many of the Complainers were factious people (those most accusing their Sermons who least heard them) and who since have deserted the Church, as hating the Profession of the Ministry. 4. Many were charged with delivering false-Doctrine, whose positions were sound, at the least disputable. Such those accused for preaching that Baptism Washeth away Original sin, which the most Learned, and honest in the Assembly in some sense will not deny, namely, that in the Children of God it cleanseth the condemning, and final peaceable commanding power of Original sin, though the stain and blemish thereof doth still remain. 5. Some were merely outed for their affections to the King's cause, and what was malignity at London, was Loyalty at Oxford. Yea many moderate men of the Opposite Party, much bemoaned such severity, that some Clergymen, blameless for life, and Orthodox for Doctrine, were only ejected on the account of their faithfulness to the King's Cause. And as much corruption was let out by this Ejection (many Scandalous Ministers deservedly punished) so at the same time the veins of the English Church were also emptied of much good blood (some inoffensive Pastors) which hath made her Body Hydropical ever since, ill humours succeeding in the room, by reason of too large and sudden evacuation. But others of a more violent temper excused all, the present necessity of the Cause requiring it. All Pulpits in the Parliament quarters must be made like the whole earth before the building of Babel, of one language, and of one speech, or else all may be destroyed by the mixture of other Doctrines. And better a mischief to few, than an inconvenience to all. Safer that some (suppose unjustly) suffer, then that the success of the whole cause should be endangered. 33 Then came forth a Book called the First Century, The first Century why without a second. containing the names of an hundred Divines sequestered for their faults with a promise of a second, Nou. 19 which to my knowledge never came forth. Whether because the Author of the former was sensible that the subject was generally odious, or because the death of Mr White, Licenser thereof, prevented any addition, or whether because dissuaded from the Design, suspecting a retaliation from Oxford. Sure I have been informed, that when some solicited his Majesty for leave to set forth a Book of the vicious lives of some Parliament Ministers, His Majesty blasted the design, partly because recrimination is no purgation, partly lest the Public enemy of the Protestant Religion should make an advantage thereof. 34. To supply the vacant places, Vacant live how supplied. many young Students (whose Orders got the speed of their Degrees) left the Universities. Other Ministers turned Duallists and Pluralists, it being now charity, what was formerly covetousness, to hold two or three Benefices. These could plead for themselves, the practice of * Fox Act. & M●n. p 1494. in An. 1555. Mr Sanders the Martyr, who held two Live at good distance, because he could not resign one but into the hands of a Papist, as these men would not surrender them to Malignants. Many Vicaridges of great Cure, but small value were without Ministers, (whilst rich matches have many Suitors, they may die Virgins that have no portions to prefer them) which was often complained of, seldom redressed, it passing for a currant maxim, it was safer for people to fast then to feed on the poison of Malignant Pastors. 35. Let us now look a little into the Assembly of Divines, Dissenting Brethren first appear in the Assembly. where we shall not find them (as we might justly expect) all of one tongue and of one language, there being some not concurring with the major part, and therefore styled Dissenting Brethren. I know the Scotches Writers call them of the Separation, but because mollifying terms are the best Poultices to be applied to the first swell of Church-differences, we decline these words of distaste. They are also commonly called Independents, though they themselves (if summoned by that name) will return to Vouz avez thereunto, as to a word odious and offensive in the common seund and notation thereof. For Independency taken for absolute subsistence Without relation to 1 God 2 King or State 3 Other Churches 4 Particular Christians is Profane & Blasphemous. Seditious and Treacherous. Proud and Ambitious. Churlish and Uncharitable. These Dissenting Brethren or Congregationalists were but five in the Assembly, though many more of their judgements dispersed in the land. 1 Namely, Thomas Goodwin bred first in Christs-Col, than fellow of Katherine Hall in Cambridge. 2 Philip Nye, who had his education in Oxford. William Bridge, fellow of Emanuel College in Cambridge. all three still alive. 4 Sidrach Simson, of Queen's 5 Jeremiah Burroughs, of Emanuel Col. in Cambridge, both deceased. It is our unhappiness, that in writing their story, we have little save what we have collected out of the writings of pens professedly engaged against them, and therefore the less credit is to be given thereunto However in this Narration there is nothing of my own, so that if any falsehoods therein, they must be charged on their account whom the Reader shall behold cited in the margin. Otherwise I confess my personal respects to some of the afore named dissenters, for favours received from them. 36. The cause of their first departing the land. Some ten years since the sinful corruptions (to use their own a Apostolical narration p. 2. language) of the worship and government in this Church, taking hold on their consciences, unable any longer to comport therewith, they deserted their Native Country. This we believe the true cause of their departure, not what b Mr Edward's in his Answer to the Apol. Narr. some suggest, that one for debt, and another for danger (to answer some ill interpreted words concerning the Scots) were forced to forsake the Land, And although I will not say they left not an hoof of their Estates behind them here, they will confess they conveyed over the most considerable part thereof. Many wealthy Merchants and their families went over with them, so that of all Exiles (for so they style themselves) these may seem most like Voluntary Travellers for good company, though of all Travellers most like to Exiles. 37. Their reception beyond the seas in Holland was fair and civil, Are kindly entertained in Holland. where the States (who though they tolerate, own not all Religions) were interpreted to acknowledge them and their Churches by many signs of their favour. First, By granting them their own Churches to assemble in for Divine Worship, where their own Country men met also the same day (but at different hours) for the same purpose. By permitting the ringing of a c Apol. Nar. pag. 7. Bell to call people to their Public meetings, which loudly sounded the State's consent unto them, as not allowed to such clandestine Sects, which shelter themselves rather under the permission, than Protection thereof. By assigning a full and liberal maintenance annually for their Ministers, as also wine for their Communions. Nor can there be a better evidence of giving the right hand of Fellowship then to give the full hand of liberality. A moiety of this people fixed at Rotterdam where they landed, the other traveled up higher for better air to Wianen, and thence, soon after removed to Arnhein, a sweet and pleasant City. No part of Holland (largely d Otherwise Arnhein is in Gelderland. taken) affording more of England therein, resembled in their letters to their Friends to Hertford, or Bury in Suffolk. 38. Then fall they to consult of Church-Discipline, How qualified to find out the truth. professing themselves a mere abrasa tabula, with Virgin judgements, longing only to be married to the truth. Yea they looked upon the word of Christ (Reader, it is their own e Apol. Nar. pag. 3. expression) as unpartially and unprejudicedly, as men made of flesh and blood are like to do in any juncture of time that may fall out, the place they went to, the condition they were in, and company they went with, affording no temptation to bias them anyway. 39 And first they lay down two grand groundworks, Their two chief groundworks. on which their following Fabric was to be erected. 1. Only to take what was held forth in God's word, leaving nothing to Church-practice, or humane prudence, as but the Iron legs and Clay toes of that Statute, whose head and whole body ought to be of pure Scripture-Gold. 2. Not to make their present judgement binding unto them for the future. Their adversaries cavil hereat, as a reserve able to rout all the Arms of Arguments which are brought against them, that because one day teacheth another, they will not be tied on Tuesday morning, to maintain their Tenants on Monday night, if a new discovery intervene. 40. In pursuance of these principles they pitched on a middle way (as generally the posture of truth) betwixt Presbytery, Coordination of Churches. as too rigorous, imperious, and conclusive, and Brownism, as too vage, lose, and uncertain. Their main platform was, that Churches should not be subordinate, Parochial to Provincial, Provincial, to National, (as Daughter to Mother, Mother to Grandmother,) but Coordinate, without Superiority, except Sentority of Sisters, containing no powerful influence therein. Thus the Church formerly like a Chain with links of dependency on one another, should hereafter become like an heap of rings, each entire in itself, but (as they thought) far purer than was ever seen before. 41. The manner of their Church-service, The manner of their Church-service. according to their own a Apol. Nar. pag. 8. relation, was performed in form following. 1. Public and solemn prayers for Kings and all in Authority. Reading the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament with exposition thereof on occasion. Administration of the two Sacraments, Baptism to Infants, and the Lords Supper. Singing of Psalms, and collection for the Poor every Lordsday. For Public Officers they had Pastors, Teachers, and Ruling Elders (not Lay but Ecclesiastic persons) and Deacons. As for Church-censures, they resolved only on Admonition and Excommunication, the latter whereof was never handselled in their b Apol. Nar. pag. 9 Church, as no reason that the rod (though made) should be used where the Children are all quiet and dutiful. Synods they account useful, and in some cases necessary, yet so that their power is but Official, not Authoritative, whereby they may declare the truth, not enjoin obedience thereunto. Or take it in the language of one of their Grandees. c Responsio Jo. Norton. pag. 114. Actus regiminis à Synodis debent porrigi non peragi, the latter belonging to the liberty of several Congregations. Their Adversaries object, that none can give in an exact account of all their opinions, daily capable of alteration and increase. Whilst such Countries, whose unmoveable Mountains, and stable Valleys keep a fixed position, may be easily surveyed, no Geographer can accurately describe some part of Arabia, where the flitting sands driven with the winds have their frequent removals, so that the Traveller findeth a hole at his return, where he left a hill at his departure. Such the uncertainty of these Congregationalists in their judgements, only they plead for themselves, it is not the wind of every d Mr Cotton his preface to Mr Nortons' Book. are always for new lights. Doctrine, but the Sun of the Truth which with its New lights makes them renounce their old, and embrace new resolutions. 42. Soon after a heavy Schism happened in the Church of Rotterdam, d Eph. 4. 15. A Schism in Rotterdam Church. betwixt Mr Bridge, and Mr Simson, the two Pastors thereof. Insomuch, that the latter rent himself saith one e Mr Edward's ut prius p. 35. from Mr Bridge his Church to the great offence thereof, though more probable, as another f Mr John Goodwin in answer to Mr Edwards pag. 238. reporteth, Mr Simson dismissed with the consent of the Church. However many bitter letters passed betwixt them, and more sent over to their Friends in England full of invectives, blackness of the tongue always accompanying the paroxysms of such distempers. g pag. 245. Their Presbyterian Adversaries make great use hereof to their disgrace. If such Infant-Churches, whilst their hands could scarce hold any thing fell a scratching, and their feet spurning and kicking one another, before they could well go alone, how stubborn and vexatious would they be when arrived at riper years. 43. This Schism was seconded with another in the same Church, A second Schism in the same Church. wherein they deposed one of their Ministers (Mr Ward I conceive his name) which was beheld as a bold and daring deed, especially because herein they consulted not their Sister-Church at Arnhein, which publicly was professed mutually to be done in cases of concernment. Here the Presbyterians triumph in their conceived discovery of the nakedness and weakness of the Congregational way, which for want of Ecclesiastical Subordination is too short to reach out a redress to such grievances. For seeing par in parem non habet potestatem, Equals have no power over their Equals, the aggrieved party could not right himself by any appeal unto a Superior. But such consider not the end, as well as the beginning of this difference, wherein the Church of a Apol. Nar. pag 21. Arnhein interposing (not as a Judge to punish Offenders, but as a Brother to check the failings of a Brother) matters were so ordered, that Mr Ward was restored to his place, when both he and the Church had mutually confessed their sinful carriage in the matter; but enough, (if not too much hereof) seeing every thing put in a Pamphlet is not fit to be recorded in a Chronicle. 44. More concord crowned the Congregation at Arnheim, The practice of Arnhein Church. where Mr Goodwin and Mr Nye were Pastors, wherein besides those Church-Ordinances formerly mentioned, actually admitted and exercised, some others stood Candidates, and fair Probationers on their good behaviour, namely, if under Trial they were found convenient; Such were 1. The b 1 Cor. 16. 20. Holy Kiss. 2. Prophesying c 1 Cor. 14. when Private Christians at fit times made public use of their parts and gifts in the Congregation. 3. Hymns d Eph. 5. 19 & Col: 3. 16. and, which if no better Divinity than Music, might much be scrupled at. 4. Widows e 1 Tim. 5. 9 as Essential She-Ministers in the Church, which if it be so, our late Civil-Wars in England have afforded us plenty for the place. 5. Anointing of dying people, as a standing Apostolical f James 5. 14. Ordinance. 45. Other things were in agitation, The five Exiles return home. when now the news ariveth, that the Parliament sitting at Westminster had broken the yoke of Ceremonies, and proclaimed a year of Jubilee to all tender consciences. Home than they hasted with all convenient speed: For only England is England indeed, though some parts of Holland may be like unto it. Over they came in a very good plight and Equipage, which the Presbyterians (and those I assure you are quick-sighted when pleased to pry) took notice of. Not a hair of their head singed, nor any smell of the fire of persecution upon their Clothes. However they were not to be blamed, if setting their best foot forward in their return, and appearing in the handsomest and chearfullest fashion for the credit of their cause, and to show that they were not dejected with their sufferings. 46. Presently they fall upon gathering of Congregations, Gather Churches in England. but chief in or about the City of London. Trent may be good, and Severn better, but oh the Thames is the best for the plentiful taking of fish therein. They did pick (I will not say steal) hence a Master, thence a Mistress of a Family, a Son out of a Third, a Servant out of a Fourth Parish, all which met together in their Congregation. Some prevented calling by their coming, of OLD Parishioners to become NEW Church-Members, and so forward were they of themselves, that they needed no force to compel, nor art to persuade them. Thus a new Inn never wanteth Guests at the first setting up, especially if hangging out a fair Sign, and promising more cleanness and neatness than is in any of their Neighbours. 47. The Presbyterians found themselves much aggrieved hereat. The Presbyterians offended. They accounted this practice of the Dissenting Brethren but Ecclesiastical felony, for at the best, that they were but Spiritual Interlopers for the same. They justly feared (if this fashion continued) the falling of the Roof, or foundering of the Foundations of their own Parishes, whence so many Corner Stones, Pillars, Rafters, and Beams, were taken by the other to build their Congregations. They complained that these new Pastors though slighting Tithes and set maintenance, yet so ordered the matter by gathering their Churches, that these glean of Ephraim became better than the Vintage of Abiezer. 48. Not long after when the Assembly of Divines was called, these five Congregationalists were chosen members thereof, Dissenting Brethren crave a Toleration. but came not up with a full consent to all things acted therein. As accounting that the pressing of an exact occurrence to the Presbyterian Government, was but a kind of a Conseience-Prison, whilst accurate conformity to the Scotch Church was the very Dungeon thereof, A reginsine ecclesiastics (say * In their epistle to the Reader prefixed to Mr Hortons' book. they) uti nunc in Scotia viget longius distamus, quip quod (ut nobis videtur) non tantum à scriptures, sed ab ecclesiarum reformatarum suorumque Theologorum sententijs (qui sub Episcoporum tyrannide diu duriterque passi sunt) plurimum distit. No wonder therefore if they desired a Toleratien to be indulged them, and they excused for being concluded by the Votes of the Assembly. 49. But the Presbyterians highly opposed their Toleration, Opposed by others. and such who desired most ease and liberty for their sides when bound with Episcopacy, now girt their own government the closest about the consciences of others. They tax the Dissenting Brethren for Singularity, as if these men (like the five senses of the Church) should discover more in matter of Discipline than all the Assembly besides, some moving their ejection out of the same, except in some convenient time they would comply therewith. 50. Hopeless to speed here, the Dissenters seasonably presented an Apologetical narrative to the Parliament, But favoured by the Parliament styled by them the most sacred resuge or Asylum a Apol. Nar. pag. 2. for mistaken and misjudged innocence. Herein they petitioned Pathetically for some favour, whose conscience could not join with the Assembly in all particulars, concluding with that pitiful close (enough to force tears from any tender heart) that they b Ib. p. 31. pursued no other interest or design, but a subsistence (be it the poorest and meanest) in their own land, as not knowing where else with safety health and livelihood to set their feet on earth, and subscribed their names. Thomas Goodwin. Philip Nye. Sidrach Simson. Jeremiah Burroughes. William Bridge. If since their condition be altered and bettered, that they (then wanting where to set their feet) since lie down at their length in the fat of the land, surely they have returned proportionable gratitude to God for the same. Sure it is that at the present these Petitioners found such favour with some potent persons in Parliament, that they were secured from farther trouble, and from lying at a posture of defence, are now grown able not only to encounter but invade all opposers; yea to open and shut the door of preferment to others, so unsearchable are the dispensations of Divine Providence in making sudden and unexpected changes, (as in whole nations) so in private men's estates, according to the Counsel of his will. 51. Such as desire further instruction in the Tenants of these Congregationalists, New- England Churches Congregationalists. may have their recourse to those many Pamphlets written pro and con thereof. The worst is, some of them speak so loud, we can scarce understanding what they say, so hard is it to collect their judgements, such the violence of their passions. Only I will add, that for the main, the Churches of New-England are the same in Discipline with these Dissenting Brethren. 52. Only I will add, The rest referred to Mr. Nortons' book. that of all the Authors I have perused concerning the opinions of these Dissenting Brethren, none to me was more informative, than Mr John Norton, (One of no less learning than modesty) Minister in New-England in his answer to Apollonius Pastor in the Church of Middle-borrough. 53. Look we now again into the Assembly of Divines, 20. 1644. Mr Herle succeedeth Prolocutor to Dr Twisse. where we find Dr Cornelius Burges, and Mr Herbert Palmer the Assessors therein, and I am informed by some (more skilful in such niceties than myself) that Two at the least, of that Office, are of the Qu●rum Essential to every lawful Assembly. But I miss Dr William Twiss their Prolocutor lately deceased; He was bred in New-Colledge in Oxford, good with the Trowel, but better with the Sword, more happy in Polemical Divinity, then edifying Doctrine. Therefore he was a See his dedication to them in his book called Vindiciae gratiae. chosen by the States of Holland to be Professor of Divini●y there, which he thankfully refused. Mr Charles Herle Fellow of Exeter College of Oxford succeeded him in his place, one so much Christian, Scholar and Gentleman, that he can unite in affection with those who are disjoined in judgement from him. 54. The Assembly met with many difficulties, Mr Seldens puzzling Queeys. some complaining of Mr Selden, that advantaged by his skill in Antiquity Commonlaw, and the Oriental tongues, he employed them rather to pose then profit, perplex then inform the members thereof, in the fourteen queries he propounded. Whose intent therein was to humble the Jure-divino-ship of Presbytery, which though Hinted and Held forth, is not so made out in Scripture, but being too Scant on many occasions it must be peeced with prudential Additions. This great Scholar, not over loving of any (and lest of these) Clergymen, delighted himself in raising of scruples for the vexing of others, and some stick not to say, that those who will not feed on the flesh of Gods-word cast most bones to others, to break their teeth therewith. 55. More trouble was caused to the Assembly by the Opinions of the Erastians', Erastians' why so called, and what they held. and it is worth our enquiry into the first Author thereof. They were so called from Thomas Erastus a Dr of Physic, born at Baden in Switz●rland, lived Professor in Hidelbridge, and died at Basil, about the year one thousand five hundred eighty three. He was of the Privy Council to Frederick, the first Protestant Prince Palatine of that name, and this Erastus (like our Mr Perkins) being b Thuanus in Obits. vir. illustr. Anno 1583. lame of his right, wrote all with his left hand, and amongst the rest, one against Theodor. Beza, de Excommunicatione, to this effect, that the power, and excommunication in a Christian State, principally resides in secular power as the most competent Judge, when and how the same shall be exercised. 56. Mr john Coleman a modst and learned man, The Erastians' in the Assembly. beneficed in Lincolnshire, and Mr john Lightfoot, well skilled in Rabinical Learning were the chief members of the Assembly, who (for the main) maintained the tenants of Erastus. These often produced the Hebrew Original for the power of Princes in ecclesiastical matters. For though the New Testament be silent of the Temporal Magistrate, (Princes then being Pagans) his▪ ●ermedling in Church-matters, the Old is very vocal therein, where the Authority of the Kings of Judah; as nursing fathers to the Church is very considerable. 57 No wonder if the Prince Palatine (constantly present at their debates) heard the Erastians' with much delight, Favourably listened to. as welcoming their Opinions for Country sake, (his Natives as first born in Hidelbridge) though otherwise in his own judgement no favourer thereof. But other Parliament men listened very favourably to their Arguments (Interest is a good quickener of Attention) hearing their own power enlarged thereby, Anno Dom. 1644. and making use of their Erastiens for a Check, Anno Regis Carol. 20. to such who pressed conformity to the Scotch Kirke in all particulars. 58. Indeed once the Assembly stretched themselves beyond their own line, The Assembly shrewdly checked. in meddling with what was not committed by the Parliament, to their cognizance and consultation, for which they were afterward staked down, and tied up with a shorter tedder. For though the wise Parliament made use of the Presbyterian zeal and activity, for the extirpation of Bishops, yet they discreetly resolved to hold a strict hand over them; as not coming by their own power to advise, but called to advise with the Parliament. Nor were they to cut out their own work, but to make up what was cut to their own hands, and seeing a Praemunire is a rod, as well for a Presbyter, as a Praelate (if either trespass on the state by their over activity) though they felt not this rod, it was showed to them, and shaked over them, and they shrewdly and justly shent for their over-medling, which made them the wiser and warier for the time to come. 59 Indeed the major part of the Assembly endeavoured the settling of the Scotch Government in all particulars that though Tweed parted their Countries, The Scotch discipline in vain itrived for. nothing might divide their Church Discipline, and this was laboured by the Scotch Commissioners with all industry and probable means to obtain the same; But it could not be effected, nor was it ever settled by Act of Parliament. For as in Heraldry the same seeming Lions in colour and posture, rampa●t and languid alike,) are not the selfsame, if the one be armed with nails and teeth, the other deprived of both, so cannot the English be termed the same with the Scotch-Presbytery, the former being in a manner absolute in itself, the latter depended on the State in the Execution of the power thereof. 60. Insomuch that the Parliament kept the Coercive power in their own hands, Coercive power kept in the Parliament. not trusting them to carry the KEYS AT THEIR GIRDLE, so that the power of excommunication, was not entrusted with them, but ultimately resolved into a Committee of eminent persons of Parliament, whereof Thomas Earl of Arundel (presumed present because absent with leave beyond the seas) is the first person nominated. 61. A Treaty was kept at Uxbridge betwixt the Commissioners of the King and Parliament, Vxbride fruitless Treaty. many well meaning people promising themselves good success thereby, whilst others thought this Treaty was born with a dying countenance, 1544. Ann Regis Carol Feb. 5. saying there wanted a third to interpose to make their distances up by powerful persuasion, no hope of good in either without condescension in both parties. One may smile at their inference, who presumed that the King's Commissioners, coming to uxbridg, two parts of three to meet those of the Parliament, would proportionably comply in their yield. A weak Topical conjecture, confuted by the formerly going of the Parliaments Commissioners clean through to Oxford, and yet little condescension to their propositions. 62. Here Mr Christopher Love (waiting on the Parliament Commissioners in a general relation) gave great offence to the Roialists in his Sermon, Mr Loves indiscretion. showing the impossibility of an agreement, such the dangerous errors, and malicious practise● of the opposite party; many condemned his want of charity, more of discretion in this juncture of time, when there should be a cessation from Invectives drives for the time being. But men's censures must fall the more lightly upon his memory, because since he hath suffered, and so satisfied here for his faults in this or any other kind. 63. with the Commissioners on both sides, The conference of Divives certain Clergymen were sent in their presence to debate the point of Church-government▪ For the King. Dr Benjamin Henry Henry Steward Shelden Laney Hammond Ferne For the Parliament. Mr Steven Martial. Mr Richard Vines. These, when the Commissioners were at leisure from civil affairs, were called to a conference before them. 64. Dr Laney proffered to prove the great benefits which had accrued to God's Church in all Ages by the Government by Bishops, Dr Laney might not be heard. but the Scotch-Commissioners would in no wise hear him, whereupon the Doctor was contentedly silent. Some discourses rather than disputes passed betwixt Dr Steward, and Mr Marshal, leaving no great impressions in the memories of those that were present thereat. 65. Only Mr Vines was much applauded by his own party, An argument ad homines if not ad causas. for proving the sufficiency of ordination by Presbyters, because Ministers made by Presbyterian Government in France and the Low-countrieses, were owned and acknowledged by our Bishops for lawfully ordained for all intents and purposes, both to Preach and Sacramentize, and no reordination required of them. Thus the goodness of Bishops in their charity to others, was made use of against themselves, and the necessity of the Episcopal function. 66. To return to the Assembly; the Monuments which they have left to posterity of their meeting, Books made by the Assembly. are chief these, Articles of Religion drawn up by them, and a double Catechism, one the lesser, the other the greater, whereof at first very few were printed for Parliament men, meaner folk not attaining so great a Treasure, besides their Directory whereof hereafter. 67. As for the conclusion of this Assembly it dwinled away by degrees, The Assembly rather sinketh than endeth. though never legally dissolved. Many of them after the taking of Oxford returning to their own cures, and others living in London absented themselves, as disliking the managing of matters. Such as remained, (having survived their great respect) and being too few to maintain the dignity of an Assembly, contented themselves with the notion of a Committee, chief employed to examine their abilities, and good affections, who were presented to live. Till at last as in Philosophy, accidentia non corrumpuntur. sed definunt, they vanish with the Parliament, and now the execution of the Archbishop of Canterbury comes next under our pen, whose trial being most of civil concernment, is so largely done in a book of that subject, that by us it may be justly omitted. 68 Next followed the execution of the Archbishop of Canterbury, The Archbishop prepares for death. Sheriff Chambers of London, bringing over night the warrant for the same, Anno Dom. 21. Anno Regis Carol. 1645. Jan. 10. and acquainting him therewith. In preparation to so sad a work, he betook himself to his own, and desired also the prayers of others, and particularly of Dr Holdsworth fellow prisoner in that place for a year and half, though all that time there had not been the least converse betwixt them. On the morrow he was brought out of the Tower to the Scaffold, which he ascended with a cheerful countenance, (as rather to gain a Crown, then lose an Head) imputed by his friends to the clearedness, by his foes to the seardeness of his Conscience. The Beholders that day were so divided betwixt Bemoaners and Insulter's, it was hard to decide which of them made up the major part of the company. 69. He made a Sermon-Speech, Anno Dom. 1645. taking for his Text the two first verses of the ●●. Chap. of the Epistle to the Hebrews. Let us run with patience the ra●e which is ●et before us; Looking unto Jesus the Author and finisher of our saith, And p●acheth h●ow● saneral sermon. who for the joy that was set before him, endured the Cross, despising the shame, and is set down at the right hand of the thro●e of God. Anno Regis Carol. 21. Craving leave to make use of his notes, (for the infirmity of his aged memory) he dilated thereon about half an hour, which discourse, because common, (as publicly printed) we hear forbear to insert. For the main, He protested his own innocence and integrity, as never intending any subversion of Laws and Liberty, no enemy to Parliaments (though a mistaker of some miscarriages) and a Protestant in Doctrine and Discipline, according to the established laws of the land. Speech ended, He betook himself a while to his prayers, and after wards prepared himself for the fatal stroke. 70. Sr John Clotworthy (a member of the House of Commons) being present interrogated him concerning his assurance of Salvation, Questioned about the assurance of his salvation and dieth. and whereon the same was grounded. Some censured this interruption for uncivil and unseasonable, as intended to r●ffle his soul with passion, just as he was fairly folding it up, to deliver it into the hands of his Redeemer. But the Archbishop calmly returned, that his assurance was evidenced unto him by that inward comfort which he found in his own soul. Then lying down on the block, and praying Lord receive my Soul, the Executioner dexterously did his office, and at one blow severed his Head from his Body. Instantly his face (ruddy in the last moment) turned white as ashes, confuting their falsehoods, who gave it out that he had purposely painted it, to fortify his cheeks against discovery of fear in the paleness of his complexion. His corpse were privately interred in the Church of Alhal●ows Barking without any solemnity, save that some will say, He had, (in those days) a fair Funeral, who had the Common-Prayer read thereat. 71. He was born Anno 1573 of honest parents at Reading in Bark-shire, His birth in Reading, breeding in Oxford. a place, for the position thereof, almost equally distanced from Oxford the Sc●● of his breeding, and London the principal stage of his preferment. His Mother was Sister to Sr William Web, (born also at Reading) Salter, and Anno 1591. Lord Majon of London. Here the Archbishop afterwards built an Almshouse, and endowed it with two hundred pounds per annum, as appeareth by his own Diary, which if evidence against him for his faults may be used as a witness of his good works. Hence was he sent to St john's College in Oxford, where he attained to such eminency of learning, that * Dr Heylin in his last ●dition of his Microcolm. one since hath ranked him amongst the greatest Scholars of our Nation. He afterwards married Charles Blunt Earl of Devon-shire to the Lady Rich, which proved (if intended an advantage under his feet, to make him higher in the notice of the world) a covering to his face, and was often cast a rub in his way, when running in his full speed to preferment, till after some difficulty, his greatness at the last made a shift to stride over it. 72. In some sort He may be said to have served in all offices in the Church, He chargeth through all Church preferments. from a Common-Souldier, to a kind of General therein. There was neither Order, Office, Degree, nor Dignity in College, Church or University, but he passed through it. 1. Order, Deacon, Priest, Bishop, Archbishop. 2. Office, Scholar, Fellow, President, of St john's College, Proctor, and Chancellor of Oxford. 3. Degree, Bachelor, and Master of Arts, Bachelor and Doctor of Divinity. 4. Dignity, Vicar, Prebendary of Stanford, Parson of Ibstock, Prebendary of Wesiminster, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, Dean of Colchester, Bishop of St david's in Wales, Bath and Wells, and London, in England, and finally Archbishop of Canterbury. It was said of Dr George Ablot, his Predecessor, that he suddenly started to be a bishop, without ever having Pastoral charge, whereas this man was a great Traveller in all Cli●●a●es of Church-prefermen, sufficient to acquaint him with an experiment knowledge of the conditions of all such persons who at last were subjected to his Authority. 73. He is generally charged with Popish inclinations, Charged unjustly to be a Papist. and the story is commonly told and believed, of a Lady (still alive) who turning Papist, and being demanded of the Archbishop the cause of her changing her religion, tartly returned, My Lord it was because I ever hated a ●oud. And being desired to explain her meaning herein, I perceived (said she) that your Lordship and many others, are making for Rome as fast as ●e●●, and therefore to prevent a press, I went before you. Be the tale true or false, take Papist for a Trent-Papist, embracing all the derisions of that council, and surely this Archbishop would have been made Fuel for the ●ire, before ever or that persuasion. Witness his book against Fisher, wherein he giveth no less account of his sincerity then ability to defend the most dominative points wherein we and the Papists dissent. 74. However most apparent it is by several passages in his life, Yet endeavouring a reconciliation betwixt Rome and England. that he endeavoured to take up many controversies betwixt us and the Church of Rome, so to compromise the difference, and to bring us to a Vi●nity, if not Contiguity therewith, an impossible design (if granted lawfully) as some every way his equals did adjudge. For composition is impossible with such, who will not agree except all they sue for, and all the charges of their suit be to the utmost farthing awarded unto them. Our reconciliation with Rome is clogged with the same impossibilities: She may be gone to, but will never be met with, such her ●ride or as Peevishness not to stir a step to obviate any of a different Religion. Rome will never so far un-Pope itself, as to part with her pretended Supremacy and Infallibility, which cuts off all possbility of Protestants Treaty with her, if possibly without prejudice to God's glory and the truth, other controversies might be composed. Which done, England would have been an Island as well in Religion, as Situation cut off from the continent of Foreign Protestant Churches, in a singular posture by itself, hard to be imagined, but harder to be effected. 75. Amongst his humane frailties, Over-severe in his censures. choler and passion most discovered itself. In the Star-Chamber (where if the crime not extraordinary, it was fine enough for one to be sued in so chargeable a Court) He was observed always to concur with the severest side, and to infuse more vinegar than oil into all his censures, and also was much blamed for his severity to his Predecessor easing him against his will, and before his time, of his jurisdiction. 76. But he is most accused for over-medling in State-matters, Over-medling in State matters. more than was fitting, say many, then needful, say most, for one of his profession. But he never more overshot himself, then when he did impose the Scotch Liturgy, and was over 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 over a free and foreign Church and Nation. At home, many grumbled at him for oft making the shallowest pretence of the Crown deep enough (by his powerful digging therein) to drown the undoubted right of any private Patron to a Church-living. But Courtiers most complained, that he persecuted them, not in their proper places, but what in an ordinary way he should have taken from the hands Of inferior officers, that He with a long and strong Arm reached to himself over all their heads. Yet others plead for him, Anno Dom. 1645 that he abridged their bribes not fees, and it vexed them that He struck their fingers with the dead-palsy, Anno Regis Carol 21. so that they could not as formerly) have a feeling for Church Preferments. 77. He was conscientious according to the principles of his devotion, Conscientious in keeping a Diary. witness his care in keeping a constant Diary of the passges in his life. Now he can hardly be an ill husband, who casteth up his receipts and expenses every night, and such a soul is, or would be good, which enters into a daily Scrutiny of his own actions. But such who commend him in making, condemn him in keeping such a Diary about him in so dangerous days. Especially he ought to untongue it from talking to his prejudice, and should have garbled some light trivial and joculary passges out of the same. Whereas sure the omission hereof argued not his carelessness but confidence, that such his privacies should meet with that favour of course, which in equity is due to writings of that nature. 78. He was temperate in his diet, Temperate and chaste. and (which may be presumed the effect thereof) chaste in his conversation. Indeed in his Diary, he confessed himself lapsed into some special Sin with E. B. for which He kept an Anniversary Humiliation. Indeed his * Mr Prin in the breviate of his life. pag. 30. Adversary makes this note thereon, perchance he was unclean with E. B. which is but an uncharitable suspicion. New an exact Diary is a window into his heart who makes it, and therefore pity it is any should look therein, but either the friends of the party, or such ingenious foes as will not, (especially in things doubtful) make conjectural comments to his disgrace, But, be E. B. male or female, and the sin committed, of what kind soever, his fault whispers not so much to his shame, as his solemn repentance sounds to his commendation. 79. He was very plain in apparel, An enemy to gallantry in clergymen's clothes. and sharply checked such Clergymen whom he saw go in rich or gaudy clothes, commonly calling them of the Church-Triumphant. Thus as Cardinal Woolsy is reported the first Prelate, who made Silks, and Satins fashionable amongst clergymen; so this Archbishop first retrenched the usal wearing thereof. Once at a Visitation in Essex, one in Orders (of good estate and extraction) appeared before him very gallant in habit, whom Dr Land (than Bishop of London) publicly reproved, showing to him plainness of his own apparel. My Lord (said the Minister) you have better clothes at home and I have worse, whereat the Bishop rested very well contented. 80. He was not partial in preferring his kindred, Not partial to his kindred except some merit met in them with his alliance. I knew a near kinsman of his in the University, Scholar enough, but somewhat wild and lazy, on whom it was late before he reflected with favour, and that not before his amendment. And generally persons promoted by him were men of learning and abilities, though many of them Arminians in their judgements, and I believe they will not be offended with my reporting it, seeing most of them will endeavour to justify and avouch their opinions herein. 81. Covetousness He perfectly hated, No whit addicted to covetousness. being a single man and having no project to raise a name or Family, he was the better enabled for public performances, having both a price in his hand, and an heart also to dispose thereof for the general good. St Johns in Oxford, wherein he was bred, was so beautified, enlarged, and enriched by him, that strangers at the first sight knew it not, yea, it scarce knoweth itself, so altered to the better from its former condition. Insomuch that almost it deserveth the name of Canterbury-Colledge, as well as that which Simon Islip founded, and since hath lost its name, united to Christ-Church. More buildings he intended, (had not the stroke of one Axe hindered the working of many hammers) chief on Churches, whereof the following passage many not impertinently be inserted. 82. It happened that a Visitation was kept at St Pe er in Cornhill, The grand causer of the repairing of Churches. for the Clergy of London. The Preacher discoursing of the painfulness of the Ministerial Function, proved it from the Greek deduction of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Deacon, so called from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dust, because he must labour are in arena in pulvire, work in the dust, do hard service in hot weather. Sermon ended, Bishop Land proceeded to his charge to the Clergy, and observing the Churchill repaired without, and slovenly kept within, I am sorry (said He) to meet here with so true an Etymology of Diaconus, for here is both dust and dirt too, for a Deacon (or Priest either) to work in, Tea it is dust of the worst kind, caused from the ruins of this ancient house of God, so that it pitieth his * Psal. 102. 14. servants to see her in the dust. Hence he took occasion to press the repairing of that, and other decayed places of divine worship, so that from this day we may date the general mending, beautifying and adorning of all English Churches, some to decency, some to magnificence, and some (if all complaints were true) to superstition. 83. But the Church of St Paul's, Principally of S. Paul's. (the only Cathedral in Christendom dedicated to that Apostle) was the master piece of his performances. We know what * Lord F. one Satirically said of him, that he plucked down Puritans, and Property, to build up Paul's and Prerogative. But let unpartial Judges behold how he left, and remember how he found that ruinous fabric, and they must conclude that (though intending more) he effected much in that great design. He communicated his project to some private persons, of taking down the great Tower in the middle, to the Spurs, and rebuild it in the same fashion, (but some yards higher) as before. He meant to hang as great and tuneable a ring of Bells, as any in the world, whose sound advantaged with their height and vicinity of the Thames, must needs be loud and melodious. But now he is turned to his dust, and all his thoughts have perished, yea that Church, formerly approached with due reverence, is now entered with just fear, of falling on those under it, and is so far from having its old decays repaired, that it is daily decayed in its new reparations. 84. He was low o Stature, little in bulk, cheerful in countenance, His personal character. (wherein gravity and quickness were well compounded) of a sharp and piercing eye, clear judgement, and (abating the influence of age) firm memory. He wore his hair very close, and though in the beginning of his greatness, many measured the length of men's stricktness by the shortness of their hair, yet some will say, that since out of Antipathy to conform to his example, his opposites have therein indulged more liberty to themselves. And thus we take out leave of him, whose estate, (neither so great as to be envied at, nor so small as to be complained of) he left to his heir and Sister's Son Mr John Robinson Merchant of London, though fain first to compound with the Parliament before he could peaceably enjoy the same. 85. The same year with this Archbishop, The birth and breeding of Mr Dod. died another Divine, (though of a different judgement) no less esteemed amongst men of his own persuasion, viz. Mr John Dod, who (in the midst of troublesome times) quietly withdrew himself to heaven. He was born at Shotledge in Cheshire (the youngest of seventeen children) bred in Jesus College in Cambridge. At a disputation at one Commencement he was so facetiously solid (wild, yet sweet fruits which the stock brought forth before grafted with grace) that Oxford-men there present, courted him home with them, and would have planted him in their University, save that he declined it. 86. He was a Passive Non conformist, not loving any one the worse for difference in judgement about Ceremonies, One peaceable in our Israel. but all the better for their unity of affections in grace and goodness. He used to retrench some hot spitits when enveighing against Bishops, telling them how God under that government had given a marvellous increase to the Gospel, and that godly men might comfortably comport therewith, under which learning and religion had so manifest an Improvement. He was a good Decalogist, Anno Dom. 1645. and is conceived to his dying day (how roughly soever used by the opposite party) to stick to his own judgement of what he had written on the fifth Commandment, Anno Regis Carol. 12. of Obedience to lawful Authority. 87. Some riotous Gentlemen casually coming to the table of Sr Anthony Cope in Hanwell were half-starved in the midst of a feast, Improveth all to p●ety. because refraining from swearing (meat and drink to them) in the presence of Mr Dod; of these one after dinner ingeniously professed, that he thought it had been impossible for himself to forbear oaths so long a time. Hereat Mr Dod (the sl●me of whose zeal turned all accidents into sum l) fell into a pertinent and seasonable discourse (as more better at occasionals,) of what power men have more than they know of themselves to refrain from sin, and how active Gods restraining grace would be in us to bridle us from wickedness, were we not wanting to ourselves. 83. Being stricken in years, he used to compare himself to Samson when his hair was cut off. I rise saith he in a morning as Samson did, Youth will away. and think, I will go out as at * Judge 16. 20. other times, go, watch, walk, work, study, ride, as when a young man▪ But alas he quickly found an alteration, and so do I, who must stoop to age, which hath clipped my ha●r and taken my strength away. 89. Being at Holdenbie, God seen at the first hand in nature, but at the second in art. and invited by an Honourable person to see that stately house built by Sr Christopher Hatton, (the Masterpiece of English Architecture in that age) he desired to be excused, and to sit still looking on a flower which he had in his hand. In this Flower (saith he) I can see more of God, then in all the beautiful buildings in the world. And at this day as his flower is long since withered, That magnificent Pile (that fair flower of art) is altogether blasted and destroyed. 90. It is reported, he was but coarsely used of the Cavaliers, An innocent deceiver. who (they say) plundered him of his linen * In a list written by Mr Clark. and householdstuff, though (as some tell me) if so disposed, he might have redeemed all for a very small matter. However the good man still remembered his old maxim, Sanctified afflictions are good Promotions, and I have been credibly informed, that when the soldiers brought down his sheets out of the Chamber, into the room where Mr Dod sat by the fire side; He (in their absence to search after more) took one pair and clapped them under his Cushion whereon he sat, much pleasing himself after their departure that he had (as he said) plundered the plunderers, and by a lawful feleny saved so much of his own to himself. 91. He was an excellent scholar, Excellent Hebrician. and was as causlessly accused, as another John, of his name (Mr John Fox I mean) for lacking of latin. He was also an exquisite Hebrician, and with his society and directions in one Vacation taught that tongue unto Mr John Gregory that rare Linguist, and Chaplain of Christs-Church, who survived him but one * Dving at Kidlington. Mar 1●. 1646. and was buried in Christ-Church Oxford. year, and now they both together praise God in that language, which glorified Saints and Angels use in heaven. Farewell old Puritan. 92. He was buried at Fausly in Northamptonshire, with whom the Old Puritan may seem to expire, and in his grave to be interred. Humble, Meek, Patient, Hospital, Charitable as in his censures of, so in his alms to others. Would I could truly say but half so much of the next Generation. SECTION X. To the right Worshipful Roger Price Esq High Sheriff of Buckingham-shire. Seamen observe, that the water is the more troubled the nearer they draw on to the Land, because broken by repercussion from the Shore. I am sensible of the same danger, the nearer I approach our times, and the End of this History. Yet fear not Sir, that the least wrong may redound to You, by my indiscretion in the writing hereof; desiring You only to Patronise what is acceptable therein, and what shall appear otherwise, is left on my account to answer for the same, YOu may know, Anno Regis Carol. 21. that amongst the most Remarkables, effected by the Assembly of Divines, Anno Dom. 1645. the compiling of the Directory was one, The Directory drawn up by the Assembly. which although composed in the former year, yet because not as yet meeting with universal Obedience, it will be seasonable enough now to enter on the consideration thereof. The Parliament intending to abolish the Liturgy, and loath to leave the Land altogether at a loss, or deformity in public service, employed the Assembly in drawing up a model of Divine Worship. Herein no direct form of Prayer Verbis conceptis was prescribed, no outward or bodily worship enjoined, nor people required in the Responsals (more than in Amen) to bear a part in the Service, but all was left to the discretion of the Minister, not enjoined what, but directed to what purpose, he ought to order his devotions, in publick-prayer and administering Sacraments. 2. The dissenting Brethren (commonly called Independents) were hardly persuaded to consent to a Directory. Even libera custodia, To which the dissenting Brethren at last assent. (though it be the best of Restraints) is but a restraint; and they suspected such a Directory would (if enforced) be an infringing of the Christian-liberty; Anno Dom. 1645. Anno Regis Carol 21. However, they consented at last, the rather because a Preface was prefixed before it, which did much moderate the matter, and mitigate the rigorous imposition thereof. 3. In this preface, A discreet and charitable Preface. respectful terms are (no less discreetly than charitably) afforded to the first compilers of the Liturgy, allowing them wise and pious, in redressing many things which were vain, erroneous, superstitious, and idolatrous, affirming also, that many Godly and Learned men of that age, rejoiced much in the Liturgy at that time set forth; But adding withal, that they would rejoice more, had it been their happiness to behold this present reformation, they themselves were persuaded, that these first Reformers (were they now alive) would join with them in this work at advanting the Directory. 4. The Assemblie-work of the Directory thus ended, The Directory enforced by ordinance of Parliament. the Lords and Commons began therewith, prefixing an Ordinance thereunto (made much up of forms of repeal) laying down the motives inclining them to think, the abolishing of the Common-Prayer, and establishment of this Directory necessary for this Nation. First, the consideration of the many inconveniences risen by that book in this Kingdom. Secondly, their Covenant-Resolution to reform Religion according to God's word and the best reformed Churches. Thirdly, their consulting with the learned, p●●us, and reverend Divines for that purpose. 5. The Benefit of Printing the Directory was bestowed on Mr Rowborrough, and Mr Byfield Scribes to the Assembly, who are said to have sold the same for some hundreds of pounds. Surely the Stationer who bought it, A good price if well paid. did not with the dishonest, * Pro. 20. 14. Chapman, first decry the worth thereof, and then host of his pennyworth: If since he hath proved a loser thereby, I am confident, that they who sold it him, carried such a Chancery in their bosoms, as to make him fair satisfaction. 6. Now because it was hard to turn people out of their old tract, and put them from a beaten path, (such was, call it constuncy or obstinacy, love or doting, of the generality of the Nation, on the Common-Prayer the Parliament found it fit, yea necessary to back their former Ordinance with a second, dated twenty third of August 1645. And entitled an Ordinance of the Lords and Commons for the more effectual putting in execution the Directory etc. Wherein directions were not only given for the dispersing and publishing of the Directory, in all Parishes, Chappelries, and Donatives, but also for the calling in, and suppressing of all books of Common-Prayer, A Second Ordinance▪ to back the former. and several forfeitures and penalties to be levied and imposed upon conviction before justices of Assize, or of Oyer and terminer, etc. 7. But in opposition hereunto, the King at Oxford set forth a Proclamation (bearing date the thirteenth of November 1645.) enjoining the use of Common-Prayer, according to the Law▪ notwithstanding the pretended ordinances for the new Directory. Thus as the waves, The King's Proclamation contrary to the Parliaments Ordinance. commanded one way by the Tide, and countermanded another with the wind, know not which to obey; so, people stood amused betwixt these two forms of service, line upon line, * Isa. 28. 10. precept upon precept, being the easiest way to edify, whilst line against line, precept against precept, did much disturb and distract. 8. The King and Parliament being thus at difference, Arguments pro and con. to Directory. no wonder if the pens of the Chaplains followed their Patrons, and engaged violently pro and con in the controversy. I presume it will be lawful and safe for me, to give in a breviate of the Arguments on both sides, reserving my private opinion to myself, as not worthy the readers taking notice thereof; for as it hath been permitted in the height and heat of our Civil man, for Trumpeters and Messengers, to have fair and free passage on both sides, pleading the Privilege of the public faith, provided they do not interest themselves like parties, and as spies forfeit the protection, so subjecting themselves justly to the severest punishment: So. Historians in like manner in all ages have been permitted to transmit to posterity an unpartial account of actions, preserving themselves Neuters in their indifferent relations. Against the Liturgy. 1. Sad experience hath made it manifest, that the Liturgy used in England, (notwithstanding the religious intentions of the compilers thereof) hath prove an offence to many godly people. 2. Offence thereby hath also been given to the reformed Churches abroad. 3. Mr Calvin himself disliked the Liturgy, in his letter to the Lord Protector, charitably calling many thing therein tolerabiles ineptias. 4. The Liturgy is no better, then confining of the Spirit, tying it to such and such words, which is to be left alone to its own liberty, use praying, and have praying, the extemporary gift is improved by the practice thereof. 5. It being a compliant with the Papists, in a great part of their Service, doth not a little confirm them in their Superstition and Idolatry. 6. It is found by experience that the Liturgy hath been a great means to make an idle and an unedifying Ministry. For the Liturgy. 1. Such offence (if any) was taken, not given, and they must be irreligious mistakes which stand in opposition to such religious intentions. 2. No foreign Church ever in print expressed any such offence, and if some particular man have disliked it, as many and as eminent have manifested their approbation thereof. 3. Mr Calvin is but one man. Besides, he spoke against the first draught of the Liturgy, Anno 1. of King Edw. the sixth, which afterwards was reviewed in that King's Reign, and again in the first of Queen Elizabeth. 4. The same charge lieth against the Directory, appointing though not the words to be prayed with, the matter, to be prayed for. Poor liberty to leave the spirit only to supply the place of a Vocabulary, or a Copia Verborum. And seeing Sense is more considerable than Language, the prescribing thereof restraineth the Spirit as much, as appointing the words of a prayer. 5. It complieth with the Papists in what they have retained of Antiquity, and not what they have superadded of Idolatry, and therefore more probably may be a means of converting them to our Religion, when they perceive us not possessed with a Spirit of opposition unto them, in such things wherein they close with the Primitive Times. 6. The users of the Liturgy have also laboured in Preaching, Catechtsing, and study of Divine Learning. Nor doth the Directory secure any from Laziness, seeing nothing but Lungs and sides may be used in the delivery of any extemporary prayer. Against the Liturgy. For the Liturgy. 7. It is tedious to the people with the unnecessary length, Anno Dom. 1645. taking up an hour at least, Anno Regis Carol 21. in the large and distinct reading thereof. 8. Many Ceremonies, not only unprofitable but burdensome are therein imposed on people's consciences. 9 Divers able and faithful Ministers, have by the means of the Liturgy been debarred the exercise of their Ministry, and spoiled of their livelihood, to the undoing of them and their family. 7. Some observers of the Directory, to procure to their parts and persons the repute of ability and piety, have spent as much time, in their extemporary devotions. 8. This is disproved by such who have written volumes in the vindication thereof. But grant it true, not a total absolution, but a reformation thereof may hence be inferred. 9 The Directory, if enforced to subject the refusers to penalties, may spoil as many, and as well deserving of their Ministry, and livelihood. Such as desire to read deeper in this Controversy, may have their recourse to the manifold Tractats written on this subject. 9 But leaving these disquiets, A query for conscience sake. the Common-Prayer daily decreased, and Directory by the power of Parliament was advanced. Here some would fain be satisfied, whether the Abolishing of the main body of the Common-Prayer, extendeth to the prohibition of every expression therein, (I mean not such which are the numerical words of Scripture, whereof no question) but other ancient passages, which in the Primitive Times, were laudably (not to say necessarily) put in practice. 10. I know a Minister who was accused for using the Gloria Patri (conforming his practice to the Directory in all things else,) A word in due season. and threatened to be brought before the Committee. He pleaded the words of Mr Cartwright in his defence, * His reply against Whitgift. p. 107. Sect. 4. confessing the Gloria Patri founded en just, cause that men might make their open profession in the Church of the Divinity of the Son of God, against the detestable opinion of Arrius and his Disciples. But now (saith he) that it hath pleased the Lord to quench that fire, there is no such cause why those things should be used. But seeing, (said the Minister) it hath pleased God for our sins to condemn us to live in so licentious an age, wherein the Divinity both of Christ and the Holy-Ghost is called frequently and publicly into question, the same now (by Mr Cartwrights judgement) may lawfully be used, not to say can well be omitted. I remember not that he heard any more of the matter. 11. It is now high time to take our farewell of this tedious subject, A farewell to the subject. and leave the issue thereof to the observation of Posterity. The best Demonstration to prove, whether Daniel and his Fellows (the Children of the Captivity) should thrive better by plain pulse (to which formerly they had been used) or the new diet of divers and dainty dishes, was even to put it to the Trial of some * 1 Dan. 1. 13. day's experiment, and then a Survey taken of their Complexions, whether they be impaired or not; so when the Directory hath been practised in England ninty years (the world lasting so long) as the Liturgy hath been, than Posterity will be the competent Judge, whether the Face of Religion had the more lively, healthful, and cheerful looks, under the one, or under the other. 12. The next news engrossing the talk of all tongues, Archbishop Williams strangely altered. was about Dr Williams Archbishop of York, no less suddenly than strangely metamo phosed, from a zealous Royalist into an active Parliamentarian; being to relate the occasion thereof, we will enter on the brief history of his life, from the cradle to the grave, repeating nothing formerly written, but only adding thereunto. 13. None can question the gentility of his extraction, Born in Wales of good parentage. finding him born at Aberconway in Carnatvon-shire in Wales; of a family rather ancient than rich. His Grandfather had a good estate, but aliened (it seems) by his heirs, so that this Doctor, when Lord-Keeper, was fain to repurchase it. Surely it was of a considerable value, because he complaineth in his * Cabala pag. letter to the Duke (who encouraged him to the purchase) that he was forced to borrow money, and stood indebted for the same. 14. He was bred in St john's College in Cambridge, Bred in Saint john's, and Proctor of Cambridge. to hold the scales even with St john's in Oxford, wherein Archbishop Land had his education. Dr Gwin was his tutor, his chiefest, if not his only eminency, and afterwards the occasion of his preferment. For as this Tutor made his Pupil Fellow; this Pupil made the Tutor Master of the College. Next was Mr Williams made Proctor of the University, excellently performing his Acts for the place in so stately a posture, as rather but of duty, thereby to honour his Mother-Vniversity, than desire to credit himself, as taking it only in his passage to an higher employment. 15. He was Chaplain (or Councillor shall I say?) to Thomas Egerton Lord Chancellor, The Lord Egerton his hoons to this his Chaplain. who imparted many mysteries of that place unto him. Here an able Teacher of State met with as apt a Scholar, the one not more free in pouring forth, than the other capable to receive, firm to retain, and active to improve what was infused into him. So dear was this Doctor to his Patron, that this Lord dying on his deathbed, desired him to choose what most acceptable legacy he should bequeath unto him. Dr Williams, waving and slighting all money, requested four Books, being the collections of the Lord his industry, learning, and experience, concerning 1. The Prerogative Royal. 2. Privileges of Parliaments. 3. The proceed in Chancery. 4. The power of the Starr-Chamber. These were no sooner asked then granted; and the Doctor afterwards copied out these four Books into his own brains. Books which were the four elements of our English State, and he made an absolute Master of all the materials, that is, of all the passages therein, seeing nothing superfluous was therein recorded. 16. By the Duke of Buckingham (whom he had married to the daughter of the Earl of Rutland) he presented these Books to King James. The means of his speedy and great preferment. Then did His Majesty first take notice of his extraordinary abilities, soon after preferring him by the Duke's mediation, to the Deanery of Westminster, Bishop of Lincoln, and Keeper's place of the Great Seal, till he lost the last in the first of King Charles, as hath formerly been related. 17. I dare confidently avouch what I knowingly speak, The original breach betwixt the Duke and Lord Keeper. that the following passage was the motus primò primus of the breach betwixt him and the Duke. There was one Dr Theodore Price a Welsh man, highly beloved both by Bishop Williams and BP Land, so that therein the rule did not hold, Those that agree in one third agree among themselves; these two Prelates mutually mortal enemies meeting in the love of this Doctor. Now the Archbishopric of Armagh in Ireland falling vacant, Bishop Williams moved the Duke for Dr Price, his country man: to whom the Duke answered, that King James had by promise fore-disposed the place on the Bishop of Meath, Dr James Usher, one whose deserts were sufficiently known. Not satisfied herewith, Bishop Williams by his own interest endeavoured to bring Dr Price into the place. The Duke understanding that he, who formerly professed a subordination to, at the least a concurrence with his desires, should now offer to contest with him, resolved, that seeing the Lord-Keeper would not own himself to stand by his love, the world should see he should fall by his anger; and this ministered the first occasion to his ruin. And when once the Alarm was sounded of the Duke's displeasure, no Courtier so deaf and drowsy, but did take the same; And all things concurred to his disadvantage. This is that Dr Theodore Price, afterwards died a professed Catholic, reconciled to the Church of Rome. 18. Yet after his resigning the Seal, Not contented with his own wish. fair preferment was left unto him, could he have consigned his large heart thereunto. I meet with a passage in a * Cabala, or Scrinia Sacra part. 1 p. 59 letter from this Lord-Keeper to the Duke, wherein he professeth calling God to witness, that the Lord-Keeper (troubled with many miseries wherewith sudden greatness is accompanied) envied the fortunes of one Dr Williams, late Dean of Westminster. Be this a truth or a compliment, what he formerly envied now he enjoyed, returned to a plentiful privacy; not only of the Deanery of Westminster, but Bishopric of Lincoln, which he held with the same. But alas, when our desires are forced on us by our foes, they do not delight but afflict. The same step is not the same step, when we take it aseendendo in hopes to higher preferment, and when we light upon it descendendo, or are remitted unto it as falling from higher advancement. The Bishop is impatient for being less than he had been; and there wanted not those secret enemies to improve his discontents to his disgrace, almost destruction, as fining in the Star-Chamber, and long imprisoning in the Tower. 19 Now came that Parliament so much wished for, Enlarged out of the Tower and made Archbishop of York. that many feared it would never begin, 1640. and afterwards (oh the mutability of desires, or change of things desired!) the same feared it would never have an end. Then is Bishop Williams sent for out of the Tower, brought to Parliament, advanced to the Archbishopric of York, and is the Antesignanus of the Episcopal party, to defend it in the House of Lords (as best armed with his power and experience) against a volley of affronts and oppositions. 20. Once when His Majesty saw him earnest in the defence of Episcopacy then opposed by Parliament, His pleasant answer to the King. My Lord (saith the King) I commend you that you are no whit daunted with all disasters, but are zealous in defending your Order. Please it your Majesty (returned the Archbishop) I am a true Welshman, and they are observed never to run away, till their General do first forsake them. No fear of my flinching whilst your Highness doth countenance our cause. But soon after he was imprisoned about the Bishop's Protestation to the Parliament, and with great difficulty obtained his liberty, as was afore observed. 21. Retiring himself into North-Wales (where his birth, Retires into North-Wales and sinks by degrees into disfavour. estate, alliance, but chief hospitality did make him popular) he had a great, but endeavoured a greater influence on those parts. It gave some distaste, that in all consultations he would have his advice pass for an oracle, not to be contested with, much less controlled by any. But vast the difference betwixt his Orders in Chancery, armed with power to enforce obedience, and his counsel here, which many Military men (as in their own element) took the boldness to contradict; Buff-coats, often rubbed and grated against this Prelates silk Cassock, which (because of the softer matter) was the sooner fretted therewith. Indeed he endeavoured as much as might be to preserve his country from taxes (an acceptable and ingratiating design with the people) but sometimes inconsistent with the King's present and pressing necessities. All his words and deeds are represented at Oxford (where his Court-interest did daily decline) to his disadvantage, and some jealousies are raised of his cordialness to the Royal Cause. 22. At last some great Affronts were put upon him (increased with his tender resenting of them,) Incensed with great affronts. being himself (as I have been informed) put out of Commission, and another placed in his room. A disgrace so much the more insupportable to his high Spirit, because he conceived himself much meriting of his Majesty, by his loyalty, industry, ability, and expense in his Cause, who hitherto had spared neither care nor cost in advancing the same, even to the impairing of his own estate. 23. But now he entereth on a design, Takes a Commission from the Parliament. which had I line and plummet, I want skill to manage them in measuring the depth thereof. He sueth to the Parliament for favour, and obtained it, whose General in a manner he becomes in laying siege to the Town and Castle of Abercon-way, till he had reduced it to their service, and much of the Town to his own possession. 24. And now Meruit sub Parliamento in Wallia is the wonder of all men. Condemned by all Royalists. I confess he told his kinsman, who related it to me, that if he might have the convenience to speak with his Majesty, but one half-houre (a small time for so great a task) he doubted not but to give him full satisfaction for his behaviour. Sure it is, those of the Royal Party, and his own Order, which could not mine into his invisible motives, but surveyed only the sad surface of his actions, condemn the same as irreconcilable with the principles he professed. And though hereby he escaped a Composition for his estate in Goldsmiths-Hall, yet his memory is still to compound (and at what rate (know not) with many mouths, before a good word can be afforded unto it; But these, perchance, have never read the well latined Apology in his behalf. And although some will say, that they that need an Apology come too near to fault, the word (as commonly taken) sounding more of excuse then defence, yet surely in its genuine notation, it speaks not guilt, but always greatness of enemies and opposers. 25. Of all English Divines since the Reformation, Humane inconstancy. he might make the most experimental Sermon on the Apostles words, By honour and dishonour, by ill report and good report, though the method not so appliable as the matter unto him, who did not close and conclude with the general good esteem, losing by his last compliance his old friends at Oxford, and in lieu of them finding few new ones at London. 26. Envy itself cannot deny, His acts of charity. but that whithersoever he went, he might be traced by the footsteps of his benefaction. Much he expended on the repair of Westminster-Abby-Church, and his answer is generally known, when pressed by Bishop Land to a larger contribution to S. Paul's, that he would not rob Peter to pay Paul. The Library of Westminster was the effect of his bounty, and so was a Chapel in Lincoln-Colledge in Oxford, having no other relation thereunto, than as the namesake * I believe He also was Visitor thereof. of his Bishopric: so small an invitation will serve to call a coming charity. At S. John's in Cambridge he founded two Fellowships, built a fair Library, and furnished it with books, intending more, had his bounty then met with proportionable entertainment. But Benefactors may give money, but not grateful minds to such as receive it. 27. He was very chaste in his conversation, Purged from unjust aspersion. whatsoever a nameless author hath written on the contrary: Whom his Confuter hath styled, Aulicus è Coquinariâ, or, The Courtier out of the kitchen, and that deservedly for his unworthy writings, out of what Dripping-pan soever, he licked this his sluttish intelligence. For most true it is, (as I am certainly informed from such who knew the privacies and casualties of his infancy,) this Archbishop was but one degree removed from a Misogynist, yet to palliate his infirmity to noble females, he was most complete in his courtly addresses. 28. He hated Popery with a perfect hatred: A perfect Anti-Papist. and though oft declaring freedom and favour to imprisoned Papists, as a Minister of state, in obedience to his office; yet he never procured them any courtesies out of his proper inclinations. Yea, when Dr 〈…〉 the new Bishop of Chalcedon, at the end of King James His Reign first arrived in England, he gave the Duke of Buckangham * Cabala part. 1. pag. 81. advice (in case other circumstances conveniently concurred) that the Judges should presently proceed against him, and hang him out of the way, and the King cast the blame on Archbishop Abbots, or himself, prepared (it seemeth) to undergo his Royal displeasure therein. 29. Not out of Sympathy to Non-conformists, Favour of some Nonconformists. but Antipathy to Bishop Laud, he was favourable to some select persons of that opinion. Most sure it is, that in his greatness he procured for Mr Cotton of Boston a toleration under the Broad Seal, for the free exercise of his Ministry, not withstanding his dissenting in Ceremonies, so long as done without disturbance to the Church. But as for this Bishop himself, he was so great an honourer of the English Liturgy; that of his own cost, he caused the same to be translated into Spanish, and fairly printed, to confute their false conceit of our * Cabala. part. 1. pag. 79. Church, who would not believe, that we used any Book of Common-Prayer amongst us. 30. He was of a proper persons, The character of his person. comely countenance, and amiable complexion, having a stately garb and gate by nature, which (suppose him prouder than he should be) made him mistaken prouder than he was. His head was a well filled Treasury, and his tongue the fair key to unlock it. He had as great a memory as could be reconciled with so good a judgement; so quick his parts, that his extempore-performances equalised the premeditations of others of his profession. He was very open, and too free in discourse, disdaining to lie at a close guard, so confident of the length and strength of his weapon. 31. Thus take we our farewell of his memory, His savoury speech. concluding it with one of his speeches (as savoury I believe as ever any he uttered) wherein he expressed himself to a grave Minister coming to him for Institution in a living. I have (saith he) passed through many places of honour and trust, both in Church and State, more than any of my Order in England this seaventy years before. But were I but assured that by my preaching I had converted but one soul unto God, I should take therein more spiritual joy and comfort, than in all the honours and offices which have been bestowed upon me, 32. He died as I take it, His death on our Lady-day. Anno 1649. Sure I am on the 25. of March, leaving a leading case (not as yet decided in our Law) whether his half years rents (due after Sun-rise) should go with his Goods and Chattels, unto his Executor, or fall to his Heir; The best was, such the Providence of the Parties concerned therein, that before it came to a Suit they seasonably compounded it amongst themselves. 33. Come we now to present the Reader with a List of the principal Ordinances of the Lords and Commons, A list of Parliament Ordinances touching Religion. which respected Church-matters. 1646. I say principal, 22. otherwise to recite all, (which wear the Countenance of an Ecclesiastical Tendency, some of them being mingled with civil affairs) would be over-voluminous. Yea I have heard, that a great * Sr. Simons D'ewes. Antiquary should say, that the Orders and Ordinances of this Parliament in bulk and number, did, not only equal, but exceed all the Laws and Statutes, made since the Conquest, it will be sufficient therefore to recite Titles of those most material, going a little backward in Time, to make our History the more entire. Die Martis August. 19 1645. Directions of the Lords and Commons (after advice had with the Assembly of Divines) for the election and choosing of Ruling Elders, in all the Congregations, and in the Classical Assemblies for the City of London and Westminster, Anno Regis Carol. 22. and the several Countries of the Kingdom. Anno Dom. 1646. For the speedy settling of the Presbyterial Government. Die Lunae. Oct. 20. 1645. An Ordinance of the Lords and Commons together with Rules and Directions concerning suspension from the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, in cases of Ignorance and Scandal. Also the names of such Ministers and others that are appointed Triers and Judges of the ability of Elders in the twelve Classes with the Province of London. Die Sabbathi March 14. 1645. An Ordinance of the Lords and Commons for keeping of scandalous persons from the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, the enabling of the Congregation for the choice of Elders, and supplying of defects in former ordinances and directions of Parliament concerning Church Government. Die Veneris June 5. 1646. An Ordinance of the Lords and Commons for the present settling (without further delay) of the Presbyterial Government in the Church of England. Die Veneris August 28. 1646. An Ordinance of the Lords and Commons for the Ordination of Ministers by the Classical Presbyters within their respective bounds, for the several Congregations in the Kingdom of England. Die Sabbathi Jan. 29. 1647. An Ordinance of the Lords and Commons for the speedy dividing and settling of the several Counties of this Kingdom into distinct Classical Presbyteries, and Congregational Elderships 34. Great now was the clamorous importunity of the Wives and Children of Ministers sequestered, An order for the fift part for Ministers Wives and Children. ready to starve for want of maintenance. I had almost called them the Widows and Orphans of those Ministers, because though their Fathers were living to them, their Means were not living to their Fathers, and they left destitute of a livelihood. Indeed there was an Ordinance of Parliament made 1644, impowring their Commissioners in the Country to appoint means (not exceeding a fift part) to the Wives and Children of all sequestered Persons, but seeing Clergymen were not therein expressed by name, such as enjoyed their Sequestrations refused to contribute any thing unto them. Whereupon the House of Commons compassionately reflecting on the distresses of the foresaid complainers, made an Order in more particular manner for the Clergy, and (seeing it is hard to come by) I conceive it a charitable work, here to insert a Copy thereof. Die Jovis. Nou. 11. 1647. That the Wives and Children of all such Persons as are or have been or shall be sequestered, The Copy thereof. by Order of either Houses of Parliament, shall be comprehended within the Ordinance, that alloweth a fift part for Wives and Children, and shall have their fift part allowed unto them, and the Committee of Lords and Commons for sequestration, and the Committee of plundered Ministers, and all other Committees are required to take notice hereof, and yield Obedience hereunto accordingly. H. Elsing Clericus Parliamenti Domus Communis. 35. But Covetousness will wriggle itself out at a small hole. Several ways endeavoured to srustrate this order. Many were the Evasions whereby such Clergymen possessed of their live do frustrate and defeat the effectual payment of the fift part to the aforesaid Wives and Children. Anno Dom. 1647. Some of which startingholes we will here present, Anno Regis Carol. 23. not to the intent that any should unjustly hid themselves herein, but that for the future they may be stopped up, as obstructing the true performance of the Parliaments intended Courtesy. 36. First they plead that Taxes being first deducted, First evasion. Tithes are so badly paid, they cannot live and maintain themselves if they must still pay a fift part out of the remainder. Such consider not, if themselves cannot live on the whole Grist, how shall the Families of such sequestered Ministers subsist on the Tole. 37. Secondly, Second evasion. if the foresaid Minister hath a Wife without Children, or Children without a Wife, or but one Child, they deny payment, as not within the Letter (though the Equity) of the Order; though one Child is as unable to live on nothing, as if there were many more. 38. Thirdly, Third evasion. if the sequestered Minister hath any temporal means of his own, or since his sequestration hath acquired any place wherein he officiateth (though short of a comfortable subsistence) they deny payment of a fift part unto him. 39 Fourthly, Fourth Evasion. they affright the said sequestered Minister, threatening to New article against for his former faults. Whereas, had he not been reputed a malignant, not a fift part, but all the five parts were due unto him. 40. Fiftly, Fift Evasion. many who have live in great Towns (especially Vicarages) disclaim the receiving of any Benefits in the nature of Tithes, and accept them only in the notion of Benevolence. Then they plead nothing due to the sequestered Minister, out of the free gratuities which only are bestowed upon them. 41. Sixtly, sixth Evasion. they plead, that nothing can be demanded by virtue of the said Ordinance, longer than the sitting of the said Parliament which made it, which long since is dissolved; now though this be but a dilatory plea, (themselves enjoying the four parts by virtue of the same Order) yet though it doth not finally blast, it doth much set back the fift part, and whilst the same groweth, the Ministers Wives and Children starve. 42. Lastly, Seventh Evasion. of late, since the setting forth of the Proclamation that all who disquiet their peaceable possession, who are put into live by the Parliaments Order, should be beheld as enemies to the State. Such sequestered Ministers who only sue the refusers to pay the fift part unblameable in all things else, are threatened (though they humbly conceived contrary to the true intent of the Proclamation) with the foresaid penalty if they desist not in their suit. Many more are their subterfugies (besides vexing their wives with the tedious attendance to get Orders on Orders) so that as one truly and sadly said, the fifts are even paid at six and seven. 43. I am sorry to see the pitiful and pious intentions of the Parliament, Remember the Poor. so abused and deluded by the indirect deal of others, so that they cannot attain their intended ends, for the relief of so many poor people, seeing no doubt therein, they desired to be like the best of beings; who as closely applieth his lenitive, as corrasive plasters, and that his mercy may take as true effect as his justice. Sure if the present Authority (when at leisure from higher employment) shall be pleased to take the groans of these poor souls into its consideration, the voice of their hungry bowels will quickly be turned to a more pleasant tune, from barking for food, to the blessing of those who procured it. Nor let any censure this a digress from my History, for though my estate will not suffer me with * Job. 29. 15. Job to be eyes to the blind, and feet to the Iame, I will endeavour what I can to be a Tongue for the Dumb. SECTION XI. To the Noble Lady Elinor Roe, relict to the Honourable Sr. Thomas Roe. Madam, I find that my namesake * Hackluits voyages 3. part pag. 825. Thomas Fuller was Pilot in the ship called the Desire, wherein Captain Cavendish surrounded the world. Far be it from me to compare these my weak undertake to his great adventures. Yet I may term this my Book the Desire, as wherein I desire to please, and profit all, justly to displease none. Many rocks and storms have I passed by God's blessing, and now am glad of so firm an Anchorage, as a Dedication to your Ladyship. I believe Madam none of your Sex in our Nation, hath traveled farther them yourself. Yet this Section of our History, may afford you a rarity not seen before. I know you have viewed the Tomb of St. Polycarpus, but here the Hearse is presented unto you of one, whose death cannot be paralleled in all particulars. 1. LAtely certain Delegates from the University of Oxford pleaded their Privileges before the Committee of Parliament, Anno Regis. Carol. 24. that they were only Visitable by the King, Anno Dom. 1648. and such who should be deputed by him. Great alterations by the Visiters in Oxford. But their allegations were not of proof against the Paramount power of Parliament, the rather because a passage in an Article at the Rendition of Oxford, was urged against them, wherein they were subjected to such a visitation. Whereupon many Masters were ejected their Places, new Heads of Houses made, and soon after new Houses to those Heads, which produced great alteration. 2. Come we now to the Church-part of the Treaty in the Isle of Wight, Clergiemen meeting in the Isle of Wight. as the sole Ecclesiastical matter remaining; Anno Dom. 1648. Here appeared of the Divines chosen by the King, Anno Regis. Eliza. 24. James Usher Archbishop of Armagh, Brian Duppa Bishop of Salisbury, Doctor Sanderson, Doctor Shelden, Doctor Henry Ferne; As for Doctor Brounrig Bishop of Exeter, (when on the way) he was remanded by the Parliament, because under restraint, and it was reported that D. Prideaux Bishop of Worcester wanted (the more the pity) wherewith to accommodate himself for the journey. Mr Steven Martial, Mr Joseph caryl, Mr Richard Vines, and MR Lazarus Seaman, were present there by appointment from the Parliament. 3. It was not permitted for either side, All matters managed in writing. personally to speak, but, partly to prevent the impertinencies of oral debates; partly that a more steady aim might be taken of their mutual Arguments, all things were transacted in scriptis; His Majesty consulted with his Chaplains when he pleased; The King's Writings were publicly read before all, by Mr Philip Warwick, and Mr Vines read the Papers of his Fellow-Divines, the substance whereof we come here to present. 4. His Majesty began, The effect of his majesties first paper. the effect of whose first Paper was to prove, Octo. 2. that the Apostles, in their own persons, by Authority a Joh. 20. 21. derived from Christ exercised their power in Ordinations, giving Rules and Censures. 2. That Timothy and b Tit. 1. 5. Titus, by Authority derived from the Apostles, did or might actually exercise the same power, in the three Branches specified. 3. That the Angels of the seven Churches, Rev. 2. 3. where so many persoae singulares of such as had a Prelacy, as well over Pastors as People. From the premises, his Majesty inferred, that our Bishops succeed to the function of the Persons afore named. The rather because the same plainly appeareth out of the History of the Primitive Church, the writings of Ignatius and other ancient Authors. In conclusion his Majesty desired to be satisfied from them, what were the Substantials of Church-government, appointed by Christ and his Apostles, and in whose hands they are left, and whether they bind to a perpetual observation thereof; or may upon occasion be altered in whole or in part. 5. The next day the Parliament-Divines put in their Answer to the King's Paper, The Parliament-Divines answer thereunto. wherein they confessed, Octo. 3. that the places of Scripture cited by him, proved in those Persons by him named, a power respectively to do the three things specified. But they utterly denied that the foresaid Persons were Bishops as distinct from Presbyters, or exercised the Government in that sense. 1. To the Instance of the Apostles they answered, that they had an extraordinary calling, and so nothing thence can be inferrred to prove modern Bishops. 2. That Timothy and Titus, were Evangelists, and the f 2 Tim. 4. 5. first is expressly so termed, nor could they be Bishops, who resided not in one Diocese, but often removed from place to place. 3. That the denomination of the Angels of the Churches, being Allegorical no firm Argument can be taken thence, nor weight laid thereon. Besides, those Epistles of S. John, though directed to One, were intended to the whole body of the Church. They denied that the Apostles were to have any successors in their Office, affirming but two standing Officers, in the Church; Presbyterians, Deacons. They cited Philippians I. I I Tim. 3. 8. for the proof thereof; where there is no mention of Bishops as distinct from Presbyters, but of the two Orders only, of Bishops or Presbyters, and Deacons. 6. As for the succeeding ages to the Apostles, seeing Scripture reacheth not unto them, they can but beget a humane Faith, which is uncertain and fallible; Besides, such the darkness of those Times, in respect of Church-History that little certainty can be thence extracted; Yet it appeareth in Clement himself, that he useth the same word for Bishop and Presbyter; and as for Ignatius his Epistles, little credit is to be given unto them. 7. Lastly, there is a great difference between Primitive Episcopacy and the Present Hierarchy, as much enlarged in their Power, and Privileges by many Temporal accessions, whereof no shadow or pretence in Scripture. In conclusion, they humbly besought his Majesty, to look rather to the Original of Bishops, in holy Writ, then to their succession in Humane History. 8. As to the point of Substantials in Church Government, appointed by Christ, (wherein his Majesty desired satisfaction) the return was short and general, that such Substantials were in the Scripture, not descending to any particulars. Whether out of policy, foreseeing it would Minister matter of more debate, or obedience to the Parliament, as alien from the work they were designed for, who were only to oppose Episcopacy, as qualified in the Bill presented to his Majesty. 9 Three days after, Octo. 6. the King gave in his answer, The King's rejoinder to the Parliament Divines. to this first paper of the Divines. Wherein he acknowledged, that the word Episcopus, (denoting an Overseer in the general sense,) agreeth as well to Presbyters, as Ministers, in which respect they are sometimes in Scripture confounded, both meeting in the joynt-function of overseeing God's Flock. But soon after Common usage, (the best Master of words) appropriated Episcopus to the Ecclesiastical Governor, leaving Presbyter to signify the Ordinary Minister, or Priest, as in the ancient Fathers, and Councils doth plainly appear. 10. As to the Extraordinary Calling of the Apostles, he confessed their Unction extraordinary, consisting in their miraculous gifts, which soon after ceased when Churches were planted, but he urged their mission to govern and teach; to be ordinary, necessary, and perpetual in the Church, the Bishops succeeding them in the former, the Presbyters in later Function. 11. Their Evasion that Timothy and Titus were Evangelists, and not Bishops, is clearly refuted by Scultetus, Gerard, and others, yea (as his Majesty is informed) is rejected, by some rigid Presbyters, as Gillespee, Rotherford etc. Besides, that Timothy and Titus were Bishops, is confirmed by the consentient Testimony of Antiquity, (S. Hierome himself recording them made by S. Paul's Ordination) as also by a Catalogue of twenty seven Bishops of Ephesus, lineally succeeding from Timothy, as is avouched by D. Reinolds against Hart. 12. If the Angels mentioned in the Revelations, were not singular persons, who had a Prelacy over the Church, whether were they the whole Church, or so many individual Pastors therein, or the whole College of Presbyters, or singular Precedents of those Colleges; for into so many opinions these few are divided amongst themselves, who herein divide themselves from the ancient Interpretation of the Church Government. 13. Concerning Ages succeeding the Apostles, his Majesty confesseth it but a humane Faith, which is begotten on humane Testimonies, yet so that in matter of Fact, it may be infallible, as by the Credit of History we infallibly know that Aristotle was a Greek Philosopher. 14. The objected obscurity of Church-History, in primitive Times, is a strong Argument for Episcopacy, which notwithstanding the darkness of those times, Anno Dom. 1648. is so clearly extant by their unquestionable Catalogues. Anno Regis Carol. 24. 15. It is plain out of Clement, elsewhere, even by the Confession of * Vedelius exe●. 8. In. Ignat. cap. 3. one (not suspected to favour the Hierarchy) that he was accounted a Bishop as distinct from a Presbyter. As for Ignatius his Epistles, though some out of partial disaffection to Bishops, have endeavoured to discredit the whole Volume of them without regard of Ingenuity or Truth; yet sundry of them attested by antiquity, cannot with any forehead be denied to be His, giving Testimony of the Prelacy of a Bishop above a Presbyter. 16. As for the difference between Primitive Episcopacy and present Hierarchy, his Majesty did not conceive that the Additions granted by the favour of his Royal Progenitors for the enlarging of the power and privileges of Bishops, did make the Government substantially to differ from what it was, no more than Arms and Ornaments make a body really different from itself, when it was naked and devested of the same. 17. Whereas they besought his Majesty, to look rather to the Original, than succession of Bishops, he thought it needful to look at both, the latter being the best Clue in such intrinsic cases to find out the former. 18. Lastly, he professed himself unsatisfied in their answer, concerning the perpetual and unalterable substantials of Church Government, as expecting from them a more particular resolution therein, than what he had received. 19 Eleven days after the Parliament Divines put in their answer to his Majesty's last paper: The return of the Parliament Divines to the King. Herein they affirmed, Octo. 17. they saw not by what warrant this Writ of partition of the Apostles office was taken forth; that the Governing part should be in the hands of the Bishops; the Teaching and Sacramentizing in the Presbyters, Scripture making no such Enclosure or Partition-Wall. Besides, the challenge of Episcopacy is grown to more than it pretended to in ancient times; some * S. Chrysost. S. Hierom and of modern, Bp. Bilson. Father's acknowledging that Bishops differed from Presbyters, only in matter of Ordination. 20. The Abetters, say they, of this challenge, that they might resolve it at last into Scripture, ascend by the scale of succession going up the River to find the head, which like the head of Nile cannot be found. Such who would carry it higher, endeavour to imp it into an Apostolical Office, and at last call it a Divine institution, not by force of any express precept, but implicit practice of the Apostles. 21. They also returned that his Majesty's definition of Episcopal Government, is extracted out of the Bishops of later date than Scripture-times. 21. Concerning the Ages succeeding the Apostles. However Episcopal Government was generally current, yet the superscription thereof was not judged Divine, by some of those which were themselves Bishops, or lived under that Government. 22. As they firmly believed, (as to matter of fact) that chrysostom and Augustine were Bishops, as that Aristotle was a Philosopher, so they would rather call such a belief (grounded upon humane Testimonies uncontroled) certain than infallible. 23. The darkness of the History of the Church in the times succeeding the Apostles, had an influence on the Catalogue-makers, who derived the Series of the succession of Bishops, taken much from tradition and Reports. And it is a great blemish of their Evidence, that the nearer they come to they Apostles times (wherein this should be most clear to establish the succession firm at the first) they are most doubtful and contradictory one to the other. 24. They granted that a succession of men to feed and govern those Churches which by Ecclesiastical Writers, in compliance with the language of their own times, were called Bishops, but not distinct from Presbyters. So that if such a succession from the Primitive times, Seriatim were proved, they would either be found more than Bishops, as Apostles and extraordinary persons; or less, as merely first Presbyters, not having the three Essentials to Episcopal Government insisted on by his Majesty. 25. As for Ignatius, he cannot distinctly be known in Ignatius his Epistles, such their Insincerity, adulterate mixture, and Interpolations, and take him in gross, he is the Patron of such Rites, as the Church in that Age never owned. 26. They professed, that in their last Answer, they related not to a School-Nicety, Utrum Episcopatus sit Ordo vel Gradus, the question being stated by Popish Authors, to whom they had no Eye or Reference. 27. They humbly moved His Majesty, that the Regiments of Humane Testimonies on both sides might be discharged the field, and the point of dispute tried alone by dint of holy Scripture. 28. They honoured the pious intentions, and Magnificence, of his royal Progenitors, acknowledging the Ornamental Accessions to the Persons made no Substantial change in the Office; but still is remained to be proved that Primitive Episcopacy, and Present Hierarchy are the same. 29. They affirmed also that the power of Episcopacy under Christian and Pagan Princes, is one, and the same, though the exercise be not; but acknowledging the subordination thereof, to the sovereign power with their accountableness to the Laws of the Land. 30. They conclude with thanks to his Majesty's condescension in vouchsafing them the Liberty and Honour in examining his learned reply, praying God that a Pen in the hand of such Abilities, might ever be employed in a subject worthy thereof. 31. Some days after, his Majesty returned his last paper, wherein he not only acknowledgeth the great pains of these Divines to inform his judgement, according to their persuasions, but also took especial notice of their Civilities of the Application, both in the beginning and body of their Reply. 32. However he told them they mistook his meaning when they— of a Writ of Partition, as if his Majesty had cantoned out the Episcopal Government, one part to the Bishops, another to the Presbyterians alone, whereas his meaning was that the Office of teaching is common to both alike, but the other of Governing peculiar to Bishops alone. 33. I know not what Truth there was in (and by consequence what Truth is to be given to) their intelligence, Tanta sides, quanius Author. who have reported and printed that in Order of a pacification his Majesty condescended. 1. That the Office of Ordination for the space of three years, should not be exercised by the Bishops without the assent of the Presbytery, and if this did not please; 2. That it should be suspended until twenty of his own Nomination, consulting with the Synod, (assembled by the appointment of the Houses) should determine some certainty, touching some Ecclesiastical Government. 3. That in the mean time, the Presbytery should be settled for experimentsake. 4. That though he would not suffer Bishops Lands to be sold, and alienated from the Church, yet he permitted them to be Let out for ninety nine years, paying a small price yearly in Testimony of their Hereditary Right for the maintenance of Bishops. 5. That after that time expired, they should return to the Crown, to be employed for the use of the Church. Here some presumed to know his Majesty's intention, that he determined with himself, in the interim to redeem them, by their own Revenues, and to refund them to Ecclesiastical uses, which is proportionable to his * For he gave the Duke of Richmond, the entire revenues of the Archbishopric of Glascough in Scotland, to hold them until he should furnish him with lands of the same value, expressing then his resolution to restore them to the Church. large heart, in matters of that nature. 34. * The King fetched from the Isle of Wight and condemned at London Many now did hope for a happy Agreement betwixt the King and Parliament, when Divine Providence, (whose ways are often above Reason, but never against Right) had otherwise ordered it; and seeing it was Gods will, it shall be ours to submit thereunto. Oh what can * Prov. 271. a day bring forth! especially some pregnant day in the Crisis of Matters, producing more than what many barren years before beheld. The King's person is seized on, and brought up to London, arraigned before a select Committee for that purpose, indicted, and upon his refusal to own their Authority, finally condemned. But these things belong to the Historian of the state, and this subject in itself is not so amiable and tempting, as to invite us to trespass in the property of others, in Courting the prosecution thereof. 35. * Extremum hunc concede mihi. My Cue of entrance is to come in, where the State-Writer doth go out, whose Pen hath always followed the Confessors, into the Chambers of dying people; and now must do its last Devoir to my gracious Master, in describing his pious death, and Solemn Burial. 36. * He heareth the last sermon. Having received in himself the sentence of death, Jan. 28. Sund. Dr Juxon, Bishop of London, preached privately before Him, at S. James on the Sunday following; his text Romans 2. 16. In the day when God shall judge the secrets of men by Jesus Christ, according to my Gospel. 37. Next Tuesday being the day of His dissolution, And receives the Communion. in the morning alone He received the Communion, Jan. 30. Tues. from the hands of the said Bishop. At which time he read for the second lesson, the 27th Chapters of S. Matthew, containing the history of the death and passion of our Saviour. Communion ended, the King hearty thanked the Bishop for selecting so seasonable, and comfortable a portion of Scripture, seeing all humane hope and happiness is founded on the sufferings of our Saviour. The Bishop modestly disavowed any thanks due to himself, it being done merely by the direction of the Church of England, whose Rubric appointeth that Chapter the second morning-lesson for the thirtieth of January. 38. His hour drawing nigh, Is patiented when affronted. He passed through the Park to White-Hall. As He always was observed to walk very fast, so now He abated not any whit of His wont pace. In His passage a sorry fellow, (seemingly some mean Citizen,) went abrest along with Him; and in an affront, often stared His Majesty in the face, which caused Him to turn it another way. The Bishop of London (though not easily angered) was much offended hereat, as done out of despiteful design, to discompose Him before His death, and moved the Captain of the guard, he might be taken away, which was done accordingly. 39 Entering on the floor of death, His last question. He asked of Colonel Tomlingson who attended there; whether He might have the liberty to dispose of His own body, as to the place and manner of the burial thereof? The Colonel answered that he could give his Majesty no account at all therein. 40. His Majesty held in his hand a small piece of paper, And Speech falsely printed. some four inches square, containing heads whereon in His speech He intended to dilate; and a tall soldier looking over the King's shoulders read it, as the King held it in His hand. As for the speech which passeth in print for the Kings, though taken in shorthand, by one eminent therein, it is done so defectively, it deserveth not to be accounted His speech, by the testimony of such as heard it. His speech ended, He gave that small paper to the BP of London. 41. After His death, Trouble well prevented. the officers demanded the paper of the Bishop; who, because of the depth of his pocket, smallness of that paper, and the mixture of others therewith, could not so soon produce it as was required. At last he brought it forth, but therewith the others were unsatisfied (jealousy is quick of growth) as not the same which His Majesty delivered unto him. When presently the soldier, whose rudeness (the bad cause of a good effect) had formerly over-inspected it in the King's hand, attested this the very same paper, and prevented farther suspicions, which might have terminated to the Bishop's trouble. 42. On the Wednesday seven-night after, Feb. 7. wednesday. His Corpse embalmed, His Corpse carried to Windsor. and coffined in lead, was delivered to the care of two of His servants, to be buried at Windsor. The one Anthony Mildmay, who formerly had been His Sewer, as I take it: the other John joiner, bred first in His Majesty's Kitchen, afterwards a Parliament-Captain, since by them deputed (when the Scots surrendered His person) Cook to His Majesty. This night they brought the Corpse to Windsor, and digged a grave for it in S. George his Chapel, on the South side of the Communion-Table. 43. But next day the Duke of Richmond, 8. Thursday. the Marquis of Hertford, The Lords follow after it. the Earls of South-Hampton, and Lindsey (others, though sent to, declining the service, so far was their fear above their gratitude to their dead Master) came to Windsor and brought with them two Votes, passed that morning in Parliament; Wherein the ordering of the King's burial, for the form and manner thereof, was wholly committed to the Duke of Richmond, provided, that the expense thereof exceeded not five hundred pounds. Coming into the Castle, they shown their Commission to the Governor Colonel Wichcot, desiring to inter the Corpse, according to the Common-Prayer-Book of the Church of England. The rather, because the Parliaments total remitting the manner of the Burial to the Duke's discretion, implied a permission thereof. This the governor refused, alleging, it was improbable that the Parliament would permit the use of what so solemnly they had abolished, and therein destroy their own Act. 44. The Lords returned, The Governor's resolution. that there was a difference betwixt destroying their own act, and dispensing with it, or suspending the exercise thereof. That no power so bindeth up its own hands, as to disable itself in some cases, to recede from the rigour of their own acts, if they should see just occasion. All would not prevail, the Governor persisting in the negative, and the Lords betook themselves to their sad employment. 45. They resolved not to inter the Corpse in the grave which was provided for it, The Lords with much searching find a vault. but in a Vault, if the Chapel afforded any. Then fall they a searching, and in vain seek for one in King Henry the eighth His Chapel (where the tomb, intended for Him by Cardinal Wolsey, lately stood) because all there was solid earth. Besides, this place at the present, used for a Magazine, was unsuiting with a solemn sepulture. Then with their feet they tried the Choir, to see if a sound would confess any hollowness therein, and at last (directed by one of the aged poor Knights) did light on a Vault in the middle thereof. 46. It was altogether dark (as made in the midst of the Choir) and an ordinary man could not stand therein without stooping, The description thereof. as not past five foot high. In the midst thereof lay a large leaden coffin (with the feet towards the East) and a far less on the left side thereof. On the other side was room, neither to spare nor to want, for any other coffin of a moderate proportion. 47. That one of the Order was buried there, One of the Order buried therein. plainly appeared by perfect pieces of purple-velvet, (their proper habit) remaining therein. Though some pieces of the same velvet were fox-tawnie, and some coal-black (all eye of purple being put out therein,) though all originally of the same cloth, varying the colour, as it met with more, or less moisture, as it lay in the ground. 48. Now a concurrence of presumptions concluded this great Coffin to contain the Corpse of King Henry the eighth, Presumed to be K. Henry the eight. though there was neither Arms, not any inscription to evidence the same. 1. The place exactly corresponds to the designation of His burial, See it in the end of K. Henry His Reign. mentioned in His last Will and Testament. 2. The small Coffin, in all probability was His Queens, Jane Semaurs (by whom in His Will He desired to be buried) and the room on the other side seems reserved, for His surviving Wife, Queen Katherine Parr. 3. It was never remembered, nor recorded, that any Subject of that Order, was interred in the body of that Choir, but in by-Chappels. 4. An hearse stood over this vault, in the days of Queen Elizabeth, which (because cumbering the passage) was removed in the reign of King James. I know a tradition is whispered from mouth to mouth, that King Henry His body was taken up, and burned in the reign of Queen Mary, and could name the Knight (Her Privie-Councellor, and then dwelling not far off) muttered to be employed in this inhuman action. This prevailed so far on the Lord Herbert's belief, that he closeth his History of King Henry the eighth, with these suspicious words. To conclude, I wish I could leave Him in His grave. But there is no certainty hereof, and more probable that here He quietly was reposed. The lead-coffin, being very thin was at this time casually broken, and some yellow stuff, altogether sentless, like powder of gold, taken out of it (conceived some exsicative gums wherewith He was embalmed) which the Duke caused to be put in again, and the Coffin closed up. 49. The Vault thus prepared, The leaden inscription on His Coffin. a scarce of lead was provided some two foot long, and five inches broad, therein to make an inscription. The Letters the Duke himself did delineate, and then a workman called to cut them out with a Chesil. It bore some debate, whether the letters should be made in those concavities to be cut out, or in the solid lead betwixt them. The latter was concluded on, because such vacuities are subject to be soon filled up with dust, and render the inscription less legible, which was KING CHARLES 1648. The Plumber souldred it to the Coffin, about the breast of the Corpse, within the same. 50. All things thus in readiness, The Corpse deposited. the Corpse was brought to the vault, Febr. 9 Friday. being borne by the soldiers of the Garrison. Over it a black velvet hearse-cloth, the four labels whereof the four Lords did support. The Bishop of London stood weeping by, to tender that his service which might not be accepted. Then was It deposited in silence and sorrow, in the vacant place in the vault (the hearse-cloth being cast in after it) about three of the clock in the afternoon; and the Lords that night (though late) returned to London. FINIS. THE HISTORY OF THE University of Cambridge, SINCE THE CONQUEST. Printed in the year of our Lord, 1655. To the Honourable BANISTER MAINARD Esq Son and Heir to the Right Honourable WILLIAM Lord MAINARD, Baron of Estaynes in England, and Wicklow in Ireland. THERE is a late generation of People, professed enemies to all humane Learning; the most moderate amongst them accounting it (as used in Divinity) no better than the barren a Luke 13. 7. Figtree; Cut it down, why cumbreth it the ground? whilst the more furious resemble it to the wild b 2 Kings 4. 40 Gourd in the Pottage of the Children of the Prophets, deadly and pernicious. Thus as Wisdom built c Prov. 9 1. her an house with seven Pillars, (generally expounded the Liberal Sciences) Folly seeketh (but I hope in vain) to pluck down and destroy it. The staple place whereon their ignorance or malice, or both, groundeth their error, is on the words of the Apostle d Colos. 2. 1. ; Beware lest any man spoil you through Philosophy and vain deceit; or, which is the same in effect, vain and deceitful Philosophy. Which words seriously considered neither express nor imply any prohibition of true Philosophy, but rather tacitly commend it: Thus, when our Saviour saith, e Mat. 7. 15. Beware of false Prophets, by way of opposition, he inviteth them to believe and respect such as true-ones. Indeed, if we consult the word in the notation thereof, consisting of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to love, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wisdom, nothing can be cavilled thereat: The child of so good Parents cannot be bad, and the compound resulting thence, viz. Philosophy, or the love of Wisdom, is the same so commended by f Prov. 29. 3. Solomon; Who so loveth Wisdom, rejoiceth his Father. True Philosophy, thus considered in itself, is, as Clemens Alexandrinis termeth it, Aeternae veritatus, sparagmon, a Spark or Splinter of Divine truth: Res Dei Ratio, saith Tertullian, God himself being, in a sort, the great Grand father of every Philosophy Act. But we confess there is a great abuse of Philosophy, making it vain and deceitful (according to the Apostles just complaint;) when it presumeth by the principles of Reason to cross and control the Articles of Faith: then indeed it becometh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vain or empty, as wherein nulla impletio, & multa inflatio, nothing to fill man's mind, though too much to puff it up; which is true both of Philosophy in general, and of all the parts thereof. Thus Logic, in itself, is of absolute necessity, without which Saint Paul could never have g Act. 19 9 disputed two years (no nor two hours) in the School of Tyrannus, so highly did the Apostle prise it, that he desired to be freed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from men who have no Topics, from absurd men who will fix in no place to be convinced with reason: But Logic, thus useful, may be abused and made deceitful, either in doubtful Disputations, where the Questions can never be determined, or k 1 Tim. 6. 5. in perverse dispute of men, where the Disputants are so humorous and peevish, that they are unwilling to understand each other; making wrangling, not satisfaction, the end of their dispute. Ethics in like manner are of special use in Divinity, though not to be believed where they cross Christianity; namely, where they exclude Humility from being a virtue (on the erroneous account that it is destructive to Magnanimity) which is the Christians Livery; Be ye clothed l 1 Pet. 5. 5. with Humility: and the m Mica. 6. 8. Third part of all which God, in this world, enjoineth us to perform. Natural Philosophy must not be forgotten, singularly useful in Divinity, save when it presumes to control the Articles of our Creed; it is one of the four things for which the Earth is n Pro. 30. 22. moved: A Servant when he Reigneth; and intolerable is the pride of Natural Philosophy, which should handmaid it to Divinity, when once offering to rule over it. Your Honour's worthy Grandfather William Lord Maynard well knew the great conveniency, yea necessity of Logic for Divines, when he founded and plentifully endowed a Professors place in the University of Cambridge for the Reading thereof. Of Cambridge, which I hope ere long you will grace with your presence, who in due time may become a student and good Proficient therein; Learning being no more prejudicial to a Person of Honour then moderate ballaste to the safe-sayling of a Ship. Till which time and ever after, the continuance and increase of all Happiness to you and your relations is the daily prayer of Your Honours humble Servant, THOMAS FULLER. THE HISTORY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF Cambridge, Since the CONQUEST. ❧ Preface. ALthough the foundation of this University was far ancienter, yet because what before this time is reported of it, is both little and doubtful, and already inserted into the Body of our Ecclesiastical History; it is early enough to begin the certain History thereof. Fare be it from me to make odious comparisons between a 1 Kings 17. 21. Jachin and Boaz the two Pillars in Solomon's Temple, by preferring either of them for beauty and strength, when both of them are equally admirable. Nor shall I make difference betwixt the Sisters (Coheires of Learning and Religion) which should be the Eldest. In the days of King Henry b Ex bundello Petition●m Parliamenti Anno 23 Hen. 6 num. 12. the sixth such was the quality of desert betwixt Humphrey Stafford Duke of Buckingham, and Henry Beauchampe Duke of Warwick, that to prevent exceptions about Priority, it was ordered by the Parliament, That they should take precedency by turns, one one year, and the other the next year; and so by course were to checquer or exchange their going or setting all the years of their life. Sure I am there needeth no such pains to be took, or provision to be made, about the preeminence of our English Universities, to regulate their places, they having better learned Humility from the Precept of the c Rom. 12. 10 Apostle, In honour preferring one another. Wherefore I presume my Aunt Oxford will not be justly offended, if in this Book I give my own Mother the upper hand, and first begin with her History. Thus desiring God to pour his blessing on both, that neither may want Milk for their Children, or Children for their Milk, we proceed to the business. 1. AT this time the fountain of learning in Cambridge was but little, Anno Regis Will. the Conq. 1 and that very troubled. Anno Dom 1066 For of late the Danes (who at first, The low condition of Cambridge at the Conquest. like an intermitting Ague, made but inroads into the Kingdom, but afterwards turned to a quotidian of constant habitation) had harraged all this Country, and hereabouts kept their station. Mars then frighted away the Muses, when the Mount of Parnassus was turned into a Fort, and Helicon derived into a Trench. And at this present, Anno Dom. 1070 King William the Conqueror going to subdue the Monks of Ely that resisted him, Anno Regis Will. Conq. 5 made Cambridgeshire the Seat of War. 2. For to the town of Cambridge he retired, Cambridge Castle built by King William and there for a season reposed himself, half dead with sorrow, that his design against the aforesaid Monks took no effect. At what time he found in the Town 3●7 dwelling houses, 18 d Camden briton. in Cambridgeshire. whereof he caused then to be plucked down, to make room for the erecting of a Castle, which he there re-edified, that it might be a check-bit to curb this Country which otherwise was so hard-mouthed to be ruled. This Castle, here built by him, was strong for situation, stately for structure, large for extent, and pleasant for prospect; having in it, amongst other rooms, a most magnificent Hall: the stones and timber whereof, were afterwards begged by the Master and Fellows of e Caius Hist. Cant. Acad. lib 2. pag 117 Kings-Hall, of King Henry the fourth, towards the building of their Chapel. At this day the Castle may seem to have run out of the Gatehouse, which only is standing and employed for a Prison: so that what was first intended to restrain Rebels without it, is now only used to confine Felons within it. There is still extant also an artificial high Hill deeply entrenched about, steep in the ascent, but level at the top, which endureth still in defiance of the teeth of Time; as the most greedy Glutton must leave those bones, not for manners, but necessity, which are too hard for him to devour. King William had scarce finished this ●●stle, when it was first hanselled with the submission of the Abbot of Ely, who came hither f Idem ibidem, to bewail his errors, and beseech the King's mercy, having formerly paid 700 Marks to preserve the life and liberty of himself and his Covent. Besides, when that money came to be paid, and one g Speed in the life of King William the Conqueror. groat thereof was found wanting in weight, a new sum was extorted from him for breach of Covenants; to teach them who are to deal with potent Creditors to weigh right, left otherwise they approve themselves penny wise, and pound foolish. 3. Now, though these martial impressions did much discompose the studies of Scholars in Cambridge, Henry beauclerk bred in Cambridge. under William the Conqueror; who being a Military man, by his very constitution was not overfond of Learning: yet even in these days the place was not totally abandoned of Scholars. 1080 Yet Cambridge was in some reputation and eminence for Literature. 15 For Henry, youngest son to King William, was h Thomas Rudburn, Leland, Fabian, Bale & Pitzeus, pag. 203. here brought up in the study of Arts and Sciences; and afterwards he travailed beyond the Seas (being at Paris, some say, though improbable, when news was brought of the death of his brother King William Rufus so that both homebred and foreign Learning met in him, to deserve the surname of Beauclerk. His father is reported to have designed him for a Bishop; as Maud, wife to this Henry, is said by her Parents to have been intended for a Nun; and these two marrying together, were the most learned couple in that Age. 4. Some i Caius de ant. Cantab. Acad. pag. 97. say that this Henry, Probably a Benefactor to the University. afterwards King of England, in gratitude to Cambridge for his education, endowed Readers of several languages therein, alleging Lelands' verses, as alluding thereunto: Quid quòd Granta novem dicata Musis, Henrici pietate literati Tersis pr●nitet erudita Linguis. Cambridge devoted to the Muses nine, By learned Henry's piety doth shine With learned men, which Languages resine. But we will not wrest the words beyond the intent of the Poet, who herein seems to relate to the Hebrew and Greek Professors founded in his days at Cambridge by King Henry the eighth, whom we may call Beauclerk junior, though short as in time, Anno Regis so in learning of the former. Anno Dom. Thus though for the present we will not build the bounty of this King Henry to Cambridge on a false bottom, yet certainly he was a dutiful Son to his Mother, from whom he had his breeding, and not forgetting her favour unto him. 5. Not long after, Will. Rufi 1 Roger of Montgomerie, 1088 most mischievously with Fire and Sword destroyed the Town and County of Cambridge, Mischievous Montgomerie. spoiling the poor Subjects, so to be revenged of their Sovereign King William Rufus; in so much as, for a time, the University was wholly abandoned. 6. Hugolina, Picot his foundation in St. Giles his Parish. a worthy woman, and wife to Picot Baron of Burne, and Sheriff of Cambridge-shire, 5 recovered at Cambridge of a desperate sickness: 1092 wherefore in gratitude (according to the devout mode of those days) she built a Church there, dedicating it to God and St. Giles, and placed six Canons therein: Yea, she prevailed so far with her husband, that he endowed this her Church with half the tithes of his Demesnes, in his Manors of 1. Qui 2. Stow 3. Water-Beach 4. Midleton 5. Histons 6. Impeton 7. Gretton 8. Hokington 9 Ramton 10. Cotenham 11. Lolesworth 12. Trumpington 13. Haselingfield 14. Harleton 15. Eversden 16. Toft 17. Caldecot 18. Kingston 19 Winepole 20. Gransden 21. Hatley 22. Pampsworth 23. Alewind. But soon after, these tithes were but poorly paid; namely, when Robert Picot his son forfeited his Baronrie, which King Henry the first bestowed upon Pagan Peverell. 7. See we here a grand difference betwixt the endowments of Monasteries before and after the Conquest. The injurious original of Impropriations. The Saxons generally endowed them with solid and substantial revenues out of their own estates, giving good Farms and Manors unto them. (Or if any tithes, only those within the circuit of that Parish wherein that Covent was erected; the secular Priests (and afterwards the Monks) therein, being presumed to take some spiritual pains in that place, to the deserving thereof.) This properly was frank-almonage, bestowing on God in his Church (as they accounted it) what was their own to estate upon him. But the Normans embraced a cheaper way of dotations, chief bestowing all, or part of the tithes of their lands, on Covents of their foundation, payable out of Parishes lying a good distance from the same; and this was according to the French fashion. Now if it be true, that tithes be due jure Divino, this was no gift, but a payment, which they were bound to tender to the Church: Yea, which is more, such grants of tithes were no better than felony, robbing the Ministers of their respective Parishes, of what was due unto them: Insomuch, that they took the oil from the weike (the Pastor labouring in his Church) and gave it to the thief or waster in the Lamp, to which the idle Monks may fitly be compared. 8. To repair the damage lately done by Montgomerie to the Town of Cambridge, Hen. 1. 2 King Henry the first bestowed many privileges thereon, 1101 which the University is so far from repining, Cambridge first made a Corporation. she rejoiceth thereat. For well may the jewel delight to be put in an handsome cabinet. He freed the Town from the power of the Sheriff, making it a Corporation, upon the payment of one hundred and one marks yearly into the Exchequer, which sum the Sheriff paid before for his profits out of the Town, when it was under his jurisdiction. Besides, whereas the Ferry over the river Grant was a vagrant before (even any where, where passengers could get wastage over) by authority and custom, it now began to be fixed near Cambridge, which brought much trading and concourse of people thereunto. 9 About this time Barnwell, 4 that is, 1103 Childrens-well, a Village within the precincts of Cambridge, The original of Midsummer Fair. got both the name thereof and a Fair therein on this occasion. Many little k Liber ●arnwellensis. children on Midsummer (or St. John Baptists) eve met there in mirth to play and sport together: Anno Dom. Their company caused the confluence of more and bigger boys to the place: Anno Regis Hen. 1 Then bigger than they; even their Parents themselves came thither, to be delighted with the activity of their children. Meat and drink must be had for their refection, which brought some victualling-booths to be set up. Pedlars with toys and trifles cannot then be supposed long absent, whose packs in short time swelled into Tradesmens stalls of all commodities. Now it is become a great Fair, and (as I may term it) one of the townsmen's Commencements, wherein they take their degrees of wealth, fraught with all store of Wares, and nothing (except buyers) wanting therein. 10. Jews at this time came first to Cambridge, Jews their first coming to Cambridge. and possessed a great part of the Town, 1106 called the Jewrie at this day. 7 ●●und-Church in the Jewrie is conjectured, by the rotundity of the structure, to have been built for their Synagogue. Much like whereunto, for fabric and fashion, I have seen another at Northhampton, where Jews about the same time had their Seminary. Some will say, Cambridge, an inland Town of small trading, was ill chosen by these Jews for their Seat, where the poor Scholars, if borrowing from these Usurers, were likely to bring but small profit unto them. But let it suffice, that the Jews chose this place, whom no Christian's need advise, for their own advantage. Here their carriage was very civil, not complained of (as elsewhere) for cruel crucifying of Christian children, and other enormities. 11 Now the Reader is requested seriously to preuse the following passage as faithfully transcribed out of an excellent l P Blaesensts in his additament to the H●st. of Ingul●●u●. author, Cambridge restored to Learning by the Abbot of Crowland. and of high concernment in this our History. Joffred Abbot of Crowland, sent over to his manor of Cotenham nigh Cambria, 1109 Gislebert his fellow Monk, 10 and professor of Divinity, with three other Monks, who following him into England, being throughly furnished with Philosophical Theorems, and other primitive sciences, repaired daily to Cambridge; and, having hired a certain public Barn, made open profession of their sciences, and in short space of time drew together a great company of Scholars. 12 But in the second year after their coming, A grain of Seed soon grown a Tree. the number of their Scholars grew so great, 1110 as well from out of the whole country as the town, 11 that the biggest house and barn that was, or any Church whatsoever sufficed not to contain them: Whereupon, sorting themselves apart in several places, and taking the University of Orleans for their pattern, early in the morning, Monk Odo, a singular Grammarian, and satirical Poet, read Grammar unto boys, and those of the younger sort assigned unto him; according to the doctrine of Priscian, and Remigius upon him. At one of the clock Terricus, a most witty and subtle Sophister, taught the elder sort of young men Aristotle's Logic, after the Introductions of Porphyry, and the Comments of Averro. At three of the clock, Monk William read a Lecture in Tully's Rhetoric, and Quintilians Flores: But the great Master Gilbert, upon every Sunday and Holiday, preached God's word unto the People. And thus out of this little fountain which grew to be a great river, we see how the City of God now is become enriched, and all England made fruitful by means of very many Masters and Doctors proceeding out of Cambridge, in manner of the holy Paradise, etc. 13 Thus Author writ some fifty years after the coming of these Crowland Professors to Cambridge; The time of this Author's writing. so that, who seriously considereth, how learning there, from a contemptible occasion, by small means, in so short a time, improved itself to so great an height, will conclude much of Providence therein; and we may observe according to Scripture expression, m 2 Chron. 29 36. God had prepared the people, for the thing was done suddenly. 15 But some adversaries to the antiquity of Cambridge, An apparent injury offered to Cambridge. represent and improve this action much to her disadvantage, as if newly now, and not before, she began to be an University. Objecting, that if Scholars were at Cambridge before the coming of those four Professors thither, they shown small civility in giving those strangers no better entertainment, to whom they should have said, as once n Gen. 24. 32 Laban to Abraham's servant; Come in ye blessed of the Lord, wherefore stand you without? welcoming them to their Halls, Hostles, Chambers, Studies, with the best far their present condition afforded; Especially, seeing Scholars of all men are soon acquainted, the sameness of profession commonly making them familiar at the first sight. It seems therefore that at their coming thither, either Cambridge had no Scholars in her, or her Scholars had no manners in them; yea, had not read so much as Tully his Offices, to teach them civility to strangers professing learning, but suffered them to live, and read in a Barn by themselves. 15. In answer hereunto, She is vindicated from suc●a● traduce he●. may the Reader be pleased to take into his impartial consideration the following particulars: 1 Not much more than twenty years since that mischievous man Robert of Montgomerie had despoiled Cambridge. And no wonder if the Blackbirds were slow in flying back to their nests, which had been so lately destroyed. 2. Yet a racemation at least of Scholars either remained in Cambridge all that plundering time, or returned soon after it: For we find King Henry the first, o Caius in Hist. Cantab. in the second of his Reign, by order commanding some Civilians there to perform their Acts, and pay the Beadles their sees, which formerly they refused; and this was some years before the coming of the Crowland-Professors hither. 3. Probably some emulation, not to say envy (a canker we find fretting the fairest flowers) might make some distance betwixt the old stock of standing Scholars in Cambridge, and this new addition of Professors. Our Aunt Oxford may easily remember what little love, yea how great grudging there was betwixt her ancient Students, and that new plantation of Scholars which St. * Vide suprà Bo. 2. Centur. 8. Grimbal, under King Alfred, first placed there. 4. The marvellous increase of learning in Cambridge, in so short a time after the coming of the Crowland Professors thither, is justly imputed to this cause, for that Cambridge had formerly been a place of learning. Thus when green-wood is long is kindling, brands (which before were half burnt, and then quenched) do quickly take fire, and presently blaze into a bright flame. In a word, such men who have made remarkable additions, to what was begun long before, oftentimes, as proudly as falsely, conceit themselves the first Founders thereof. Thus p Dan. 4. 30. Nabuchadnezzar, Is not this great Babylon that I have built? whereas he, and all the world, knew that Semiramis built it a thousand years before his cradle was made, though he (no doubt) might strengthen, enlarge, and beautify the same. And, as Restorers are apt to mistake themselves for the Founders: so by infection of the same error, the Spectators of such Repairers, are prone to misinterpret them for Beginners; as here these Crowland-Professors are erroneously apprehended the Founders of Cambridge. Thus the river Anas in Spain, after it hath run above sixty miles under ground, may be by ignorant people conceived to have his Birth [his fountain] there, wherein truth he hath but his Resurrection at his springing out of earth the second time. And thus sluggards in the morning count the Sun but then to arise, when it newly breaks forth of a cloud, and was risen some hours before. 16. Pain Peverell (Stander-bearer to Robert Duke of Normandy in the Holy-Land, 13 removed Picot his foundation from St. 1112 Giles in Cambridge (where they were penned for room) to a larger place of thirteen acres at Barnewell, Pain Peverel found'st Barnewell Priory. about a mile off, where one Godesonn formerly led an Eremitical life. This Peverell increased the number of those Canons from six to thirty (because forsooth at that time he was just thirty years old) and endowed them with large revenues. Afterwards, in process of time, Barnwell became a prime Priory, through the bounty of many Benefactors, and able at the dissolution of Abbeys to expend of old rents low rated three hundred fifty one pounds fifteen shillings four pence. Insomuch that the Prior thereof, in the forty ninth year of King Henry the third, by Writ bearing date at Woodstock, the twenty fourth of December, was (with many more) voluntariè summonitus, freely summoned (saith the Record) to be present as a Baron in Parliament. But let him make much of this favour, which never before or after was bestowed upon him or his successors. These Black-Canons of Barnewell were generally kind neighbours to the Scholars, and their Prior did sometimes good offices unto them. 17. Now amongst the eminent Scholars, Alphred of Beverlie Student in Cambridge. who at this time studied in Cambridge, 1129 Alphred of Beverley was of especial note. 30 He was born in Yorkshire, lived many years in Cambridge to gain learning, q Bale De Scriptor. Britan. Cent. 2. pag. 157. where he attained to be an excellent Philosopher, Divine, and Historian. Returning into his native country at Beverlie, he wrote the History of the British Nation, from the beginning of the world unto his ownage; which work was by him truly and elegantly composed. He is commonly surnamed the Treasurer; a title given him (as I conceive) not for bearing that office in his Covent; but from his diligent searching, discreet selecting, methodical compiling, and careful preserving or treasuring up precious passages of former ages for the use of Posterity. This Alphred, when living in Cambridge, maintained himself (as the rest of the Students there) on his own cost; every Scholar in that age being his own Founder and Benefactor: For, as yet, no public Halls or Hostles were built for to receive them, but each one lived as r Acts 28. 30. St. Paul at Rome, in his own hired house, as they could contract with the Townsmen; who unconscionably improving themselves on the Scholars necessities, extorted unreasonable rents from them; as hereafter, God willing, shall appear. 18. And here I must admire one thing, and shall be thankful to such who will cure my wonder, Unwonder me this wonder. by showing me the cause of that I wonder at: What might be the reason, that Monks and Friars in this age had such stately houses, rich endowments, plentiful maintenance; whilst Students in the University had poor chambers, hard fare, short means, and that on their own or parents' charges: and yet there was more honesty, industry, painfulness, and piety, within the study of one Scholar, than the cells of an hundred Monks? Some, perchance, will impute this to the fancy of men, lapping, dandling, and feeding Monkeys and Marmosets, whiles Creatures of more use are less regarded. Others will say, It was becawse Scholars studied the liberal, Monks the lucrative Sciences: University men were more busied in reading Books, than numbling of Masses and praying for the dead, the main matter which brought grift to the Monk's mill. Whatever was the secret cause, this was the apparent effect thereof: Scholars as they were lean, so they were lively, attracted less envy, procured more love, endured more labour, which made them to last, and to live after the destruction of the other. 19 William Meschines, The first Earl of Cambridge. brother to Ranulph Earl of Chester, 1139 was by King Stephen made the first Earl of Cambridge. Steph. 4 And it is no small credit to Cambridge, that (after this William) none were ever honoured with that title, but such who were Princes of the Blood Royal, either actual Kings of Scotland, or King's sons, or nephews of England, or foreign and free Princes of their next alliance, as hereafter, God willing, will appear at their several creations. So careful were our English Kings in choosing such persons for the place, who, receiving honour from so famous an University, might also, by their high birth and honourable demeanour, return lustre thereunto. 20. For after the death of this Meschines, David King of Sco●s Earl of Cambridge. one may confidently pronounce, that David, King of the Scots (commonly called St. David) was Earl of Cambridge: And although his Chatter cannot be produced with the formalities used at his creation (modern ceremonies at the investing of Counts not being used in that age) yet, Anno Regis Steph. that he was effectually Earl of Cambridge, Anno Dom. by the ensuing evidence doth sufficiently appear. It is a s Extant among the Records of the Earls of Oxford cited at large by Augustine Vincent. in h● Correction of B●●●ks errors, pag. 393. Grant made by M●uld the Empress, Daughter of King Henry the first, unto Aubery de Vere, afterward Earl of Oxford▪ part whereof (so much as concerns the present point) we have here transcribed, translated, and commented on, conceiving it to contain some criticisms in History and Heraldry, worthy observation. Concedo quòd sit Comes de Cantebruggescire, 10 & habeat inde tertium den●ium sicut Comes debet haber●. 1144 It● dico si Rex Scotiae non habet illum Comitatum. Et si Rex habuerit, perquiram illud ei ad posse meum per Escambium. Et si non potero, tunc do 〈◊〉, & concede, quòd sit C●mes de quolibet quatuor Comitatuum subserptorum, viz. Oxenfordscire, Berkscire, Wiltscire, & Dorsetscire, per consilium & considerationem Comitis Glocestriae frairis mei, & Comitis Gaufridi, & Comitis Gilberti. I grant that he be Earl of Cantbruggshire, and that he have from thence the third penny, as the Earl ought to have. So I say, if the King of Scotland hath not that Earldom: And if the King hath it, I shall to my power procure it him by exchange. And if I cannot, than I give and grant unto him, that he be Earl of which he will of the four Earldoms subscribed, namely Oxfordshire, Berkshire, Wiltshire, and Dorsetshire, by the counsel and advise of the Earl of Gloucester my brother, and of Earl Geoffrey, and of Earl Gilbert. The date of this Grant is uncertain; but from the hand of her brother, the Earl of Gloucester, subscribed thereunto, we collect that it must be before the year 1146, wherein the said Earl ended his life. 21. Out of this Grant observe; Observations collected from this Grant. First, That though Steven, de facto, was King of England, yet the right was in this Mauld the Empress. Betwixt these two for many years it was catch who catch may; both in gaining of places and giving of Honours, as success befriended them. Secondly, That Earls in that age were Earls indeed, not merely titular, but substantial, as receiving the third penny (I humbly conceive it of the Crown-revenues therein) of the County whence they had their honour. Thirdly, Kings of Scotland accounted it no abatement to their Crown-Royall, to we are with it an English Coronet, holding (in Commendam, as I may say) with their own Crown one or more of English Earldoms: As here King David held Cambridge in his own, and Huntingdon in right of his Wife. Fourthly, As the Counties of Cambridge and t See C●mdens Britan. in Hunting donshire. Huntingdon soon after the Conquest were united under one Comes or Earl: so they two (only of all Shires in England) remain under one Vicecomes or Sheriff at this day. Fifthly, Queen Mauld earnestly endeavoured (in compliance no doubt with the desires of her favourite Aubery de Vere) to confer the County of Cambridge upon him, as a place of principal honour, above the four other Counties proffered unto him. Sixthly, The honour of the title of Cambridge arose from the famous University therein; otherwise the foresaid Aubery, if consulting his profit, would clearly have preferred either Oxfordshire, Berkshire, Wiltshire, or Dorsetshire, as greater in extent, and therefore returning by the third penny therein larger revenues. Lastly, Seeing a good title of Cambridge could not be made to him (as prepossessed by the Scotch King) Aubery was contented with, and thankful for Oxford, as the other famous University in England, which title his noble and most ancient family enjoyeth at this day. 22. Nigellus or Neale, 11 second Bishop of Ely, 1145 having first obtained a faculty from the Pope, Nigellus his foundation in Cambridge. ●ounded ●n Hospital for u Godwin in Epist. ●●ie. pag. 3●6. Canons regular in Cambridge, in the place where now St. John's College is erected. He is said to have endowed the same with an hundred and forty pound by the year, Anno Dom. yearly rent; Anno Regis Hen. 2 which, it so, in that age was a vast proportion. 23. Roger of Hereford, Roger of Hereford Student in Cambridge. so named because born there, 1170 studied at this time in Cambridge, 16 became an admirable Astronomer, Philosopher, and Chemist, diving much into the mysteries of metals. He wrote many books of Astronomy and Astrology, which for a long time were kept in Cambridge. Library, but not extant (I fear) at this day. Yet the Oxford w ●●ri. Twine Apolog. lib. 2. pag. 219. Antiquary will by no means allow this Roger a Student in Crambridge, as who flourished before the coming of the Crowland Professors thither: but whether more credit may be hung on this single Twine, than on the twisted testimony of Leland, Bale, and Pitz, (all agreeing both in his education at Cambridge, and flourishing in this Age) be it reported to any ingenuous Reader. 24. There happened a merciless fire in Cambridge, A merciless fire only so pitiful as to go out when no more fuel was left to feed the fury thereof. 1174 Most of the Churches in the town (then built of wood, 20 and therefore the more combustible) were burnt in part, and Trinity-Church wholly x Caius Hist. Contab. consumed. Hence it was, that for time to come, the Steeple thereof was firmly built of freestone, to prevent, by God's goodness, the return of the like casualty. 25. A sad accident happened this year at y Matth. Paris in Anno 1209 pag. 228. Oxford. Oxford deserted, and partly removed to Cambridge. A Clergyman, 1208 and Student in that University, K John 9 casually killed a woman and fled upon it. The Mayor of the City, with other officers, search after him, light on three of his Chamber-fellows, both innocent and ignorant of the fact committed: These they injuriously thrust into Prison, and some days after, King John (a back friend to the Clergy, as continually vexed with their constant opposition) commanded them to be executed in contempt (saith my Author) of Ecclesiastical liberty. Offended hereat three thousand Students at once left Oxford, as well Masters as Scholars; It a quòd nec unus ex omni Universitate remansit, So that not one remained of all the University. Of these some removed to Cambridge, some to Reading; so that in this total eclipse of learning therein, Oxford was left empty for a season. 26. John of St. John of St. Omers, a Poet, bred in Cambridge. Omers studied about this time at Cambridge. 1209 By his surname I should have conjectured him a Foreigner of Artois, 10 had not my z Baleus Cent. 3 pag. 261. Author assured me, that he was born in Norfolk. Yea, when a Monk of Peterburgh, (bred also in Cambridge) had, with his jatyrical Latin rhythms, abused the County of Norfolk, our John gave him as good as he brought; rythme for rythme, and jest for jest: yet his pen was so much the better employed than his adversaries, as the writer of a'jûst vindication is to be preferred before a scurrilous libeler. 27. With more credit to himself, Joceline Brakelond an Historian therein. and profit to others, 1211 was Joceline Brakelond employed; 12 who about this time in a Bale Cent. 3 pag. 259. Cambridge emproved himself in divine and humane learning. Afterwards he became a Monk at Bury in Suffolk, where he was born; and of his own accord (unimportuned by any other) as faithfully as learnedly wrote the History of his Covent, which he transmitted to posterity. 28. Most miserable at this time was the condition of Cambridge. The University in a sad condition. For the Barons, 1214 to despite King John, 15 with their Forces harraged and destroyed the Town and County thereof, taking Cambridge-Castle by assault: And no wonder, when only twenty men were found therein, not enough to make good the twentieth part thereof; 1215 such than was its capacity and extent. 16 To cry quits with the Barons, William Earl of Sarisbury, and Falk de Brent (King John his favourite) replundred b Matth Paris. anno 1215. pag 274. Cambridgeshire, leaving nothing worth any thing behind them, that was not too hot or too heavy for them to carry away. 29. And two years after, Which still cominueth. when Walter Bunk, 1217 with his Brabanteers, 18 destroyed the Town and Isle of Ely, and almost burned the Minstre therein (not quenched with the water of her fens, Anno Regis but with the wise composition of Prior Stephen:) I say, when Ely was almost burnt, Cambridge no doubt was well warmed, as sorrowfully sensible of its near neighbour's calamity. The Scholars than had steady heads and strong brains, if able to study in these distempers, when loud drums and trumpets silenced the (sweet, but) low harp of Apollo. But we know how Archimedes was busy in making his Mathematical figures even when Syracuse was taken by soldiers; and possibly some grave Students made their souls unconcerned in all these martial disturbances. 30. The King, Hen. 3. 5 being at Oxford, 1221 sent to the Bailiff of Cambridge (as living near Ely, the Staple of fish) to send unto him such a proportion of Eels, Eels sent from Cambridge to Oxford. for the provisions of his Court, and it should be discounted unto him out of the Exchequer. 31. The King, 8 by his letters to the Sheriff of Cambridge-shire, 1224 gave order, A Gaol made of a Jews house. that he should put the Bailiffs of Cambridge into the possession of the house of Benjamin the Jew (probably forfeited to the Crown on his misdemeanour) to make thereof a common Gaol for their Corporation. 32. The King confirmed to the Townsmen of Cambridge the privileges conferred by his Father upon them: 11 namely, 1217 That the Merchants of the Guild in Cambridge, Privileges confirmed to Cambridge. should be free in all Fairs in the King's Dominions on this side and beyond the Seas, de Theolonia, & Passagio, & Lestagio, & Pontagio, & Stallagio. Ill would it be for the Townsmen, should none of them enjoy the benefit of this Royal Charter, till they perfectly understood the terms therein. In this Grant provision is made, that nothing be done in prejudice of London; so careful were our Kings always of that City; but whether that City reciprocally of them, let others inquire. 33. Sad at this present was the condition of the University of Paris, 13 July 16. such murders were done, 1229 and affronts offered to the Students thereof. Paris Students invited over into England. Our King Henry being half a Frenchman (in the right of his Queen) and possessing many, pretending to more Dominions in France, taking advantage hereof, invited the Parisian Students to come over into England, and to dwell in what c Ex Rot. Patent. de anno 13. Regis Hen 3. membrana sexta in Turre Londinenst. Cities, Burroughs, and Villages they pleased to choose: An act no less politic than charitable, to fortify himself with foreign affection; knowing, that such Frenchmen, who in their youths had English education, would in their age retain English inclinations. We easily believe the greatest part of these Strangers repaired to Oxford, though Cambridge, no doubt, did share in them her considerable proportion. 34. A crew of pretenders to Scholarship (as long as there are true diamonds there will be counterfeit) did much mischief at this time in the University. 15 These lived under no discipline, having no Tutor (saving him who teacheth all mischief) and when they went to act any villainy, 1231 than they would be Scholars, Counterfeit Scholars do much mischief. to sin with the more secrecy and less suspicion: when cited to answer for their wickedness, in the Chancellors Court, than they would be no Scholars, and exempt themselves from his Jurisdiction. No wonder if Cambridge was pestered with such Cheats, seeing the Church of Thyatira itself had those in her which called themselves d Revel 2. 20. Prophets and were not. Civil Students suffered much by and more for these incorrigible Rake-hells', especially from such mouths who are excellent at an uncharitable Synecdoche, to call all after a part, and to condemn the whole University for an hand-full of Hangs-by, such as never were matriculated members therein. 35. In vain did the Chancellor endeavour the suppressing of these Malignants, The Sheriff commanded to suppress these Malignants. (as the King calleth them in his letter to the Sheriff) the hands of the University being too weak to pluck up weeds so deeply rooted. In vain also did the Chancellor call in the assistance of the Bailiff and Burgesses of the Town, who (as the King taxeth them in one of his letters) aut impotentes fuerunt, aut negligentes, to effect the matter. The business was at last, by command from the King, Anno Regis Hen. 3 devolved to the Sheriff, as appears by what followeth. Rex e Ex Rotulo clauso de anno 15. Regis Henrici tertii in dorso in Tu●re London. Vicecom, Cantabrigiensi salutem. Quoniam ut audivimus plures nominantur Clerici apud Cantabr. quì sub nullius Magistri Scholarium sunt disciplina, & tuitione, sed potius mentiuntur se esse Scholares cùm non sint, ut tutiùs, & fortiùs (visâ ad hoc opportunitate) queant malignari, Tibi praecipimus, quòd assumptis tecum probis & legalibus hominibus de Comitatu tuo, accedas ad villam nostram Cantabr. & per totam villam illam clamari facias ex parte nostrâ quòd nullus Clericus moretur in villa, qui non sit sub disciplina, vel tuitione alicujus Magistri Scholarium. Et si aliqui tales fuerint in Villa illa, eâ exeant infra quindecim dies postquam hoc clamatum fuerit. Et si ultra terminum illum inventi fuerint in eadem villa, hujusmodi Clerici capiantur, & in prisonam nostram mittantur. Teste meipso apud Oxon. 3 Maii Anno Regni nostri 15. Thus the Sheriff was impowered with a Posse Comitatus to redress this grievance, May 3 but whether or no with a Velle Comitatus, I know not. Sure I am, these Clerks-no-Clerks disturbed the University for many years after. 36. The Townsmen of Cambridge began now most unconscionably to raise and rack the rent of their houses wherein the Scholars did sojourn; The unconscionablenes of the Townsmen. Every low Cottage was high valued. Sad the condition, when Learning is the Tenant, and Ignorance must be the Landlord. It came at last to this pass, that the Scholars, wearied with exactions, were on the point of departing, to find a place where they might be better accommodated on more reasonable conditions. 37. Here the King seasonably interposed his power, Regulated by the King's Letters. appointing, 1231 that two Masters of Arts and two honest Townsmen should be deputed as Chancellors, 15 conscientiously to moderate the rigour of covetousness. And seeing Scholars would hire as cheap, and Townsmen would let as dear as they could, the aforesaid four persons (indifferently chosen out of both Corporations) were to order the price betwixt both, according to the tenor of the King's Letter ensuing. Rex f The same Letters in effect were often confirmed by the King, in the 50 year of his Reign. Majorì & Ballivis Cantabr. salutem. Satis constat vobis quòd apud villam nostram Cantabr. studendi causae è diversis patribus tam cismarinis quàm transmarinis Scholarium confluit multitudo, quod valde gratam habemus & acceptamus, cum exemplum toti Regno nostro commodum non modicum, & honour nobis accrescat, & vos specialiter inter quos fideliter conversantur, students non mediocriter gaudere debetis & laetari. Audivimus autem quòd in hospitiis vestris locandis tam graves & onerosi estis scholaribus inter vos commorantibus, quòd nisi mensurabiliùs & modestiùs vos habueritis erga ipsos in hac parte, exactione vestra faciente, oportebit ipses villam vestram exire, & study suo relicto à terra nostra recedere, quod nullatenus vellemus. Et ideo vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes quatenus super praedictis hospictis locandis, vos mensurantes secundum consuetudinem Universitatis per duos Magistros & deuce probes & legales homines de villa● nostra ad hoc assignandos, hospicia praedicta taxari, & secundum corum taxationem ea locari permittatis; taliter vos gerentes in hac parte, ne si secus egeritis propter quod ad nos debeat clamor pervenire, ad hoc manum apponere debeamus. Teste meipso apud Oxon. tertio die Maii anno regni nostri xv ✚. Ex Rotulo claus. de anno xv. Regis Henrici tertii in dors. in Turre London. Ex. per Guil. Ryley. See we here; Cambridge appeareth not as an infant of yesterday, but a grave Matron of great age; witness those words, according to the custom of the University, which show her gravity and grey hairs at the time of the date thereof. 38. This was the first original of the Taxatores or Taxers in Cambridge, The original of Taxers. so called at first from taxing, prising, or rating the rents of houses. Their name remains, but office is altered at this day. For after the bounty of Founders had raised Halls and Colleges for Scholars free abode, their liberality gave the Taxers a Writ of ease, no more to meddle with the needless prising of townsmen's houses. However, two Taxers are still annually chosen, whose place is of profit and credit, as employed in matters of weight, and to see the true gage of all measures, especially such as concern the victuals of Scholars. For where the belly is abused in its food, the brains will soon be distempered in their study. 39 Tournaments and Tilting of the Nobility and Gentry were commonly kept at Cambridge, The ill 〈◊〉 of Tournaments. to the great annoyance of the Scholars. Many sad casualties were caused by these meetings, though ordered with the best caution. Arms and legs were often broken as well as spears. Much lewd people waited on these assemblies, light Housewives as well as light Horsemen repaired thereunto. Yea, such the clashing of swords, the rattling of Arms, the sounding of trumpets, the neighing of horses, the shouting of men all daytime, with the roaring of riotous Revelers all the night, that the Scholars studies were disturbed, safety endangered, lodging straightened, charges enlarged, all provisions being unconscionably enhanced. In a word, so many warhorses were brought hither, that Pegasus himself was likely to be shut out. For where Mars keeps his Term, there the Muses may even make their Vacation. 40. The King being complained to thereof, 29 did plainly show, 1245 that he preferred the quiet of the University before the profit of the Town of Cambridge, Forbidden within five miles of Cambridge. gaining much money by these meetings: And therefore by his Letters he enjoined, that no Tilting should be kept within five miles of Cambridge. And yet so stout and sturdy were martial men in that age, that they hardly obeyed him. Yea, I find one * Ex Arch● is Acad. Cant. 〈◊〉 ganter descript, impensts R. Harrei ex Turre Londinenst. Ralph de Kamois, a bold Chevalier, who, notwithstanding the premises, kept a riotous Tilting in the very town of Cambridge; but soon after he was deeply fined for his high contempt, on the payment whereof, and his humble submission before the Earls of Cornwall, Leicester, and Norfolk, he was forgiven. 41. Let us look on these Tournaments (unrelated to Cambridge) as they were in themselves, Mothers of misrule. and we shall find them the mothers constantly of misrule, commonly of mischief. Their very use (in their first constitution) was no better tham an abuse, to cover malice under the cloak of manhood and merriment: Many brought personal grudges, some family-feuds into the field with them; fewer returned than went forth, as either casually cut off, or intentionally murdered. 42. One instance of the former out of many, A sad chance. though full twenty four miles from Cambridge. Gilbert Mareshall, Earl of Pembroke, a potent Peer of the Land, proclaimed a disport of Tournament, of running on Horseback with Lances (in defiance of the King's Authority, who had inhibited the same) at Ware in g Camden's Brit. in Hertfordshire. Hertford-shire, under the name forsooth of Fortune; as if Providence had nothing to do in such wild recreations: But so it fortuned, that this Gilbert cast, bruised, and killed by his own horse, soon ended the mirth of the meeting. Call it not therefore cowardice, but conscience and charity in the Church, which taking these Tournaments (no better than solemn and ceremonious murder) in consideration forbade Christian burial to such as should be slain therein, whilst the Civil power proceeded severely against the slayer, and so betwixt both, with much ado, banished this barbarous custom. As for such tame tilting (mere martial-masques) since used at Court, being rather expensive than uncharitable, they are of a different nature. 43. Strifes, Foul work in Lent. sights, Anno Dom. 1249 spoilings, Anno Regis Hen. 3 33 breaking open of houses, (it is not me, but Matthew * In anno 1249 Paris whom thou readest) wound and murder betwixt the Burgesses (probably first named because most guilty) and the Scholars of Cambridge, and that in the very Lent, that with the holy time, holy persons also might be violated. The noise thereof ascended to the ears of the King with a great complaint. 44. Hugh Balsham Subprior (afterwards Bishop of Ely) began the Foundation of Peterhouse without Trumpington-gate near the Church of St. Peter (since fallen down) from the vicinity whereof it seemeth to be denominated. The first founding of Peter-house. As yet no revenue was settled thereon, 1257 only the Students that lived therein (grinded formerly by the Townsmen with unconscionable rents for the place of their abode) thankfully accounted themselves well endowed with good chambers and Studies freely bestowed on them. 41 But more hereof hereafter, viz. anno 1284, when this College was enriched with possessions. 45. In vain did the care of the King (in favour of Scholars) so lately remove. Brawls and bicker betwixt Southern and Northern Scholars. Tilting five miles from Cambridge, whilst now the Scholars in open hostility tilted one against another, the Southern against the Northern men therein. What! can the Muses themselves fall out, and fight in the field five against four? I find not the first cause of the falling out betwixt Northern and Southern men: surely the mere distance of their nativity did not cause their difference, because the one was born nearer to the Sun than the other. But however the brawl began, the Northern men were worsted in the end thereof. Strange, that Boreas, the most boisterous wind in all the Compass, should be beaten by Auster. And yet the Northern men, being fewer in number, and farthest from their friends, were overpowered by the numerosity and nearness of those of the South. 46. Indeed the Northern men appear rather to be pitied than condemned, The Northern men worsted. in the whole managing of the matter, 1261 being only on the defensive to secure themselves; 45 so that whilst the others fiercely and furiously assaulted them, a great riot was committed, and (too probable) some blood 〈◊〉. Hereupon the King issued out his Commission of Oyer and Terminer to three eminent persons, Nou. 24 viz. h Rot. Patent. de anno 45. Hen 3. membrana 23. in dorso. Giles Argenton, then living eight miles off at Hors-heath (since, by inheritance, the seat of the ancient and honourable Family of the Alingtons) Henry de Boreham, and Laurence del Brook, to inquire into the matter and proceed therein, as they should see cause, against the offenders. 47. But soon after the King was informed, how the three aforesaid Judges appointed behaved themselves very partially in the matter: whereupon the King took it out of their hands, The matter referred to the Judges itinerant. and, Febr. 11 by a new Commission, referred the hearing and determining thereof to Nicolas de Tur and Nicolas de Handlo, the Judges itinerant of that Circuit. Yet, in favour of the Scholars who had offended, he limited the proceedings of these Judges with an i Rot. Pat. de anno 45. Hen. 3. memb. 19 in dorso. Ita tamen quòd ad suspensionem vel mutilationem clericorum non procedatis, sed eos alio modo per consilium Universitatis Cantabr. castigetis. 48. It seems the case was of some difficulty, and many persons of quality concerned therein, Remitted to the former Commissioners. the deciding whereof was so often in so short a time bandied backwards and forwards at Court. 17 For, few days after, H. le Dispenser, Justiciarius Angliae, by command from the King, inhibited the foresaid Judges itinerant to intermeddle therein, k Rot. 12. in Custod. The saur. & Camer. Scaccarii. and wholly remitted the business to the examination and determination of Giles Argenton, Henry de Boreham, and Laurence de Brook: before whom some Southern Scholars, active in this Riot, were indicted, found guilty, and condemned, when the King's gracious pardon was sent in their behalf, in form as followeth: Rex omnibus ad quos praesentes literae pervenerint salutem. Martii 18 Sciatis nos de gratia nostra speciali pardonesse magistro Johani de Depedale, magistro Hugoni de Thornham, Bartholomeo de Watton, Willielmo fratri ejus, Willielmo de Merton garcioni eorum, Willielmo de Wethringset, Mich. de Mereforde, Johanni de Dene, Waltero & Ricardo fratribus ●jus, Johanni de Shotesham, Ed. de Merston, Waltero de Wodeford, Willielmo de Waburne, Nicholas de Brackden, Willielmo Saleman, Willielmo de Pikneham, & Johanni de Lon, de Comitatibus Norff. & Suff. Rogero Parlebone, Bartholomeo Matelast, Henrico Ledwy, Johanni de Stokenham, Stephano Maymund, Pruetto le Cryur, Johanni de London, Thomae Alnonechilde, Roberto de Frassenden, & Galfrido de Caxton de Comitatu Cantabrigie si sectam pacis nostrae quae ad nos pertinet pro insultu nuper facto in quosdam scholares boreales Universitatis Cantabr. et pro transgressionibus ibidem factis contrae pacem nostram unde indictati fuerunt coram dilectis & fidelibus nostris Egidio de Argentein, Henrico de Borham, & Laurentio deal Broke, quos illuc misimus ad inquisitionem, faciendam de transgressionibus praedictis. Et firmam pacem nostram eis inde concedimus, ita tamen quòd stent recto si quis versus eos inde lai voluerit. In cujus etc. Teste Rege apud Turrem London. xviii. die Martii anno Regni nostri xlv. ✚. Ex Rotulo patentium de Anno xlv. Regis Henrici tertimembrana 15. in Turre London. Ex. per Guil. Ryley. It seemeth some of these Anti-Boreals were men of gentile extraction, especially the two first (styled in the Pardon Masters) importing (I believe) more than the bare University title; as also Bartholomew de Walton, and William his brother, because waited on by William de Merton, their Gartion, that is, their servant. For it cometh from the French Gaxcon, or the Italian Garzone, and is used even by the barbarous Grecians of the middle age, l Scholiast●s Cedreni. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It was graciously done of the King to pardon the man as well as his Masters, seeing probably he acted only by their pleasure, and command. 49. During these discords, 46 some Scholars of peaceable disposition fairly departed Cambridge, 1262 and retired to Northampton, Northampton University begun, where, by the leave and liking of the King, they began an University. Here they met with many Oxford-men, who, on the like occasion, had deserted Oxford, and retreated hither to study. I commend their judgement in the choice of so convenient a place, where the a●e is clea●e, yet not over sharp; the earth fruitful, yet not very dirty; water plentiful, yet far from any fennish annoyance, and wood (most wanting now of days) conveniently sufficient in that age. But the main is, Northampton is near the centre of England, so that all travellers coming thither from the remotest parts of the land, may be said to be met by the Town in the midst of their journey, so unpartial is the situation thereof in the navel of the Kingdom. 50. But this University never lived to commence Bachelor of Art, 49 Senior Sophister was all the standing it attained unto. 1265 For, four years after, the King apprehending that Northampton University would be prejudicial to Oxford (near to which it lay within thirty miles) and therefore as a true honourer of antiquity (loath that a novice-start-up should impair so ancient a found'st) recalled the Scholars of Cambridge by these his ensuing letters. And dissolved. Rex Major's & civibus suis Northampton. salutem. Occasione cujusdam magnae contentionis in villa Cantabrigiensi triennio jam elapso subortae ammulli Clericorum tunc ibidem studentium unanimiter ab ipsa villa recessissent, se usque ad villam nostram praedictam Northam. transferentes & ibidem (studiis inhaerendo) novam eonstruere Universitatem cupientes. Nos illo tempore credentes villam illam ex hoc posse meliorari, & nobis utilitatew non modicam inde prove●ire, votis dictorum clericorum ad eo rum requisitionem annuebamus in hac parte. Nunc autem cum ex relaiu multorum fide dignorum veraciter intelleximus quòd ex hujusmodi Universitate (si permaneret ibidem) municipium nostrum Okon. quod ab antiquo creatum est & à progenitoribus nostris Regibus Augliae confirmatum, ac ad commoditatem studentium communiter approbatum, Anno Dom. 1265 non mediocriter laederetur, Anno Regis Hen. 3. 49 quod nulla ratione vellemus, maximè cum universis Episcopis terrae nostrae ad honorem Dei & utilitatem Ecclesiae Anglicanae & profectum Studentium videatur expedire, quòd Universitas amoveatur à villa praedicta, sicut per literas suas patentes accepimus. Vobis de consilio magnatum nostrorum firmiter inhibemus ne in villa nostra de caetero aliquam Universitatem esse, nec aliquos studentes ibidem manere permittatis, aliter quàm ante creationem dictae Universitatis fieri consuevit. Teste Rege apud Westmon. primo die Febr. anno Regni xlixᵒ ✚. Ex Rotulo Claus. de anno xlix Regis Henrici tertii membr. 10 in dorso in Turre London. Ex. per Guil. Ryley. There is still in Northampton a place called the College, but whether in relation to these students, I know not. Sure it is, that on the King's letters Patents Northampton was un-universitied, the Scholars therein returning to the place from whence they came. 51. Here I can hold no longer, Mr. Brian Twine justly condemned, but must fall out (and be the Reader the Judge betwixt us) with Mr. Brian Twine, the writer of Oxford-Antiquities. I honour him as an industrious though no methodical Antiquary (his book being rather an heap than a pile;) I commend his affection to his Mother (had it been without detraction to his Aunt) and his example shall quicken my duty in my filial relation where I own the same. Lastly, because he is (and I know not how soon I may be) 〈◊〉 I shall deal the more mildly with him. For, he that falls heavy on a ghost, or shadow, will in fine give the greatest blow and bruise unto himself. Yet something must be said against him in vindication of the truth. 52. First, For injecting caus● 〈◊〉 suspicions. on all occasions, he is buzzing jealousies into the heads of the Readers, to shake the credit of such Authors, who writ any thing in the honour of Cambridge. Thus, when Matthew Parker, Archbishop of Canterbury, reports, how many deserting Oxford removed to Cambridge, he squibs in this Parenthesis (Si illis m Apol. Acad. Oxon. lib. 3. pag. 279. standum sit historiis quas Matthaeus Parker Cant. Archi. edidit) dashing as much as lieth in his power the unstained reputation of those his worthy endeavours. And again, n Ibid pag 280 speaking of the same Archbishops setting forth of Matthew Paris, he squirts in this passage, Sivera sit Matthaei Cant. editio, suggesting some suspicion of falsehood, and forgery in the same. Such IFS against great persons are more than IFS, and such suspicions if they be not Scandala Magnatis against so great a Peer, can not be less than breach of Canonical obedience against the memory of so grave and godly a Prelate. Especially seeing neither Twine himself (with all the help of Oxford-Librarie) nor all the world could ever since find any fault in that edition, as faithfully agreeing with the most authentic Manuscripts. 53. But these his slenting and suppositive, His needless Cavil confuted. are nothing to his direct and downright traducing of the Records of Cambridge. Take him in his own Latin words, which I have translated to this purpose, that such ingenuous English men never bred in either University (and therefore the more unpartial Judges) but understanding the strength of common sense and reason, may indifferently umpire the matter, and find the verdict, as they shall hear things alleged and proved. Brian Twine, Antiquitatis Academiae Oxoniensis Apologia lib. 3. pag. 280. numero 76. Non ignoro tamen in Memorabilibus Universitatis Oxon. à Roberto Haro collectis, unde hanc chartam desumpsi, in exordio diplomatis, Cantabrigiae mentionem fieri, quasi & illa contentio triennio tum elapso Cantabrigiae non Oxoniae accidisset, & nova Universitas ea Northamtonensis à Cantabrigiensibus non Oxoniensibus fuisset inchoata. Eam tamen lectionem si nihil aliud, certe adulterata ipsius vocis o Mendum in transer●tto Roberti Hari. Twine in the margin. Cantabrigiae loco Oxoniae scriptura, & charactere à caeteris dissimillimo & toto exarandi genere diverso, corruptissimam prodit: Ubi enim occurrit Anno Dom. 1246. apud bonos & vetustae fidei autores tantas fuisse Cantabrigiae discordias, quae studentes Northamptonian arcerent? Yet I am not ignorant that in the Memorables of the University of Oxford collected by Robert Hare, whence I have taken this Charter, in the beginning of the Patent there is mention made of Cambridge, as if this contention had happened three years since at Cambridge, and not at Oxford, & that new University at Northampton begun of Cambridge, not of Oxford men. Yet, if nothing else, truly the adulterated writing of the word Cambridge in stead of Oxford, and in a character most unlike from the rest, and different in the whole kind for the fashion thereof, betrayeth it to be most corrupted. For where do we find that, in the year of our Lord 1246, amongst good Authors and of ancient faith, there were so great discords in Cambridge as to drive the Students to Northampton? Here is too much for me to manage at once, we will parcel it for the more effectual examination thereof, this being the first time that I have to do with this adventurous Author. We know that if a Merchant's Bill be once protested against in the Exchange, he will scarce ever after recover his credit; and if at first we can discover the falsehood of this our adversary, it will for ever give a mortal wound to his reputation, and ease us of much trouble hereafter. 54. First he mentioneth Oxford-monuments transcribed by Robert Hare. Quick eyes to find a fault where none is. This Hare was an Esquire of good worship and wealth, a great lover and preserver (properties never parted) of Antiquities. He carefully collected the precious monuments of both Universities, caused them fairly to be transcribed and freely bestowed a Duplicate, or double copy, on each of them: A gift worthy the giver and the receiver, as of no less cost and pains to the one, than credit and profit to the other. Now it seems Brian Twine, with his piercing sight, is the Columbus, who by the different character hath discovered a new (not world, but) word, namely Cambridge, in the King's letter to Northampton, put in stead of Oxford. This he calls (as well he may) mendum, a fault, in Hare's Transcript, which indeed was a falsehood; and, if wilfully done, a forgery; and the doer thereof, if detected, deserving to be Pilloried for his pain. 55 But, 49 when and how, 1265 I pray, Answer this Dilemma. came this Cambridge to be surreptitiously inserted (in stead of Oxford) into that Transcript of Hare? Was it done by himself, or some other, originally? I mean, before those Manuscripts were bestowed on the university. To allow this, were to offer an injury to the honesty, or vigilancy of that worthy Antiquary. Or, was the false inscription made cunningly by some Cambridge-man, since those Manuscripts came into the possession of Oxford? If so, shame on the careless keepers of so precious a treasure: I presume our Muniments at Cambridge are more safely preserved. 56. I pass not what is or is not written in Hare his Transcript. The Tower Records clear the cavil. He that may with as much ease go to the fountain, and yet will drink of the dirty River, deserveth no pity, if choked (or rather if choking himself) with the mud thereof. I appeal to the Records of the Tower of London (whence Hare his writings were copied out) which are the Author of Authors for English History, because 1. They may be said to have lived in the time and place wherein all things are acted. 2. They are impartial; not, Osier-like, bowing to any Interest; but standing like a firm pillar, to support the truth. 3. They are safely preserved: and long may they be in defiance of barbarous Anarchy, which otherwise would make a bone fire, or new light, of those precious monuments. I say, I repaired to the Records in the Tower, where I searched for, and found out the aforesaid King's letter, by us lately exemplified, that the troubles of Cambridge, three years since, were the cause of the founding of the University at Northampton. This letter I got transcribed, compared, attested by Mr. William Ryley, the elder, Keeper of those Records, and Norroy King of Arms. Who, like a Prince indeed, freely gave me his pains, which I commend to the Reader his thankful notice, because otherwise I must have charged the cost on his account, raising the rate of my Book, to make myself a saver thereby. 57 But our Adversary proceeds, A needless question declined. and demandeth where we read in any good Author, that in the year 1246 such discords happened at Cambridge as should drive the Scholars to Northampton? We answer, First, we Cambridge-men are not ambitious of such discords; let us but retain the Scholars, and let any place that pleaseth take those differences to themselves. Secondly, we never said, nor thought, that such broils were in Cambridge anno 1246, but this we affirm, That three years since, p An half year over of under breaks no square. namely in the 46th of Henry the third (which falls out to be the year of our Lord 1262) cruel bicker were betwixt the Northern and Southern men in our University (and perchance the like might be by secret Sympathy in Oxford) which, as we have proved before, caused the departure of many to Northampton. 58. Some will say, Why Oxford more prejudiced than Cambridge by Northampton University. seeing only mention is made in the King's Letters to null Northampton-University, because probable to prove prejudicial to Oxford; it seems thereby that Cambridge at this time was not considerable, at least wise the King not so careful for the preservation thereof. It is answered, The erection of an University at Northampton, by reason of the position of the place, must needs be a greater hurt to Oxford than hindrance to Cambridge: for Cambridge lieth conveniently for the North and East parts; Oxford commodiously for the South and West parts of England. Now Northampton lying within twenty nine scruples of the same degree of longitude with Oxford, would almost share equally with Oxford in the Western division of the land, whilst Cambridge-quarters (as on the other side of the Kingdom) would be clear, and little prejudiced thereby. But enough hereof. We proceed in our History. Reverendissimo Antistiti, JACOBO USSERIO, ARCHIEPISCOPO ARMACHANO, DOMINO suo colendissimo. CVm mihi * Pag 752. qui annos varia doctrina & judicio longe superat. Camdeni Britanniam perlegenti locus occurreret, ubi meminit Jacobi Usserii (tunc Cancellarii sancti Patricii Dublinensis) supra aetatem docti, variis de causis me primûm invasit, tandem absorpsit admiratio, Quòd tua indoles tantùm festinaret, quâ juvenis id assecutus es, quod vel viris paucissimis datur; Quòd, cùm communis querela sit, optima ingenia minimè diurnare, Tu, Dei favore, adhuc superstes es, quinquaginta annis, à quo hoc Camdeniano elogio decoratus fuisti; Quòd (Caleb alter nostri seculi) Tibi hucusque judicium firmum, ingenium vividum, memoria tenax, animus integer; UTinam idem licuisset de corpusculo Tuo dicere, quod nimiis studiis maceratum senio aliquantulum cedere incipit. At adhuc superest summus admirationis meae gradus, tua in tanta eruditione suspicienda humilitas, cum ferè fit, ut illi omnes, quibus aliquid inest sublime & praecellens protinus inflentur & alios facilè contemnant, dum Tu tenuitatem meam favore Tuo beâsti, in qua nihil, quod alliceret, plurima, quae Te depellerent. Fateor sanè me beneficiis Tuis ita obrui, ut ne respirandi copia concedatur, quâ gratias meas possim exprimere. Quoties enim mihi, vel legenti, velscribenti, vel concionanti nodus inciderit, Tu certissimus vindex, quem saepius accessi turbidus, tortus, perplexus, nunquam reliqui nisi solutus & expeditus. At omnium beneficiorum Tuorum caput est, quòd pretiosa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (quibus vel aestimandis me imparem confiteor) non rogatus, sponte communicâsti; ita, ut omnia rariora historia nostra accepta ferat Tuae munificentiae. In hac nostra dedicatione non eousque impudentiae processi, ut vel somniarem me aliquid proferre posse Tuâ dignatione dignum; sed me ambire fateor, ut lux inoccidua nominis Tui libro meo praefulgeat, quo Cantabrigiae primordia (non quà Academia, sed quà ornata Collegus, instructa reditibus) continentur. Mihi sanè saepius doluit, quòd Tuvenerande Praesul Cantabrigiae non fuisti educatus, & tantum decus Matri meae ereptum me malè habuit. Lenivit verò dolorem, cùm mecum opportunè recolerem, quòd ipsa Academia Dublinensis sit Cantabrigiades, (quasi Colonia deducta è Collegio Sanctae Trinitatis) quo nomine nostra Alma Mater Te, licèt non filium, nepotem tamen sibi summo jure vendicat. Vale (Reverendissime in Christo Pater) qui licèt miles emeritus, indies tamen de Ecclesia optimè ultrà mereri non desinis. Sanitati Tuae quaeso consulas, cùm nihil sit certius quàm quòd tanto auctius commodum orbi Christiano est accessurum, quanto Tu seriûs in coelum es rediturus. SECTION II. 1. HEavy were the times now and tumultuous betwixt the King and his Barons, Anno Regis Hen. 3 50 mutually taking Cities and Castles one from another. Anno Dom. 1265 The King therefore came to Cambridge (the pass out of the West into Norfolk and Suffolk) resolving to fortify the same. The King's intentions to fortify Cambridge Indeed we find some ancient Writings which may probably insinuate Cambridge to be walled time out of mind: As where we read in a Charter of Privileges granted to the Town, Extra muros Burgi de Cantabrig. Except some will be so morose to expound it only the walls of private houses therein. However, at the present such walls (if any) are utterly decayed. 2. The Northwest part of Cambridge beyond the River (formerly farther extended than now of days) the King found sufficiently secured by an impregnable Castle. Ditch made: Walls meant. The Westside of the Town was competently fenced with the River, anciently (before all endeavours of draining the fens) wider and deeper than now it is. Only the South and East of the Town lay open, which the King intended to fortify. In order whereunto he built two gates, Trumpington-gate by St. Peter's Church, now ruined, on the South; Barnewell-gate, by St. Andrews Church, now decayed, on the East. And because gates without walls are but compliments in matter of strength, he intended to q Liber Barnwellens. Polydore. Virgil. & Leland. wall the Town about, if time had permitted him. Mean while he drew a deep ditch (called Kings-ditch at this day) round about the South and East parts of Cambridge. 3. Presently news is brought to him, Cambridge plundered on the King's departure. that Gilbert Earl of Clare had seized on the chief City of the Realm. No policy for the King to keep Cambridge and lose London the while. Thither marched he in all haste with his Army, and may be said to carry the walls of Cambridge away with him, the design thereof sinking at his departure. Immediately after the King was gone away, one Hastings, a bold Rebel, finding, by like, the new ditch ill manned, forced his passage over it, burned part, spoilt all the rest of the town of Cambridge Nor have I ought else to observe of this Kings-ditch, save that in our father's days filled up with filth and mire, what was made for the fortifying, became a great annoying of the University: Until some 50 years since, partly at the cost of Dr. James Montague (Master of Sidney's College, afterwards Bishop of Winchester) a rivulet was let into the same; so not only clearing it, but turning the annoyance into a great conveniency of water to some Colleges, and to the Town in general. 4. Humphrey Necton about this time left Cambridge, 53 the first Carmelite who took on him the degree of Doctorship, 1269 as Leland himself attesteth. Necton first Carmelite Dr. ●n Divinity. Laudibus Humphredum Necton super astra k Aliter; c●lebremu● opimis. feremus, Cu● data Grantana laurea prima Scolae. Above the skies let's Humphrey Necton praise; Anno Dom. 1269 For on him first Cambridge conferred the Bays: Anno Regis Hen. 3. 53 that is, made him Doctor in Divinity. 5. True it is, Why Carmelites at first would not Commence. these Carmelites at their first coming hither, scrupled the acceptance of any Academical degree, as having a secular smack therein, part of the Pomp and Vanity of the world, and therefore inconsistent with the holiness and humility of men of their mortified profession. Besides, this Order particularly pretends to wear on their shoulders a scapulary (being a narrow piece of cloth hanging down before and behind) the first of which fashion the Virgin Mary personally presented to one of their Society with this compliment, l See weavers funeral Monuments. Receive this, my Beloved, which I give unto thy Order in sign of my Fellowship: And hence it is that Carmelites call themselves Brethren of the Order of the blessed Virgin Mary of Mount-Carmel. Except therefore a Carmelite could actually commence an Angel, he is a loser by his Degree, which in effect is but a degradation unto him. Besides, to wear an hood or habit of a Doctorate over the holy scapulary aforesaid, what were it else, but preposterously to place Earth above Heaven? These considerations (weighty no doubt) made the Carmelites for sometime demur to the making of any degree in Divinity. 6. However Humphrey Necton first took heart, Necton first breaks the ice, and others follow in his tract and ten years ago (viz. 1259) commenced Doctor under William de Ludham then Chancellor of Cambridge. Here he flourished many year (and now went to Norwich, where he died, Anno 1303, having been forty four years Doctor) especially after King Edward erected and endowed a Covent for Carmelites in Millstreet in this University, since turned into Queens-Colledge and Katherine-Hall. 7. The Antiquary m Brian Twine Apolog. Acad. Ox. lib. 3. pag. 374. of Oxford discovereth envy, Oxford's Anti-quary justly taxed. or ignorance, or both; when speaking of Lelands' verses on Nectons commencing saith, Quod ego certe de sua sectâ non intelligo, quasi primus sua sectae Carm●liticae gradum illum suscepisset, sed quasi simpliciter & absolutè primus, As if he had not been the first commencer of his Order, but absolutely the first that ever took the degree of Doctorship in Cambridge. Contrary to the express testimony of learned Authors herein. John Bale de Script Brit. p. 312, John Pits De Ang. Scrip. p. 388, Originally a Carmelite in Norwich (and therefore knowing in the men and matters of his own Order) informeth us, that Humphrey Necton, a Suffolk man by birth, and Carmelite by order, Ex omni sua factione primus [tandem] fult, qui Theologicus Doctor fit effectus. a Oxford man by education (and therefore his testimony not to be refused by the Oxford Antiquary) acquainteth us, that the said Necton, Cantabrigiae Ordinis sui omnium primus creatus est sanctae Theologiae Doctor; was the first of his Order made Doctor in Divinity. This Necton was afterwards public Professor in Cambridge, and set forth a Book, which he termed his Lecturas Scholasticas. 8. Now although Patience be a principal virtue amongst all those which Cambridge professeth and practiseth, P●t●us Blesensis to be believed before Brian Twine. yet can she not but complain of Oxford Antiquary his injurious dealing herein, in making her solemnity of Graduation than first to begin. The best is, Petrus Blesensis, who wrote in the reign of King Henry the second, almost one hundred years before Necton's birth) sufficiently cleareth this point and confuteth this cavil, when affirming n In appendice ad Irgu●phu● Crowla● densem that in his time Cambridge did make glad the Church of God and all England, per plurimos Magistros Doctorèsque inde exeuntes. 9 Notwithstanding the frequency of dysasters formerly mentioned, Cambridge quickly outgrow her miseries, much indebted therein to the care and courtesy of the King. Anno Regis Hen. 3. 54 July 24 Amongst many of his Royall-boons, Anno Dom. 1270 this not the least, that in favour of the Scholars he now renewed his former Letters, to prohibit any Tilt or Tournaments to be kept within five miles of Cambridge, according to the tenor following: Rex r Ex Rot●lo patentium de anno 〈◊〉 Reg● Henrici 〈◊〉 nu●ne●o 330 in T●●re London. omnibus ad quos presents litter ae pervenerint salutem. Quia dilect is nobis in Christo Magistris & caeteris Scholaribus Universitatis Cantabr. per Comites, Barones', Milites & alios, torneamenta ibidem exercentes, aventur as quaerentes, & ad Arma aunts, frequentibus solent pericula & incommoda multipliciter evenire, quae si tolerarentur in discidium ibidem studentium per processum temporis cedere possint manifestè, quod sustine●e nolumns sicut nec debemus: Nos indemnitati Magistrorum & scholarium volgntes in hac parte, quatenus fieri poterit, providere, concessimus eis degratia nostra speciali quod torneamenta aliqua, aventurae, justae, seu hujusmodi hastiludia non fiant de caetere in villa praedicta seuper quinque milliaria circumq●aque. Et prohibemus sub gravem forisfacturam nostram, ne quis de Regno nostro apud Villam praedictam seu alibi infra praedicta quinque milliaria circumquaque torneare, Justas facere seu aventuras, vel alia hastiludia quaerere praesumat, contra concessionem nostram praedictam. In cujus rei testimonium has litter as nostras fieri fecimus patentes. Teste meipso apud Westmon. twenty-four. die Julii, anno Regni nostri quinquagesimo quarto. 10. The same year Prince Edward came to Cambridge; Prince Edward ordereth an agreement between the Scholars and Townsmen. one no less fortunate in peace than victorious in war. Here he understood that frequent differences did arise betwixt the Scholars and Townsmen: for the future preventing whereof he caused an Instrument to be drawn up and three seals annexed unto it, viz. his own, and the public seals of the University and Town of Cambridge. Herein it was agreed betwixt them, that once every year (viz. after Michaelmas, when the Masters resumed their Lectures) five discrect Scholars should be chosen out of the Counties of England, three Scotish-men, two Welshmen, three Irishmen, thirteen in all; which joined with ten Burgesses (seven out of the Town, and three out of the Suburbs) should see that the peace was faithfully kept betwixt all the Students and Inhabitants. By Suburbs here we understand so much of the Town as was left out of the line of the Kings-ditch, which, to make it the shorter and stronger, took not in the straggling streets beyond the gates. 11. For as yet, No Uuniversity as yet in Scotland and Ireland. and for some succeeding ages, no University in Ireland. And although some forty years after, viz. anno 1320. Alexander Bicknor, Archbishop of Dublin, obtained of the Pope privileges for an University, and erected Lectures at Dublin; yet presently the troublesome times frustrated so good a design, till towards the end of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth. As for Scotland, it was University-less till Laurence Lundor is and Richard Crovel, Doctors of Civil-Law, first professed learning at St. Andrews, some hundred years after: Till which time the Scotish youth repaired to Cambridge and Oxford for their education, as their Bishops did to York for consecration, till they got an Archbishop of their own, in the reign of King Edward the fourth. 12. See now Cambridge an University indeed, Cambridge receives all Countries. by the universality 1. Studiorum, not confined (as in Grammar-Schools) to one faculty, but extended to the generality of Arts. 2. Studentium, not restrained to one Country or Kingdom, but admitting forainers as well as natives. So that Brian Twine might well have omitted his needless and truthless marginal s Lib. 3. pag 270. note: Cantabrigiense studium Henrici ●ertis temporibus valde fuit obscurum, fi ullum. 13. 1276 Now began some differences between the Scholars in the University Edward the first 4 and the Archdeacon of Ely, A composition betwixt the University of Cambridge, and Archdeacon of Ely. who summoned them unto his Courts, Anno Dom. 1276 and by virtue of his Office would have proceeded against them for non-appearance. Anno Regis Edw 1. 4 The Scholars denied any subjection due unto him; and after an hot contest, both sides referred themselves to Hugh Balsham, Bishop of Ely, who decided the controversy as followeth: Universis a Extant in an old book of the Archdeacon's of Elie, now in the possession of my worthy friend that judicious Antiquary Mr. ●ore, late follow of Caius Coll. who, for me, kindly transcribed and faithfully compared it. Christi fidelibus praesentes literas inspecturis Hugo Dei gratiâ Eliensis Episcopus salutem in Domino. Ad Universitatis vestrae notitiam tenore praesentium volumus pervenire, quod nos affectantes tranquillitatem & pacem Universitatis nostrae Cantabr. Regentium & Scholarium studentium in eadem, volentesque ut tam archidiaconus noster Eliensis circa sibi subditos quàm, cancellarius Universitatis ejusdem circa scolares suos ita jurisdictionem suam separatim exerceant, ut uterque suo jure contentus non usurpet alienum: Ad petitionem & instantiam praefati archidiaconi nostri cancellarii & magistrorum Universitatis praedictorum (ab utraque parte nobis traditis articulis) ad aeternam rei gestae memoriam super his ordinamus infra scripta. Inprimis volumus & ordinamus quod magister Glomeriae Cant. qui pro tempore fuerit, audiat & decidat universas glomerellorum ex parte reâ existentium, volentes in hac parte praefatum magistrum codem privilegio gaudere quod habent caeteri magistri de scolaribus suis de causis corum decidendis. It a quod sive sint scolares sive laici qui glomerellos velint convenire vel aliquid ab eis petere, per viam judicialis indaginis, hoc faciat coram magistro Glomeriae ad quem decernimus hujusmodi causae conditionem spectare pleno jure. Nisi hujusmodi causae cognitio sit de pensionibus domorum per Magistros & Burgenses taxatarum, vel de facinoris enormis evidentia, ubi requiritur incarcerationis poena vel ab universitate privatio. In hiis enim casibus & non aliis respondeant Glomerelli coram Cancellario cuilibet querelanti qui jurisdictionem suam exercet in hiis sicut est aliàs observatum. Si vero magister Glomeriae cognoscat inter scolarem actorem & Glomerellum reum, & contigerit appellari ab interlocutoria vel à diffinitiva sententia, volumus & ordinamus quod ad Cancellarium appelletur, qui in ipsa causa appellationis procedat secundum ordinem observatum, cum ab alio magistro regente & de dicta causa sui scolaris cognoscente ab alterutra partium ad Cancellarlum appellatur. De causis vero Glomerellorum inter se & laicorum & Glomerellorum Cancellarius in nullo intermittat, nisi causa sit de pensione domorum taxatarum, vel de enormitate delicti ut superiùs est expressum. Et quia in statutis Universitatis vidimus contineri quod duo bedelli Universitatis intersint virgam deferentes omnibus vesperis, principiis, conventibus, defunctorum exequiis & omnibus aliis convocationibus, nullo alio in praejudicio eorum virgam delaturo, praecipimus quod bedellus Glomeriae in praedictis convocationibus & locis coram Cancellario & magistris virgam non deferat. In aliis autem locis quandocunque & ubicunque voluerit & maxim pro expeditione sui officii virgam libere deferat licenter & quiet. Et quia in statutis Universitatis ejusdem inter alia continetur, quod familia scolarium, scriptores & alii officia ad usum scolarium tantùm deputata exercentes, eadem immunitate & libertate gaudeant qua & scolares, ut coram archidiacono non respondeant sicuti nec scolares qui sunt eorum domini. Hoc ita tenore praesentium declaramus, quod in hoc casu nomine familiae solummodo volumus contineri mancipia scolarium in domibus cum eis commorantia dum personaliter deserviunt scolaribus antedictis. Item nomine Scriptorum & aliorum officia ad usum scolarium tantum deputata exercentium, volumus intelligi de scriptoribus illuminatoribus, & stationariis qui tantùm deserviunt scolaribus quod sub Cancellario respondeant, uxores tamen eorum super crimine adulter●i vel allocujus cognitio & correctio ad archidiaconum spectat in casu consimili in personis aliis sibi subditorum diffamatae & reliqua eorum familia ad officium scolarium specialiter non deputata, archidiacono sint subjecti in omnibus & singulis sicut caeteri alii laici municipii Cant. & totius nostrae diocesis El●ensis. Quod autem apud Bernewell praesentibus archidiacono praedicto, Cancellario & aliis quorum intere●t inter eos verbaliter tantùm ordinavimus, praesentibus inseri fecimus, videlicet quod Rectores ecclesiarum, vicarii, Ca pellani parochiales & alii ●cclesiarum Cant. ministri archidiacono per omnia subsint sicut & alii de archidiaconatu suo adjiciendo, declarantes quod appellatione ministorum ecclesiae volumus in hoc casu contineri tam ipsum Rectorem, vicarium & clericos ecclesiae deservientes, quam presbyteros celebrantes miss as beatae virgins & pro fidelibus dum tamen ab aliquo parochia norum laicorum Cant. fuerint procurati, ibique moram faciant principaliter pro missis hujusmodi celebrandis, licet for san à latere studere velint & scholas exercere. Si vero principaliter causa studiorum ad municipium Cant. venerint licet for san praedictas missas celebrent per parochianos procurati, volumus & ordinamus quod Cancellarii jurisdictioni subsint omnino. Ita quod si dubitetur qua intentione moram faciunt principaliter in municipio praedicto, super hoc stetur ipsorum presbyterorum ju●amento corporaliter praestando coram archidiacono & Cancellario memoratis, & sic de hujusmodi presbyteri persona ille jurisdictionem habeat omnino ad quem ex eventu & virtute juramenti pertinebit in forma superiùs annotata. Si verò Rectores, vicarii & ministri hujusmodi ecclesiarum Cant. fortè cum scolare contrahant seu in actu scolastico delinquant, in hiis tantummodo casibus & non aliis coram Cancellario ipsos praecipimus compelli respondere. Ad haec inter alia laudabile statutum & salubre à dictis Cancellario & magistris editum diligenter inspeximus, nequis aliquem pro scolare tueatur qui certum magistrum infra quindecim dies postquam Universitatem idem scolaris ingressus sit non habuerit, aut nomen suum infra tempus praelibatum in matricula sui magistri redigi non curaverit, nisi Magistri absentia vel justa rerum occupatio idem impediat. Immò si quis talis sub nomine scolaris latit●re inveniatur, vel dejiciatur vel retineatur juxta regiam libertatem. Et licat quilibet magister antequam actualiter ad regimen admittatur statutum hujusm●di fide praestita firm are teneatur, intelleximus tamen quod plures magistri perjurii reatum saepius incurrentes contra ejusdem statuti tenorem aliquos ut scolares defendendo fidem suam nequiter violarunt: propter quod volentes maliciis hominum obviare, praecipimus sub poena excommunicationis nequis quenquam ut scolarem contra memorati statuti tenorem tueri, vel favorem sibi ut scolari in aliquo praebere praesumat. Et quia ecclesiae nostrae diocesis nobis & archidiacono nostro sunt subjectae, scolares verò universitatis ejusdem subsunt Cancellario memorato, praecipimus & mandamus quod sacerdotes scolares in utriusque praesentia vel ipsorum vices gerentium super sua ordinatione examinetur, & approbentur vel reprobentur, prout digni vel indignireperti fuerint. Et ne jus nostrum negligere videamur qui alios in sua justitia confovemus, Inhibemus sub poena excommunicationis quam veniens in contrarium ipso facto incurrat, ne memorati Cancellarius & Universitas divisim vel conjunctim, clam vel palam aliquid ordinet vel statuat, edita vel statuta bujus●●di observet vel servari faciat in praejudicium nostrae jurisdictionis seu archidiaconi nostri Eliensis, nobis specialiter inconsultis & non praebentibus assensum hujusmodi statutis vel etiam statuendis: decernimus enim irritum & inane quic quid contra hanc nostram prohibitionem à quoquam ipsorum fuerit attemptatum. Ad hac quia jurisdictio dicit archidiaconi à jurisdictione praefati Cancellarii tam ratione contractuum quàm personarum ac etiam causarum liquidò est distincta, ac constet utrumque esse nobis immediatè subjectum, nolumus ipsum Archidiaconum vel suam familiam Cancellario praedicto in aliquo subesse, nec ipsum Cancellarium vel suam familiam in alique subesse Archidiacono memorato. Sed uterque virtute propriae potestatis suam propriam familiam corrigat, ipsam ad juris regulas reducendo. It a quòd si necessarium fuerit superioris auxilium in hiis de quibus ecclesia judicat, ad nos vel ad officialem nostrum recursus habeatur. Salva nobis & successoribus nostris potestate addendi, detrahendi, corrigendi, mutandi vel minuendi in posterum sicut nobis & ipsis visum fuerit expedire. Data & Acta anno Domini Mcclxxuj. apud Dunham in octabis beati Michaelis. 14. Now seeing this is the most ancient Composition in this kind we meet with, it will not be amiss to dwell a while thereon with our observations; the rather because it mentioneth Cambridge not as an University modernly modelled, but of an ancient constitution. First, University equivocal. We find in the Preface of this Instrument the word University (within the compass of three lines) used in two senses, 1. For the generality of Mankind, to whose notice this Deed may attain: 2. For Scholars from all Countries, studying the latitude of learning, in one grand Society, in which acception (as formerly we have observed out of a great b Camden in Oxfordshire, p. 38. Antiquary) it began first to be used in the reign of King Henry the third. Now Bishop Balsham termeth Cambridge nostram, our University, First, because probably therein he had his education: Secondly, because it was scited in (as surrounded with) his Jurisdiction: Thirdly, because lately, in the founding of Peter-house, it had largely tasted of his benefaction. Secondly, The Officers thereof. Behold here the complete body of an University with the Chancellor (at this present Robert de Fulburne) the Head, the Regent's and Scholar's the Heart, the officers the Hands and Feet thereof. Of the latter this composition expresseth by name, 1. Bedels', and those two in number, with the Virges or Wandes, since, in many years, grown up to be Staves, and these two doubled into four at this day. Some conceive Bedellus so called quasi Pedellus, à pedo, signifying that ceremonious Staff which they manage in their hands; whilst others with more probability derive it from Beads (Prayers in old English) it being a principal part of his office to give public notice of all conventions for Academical devotion. 2. Scriptores, writers, well known to all. 3. Illuminatores, such as gave light and lustre to Manuscripts (whence our english to limne) by colouring and gild the initial and capital letters therein, essential ornaments in that age, men then being more pleased with babies in books than children are. 4. Stationarii, publicly avouching the sale of Staple-Books in standing shops (whence they have their names) as opposite to such circumforanean Pedlars (ancestors to our modern Mercuries and Hawkers) which secretly vend prohibited Pamphlets. All other officers are included in this Deed under the generical name of Mancipia, whence our word Manciple (confined since by custom to signify the provider of victuals for several Colleges) takes its denomination. 15. But what should be the sense of Glomerelli and Magister Glomeriae (so often occurring in this instrument) we must confess ourselves Seekers therein, Quaere, what meant by Magister Glomeriae. as not satisfied with what learned Caius conjectureth therein. For c Hist. Cantab. lib. 2. pag. 124 he maketh him signior Regent to collect and count the suffrages in all Congregations. As if so called à glomerando, from going round about the Regent-house to that purpose: or from gathering their votes commonly written, and (to take up less room, and to be the better taken up) glomerated, i. e. rolled and roundled up in a piece of paper. But d Hist Cautab. lib●. pag. 129 elsewhere the same Author tells us, that our University-Orator, at this day, succeeds to the ancient office of Magister Glomerdae, whose place it is to entertain Princes and Peers coming thither, and to pen public Letters on all occasions of importance. Whatever he was, it appears by this composition, that he kept Courts, and had cognisance of causes of Scholars under his jurisdiction. But seeing so great an Antiquary as Sir Henry e See his glossary in G. Spelman concludes all herein with a quaere (his doubts having more learning than other men's determinations) let it suffice us to know, that the original of this word seems barbarous, his office narrow and topical (confined to Cambridge) and his certain use at this day antiquated and forgotten. 16. Now whereas this Bishop, The Bishop accused of presumption herein. towards the close of this composition thundereth forth his Excommunication against the Chancellor and whole University, if presuming to infringe the same in prejudice of his Jurisdiction; some will conceive his presumption (or profaneness rather) herein, incurred, ipso facto, that heavy censure which he denounceth on others: Considering the former Privileges indulged some hundreds of years since, by several Popes to this University. Honorius primus anno Dom. 624. Feb. 20. Sergius primus an. Dom. 689. May. 3. Authoritate f See it exemplified at large in Caius de Antiq. Cantab. lib. 1. pag. 58. omnipotentis Dei, districtius inhibemus sub poena excommunicationis, quam veniens in contrarium ipso facto incurrat, ne quit Archiepiscopus, Episcopus, Archidiaconus, aut eorum officiales seu visitatores generales, aut speciales, à sede Apostolica deputati audeat in aliquem Academicum, suspensionis vel excommunicationis seu interdicti sententias infer, etc. Presentium g Expressed largely in the same Author, pag. 60. authoritate decrevimus, ut nulli Archiepiscope vel Episcopo aliive Ecclesiasticae personae vel Seculari liceat, Universitatem vestram, aut aliquem vestrum suspendere, seu excommunieare, vel quolibet sub interdicto ponere, absque summi Pontificis assensu vel ejus speciali Mandato, etc. How durst the Bishop of Ely, notwithstanding the promises, interpose his power in University matters? Is it not ridiculous for the man to pretend bounty in bestowing a remnant on him, to whom his Master formerly had given the whole piece? What bounty was it in this Bishop to exempt Cambridge partly from Archidiaconal, which Popes so long before had privileged from Episcopal Jurisdiction? 17. These considerations have prevailed so far on the judgement of some (especially Oxford) men, Some over-harsh in their censures. that they condemn the credit of those ancient Papal privileges indulged to Cambridge as false and forged. They conceive their censure herein advantaged by a discovery h Brian Twine Apolog. antiq. Acad. Ox. pag. 62. one hath made of a flaw in the Bull of Honorius, bearing date two years before Honorius was Pope, whose Papacy, according to common computation, began not until the year 626. 18. For mine own part, Moderation is best. I see no necessity to cast away those Papal Bulls as false and spurious, but rather conceive, that the originals of them were long since abolished at the destruction of Cambridge by the Danes, when all things were almost brought to a general desolation. And, although some copies and transcripts of them were reserved; yet, because such carried not authenticalness with them, the Bishops of Ely, in after ages, used (not to say, usurped) jurisdiction over Cambridge, whilst the University therein was as yet weak and poor, as scarcely recovered out of the late ruins thereof. Nor am I moved at the pretended detection of a false date in the Bull of Honorius, finding him at the same time sitting in the Papal Chair, by the testimony of i Catalogue. Augustin. De Nominibus Po●tif. Roma●. Matth Westm. fol. 215. Platina fol. 89. Authors of ●ndeniable credit. 19 It is now high time that we give in a list of such Hostles in Cambridge, The ancient Hostles in Cambridge. wherein Students lived, Anno Dom. 1280 under the Rule of a Principal, Anno Regis Edw. 1. 9 on their own proper charges before any Colleges were endowed in the University. 1. St. a Caius Hist. Cant. Acad. lib. 1. pag. 47 Augustines-Hostle, now Kings-Colledge-Pensionarie, at the East end of the Chapel, next to the Provosts lodging. 2. b Idem ibid. Bernards-Hostle, situate where now the Master's garden of Bennet-Colledge, but belonging to Queens, as purchased by Andrew Ducket (the first Principal) and bestowed thereon. 3. c See J. Scots Tables. Boltons-place, now part of Pembroke-Hall. 4. d Sceletoes Cantab. Joannis Parkeri Caio. Gonvel. Bordens-Hostle, near the back-gate of the Rose-Tavern, opening against Caius College; anciently it belonged to St. John's Hostile, and afterwards to Clare-Hall. 5. e Caius. St. Buttolphs-Hostle, betwixt the Church and Pembroke-Hall (where Wenham a Cook dwelled in my time, and) where some Collegiate character is retained in the building. 6. f Idem pag. 50. Clements-Hostle, on the south of St. Clements-Church. 7. g Scots Tab. Cousins-Place, included in Pembroke-Hall. 8. h Seel. Cant. St. Crosses-Hostle, in the street called School-lane, anciently a Tenement of St. John's Hospital. 9 i Caius pag. 51. Edmonds-Hostle, nomen patet, locus latet. 10. k Scel. Cant. St. Edwards-Hostle, against little St. Maries, where lately a victualling-house, called the Chopping-Knife. 11. l Idem, Ely-Covent, near Bordens-Hostle, for Ely Monks to study in. 12. Gerards-Hostle, betwixt Trinity-Hall and College, where a bridge lately (if not still) bearing the name thereof. 13. m Scots Tab. Gods-House, taken down by King Henry the sixth, but not in that sacrilegious sense wherein the n Psal. 88 12. Psalmist complains, They have taken the Houses of God into their possession: For when he took this into Kings-Colledge, in lieu thereof he founded another— 14.— o Caius. Gods-House, new parcel of Christs-Colledge. 15. St. Gregories-Hostle, where now p Scel. Cant. Trinity-college Dove-coat. 16. H●rlestones-Hostle, in Marlestones-lane, on the east of St. Clements-Church. William q Idem. Grey, Bishop of Ely 1466, allowed them leave to officiate Divine Service in their Oratori● near the high bridge. 17. St. Hughs-Hostle. This my worthy friend Mr. More, late Fellow of Caius-Colledge, first descried out of an ancient Manuscript (once belonging to Ely) attesting that Mr. of St. Hughs-Hostle, was admitted to plead in the Bishop's Courts. Thus hath he recovered the denomination, let others discover the situation thereof. 18. Jesus-Hostle, or de P●nitentia Jesus, and— 19— St. Johns-Hospital; forsit is pity to part them which stood close together (as John r Joh. 13. 23. usually lay in Jesus his bosom) consisting of Seculars, and now both compounded into Peter-house. 20. St. Johns-Hostle of Regulars, now translated into St. Johns-Colledge. 21. St. s Scel. Cant. Katherines-Hospital; now the south part of Trinity-college. 22. t Scots Tab. Knaptons-Place, absorbed at this day in Pembroke-Hall. 23. St. u Scel. Cant. Margarets-Hostle, being the east side of Trinity-college. 24. St. w Caius ut priùs pag. 2. Maries-Hostle, on the northwest of that Church, where only a brickwall keeps possession of the memory thereof. It belongeth to Bennet, Matthew Parker being first admitted here, before transplanted into that College. 25. St. Nicholas-Hostle, over against Christ-Colledge, where now a private house with the public name of the Brazen-George. The Scholars hereof, as eminent for hard studying, so infamous for their brawlings by x Idem pag 50 night. 26. y Scel. Cant. Ovings-Inn, the buildings under which the kennel betwixt Caius and Trinity-college emptieth itself. 27. St. z Caius. Pauls-Inn, now the Rose-Tavern. 28. a Scel. Cant. Phiswicks-Hostle, bequeathed by William Phiswick, Esquire-Beadle, to Gonvil-Hall, since taken into Trinity-college. 29. b Idem. Pythagoras' his House, beyond the bridge. Either so called, because his Philosophy was studied there, or because formerly the form or building thereof resembled a Y, his beloved letter. Otherwise many men will be made as soon to believe Pythagoras his transmigration of souls, as the transportation of his body hither, that he ever lived in Britanny. It now belongeth to Merton-Colledge in Oxford. 30. c Idem. Ruds-Hostle, over against Emanuel-Colledge, where now the Castle-Inn. 31. St. d Caius. Thomas-Hostle, where now the orchard of the Master of Pembroke-Hall, and where the neighbouring Leas retain their name: formerly the Campus Martius of the Scholars here exercising themselves, sometimes too violently; lately disused, either because young Scholars now have less valour, or more civility. 32. Trinity-Hostle, on the south side of that Church, the habitation lately of Dr. Angier, now of D. Eade. Some Chapel-conformity is still extant in an east window thereof: and the ancient Arms of the Earl of Oxford in an outward room, invites me to believe that family the founder thereof. 33. Tyled-Hostle, on the west of Caius and east of Trinity-college. 34. University-Hostle, which in the year 1350 was, for some considerations, passed by the Vicechancellor and Regent-house, to Pembroke-Hall. This anciently was the house of Sir Roger Haidon Knight; and long before, one Fabian, the Chaplain, dwelled therein. Of these Hostles we see some denominated from the Saint to whom they were dedicated, as St. Margaret's, St. Nicholas, etc. Some from the vicinage of the Church to which they were adjoined, as St. Mary's, St. botolph's, etc. Some from the materials with which they were covered, as Tiled Hostile. Some from those who formerly bought, built, or possessed them, as Bordens, Ruds, Phiswicks, etc. Some were reserved only for Civil and Canon Lawyers, as St. Paul's, Ovings, Trinity, St. Nichola●, Bordens, St. Edward's, and Ruds; and all the rest employed for Artists and Divines. Some of them were but members and appendants to other Hostles (and afterwards to Colleges) as Bordens to St. Johns-Hostle, then to Clare-Hall: St. Bernard's to Queens. The rest were absolute Corporations, entire within themselves, without any subordination. 20. Know also that Inns (whereof only two, Inns less than Hostles. Ovings and St. Paul's) differed only gradually from Hostles, as being less. For John's Ovings, Clerk, bought the ground whereon this Inn, from his named, was seated, of the first Prioress of St. Radigunds, for two shillings, which at twelve years' purchase was but two pence a year. It seems, being a waste, it was little worth, or else the Prioress charitably afforded him the better pennyworth, in consideration that he would improve the place to a public good. 21. But here the Oxford-Antiquary insulteth on the paucity of ancient Hostles in Cambridge (which all our industry cannot advance to forty) much boasting of the numerousness of the Halls in Oxford, Two hundred Halls said to be in Oxford. which he mounteth to above two hundred, assigning their several names and situations, besides Entries, Chambers, and other less places for Students to live in. 22. I envy not my Aunt's fruitfulness (though every hundred had been a Magnitude supplies multitude. thousand) but conceive such Halls must needs be mean and small structures, Anno Dom. 1880 if we consult the content, Anno Regis Edw 1. 9 and extent of Oxford, not exceeding Cambridge in greatness of ground, and the latter every whit as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or well compacted together. Either then such Halls (like flowers that grow double) must one crowd into another, or else they must be inconsiderably small, like those three hundred sixty five children which Margaret Countess of Henneberg brought forth at a birth in Holland, (one * Derived for some hundred of years by succession, through authentic Physicians, to Dr. Vilvain of Excester, present owner thereof, and avouched by the skilful in Anatonie, the true head of an Infant once born into the World. skull whereof I have seen, no bigger than a head or a bean) or else it is utterly impossible such a compass of ground should contain them. Besides, If all the body be the eye, where then is the hearing? These two hundred Halls for Scholars, will take up so much ground, none will be left for the Townsmen. This makes me conceive that Aula (whence our Hall) did import but one fair room, or else was a Townsmans' house, (like Moody-Hall in Cambridge) where Scholars dieted together. This I dare aver, that what the Halls in Cambridge wanted of Oxford in number, they had in greatness, so that what was lost in discrete, was found in continued quantity. For we read how in the Hostles of St. Mary's, Bernard, Thomas, Augustine, there were twelve, twenty, and sometimes thirty Regent's, besides non-Regents above them, and young Students beneath them. As for the Hostles designed for Lawyers, almost every of them had fourscore or an hundred Students. So that what Homer saith of a Physician, that he is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, eminently worth many others: one of Cambridge-Hostles might be equivalent, in number of Students, to many of those Oxford-Halls; and the difference not so great in Scholars, as the dispropotion betwixt thirty of the one and two hundred of the other doth seem to import. 23. In these Hostles Scholars were more conveniently accommodated than in townsmen's houses (wherein anciently they lived) both because here they were united under one head; The benefit and use of Hostles. and because they were either rent-free, or paid it by agreement to a Chief of their own Society. But as stars lose their light when the Sun ariseth: so all these Hostles decayed by degrees, when endowed Colleges began to appear in Cambridge: and I behold Trinity-Hostle (wherein Students continued till the year 1540) as the longest liver, surviving all the rest. 24. But, whilst they were in use, many worthy Scholars were bred therein, A catalogue of learned Cambridge Hostelers. and pity it is, the Catalogue of their names is lost. For when I find an English Bishop, or learned Writer, brought up in Cambridge, but not reducible, with probability, to any College now in being, presently I conclude he had his education in one of the aforesaid Hostles. I will instance only in those which flourished in the reign of King Henry the eighth. Henry Holbech John Capon John Hilsey William Reps Thomas Thyrby James Stanley Rowland Lee Richard Samson John Clerk Edward Vaughan Edward Birkhead Henry Standish Robert Parfew John Bird Robert Holgat, Archbishop of York Cuthbert Tonstall, Bishop of Durham Bishop of Lincoln 1547 Sarum 1539 Rochester 1536 Norwich 1536 Norwich 1550 Ely 1506 Covent. and Lich. 1524 Covent. and Lich. 1543 Bath and Wells 1523 St. David's 1509 St. Asaph 1513 St. Asaph 1519 St. Asaph 1536 Bangor 1539 1544 1530 All these undoubtedly were (and are allowed, Anno Regis Edw. 1. 9 by Bishop Godwin, to be) Cambridge-men, Anno Dom 1280 yet no modern Colledge-Register can reach them, as to lay just claim to their breeding. Whence we inter them to be no Collegiates but Hostelers, not in that sense which the spiteful e Fox, Acts and Mon. Papists charged Dr. Cranmer to be one (an attendant on a stable) but such as lived in a learned Inn or Hostile not endowed with revenues. 25. Pass we now from these Hostles, Ancient Religious House● in Cambridge. to those Religious Houses which anciently flourished in Cambridge: Where first we meet with The Dominicans, or Preaching-Friers (though neither finding their Founder, nor valuation at their suppression) whose House is now turned into Emanuel-Colledge. Franciscans follow, called also Minors, or Gray-Friers; their House being now converted into Sidney-Colledge. It was founded by King Edward the first, where they had a fair Church, which I may call the St. Mary's, before St. Mary's, the Commencement, Acts, and Exercises being kept therein. The Area of this Church is easily visible in Sidney-Colledge garden, where the depression and subsidency of their Bowling-green east and west, present the dimensions thereof, and I have oft found dead-men's bones thereabouts. When this Church fell, or was taken down, I know not; and should be thankful to such which should to me expound those passages in Mr. Aschams epistle to Thomas Thurleby, Bishop of Westminster; the date of the year not being expressed. It is to entreat him to stand the Universities friend, in compassing for them this House of Franciscans, wherein hitherto their great endeavours had small success, adding moreover, Franciscanórum aedes non modò decus atque ornamentum Academiae, sed opportunitates magnas ad Comitia, & omnia Academiae negotia conficienda habent. What accommodations this House could then afford the University at Commencement, I understand not. Sure I am King Henry the eighth bestowed it on Trinity-college, of whom the Executors of the Lady Frances Sidney did afterward purchase it. Augustine-Friers, on the southside of Pease-Market, lately the dwelling of Mr. Pierce, and now of Mr. Thomas Back, Esquire-Beadle. Their Founder and value unknown. Carmelites, built by Edward the first, to which Sir Guy de Mortimer, and Thomas de Hertford, were great Benefactors. Their House crossed athwart the street now leading to Kings-Colledge, as occupying the ground whereon Katherine-Hall and Queens do stand at this day. White-Canons, almost over against Peter-house, where now a brick wall (the backside is called White-Canons at this day) and an Inn with the sign of the Moon. As for the Nunnery of St. Radigunds, and Priory of Barnewell, we have formerly spoken of them; only I add, that at the dissolution King Henry bestowed the site of the latter on Sir Anthony Brown (afterward Viscount Montague) and Dame Elizabeth his wife, and their heirs, at the rent of one pound four shillings penny half penny. 26. These Friars living in these Covents were capable of Degrees, Frequent contests betwixt Friars and University men. and kept their Acts, as other University men. Yet were they Gremialls and not Gremialls, who sometimes would so stand on the tiptoes of their privileges, that they endeavoured to be higher than other Students: so that oftentimes they and the scholars could not set their horses in one stable, or rather their books on one shelf. However generally the Chancellors ordered them into tolerable obedience, as will appear hereafter. 27. Last of all, A list of learned Friars, Writers. it will be enough for the present, Anno Dom. 1282 to give in a list of such learned Writers, Anno Regis Edw. 1. 11 which were bred in Cambridge, in these several Orders, as we have collected them out of Bale, Pitz, and other Authors. Augustinians. Gulielmus Wells 1421 Joannes Buriensis 1460 Galfride Glandfield 1340 Joannes Godwick 1360 John Langham— John Sloley 1477 John Tonney 1490 Ralph Marcham 1380 Richard Chester 1354 Roger Clacton 1340 Dominicans. William Encurt 1340 William King shame 1262 John Boltesham 1388 John Bromiard 1390 John Stock 1374 Simon Barnstone 1337 Tho. Langford. 1320 Franciscans. Will. Folvil 1384 John Wichingham 1362 Reginald Langham 1410 Vin. Coventriensis 1251 Stephen Baron. 1520 Carmelites. Alan. de Lin 1420 Dionys Holcan 1424 Walter Diss 1404 Walter Heston 1350 Will. Beccle 1438 Will. Bintree 1493 Will. Blacvey 1490 Will. Califord— Will. Cokisford 1380 Will. de Sancta Fide 1372 Will. Greene 1470 Will. Harsick 1413 Will. Lincoln 1360 Will. Sarslet 1466 Wil Parcher 1470 Hugh of St. Neots 1340 Joh. Bampto 1341 Jo. Baret 1556 Jo. Beston 1428 Jo. Clipston 1378 Jo. Elin 1379 Jo. Falsham 1348 Jo. Hornby 1374 Jo. Pascal 1361 Jo. Repingal 1350 Jo. Swaffam 1394 Jo. Thorpe 1440 Jo. Tilney 1430 Jo. Wamsleet 1418 Mart. Sculthorp 1430 Nic. Cantilupe 1441 Nic. Kenton 1468 Nic. Swaffam 1449 Pet. de Sancta Fide 145● Ralph Spalding 1390 Rob. Ivory 1392 Tho. Hilley 1290 Tho. Maldon 1404 These were bred in the aforesaid Houses in Cambridge, belonging to their Orders, until graduated in Divinity, and were afterwards dispersed into their respective Covents, all over England. 27. The Reader doth remember how above twenty years since, The first endowing of Peter house. (viz. anno 1257) Hugh Balsham Subprior of Ely founded a College without Trumpington-gate, consisting of two Hostles he had purchased and united. The same Hugh, now Bishop of Ely, removed the Secular Brethren from St Johns-Hospital in the a Betwixt Round-Church and (what is now) St. Johns College. Jewry (where they and the Regulars agreed not very well) to this his new foundation. At which time he endowed the same with maintenance for one Master, fourteen Fellows, two Bible-clerks, and eight poor Scholars, whose number might be increased or diminished, according to the improvement or abatement of their revenues. He appointed his successors the Bishops of Ely to be honorary Patroness, yea nursing Fathers to this his infant College, who have well discharged their trust therein. 28. We know what the Historian saith, Zoars may grow great in time. Omnia ferme principia sunt parva, Almost all beginnings are small, as here indeed they were. Alas, Balsham for a long time, was little able to endow a College, as scarce sufficient to subsist of himself, whilst his election to Ely, (made b Godwin in his catalogue of Bishops. without the King's consent) was not yet confirmed. But no sooner had he any certainty for himself, but his College had a share thereof, for he gave them all the rights and Tithes belonging to St Peter Church adjoining, and by his Will bequeathed them three hundred Marks wherewith was bought and built a fair Hal, and Court, since much beautified and enlarged. Masters. Benefactors. Bishops. Learned Writers. Live in Col. gift. 1 Roger de la Goter, Anno Regis Edw. 1. 9 of S botolph's, Anno Dom. 1282 Master 1340. 2 Ralph de Holbech resigned his place, and resumed a Fellowship 1349. 3 William de Whitlesey Archd. of Huntingdon, chosen Custos 1349. 4 Richard de wisbich, chosen Master 1351. 5 Thomas de Wormthall Canon of Sarun, Chancellor of Ely 1381. He died the same year. 6 John de Newton, chosen 1381. 7 Thomas de castro Berhard. 8 John Holbrook. He died 1431. 9 Thomas Lane 1457. 10 Thomas Deinman. 11 John Warkworth 1474 12 Henry Hornby 1417. 13 Jo. Edwunds. 14 Ralph Ainsworth. 15 Andrew Pern. 16 Robert Soame. 17 Jo. Richardson. 18 Tho Turner. 19 Leonard Maw. 20 Math. Wren. 21 John Cos●ns Dean of Peterborough. 22 Lazarus Seaman D. D. Sim. Montagu Sim. Langham Joh. Fordbam Bishops of Ely. John Holbrook Thomas Lane Tho. Dryman Joh. Warkworth Will. Burgoin Henry Hornbye John Edmunds Andrew Perne All Masters of the College. Ralph Walpool, Bishop of Norwich 1290, gave two Messages in Cambridge Mr. Thomas Packington. Will. Noyon Rector of Haddenbam. William Martin. Rob. Shorton. Edm Hanson. Rob. Gilbert. Mr. Skelton. Mrs. Elizabeth Wolf. John Whitgift, Arch. of Cant. Edward Lord. NORTH. Robert Smith. Henry wilshaw. The Lady Mary Ramsey. Robert Warden. Thomas Warren. Mrs Margaret Dean. William Herne. Mr. Robert. Slade. Mr. John Blitb, late Fellow. Mrs. Frances Matthew Dr. John Richardson Dr. Hauking what gave 100 l. 100 l. 100 l. towards the building of a new Court, front, and Gate towards the street, now finished. c So Mr. R. Parker proves him out of the Reco. ds of Ely, though otherwise, I confess, Bishop Godwin makes him of Oxford. Williande whitlesey third Master of this Coll. Archbishop of Canterbury. John de Botelsham Bishop of Rotchester Master of this Col. John Whitgift Arch. of Canterbury, Fellow. Walter Curl Bishop of Winchester, Fellow Matth. Wren Master of this Coll. Bishop of Ely. Roger Marshal well skilled in Mathematics whereof (saith Pitz in his Appendix) he wrote many Books, and collected more which he gave to the Library d Bale Cent. nonae p. 721. George joy, who flourished annò 1547 translated part of the Bible. Edw. Simmons, who wrote many good Treatises 1547 1 Cherry-Hinton Vicarage in Ely Diocese, valued in the King's Books at 9 l. 14 s. 6 d. 2 Ellington in the Diocese of Lincoln, a Vicatidge, valued at 6 l. 9 s. 3 Triplow Vic. in Ely Diocese valued 9 l. 4s. 2d. 4 St. Mary's the less in Cambridge valued 0l. 0s. 0d. 5 Statberne Rec. in Lincoln Dioc. valued 16l. 3s, The Reader will pardon the shortness of this out catalogue of Masters (not touching the top of the foundation by fifty years) which looks like the blunt Tower of a Steeple, whose spire or shaft hath been burnt down with lightning or broken with thunder, as indeed some such casualty hath caused this imperfection. For, in the year 1420, a sad fire consumed the muniments of this College, which caused Caius to begin his list of Masters but at Thomas de castro Bernardi; and the six Seniors before him are recovered by the care of Mr. R. e In his Scelatos' Cantabrigiensis M S. Parker, out of Ely-Records. Yet this catalogue still remaineth incomplete (O that it were as easy to rectify as reprove faults!) guilty I am afraid, not only of transposition in the order, but omission in the number thereof. For I have * Manuscript in 10. read, that John Botsham was admitted Master 14— yet he appears not in Caius, or any other printed Author. 29. Amongst the Benefactors many who only gave plate, small sums, A general rule about our catalogue of Benefactors. and books, are for Brevity sake omitted, and not any slighting of their bounty for the smallness thereof. For if our Saviour beheld the Widow as the best benefactor to the Corban (who endowed it only with two mites) and if a cup of cold water, (warm comfort to a thirsty Soul) shall receive its reward, surely such as give the cup also, deserve their due commendation, and shall have a requiral thereof. Anno Dom. 1282 I have ordered some blank lines at the end of that Catalogue, Anno Regis Edw 1. 11 as a reserve to register the bounty of posterity, which shall not complain that they are paper bound in my book, where room on purpose is left to enter their names, who shall be charitably disposed. I hope also that those void intervals and spaces in the List of Learned Writers, (which as so many open mouths invoke the industry of the Reader) will have their emptiness filled by several men's observations, whose pens may at their leisure supply, what the Press hath left unperfect. 30. Know also I could have more particularly specified the value and place of Founders and Benefactors bounty (what land they gave, Cautela non nocet. how much worth, where lying) but thought better to forbear, as ignorant in these dangerous days, what ill use might be made of my well intended endeavours. 31. Condemn not our Tautology if the same Bishop often recur in several Colleges, Repetition of Bishops, why necessary. perchance Scholar of one, Fellow of another, Master of a third, because rather than I would wrong any House with the omission, I would right them all with the repetition of the same person. Such Bishops as passed through many Seas successively, are for shortness entitled only from the last and highest dignity. 32. To return to Peter-house; A commendable custom of this College. I cannot but commend one peculiar practice of this College, which in their Parlour preserveth the Pictures of all their principal Benefactors. For although the bounty of the Judicious is grounded on more solid motives, than to be flattered thereinto by the fancy that their Effigies shall be kept, yet such an ingenuous Memorial may be an encouragement to a Patron's Liberality. Besides, under such Pictures a Distich commonly is written, and I will instance in one of the latest date. Haeredem voluit SLADUS conscribere PETRUM, Clauderet extremum ne sine prole diem. SLADE, PETER chose, and for his Heir assigned him; Lest he should die, and leave no Child behind him. At this day the College maintaineth one Master, nineteen Fellows, twenty nine Bible-clerks, eight poor Scholars, besides other officers and Students amounting lately (viz. anno 1634) to an hundred and six. 33. We Cambridge men behold this College as the first foundation endowed in England, The eldest English endowed College. which our corrivals at Oxford will not allow. For I find it inscribed in Rotchester Church, on the monument of Walter de Merton; that the College by him founded and named, is the example of all in that kind. t Britannia page 381. Mr Gamden in his description of Oxford affirmeth, that Ballol and Merton Colleges therein, are the two first endowed for Students in Christendom. And some allege that Merton College must needs be the Mother, and Peter house but the Daughter, because Sp●on de Montagu Bishop of Ely, did prescribe the Statutes of Merton to be observed by the Students of Peter-house. 34. All this scarce moveth, Exception to the contrary answered. nothing removeth us from our former Opinion, being almost as confident of the Seniority of Peter-house before all other Colleges, as Romanists are of the Priority of St. Peter before the rest of the Apostles. And first, as for the inscription in Rotchester, both it and Mertons Monument are modern, as set up by St Henery Savil, anno 1598. That passage of the great Antiquary is only extant in the English translation, not Latin Britannia, and so may justly seem to have more of Philemon Holland, than William Ca●den therein. It is confessed that Simon Montagu, (the 17 Bishop of Ely) more than sixty years after Balsha●s death, Anno Regis Edw. 1. enjoined our Petreans the observation of Merton College Statutes, Anno Dom. (finding them more convenient than such which their Founder had left them.) But this makes nothing to the matter of most antiquity, the point in controversy. In requital of this eurresie, if Cambridge hath aught, the imitation whereof, may be acceptable to Oxford, she is right glad for the welcome occasion, as lately Oxford in choice of her Proctors hath conformed herself to Cambridge custom by way of a Circular Combination of Colleges, as a Course most quiet, and freest from faction. 35. The Crisis of the Controversy depends, p The truth unpartially slated. (if I mistake not) on the clearing of the different dates of Peter-house its foundation, and comparing it with others. Peter-house first founded 1257. the 41 of Hen. the third by Sub prior Hugh Balsham. Peter house first endowed 1282 the 11 of Edw. the first, by Hugh●● Balsham Bishop of Ely. Balliol first founded and endowed 1262, the 46 of Hen. the 3. by John Baliol. Merton Col. first founded and endowed 1274, the 2 of Edward the 1, by Walter Merton Bishop of Rot. The unpartial result is this, Peter house was founded before any, but endowed (by the same founder) after two Colleges in Oxford. Yet because in such doubtful Casts, it is good reason Cambridge should measure to her own most advantage; we may safely say that Peter-house is the first College endowed, though not the first endowed College in England, and by consequence in Christendime. 36. The Students of Peter-house performed their Divine service, Three places for the Petreans Devotions. since their first foundation, in three several places; namely, In 1. St. Peter's Church adjoining, which fell down to the ground, about the year 1350. 2. The Church of Beata Maria de Gratia (commonly called little St. Maries) whence the College also is so called and written for some hundreds of years, hardly recovering its own name. 3. A beautiful new Chapel consecrated March the 17. anno 1632. A thousand pounds were spent in the building thereof, and the Contributers names affixed in a Catalogue therein. Hitherto we have had but a disultory and incertain succession of Chancellors, but henceforward we may presume on more assurance herein. Andrew de Gisleham, 12 Chancellor. 1283 A benefactor to the University. Thomas Shermingham, 15 Chancellor. 1286 He defended the rights of the University against the Prior of Barnwell. Stephanns de Hepworth, 16 Chancellor. 1287 Ralph de Leicester, 17 Chancellor. 1289 No good blood betwixt him and the University about the distinction of seats. Galfridus de Pakenham, 18 Chancellor. He first paved the Town, 1290 towards the doing whereof, King Edward granted him to take the toll of Cambridge for six years. The Church of St. Mary's was this year much defaced with fire. 19 At what time the Jews, 1291 (whom I will not accuse as the causers thereof) were forced to forsake the Town, where they had a great Synagogue. Henry de Boyton, 21 Chancellor. 1293 He stoutly g Manuscrip. M. W. defended the right of the University, for thirty acres of ground and four Messages in Cambridge, which Roger de Beddingfield gave for ever to the Master and Scholars, to defend their State and privileges. The King came this year to Cambridge, Anno Dom. 1294 and lodged two days in the Castle. Anno Regis Edw. 1. 22 It was ordered that the Chancellor should not imprison or banish any Regent without the consent of the Regent house, nor should he omit the same if they so appointed it. A contest betwixt the Chancellor and the other Doctors, is compounded before the Official of the Bishop of Ely. John de Bradenham, 1295 Chancellor. 23 Thomas de Sheringham, 1296 Chancellor. 24 Stephen de Hebworth, 1299 Chancellor. 27 Stephen de Haselfield, 1300 Chancellor. 28 The King granted, by his Charter, that Scholars might summon Towns men to appear before the Chancellor, in any personal actions. A brawl began betwixt the University men on the one side, 1303 the Dominicans and Franciscans on the other. 31 This increased from words to violence; and Stephen the Chancellor, as a valiant Champion, thundered his excommunications both general and special (whereby his Episcopal power plainly appeareth) against the Friars; yea two of the most active of them, Nicholas de Dale, and Adam de Hoddon, seem to be expelled the University. Hereupon the Friars appeal to the Pope of Rome, and both parties appointed their Proctors to solicit their Suit. For the University. For the Dominicans. For the Franciscans Stephen de Segrave. Thomas Kyningham. John de Westerpeld. Peter de Ruda. Richard Lisle. John of Ipswich. But taking wit in their way, considering the costliness of that Court, and the long journey thither, they remitted the matter at Bordeaux to Thomas Cardinal of St. Sabine, who accorded them on the following b Hare, first volume, fol. 29. and 30. conditions. 1. That the Chancellor of Cambridge should retract his excommunications in the same place wherein they were denounced. 2. That no act of the Regent-house should extend to derogate from the rights of the Friars. 3. That though by the statutes of the University only the Chancellor (or some by him assigned) were to preach on the first Advent, Septuagesima and Ash-wednesday, yet nevertheless the Friars might freely preach the same days and hours in their own Covenrs. 4. That Friar Nicholas de Dale and Adam de Hoddon, if pleased to reassume their places in the University, should quietly be admitted, and should have their remedy against such who had offered violence unto them, as in such cases is usual against the disturbers of the peace. 5. That whereas all Bachelors inceptors in Divinity, are bound by the statutes to preach ad clerum in St. Mary's; the aforesaid Friars might preach such Sermons in their own Covents, first acquainting the Chancellor with the day they chose for the same. Some conceive this was a drawn Battle betwixt them, whilst others apprehend that the Friars finding the most favour, came off Conquerors, as keeping the field, and making good their ground in this contention. Stephen de Segrave, 1306 Chancellor, 34 in whose absence Richard de Ashton, was his substitute. Edw. 2. Stephen de Haselfield, 1307 Chancellor. 1 Richard de Ashton, 1315 Chancellor. 9 John the 21. Pope of Rome at the request of King Edward the 2. granted the ensuing Bull to the University, which the reader is requested seriously to peruse; the sense whereof is the subject of some difference betwixt us and Oxford. Joannes Episcopus servus servorum Dei, dilectis filiis Universitatis Cantabrigiae El●ensis Dioecesis salutem, Anno Regis Edw. 2 & Apostolican benedictionem. Anno Dom Inter singula, quae grat â nos oblectatione letificant, grandi cor nostrum reficitur gaudio, & latitia exultat exoptata, cum cos qui coelesti sunt providentiâ praediti, ad populorum regimen & regnorum, ad communem subjectorum, suorum profectum intentos aspicimus ipsosque ad publice utilitatis bonum solicitos intuemur: sane charissimus in Christo filius noster, Edwardus Rex Angliae prudenter attendens, quòd multitudo sapientum salue est regnorum, quodque non minùs prudentum consilio, quàm fortium strenuitate virorum, regentium & regnorum moderamina disponaniur, apud Cantabrigiam, Eliensis Dioecesis locum; in regno suo multis commoditatibus praeditum, & insignem desiderat vigere studium generale, & quod à doctoribus & docendis in posterum frequentetur, humiliter postulavit à nobis ut studium ab olim ibi or dinatum, & privilegia à Romanis Pontificibus praedecessoribus nostris vel Regibus qui fuerint pro tempore eidem concessa, Apostolico curemus munimine reborare. Nos igitur suae intentionis propositum, dignis in Domino laudibus commendantes, ejusque supplicationibus inclinati, Apostolica authoritate statuimus, ut in praedicto loco Cantabrigiae sit de caetero studium generale. Volentes autoritate praedicta & etiam decernentes, quòd Collegiam Magistorum & Scholorium ejusdem studii, Universitas sit censenda, & omnibus juribus gaudeat, quibus gaudere potest, & debet, Universit as quaecunque legitimè ordinata. Caeterum omnia privilegia & indulta praedicto study, rationabiliter à Pontifici●us & Regibus predict is concessa, autoritate praedicta confirmamus. Nulli igitur omnino liceat han● paginam nostri statuti, voluntatis, constitutionis, & confirmationis infringere, vel ausu temerario contraire: si quis autem hoc attemptare praesumserit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei, & beatorum Petri & Pauli Apostolorum, noverit se incursurum. Dat. Avinionae 5 idus Julii, Pontificatus nostri anno 2. This year, 12 according to the computation of Helvicus, 1319 falls out to be the year of out Lord 1317, and the eleventh of the reign of King Edward the second, though, to gratify the Oxford Antiquary, we havehere followed his account in our marginal Chronologie. 37. Now let none conceive Cambridge (long since the mother of many children) now but new born, A necessary caution. herself an University, from the date of this Papal Instrument. A mistake of many, alleging for the defence of their Error, that otherwise it were ridiculous, for our King to request, and the Pope to confer on Cambridge what she had already: adding moreover, that the phrase de caetero, for the time to come, implieth, that de praeterito, for the time past, Cambridge was no University. But let such know, that in this Bull Cambridge is confessed a place for Students time out of mind, or (to use the Pope's Latin) ab olim; where olim (a word of indefinite extent) is not made the measure of the antiquity of Cambridge, but (which is more) is only the terminus à quo, whence her duration in her learned capacity is dated. This Bull also relateth to ancient privileges of Popes and Princes, bestowed upon her; which herein are roborated and confirmed. 37. Know also that Studium and Universitas are Synonymaes, Studium and Universitas the same in effect. though the latter the more fashionable word in this age. Nor is it any news for Popes officiously to court Kings for their own ends, with cheap courtesies, by granting what in effect was given before, and varnishing over their Predecessors old Acts, with new specious expressions. We have plainly proved, out of plentiful Records in the Tower, Cambridge called an University in the King's Charters more than seventy years before, and so no doubt before the Conquest, though that her title, in the troublesome times of war, had been disturbed and interrupted. As therefore the seniority of Scholars, who have long discontinued, is justly reckoned, not from their return to the College, but from their first admission therein: so the University-ship of Cambridge, is to be accounted from her original constitution, not this her late confirmation. 38. Nor are we much moved with what is alleged in this point out of Robert Remington, A facile mistake. and take the words as g Ant. Acad. Oxford Apol. lib. 1. pag. 110. Twin, the Oxford Antiquary doth managethem the most for his own advantage. Regnante Edwardo primo (secundo diceret) the Study Grant-bridge facta est Universitas, sicat est Oxonium, per curiam Romanam. In the reign of Edward the first (he should have said Edward the second) Cambridge was made an University, even as Oxford, by the Court of Rome. See we here Remington mistakes even by his confession who citeth him in his own behalf. Now he who faults in one thing, may even fail in another. He that mistook Edward the first for Edward the second, may, by as easy an error, mistake FACTA for REFECTA, the Institution for the Restitution of Cambridge. Roger de Northburge, 1321 Chancellor. He obtained Licence from the King, 13 that the University might purchase Advouzances h Manuscript. M. W. of Spiritual live, to the value of forty pounds per annum. Indeed King Edward was courteous to Cambridge, wherein he maintained thirty two Scholars on his own cost, intending to build King's Hall, which his Son and Successor did perform. 39 Hervens [falsely in some copies Henricus] the Stanton, Michael-house founded by Herveus Stanton. Clerk, 1324 Canon of York and Wells, 17 Rector of East-Deiram and North-Creik in Northfolk, Chancellor of the Exchequer to King Edward the second, flourished now in great wealth and esteem. Let none envy him his pluralities, who so well employed the profits thereof, and this year founded a College, following the example of Hugh de Balsham, but dedicating it to St. Michael the chief of Angels, as the other had consecrated his to St. Peter, the prime of Apostles. Masters. Benefactors. Bishops. Learned Writers. Live in Coll. gift. 1 Roger Burton, B. D. 2 Mr. Robs, alias Roob. 3 Mr. Thomas Kenningham. 4 Mr. John Rympham. 5 Mr. Richard Langley. 6 Mr. William Gotham. 7 Mr. William colvil. 8 Mr. Henry Cranby. 9 Mr. John Otteringham. 10 Mr. William Ascough. 11 Edward Story. 12 John Yotten. 13 John Foothead. 14 Tho. Slackhous 15 Nichol. William. 16 Francis Mallet, Chaplain to Queen Mary. 1 Alexand. Walsham Knight, Hei● to Hervey the Founder. 2 Walter de Waney. 3 John Ilvey Knight, a grand Benefactor. 4 William Gotham 5 John Turk. 6 Henry Craby. 1 William Ayscough, Bishop of Sarisbury. 2 Edward Story, Bishop of Chichester. 3 John Fisher i See more hereof in our history, anno 1630. , Bishop of Rotchester. John Fisher. 1 Barington Vic. in Ely Diocese, valued 7 l. 14 s. 4 d. 2 Gronshurge in the Diocese of Norwich, valued. 3 Orwel Rect. in Ely Dioc. 19 l. 7 s. 7 d. 10 b. At this day Michael-house is included in Trinity College, so called, not only because dedicated to God, One in three Persons, but also because made by King Henry the eighth, One of three Colleges, whereof (God willing) largely hereafter. Richard Badew, Chancellor. 40. He bought two Tenements in Miln street of Neile Thornton a Physician, Anno Regis Edw. 1. 19 and on that ground built a small College, Anno Dom. 1326 by the name of University Hall, University Hal, built by R. Badew. placing a Principal therein, under whom Scholars lived on their own * Scots Tables say, at the charges of the University. expenses. This Richard Badew was of a Knightly Family, born at great Badew, nigh Chelmesford in Essex, & employed all his estate to the advancement of learning. Sixteen years did Students continue in University Hall on their own changes? but a casual fire reduced their House to ashes. Here by way whosoever shall consider in both Universities the ill contrivance of many chimneys, hollowness of hearths, shallowness of tunnels, carelessness of coals and candles, catchingness of Papers, narrowness of studies, late reading and long watching of Scholars, cannot but conclude, that an especial Providence preserveth those places. How small a matter hath sometimes made a partition betwixt the fire and the fuel? Thus an hai●s breadth fixed by a divine-finger, shall prove as effectual a separation from danger, as a miles distance. And although both Universities have had sad accidents in this kind, yet neither in number or nature (since the Reformation) so destructive as in other places: so that, blessed be God, they have been rather seare-fires than hurt-fires unto them. 41. But to return to Mr. Badew, Rebuilt (after it was burnt) by Eliz. countess of Clare, and named Clare-Hall. who sadly beholding the ruins of his Hall, perceived that the rebuilding thereof was a work too weighty for himself (though a Man of worship) so that some person of honour must undertake it. And here happily a worthy Lady presents herself, Elizabeth third sister and coheir of Gilbert Earl of Clare, wife of John de Burge, Lord of Conaugh, and mother to William de Burge, last Earl of Ulster, who built it again of her own proper cost, endowed and called it Clare-Hall. Masters. Benefactors. Bishops. Learned Writers. Living in Col. gift. 1 Walter Thaxted▪ 2 Ralph Kerding ton 3 John Dunwich. 4 John Chatteress. 5 Will Radwinter. 6 Will. Wimble. k Betwixt these two Cai●● placeth William Gull. not owned by others. 7 Will. Wilfleet. 8 Will. Millington 9 Thomas Stoyl. 10 Richard Stubs. 11 Gabriel Silvester. 12 Will. Woodhous 13 Edm. Naturess 14 John Crayford. 15 Rowl. Swiborn. 16 John Madew. 17 Thomas Barley. 18 Edmund Leeds 19 Thomas Binge. 20 William Smith 21 Robert Scot 22 Thomas Pask. 23 Dr. Ralph Cudworth. 24 Theophilus Dillingham. John Thaxto. Eaith Green. William Ducket. Will. Worleigh. Will. Martial. Ralph Srivemar. Tho. Cave. Dr. Stoyl Naturess Leeds Scot Masters of this Hall. Thomas Cecil E. of Exeter, and his Lady Dorothy, who gave 108 l. per annum in very good rent. William * See more of him at his death anno 1617. Butler. John Freeman Esq who gave 2000 l. George Ruggle Fellow of the College. He gave in money and Plate above 400 l. Sir Robert Heath. Mr. Thom. Binge. Humsrey Hid. Rob. Johnson Esq Mr. Eras. Farrar Will. Briden. Tho. Croply. Nicholas Heath Archbishop of York. Augustine Lynsel Bishop of Hereford. John Bois, Dean of Canterbury, writer of the learned Postils. Richard Tompson. Augustine Lynsel, He set forth (when Bishop of Peterborough) Theophylact in Greek (never before in print) on all St. Paul's Epistles. 1 Lillington Vic. in Ely Diocese valued 5 l. 19 s. 9 d. 2 Everton Vic. in Lincoln Dioc. valued 5 l. 13 s. 8 d. 3 Gransden Vic. Lincoln Diocese valued 3 l. 7 s. 2 d. So that lately, Anno Dom 1326 (viz. anno 1634.) therein were maintained one Master, Anno Regis Edw. 2. 19 eighteen Fellows, thirty six Scholars beside Officers and Servants of the Foundation, and other Students, the whole number being an hundred and six. It were presumption in me to disturb this method of Masters, agreed on by Dr. Caius, Mr. Parker and others. Otherwise I would prepose Millington (first Provost afterwards of Kings in the reign of King Henry the sixth) before Wilflete Master under King Richard the third. I would also set Swinhorn, both before and after Madew. Swinbornum Madew sequitur, Madewque vicissim Swinbornum; sorts versat utrinque Deus. For it appeareth in Mr. Fox, * In C. Pools Visitation of Camb. in the reign of Queen Mary. that after Madew his expulsion for being married, Swinborn succeeded him. 42. I have read how Richard the third pretended himself descended from the Foundress of this Hall, Rich. the third a [seeming] Benefactor to Clare Hall. (which I account of more truth, than his claim and title to the English Crown) and on that consideration, tyrannidi suae fucatum literarum l Sceletoes Cantabrigiensis made by R. Parker. patrocinium mendaci fronte obtendens, faith my Author, He challenged the Patronage of this Hall (when William Wilflete was Master) to himself: But if no better Patron to this House than Protector to his own Nephews, his courtesy might well have been spared. And because I find him omitted in Scots last Tables (drawn up no doubt by the consent of this College) amongst the benefactors, I suspect this his fact as a flourish (at which Art he was excellent) rather than any real favour to this foundation. 43. Long was it ere this Hal got a Chapel to itself, This Hall long Chappelless. (viz. till the year 1535.) all which time possibly they did their public devotions in that I'll of St. Edward's Church, wherein anciently their Masters and Fellows were interred. 44. This CLARE-Hall was also called Solere Hall in the days of Chaucer, Solere the same with Clare-Hall as our Antiquary m Caius Hist. Cant. Acad. pag. 57 hath observed. And namely there was a great College Men depen it the Solers hall of Cambrege. n Chaucer in the Reves tale. Some will say, And whence termed Solere Hal? Was it not from Solarium, which in the Latin of that Age signified a fair and light chamber? or is it not mistaken in pronouncing and printing for Scoller-Hall as otherwhiles it is written? But the matter is not much, and who so seeks a reason of all proper names of places, may seek it. 45. This aged Hal, The Hall lately re-edified. grown very ruinous, was lately taken down and re-edified by the bounty of several benefactors. Mr. Barnabas Oly, late Fellow of this House, and Proctor of the University, may truly be termed Master of the fabric, so industrious and judicious was he in overseeing the same. Nor was he like the foolish builder that could not, but the unhappy that might not, finish his work, being outed the College, on the account of the Covenant. Had this structure been perfected according to the first design, no fault could have been found therewith, except that the brightness and beauty thereof, should make the blear eyes of our envious Age to smart, much grudging at the decency, more at the magnificence of the Muses. Yet I cannot believe, what I read * Querela Cantabrigiensts pag. 14. , that three or four hundred pounds worth of timber, brought hither for the repair of this Hall, was lately taken away. Yea had I seen it, I would not have believed mine own eyes, but rather suspected my sight, that some requisite to right sensation was wanting in me, and the fault either in the organ, medium, object or undue distance thereof. Themas de Foxton Chancellor, 1329 Doctor of the Laws. Edw. 3. 4 John de Langley Chancellor, Anno Regis Edw. 3 6 Doctor of Divinity. Anno Dom 1331 John de Shipeden Proctor. Thomas de Bucknam Proctor. 46. KING EDWARD THE THIRD, 7 understanding it was his Father's intention to erect a College in Cambridge, 1332 in order whereunto, K. Edward foundeth Kings Hall. he had for some years maintained 32 Scholars in the University (occasioning the mistake of John Rouse, reporting he built a College therein) laid the foundation of KING'S HALL., out of some remorse, that he had consented to the death of so affectionate a Father: As one so transported with the news of the birth of his son, that he gave to one John Langer a Knight three hundred pounds pro primo rumore, quem idem Johannes tulit Edvardo secundo, de nativitate filii sui, with a pension paid unto him many a Pat. 5 E. 3. Rot. 2. men. 7. years after. Masters. Benefactors. Bishops. Learned Writers. Coll. Live. 1 Mr. Tho. Powis. 2 Mr. Tho. Hetorset. 3 Mr. Radulph Selby. 4 Mr. Ric. Dearham. 5 Mr. Jo. Stone. 6 Mr. Ric. Holmes 7 Mr. Rob. Fitzbugh. 8 Mr. Ric. Cawdrey. 9 Mr. Rob. Ascough. 10 Mr. Ric. Listrope. 11 Mr. Hen. Booste. 12 Mr. Rich. le Scroop. 13 Mr. Galfr Blyth. K. Rich. 2. gave 53 l. yearly, out of the manor of Chesterton, etc. in lieu of so much they formerly received out of the Exchequer with much trouble, and over and above, 70 yearly out of the pensions of several Abbeys. K. Henry the fourth gave them leave to pluck down the stately Hall in Cambridge Castle, therewith to build their Chapel. K. Hen. 6. gave them 120 volumes, and freed them from all accounting in the Exchequer. K. Edw. 4. gave them 8 marks to be paid by the Sheriff of Cambridge-shire yearly, thereby to buy two Robes. Robert Fitzhugh Bishop of London 1431. Felmersham Vic. Linc. Dioc. valued at 13 l. 13 s. 4 d. Henclesham Norwich Dioc.— Grindon Vic. Peterb. Dioc. valued at 8 l. St. Marry Cant. Ely Dioc.— Chesterton Vic. Ely Dioc. valued at 10 l. 12 s. 3. I had put Pope Eugenius the fourth in the catalogue of Benefactors to this Hall, till I discovered his bounty resolved into a point of revenge: For (at the instance of King Henry the sixth) he possessed on this Hall of the Rectory of Chesterton, nigh Cambridge, formerly engrossed (as many other English Benefices in that age) by an Alien, William Bishop of Milan, from whom the Pope b R. Parker in Sceletoes Cantab. MS. extorted it, because he sided against him with Amadeus Duke of Savoy (alias Pope Felix the fift) in the Council of Basill. 47. This Hall than surpassed any College in the University, Three eminencies of this Hall. in a threefold respect. 1. For building, being of such receipt, that it could entertain the King's Court, without disturbance to the Students. 2. For lands, though not effectually endowed by King Edward, till about the end of his reign, for the maintenance of one Custos and thirty three Scholars under him. 3. For learning, Anno Dom. many grave Seniors residing therein; Anno Regis Edw. 3. so that this house was accounted c Idem Ibid. Oraculum Academiae. The greater therefore our grief, that for want of intelligence (all the Records of this Hall being lost) our column for learned Writers standeth so empty herein. This Hall at this day is united with others in Trinity College, on the North-gate whereof standeth the stately statue of King Edward the third in Armour. 48. We must not forget how the Master and Fellows of this House were complained of, Tempora mutantur. that they did Epicure it in daily exceed, as indeed where should men far well, if not in a King's Hall? Hereupon they of their own accord petitioned King Henry the fourth, that they might be stinted, not to exceed weekly d Caeius Hist. Cant. Acad. lib. 1 pag. 66. eighteen, or at the highest twenty pence in their commons; the last two pence being allowed them only in case of dearness of victuals and festival solemnities. 49. This House had one peculiar happiness, The happiness of this Hall. being of Royal descent of both sides, I mean founded by King Edward the third, the founder of the two houses of York and Lancaster, both deriving themselves from his body. Hence it was that during the Civil wars, it found favour from the Kings of both lines: Whereas afterwards such Colleges which were, as I may say, but of the half blood, built either by some Prince of Lancaster or York, felt in process of time the anger of the one, because of the love of the other: Queen's College may be partly, and King's College too plainly a pregnant instance thereof. 50. Nor was King Edward bountiful to this Hall alone, Privileges granted by K Edward the third to the University. but a great benefactor to the whole University, on which he conferred privileges, whereof these the principal. 1. The Mayor of the Town should make essay of the bread (whether the weight according to statute) as oft as the Vicechancellor should require him. 2. That the Chancellor should receive the oaths of the Mayor, Bailiffs, and Aldermen. 3. The Licence should be given to the University to appropriate any Church thereunto of 40. l. yearly revenue. 4. That the Chancellor should not be disquieted for the imprisoning of such offenders which he conceived deserving the same. 5. That such who imprisoned by the Vicechancellor should not be set free by the King's writ. 6. That Masters of Arts should not be cited out of the University into the Court of Christianity. 7. That the Chancellor should take cognizance of all causes wherein Scholars were concerned, these of Maim and Felonies only excepted. Many immunities of lesser consequence did this King bestow on Cambridge, here too redious to be repeated, largely exemplified and carefully preserved in the University Muniments. Robert de Milden-Hall, 1334 Dr. of Divinity, Chancellor. 9 Henry de Herwarden, 1335 Dr. of Law, Chancellor. 10 Richard de Harling, 1337 Dr. of Law, Chancellor. 12 Robert de Lung, 1339 Chancellor. 14 51. William, A Germane Marquis made Earl of Cambridge. Marquess of Juliers, 1340 is created by King Edward the third, 15 the fourth Earl of Cambridge, accounting this less honour, no degradation, but advancement unto him: nor the motion retrogade from a German marquis, to an English Earl, whilst graced with the title of so famous an University. And this still justifies our former observation, that (the first Earl alone excepted) none were dignified with the title of Cambridge, but either foreign free Princes, or some nearly allied to the Royal blood of England. 52. This year John Earl of Hanault brother to Queen Philippe, Anno Regis Edw. 3. 17 wise to King Edward the third, Anno Dom. 1342 was created the fifth Earl of Cambridge: And here may the Reader take notice that I meet with a difference in Authors. Some making this John first Earl of Cambridge: On whose forfeiture thereof (for his siding with the French King) King Edward conferred the same on William the foresaid Marquis of Juliers. And a Belgian Earl. Others make the said Marquis Earl of Cambridge, before John Earl of Hanault was graced with the Title. All agree that both were Earls thereof; and the transposition of them is no whit material to our History of the University. 53. Marry de Saint Paul daughter to Guido Castillion Earl of Saint Paul in France, 18 third wife to Audomare de Valentia Earl of Pembroke, 1343 maid, wife, Mary de S P. found'st Pembroke Hall. and widow all in a day (her husband being unhappily slain at a tilting at her nuptials) sequestered herself on that sad accident from all worldly delights, bequeathed her soul to God, and her estate to pious uses, amongst which this a principal, that she founded in Cambridge the College of Mary de Valentia commonly called Pembroke Hall. She survived the death of her husband forty two years, and died full of days, and good deeds. A hall afterwards much augmented by the benefaction of others. Masters. Benefactors. Bishops. Learned Writers. Coll. Live. 1. Tho. de Bingham. 2 Robert de Thorp. 3 Rich de Morris. 4 John Tinmew. 5 John Sudbury. 6 John Langton. 7 Hugh Dainlet. 8 Laurence Booth. 9 Tho. Rotheram. 10 George Fitzbugh 11 Roger Leyburne. 12 Rich. Fox. 13 Robert Shirton. 14 Rob. Swinburne. 15 George Folburie. 16 Nich. Ridley. 17 John Young. 18 Edmond Grindall. 19 Matth. Hutton. 20 John Whitgift. 21 John Young. 22 Wil Fulk. 23 Lanc. Andrews. 24 Sam. Harsenet. 25 Nich. Felton. 26 Jerom Beale. 27 Benjamin Laney. 28 Rich. Vines. 29 Sidrach Simson. 1 Henry the sixth 2 Edward Story. 3 Gerhard Shipwith. 4 Nicholas 5 Dr. Atkinson. 6 William Hussy, Knight. 7 Charles Booth. 8 Roger Strange, Knight. 9 Dr. Wats. 10 Wil Marshal 11 Will. Smart 12 Alice 13 Jane Cox Widow. 14 John Langton 15 Laur. Booth. 16 Thomas Scot, alias Rotheram 17 Rich. Fox. 18 Dr. Shorton. 19 Edmond Grindall. 20 John Whitgift. 21 Will. Fulk. 22 Lancelot Andrews. 1 Will. Bottlesham Rot. 2 Will. Linwoode, S. Da. 3 John Langton, St. Da. 4 Laur. * Charles Booth Bishop of Hereford, aught to be inserted in this Catalogue, bred in, Benefactor to this Hall. Booth, York. 5 Tho Rotheram, York 6 Edward Story, Cich. 7 Tho. Langton, Wint. 8 Rich. Fox, Wint. 9 Will. Smith, Linc. 10 Rog. Layburne, Car. 11 Nich. Ridley, Lon. 12 John Christopherson Chichester. 13 Edmond Grindall, Cant. 14 John Young, Rot. 15 Matth. Hutton, York. 16 John Whitgift, Cant. 17 Tho. Dove, Peterb. 18 Joh. Bridges, Oxford. 19 Lancelot Andrews, Winton. 20 Sam. Harsenet, York 21 Theophilus Field, St. Dau. 22 Nich. Felton, Ely. 23 Matth. Wren. Ely. 14 Rog. Dod 25 Randolph Barlow, Bishops in Ireland. 1 Wil Linwoode, famous for his writing the Provincial constitutions of Canterbury. 2 John Somerset, Dr. of Physic to King Henry the sixth. 3 John * See more of him hereafter viz an. 1525. Thix still, whose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 carried it in ●y Schools. 4 John Rogers, the first. 5 Nicholas Ridley, the most learned; 6 John Bradford, the hardiest Martyr under Queen Mary. 7 Will. Fulke, who so learnedly confuted the Rhemish Testament. Not to repeat these many worthy Bishops, besides many other Writers since unknown unto me. 8 Edmund Spencer, prime of English Poets. Tilney Vic. in Norv. Dioc. valued at 30 l. Soham Vic. in Norv. Dioc. valued 32 l. 16 s. Overton R. in Linc. Dioc. valued— Saxthorp Vic. in Norv. Dioc. valued 4 l. 13 s. 4 d. Rawreth R. in Lond. Dioc. valued 20 l. 13 s. 4 d. Waresley Vic. in Linc. Dioc.— Wherein there is, at this present, a Master, nineteen Fellows, one Tanquam, thirty three Scholars of the house, besides officers and servants of the foundation, with other Students, the whole number being 100 54. The aforesaid Mary de Valentia founded also Denny Abbey nigh Cambridge, And Denny Abbey. richly endowed, and filled it with Nuns, whom she removed from Water-Beach. She enjoyed also her Fellows of Pembroke Hall, to visit those Nuns, and give them ghostly counsel on just occasion; who may be presumed (having not only a fair invitation, but full injunction) that they were not wanting both in their courteous and conscientious addresses unto them. 54. Amongst the ancient plate of this Hall, Two remarkable pieces of Plate. two pieces are most remarkable: Anno Dom. 1343 one silver and gilt, Anno Regis Edw. 3. 18 of the Foundresses (produced on Festivals) who being of French extraction, was much devoted to their tutelar Saint, witness this inscription, as I remember it: Saint Dionyse is my deer, Wherefore be merry and make good cheer. The other, very like the former, weighing 67 ounces, the gift of Thomas Langton, Bishop of Winton. with this insculption. Thomas Langton Winton. Episcopus Aulae Pembrochianae olim socius, dedit hanctassiam coopertam eidem Aulae 1497. Qui alienaret, Anathema sit. 55. King Henry the sixth was so great a favourer of this House, An invidious Elegy of this Hall. that it was termed his adopted Daughter (Kings Coll. only, being accounted his natural son) and great were his benefactions bestowed thereon. But above all we take notice of that passage in his Charter granting (repeated in another of King Edward's confirming) lands to this House. Notabile & insigne, & quàm pretiosum Collegium, quod inter omniae loca Universitatis (prout certitudinaliter informamur) mirabiliter splendit & sempter resplenduit. Now although it is frequent for inferiors to flatter their superiors, it is seldom seen, that Subjects are praised by their Sovereigns without due cause, as this doth appear true to such who seriously peruse our foregoing Catalogue. And though the commendation in the King's Charter, be confined to Cambridge; yet may it be extended to any College in Christendom of the same proportion, for Students therein. I say (as the * 2 Cor. 8. 14. Apostle in another kind) that there may be an equality, let Prembroke Hall be compared with any foundation in Europe, not exceeding it in bigness, time, and number of Members, and it will acquit itself not conquered in all learned and liberal capacities. 56. Amongst the Masters of this Hall, Rob. Thorp Lord Chancellor. Robert de Thorp, the second in number, was, in the thirtieth year of King * Spelman Glos. pag. 417. Edward the third, Lord chief Justice of the Common-Pleas, which place he held thirteen years, till 1371, when he was made Lord Chancellor of England. His Executors anno 1375, gave forty marks apiece to every College in Cambridge (then eight in number) out of his own estate; who in his life time began the publique-Schools, as we shall show hereafter. 57 Amidst the Benefactors, A Greek and grateful Scholar. Thomas Watts, Doctor of Divinity, and Archdeacon of Middlesex, gave certain Farms in Ashwell and Sauston, for the maintenance of 7 Scholars, by the name of Greek-Scholars, Lancelot Andrews was one of his foundation: Who at this day is neither indebted to this House in general, to which he gave (besides plate, three hundred folio-books, etc.) one thousand pounds for two Fellowships: Nor to the memory of Dr. Watts in particular, whose poor kindred he afterward sought after, found out, and relieved (shall I say?) or rewarded. 58. Nor must Reynere de Aubeney and Robert de Stanton, Benefactors in losing their lives. both first fellows of this College, be forgotten amongst the Benefactors, being employed as Procurators at Rome, to Pope Innocent the sixth, to obtain the Appropriation of some Rectorles, the Patronage whereof, the Foundress had conferred on the College. In which service (well forwarded, but not finished by them) they there ended their lives; and in gratitude to their memories, a Statute was made in the College, that their obsequies should yearly be kept in the month of July. And now we take our farewell of this Hall, when we have remembered how Queen Elizabeth, passing by the same in her progress to Cambridge 1566, saluted it with this expression, O Domus antique & religios●! O ancient and religious House! SECTION III. DOMINO GULIELMO PASTON de PASTON in Com. NORF. Equiti Aurato, Patrono meo Colendissimo. NVmerantur anni plus minus triginta ex quo tu Cantabrigiae, invidendum decus Collegii Corporis Christi, literis operam navasti. Effluxit jam decennium a quo Europam, Asiam, Africam peragrasti. Nullo pignore cum tuis oculis meus calamus certabit, cùm tibi perlustranti, quàm mihi describenti, plures regiones objectae fuerint. Te olim Alumnum, nunc Judicem, statuit Cantabrigia, an orbis Christianus, Oxonio sorore exceptâ, aliquid ei aut aequum aut aemulum exhibeat. Omnia eveniant ex votis tibi sobolíque tuae, de quâ hoc addam unicum Si domus tua Antiqua tot visura sit Dominos Cognomines, Posteros, quot videt Majores, Mundus jam senescens planè bis puer prorsus delirabit. 1. HEre at this time were two eminent Guilds or Fraternities of Town-folk in Cambridge, Anno Regis Edw 3. 18 consisting of Brothers and Sisters, Anno Dom. 1344 under a CHIEF annually chosen, The two Cambridge Guilds united called an Alderman. The Guild of Corpus Christi, keeping their Prayers in St. Benedict Church. The Guild of the blessed VIRGIN, observing their Offices in St. Mary's Church. Betwixt these there was a zealous emulation, which of them should amortize and settle best maintenance for such Chaplains to pray for the Souls of those of their Brotherhood. Now though generally in those days the Stars outshined the Sun; I mean more honour (and consequently more wealth) was given to Saints than to Christ himself; yet here the Guild of Corpus Christi so outstripped that of the Virgin Mary in endowments, that the latter (leaving off any farther thoughts of contesting) desired an union, which being embraced, they both were incorporated together. 2. Thus being happily married, Corpus Christi or Bennet College buile. they were not long issue-less, but a small College was erected by their united interest, which, bearing the name of both Parents, was called the College of Corpus Christi, and the blessed Mary. However it hath another working-day name, commonly called (from the adjoined Church) Bennet College; yet so, that on festival Solemnities (when written in Latin, in public Instruments) it is termed by the foundation-name thereof. 3. Some years after, Hen Duke of Lancaster the honorary founder. the Guild made their addresses to Henry Duke of Lancaster (a kind of Guardian to the King, in his minority) and politicly chose him Alderman of their Society. They knew a friend in the Court is as good as money in the purse; and because the Procurer is a giver at the second hand, they conceived his countenance very advantageous to obtain their MORTMAIN, as indeed this Lord did them Dukes-service therein, and the Manor of Barton was partly the fruit of his bounty, encouraging also many by his example to the same work: But chief 1. Sir John Cambridge Knight, and Thomas his son Esquire, who gave to the College 35 or 36 tenements (besides his capital message called the Stone-house) and a hundred acres of ground, wanting one rood, in Cambridge and Nuneham. 2. Henry Tangmeere Towns-man of Cambridge (and in his turn Alderman of the Guild) gave, by his Will, 18 or 19 houses in Cambridge and Nuneham, and in lands at both ends of the Town 85 acres. 3. Thomas de Eltisley, chosen first Master of the College (not that the place might maintain him, but he the place) being richly beneficed, and well seen in secular affairs, gave much to this House, and intended more, had not Robert de Eltisley Clerk, his younger brother, Executor and Feoffee for the College, defeated the same. Thus was the foundation soon enlarged into a Master, and eight Fellows, three bible Clerks, and six Scholars, their chief maintenance arising from candle-rents in Cambridge, being so well stored with houses therein, that every Scholar had two, every Fellow five, and the Master more than ten for his proportion, though at this day they can hardly produce half the number, the rest being either sold, exchanged, or lost by continuance of time and carelessness of their Officers. 4. Be it here remembered that John Stow, Stow's mistake, with the ground thereof. in the abridgement of his Annals, set out 1566, by one mistake doth a double injury to this College, by referring it to a false founder, and assigning a wrong [much later] age thereof, when affirming that JOHN of GAUNT built the same about the year 1357. But his error is grounded herein, because JOHN-A-GAUNT married Blanch the daughter and heir of the aforesaid Duke of Lancaster, and was an especial friend and favourer to this foundation. For when a flaw was found in their MORT-MAIN for want of some legal punctuality; and when it was certified by inquisition into the Chancery, by John Repingale, the King's Exchetor, that the lands of this Guild were forfeited to the Crown, JOHN of GAUNT procured their confirmation to the College. 5. A grand solemnity was observed by this Guild every Corpus Christi day (being always the thursday after Trinity Sunday) according to this equipage. The superstitious Precession on Corpus Christi day. 1. The Alderman of the Guild for that year (as Master of the Ceremonies) went first in procession. 2. Then the ELDERS THEREOF (who had been Aldermen, or were near the office) carrying Silver Shields * Scuta argentea obrtzo circumducta. inamelled in their hands, bestowed on the Brotherhood, some by Henry Dr. of Lancaster, some by Henry Tongmere, aforementioned. 3. There the Master of this College, in a Silke-Cope under a Canopy, carrying the Host in the Pixe, or rich Box of Silver gilt, having two for the purpose. 1. One called the GRIPES eye, given by H. Tanguer. 2. Another weighing Seventy eight Ounces, bestowed by Sr. John Cambridge. 4. Then the Vicechancellor, with the University-men in their Seniorities. 5. Lastly the Mayor of the Town and Burgesses thereof. Thus from Bennet Church, they advanced to the great Bridge, through all the parts of Town, and so returned with a good appetite to the place where they began. 6. Then in Corpus Christi College was a dinner provided them, Endeth in a feast at Bennet College. where good stomaches meeting with good cheer and welcome, no wonder if Mirth followed of course. Then our comes the Cup of John Goldcorne, (once Alderman of the Guild) made of an Horn with the Cover and appurtenances of silver and gilt, which he gave this company, and all must drink therein. And although some years after happened the dissolution of this Guild, (the exact date whereof I cannot learn) yet the Master of this College continued this custom of Procession till it was abolished in reign of King Henry the eighth. 7. It is remarkable that in the Procession that Canopy (under which the Host was carried) fell on fire, The Canopy ominously fired leaving men to guests, as they stood affected, whether it was done casually by the carelessness of the Torchbearers, or maliciously by some covertly casting fire thereon out of some Window, or miraculously, to show, that God would shortly consume such Superstition. And indeed in the twenty seventh of King Henry the eighth when Thomas Legh Dr. of Law visited the University, the same was finally abrogated. Then those Silver Trinkets were sold and those SHIELDS had their property altered, to sense and defend the College from wind and weather, being converted into money and laid out in reparations. 8. However the Townsmen still importunately claimed their Dinner as due unto them, The Townsmen quarrel for their Dinner. insomuch that Richard * No such appeareth in the Cambridge Catalogue of Mators, mistaken probably for Richard Wolf, Maior anno 1529, and now active in the absence or sickness of the Mayor. Roulfe then Mayor of the Town, required it of the College in a commanding manner. The Master and Fellows whereof, resolved to teach the Townsmen a distinction, to put difference betwixt a Debt, and a Courtesy, this dinner falling under the latter notion. They minded them also of the Maxim in Logic, how sublata causa tollitur effectus, the Procession the Cause being taken away, the Dinner as the effect ceased therewith. But, the Belly having no ears, nothing would satisfy the other Party, save a Suit, themselves prejudging the cause on their own side. Insomuch, that what they brewed in their hopes, they broached in their brags, boasting that as the Houses belonging to this College, came originally from Townsmen, so now they should return to the Townsmen again, as forfeited for default of this dinner. Yea so confident they were of success, that they very Equally, Unequally, (because invading other men's right) divided aforehand such Houses amongst themselves. But the worst and coldest Fur, is what is to be made of a Bears-skin, which is to be killed. 9 For the College procured that certain Commissioners were sent down by the King, Are cast by the King's Commissioners. amongst whom John Hind Knight Sergeant at Law. John Hutton Esq. to examine the matter and summon the Master and Fellows to appear before them. Who appearing accordingly produced most authentical evidences, and charters of Mortmain, whereby their Lands in Cambridge were sufficiently conveyed and confirmed unto them. And thus the Townsmen, both hungry and angry, at the loss both of their Dinner and Houses, were fain to desist. 10. To return to the benefactors of this College, Duchess of Norfolk builds their Buttresses. the Buttresses thereof were in the reign of King Henry the seventh made at the cost of Elizabeth Duchess of Norfolk, and God grant (say I) good buttresses to the Colleges in both Universities, to support them firmly against all opposition. The said Duchess founded also one Fellowship, and one Bible-Clarkship. 11. But amongst modern Benefactors, The Benefaction of Matthew Parker. none to be mentioned with Matthew Parker, Master of the College, if we consider what thereunto He 1. Saved. In stating their accounts, and regulating the method of their rents, carelessly kept (that is, lost in effect) before his time. 2. Gave. Besides many unvaluable Manuscripts, two Fellowships, and five Scholarships. 3. Recovered. A Basin, and Ewer of silver, from the Executors of Laurence Maptide; a rent-charge, of fifty shillings yearly (detained for a long time) out of the Manor of Gerton. He disburdened the College of a pension, for the impropriation of Grand-Chester, and cast it (where it was due) on the Farmer. Now I conceive this is the best Benefaction, to recover the diverted donations of former Benefactors. Partly because it keepeth the dead from being wronged, restoring their gifts according to their true intentions; Partly, because it keepeth the Living from doing wrong, and continuing their unjust detentions. I confess some have complained of this Matthew Parker, A great favourer of Norfolk men. that in favour to his native county, he made all this College to Norfolkize, appropriating most Fellowships thereunto. But the worst I wish this College is, that they may have the like Benefactor, who on the same terms may be partial to the same County. Masters. Benefactors * viz. besides the aforenamed Bishops. Learned Writers. Coll. Live. 1 Tho Eltisley. 2 Rich. Treton. 3 John Kin. 4 John Neckton. 5 Rich. Billingford. 6 John Titshall. 7 John Botryght. 8 Walter Smith. 9 Simon Green. 10 Thom. Cousin. 11 John Ediman. 12 Peter Nobis. 13 William Sowed. 14 Matthew Parker. 15 Laurence Maptyde. 16 John Perey. 17 Tho. Aldricht. 18 Rob. Norgate. 19 John Copeot. 20 John Jegon. 21 Tho. Jegon. 22 Sam. Walsal. 23 Henry Butts. 24 Richard Love. 1. Marg. Brotherton Duchess of Norfolk. 2. John Meers Esq. Beadle. 3. Sr. Nich. Bacon Ld. keeper bred in this College. 4. Roger Manner Esquire. 5. Roger Manner Earl of Rutland. 6. Mr. William Benedict. 7. M. Leonard Cawson. 1 Matth. Parker Arch. of Cant. 2 Richard Fletcher Bish. of London. 3. John Jegon Bishop of Norwich. 4 Antony * Godwin in his cate-log. of Bishops set forth 1616. Watson Fellow, Bishop of Chichester. Henry Hornby. Landbeach R. in Ely Dioc. valued at 10 l. 1 s. 3 d. Wilburham R. in Ely Dioc. valued at 19 l. 16 s. 8 d. St. Bennet Cant. in Ely Dioc. valued at 4 l. 9 s. 9 d. Grandchester V in Ely Dioc. valued at 7 l. 14 s. 3 d. Marry Abchurch R. in Lond. 2 l. 2 s. 6 d. So that lately anno 1634. Dr. Sowed and Dr. Copcot. there were maintained in this College, one Master, twelve Fellows, thirty seven Scholars, besides Officers, and Servants of the foundation with other students, Anno Regis Edw. 1. the whole number being one hundred twenty and six. Anno Dom. 13. Of the foresaid Masters, the thirteenth in order, viz. William Sowed is with Mr. Fooke (Fellow also of this College) acknowledged by Mr. * Acts and Mon. 1013. Fox a great favourer and fartherer of the truth in the dark days of King H. the Eight. Dr. Copcot, the nineteenth Master, (born at Calis) was a great Critic in the Latin and Greek Tongue, very familiar with Drusius, who wrote a Letter to him subscribed Manibus Johannis Copcot, to the Ghost of John Capcot, so much was the Doctor macerated with his constant studying. 14. We must not forget how in the beginning of the reformation some took exceptions at the ancient Arms of this College as Superstitious, The College Arms why altered. and therefore, at the desire of Matthew Parker the Heralds did alter them, and assigned new ones, viz. azure, a Pelican, on her nest, over her young ones Argent, * I aim more at plainness than Terms of Heraldry. pecking out her own blood, Guttee, proper Gules, three Lilies argent: and thus a Poet commented on them. Signat Avis Christum, qui sanguine pascit alumnos. Lilia, virgo parens, intemerata refert. So that still they innocently relate to the ancient Guilds of Corpus Christi, and the Virgin Mary, united in this foundation. 15. So much of this College; 22 the ancient history, out of the archives whereof, 1347 my good friend Mr. Crofts (Fellow of the same, Where I had my Instructions of this College. lately gone to God) communicated unto me, with the courteous consent of Dr. Rich. Love the worthy Master of this College. Yea I must thankfully confess myself once a Member at large, of this House, when they were pleased, above twenty years since, freely (without my thoughts thereof) to choose me Minister of St. benedict's Church the Parish adjoining, & in their Patronage. 16. Two years after was Trinity Hall begun. A Bank and a Lank of Charity. I confess building of Colleges, goeth not by Planets, but by Providence; yet it is observable, that now we had FOUR founded within the compass of SEVEN years. Pembroke Hall Bennet College already past. Trinity Hall Gonvill immediately following. Thus as the Zeal of Achaia provoked many; 2 Cor. 9 2. so here, when one once broke the Ice, many followed the same beaten tract of Charity. Whereas on the other side, when men's hands begin to be out of giving, it is a long time before they recover the right stroke again: After this feast, followed a famine, for it was almost a hundred years betwixt the founding of Gonvill Hall and the next (which was King's College;) Though Charity in the interval may be presumed not to stand still, but to move, not in the generation of New, but augmentation of Old foundations. 17. Now Trinity Hall was built by WILLIAM BATEMAN, William Bateman foundeth Trinity Hall. born in the City of Norwich, and became to be Episcopus in patria, afterwards Bishop in the place of his nativity. He was one of a very stout spirit, and very well skilled in Civil, and Canon Law, (and we may presume the Common Law too, because a Norfolk man) therefore employed by the King to the Pope, in which embassy he died in Avenion. The place whereon he built this his Hall belonged formerly to the Monks of Ely, John de Crawden their Prior, purchasing, and other Benefactors enlarging the same. So that it was a house for Students before Bishop Bateman (and by the exchange for the advowfances of certain Rectories) procured it into his own possession. He appointed by his foundation only one Master, two Fellows, and three Scholars, all of them to be Students of the Canon and Civil Law. Allowing one Divine to be amongst them. Whose number and maintenance have since been much increased by other Benefactors. Anno Dom. 1347 Anno Regis Edw. 3. 20 Masters. Benefactors. Bishops. Learn. Writers. Coll. Live. 1 Adam de Wichmere. 2 Robert Braunch. 3 Simon Dallinge. 4 Simon Thornton. 5 Will. Dallinge. 6 Edw. Shuldham. 7 John Wright. 8 Walter Huke. 9 Robert Lark. 10 Steph. Gardiner. 11 Willi. Mouse. 12 Hen. Harvey. 13 John Preston. 14 John cowel. 15 Clemens Corbet 16 Tho. Eden. 17 Dr. Bonde. 1 Mr. Simon Dallinge. 2 Walter Huke. 3 Robert Goodnap 4 John Maptid. 5 Gabriel Dun. 6 Richard Nix, Bishop of Norwich. 7 Steph. Gardener 8 Mat. Parker. 9 Dr. Mouse. 10. Dr. Harvey. 11 Mr. Busbie. 12 Mr. Hare, Esquire. 13 Dr. cowel. 14 Sr. George Newman Knight. 1 Marmaduke Lumley, Bish. of Lincoln. 2 Steph. Gardiner, Bish. of Winchester. 3 Rich. Samson, Bish. of Coventry and Leich. 4 Willi. Barlow, Bish. of Lincoln. 1 Steph. Gardiner, Lord Chancellor of England 2 Walter Haddon, Master of requests to Q. Eliz. 3 John cowel famous for his Interpreter & other Learned works. Fenstanton, V in Linc. Dioc. valued at 11. l. 11 s. 4 d. q. Stoukley V in Linc. Dioc. valued at 6 l. 14 s. 2 d. Hemingford V in Lin. Dioc. valued at 9 l. 16 s. 10 d. Wetchetsfield V in Lon. Dioc. valued at 12 l. Swanington R. in Nor. valued at 6 l: 11 s. 5 d. ob. Gaysley V in Norvic. Dioc. valued at 7 l. 3 s. 4 d. St. Ed. Cant. Elien. Woodalling V in Nor. Dioc. valued at 8 l. 8 s. 3 d. So there are at this present viz. anno 1634. one Master, twelve Fellows, fourteen Scholars, besides Officers, and Servants of the foundation, with other Students, the whole number being threescore. 18. I am loath to discompose the Catalogue of Masters warranted both by Dr. Caius, The Master's Catalogue might be amended. and Mr. Parker; Otherwise might I insert my own observations. After Robert Branch, I would nominate Henry Wells, Mr. of Arts, and next to him Marmaduke Lumley. I would also after Stephen Gardiner, place Walter Haddon, for one year in the reign of King Edward the sixth; and after him Dr. Mouse in the same King's reign, than Gardiner again in the first of Queen Mary and Mouse again after Gardiner's death: submitting all to the censure of those in that foundation as best read in their own Records. 19 Henry Harvey the twelfth Master of this Hall was he who out of a pious intent (as we are bound to believe, A pious design because profitable to others) with great expense did make a Cawsed-way on the South and other sides of Cambridge for the more convenience of passengers in those Dirty-wayes. So that his bounty have made Summer unto them in the depth of Winter, allowing a large annual revenue for the maintenance thereof. 20. Here I cannot forbear one passage, which I may call a serious jest, which happened on this occasion. A noble Person (but great Anti-Academick) met Dr. Harvey one morning overseeing his workmen, A bitter retort. and bitterly reflecting on his [causelessly suspected] inclinations to Popery, Doctor (said he) you think that this Cawsed way is the high way to Heaven. To whom the other as tartly replied; Not so, Sir, For than I should not have met you in this place. 21. We must not forget that when Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury made his metropolitical visitation at Cambridge, A dispensation for increase of Commons. about sixty years after the first founding of the house; on the instance and entreaty of the Master and Fellowes thereof, he granted a dispensation unto them for enlarging their Commons. Anno Regis Edvardi 3. 22 A Copy whereof, Anno Dom. 1347 carefully a Regest. cur. Cant. in T. Arundle transcribed by Mr. Blewet. transcribed out of the Original, we have here inserted. Thomas permissione Divina, etc. Dilectis in Christo filiis, Custodi & Sociis Collegii Sanctae Trinitatis, Vniversitatis Cantabrigiae, salutem, gratiam, & benedictionem. Supplicatio pro parte vestra in Visitatione nostra Metropolitica, in Eliensi Dioecesi, & Collegio vestro exercita, & adhuc durante, nobis proposita continebat; Quod portio singulorum virorum ad Communas vestras in dicto Collegio limitata, etsi ad uberior em providentiam ejusdem Collegii pro numero Sociorum suppetant Facultates, in tantum est restricta & diminuta, quod considerata praesentis temporis Caristia, inde non poteritis commode sustentari. Nos vero, praemissis inspectis & consideratis, ut ad Dei laudem in study eo melius proficere valeatis, quo vos aliunde victum quaerere non oportet, ut singulis septimanis sexdecim Denarios de bonis communibus Collegii vestri antedicti singulorum Sociorum nomine in Communibus exponere poteritis, Consuetudinibus in contrarium, seu Observantia, etiam juramento, aut Confirmationibus Superiorum non obstantibus quibuscunqùe, de nostra gratia speciali misericorditer dispensamus; nobis nihilominus de restring endo casdem Communas, sevetiam augmentando, pro locis & temporibus opportunis, potestatem specialem reservantes. Dat. etc. Of which Faculty (to spare a formal Translation thereof) this the effect. The Fellows of the House were tied up, by Orders of their Founder, to so short a Sum to provide Commons therewith, that it would not furnish them with Agar's Wish, Food convenient for them, considering the present Scarcity of Commodities. Whereupon the Archbishop by this Instrument (wisely reserving like power to his Successors) dispensed with them; that, notwithstanding their Statutes to the contrary, they might expend sixteen pence a week in Commons, two pence for the Weekdays, a Groat for the Lordsday. 22. True it is, The exceeding cheapness of all commodities. that in the Reign of King Edward the first, all Victuals were exceeding cheap, universally all over the Land; when an Act of Common-Councel was made, confirmed by the King and his Nobility, that in London itself (where Provisions may be presumed dearest) a fat Cock was to be sold for three halfpences, two Pullet's at the same Rate, a fat Capon for two pence halfpenny, a Goose four pence, a Mallard and Partridge three halfpences apiece, two Woodcocks for the same price, etc. A b john Stow's Hist. p. 207. fat Lamb (counted in the nature of Poultry, second-Course meat) from Christmas to Shrovetide, six pence, and all the year after, four pence. Mutton, Veal, Pork and Beef, being all cheap proportionably. 23. But since men multiplied, Causes of dearness. & more Money daily was imported by the Easterlings, Prices of all Victuals grew very high; and this very year, wherein this Dispensation was granted, being 1405. the seventh of King Henry the fourth, by reason of much Wast made by the Civil Wars, at that time all Victuals were much enhanced. Wherefore, to use the Prophet's Phrase, The Ephah being now made small and the Shekelgreat, the Scholars in this Hall had just cause to petition for an Augmentation of Money to buy their Commons. But since the finding out of the West-indieses, in the Reign of King Henry the seventh, and the daily importing of Silver, Prices of all Commodities are mounted to an incredible proportion, to what they were anciently. 24. Indeed (pardon a Digression) this present year 1655. is as plentiful as any Memory alive can parallel, Nor full, nor fasting. so that we want nothing but grateful Hearts to God for the same. For it is strange, that when the Valleys laugh and sing with Corn, that the Owners should sigh and cry for the same. Yea, such is men's Pecvishnesse, as if it endeavoured to puzzle Omnipotency to please it, betwixt the Pining of the Poor in Penury, and Repining of the Rich in Plenty. And, as the Infidel Prince would not believe that God could send Plenty in Samaria, though he should open the Windows of Heaven: so some covetous Cormorant-Cornmongers, despair that he should send a Dearth of Grain amongst us, should he stop the Windows thereof, Drought never making a Dearth in England. But how quickly they may be confuted, and our present Plenty justly turned into Want, to God alone is known. 25. But to return to the Scholars of Trinity-Hall. Convenient diet needful for Students. True it is, that a Body surfeited with Food is unfit for Study. Scholars, like Hauks, flying best when sharp, and not full gorged: and the Monk's Verse hath much truth in it, Distentus Venter non vult studere libenter. And yet perchance, Lauda vit pleno Monachus jejunia ventre. he praised Fasting when he was full himself. However, there may be a fault as well in the Defect, as on the Excess: and there is a Distension as well of Wind and Emptiness, as of Flesh & Fullness, equally impeditive to a studious Mind; and therefore good reason that the Far of these Scholars should be enlarged. 26. Edmond Gonvil (younger Brother to Sr. Nicolas Gonvil of Rushworth, Gonvil-Hall founded. Knight) Parson of Terrington, 1348 and Rushworth in Norfolk, 23 where he had founded a College of Canons, valued at the Dissolution, at built also an Hall dedicated to the Virgin Mary, on the place where now are the Orchard and Tennis-Court of Bennet-Colledge; five years after having its Situation altered. 27. Whilst this Hall continued here, Archbishop Vfford a Commoner therein. one eminent Commoner lived therein, namely john Vfford, Dr. of Law, Son to the Earl of Suffolk, and by Royal appointment, with the Papal consent, made Archbishop of Canterbury; but dying before his Consecration, probable (if surviving) to prove a good Benefactor to this Hall. But he departed this Life some what before Edmond Gonvil (the Hall losing so good a Father, and so hopeful a Friend, in a short space) though the later left a large Sum of Money to William Bateman, Bishop of Ely, to see this Foundation finished according to his Directions. 28. Bishop Bateman desired to bring this new Hall nearer his own of Trinity-Hall; This Hall transplanted partly because he might oversee both his Child and Nurse-child at the same Inspection; partly to invite Converse betwixt these two Countryfolk-Foundations (both of Norfolk Parentage) by their Vicinity of Situation. This was done accordingly. Infants are easily portable from place to place; and this Hall, not yet fully rooted, was quickly removed. An Exchange is made with Bennet-Colledge, for their mutual Conveniency, and Gonvil-Hall transplanted to the place where it standeth at this day; and where it fareth the worse for the Towns overfond Embracing thereof, so surrounding it on all sides, that it wanteth those Walks other Colleges do enjoy. 29. This House was afterwards honoured with Students of the highest Extraction, Two noble Students. amongst whom of chiefest Remark, Humphrey and Edward, Sons to john de la Poole Duke of Suffolk, whose elder Brother having undone himself and his Family, these betook themselves to their Books, preferring to claim Learning as their own Right, rather than to be called Lords by the Courtesy of others. However, though both in Orders, they attained to considerable Church-preferment (Edward only getting the Arch-deaconry of Richmond) not for want of Worth, but (probably) because overlooked by the jealous eye of King Henry the seventh. So impossible it was, any Plant should grow great under such a malignant Influence. 30. We must not forget how William Fishwick, Fishwick's Hostile given to this Hall. Esq Bedle of the University, bestowed his Dwellinghouse on this Hall, turned afterwards into an Hostile (and beautified with fair Buildings) not entire in itself, but retaining to Gonvil-Hall. This Fishwick's- Hostile (though worse than a Cambridge) was better than any Oxford-Hall; as partly endowed by the Bounty of William revel, rector of Tichwell in Norfolk, who in his own Benefice built several Chambers and Lodgings, whither the Fishwickians might retire, either for Pleasure in Summer, or Safety in Sickness. Above fourscore Commoners have lived at once in this Hostile, Anno Dom. 1348 repairing for Prayers to Gonvil-Chappell, Anno Regis Edvardi 3. 23 and, ifdying, interred therein. Since it is assumed into Trinity-college. 31. As for Gonvil-Hall, Papal Indulgences. it flourished by the Bounty of several Benefactors; yea it found some Pope's much befriending it: As Sixtus the fourth, who (notwithstanding the Decree of Benedict the eleventh, enjoining all Benedictine Monks to study in Vniversity-Hall) dispensed with those of Norwich to reside in Gonvil-Hall. Also Alexander the sixth gave them leave, yearly to send two to preach in any part of England without control. 32. Masters. Benefactors. Bishops. Learned Writers. Live in Col. gift. john Colton William Rougham Richard Pulham William Somersham john Rickingpale Thomas Atwood Thomas Bolken Edmond Sheriff Henry Costesey john Barley Edmond Stubbs William Buckenham john Skippe john Sturmin Thomas Bacon john Cajus Lady Mary Pakenham Anne Scroop Elizabeth Clear Dr. Balie Stephen Smith Rich. Willison Thomas Atkins Peter Hewit William Gale Thomas Willows William Sigo Dr. Knight john Whitacre 1 john Colton, Archbishop of Armagh 2 john Rickingpale, Bishop of Chichester 3 William Linwood, Bishop of St. David's 4 Nicolas Shaxton, Bishop of Sarum 5 William Repps, Bishop of Norwich 6 john Skippe, Bishop of Hereford William Linwood john Cajus vide infra in Cajus College. How this Hall came afterward to be improved into a College, shall, God willing, in due time and place be related. Richard de Herling, 26 Chancellor. 1351 William Tynkel, 27 Chancellor. 1352 Thomas de Sutton, 34 Chancellor. 1359 Richard de Wetherset, 35 alias Cambridge, 1360 Chancellor. He was by way of Eminency called Richard of Cambridge, and had many Contests with the Monks. He was well skilled in School-Divinity, a Racemation of which Studies was now in Cambridge, but not comparable to the Vintage thereof in Oxford. 33. Edmond de Langley, fifth Son to King Edward the third, was by his Father created Earl of Cambridge. And now that Title, which formerly had traveled beyond the Seas (residing for a time with German Princes) came home, and quietly reposed itself in the British Blood-royal, wherein it continued until the death of the last Duke of Hamilton. Michael de Haynton, 36 Chancellor. 1361 Michael de Causton, 37 Chancellor. 1362 34. An Anti-Chancellour was chosen against him by an active Faction in the University, A Contest about choosing of Chancellor. one john de Donewick, wanting nothing for that place, save a legal Election. However his Party presented him to I. Barnet Bishop of Ely, who confirmed him Chancellor. Whereupon Mr. john Ufford and Mr. William Rawby, in the name of the University, appealed to the Official of the Court of Canterbury. The Official sent john Tinmouth, Will. Teofle, and Tho. Ely, Masters of Arts, to the Bishop of Ely, inhibiting to intermeddle any more about Donewick, Anno Dom. 1362 because chosen against Statute. Anno Regis Edu. 3. 37. Thus was this Donewick cast out of the House for the present, for coming in by the Window, who some years after entered in by the Door of an undoubted Election, and excellently discharged his Office therein. William de Gotham, 1366 Chancellor. 41 Thomas de Stukely, 1369 Chancellor. 44 35. This year a tough Controversy happened betwixt the Dominicans, Discords betwixt Dominicans, and Carmelites. Plaintiffs, and the Carmelites, Defendants, reducible to three principal Heads. 1. Which of the two Orders had the best name. The Dominicans urging it more Honour to be called from a Man, than a Mountain; an holy Saint, than an high Heap of Earth. The others rejoined, that the Mountain of Carmel was more than a Mountain, as sanctified by Elijah (chief of their Order) so conversant thereon. 2. Which was most ancient. Wherein the Dominicans pleaded seven years' Seniority. And, though this may seem but a small matter, yet a Race is as fairly won by an Horses-Head, as by a Furlong distance before. 3. Who had most and strongest Papal Privileges. Which being a matter of Fact, depended on the producing and proving their several Instruments. Mean time the Quarrels of Friars bred the Quiet of Students; the Gremials in the University (formerly troubled with Friars contesting with them) had now Leave and Leisure peaceably to follow their Studies. john de Donewick, 1371 Chancellor. 46 36. john Stokes a Dominican, The Dominican chargeth. born at Sudbury in Suffolk, but studying in Cambridge, as Champion of his Order, fell foul on the Carmelites, chief for calling themselves The Brothers of the Blessed Virgin, and then by consequence all know whose Uncles they pretend themselves. He put them to prove their Pedigree by Scripture, how the Kindred came in. In brief, Bale saith, he left red Notes in the white Coats of the Carmelites, he so belaboured them with his lashing Language. 37. But john Hornbey a Carmelite (born at Boston in Lincolnshire) undertook him, The Carmelite receiveth the charge, and conquereth. called by Bale Cornutus, by others Hornet-bee, so stinging his Style. He proved the Brothership of his Order to the Virgin Mary by Visions, allowed true by the infallible Popes, so that no good Christian durst deny it: and prevailed with the Chancellor of Cambridge, in a public Writing to signify the Superiority of their Order in this doughty Difference, wherein not an Hair of any important truth was concerned. Adam Lakingheth, 1373 Chancellor. 48 38. About this time GEFFREY CHAUCER studied in Cambridge, Chaucer a Cambridge Student. as the Writer of his Life (prefixed to the last and best Edition of his Works) hath well observed. For, a In his Court of Love, fol. 352. being commanded to give an account of himself, What is your name, rehearse it here I pray, Of whence and where, of what condition That ye been of, let see, come off and say, Feign would I know your disposition: He returned under the assumed name of PHILOGENET, Of Cambridge Clerk. Here Clerk is not taken in the restrictive sense, for one in Orders (CHAUCER being a military man) but for a Scholar, skilled in Learning; in which Contradistinction all men were divided (as Time into Day & Night) into Clerks, and no Clerks. I confess this CHAUCER, living at New-Elme in Oxfordshire, b In his Astrolaby, fol. 261. componed his astrolabe for the Orizont of Oxenford, and probably studied also in that University, Anno Regis Edvardi 3. being one of that Merit, Anno Dom. 1362 who may with Honour be acknowledged a Member of both Universities. john de Donewick, 49 Chancellor. 1374 William de Gotham, 51 Chancellor. 1376 Rich. 2. Richard le Scroop, 2 Chancellor. 1378 Guido de Zouch, 3 Chancellor. 1379 john de Cavendish, 4 Chancellor. 1380 39 Edmond Lister Major of Cambridge, 5 with the Bailiffs and Burgesses thereof, 1381 met in the Town-House. A rebellious tiot of the Townsmen of Cambridge Here they chose james Granchester and Thomas his Brother into their Corporation, which formerly were Foreigners and not free of the Town. This done, they elected the foresaid james to be their Ringleader; yet so that they bond him with an Oath to do whatsoever they should command him. Now because it is as necessary, & almost as acceptable a Work to transmit the Memory of Malefactors to the Detestation, as of Benefactors to the Praise of Posterity, take a List of the most active Townsmen in this wicked Design. 1 john a Cajus Hist. Cant. Acad. lib. 1. pag. 97. Blanckpain 2 john Cotten 3 john Martial 4 john Brigham 5 john Tripplow 6 Thomas Tryvet 7 Peter Lolworth 8 john Card-maker 9 Robert Beilham 10 john Barley 11 Adam Sergeant 12 Henry Rand 13 john Herre 14 Alexander Taverner 15 Britelin of Cambridge. Fifteen men, all dishonest and false, whom I may call the Field-Officers under their General Granchester, if the honourable Terms of an Army may be applied to so base a Company. 40. Then this Rabble-Rout rolled to Bennet College, University Monuments martyred. against which Foundation they had a particular Quarrel, because endowed with many Candle Rents in Cambridge, so that a sixth part of the Town is said at that time to belong thereunto. Here they broke open the College Gates on the Saturday Night (a good preparation for the Lordsday following) and, as if the readiest way to pay their Rent were to destroy their Landlords, they violently fell on the Master and Fellows therein. From them they took all their Charters, Evidences, Privileges, and Plate, to the Value of fourscore pounds. Hence they advanced to the House of the Chancellor, threatening him and the University with Fire and Sword, (as indeed they did burn the House of William Wigmore Esq Bedle, proclaiming that whosoever could catch, should kill him) except they would instantly renounce all their Privileges, and bind themselves in a Bond of three thousand pounds to subject themselves hereafter to the Power of the Townsmen, and free the Townsmen from any Actions Real or Personal which might arise from this Occasion. This done, they went into the Marketplace, where with Clubs they broke the Seals of the University Charters, and then burned them in the place. One Margaret b Cajus ut prius pag. 99 Sterr, a Mad old Woman, threw the Ashes into the Air, with these words; Thus, thus let the Learning of all Scholars be confounded. 41. Now if any ask us what is become of the Originals of the Bulls of Honorius, Sergius, Eugenius, etc. of the ancient Charters of Arthur, and other Britain and Saxon Kings; we have but one sad and true Answer to return to all their Questions: They are burnt; and that in the worst of Fires, not caused by Casualty, but by malicious Design. From Cambridge they went to Barnwell, doing many Sacrilegious Outrages to the Priory therein. Nor did their Fury fall on Men alone, even Trees were made to taste of their Cruelty. In their Return, they cut down a curious Grove called Greens-Croft by the River's side (the Ground now belonging to jesus College) as if they bore such a Hatred to all Wood, Anno Dom. 1381 they would not leave any to make Gallows thereof for Thiefs and Murderers. Anno Regis Rich. 2. 5 All these Insolences were acted just at that Juncture of time, when jack Straw and Wat Tiler played Rex in and about London. More Mischief had they done to the Scholars, had not Henry Spencer, the warlike Bishop of Norwich, casually come to Cambridge with some Forces, and seasonably suppressed their Madness. Guido de Zouch, 1382 Chancellor. 6 42. The time was now come that the Townsmen might calmly be counted with, The Townsmen called to a legal account. to answer that in cold, which they had done in hot, yea scalding Blood. Two Writs are sent down from London; the one to the Major and Bailiffs of Cambridge then being, the other to them who were Major and Bailiffs the year before, when the Riot was committed. The first appeared personally, and pleaded themselves not guilty, ne knowing of any such Outrages. Edmond Lister pleaded also not guilty, and that he was enforced to do all that was done: which the King's Council quickly confuted, by producing the two Bonds which they forced the Chancellor to subscribe. 43. Three things the Townsmen desired: Their pitisull Plea. First a Copy of the Bill, secondly Council, thirdly Respite to answer. To the Copy of the Bill it was answered, That since they had heard the same, it should a Lord Coke in the fourth part of his Institutes, c. 44. suffice, for by Law they ought to have no Copy. To Council it was answered, They should have it wherein it was to be had, but this was mere matter of Fact. As for Respite, after many Subterfuges and delatory Pleas, at last they submitted themselves to the King's Mercy, who seized the Privileges of the Town as forfeited into his own hands, and conferred them on the University. 44. First, Privileges conferred on the University. That hereafter the Oversight of all Victuals should belong to the Chancellor; so that no Townsman ever since putteth a Crum of Bread or Drop of Beer into his Mouth, but what first is weighed and measured by an Officer of the University. Secondly, That the Chancellor and the University should have power to set Prices on Candles (very necessary, I assure you, to hard Students) and to licence all Victualling-houses, and oversee all Wares and Weights at Sturbridge Fair. Thirdly, That no Action be brought by any Townsman against Scholar or Scholar's Servant, save only in the Court of the Chancellor. Fourthly, That the University have power to punish and amerce all Forestallers, Regrators, etc. paying a Rent of ten pounds a year for that Privilege into the Exchequer. This their Power extending to the Town and Suburbs thereof: from which Clause of Suburbs, the Lord b Vide ut supra. Coke collects and concludes Cambridge then to be a City in Reputation. 45. We must not forget that at the same time Focalia, Focalia prized by the Chancellor. that is, all kind of Fewell, Wood, Coals, Turf, etc. was then subjected to the Chancellor, as to set the Price thereof. Seeing the Townsmen had so little Wit and Honesty as to make Fuel of King's Charters, hereafter they should meddle no more with Materials for Fire. Thus ill Manners occasion good Laws, as the Handsome Children of Ugly Parents. john Nekton Chancellor. 1384 46. The University now began to grow sensible of a great Grievance, 8 caused by the Minors or Franciscan Friars. An Order that no Scholar is to be admitted under 18 years of Age. For they surprised many when Children into their Order, before they could well distinguish betwixt a Cap and a Cowl, whose time in the University ran on from their Admission therein, and so they became Masters of Arts before they were Masters of themselves. These Vniversity-Boyes (for Men they were not) wanting Wit to manage their Degrees, insolently domineered over such who were their juniors, yet their Elders. To prevent future Inconveniences in this kind, the Chancellor and University made an Order, that hereafter none should be admitted Gremialls under eighteen years of Age. 47. The Minors or Franciscans were much nettled hereat, Anno Regis Rich. 2. 8 who traded much in such tender Youth, Anno Dom. 1384 (Minors and Children agree well together;) The Franciscans oppose this Order. and a Pitz de Script. Ang. in An. 1384. William Folvil a Franciscan wrote an Invective against the Act of the University, as injurious to the Privileges of this Order, it being against Monastical Liberty, to be stinted to any Age for the Entrance therein. 48. I find not what was the Issue of this Contest, The Issue uncertain. but believe that the University never retracted their Order, though it stands not in Force this day, wherein many of younger Age are daily admitted. And seeing man's Life is now shortened, it is but reason that what we want of our Ancestors in long Running, we should supply in soon Starting. Let the Watermens of London (whose violent Work requires robustious Bodies) make an Order in their Hall, that none under the Age of eighteen should be bound Apprentice in their Company: Ability is more to be respected then Age in the Sons of the Muses, in whom often Eruditio supplet Aetatem. Nor is there to my knowledge any Prohibition in this kind observed, save that they fright Scholars of a low Stature with a jocularie Tradition, That none are to commence which are not higher than the Beadles Staff. 49. A great Schism happened this year in the Regent-house, about the Choice of a new Chancellor. I find not who carried the Place, and therefore probably the old one still continued. Thomas de Hetherset, 10 Chancellor. Richard Maycent, 1386 Proctor. 50. Pope Urbane the sixth gave licence to Beneficed men to be non-resident for five years, and follow their Studies in the University, if allowed by the Chancellor for the same. William Colvil, 12 Chancellor. 1388 john Wace Rich. Baston Proctors. 51. A Parliament was called at Cambridge; A Parliament kept at Cambridge a Place at this time very convenient for that purpose. For he that will hinder the Hide from rising up on either side, must fix his Foot on the Middle thereof. Cambridge was well nigh the Centre of those Eastern Counties, lately mutinous with Popular Commotions. The King for his Privacy was pleased to prefer Barnwell Priory for the place of his Repose, though otherwise Kings-Hall (founded by his Grandfather) was prepared for his Entertainment; where all things were so conveniently contrived, that the Courtiers had all Lodgings and Offices by themselves, without meeting with the Scholars, save only in the passage towards the Kitchin. William Courtney Archbishop of Canterbury, and Edmond Langly Earl of Cambridge, lodged in the Convents of the Carmelites, being of the largest Receipt of any Religious House in Cambridge. A sad Accident happened as the King road in State to the House. One Sr. Thomas Trivet attended his Majesty; which Knight being mounted on an unruly Horse, was cast off, broke his Entrails, and died the next day. 52. By the way, Canterbury misprinted for Cambridge in the Statute-book. me thinks Cambridge might bring an Action of Trespass against all our printed Statute-books, for depriving her of the Honour of this Parliament, and rendering the place Canterbury in stead of Cambridge, in the Preface to the Acts thereof. This Inconvenience cometh from contracting long words in writing, when there be two Names whose Faces, (as I may say) I mean their Beginnings, are the same; and whose lower parts, though much differing, being cut off with a Dash, causeth a Confusion betwixt them. And although, by the Tower Rolls and other excellent b Thomas Walsingham and Henry Knighton in their lives of Richard the second. The excellent statutes of Cambridge Parliament. Authors, this Parliament appeareth kept at Cambridge, not Canterbury; yet (as if Prescription turned Usurpation into lawful Possession) the Lawyers will not amend this Mistake. The best is, it matters not where good Statutes be made, so they be made; the Place being not essential unto them. 53. Many and good were the Laws enacted in this Parliament, besides the Confirmation of those made in the Reign of King Edward the third. Anno Dom. 1388 viz. Anno Regis Richardi 2. 12 That the manly and Martial Exercise of Archery should be generally used. Secondly, a Statute was made against the multitude of Servants, great Lords keeping then little Armies in their Families, which soon after occasioned the Wars betwixt the Houses of York and Lancaster. And whereas it was the general Complaint, that men were grown so vain and expensive in their clothes, that Servants were not to be known from their Masters, the Clergy from the Laiety, something was ordered for the Regulating of Apparel, the Wages of Labourers, and removing the Staple. 54. We must not forget that in this Parliament a Statute was made also against Wanderers: Against wand'ring Scholars. and particularly against Scholars of both the Universities, that they should not go about without Licence from the Chancellor. Indeed I have ever beheld begging Scholars as the most improper Object of Charity; who must be vicious, or else cannot be necessitous to a Mendicant condition. But since I have revoked my Opinion, the Calamities of this Age falling so heavily on Scholars, that I am converted into a charitable conceit of such who beg the Charity of others. Richard de Deerham, 1389 Chancellor. 13 55. A strange Miracle is reported here to have happened. A strange Miracle. Whilst the Augustine Friars in a solemn Procession were carrying the Host about the Town, on a sudden it grew so a Thomas Walsingham in hoc anno. heavy, that it made two of the strongest Friars puff, and sweat, and blow to support the same. It added to the Wonder, that, let any Layman put his Hands under it, and they felt no Weight at all. Thus this was a Roman, but no Catholic Miracle, as but partial, and confined only to the Cognizance of the Clergy; enough almost to make it suspected that they first feigned it, who only felt it. 56. Surely it is not like unto Scripture-Miracles, Not like those in the Scripture. which had all persons present Witnesses to the Truth thereof. Say not, Paul only heard the Voice speaking to him from Heaven, which the rest of his Fellow-Travellers did not hear; because that Express was made particularly for his personal Conversion. Otherwise it will be hard to instance in Scripture, wherein a Miracle was not evident to all who were present thereat. 57 This reported Miracle was followed with a sad Mortality in the Town and University, A strange Plague in Cambridge. proceeding from the Infection of the Air, and that caused from the unclean keeping of the Streets. Indeed I read how the Master of Michael Hostile was convented before the Chancellor, and commanded either quickly to cleanse their Channels, or quite to stop them up, as being in the public Passage of the Students to the Schools and St. Maries, which sent forth such an offensive Savour (the purest Brains are soon subject to Infection) that many fell sick with the noisomeness thereof. And indeed the Shame and Gild is great, when for the want of Sweeping the Streets the Inhabitants thereof are swept away with Infections. Now such the Malignity of this Disease, that presently it infected the Brain, so that instantly men ran raving mad, and, which was strange, sarved themselves to death, refusing to eat, or drink, save what was forced down their Throats with violence. What Number of Scholars and Townsmen died here of is uncertain, but sure they were not a few, the Distemper continuing for many Weeks together. 58. I doubt not but Oxford did grealy condole with Cambridge herein: the rather, The like after was at Oxford. because surely Cambridge did sadly sympathise with her Sister Oxford, when in the Reign of King Henry the seventh she was made desert & desolate by an Epidemical Infection. This arose, saith their b Brian Twine p. 324. Antiquary, ex stagnis & aquarum obicibus, from the stopping of Watercourses (and Oxford, I assure you, is well stored with them on her East & South side) so that the Town was wholly forsaken, till by the care of Richard Fox their Chancellor it slowly recovered the Inhabitants. 59 Now or about this time john a Pitz. de Script. p. 551. Bromiard a Dominican, john Bromiard a fierce Anti- Wicklivist. first bred in Oxford, Anno Regis Richardi 2. 14 came to Cambridge, Anno Dom. 1390 and there became Professor of Divinity: sent thither (perchance) on Design, to ferret out the Wicklivists, (to whom he was a professed Enemy;) though Ralph Spalding, a Carmelite, was the sole eminent Cantabrigian at this time suspected to b Idem p. 550 Both best by turns. favour their Opinions. 60. Note by the way, that Oxford was most fruitful of Defenders and Sufferers for the Truth, from the coming of Wickliff, till the rising of Luther; during which time Cambridge was but barren of famous Confessors. But Cambridge in the Reign of King Henry the eighth, afforded c Which clearly appears by consulting and comparing Fox his Acts and Mon. more Martyrs, and Witnesses of the Truth, whilst Oxford was more generally guilty of Superstition. Thus he who hath two fair Orchards, seldom wanteth Fruit; the one hitting, whilst the other faileth. And thus the God of Truth was alternately furnished with Champions, first of the one, than the other University; till both at last, (after the perfect Reformation) became the fruitful Nurseries of Protestant Worthies, to the Envy and Admiration of all Christendom. William Colvil, 15 Chancellor. 1391 Tho. Hadley Peter Skelton Proctors. 61. It was usual for Apostate Preaching or Dominican Friars, Statute against fugitive Friars. being Fugitives from foreign Parts, here surreptitiously to steal their Degrees: in future prevention whereof, the King ordered, they should not commence in either University. He by his Writ also enjoined d Rob. Hare, in Archivis. the Sheriff of Cambridgeshire, (in default of the Bailiffs and Townsmen) to assist the Chancellor, in replessing Malefactors. john Neckton, 16 Chancellor. 1392 William Colvil, 18 Chancellor. 1394 Thomas Hougham, Proctor. Eudo, 20 or Guido de Zouch, 1396 Chancellor. William Wimble, Proctor. 62. john Fordham Bishop of Ely, The first person of Honour Chancellor of Cambridge. well considering the State, Degree, and noble Birth of Eudo de Zouch, (being, as I collect it, younger Son to the first Lord Zouch of Haringworth in Northamptonshire, a younger Branch of most ancient Barons at Ashby de-la-Zouch in Leicestershire) would not exact Obedience of him, as of the former Chancellors. Indeed Fordham was herein more Courtlike and civil to this Eudo, then Thomas Arundel, his Precessour Bishop of Ely, who (being nobly born himself, might be presumed more courteous to one of the like Extraction, yet) seventeen years since, viz 1379. took Obedience of this Eudo then Chancellor, in all Formality. But some will say, Eudo had since acquired (though not better Rloud) more Gravity and Degrees, and therefore more Respect was due unto him. 63. But what now was indulged to Chancellor Zouch as a personal Favour, Cambridge's Chancellor no longer confirmed by Ely's Bishop. was six years after, 1402. granted generally to all his Successors, by the bounty of Pope Boniface the ninth; who by his Bull, ordered it, that the Chancellor of Cambridge needed not any further Confirmation from the Bishop of Ely, but that his Election by the University put him into Power to perform his Office. SECTION IU. Anno Dom. Anno Regis ROULANDO LITTON in pago HARTFORDENSI Armigero. PRimam Mundi Aetatem, Poetae dixerunt Auream; non ob Auri abundantiam, cujus ne mica tunc in usu, (cum Opens, malorum irritamenta, nondum effoderentur) sed ob summam illius Seculi Simplicitatem. Quo quidem sensu, Vita Academica mihi vere aurea est censenda: cujus me meminisse juvat, cum nos olim in Collegio Sydneyano (Ego, sub auspitiis Doctoris Wardi; Tu, sub tutela Magistri Dugardi, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) Literis vacavimus. At praeter hanc communem cum aliis Felicitatem, mihi peculiaris Honor obtigit, quem idem Cubiculum tibi sociavit, Notissimum enim illud, Noscitur è Socio: unde spero futurum, ut Obscuritas mea inter Collegas, beneficio Contubernii tui, (tanquam notabili Indice) apud Posteros illustrabitur. Richard Rilling field, Chancellor. 1. OVer into England about this time first came the Mystery of Printing; 1400 Henrici 4. 2 but when first brought to Cambridge, The large Privilege of Cambridge for printing. it is uncertain. Only I hope, I may without Offence report what I have read in the Oracle of our a Sir Edward Coke 4. part of his Instit. of the Iurisdict. of Courts pag. 228. much improved the rain. English Law: This University of Cambridge hath power to print within the same omnes and omnimodos Libros; which the University of Oxford hath not. 2. True it is, it was a great while before Cambridge could find out the right knack of Printing; and therefore they preferred to employ Londoners therein. Thus I find a book of Robert Alyntons', called Sophistica principia, printed at London by Wynand de Word, Anno Regis Henrici 4. 2 Anno Dom. 1400 ad usum Cantabrigiensem, Anno 1510. But some seven years after, one Sibert, Vniversity-Printer, improved that Mystery to good Perfection, fairly a 〈◊〉 Hist. Cant. Acad. lib. 2. p. 127. setting forth the Book of Erasmus, deconscribendis Epistolis, the Author then living in Cambridge, who may be presumed curious in the Impression of his Works. In the next Age Thomas Thomatius, Fellow of Kings, and Cambridge-Printer, (known by the Dictionary of his name) heightened Printing to higher degree; since exactly completed by his Successors in that Office; witness the Cambridge Bible, of which none exacter or truer Edition in England. 3. This year the University was visited Thomas Arundel, 3 Augu. 18 1401 Archbishop of Canterbury, The University visited by the Archbishop of Canterbury. the first and last of his place, personally appearing in that Employment. We are therefore concerned to be the more punctual in relating all Passages, and begin with his letter of Citation sent to the Chancellor, being Richard de Billingford, Master of Corpus Christi College, though none particularly named. b Prima pars Thom. Arundel fol. 492. THomas permissione, etc. dilecto Filio Cancellario Universitatis Cantabrigiae, The Archbishop his Mandate to the Chancellor. Eliensis Dioeceseos, nostraeque Provinciae Cantuariensis, Salutem, etc. Quia nos in progressu Visitationis nostrae Metropoliticae in dicta Dioecesi exercendae, Vos & dictam Universitatem, annuente Domino, proponimus visitare; Vos tenore praesentium peremptorie citamus, & per vos omnes & singulos Doctores, & Magistros Regentes, & alias Personas quascunque praedictae Universitatis, qui nostrae Visitationi hujusmodi interesse tenentur de consuetudine vel de jure, citari volumus; & mandamus, quod compareatis, vel compareant coram nobis in domo Congregationis Universitatis praedictae, decimo septimo die mensis Septembris proximi futuri, cum continuatione & prorogatione dierum tunc sequentium, Visitationem nostram hujusmodi juxta juris exigentiam subituri, facturique ulterius & recepturi quod Canonicis convenit Institutis. Et quid seceritis in praemissis, nos dictis die & loco debite certificetis per literas vestras patentes, hunc tenorem, una cum nominibus & cognominibus omnium & singulorum per vos in hac parte citatorum, in Schedula eisdem literis vestris annectenda, descriptis, habentes, sigillo vestro consignatas. Datum in Manerio nostro de Lambeth, decimo octavo die Mensis Augusti, Anno Dom. 1401. & nostrae translationis Anno quinto. Concordat cum Originali. ROBERT. BLEWET, Notarius Publicus. 4. The same day several letters were sent, Another to every College. one to every particular College, as appeareth by the following Copy, directed to Trinity Hall, (singled out, it seemeth, by itself; whose Master, a Canonist, was presumed most knowing in such legal proceed) which only remaineth in the Register. THomas, etc. Anno Dom. 1401 Anno Regis Henrici 4. 3 Aug. 18 in Christo Filio, Gardiano sive Custodi Collegii Sanctae Trinitatis Cantabrigiae, Eliensis Dioeceseos, nostrae Cant●ariensis Provinciae, Salutem, etc. Quia nos in progressu Visitationis nostrae Metropoliticae praedictae Dioeceseos, Vos & Collegium vestrum in personis & rebus, annuente Domino, visitare intendimus; tenore praesentium peremptorie vos citamus, & per vos omnes & singulos Consocios, & Scholares praedicti Collegii citare volumus, & mandamus, quod compareatis, & compareant coram nobis, aut Commissariis nostris, in Capella, sive domo Capitulari praedicti Collegii, decimo septimo die mensis Septembris proxime futuri, cum continuatione & prorogatione dierum tunc sequentium, Visitationem hanc juxta juris exigentiam subituri, ulteriusque facturi & recepturi quod Canonicis convenit institutis. Et quid feceritis in praemissis, nos aut Commissarios hujusmodi dictis die & loco debite certificetis per vestras literas patentes, hunc tenorem, una cum nominibus & cognominibus omnium & singulorum Sociorum & Scholarium per vos in hac parte citatorum, in Schedula eisdem literis annectenda, descriptis, habentes. Datum in Manerio nostro de Lambeth, decimo octavo die Mensis Augusti, Anno Domini 1401. & nostrae translationis Anno quinto. Concordat cum Originali. ROBERT. BLEWET, Notarius Publicus. 5. It plainly appears, A mistake in the printed date. this Visitation was kept 1401. by the expressed Date thereof. If this may not be believed (Figures being subject to mistake) of itself, it is confirmed with the Coincidence of Arundel's fifth year therein. This maketh me to believe my own Eyes, and a Notary's Hand, with the consent of Chronology, before the foreign Edition of a Printed at Hanaw 1605. British Antiquities, setting this Visitation later by four years, viz. 1409. 6. A word of the Occasion of this Visitation. The occasion of this visitation. William Courtney, Arundel's Predecessor, some years since, had visited the University of Oxford tamburlaine in b Ant. Brit. (said in vita Tho. Arundel) pag. 271. Capite quam in Membris. Now that Cambridge should neither be elated, that it was above the Archbishops Power, nor dejected, that it was beneath his Care, but preserved in the same moderate temper with her Sister Oxford; Arundel now resolved to visit the same. The rather, because suspecting some Wicklivists, his professed Adversaries, to lurk therein. 7. At the time appointed, The Archbishop comes in Pomp to Cambridge. the Archbishop comes to Cambridge, Sept. 16 in so stately an Equipage, that he almost daunted the Beholders: till the Students in Cambridge recovered themselves with a cheerful Consideration, that none of them were excluded (except by their own Unworthiness) from a Possibility of the like Preferment; who, though short of him in Temporal Extraction, might by their Deserts in due time, equal his Spiritual Preferment. 8. Next day, All the Scholars appear before him. the Chancellor, 17 all the Heads of Houses, with all Doctors and Masters in the Inversity, appeared before his Grace in the Convocation-house, and there solemnly performed unto him their Canonical Obedience. Anno Regis Henrici. 4. 3 Sep. 17 Then the Archbishop addressed himself to his Work, proceeding to a strict enquiry of all persons and passages subjected to his Inspection. 9 He began with the Chancellor: The Chancellor first examined. whom he examined singly, secretly, & cum Silentio, on the following Articles. 1. Imprimis, Whether the Statutes and laudable Customs of the University be observed by all therein. 2. Item, whether there be any Scholars in the said University, which refuse to obey the Mandates and Admonitions of the Chancellor. 3. Item, Whether there be any disturbers of Peace and Unity in the said University. 4. Item, whether the Common Chests with the Money therein, and Keys thereunto belonging, be carefully kept. Several well-disposed persons bestowed Sums of Money, Several Chests in Cambridge with their Donours. and Chests to treasure them in, which generally took their names from the Donour thereof; or, (if more Contributers concurred therein) from the principal person amongst them: which may thus (all extant at this Visitation) be reckoned up. Chest. Donour. Sum. Time. a Cajus Hist. Cant. lib. 2. pag. 133. Billing ford's Richard de Billingford 100 pounds 1400 Blide's William de Blide 10 marks — Blondel's john de Blondel, rector of Clifton uncertain — St. Butolph's Thomas of St. Butolph's uncertain — Darlington's Darlington uncertain — b So called by Cajus (because prior of Ely) otherwise his Surname was Salmon. Ely's john de Ely, Bishop of Norwich 100 marks 1320 Exceter's Thomas Beauford, Duke of Exeter uncertain 1401 Fen's Fen uncertain — Gotham's William de Gotham, Chancellor uncertain 1376 St. Iohn's St. john uncertain — Ling's c He is called Harling in Pern his printed tables. Rich. Ling, Chan. of the University uncertain 1352 Neele's Walter Needle, Citizen of London. john Whithorn, rector of Holsted. 100 pounds 1344 The Queen's Eleanour, Wife of Edward 1. 100 marks 1293 Ronbery's Gilbert Ronbery uncertain — St. Trinity's William Baytman, Bishop of Ely 100 pounds 1348 This Money was a Bank for the University, out of which any Master of Arts (especially if an University Preacher) might, on Security given, borrow three pounds gratis, for one, or more years. It seems at the time of this Visitation, the Stock in them was well husbanded, which since through Negligence is wholly lost; though Annual Cofferers are chosen, for Key-keepers of those Cabinets, whose jewels are got away. But we return to the Chancellors examination. 5. Item, whether Masters, Bachelors, and Dectours, formally perform their Exercises, and take their Degrees according to their Deserts. Item, whether there be any suspected of Lolardisme, or any other Heretical Pravity. We well understand his Language without an Interpreter, meaning such who maintain the Opinions of Wickliff. These concealed themselves in Cambridge, the Lambs not daring to bleat when the Wolf was so near: yet some were detected now, and others afterwards. For I impute it to the Influence of this Visitation, that Peter Herford Master of Arts, (probably Kinsman to a Ant. Brit. pag. 266. Nicholas Herford, who so me. 20. years since, was condemned for the same Opinions in Oxford) was ten years after Feb. 22. enjoined an Abjuration of Wickliff his Opinions in a full Congregation in the new Chapel. 7. Item, whether the Doctors dispute publicly in the Schools, how often, and when. Understand this of Doct ours Candidates. of else of Professors, tied by their Places to dispute. Otherwise Doctores liber● sunto, was not a Statute as yet in force. 8. Item, whether the Number of Fellows be complete in Halls and Colleges, according to the will of the Founders. This concerned not such Colleges which in this Age had Statutes of Diminution, to abate their Fellow's 〈◊〉 proportion to the decrease of their Revenues, according to the dis●●●●on of their Masters. 9 Item, whether any Scholars be defamed for any notorious Crime, or do not profit in their Studies, or 〈◊〉 others from profiting therein. 10. Item, how the University is governed in Victuals or any Necessaries. 10. To these Interrogatories the Chancellor made his particular Answer: and after him, the other Doctors were examined successively and secretly; their Depositions being solemnly recorded in a ●●gister in the Presence of the Archbishop. 11. Now although the Archbishop pers●nel●● visited the collective Body of the University, Several Colleges visited by the Archbishop his Commissioners. in the Congregation, or kegent- 〈◊〉; it was beneath his Dignity to descend to each particular Foundation. For which purpose he sufficiently deputed certain Commissioners, who severally surveyed every College, and began (saith the Record) with the College of the Holy Trinity, called Trinity Hall at this day. 12. But why was this Hall first visited? Why Trinity Hall first visited. It was not for the Seniority thereof, being the youngest save one [Gonvill Hall] in Cambridge. Was it out of respect to the Name, the Holy Trinity, to whom it was dedicated? Or because the Commissioners (presumed to be Canonists) preferred their own Faculty, as studied in the College? Or was it by Casualty, the first they came to, as nearest their Lodging? But the Nut is not worth the cracking. 13. The Guardian of this College (so called in the Record) appeared before the Commissioners; The plea of the Guardian thereof; whom by proportion of time we collect to be Robert Branch, Licentiate in the Laws. He pleaded for himself, that in Obedience to the Archbishops Mandates, he had summoned all the Fellows and Scholars of his College to appear accordingly, being within the Province of Canterbury. 14. Adding moreover, caeteros autem Socios & Scholar's dicti Collegii, Summoning none to appear out of the Prov●nce of Canterb. ab eodem Collegto tunc & nunc absentes, & in diversis remotis partibus, etiam extra dictam ●rovinciam agentes, non citavi, ne praemunivi, prout ne● potui quovis modo. 15. Herein we may observe first, An observation. that the Fellows of this House kept their places, though travelling in foreign parts; probably to perfect themselves in Canon and Civil Law. Secondly, that his answer was well resented, finding nothing in the Records returned in dislike thereof. 16. Hence the Commissioners stepped into the next College of Clare Hall, Clare Hall visited: and visited it, in Capella ejusdem Collegii, saith the Record. Wherefore when Doctor Cajus telleth us that a Hist. Cant. lib. 1. pag. 57, 58. Sacellum additum in hujus Aulae Complementum, An. 1535. he is not thus to be understood, as if Clare Hall was without a Chapel until that year; but that their Chapel (probably decayed with Age, or some Casualty) was in this year rebuilt, and added thereunto. 17. Then they visited the College of the Annunciation of the Blessed Mary (now commonly called Corpus-Christi College) in the chapel thereof, and Corpus-Christi Coll. viz. in the place which now is the Chancel of Bennet Church. 18. Hence they advanced to the White Canons over against Peterhouse, where the Name remaineth at this day, and the White Canons. whom they visited in their Church (now buried in its Churchyard, and the Churchyard in Oblivion) observing all solemn Formalities. 19 Let a wiser man satisfy the Reader, why no other Convents in Cambridge were visited by the Archbishop. Had not the White Friars [the Carmelites] as much need of scouring, as the White Canons? Were not Spots to be found as well in Coules of other Colours, black and grey, Benedictines and Franciscans? It is hard to conceive these Friars too high to be reached by the Legative power of the Archbishop, though these last Orders had the largest Privileges conferred up on them by the Pope. 20. It was now but crossing the Street to Peterhouse: A day of Non-term with the Visiters. but it being late, and the Commissioners well wearied, they returned and reposed themselves in their Lodgings. Sept. 18 The day following was all Vacation with them, we finding nothing by them performed; probably either because the Lordsday, or because taken up in Entertainments. 21. Next day the Commissioners visited the Priory of St. Sept. 19 Radegund Nuns visited Radegund, in the Chapter-House thereof: where the Prioress, (as the Record calleth her) and the Nuns present their several Obedience; whose Examinations and the Depositions were entered into a Register for that purpose. We charitably presume them chaster at this time, than they appeared afterwards, when turned out for their Incontinency, and their House turned into jesus College. 22. In the afternoon they made quick dispatch (Supper being provided for the Archbishop at Ely) visiting Michael-House, Their visitation ended. St. john's Hospital of Regubars (since translated into St. john's College) Peter's College, and Pembroke Hall, in their several Chapels: and then his Grace took his journey towards Ely, where he was well welcomed by john Fordham the Bishop thereof. 23. Some will wonder, Quere, about Omissions of the Commissioners. no mention in this visitation of Gonvil Hall, (the Pusnie House in Cambridge) as if so late and little, that the Commissioners did oversee it: More will admire at the Omission of King's Hall (the largest, and richest Foundation in Cambridge) enough to make some suspect, that Royal Foundation subjected only to the immediate visiting of the King their Patron. 24. As for Hostles, Hostles why not visited. the wonder is not so great, why those Commissioners stooped not down to visit them. First, because Dependent Hostles were, no doubt, visited in and under those Colleges to which they did relate. Absolute Hostles, who stood by themselves, being all of them un-endowed, by consequence, had no considerable Statutes, the breach whereof was the proper Subject of this Visitation. Besides, the Graduates therein may be presumed for their Personal Demeanours, visited in the Collective Body of the University. 25. But when this Visitation was ended, it was but begun in effect, seeing such Faults which on examination were discovered therein, were remitted to the Archbishop his Reformation at his own leisure; as one of his b Matt. Park. in Ant. Brit. pag. 274. Reformation remitted to the Archbishop's leisure. Successors in the See (but of a different Religion) hath informed us. Anno Regis Henrici. 4. 3 Sept. 19 Yet no great matter of Moment appears in his Register (save the augmentation of the Commons of Trinity Hall, whereof before) which I have carefully perused by the courteous leave of Master Sherman of Croyden, the Register of them, to whose Kindness I am much indebted; for may my Candle go out in a stench, when I will not confess whence I have lighted it. 26. Some will say, Que●e, what now became of Cambridge her ancient exemptions. Where were now the Privileges of the Pope, exempting Cambridge from archiepiscopal jurisdiction? I conceive they are even put up in the same Chest with Oxford Privileges, (pretending to as great Immunities:) I mean, that the Validity of them both, though not canceled, was suspended for the present. If it be true, that the Legate de Latere hath in some cases equal power with the Pope, which he represents; and if it be true, which some bold Canonists aver, that none may say to the Pope, Curio ita facis? it was not safe for any in that Age to dispute the power of Thomas Arundel. 27. But possibly the Universities willingly waved their Papal Privileges: A probable conjecture. and if so, injuria non fit volentibus. I find something sounding this way, how the Scholars were aggrieved, that the supreme Power being fixed in their Chancellor, there lay no Appeal from Him, (when injurious) save to the Pope alone. Wherefore the Students, a Ant. Brit. in Wil Courtnay. that they might have a nearer and cheaper redress, desired to be eased of their burdensome Immunities, and submitted themselves to Archiepiscopal Visitation. Richard de Deerham, Chancellor. 28. This year a strange Accident (if true) happened; Oxford Argentine challengeth all Cambridge. 1407 9 and take it as an Oxford b Bri. Twine Ant. Acad. Oxon. p. 335. Antiquary is pleased to relate it unto us. One john Argentine, a Scholar of Oxford, came and challenged the whole University of Cambridge to dispute with him; as is reported in William of Worcester, the Trumpeter, it seems, to this doughty Champion. I can say little to the matter, only this: As for William Worcester's avouching his Acts, he appeared neither in Bale nor Pits their Catalogues of illustrious Authors; only the later hardly recovereth him in is Appendix, (confessing himself ignorant of the Age he lived in) not mentioning the title of the Book cited by the Antiquary, by whom the Achievements of this Argentine, (though no doubt in themselves very whole and inture) are but lamely delivered, according to the Tenor ensuing. 29. First, An account of his Achievements. Master Twine saith of him; Ausus erat solus— he alone challenged to dispute with all Cambridge. Which might be true; and still as true of him as of Phaeton,— Magnis tamen excidit ausis. But he proceeds to tell us, that his Performances herein may easily be understood out of c Bria. Twine pag. ut prius, linea 32. William Worcester, in whom thus it is written: Actus Magistri Johannis Argentin publice habitus in Vniversitate Cantabrigiae, contra omnes Regentes Hujus Vniversitatis, quoad oppositiones, in Hnno Christi 1407. The Act of john Argentyn publicly kept in the University of Cambridge, against all the Regent's of This University, as to Oppositions, Anno 1407. Let froward Spirits, who delight in contesting, cavil at the doubtfulness of the Pronoun, hujus Vniversitatis, which might relate to the University of Oxford, where Master Twine met with the Manuscript of this William Worcester: And then the sense will be, that john Argentine being a Cambridge-man, (of which name a worshipful Family then flourished at d Camd. Brit. in Cambridge-shire. Horsheths within ten miles of Cambridge) did in Cambridge keep an Act in Opposition to all Oxford-men, who commonly at the Commencement repair thither. I say, let such as delight in cavilling, turn the Tables by this sleight; whilst I can willingly allow Argentine an Oxonian, and his daring Act kept at Cambridge. Only I add, that the words of Worcester barely import the Boldness of his Challenge, no Bravery of his Conquest; not acquainting us with any great Applause ensuing thereupon. 30. Having done with the Prose, Anno Regis Henrici. 4. 2 Anno Dom. 1407 After Prose, now in verse. Master Twine proceeds to the Poetry of this performance: whose words are these. Tum ipsius Cantiones subjungit, cum hoc Exordio. Neu sis turba Regens nostros tacitura per annos. et hoc quoque Epilogo. Et velit huc conferre pedem sacra turba regentum, Vt fer at an motis sociem bene carmina nervis. Haec Gulielmus Worcestrensis. Still we are in the twilight, it being again questionable, to whom the pronoun, ipsius, doth relate. If to Argentine, he was both the Achilles and Homer of his own praise; and then the less credit is to be given to his own Relation. But if ipsius (which is more proper and probable) refers to William Worcester, I wonder that Master Twine (privileged no doubt to peruse the whole Poem) gives us only the Beginning and End thereof, or, if you will, the Prologue and Epilogue of this Tragicomedy. It leaveth it suspicious that the intermediate Verses had no great matters of moment of this Champion his performance, because passed over in Silence. But I will not blast his victorious Bays. Let Argentine be challenger, combatant and conqueror; sure I am, when he came to Cambridge, he left many behind him at Oxford of more learning, who did smile at, and modesty, who did blush for his bold undertaking. Only I wonder that this Scholar-Errant, after his return from his great adventures, was not wedded to some fair Lady, I mean, that he got no great preferment; I never after finding this man, so much meriting, advanced in Church or Commonwealth. But enough of this great Champion, his bare memory being able to affright my single self, who, when alive, durst challenge an whole University. Eudo de Zouch, third time Chancellor. 14 1412 Richard de Billingsford, Chancellor. Hen. 5. 1 1413 31. He obtained many Privileges for the University. The Chancellor sent to Rome. He a MS. Mat. Wren. was sent from the King, with the Bishop of Ely, and Chancellor of Oxford, to Rome, to tell the two Popes striving for the Place, that except one would yield, England would acknowledge obedience to neither. In Billingsford's absence Friar Tho. Ashwell is called Precedent of the University. A statute this year was made for wearing Hoods, either of Budge or Lambs-kin, Steven de Scroop, 2 1414 Doctor of Law, Chancellor. john de Riken d g p ale, 3 1415 (so many ways his name is written) Chancellor. He was afterward Bishop of Chichester. Henry Stockton, 5 1417 Vice-Chancell. Thomas Ferkhill Thomas Markant Proctors. 32. The Chancellors of Cambridge being lately either persons of noble birth or great Employment, The Original of Vice-chancellours. whose occasions often caused their absence; it was fashionable henceforward to substitute Vice-Chancellours in their room. 33. Thomas Markant the ●unior Proctor was Fellow of Peterhouse, Tho. Markant his excellent book. and a great lover of Antiquity: he gave a Book to the University, of his own Collection, concerning the Privileges thereof. This, though by the Will of the Donour carefully kept in a locked Chest, was lost by negligence, or purloined by dishonesty, till falling into the hands of Master Robert Hare that great Antiquary, it was restored to the University. 34. Since it hath been lost again, Lost and found, lost and found, lost. when Master Matthew Wren, since Bishop of Ely, casually going into Sussex, found it in a Friend's house, and (being a great preserver of ancient Monuments) carefully procured the solemn restitution thereof. Anno Dom. 1417 Anno Regis Henrici 5. 5 But who can stay, that which will away? I am informed it is lost again: which third Relapse I suspect mortal; that the Book will never be recovered to the University. 35. A difference happening betwixt the University and the City of London, Difference betwixt the University and Londoners. about the oversight of Victuals, Measures, and Weights, in Sturbridge-fair, the a Rob. Hare, i● Archivis. The Original of Sturbridge-fair. care of all three, pendente lite, was referred to Sir William Asenhull Knight, high Sheriff of Cambridge-shire. I find not the issue of the Contest. 36 This Sturbridge-fair is so called from Stur, a little Rivulet (on both sides whereof it is kept) on the East of Cambridge, whereof this Original is reported. A Clothier of Kendale, a Town b Camd. Brit. in Westmoreland. charactered to be Lanificii gloria, & industria praecellens, casually wetting his Cloth in that water in his passage to London, exposed it there to sail, on cheap terms, as the worse for the wetting; and yet it seems saved by the bargain. Next year he returned again, with some other of his Townsmen, proffering drier and dearer Cloth to be sold: so that within few years, hither came a Confluence of Buyers, Sellers, and Looker's on, which are the three Principles of a Fair. In Memorial whereof, Kendale-men challenge some privilege in that place, annually choosing one of the Town to be Chief, before whom an antic Sword was carried with some mirthful Solemnities; disused of late, since these sad times, which put men's minds into more serious Employment. 37. It is at this day the most plentiful of Wares in all England, Sale of the Privileges thereof seasonably prevented. (most Fairs in other places being but Markets in comparison thereof;) being an Amphibion, as well going on Ground, as swimming by Water, by the benefit of a navigable River. Nothing else have I to observe hereof, save that, in the last year of Queen Mary, the University necessitated for Money, were about to contract with the Townsmen, for a small Sum to sell unto them all the Privileges in that Fair; had not Doctor c D. Hatchers Ma. of the Provost of King's College. A beneficial grant to University-men, Robert Brassey, Provost of Kings, by the stout denying of his consent, preserved the same to the University. 38. A Synod being kept at London, Robert Gilbert, Warden of Merton College, Doctor of Divinity, in the behalf of Oxford; and Thomas Kington, Doctor of Law, Advocate of the Arches, in the behalf of d Ex Registro Cantuar. Hen. Chichely. Cambridge, made two eloquent Orations, that the worth of Scholars in the University might be rewarded, and preferment proportioned to their Deserts. Hereupon it was ordered, that the Patrons of vacant Benefices should bestow them hereafter on such as were Graduated in the University, Gradus & Professionis ratione juxta Beneficiorum census & valores habita. So that the best and most Live, should be collated on those of the best and highest Degrees. 39 Doctor Kington returning to Cambridge, Refused by their own folly: instead of Thanks (which he might justly have expected, for his successful industry) found that the favour he procured was not accepted of. The Regent-Masters in the Congregation, out of their e Ant. Brit. pag. 278. Youthful Rashness, rejected the kindness merely out of Spleen and Spite, because the Doctors would be served with the first and best Live, and the Refues only fall to their share. john Riken d ale, 1419 7 Chancellor. g p 40. The Regent-Masters being grown older and wiser, But on second thoughts accepted. were persuaded to accept the proffer, sending their thanks by the Chancellor to another Synod now kept at London. And now when the bestowing of Benefices on Vniversitymen was clearly concluded; the f Ant. Brit. ut prius. unlearned Friars (whose interest herein was much concerned) mainly stickled against it, until by the Kings interposing they were made to desist. The same year it was ordered in Parliament, that none should practise g Rob. Hare, in Archivis. Physic or Surgery, except approved on by one of the Universities. Hen. 6. 1 Thomas de Cobham, 1422 1423 Chancellor. Robert Fitzhugh Master of King's Hall, Chancellor, afterward Bishop of London. 2 Marmaduke Lumley, Anno Regis Hen. 6. 7 8 9 Anno Dom. 1428 1429 1430 Chancellor, afterwards Bishop of Lincoln. William Wimble, Chancellor. john Holebroke, Chancellor. 41. Difference arising betwixt the University, Differences betwixt the Bishop of Ely and the University. and Philip Morgan Bishop of Ely, Pope Martin the fifth, at the instance of the University, appointed the Prior of Barnwell, and john Deeping Canon of Lincoln, his Delegates to inquire of the Privileges of the University. 42. The Prior undertook the whole business, Remitted by the Pope to the Prior of Ba●nwell. examined seven witnesses, all Aged (some past threescore and ten,) and perused all Papal Bulls, Privileges and Charters: wherein he found that the Chancellors of Cambridge have all a Rob. Hare, 〈◊〉 Archivis, vol. 2. fol 103 Ecclesiastical jurisdiction (viz. Excommunication and suspension) over Scholars and their servants, probates of Wills, granting of Administration, and taking their accounts; the aged witnesses deposing it on their own sight and knowledge. 43. This being returned by the Prior, The Pope giveth his sentence for Cambridge its exemtion. Pope Martin pronounced his sentence, wherein he declareth, that the University, time out of mind, was in the Possession, use, and exercise, of Ecclesiastical and spiritual jurisdiction, without any disquieting of Archbishops, Bishops, or their Officers: and for the time to come he confirmed their b Hare in Archivis vo. 2. fol. 115. Immunities, which his Successor, Eugenius the fourth, re-confirmed unto them. This strengthens our former Conjecture, that the University willingly receded from their own Privileges in Arundel's visitation. William Lassells, 10 1431 Chancellor. Richard Caudrey, 11 1432 Chancellor. john de Langton, 15 1436 Chancellor. 44. Richard Duke of York was at this time Earl of Cambridge: A constant Tenure of Princely Earls. the last that beware that Honour for many years, in whose death it was extinct. And now let the Reader at one view behold the great Persons dignified with the Earldom of Cambridge. Scotch Kings. German Princes. English Dukes. 1. David. 2. Henry. 3. Malcolm. 4. john Earl of Henault. 5. William Marquis of juliers. 6. Edmond of Langly fifth Son to Edward the third. 7. Edward his Son. 8. Richard Duke of York his Brother, Father to King Edward the 4th. No City, Town, or place in England was ever honoured with so many and great persons as Cambridge was; whose Earldom, sleeping for almost two hundred years, was at last conferred by King james on the royallyextracted Marquis Hamilton; whereof in due place. 45. About this time the many Chests of Money (formerly well filled, The Universities money embezeled. and worthily employed for the good of the University and eminent Scholars therein) were squandered away, and embezeled to private men's profit. I cannot particularise in their names, nor charge any single person: but it appeared too plainly, that of 14. or 15. Chests, not four were left, and the sums in them inconsiderable; so that Cambridge never recovered her Bank, nor recruited her Chests to the former proportion. Anno Dom. 1436 Yet afterwards she met with two good Benefactors, Anno Regis. Henri ci 6. 15 the one Thomas Bourchier, Never re●lored to the same degree. Archbishop of Canterbury, who bestowed on her an hundred pounds; the other the Lady Elizabeth Clear, Duchess of Norfolk, which put the University in stock again, bestowing no less than a thousand Marks at several times on the public Treasury; though within few years little was left thereof. 46. I know it is pleaded, Vehement suspicion of corruption. that the expensive Suits of the University against the Townsmen in the Reigns of King Henry the seventh and King Henry the eighth, much exhausted their Coffers. But when all is audited, a strong suspicion still remains on some in public employment, of unjust dealing. Sure it is, in the Reign of King Edward the sixth the Treasury was so empty, it wanted wherewith to defray necessary and ordinary Expenses. SECTION V. Anno Regis. RADULPHO FREEMAN, Anno Dom. in Comitatu Hertfordensi Armigero. SOlon interrogatus à Croeso Regum opulentissimo, Plutarch. in vita Solon. quem ille mortalium agnosceret Beatissimum, Tellum quendam Atheniensem civem privatum nominavit. Huic res nec augusta, nec angusta; cum inter Invidiam & Inoptam pari fere distantia collocaretur. Si Solon nunc in vivis, Te faelicissimis hujus Seculi annumeraret, cui Mens composita, Corpus (licet tenue) integrum, Domus elegans, Supellex nitida, Patrimonium satis amplum, Soboles numerosa ac ingenua. Nec nimiis Titulis tumescis, necte Obscuritas premit, cui talis obtigit Conditio, qua melior haud facile fingi potest. Quod si tibi suppetat hora succisiva, quae non sit fraudi serioribus tuis Negociis, perlegas, quaeso, hanc Historiae meae portiunculam, cujus pars majuscula in Collegio Regali describendo consumitur; in quo (ut accepi) tu olim Litteris incubuisti. ABout this time, Henrici 6. 15 (for I cannot attain the certain year) some considerable persons of our Nation undertook the draining of the Fens near to Cambridge. 1436 They wanted not Dutchmen out of the Low-Countries to assist them, Cambridge Fens endeavoured to be drained. (where each Peasant is born a Pioneer) and vast sums were expended in making of Ditches, and Banks, impregnable (as conceived) against all assaults of Inundation. 2. But in the next (being a wet, All in vain. & Windy) Winter, down comes the bailiff of Bedford (so the Countrypeople commonly call the overflowing of the River Ouse) attended, like a person of his quality, with many servants, (the accession of tributary Brooks) and breaks down all their paper-banks, as not water-shot-free, reducing all to the former condition. 3. This Accident put the Wits of that, Arguments, pro and on Pen-dra●ning. and succeeding Ages, upon the dispute of the feacibility of the design: and let us sum up the Arguments against and for this undertaking. 1. Argument. 1. Answer. Some objected, that God saith to the water, a job 38. 11. hitherto thou shall come and no further: it is therefore a Trespass on the Divine Prerogative, for Man to presume to give other Bounds to the Water, than what God hath appointed. Even the heathen b Pausanias' in Corinth. man was so Christian, as to say, Rebus divinitus constitutis manus non est injicienda. The Argument holdeth in application to the Ocean, which is a Wild-horse, only to the broke, backed, and bridled by him, who is the Maker thereof. But it is a false and a lazy principle, if applied to Fresh-Waters, from which humane Industry may, and hath rescued many considerable parcels of ground. 2. Argument. 2. Answer. Many have attempted, but not effected it. None ever wrestled with it, but it gave them a foil, if not a fall, to the bruising, if not breaking of their Backs. Many have burnt their fingers in these waters, and instead of draining the ●ennes, emptied their own estates. It hath been almost as unsucces: full, as the letting of the Red into the Midland-Sea, to the Kings of Egypt, who endeavoured it. Many men's undertaking thereof, insinuates the possibility of the project. Otherwise it is unlikely so many discreet persons would befool themselves in seeking what is not to be found. The failing is not in the unfeacibility of the Design; but in the accidental defaults of the Undertakers, wanting either Heads, discretion, or hearts, resolution, or hands, assistants, or purses, performance of pay to people employed therein. 3. Argument. 3. Answer. Morton Bishop of Ely, (one of the wealthiest who ever sat in that See) almost wasted his estate, by cutting a water-passage, (known by the name of the New Leam) & well-nigh beggared himself, in hope to enrich his Town of Wisbich with trading thereby. It is confessed a Burden too heavy for the back of any single person, how great soever. And therefore it calls for a Corporation of Wise and wealthy persons to undertake the same. 4. Argument. 4. Answer. An Alderman of Cambridge (chooser a Burgess in Parliament) affirmed the Fens to be like a crust of bread swimming in a dish of water. So that under eight or ten soot earth, it is nothing but mere water. In possible therefore the draining thereof, if surrounded by that liquid element both above and beneath. Interest betrayed his judgement to an evident error. And his brains seemed rather to swim instead of this footing ●arth. For such as have scunded (as I may say) the depth of that ground, find it to be terrafirma, and no doubt as solid to the Centre, as any other earth in England. 5. Argument. 5. Answer. The River Grant or Cam (call it as you please) running by Cambridge, will have its stream dried up by the draining of the Fens. now as Cambridge is concerned in its River; so that whole County, yea this whole Kingdom is concerned in Cambridge. No reason therefore that private men's particular Profit should be preferred before an Universal good, or good of an University. It is granted, the water by Cambridge kindles and keeps in the Fire therein. No hope of sufficient fuel on reasonable rates, except care be take● for preserving the River Navigable, which may be done, and the Fens drained nevertheless. To take away the Thief, is no Wasting, or Weakening to the Wiek of the Candle. Assurance may be given, that no damage shall redound to the Stream of Grant, by stopping other superfluous waters. 6. Argument. 6. Answer. The Fens preserved in their present property, afford great plenty and variety of Fish and Fowl, which here have their Seminaries & Nurseries; which will be destroyed on the draining thereof; so that none will be had, but at excessive prices. A large first, makes recompense for the shorter second Course at any man's Table. And who will not prefer a tame Sheep, before a Wild Duck, a good fat Ox, before a well- grown Eel? 7. Argument. 7. Answer. The Fens afford plenty of Sedge, Turf, and Reed; the want whereof will be found, if their nature be altered. The commodities are inconsiderable to balance the profit of good Grass & Grain, which those grounds if drained would produce. He cannot complain of wrong, who hath a suit of Buckram taken from him, and one of Velvet given in lieu thereof. Besides, provision may bemade, that a sufficiency of such Ware-trash may still be preserved. 8. Argument. 8. Answer. Many thousands of poor people are maintained by fishing and fouling in the Fens, which will all be at a loss of Livelihood, if their Barns be burnt, that is, if the Fens be drained. It is confessed that many whose hands are becrampt with Laziness, live (and only live, as never gaining any estates) by that employment. But such, if the Fens were drained, would quit their Idleness, and betake themselves to more lucrative Manufactures. 9 Argument. 9 Answer. Grant the Fens drained with great difficulty, they will quickly revert to their old condition, like to the a Camden' s Brit. in Cambridgeshire. Pontine Marshes in Italy. This disease of the Dropsy (if aqua super cutem, as well as intercutis, may be so called) will return to the Fens again. If a Patient perfectly cured, will be careless of his Health, none will pity his Relapse. Moderate cost with constant care, will easily preserve what is drained; the Low-Countries affording many proofs thereof. 10. Argument. 10. Answer. Grant them drained, and so continuing; as now the great Fishes therein prey on the less, so then Wealthy men would devour the poorer sort of people, Injurious partage would follow upon the enclosures, and rich men (to make room for themselves,) would justle the poor people out of their Commons. Oppression is not essential either to draining or enclosing, though too often a concomitant of both. Orders may be taken by Commissioners of quality impowered for that purpose, that such a Proportion of Commons may be allotted to the Poor, that all private persons may be pleased, and an advance accrue thereby to the Commonwealth. However, the Generality of people in that Age was possessed with a firm Opinion, the project was utterly impossible to be brought to pass. 4. But the best Argument to prove that a thing may be done, is actually to do it. Since effected to admiration. The Undertakers in our present Age, have happily lost their first name, in a far better, of Performers; and of late the Fens nigh Cambridge have been adjudicated drained, and so are probable to continue. 5. Very great was the ingenuity, Labour improbus omnia vincit. industry (the eyes and hands of all grand designs) and expense in this action. For the River Ouse, formerly lazily loitering in its idle intercourses with other Rivers, is now sent the nearest way (through a passage cut by admirable art) to do its Errand to the Germane Ocean. 6. I confess Cambridge ever looked on the draining of the Fens with a jealous eye, Cambridge why jealous herein. as a project like to prove prejudicial unto them. And within my memory, an eminent Preacher made a smart Sermon before the judges of the Assizes on this Text— Let a Amos 5. 24. judgement run down as waters, and righteousness as a mighty stream. Wherein he had many tart reflections on the draining of the Fens, inciting the judges to be tender of the University so much concerned therein. But it seems Cambridge was then more frighted, then since it hath been hurt, now the project is effected. 7. The chiefest complaint I hear of is this, that the Country thereabout is now subject to a new drowning, Never pleased. even to a deluge and inundation of plenty, all commodities being grown so cheap therein. So hard it is to please froward spirits, either full of fasting. 8. Here even a serious body cannot but smile at their conceit, Deep Philosophy. who so confidently have reported and believed that the late Drought these last three years proceeded from the draining of the Fens. As if the Sun arising in those Eastern Counties, were offended that he was disappointed of his Mornings-draught, (which he formerly had out of the Fens) and now wanteth Vapours, the materials of Rain, whereof those moist grounds afforded him plenty before. 9 A jejune and narrow conceit: A real resutation. as if the Cockle-shel of Fen-waters were considerable to quench the thirst of the Sun, who hath the Germane Ocean to carouse in at pleasure. Besides, their fond fancy is confuted by the wetness of this last Summer, affording rain enough and too much. 10. As Cambridge-shire hath gotten more Earth, Cambridge Air bettered. so hath it gained better Air by the draining of the Fens. And Cambridge itself may soon be sensible of this perfective alteration. Indeed Athens (the staple of ancient Learning) was seated in a Morase or Fenny place, (and so Pisa an Academy in Italy:) and the Grossness of the Air is conceived by some, to quicken their wits, and strengthen their memories. However, a pure Air in all impartial judgements, is to be preferred for Students to reside in. 11. Henry a Catus Hist. Cant. lib 1 pag. 6. 7. And ●illiam Bingham another. the sixth, Anno Regis Hen. 6. 19 Feb. 12 a pious and mild Prince (one of a better soul than spirit) erected a small College for a Rector and twelve Scholars in and about the places where Augustine's Hostile, King Henry foundeth a small College. God's House, and the Church of St. Nicolas formerly stood; Anno Dom. 1441 being one motive that he dedicated this his foundation to the honour of St. Nicolas, on whose day also he was born. 12. William Bingham, 10 Rector of St. John zachary's in London, 1442 sensible of the great want of Grammarians in England in that age, founded a little Hostile (contiguous to King Henry his College) to be governed by a Proctor, b Cai●● ibidem and twenty five Scholars, all to be (not Boys, learning the Rules, but) Men studying the criticisms of Grammar: and he is no Grammariam, who knoweth not Grammaticus (in that age especially) to be an essential Member of an University. 13. But the year after Bingham his small Hostile was swallowed up in the King's foundation (not as Ahab's Palace eaten up Naboth's Vineyard, 21 July 10. but) by the full and free consent of the aforesaid Bingham, 1443 surrendering it up into the hands of the King, Both united and enlarged unto Kings-Colledge. for the improving and perfecting thereof. Whereupon the King uniting and enlarging them both with the addition of the Church of St. John Zacharie, then belonging to Trinity Hall (in lieu whereof, he who would do hurt to none, good to all, gave to that Hall the patronage of St. Edward's in Cambridge) founded one fair College, for one Provost, seventy Fellows and Scholars, three Chaplains, six Clerks, sixteen Choristers, and a Master over them, sixteen officers of the foundation, besides twelve Servitors to the signior Fellows, and six poor Scholars, amounting in all to an hundred and forty. 14. The Chapel in this College is one of the ●arest fabrics in Christendom, The admirable Chapel. wherein the stonework, wood-work, and glass-work contend, which most deserve admiration. Yet the first generally carrieth away the credit (as being a stonehenge indeed) so geometrically contrived, that voluminous stones mutually support themselves in t●e arched roof, as if Art had made them to forget Nature, and weaned them from their fondness to descend to their centre. And yet, though there be so much of Minerva, there is nothing of Arachne in this building: I mean, not a spider appearing, or cobweb to be seen on the (Irish-wood or Cedar) beams thereof. No wonder then, if this Chapel, so rare a structure, was the work of three succeeding Kings; Henry the sixth, who founded; the seventh, who fathered; the eighth, who finished it. The whole College was intended conformable to the Chapel, but the untimely death (or rather deposing) of King Henry the sixth, hindered the same. Thus foundations partake of their Founder's interest, and flourish or fade together. Yea, that mean quadrant (now almost all the College extant at this day) was at first designed only for the Choristers. 15. But the honour of Athens lieth not in her Walls, A Catalogue of Kings-Colledge worthies. but in the worth of her Citizens. Building may give lustre, but Learning life to a College; wherein we congratulate the happiness of this foundation. Indeed no College can continue in a constant level of Learning, but will have its alternate depression and elevations: but in th●s we may observe a good tenor of able men in all faculties, as indeed a good Artist is left-handed to no profession. See here their Catalogue, wherein such persons reducible to two or more columns, to avoid repetition, are entered in that capacity, wherein I conceive them to be most eminent. Provosts. Anno Dom. 1443. Benefactors. Anno Regis Hent. 6. 21. Bishops. 1 William Millington, elected anno 1443. from Clare-Hall, whither, after three years, he was remanded, for his factious endeavouring to prefer his Countrymen of Yorkshire. 2 John Chedworth, who continued six years. 3 Rich Woodlark, D. D. founder of Katherine Hall. 4 Walter Field, D. D. elected 1479. continued 20 years. 5 John Dogget, D. C. L. Chanceler of Sarum, elected 1499, and remained so two years. 6 John Argentine, D. P. and D. (He gave the Coll. a fair Basin and Ewer of silver, with other plate, yet in the use & custody of the Provost) elected 1501. and remained six years. 7 Rich. Hutton, D. C. L. elected 1507. continued two years. 8 Rob. Hacomblen, D. D. elected 1509 & remained 19 years. He wrote Comments on Aristotle's Ethics. 9 Edward Fox, afterward BP. of Heref. elected 1528 and continued ten years. 10 George Day, afterward Bishop of Chichester, elected 1528. and continued ten years. 11 Sir John Cheek (of St. John's in Cambridge) chosen by Mandate 1548. sat five years. 12 Rich. Atkinson, D. D. elected 1553. so remained three years. 13 Rob. Brassey, chosen 1556. and so remained 2 years. 14 Philip Barker, chosen 1558. sat twelve years. 15 Roger Goad, a grave and reverend Divine, of whom much hereafter, elected 1570. and remained Provost forty years. He gave the rectory of Milton in Cambridgeshire to the College. 16 Fog Newton, D. D. chosen 1610. sat two years. 17 Will. Smith, chosen 1612. two years. 18 Sam. Collins, chosen 1615. of whom hereafter. 1 Will. Town, Fellow, gave four pounds for ever, for a salary to a Minister. 2 John Plentith, Fellow, gave one hundred and sixty Marks. 3 Will. Wiche, Fellow, gave many of his Books to, etc. 4 Will. Skelton, D. P. Fellow, gave all his Books to the Library. 5 Nic. West, when Scholar of this House, so desperately turbulent, that discontented with the loss of the Proctorship, he endeavoured to fire the Provosts Lodgings; and, having stolen some silver spoons, departed the College. Afterward he became a new man, D. D. and Bishop of Elie, who to expiate his former faults, gave many rich gifts and plate to the College, and built part of the Provosts Lodgings. 6 Will. Scales, Fellow, D. D. gave a salary known by his name at this day. 7 Dr. Cowel gave plate and divers Books to the College. 8 William Smith, Provost, gave an hundred pounds worth of Books, and a fair Salt of forty pounds' price, with other legacies. 9 Adam Robbins, Richard Day, and William Henshaw, late Fellows, contributed their several benefactions. 10 Thomas Weaver, late Fellow, wainscoted both sides of the Choir in a decent manner. 1 Nic. Close 1551. Carlisle. Lichfield. 2 Jo. Chedworth, Bishop of Lincoln 1452. 3 Tho. Rotheram, Rochester first, then York, 1467. 4 Oliver King, Exeter, than Bath and Wells, 1492. 5 Jefferie Blithe, 1503. Coventrie and Lichfield. 6 Nicolas West, 1515. Elie. 7 Nic. Hawkins, 1533. nominated Bishop of Elie, but died before his consecration. In time of famine he sold all his plate and goods to relieve the poor of Elie, where he was served himself in wooden dishes, and earthen pots. 8 Tho. Goodrig, 1534. Elie. 9 Edward Fox. 1535. Hereford. 10 Rob. Aldrich, 1537. Carlisle. Erasmus styleth him when young, Blandae eloquentiae juvenem. 11 George Day, 1543. Chichester. 12 John Poinet, 1550. Rochester, then Winchester. 13 Rich. Cox, 1559. Elie, Scholar of this House. 14 Edward Gwest, 1559. Rochester, than Sarum. 15 William Alley, 1560. Exeter. 16 William Wickam, 1595. Lincoln, then Winchester. 17 Thomas Ram, Bishop of Fernos in Ireland. 18 Richard Montague, 1628. Chichester, than Norwich. 19 John Long, Armagh, some thirty years since, not finding the date of his consecration. 20 Will. Murrey, conduct of this College, Bishop of Landaff, anno 1627. Statesmen. Learned Writers. Martyrs and Confessors. Benefices in the College gift. 1 W. Hatliffe, D. D. Secretary to King Edward the fourth 2 James Denton, D. C. L. Chancellor to the Lady Mary, Dowager of France, Dean of Lichfield, and Lord Precedent of Wales 3 Will. Conisby, became a Student of the Common Law, and a learned Judge. 4 Edward Hall, afterward a Judge, and a useful Historian. 5 Walt. Haddon, Master of the Requests to Q. Elizabeth. 6 Ralph Colfield, clerk of the Council in Wales to K. Edward 6. He discovered the cheating of Dicers. 7 Tho. Wilson, principal Secretary to Queen Elizabeth. 8 Giles Fletcher, Ambassador for Q. Elizabeth into Russia, Commissioner into Scotland, Germany, and the Low Countries. 9 Tho. Ridley, Dr. of Law, Master of the Chancery, Knight & Vicar-general. 10 John Osburne, Remembrancer to the Treasurer. He never took fee of any Clergyman. 11 Joseph Jesop, Secretary to Secretary Walsingham. 12 Sr. Albert Morton, principal Secretary to King James. All the former were of the foundation. 13 Sr. Francis Walsingham, principal Secretary of State, was Fellow-Commoner of this House, to which he gave the King of Spain his Bible. 1, 2. Whereas Thomas Stacie and Will. Sutton (Master, and his Scholar, both excellent Astrologers) are by c viz. anno 1440 Pitzeus assigned to flourish in this College some years before the same was founded, his Prolepsis is thus to be understood; that they studied in those old Hostles out of which Kings College was afterwards erected. 3 Richard Crook, Orator and Greek Professor. 4 Osmund Lake, a profound Scholar. 5 John cowel, Dr. of Civil Law, eminent to all posterity for his Interpreter and Institutions. 6 Thomas Thomas, known by the Dictionary of his setting forth. 7 Sr. Will. Temple, Provost of Trinity College in Dublin, wrote a Comment on Ramus. 8 Anthony Wotton, first Professor of Divinity in Gresham College. 9 Samuel Hieron, a powerful Preacher in his printed works. 10 William Sclater, D. D. a most judicious Divine. 11 Elnathan Par, an industrious Writer. 12 Edw. Kellet, D. D. a profound Scholar. 13 Dr. Thomas Goad, of whom largely hereafter. 14 Rich. Mountegue, a great Antiquary, Bishop of Norwich 15 Dr. Will. Go●ge, late of Blackfriars. 1 john Frith d 〈…〉 8. pag. 615. , first a Student in this College (but not of the foundation burnt for the testimony of the truth anno 1533. 2 Laurence Saunders suffered for the same, anno 1555. 3 Robert Glover, burnt at Coventrie for Religion. 4 john Hullier, martyred on jesus-green in Cambridge. 5 Robert Columbel, he went away Fellow, not daring to stay, because Mr. St●ku (the Beadle) had espied a Latin Testament in his hand. 6 Thomas Whitthead, Scholar, and afterward Pantler of the College. When Luther's books were sought to be burnt, he kept them close for better times. 1 Fordingbridge Vicarage in the Diocese of Winchester, valued at 30 l. 2 s. 2 d. in the King's Book. 2 Stowre Rectory, d Caius & 〈◊〉 Cuntur a 8. pag. 615. in the Diocese of Bristol, valued at 16 l. 4 s. 9 d. 3 Kingston Rectory, of Ely, valued at 11 l. 14 s. 3 d. ob. 4 Ringwood Vicarage, in the Diocese of Winchester, valued at 75 l. 5 s. 5 d. 5 Toft Monachorum Rectory, in the Diocese of Norwich, valued at 8 l. 6 Leisingham Vicaridg●, in the Diocese of Norwich, valued at 6 li. 7 Harsted Rectory, in the Diocese of Norwich, valued at 6 li. 10 s. 8 West-Rutham Vicarage, in the Diocese of Norwich, valued at 7 li. 6 s. 8 d. 9 Prestcott Vicarage, in the Diocese of Chester, valued at 24 li. 9 s. 10 Wotton Wowen Vicarage, in the Diocese of Coventry and Lichfield, valued at 11 l. 9 s. 7 d. 11 Dowton Wallat Rectory, in the Diocese of London, valued at 16 l. Behold here the fruitfulness of one Vineyard (a single College) and yet we have only gathered the top-grapes, such as were ripest in parts, and highest in preferment. How many more grew on the under-boughs, which were serviceable in Church, and State? Not to speak of many eminent persons still surviving, amongst whom Mr. William Oughtred, beneficed at Alberie in Surrey, Prince of the Mathematicians in our age) whose modesty will be better pleased with my praying for them than praising of them. 16. Wonder not, Why so few have been Benefactors to this House. Reader, that Benefactors are so few, and benefaction so small to this royal foundation, caused partly from the commpleteness thereof, at its first erection, partly from men's modesty, that their meanness might not mingle itself with Princely magnificence. Solomon f Eccles. 2. 12 saith,— What can the man do that cometh after the King? It is petty Presumption to make addition to King's works, and to hold benefaction in Coparcenarie with them. 17. We read in John Rouse, The instrumental advancers of so worthy a work. how King Henry the fifth had a design to build a College in the Castle of Oxford; the intended model whereof, with the endowments to the same, he affirmeth himself to have seen; but, prevented by death, his son Henry performed his father's will (as to his general end of advancing Learning, and Religion) though exchanging the place from Oxford to Cambridge. We read also in the Oxford g Brian Twine Antiq. Academ. Oxon. pag. 318. Antiquary, how Henry Beaufort, that pompous Prelate, and Bishop of Winchester, gave two thousand pounds to Henry the sixth for the advancing of this College; and how John Summerset, Doctor of Physic to King Henry the sixth, Sophister first in Oxford, but afterwards graduated in Cambridge, and twice Proctor thereof (though not expressed in our Cambridge-Catalogue, so imperfect is it) was very active with his persuasions to King Henry, and concurred much, instrumentally, to the foundation of this College. 18. He proceedeth to tell us, Dr Somerset said to be ingratefully used by Cambridge. how the same Somerset, when aged, fell into want and disgrace; and coming to Cambridge for succour, and support, found not entertainment proportionable to his deserts. Whereupon he publicly complained thereof, in eighty h Extra●t in Guilford, worcestr. and cited by Brian Twine pag. 313. satirical verses thus beginning. Quid tibi Cantabriga, dudum dulcissima, feci? Vultum divertis, oh! mihi dura nimis. For mine own part I hate ingratitude, be it in mine own mother; but dare not here condemn her, because ignorant of the cause of Sommerset's poverty. Probably it might relate to the difference of the Crown, and Lancaster interest; so that in those dangerous days Cambridge her charity could not consist with her safety, not daring to relieve him, for fear of damnifyinging herself. 19 How ticklish those days were, King Edward the fourth a malefactor to this College. and with how evil an eye this Foundation, from the line of Lancaster, was looked upon by the House of York, is too plain in the practice of King Edward the fourth, one, whose love to learning, and religion were much alike; who at once took away from King's College a thousand pound land a year, amongst which the fee-farm of the Manors of Chesterton and Cambridge. Whereupon no fewer than i ●aius Hist. Ac. Cant. pag. 68 forty of the Fellows, and Scholars, besides Conducts, Clerks, Choristers, and other Colledge-officers, were in one day forced to departed the House, for want of maintenance. Indeed I have read, that King Edward afterwards restored five hundred Marks of yearly revenue, on condition they should acknowledge him for their Founder, and write all their Deeds in his name; which, perchance for the present, they were contented to perform. However his restitution was nothing adequate to the injury offered this Foundation, insomuch that Leland complains, Grantam suam hanc jacturam semper sensuram, That his Cambridge will for ever be sensible of this loss. 20. One k Brian Twine Antiq. Acad. Ox. pag. 317. tells us, An old debt well pa●d. that as King's College was first furnished from Eton; so Eton was first planted from Winchester-School, whence Henry the sixth fetched, five Fellows, and thirty five eminent Scholars to furnish his first foundation. But let our Aunt know, that this debt hath been honestly satisfied, with plentiful consideration for the forbearance thereof. For in the year of our Lord 1524. when Robert Shirton, Master of Pembrooke-Hall, was employed by Cardinal Wolsey, to invite Cambridge-men (some full blown in learning, others but in the bud, and dawning of their pregnancy) to plant his foundation at Christ-Church, Kings-Colledge afforded them many eminent Scholars, then removed thither: amongst whom were Rich. Cox, afterwards Schoolmaster to King Edward the sixth; John Frith, afterward martyred for the truth; John Friar, a famous Physician of that age; Hen. * MS. Hatcher of K. Coll. Anno 1518. Sumptner, who at Christ-Church for his religion being hardly used, died soon after; with may moe eminent persons, which l Vide inf●● Anno 1524. hereafter, God willing, shall be observed. Thus Christ-Church in Oxford was first a Cambridge-Colonie. Be this remembered, partly that Cambridge may continue her original title to such worthy men, and partly to evidence her return to her Sister of what formerly she had borrowed. Otherwise it matters not, on which of the two Branches learned men do grow, seeing all spring from one, and the same root of the English Nation. 21. I have done with this Foundation, The Arms of King's College. when I have told the Reader that King Henry the sixth, under his great Seal, by Act of Parliament, confirmed a coat of Arms to this College, bearing in chief a flower of France, and a Lion of England, that it may appear to be the work of a King. For my instructions herein I must direct my thankfulness partly to the memory of Mr. Thomas Hatcher, who some seventy years since collected an exact catalogue of the Scholars, Fellows, and Provosts of this house; partly to Mr. Tho. Page, of this house, and Vice-Oratour of Cambridge, who as he went over beyond the seas, the credit of his Coll. and this University: so, God lending him life, after his accomplishment in his travails, is likely to return one of the honours of our Country. 22. My Pen was now leaving Kings College, A strange speech [pretended] of K. Henry the sixth when 'tis plucked back again by the feathers thereof, casually lighting on the following passage: That when William Wankefleet Bishop of Winchester (afterwards founder of Magdalen College) persuaded King Henry the sixth to erect some monument for learning to Oxford, the King returned, Imò potiùs Cantabrigiae, ut duas (si fieri possit) in Anglia Accademias habeam. Yea rather (said he) at Cambridge, that (if it be possible) I may have two Universities in England. As if Cambridge were not reputed one before the founding of King's College therein. 23. An improbable passage, Considering then Cambridge equal with Oxford in number of Colleges. which filled me with wonder: for although none beheld King-Henry as a profound person to utter Oracles; all acknowledge him of ability to express himself in proportion to truth. Who could not be ignorant that Cambridge had been an University many hundreds of years (before these words were pretended to be spoken) and vieing endowed Colleges (un endowed Halls coming not under this consideration) with Oxford itself, as by the ensuing parallel will appear. In Cambridge, 1 Peter House. 2 Michael House. 3 Clare Hall. 4 Kings Hall. 5 Pembroke Hall, 6 Bones College. 7 Trinity Hall. 8 Gonvil Hall. In Oxford, 1 University College. 2 Merton College. 3 Balliol College. 4 Exeter College. 5 Orial College. 6 Queen's College. 7 New College. 8 Lincoln College. All these houses were extant in Cambridge, Anno Dom 1443 Anno Regis Henr. 6. 21 before the reign of King Henry the Sixth, equalling those in Oxford for number. All Souls therein not being fully finished; (and King's College being an Embryo, whilst All Souls was but an Infant) which plainly proveth Cambridge a most flourishing University, before the reign of King Henry the sixth. 24. This made me consider with myself, The speech avouched by no Historian. what Authentical Authors had attested the King's words aforesaid, finding it first printed by Brian Twine, Oxford Antiquary, and afterwards by Dr. Heylyn, a member of that University, but neither relating to any Author by quotation, in their Editions which I have seen, which in a matter of such moment, might justly have been expected. During these my thoughts, the following passages came very seasonably to reconcile what to me seemed a contradiction. 25. Mr. Hubbard my much esteemed friend, A memorable tradition. late Fellow of King's College, and Proctor of Cambridge, told me that Mr Barlow Fellow of the same house, informed him, how he had heard from Mr. Matthew Bust, the worthy Schoolmaster of Eton, familiarly conversing with Sr. Henry Savill Warden thereof, that the said Sr. Henry Savill, in the presence of Sr. Isaac Wake at an Oxford Act, being pleasant at the entertainment of Cambridge men, in mere merriment, (to try whether he could make Cousens of his Aunt's Children herein) devised the story, far from any love of falsehood, or mischievous intent to deceive posterity, but only for present delight. Which since it seems (how soon are great men's jests, made meaner men's earnests!) hath passed for currant, some confirming, more crediting, none opposing it, and from going in talk, comes now to fly in print, and if not timely checked, will in the next age acquire to itself a peaceable possession of a general belief. 26. I confess this is hearsay at the third mouth, And a necessary conclusion. losing much of the lustre thereof, because removed three descents from the original. However, I conceive my private resolutions just, and equal, who will condemn it for falsehood, in that very minute, when the aforesaid speech of King Henry the sixth shall be avouched out of a warrantable Author; till which time, I shall account that no serious speech of a King, but the Knights joculary expresssion. I say again, this my AUDIVI from my friend, shall prevail with me till confuted with the INSPEXI of a credible Historian to the contrary. 27. Pass we now from King's College, The Original of the Schools in Cambridge. but stay still on King's College ground, (for such were some part of the Schools) advanced at several times by sundry Benefactors. First the Schools were kept in private houses, hired from ten years to ten years, by the University for that purpose; during which term they might be diverted to no other use. Such we conceive the School of Tyrannus, wherein St. Paul kept his disputation, and the house of John Goldcorn (since enclosed in Caius College) served the University a long time in that nature. 28. Afterwards the public Schools were built at the cost of the University, The old Schools a mean structure. in or near the place where now they stand. But alas it was a little and low Structure (more eminent for the Learning within, than the building without. Yet every whit as good, as anciently the Artists Schools of Milan, kept at St. Blass, or as the Schools in Venice (near the Steeple of St. Mark) where Baptista Egnatius, some hundred years since, professed the liberal Arts. 29. Last of all the present Quadrant of the Schools was erected of brick and rough stone in fashion as it standeth at this day. First, The several Founders of the modern Schools. a Caius Hist Cant. pag. 80 The west side (opposite to the entrance) built by the University Charges on ground bought of Benet College. Containing Beneath, the Philosophy, commonly called the Bachelors Schools. Above, the Physic, and Law Secondly, The North side (on the right hand) finished An. Dom. 1400, by Sir Will. Thorpe a Lincolnshire Knight. Containing Beneath, the Divinity Schools. Above, the Regent and Non-Regent houses, having something of Chapel character and consecration in them, as wherein some University devotions are performed. Thirdly, The South side (on the left hand) built by b vide infrà anno 1456. Laurence Booth, Bishop of Durham, Chancellor of the University; but on the cost of Graduates and others. Containing Beneath, the Logic or Sophister Schools, where (in Term time) daily Disputations, & the Bachelors Commencement is kept. Above, the Greek Schools. Fourthly, The East side (where one entereth at a beautiful Porch) built anno 1475, by Rotheram Archbi-shop of York. Containing Beneath, on the Right hand, a Vestiary where the Doctor's robe themselves, and have a convenient inspection into the Divinity Schools. Left hand the Consistory, where the Vicechancellor keepeth his Courts. Above, a fair Library. This Library formerly was furnished with plenty of choice books, partly at the costs of the aforesaid Archbishop Rotheram, partly at the charges of Cuthbert Tonstall, Bishop of Durham, bred in our University, and quietly allowed unto us by Bishop Godwin; though c Brian Twine some since (on what unjust pretence I know not) have drawn him unto Balliol College in Oxford. But these books by the covetousness of some great ones, and carelessness of the Library Loser's (for Library Keepers I cannot call them) are for the most part embezzled to the great loss of the University, and Learning in general. 30. At this day the Library (Or Libraries shall I say?) Cambridge Library augmented with many precious books. of three successive Archbishops, Painful Parker, Pious Grindall, Politic Bancroft, (on the miscarriage of Chelsey College, to which first they were bequeathed) are bestowed upon Cambridge, and are beautifully shelved, (at the costs (as I am informed) of Sr. John Woollaston Alderman of London) so that our Library will now move the Beam, though it cannot weigh it down, to even the Scale with Oxford. As for the Schools themselves, though our Aunt boasteth, that it is not worthy to carry the books after Oxford Library for the statefulness of the Edifice; yet sure the difference is more in the Case than in the Jewels therein contained. Joannes Langton, 22 1444 Can. he, with the consent of the whole University, appoints prayers and Mass for Henry the sixth. Nicolans' de Kenton, 24 1445 Can. A learned Writer. Joannes de Langton, 25 1446 Can. He obtains letters Patents of the King, whereby he forgives the University all offences. Robertus de Ascoughe, 26 1447 Dr. of Law, Can. He gave to the University a Guil. Bingham, Proc. Goblet of eight ounces. 31. Margaret, Q College rounded by Q Margaret. Daughter to Reneer tituled King of Sicily and Jerusalem, Wife to King Henry the sixth, founded a College in Cambridge, near, if not in a place formerly called Goose-green, Anno Dom. 1448 Anno Regis Hen. 6. 27 dedicating the same to her namesake Saint Margaret and St. Bernard, commonly called Queens College. Indeed as Miltiades his Trophy in Athens would not suffer Themistocles to sleep, so this Queen beholding her husband's bounty in building King's College, was restless in herself with holy emulation, until she had produced something of the like nature. A strife wherein Wives, without breach of duty, may contend with their Husbands, which should exceed in pious performances. 32. Sir John Wenlock Knight, The inscription on the first stone. laid the first stone of this College in the East end and South side of the Chapel, in the name of Queen Margaret, April 15. 1448, who caused this inscription to be engraven thereon: Erit Dominae nostrae Reginae Margaretae Dominus in refugium, & lapis iste in signum: The Lord shall be for a refuge to the Lady Margaret, and this stone for a sign. Indeed, poor Queen, soon after she needed a Sanctuary to shelter herself when beat in battle, and the aforesaid (since Lord) Wenlock slain at Teuksbury: when no doubt her soul retreated to divine protection, the only succour left unto her; but this sad accident obstructed the hopeful proceeding in her intended foundation. 33. The Child thus come to the birth, Q Eliz finished what Queen Margaret began. there was no strength to bring forth, had not the skill of the Midwife supplied the want of strength in the Mother. I mean Andrew Ducket, for forty years' first Master of this House, formerly a Friar, Rector of St. Buttolph's in Cambridge, Principal of Bernard's Hostile, who gathered much money from well-disposed people, to finish this College, and accounted by some, though not by his purse, by his prayers, the Founder thereof. A good and discreet man, who with no sordid but prudential compliance, so poised himself in those dangerous times betwixt the successive Kings of Lancaster and York, that he procured the favour of both, and so prevailed with Queen Elizabeth, wife to King Edward the fourth, that she perfected what her professed enemy had begun. A good natured Lady, whose estate (whilst a widow) being sequestered for the Delinquency of her husband (things, though not words, then in fashion) made her more merciful to the miseries of others. Masters. Benefactors. Bishops. Learned Writers. Live in Col. gift. Andrew Ducket. Tho. Wilkinson. John Fisher. Rob. Beakinshawe John Jennings. Thomas Fornam. Will. Frankland. Simon Heynes. William May. William Glynn. Thomas Peacock. William May. John Stokys. Wil Chadderton. Humfr. Tyndall. John Davenant. John Mansel. Edw. Martin. Herbert Palmer. Horton. Lady Margaret Roos. Jane Inglethorp. Jane Burrough. Geor D. of Clarence. Ciciley, Duchess of York. Rich. D. of Gloucester. Lady Anne, his wife. Edw. Earl of Salisbury. Maud, Countess of Oxford. Marm. Lomley, Bishop of Lincoln. Andrew Ducket. Hugh Trotter, D. D. John Drewell. William Weld. Sir Thomas Smith. Henry Willshaw. Dr. Stokys. John Chetham. Hen. Hastings, E. of Hunting. John Joslin. George Mountain. John Davenant. 1 John Fisher, BP. of Rochester and Cardinal. 2 Will. Glinn Bishop of Bangor. 3 Will. Chadderton BP. of Lincoln. 4 Will. Cotton, Bishop of Exeter. 5 John Jegon, BP. of Norwich. 6 Rich. Milbourne BP. of Carlisle. 7 George Mountain, Bishop of London. 8 Rob. Touneson, Bishop of Salisbury. 9 John Davenant, Bishop of Salisbury. 10 Wil Robert's Bishop of Bangor. 11 John Towers, Bishop of Peterborough. 1 Joh. Fisher, Bishop Rotchester. 2 Desid. Erasmus. 3 Hen. Bullock, friend to Erasmus, calling him Bovillum. 4 * Mr. Fox Acts and Mon. Dr. Foreman, (saving is as good as making of books.) He concealed and preserved Luther's Works, sought for to be burnt. 5 Sir Tho. Smith. 6 Tho. Brightman. 7 John Davenant. 8 Stephen Nettles, in his defence of Tithes. 9 Joh. Weever, author of the Funeral Monuments. 10 Dr. John Preston. St. Buttolph Cant. Vic. Elien. Dioc. valued 2 li. 14 s. 4 d. Eversden Rect. Elien. Dioc. valued 5 li. 2 s. 4 d. ob. Hogginton Vic. Elien. Dioc. valued 4 li. 13 s. St. Andrew R. Cant. Dioc. valued 13 l. 6 s. 8 d. So that at this present therein are maintained, Anno Regis Henr 6. Anno Dom. one Precedent, nineteen Fellows, three and twenty Scholars, eight Bible Clerks, three Lecturers of hebrew, Arithmetic and Geometry, besides Officers and Servants of the Foundation with other Students amounting unto one hundred and ninety. 34. Amongst the later Masters of this College Dr. Humphrey Tyndall Dean of Ely must not be forgotten, Some truth in much talk. of whom there passeth an improbable tradition. That in the reign of Queen Elizabeth he was proffered by a Protestant Party in Bohemia to be made King thereof. Which he refused, alleging, That he had rather be Queen Elizabeth's subject, than a foreign Prince. I know full well that Crown is Elective. I know also that for some hundreds of years it has been fixed to the Germane Empire. However, because no smoke without some fire, or heat at least; there is something in it, more than appears to every eye. True it is that he was Son to Sir Thomas Tyndall of Hockwold in Norfolk, and how Bohemian blood came into his veins I know not. Sure I am, he gave the Arms of Bohemia (viz.) Mars, a Lion with a forked Tail, Luna, crowned Sol, with a Plume of Estrich-feathers for a Crest. 35. The Catalogue of Benefactors to this College presents only the principal, Give what is thine own. not all in that kind, who in the days of Dr. Caius (writing eight years since) amounted to more than an hundred forty and seven. Much increased at this day: indeed no house for the quantity is endowed with better land of Manors and Farms, and less of Impropriations belonging thereunto. As for King Richard the third, his benefaction made more noise than brought profit therewith, who conferred on this College all the large and honourable patrimony of John Vere the thirteenth Earl of Oxford, then maintaining St. Michael's mount in Cornwall against him. Which soon after was justly resumed by King Henry the seventh, and restored to the right owner thereof. The College no whit grieving thereat, as sensible, no endowment can be comfortable, which consists not with Equity and Honour. 36. No College in England hath such exchange of Coats of Arms as this hath, Two Coats for one Body. giving sometimes the Arms of Jerusalem (with many others quartered therewith) assigned by Queen Margaret their first Foundress. It giveth also another distinct coat, (viz.) a * See it in Speeds map of Cambridgeshire. Crosier, and Pastoral Staff Saltyre, piercing through a Boars head in the midst of the Shield; This I humbly conceive bestowed upon them by Richard the third (when undertaking the Patronage of this foundation) in allusion to the Boar which was his Crest; and wherein those Church implements disposed in Saltyre or inform of St. Andrews Cross, might in their device relate to Andrew Ducket so much meriting of this foundation. However at this day the College waves the wearing of this Coat, laying it up in her Wardrobe, and makes use of the former only. 37. Sir Thomas Smith in this catalogue may be beh●ld not as a Benefactor to this house alone but all Colleges of literature in England. A Benefactor general to learning. I * 1 Kings 18. 4. Obadiah be so praised to all posterity for feeding an hundred of God's Prophets; fifty in one cave, and fifty in another, with bread and water; what reward shall this worthy Knight receive, who for ever feeds all the sons of the Prophets both in Cambridge and Oxford (members of any Society) with Rend corn, which he procured by Statute in Parliament▪ which in due time (God willing) shall fully be related. 38. The aforesaid Knight recurres again (who cannot too often be mentioned) in the list of learned Writers. 27 1448 An ingenious and useful design. Eminent for two excellent works. The one, of the Commonwealth of England. The other, of a more Compendious way of Printing, as which would defalk a fifth part of the cost in Paper, and Ink, besides as much of the pains in composing, printing, and reading of Books only, by discharging many superfluous letters in spelling and accommodating the sounds of long and short vowels (to save terminating Is, and other needless additions of consonants) with distinct Characters. However this design hath not hitherto met with general entertainment, chief on a suspicion that this modern way will render ancient books in a short time unreadable to any, Anno Dom. Anno Regis Hen. 6. save Antiquaries; which whether a just or causeless jealousy, let others determine. 39 Queen's College accounteth it no small credit thereunto, Erasmus a student in Q. College. that Erasmus (who no doubt might have picked and chose what House he pleased) preferred this for the place of his study, for some years in Cambridge. Either invited thither with the fame of the learning and love of his friend Bishop Fisher then Master thereof, or alured with the situation of this College so near the River (as Rotterdam his native place to the Sea) with pleasant walks thereabouts. And thus I take my farewell of this foundation, wherein I had my Education for the first eight years in that University. Desiring Gods blessing to be plentifully poured on all the Members thereof. Nicholas Close, 1450 29 Cancel. William Percy (Son to the Earl of Northumberland) Chanc. 1451 30 Mr. Baker Proct. 1452 31 Mr. Fleming and Mr. Hampden Proct. 1453 32 Henceforward we shall present the Reader with an exact catalogue of all the Proctors in Cambridge. Indeed we could have begun our list of them an hundred years before, but then must have left many blanks for some years, so unperfect our intelligence and so uncertain the Records (meeting therein many times a single Proctor without his mate.) And therefore I conceived time enough, henceforward to date the completed and continued Series of those public officers. Henry Boleyne & John Gunthorpe Proct. 1454 33 Henry Boleyne and John Bolton Proct. 1455 34 Laurence Booth, 1456 35 Canc. John Hurth and Proct. In this year Laurence Booth (afterwards Archbishop of York) caused a collection to be made through the whole University. 1457 36 1 From such who hired Chairs of Canon and Civil Law— 2 From those who broke their words in taking their degrees. 3 From every Religious person a Proprietary of Goods— * Caius de Antiqu. Cant. Acad. p. 81. ten Marks. 4 From every Religious man of the Order of Begging Friars—— eight Marks. 5 From every rich Parson— a third part of his Parsonage. 6 From Bishops and Prelates— what they pleased themselves to give. With these moneys, which may be presumed to amount unto a round sum, he built the South side of the Schools wherein the Sophisters keep their ordinary Disputations. William Wilflett, Canc. Robert Woodlark, Canc. Richard Scroop, Canc. Robert Woodlark, Canc. John Booth, Canc. William Wilflett, Canc. John Herrison Dr. of Physic, * Caius de Ant. Acad. pag. 44. this year set forth a short Book de fundatoribus Universitatis, deducing the same from K. Cantaber, the same which I conceive is called the Black-book at this day. Edward Story, Canc. Thomas Rothenam. Canc. Robert Steukin and Tohn Yotting, 1458 37 Proct. Richard Morgan and Oliver King, 1459 38 Proct. William Skybye & William Skelton, 1460 Edw. 4. Proct. John Barnaby & William Grayham, 1461 2 Proct. Thomas Lancton and John Grace, 1462 3 Proct. John Lindsey & William Rucshaw, 1463 4 Proct. John Bretton and Gyles Dent, 1464 5 Proct. Will. Wyche & William Langthon, 1465 6 Proct. Will. Langthon and Christop. Loftus, 1466 7 Proct. John Day and William Wood, 1467 8 Proct. Thomas Wright & Thomas Laxton, 1468 9 Proct. Thomas Rotheram Canc. Thomas Cousin & Ambr. Rippinton, Anno Regis Edw. 4. Anno Dom. 10 1469 Proct. Thomas Taylour & Thom. Mandsley, 11 1470 Proct. John Wells and Edward. Hanson, 12 1471 Proct. John Argent and John Ocley, 13 1472 Proct. Ralph Songer & Richard Tokerham, 14 1473 Proct. John Trotter and Richard Smith, 15 1474 Proct. Thomas Bond and John Radford, 16 1475 Proct. 40. Richard Woodlark, The founding of Katherine Hall. was born at Wakerly in Northumberland, as an a J. Scot his ●ables. Author hath affirmed. (But finding no such place in that b See Speeds maps in the Catalogues of both Count●● County, & a Wakerly (nigh Stanford) in Northamptonshire, blame me not if willing to restore my native shire to its right, and the honour of his nativity.) This Richard being the last foundation-Fellow, and third Provost of Kings-Colledge, purchased four Tenements in Millstreet, (over against the late Carmelites then newly Queens-Colledge,) and founded an Hall thereon for one Master, and three Fellows, dedicating it to St. Katherine, the Virgin and Martyr, since augmented by the bounty of others. 41. This may be termed Aula Bella, Properly a pretty Hall. (if not a proper) a pretty Hall, even by the confession of the Poet so critical in the word. Sed qui bellus homo, Cotta, c Martial, lib. 1. Epigra, 10 pusillus homo. What thing is in itself but small, d in his list of Edward the fift. folio 62. That Cotta we do pretty call. And the beholding of this House, mindeth me of what Sir Thomas More wrteth of a She favourite of King Edward the fourth, as to this particular conformity betwixt them (otherwise far be it from me to resemble this Virgin Hall to a wanton Woman) namely that there was nothing in her Body one could have changed, except one would have wished her somewhat higher. Lowness of endowment, and littlensse of Receipt, is all can be cavilled at in this foundation, otherwise proportionably most complete in chapel, cloisters, library, Hal, etc. Indeed this House was long Town-bound (which hindered the growth thereof) till Dr. Goslin that good Physician cured it of that disease, by giving the Bull-Inn thereunto, so that since it hath flourished with buildings, and Students, lately more numerous than in greater Colleges. Masters. Benefactors. Bishops. Learn. Writers. Col. Live. 1 Robert Roch. 2 John Tarton. 3 John Wardoll. 4 Rich. Barleston. 5 Thomas Green. 6 Rain. Bainbrig. 7 Edwin Sands. 8 Edm. Cousin. 9 John May. 10 Edm. Hound, 11 John Overal. 12 John Hills. 13 Richard Sibs. 14 Ralph Brounrig. 15 Willam Spurstow. 16 John Lightfoot. 1 Isabel Canterbury Sister to the founder. 2 William Tayler 3 Katherine Mils 4 Robert Simpton. 5 Hugh Pemberton 6 John Chester. 7 Thomas Green. 8 The Lady Elizabeth Bernardiston. 9 John Leach. 10 Rich. Nealson. 11 Rob. Shorton. 12 D. Thimblebie 13 Dr. Middleton 14 Hugh Garret. 15 Rosamond Paster. 16 John Colmlex 17. John Duke. 18 John Claypoole 19 John Gostlin Knight. 20 Thomas Buck. Esquire Bedle. 21 Mr. Christopher Shirland. 22 Mrs. Stafford. 23 Mr. Tho. Hobbs 24 Mr. Peter Pheasant. 25 Lady Cocket. 26 Mrs. Jurdain. 27 Ann. Lady Bernardiston. 28 William Gouge 39 Mr. Coulson. 30 Mr. Skirne Esquire. 31 Mr. Alured. 32 Mr. Cradock. 33 The worthy company of Mercers of the City of London. Edwin Sands Master Archbishop of York. John May Mr. Bishop of Carlisle John Overal Mr. Bishop of Norwich. Ralp. Brounrig Mr. Bishop of Exeter. Edwin Sands Archbishop of York. Richard Sibs, a most Pious and profound Divine. Thomas Godwin Fellow an eminent Preacher. John Lightfoot an excellent Linguist. Coaton Rect. in the Diocese. of Ely valued at 6l. 12s. 9d. 0b. So that lately in this were maintained one Master, six Fellows, with all the Students above an hundred. Joannes Boynton, Can. Thomas Rotheram, Can. Thomas Northwood, Can. Richardus Badew, Can. Tho. Cousin, Can. Joannes Blithe, The foundation of Jesus College. Can. Robertus Fitz-hugh, Can. Richard Freyer, 1476 17 & Ro. Woodroof, Proct. Thomas Swayne, 1477 18 & Gerard Borell, Proct. Guil. Stockdale, 1478 19 & John Laycroft, Proct. Robert Wellby, 1479 20 & Robert Luther, Proct. Guil. Tompson, 1480 21 & Roger Bower, Proct. Phil, 1481 22 Morgan, & Thomas Hole, Proct. Jo. Green, 1482 Edu. 5. Rich. 3. and James Grave, Proct. Jo. Smith, 1483 2 and Ro. Hacumblen, Proct. John Butler, 1484 3 and Gilb. Geuge, Proct. John Butler and Gilb. Urmsen, 1485 Hen. 7. Proct. Gilb. Fitz-John, 1486 2 & Hen. Babington, Proct. Tho. Waters, 1487 3 and Guil. Birly, Proct. Richard Wall, 1488 4 and John Basset, Proct. Tho. Medcalfe, 1489 5 & Roger Layburne, Proct. Gual. Bedman, 1490 6 & John Wolf, Proct. Ric. Burton, 1491 7 and John Wolf, Proct. John Sickling, 1492 8 and John Wall, Proct. Jo. Lound, 1493 9 and Ric. Huddleston, Proct. Ric. Bramton, 1494 10 and John Robinson, Proct. John Fisher, 1495 11 and Thomas Cook, Proct. Jac. Denton, 1496 12 and Tho. Gogney. Proct. 42. This year a new College was made in Cambridge of an old Nunnery, sounded some three hundred years ago, Viz. anno 1133. by Malcolme of the Scots Royall-race, Earl of Cambridge and Huntingdon, and dedicated to St. Radegund. This Radegund, daughter to Berthram, Prince of Thuringia, was wife to Lotharius King of France, (Son to Clodoveus the great the first Christian King of that country) whose sequestering herself from her husband's company, about the year 560 lived, The incontinence of Saint Radegunds Nuns. and died in a small Monastery in Poicton, thereby gaining the reputation of a Saint. 43. But it seems the Sister's living in Cambridge Nunnery consecrated to her honour, fell as far short in chastity, as she over-did therein. Indeed one of them left a good memory, Anno Regis Henr. 7. 12 Anno Dom. 1443 or (at least) hath a good Epitaph inscribed on her monument in the Chapel. Moribus ornatae, jacet hîc bona Berta Rosata. But the rest were not so sweet and fragrant in their reputes, squandring away the wealth and ornaments of their house; which was no wonder for those to do, which were prodigals of their own persons. Not able therefore, to go away from their shame, they went away with their shame, and quitting their covent, concealed themselves privately, in their own country. Tradition e Godwin in his catalogue of Bishops of Ely in the life John Alcock. saith that of the two remaining, one was with child, the other but a child, so that their land seemed lapsed, for want of owners, or rather for the owners want of honesty. 44. John Mayor's testimony here of. But let us hear what John Mayor f De gestis Scoto●um fol. 9 the blunt Scotch Historian saith hereof, living in Cambridge some years after, whilst those matters were yet fresh in most men's memories. Quoddam mulierum coenobium in collegium Jesu converterunt consilio eruditissimi pariter et optimi Viri Stubis doctoris Theologi. Nolebant mulieres illae includi, sed scholasticorum consortium admiserunt. Unde graves viros scandalizarunt, quocirca eis ejectis, & allis Coenobiis imposit is earum loco studentes inopes positi sunt, quatenus literis & virtutibus incumberent, & folium darent in tempore suo. Hanc mulierum ejectionem approbo. Si enim proreligione prostibula nutriant, earum loco bonae ponenda sunt, 45. Their viciousness thus generally complained of, The character of Bishop Alcock. their house with all the land thereof, was with King Henry the 7th. and Pope Julius the second, bestowed on John Alcock, Bishop of Ely, to convert it into a College, dedicated to Jesus, the Virgin Mary, and St. Radegund. A whole Volume may be written of this Bishop, born at Beverly in York shire, though his parents lie buried at Kingston on Hull, where he built a chantry for them, and a free School for the benefit of others. John Bale (though very sparing of praising persons of that age) charactereth him, given from his Childhood to learning and religion; so growing from virtue to virtue, that no one in England was more reputed for his holiness. He is reported to have fared very sparingly, all his life long, and to have conquered the baits of his wanton flesh, by his fasting, studying, watching, and such like christian discipline. 46. This good Bishop established in the house, Jesus College the Bishop of Ely his house. one Master, six Fellows, and six Scholars, commending them to the perpetual tutelage of the Bishops of Ely. Hence it is that when those Bishop's lodge in this College (as they did anno 1556. 1557) their Register reporteth them lying in their own house: And though Peter-house as founded by Balsham Bishop of Ely, might claim the same title: yet it seems those Bishops had a more particular affection to Jesus College. King James in his coming from New-market hither, commended it, for the situation thereof, as most collegiate, retired from the town, and in a meditating posture alone by itself. Masters. Benefactors. Bishops. Learned Writers. Col. Live. Anno Dom. Anno Regis Henr. 6. 1 Will. Chubbs. 2 John Eccleston. 3 Thomas Alcock. 4 William Capon. 5 John Royston. 6 Edw. Pierpoint. 7 John Fuller. 8 Tho. Redman. 9 Tho. Gascoigne. 10 John Lakin. 11 Thomas Ithell. 12 John Bell. 13 John Duport. 24 Rog. A●drews. 15 William Beale 16 Rich. Stern. 17 Worthington. The Lady Willoughby. The Lady Bray. James Stanley Bishop of Ely. Thomas Thirlbie, Bishop of Ely, who gave the Advouzinces of six Vicarages to this College. John Beauchampe Knight. Sir Robert Read, Knight. John Andrews. Doctor Royston. Doctor Fuller. John Batemanson. Thomas Roberts. Roger Thorney. Richard Pigot. Godfrey Fuliam. William Marshal. Jane Woods. Thomas Sutton, Esquire. Thomas Crammer, Archbishop of Cant. John Bale Bish. of Ossery in Ireland Rich. Bancrost, Archbishop of Cant. John Owen, Bishop of St. Asaffe. William Chubbs: He wrote a Logic, and a Comment on Scotus. Geffrey Dounes, Tutor to J. Bale. Thomas Crammer, Martyr. John Bale, Confessor. John Dod, Fellow of this house. Sr. William Boswell, Lieger in Holland. CHRISTOPHER, LORD HATTON. All Saints Cant. Vic. in Elien. Dioc. valued at 5 l. 6 s. 3 d. ob. St. Sep. Cant. Vic. Elien. Dioc. valued at 6 li. 11 s. Comberton Vic. Elien. Dioc. valued 6 l. 18 s. 10 d. ob. Harleton Rect. Elien. Dioc. valued at 14 l. 19 s. 5 d. ob. Graveley R. Elien. Dioc. valued 13 l. 2 s. 6 d. Gildenmordon Vic. Elien. Dioc. valued 3 l. 5 s. 6d. St. Clem. Cant. V Elien. Dioc. valued— So that lately, viz. anno 1635. the foundation consisted of one Master, sixteen Fellows, twenty four Scholars, besides officers and other Students, in all 110. Guil. Milner, 1497 13 and Guil. Tape, Proctors. Ric. Wyatt, 1498 14 and Jo. White, Proctors. Ric. Hutton, 1499 15 and Brian Kidday, Proctors. Henceforward, having gained more certainty from our Registers, we will enlarge ourselves to a greater proportion both of the names of University-Officers, and numbers of the annual Commencers, adding also the Majors of the Town, not as a foil to the Diamond, but because it may conduce something to the certainty of Chronologie. Rich. Fox, 1500 BP. 16 of Winc. Can. Jo. Sickling, Proc. Drs. Theol. 6. Hen. Babington, Procan. Tho. Patison, Drs. Jur. Can. 1. Jur. Civ. 1. Bac. Theol. 10. Mag. Art. 23. Hen. Keel, Maior of the Town. Leg. 13. Art. 29. Gram. 4. John Fisher, 1501 17 Can. Rich. Balderton, Proc. Drs. Theol. 7. John Fisher, Procan. Rich. Wyatt, Ju. Civ. 2. Bacc. Theol. 14. Mag. Art. 27. Bac. Leg. 18. John Bell, Maior of the Town. Gram. 3. Art. 23. George Fitzhugh, 1502 18 Can. Tho. Edman, Proc. Drs. Theol. 2. Jur. Can. 4. Hum. Fitz-William Procan. Jo. Huchinson, Ju. Civ. 2. Medic. 1. Bacc. Theol. 8. Bac●. Leg. 29. Rob. Morehouse, Maior of the Town. Mag. Art. 22. Gram. 1. Med. 1. Art. 34. Tho. Routhold, Anno Regis Hen. 7. Anno Dom. Can. John genning's, Proc. Drs. Theol. 3. Galfr. Knight, 19 1503 Procan. Guil. Woodroof, Ju. Civ. 1. Mus. 1. Bac. Theol. 18. Bac. Leg. 18. Rob. Morehouse Mayor of the Town. Mag. Art. 19 Bac. Art. 26. John Fisher, 20 1504 Bishop Roch. Can. Rob. Cutler, Proc. Drs. Theol. 6. John Smith, Procan. John Watson, Drs. Ju. Can. 2. Bacc. Theol. 11. Bac. Leg. 25. John Bell, Maior of the Town. Mag. Art. 17. Bac. Art. 24. 47. The University perceived it was troublesome every year to choose a new Chancellor. First Chancellor for life. Wherefore having now pitched on a person of much merit for the place (so that they could not change but to loss) this year they concluded his continuance therein for term of life, which act of the University was anno 1514. more solemnly confirmed. Hereafter it will be superfluous to charge every year with the repeated name of the Chancellor, as always the same, till another on his death be elected. 48. Erasmus studieth in Queen's College. About this time ERASMUS came first to Cambridge (coming and going for seven years together) having his abode in Queen a Vide the date of his first Epistle libro 8. College, where a Study on the top of the South-west Tower in the old Court still retaineth his name. Here his labour in mounting so many stairs (done perchance on purpose to exercise his body, and prevent corpulency) was recompensed with a pleasant prospect round about him. He often complained of the College Ale, Ceruìsià hujus loci, mihi nullo mode b Epistolae 16. libri 8. placet, as raw, small and windy; whereby it appears, 1. Ale in that age was the constant beverage of all Colleges, before the Innovation of beer, (the child of Hops) was brought into England. 2. Queen's College Cervisia was not vit Cereris, but Ceres vitiata. In my time when (when I was a Member of that House) scholars continued Erasmus his complaint) whilst the Brewers (having it seems prescription on their side for long time) little amended it. The best was, Erasmus had his Lagena or flagon of Wine (recruited weekly from his friends at London) which he drank sometimes singly by itself, and sometimes encouraged his faint Ale with the mixture thereof. 49. He was public Greek Professor, Was first Greek, than Divinity professor. and first read the Grammar c Lib. 8 Epist. 1 of Chrysolor as to a thin Auditory, whose number increased when he began the Grammar of Theodorus. Then took he (by grace freely granted him) the degree of Bachelor in Divinity, such his commendable modesty, though over-deserving a Doctorship, d Caius Hist. Cant. Acad lib. 2. pag. 127. to desire no more as yet, because the main of his studies were most resident on Humanity. Here he wrote a small Tract de Conscribendis Epistolis, set forth by Sibert Printer e Idem ibidem. to the University. Some years after he took upon him the Divinity Professors place (understand it the Lady Margaret's) invited thereunto, not with the salary so f Lib. 8. Epist. 3 small in itself, but with desire and hope to do good in the employment. 50. If any find him complaining, No mercenary writers in Cambridge Hîc (o Academiam!) nullus, etc. Here's an University indeed, wherein none can be g Lib. 8. Epist. 6 found who will at any rare be hired to write but indifferently. Know this might tend much to his trouble, but sounds nothing to the disgrace of Cambridge. Indeed in Dutch Academies many poor People made a mean livelihood by writing for others, though but liberal Mechanics in their employment. Cambridge within few years much improved in Learning. No such mercenary hands in Cambridge, where every one wrote for himself, and if at any time for others, he did it gratis, as a courtesy for good will, no service for reward. 51. How much Cambridge was lately improved in learning, the same Author doth thus acquaint us. lib. 2 Epistola 10. Almost thirty years ago (saith he) nothing else was handled, Anno Dom. 1504 or read, Anno Regis Hen. 7. 20. in the Schools of Cambridge, besides ALEXANDER, THE LITTLE LOGICALS (as they call them) and those old dictates of ARISTOTLE, and questions of SCOTUS. In process of time there was an accession of good learning, the knowledge of Mathematics came in; a new and indeed a renewed ARISTOTLE came in: So many Authors came in, whose very names were anciently unknown▪— To wit, it hath flourished so much, that it may contend with the prime Schools of this age, and hath such Men therein, to whom if such he compared that were in the age before, they will seem rather shadows of Divines, then Divines. 52. Take also the comparative character of Cambridge, Erasmus his Judgement of Camb and Ox. weighed at this time with Oxford, whilst the judicious hand of Erasmus, thus holdeth the beam of the balance. John f Lib 17 Epist. 11. Bishop of Rochester (one a Man, a true Bishop, a true Divine) told me some three years since, that in Cambridge, (whereof he is perpetual Chancellor) in stead of sophistical quirks, now sober, and sound disputations are agitated amongst Divines; whence men depart not only learneder but better. Oxford University by the help of some Monks, did at first make some resistance; but such were kerbed with the power of Cardinal Wolsey, and the King's Authority, who envied so great good to that most famous and ancient School. 53. A second of the same kind will not be amiss to present. A second, a third verdict of the same g Lib. 6 Epist. 1. England (saith he) hath too most noble Universities, Cambridge and Oxford; in both of these the Greek tongue is taught, but in Cambridge quietly, because John Fisher Bishop of Rochester sits Governor of the School, not only for his learning's sake but for his Divine life. But when a certain young man at Oxford not meanly learned did happily enough profess the Greek tongue there, a barbarous Fellow in a popular Sermon began to rail against the Greek tongue with great and bainous revile. And in another place h Lib. 6. Epist. 27. , By the wisdom of Thomas Cardinal of York the School of Oxford shall be adorned not only with all kind of Tongues and learning, but also with such Manners which become the best Studies. For the University of Cambridge long ago doth flourish with all ornaments, John Bishop of Rochester being the Chancellor thereof. 54. But too tart, His Character of Cambridge Townsmen. and severe is Erasmus his censure of Cambridge Townsmen, i Lib. 8. Epist. 8. & 9 Vulgus Cantabrigiense, inhospitales Britannos antecedit, qui-cum summa rusticitate summam malitiam conjunxere. Cambridge Townsmen go beyond the inhospitable Britain's, who have malice joined with their clownishness. And although some will say the Townsmen are no Changelings at this day; yet seeing Cambridge is sometimes called CIVITAS, and often URBS; some of her inhabitants express much Civility, and Urbanity in their behaviour. Rich. Burton Vice-chan. William Lambert, Edmond Page, Proc. Drs. of Divin. 2. Bac. of Divin. 7. Mars. of Arts, 18. Bac. of Law, 6. Bac. of Arts, 23. Henry Keel, Maior. SECTION VI. Anno Regis Hen. 7. 21 EDU. BENLOSSIO Armigero, Anno Dom. 1505 MECAENATI suo benevolo. SEptem Principum Aulas transmarinas (ni malè memini) te perlustrâsse accepi. In quibus splendidae vestes, dubiae dapes, ingens famulitium, continuus strepitus, multa denique Confusio, quae in Regum Hospitiis, Honoris ergô, Magnificentia est nominanda. En tibi plures Musarum Aulas (sic oppositè Collegia dicuntur) in hâc Historiâ nostrâ descriptas. Esto tu aequissimus Arbiter (cùm utraque tibi notissima) Aulicorum, an Academicorum vita sit beatior. Non dubito te Musicolarum placidam quietem, vestitum simplicem, vultum tenuem, fercula vacua, mentes plenas, phaleratis Palatinorum miseriis, ac eorum tolerabili vanitati praelaturum Praesertim Joannense Collegium dulcedine suâ te allecturum spero; cùm tibi olim Natale solum, ubi Literis fuisti innutritus, et cui Donaria non contemnenda dedisti, plura et preciosiora (ni fallor) daturus, si omnia justae tuae expectationi respondissent. 1. HEnry the seaventh came to Cambridge, King Henry comes to Cambridge. where he bestowed an hundred Marks on the University, and forty pounds (a fair sum in that age from so thrifty a King) on the fabric of St. Mary's, where the Scholars meet weekly at public Sermons, and yearly at the Commencement. 2. The mention of St. Mary's mindeth me of Church-work indeed, The building of St. Martus. so long it was from the founding, to the finishing thereof; as, Begun May the sixteenth 1478, Anno Dom. 1505 when the first stone thereof was laid in the 17th. of Edward the fourth. Anno Regis Hen 7. 21. The Church ended (but without a Tower, or Belfree) 1519. in the 11th. of Henry the eighth. The Tower finished 1608. in the sixth of King James. So that from the beginning, to the ending thereof, were no fewer than an hundred and thirty years. There was expended in the structure of the Church alone, Caiu Hist. Acad. Cantab. lib. 1. pag 90. seven hundred ninety five pounds, two shillings and a penny; all bestowed by charitable people, for that purpose. Amongst whom, Thomas Barow, Dr. of Civil law, archdeacon of Colchester, formerly Fellow of King's hall, and Chancellor of his house to King Richard the third) gave for his part, two hundred and forty pounds. 55. One may probably conjecture, The foundation of Christs-Colledge. that a main motive, which drew King Henry this year to Cambridge, was with his presence to grace his mother's foundation of Christs-Colledge, now newly laid, without Barnwell-gate, over against St. Andrews-Church, in a place where God's house formerly stood, founded by King Henry the sixth. This King had an intention (had not deprivation, a civil death, prevented him) to advance the Scholars of this foundation to the full number of sixty, though (a great fall) never more than four lived there, for lack of maintenance. Now the Lady Margaret, Countess of Richmond and Derby, (acounting herself, as of the Lancaster-line, heir to all King Henry's godly intentions) only altered the name from Gods-house, to Christs-Colledge, and made up the number, viz. One Master, twelve Fellows, forty seven Scholars, in all sixty. 56. Great and good were the lands, The fair endowments thereof. which this Lady, by her last Will, bestowed on this College, in several Counties. In Cambridge-shire, the Manors of Malton, Meldred, and Beach, with divers lands, and rents, elsewhere in that County. Leicester-shire, Alias Disworth. the Manor of Ditesworth, with lands and tenements in Ditesworth, Kegworth, Hathern and Wolton. Northfolk, All these I have transcribed out of her last Will. the Abbey of Creyke, which was in the King's hands as dissolved, and extinct, settled by the Pope's authority, and the King's licence. Essex, the Manor of Royden. Wales, Manibire, an Impropriation. This Lady being of Welsh affinity, a Teuther by marriage, and having long lived in Wales (where her Son King Henry the seaventh was born in Pembroke) thought fitting, in commemoration thereof, to leave some Welsh land to this her foundation. 5. Once the Lady Margaret came to Christs-Colledge, A Lady of pity. to be hold it when partly built, This I heard in a Clerum from Dr. Collings. and looking out of a window, saw the Deane call a faulty Scholar to correction; to whom she said, Lentè, lentè, gently, gently, as accounting it better to mitigate his punishment, than procure his pardon: mercy and justice making the best medley to offenders. 6. John Maior a Scotishman, John Maior a Student in Christ's College and a Scotish Historian of good account, was (only for the term of three months) a Student in this College, as himself acknowledgeth. He reporteth, that the Scholars of Cambridge in his time, Lib. de gest. Scotorum c. 5. usually went armed with bows and swords; which our learn * Cain Hist. Ac. Can. p. 74 Antiquary is very loath to believe, except it was John Maior his chance to come to Cambridge, in that very juncture of time, when the Scholars, in fend with the Townsmen, stood on their posture of defence. Thus Pallas herself may sometimes be put to it, to secure her wit by her weapons. But had Maior lived as many years, as he did but months in this University, he would have given a better account of their peaceable demeanour. 7. John Leland, John Leyland Fellow therein that learned Antiquary, was a Fellow of this Foundation, as he gratefully professeth. Anno Regis Hen. 7. 21 I account it therefore in myself an excusable envy, Anno Dom. 1505 if repining that the rare Manuscripts of his collections, were since his death bestowed on Oxford Library, In vita Regis Seberti fol. 70 and not here where he had his education. But I remember a Maxim in our Common Law, wherein the Lands (such are Books to Scholars) of a Son, deceasing without heirs, fall rather to his Uncle, or Aunt, than Father, or Mother. 7. Many years after the founding of this College, Reformation of augmentation. complaint was made to King Edward the sixth, of superstition therein; the Master, and twelve Fellows of this Christ-Colledge, superstitiously alluding to Christ and his twelve Apostles. Probably the peevish informers would have added, that the Discipuli, or Scholars in this House, were in imitation of Christ's seventy Disciples, save the number corresponds not, as being but forty seven by the original foundation. Hereupon King Edward altered this number of twelve not by Subtraction (the most easy, and profitable way of reformation) but Addition, founding a thirteenth Fellowship, and three Scholarships out of the impropriation of Bourn, which he bestowed on the College; and so real charity discomposed suspected superstition. This good King also gave the College in lieu of the Manor of Royden, which he took from it, the entire revenues of Bromwell Abbey, such was his bountiful disposition. Nor can it be proved that in his own person he ever did to any an injurious action, though too many under him (if those may be termed under him, who did what they pleased themselves) were too free of their favours in that nature. 9 It may without flattery be said of this house, The worthies of this College. Many daughters have done virtuously, but thou excellest them all; if we consider the many Divines, who in so short a time have here had their education. Prov. 31. 29. Let Papists tell you of Richard Reignalds, Doctor of Divinity, a Monk of Zion; of William Eximew, a Carthusian (both bred here, and martyred, say they, for the Catholic cause Anno 1535.) of Richard Hall who ran beyond the Seas, Pitzeut in Cent. ult. became Canon of Cambray, and wrote the manuscript-life of Bishop Fisher: we chief take notice of the Divines bred here since the Reformation. Masters. Bishops. Benefactors. 1 John Sickling Fellow of Gods-House, first Master. 2 Richard Wyatt, Dr. of Divinity. 3 Thomas Tompson, D. D. a good Benefactor. 4 John Watsonne, D. D. 5 Henry Lockwood, D. D. 6 Richard Wilks D. D. chosen 1549. 7 Cuthbert Scot, D. D. chosen 1553. 8 William Taylor, D. D. chosen 1557. 9 Edward Hawford, D. D. chosen 1559. he was a good Benefactor. 10 Edmond Barwell, D. D. chosen 1581. 11 Valentine Carey, D. D. chosen 1610. 12 Thomas Bainbrigg, D. D. chosen 1620. 13 Samuel Bolton. 14 Ralph Cudworth. 1 Hugh Latimer, Bishop of Worcester 1535. and Martyr. 2 Nicholas Heth * So saith Dr. Willet in his dedication of his Comment on Samuel, to this College. Indeed I find one Heth (but not his Christian name) fellow of this College. 1520 , Archbishop of York 1553. 3 Cuthbert Scot, Bishop of Chester 1556. 4 William hugh's, Bishop of St Asaph 1573. 5 Anthony Watson, Bishop of Chichester 1596. 6 Valentine Carey, Bishop of Exeter 1620. D. Johnson, Archbishop of Dublin. Brute Babington, Bishop of Derrie, in Ireland. George Dounham, Bishop of Derrie in Ireland. William Chapel, Bishop of in Ireland. William Chapel, Bishop of in Ireland. 1 John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester. 2 Sir Walter Mildmay Knight. 3 Richard Risley. 4 Dr. Patison. 5 Philip Rawlins. 6 Mr. Jennings. 7 Nicolas Culverwell. 8 Thomas Laughton. 9 Mr. Wentworth. 10 Robert Isham. 11 Richard Bunting. 12 Richard Car. Learn. Writ. Fellows. Learn. Writ. no Fel. Live. 1 Edward Dearing. 2 John More, Preacher in Norwich, he made the excellent Map of the Land of Palestine. 3 Hugh Broughton, a learned Man (especially in the Eastern languages) but very opinionative. 4 Andrew Willet, one of admirable industry. 5 Richard Clerk, one of the Translators of the Bible, and an eminent Preacher at Canterbury. 6 William Perkins. 7 Thomas Morton, a melancholy Man, but excellent Commentator on the Corinthians. 8 Francis Dillingham, a great Grecian and one of the Translators of the Bible. 9 Thomas Taylor, a painful Preacher, and profitable Writer. 10 Paul Bains; he succeeded Mr. Perkins at St. Andrews. 11 Daniel Rogers, one of vast parts, lately deceased. 12 William Ames, Professor of Divinity in Holland. 13 Joseph Mede, most learned in mystical Divinity. 1 Anthony Gilby, he lived (saith Bale) in Queen Mary's reign, an exile in Geneva. 2 Arthur Hildersham, Haereticorum malleus. 3 John Dounham, lately deceased, Author of the worthy work of The holy Warfare. 4 Robert Hill D. D. he wrote on the Lord's Prayer. 5 Edward Topsell, on Ruth. 6 Thomas Draxe. 7 Elton. 8 Richard Bernard, of Batcomb. 9 Nathaniel Shute, another chrysostom for preaching. 10 William Whately. 11 Henry Scuddar. Kegworth R. in Lincoln. Dioc. valued at 25 l. 15s. 8ds. Toft R. in Ely Dioc. 6l. 16s. 9d. Cauldecot R. in Ely Dioc. valued at 3l. 12s. Bourn V in Ely Dioc, valued at 9l. 15s. 9d. Clipston duarum partium R. in Peterb. Dioc. valued at 11l. 12s. 8ds. Helpston V in Peterb. Dioc. valued at 8l. 4d. Nawmby R. in Lincoln. valued at 17l. 9s. 10d. Croxton V in Norwic. valued at 6l. 13s. 4d. Maverbyre V in St. David's, Dioc. valued at 8l. Ringsted V. in Norwic. Dioc. valued at Gately V in Norwic. Dioc. valued at 3l. 2s. 8ds. Hopton V in Norwic. Dioc. valued at With many more Worthies still alive: Anno Regis Hen. 7. amongst whom, Anno Dom. Mr. Nicolas Estwich, Parson of Warkton in Northamptonshire, a solid Divine and a great advancer of my Church-History, by me must not be forgotten. I have done with Christ-Colledge, when we have observed it placed in St. Andrews Parish, the sole motive, by Major * Lib. 1. fol. 8. Fo● quod ipsum in St. Andr●ae Parochia sicum offendi. his own confession, making him to enter himself therein a Student, St. Andrew being reputed the tutelar Saint of that Nation. Had Emmanuel been extant in that age, he would have been much divided to dispose of himself, finding two so fair foundations in the same Parish. 10. Be the following caution well observed, Caution general. which here I place as in this midst of this our History, that it may indifferently be extended to all the Colleges as equally concerned therein. Let none expect from me an exact enumeration of all the Worthies in every College; seeing each one affordeth Some Writers from me concealed. Let not therefore my want of knowledge be accounted their want of worth. Many most able Scholars, who never publicly appeared in print: nor can their less learning be inferred from their more modesty. Many pious Men though not so eminently learned, very painful, and profitable in God's Vineyard. Yea, the general weight of God's work in the Church lieth on Men of middle and moderate parts. That servant who improved his two * Math. 25. 22. talents into four, did more than the other who increased his five into ten. Tradesmen will tell you, it's harder to double a little, than triple a great deal; seeing great banks easily improve themselves, by those advantages which smaller sums want. And surely many honest, though not so eminent Ministers, who employ all their might in God's service, equal (if not exceed) both in his acceptance, and the Church's profit, the performances of such, who fare excel them in abilities. John Eccleston, 22 Vice-Chan. Edm. Natares Proc. Drs. of Divinity 12. Tho. Swain, 1506 of Canon-Law 2. of Civil-Law 2. Doc. of Physic 2. Mrs. of Arts 25. Bac. Law 18. John Brakingthorp Maior. of Music 1. Gram. 3. Arts 26. Bac. of Divinity 8. William Robson, 23 Vice-Chan. John Philips, Proc. Drs. of Divinity 1. Rich. Picard, 1607 of Canon-Law 1. Bac. of Divin. 1. Bac. Law 5. John Brakingthorp, Maior. Mus. 1. Mrs. of Arts 17. Arts 42. Will. Buckenham, 24 Vice-Chan. James Nicolson, Proc. Drs. of Divinity 3. Milles Bycardick, 1508 Bac. of Divinity 5. Mrs. of Arts 18. Bac. of Law 12. Hugh Chapman, Maior. of Arts 46. William Buckenham, Hen. 8. 1 Vice-Chan. Will. Chapman, Proc. Doc. of Divinity 5. Will. Brighouse, Bac. of Divinity 8. Mrs. of Arts 14. Bac. of Law 11. Hugh Raukin, Maior. of Arts 31. 11. Last year began the foundation of St. John's College, The death o● the Lady Margaret. whose Foundrss, Anno Dom. 1509. the Lady Margaret, Anno Regis Hen. 8. 1. countess of Richmond and Derbie, died before the finishing thereof. This Lady was born at Bletsho. in Bedford-shire, where some of her own needlework is still to be seen, which was constantly called for by King James, when passing thereby in his progress. Her father was John * Camden in Bedfordshire. Beaufort, Duke of Somerset, and mother Margaret Beauchamp, a great inheritrix. So that fairfort and fairfield met in this Lady, who was fair-body and fair-soule, being the exactest pattern of the best devotion those days afforded, taxed for no personal faults, but the errors of the age she lived in. John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, preached her funeral sermon, wherein he resembled her to Martha in four respects; * Rich. Hall in his manuscript, life of John Fisher Bishop of Rochester. first, nobility of person; secondly, discipline of her body; thirdly, in ordering her soul to God; fourthly, in hospitality, and charity. He concluded she had thirty Kings and Queens (let he himself count them) within the four degrees of marriage to her, besides Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, and other Princes. She lieth buried in the Chapel at Westminster, near her Son, in a fair Tomb of touchstone, whereon lieth her Image of gilded brass. She died June the 29. * Stow's Chron. pag 487. and was buried (as appeareth by a note annexed to her Testament) the July following. 12. Her death, The carefulness of her Executors. though for a time retarding, did not finally obstruct the ending of St. John's College, which was effectually prosecuted by such as she appointed her Executors, viz. 1. Richard Fox, Bishop of Winchester. 2. John Fisher, Bishop of Rotchester. 3. Charles Somerset, Lord Herbert, afterwards Earl of Worcester. 4. Sir Thomas Lovel, Treasurer of the King's house. 5. Sir Henry (afterwards Lord) Marny, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. 6. Sir John St. John, her Chamberlain and near Kinsman. 7. Henry Hornby (Master of Peter-house) her Chancellor. 8. Sir Hugh Aston, Controller of her household. This Sir Hugh (whom I conceive rather Sir Priest than Sir Knight) was a good Benefactor to the College, and lieth buried on the North-side in the outward Chapel thereof, in a Tomb with a double portraiture (one presenting him as alive, the other as a sceleton) be-rebussed (according to the ingenuity of that age) with an Ash growing out of a Tunn. 31. The ground whereon this College is scited, The scite of St. John's College. was long ago consigned to pious uses, though three times the property thereof was altered. 1. When Nigellus or Neal, second Bishop of Ely, founded here an Hospital for Canons regular an. 1134. On which K. Edward the first, bestowed the goods of Forestallers * cain's Hist. Cant. Ac. p. 75. or Regraters legally forfeited. 2. When Hugh de Balsham, te●th Bishop of Ely, translated it to a * Scot his Tables. Priory, and dedicated it to Saint John the Evangelist. 3. When the Lady Margaret's executors converting it to a College, continued it to the honour of St. John. These according to her last Will, first paid all the debts of the old house duly proved (Justice must precede Charity) then with the issues and profits of her Land in Somersetshire, Devonshire and Northumptonshire, erected this new foundation. 14. So filled, Crowded with Students. or rather crowded was this College with Scholars, it was hard for one to get a Study several to himself; and in the days of our Fathers, the Students when writing private letters, were used to cover them with their other hand to prevent over-inspection. Since God hath made them Rehoboth or Room, by the addition of another Court (not inferior to the former in beauty and bigness) which made King James once merrily say, that there was no more difference betwixt Trinity (consisting chief in one great Quadrangle) and St. John College, than betwixt a Shilling and two Six pences. 15. The infancy of this College met with a malady, A rape offered on the Muses. which much hindered the growth, almost ended the life thereof. A generation of proling, progging, projecting Promoters, (such vermin like Pharaohs * Exod. 83. Frogs, will sometimes creep even into King's Bedchambers) questioning the Title of the land of the College, took from it at once four hundred pounds of yearly revenue. If the reporter (being a great Rhetorician) doth not a little Hyperbolise therein, who thus complaineth to the Duke of Somerset Lord Protector. Ascham. commendatitiarum Epist. lib. 1. p. 377. Certi quidem homines, Regii Ministri, qui divitias Regis in acervis pectiniarum ponunt, (cùm benevolentia populi, salus Reipublicae, vera Religio, & optima doctrina, optimi Regis certissimae divitiae extant) beneficium fundatricis magnam partem nobis abstulerunt: Quadringentae enim minae annuae ex nostris praediolis amputatae sunt. This wrong was done in the beginning of the reign of King Henry the 8. and never after redressed. Strange that the Lady Margaret's Executors (men too virtuous, to offer stolen goods for a Sacrifice, and too wise to be cozened with cracked titles) should endow this College with so much land, to which they had no true right; which makes some suspect violence and injustice in the King's officers. Nothing so high, or so holy, but some hungry Harpies will pray upon it. Masters. Benefactors. Bishops. Learned Writers. Live in the Col. gift. 1 Alan Piercy, Son to Henry Earl of Northumberland. 2 Robert Shirton. 3 Nicolas Medcalf. 4 George Day. 5 John Tailer. 6 William Bill. 7 Thomas Leaver 8 Thomas Watson 9 George Bullock 10 Jams Pilkington. 11 Leonard Pilkington. 12 Richard Longworth. 13 Nic. Sheppard 14 John Still. 15 Rich. Houland 16 William Whicaker. 17 Rich. Clayton. 18 Owen Gwin. 19 William Beal. 20 Doctor Arrowsmith. 21 Doctor Tuckney. 1 John Morton, Archb. of Cant. 2 Lady Anne Rooksby. 3 Doctor Fell. 4 Doctor Kyton. 5 Hugh Ashton. 6 Dr. Luptom 7 Dr. Thimbleby. 8 Dr. Dounham. 9 John Constable. 10 Robert Simpson. 11 Rober Ducket 12 Thomas Lane. 13 John Grigson. 14 James Berisford. 15 Robert Holytrechlm. 16 John Repingham. 17 Doct. Lanacre. 18 John Bailiee. 19 Doctor Tompson. 20 Walter Sauking. 21 Katherine Duchess of Suff●●● 22 John Thurlston 23 Stephen Cardinal. 24 Sir Ambrose Caves. 25 Thomas Cony. 26 Dr. Goodman. 27 William Cecil Lord Burgeley. 28 Lady Mildred Cecil. 29 Sir Henry Billingsley. 30 Dr. Gwin. 31 The Lady Jermin. 32 Henry Hebletwait. 33 William Spalding, and 34 William Spallding Brother. 35 Robert Booth. 36 Henry Alby 37 John Walton. 38 John Waller. 39 Marry Countess of Shrewsbury. 40 George Palm. 41 William Lord Mainard. 42 Robert Lewes 43 John Knewstubs. 44 Mrs. Cuttler. 45 John Hooper. 46 JOHN WILLIAMS Lord Keeper, who built a most beautiful Library. 47 Sr. Ralph Hare 48 Robert Johnson. 1 John Taylor Bishop of Lincoln. 2 Ralph Baines Bishop of Covent. and Lich 3 George Day Bishop of Chichster. 4 Thomas Watson Bishop of Lincoln. 5 James Pilkington Bishop of Durham. 6 Rob. Horn Bishop of Winchester. 7 Richard Curteise Bishop of Chichestr. 8 Tho. Dantes Bishop of St. As●ph. 9 Richard Howland Bishop of Peterb. 10 John Still Bishop of B. and Wels. 11 John Coldwel, Bishop of Sarum. 12 William Morgan Bishop of St. Asaph. 13 Hugh Billet Bishop of Chester. 14 Rich. Vaughan Bishop of London. 15 Rich. Neile Archbishop of York. 16 THOMAS MORTON Bishop of Durham. 17 JOHN WILLIAMS ArchBishop of York. 17 Rich. Senhouse Bishop of Carlisle. 18 David Dalbin Bishop of Bangor. 1 Roger Hutchinson. 2 John Seaton. 3 Ralph Bains, Professor of Hebrew in Paris. 4 George Bullock, the Author of Bullocks Concordance. 5 Roger Ascham 6 William Cecil Lord Treasurer. 7 William Morgan, who first translated the Bible into Welch. 8 John Knewstubs 9 WILLIAM WHITAKER 10 THOMAS MORTON. 1 Fresh water R. Win. Dioc. valued at 19l. 8s. 4d. 2 Ospring Vic. Cant. Dioc. valued at 10l. 3 Higham Vic. Cant. Dioc. valued at 8l. 10s. 4 Thornington R. London Dioc. valued at 16s. 5 Sunninghil Vic. Sarum Dioc. valued at 6 Aldworth Vic. Sarum Dioc. 8l. 15s. 8ds. ob. So that lately, viz. anno 1634, there were in this College, one Master, 54 Fellows, fourscore and eight Scholars, beside Officers and Servants of the foundation, with other Students, in all one hundred eighty two. 16. Great was the opposition against the election of Dr. Whitakers, An Infant rebellion, the 16. Master of this house, fetched from Trinity College. He was appointed by the Queens Mandamus, and Dr. Cap-co●t Vicechancellor (and Fellow of Trinity College) went along with him magna comitante caterva, solemnly to induct him to his place, when he met with an unexpected obstruction. Non datur penetratio corporum. The gates were shut, and partly Man'd, partly buoy against him. 17. The Vicechancellor retreated to Trinity College, Seasonably crushed. and consulting with Lawyers what was to be done in the Case, Anno Regis Henrici 8. 1 according to their Advise, created Dr. Whitakers Master of St. john's in his own Chamber, by virtue of the Queen's Mandate. This done, he re-advanceth to St. john's, and with (as I may say) a POSSE ACADEMIAE, demands Admission. The johnians, having Intelligence by their Emissaries, that the property of the Person was altered, and Dr. Whitakers invested in their Mastership, and knowing the Queen would maintain her power from her Crown to her Foot, took Wit in their Anger, and peaceably received him. However great the Heart-burnings in this House for many years after; and I will run the Hazard of the Readers Displeasure in transmitting the following Story to Posterity. 18. A Signior Fellow of St. john's (of the opposite Faction to the Master) in the presence of Dr. Whitakers, A Rakehell to be chosen before a Dunce. falling on this Subject (proper enough to his Text) what Requisites should qualify a Scholar for a Fellowship, concluded that Religion and Learning were of the Quorum for that Purpose. Hence he proceeded to put the Case, if one of these Qualities alone did appear, whether a religious Dunce were to be chosen before a learned Rakehell; and resolved it in Favour of the later. 19 This he endeavoured to prove with two Arguments; The first reason. whereof this the first. Because Religion may, but Learning cannot be counterfeited. God only can discover the gracious Heart, but men may descry an able Head. He that chooseth a learned Rakehell is sure of something; but whoso electeth a religious Dunce, may have nothing worthy his Choice, seeing the same may prove both Dunce and Hypocrite. 20. His second Reason was, Second Reason. because there was more probability of a Rake-hells Improvement unto Temperance, then of a Dunces Conversion into a Learned man, seeing such an one radicated and habituated is unchangeable without Miracle. 21. Common-place ended, An ingenuous master well met Dr. Whitakers desired the company of this Fellow, and in his Closet thus accosted him. Sir, I hope I may say without Offence, as once Isaac to Abraham, here is Wood and a Knife, but where is the Lamb for the Burnt-offering? You have discovered much Keeneness of Language, and Fervency of Affection, but who is the Person you aim at, who hath offered Abuse to this Society? 22. The other answered; with an ingenuous fellow. If I may presume to follow your Metaphor, know, Sir (though I am a true Admirer of your most eminent Worth) you are the Sacrifice I reflected at in my Discourse. For (whilst you follow your Studies, and remit matters to be managed by others) a Company is chosen into the College, of more Zeal than Knowledge, whose judgements we certainly know to be bad, though others charitably believe the Goodness of their Affections. And hence (of late) a general Decay of Learning in the College. 23. The Doctor turned his Anger into Thankfulness, Well spoken well taken. and expressed the same, both in loving his Person, and practising his Advise, promising his own Presence hereafter in all Elections, and that none should be admitted without his own Examination; which quickly recovered the Credit of this House, replenished with hopeful Plants before his Death. 24. And thus I take my Farewell of St. john's College, Confess and be forgiven. having first confessed a Mistake formerly committed in my Holy State a In the life of Dr. Medcalfe in making Dr. Walter Haddon (Master of the Requests to Queen Elisabeth) a Member of this College, being originally of King's College, afterward of Trinity Hall. The Error arose, because Roger b In his Epistles. Askham of this House commonly calleth him nostrum Haddonum; where I mistook their Familiarity, for Membership in the same Society. Thomas Tompson, Anno Dom. 1509-10 Vice-Chan. john Samson john Scot Proctors. Anno Regis Henrici 1. 2 john Bury, Major. Doct. of Physic 2 Bac. of Divin. 5 Mast. of Arts 29 Gram. 1 Bac. of Law 16 Arts 42 Seeing the Vice-Chancellours are chosen in November, so that in their Office they partake of two years of the Lord (though otherwise but one annual Employment) I thought fit henceforward to divide them in our Chronologie into two years. Thomas Tompson, 1510-11 Vice-Chan. 3 George Tomson Chris Ducket Proctors. john Erlich, Major. Doct. of Divin. 5 Incorp. 1 Doct. of Can. Law 7 Civ. Law 2 Bac. of Divin. 11 Mast. of Arts 26 Bac. of Law 22 Arts 44 john Fawn, 1511-12 Vice-Chan. 4 Richard Standbank William Chandler Proctors. john Bell, Major. Doct. of Divin. 3 Civ. Law 1 Bac. of Divin. 5 Mast. of Arts 21 Bac. of Law 16 Arts 32 john Fawn, 1512-13 Vice-Chan. 5 Roger Collinwood Richard Master Proctors. Wil Barber, Major. Doct. of Divin. 2 Civ. Law 1 Bac. of Divin. 5 Mast. of Arts 21 Bac. of Law 7 Arts 52 john Eccleston, 1513-14 Vice-Chan. 6 Richard Norris Thomas Marten Proct. Hugh Chapman, Major. Doct. of Divin. 3 Civ. Law 1 Bac. of Divin. 10 Mast. of Arts 25 Bac. of Law 10 Arts 24 Gram. 1 john Eccleston, 1514-15 Vice-Chanc. 7 john Cotting Tho. Goodrick Proct. Hugh Chapman, Major. Doct. of Divinity 1 Can. Law 3 Bac. of Divin. 5 Mast. of Arts 14 Bac. of Law 13 Mus. 1 Arts 30 Gram. 2 Robert Dussin, 1515-16 Vice-Chanc. 8 Rowland Bodron Reinald Bainbrigg Proct. Hugh Raukin, Major. Doct. of Divin. 10 Can. Law 2 Civ. Law 2 Bac. of Divin. 18 Mast. of Arts 42 Gram. 3 Bac. of Law Mus. Arts Edmond Nateres, 1516-17 Vice-Chan. 9 john Copinger Gilbert Latham Proctors. john Bury, Major. Doct. of Divin. 5 Civ. Law 2 Phys. 1 Bac. of Divin. 13 Mast. of Arts 29 Bac. of Law 14. Arts 43 Edmond Nateres, Anno Regis Henrici 8. 10 Vice-Chan. William Cocks Roger Ashe Proctors. Wil Barber, Anno Dom. 1517-18 Major. Doct. of Divin. 3 Can. Law 2 Civ. Law 1 Bac. of Divin. 4 Mast. of Arts 13 Bac. of Law 11 Arts 41 25. About this time one Peter de Valence a Norman was a Student in Cambridge, Peter de Valence excommunicated. when the Papist Indulgences were solemnly set upon the School-gates, over which he wrote these Words; Beatus vir cujus est Nomen Domini Spesejus, & non respexit Vanitates, & Insanias falsas (istas.) Inquiry was made about the Party, but no Discovery could be made. Whereupon Bishop Fisher, Chancellor of the University, solemnly proceeded to his Excommunication, which he is said to perform with Tears, and great Gravity. 26. This Peter afterward applied himself to Dr. Goodrig Bishop of Ely, Many years after he confesseth his fault. and became his Servant; but, as the Papists report, could never be quiet in his Mind, until many years after he had publicly confessed his Folly therein, and upon the same place of the School-gates a See the life of Bishop Fisher lately printed, p. 23. fixed a Paper with these words; Delicta juventutis meae, & Ignorantias ne memineris, Domine: Remember not, Lord, my sins, nor the Ignorances' of my Youth. But may the Reader take notice, this Story is related by Richard Hall a zealous Papist, in his life of Bishop Fisher. A Book which when lately in Manuscript, I then more prized for the Rarity, then since it is now printed I trust for the Verity thereof. john Watson, 11 Vice-Chan. 1518-19 William Smith john Cheswrigh Proctors. Wil Barber, Major. Doct. of Divinity 10 Can. Law 3 Bac. of Divin. 11 Mast. of Arts 26 Bac. of Law 26 Arts 38 27. Monk's College this year had its name altered, Monks turned into Buckingham Coll. and condition improved. Formerly it was a place where many Monks lived, on the Charge of their respective Convents, being very fit for solitary Persons by the Situation thereof. For it stood on the trans-Cantine side, an Anchoret in itself, severed by the River from the rest of the University. Here the Monks some seven years since, had once and again lodged and feasted Edward Stafford the last Duke of Buckingham of that Family. Great men best may, good men always will be grateful Guests to such as entertain them. Both Qualifications met in this Duke, and then no wonder if he largely requited his Welcome. He changed the Name of the House into Buckingham College, began to build, and purposed to endow the same, no doubt in some proportion to his own high and rich estate. Edm. Nateres, 12 Vice-Chan. 1519-20 john Denny Wil Meadow Proct. Richard Clark, Major. Doct. Theol. 5 Iu. Can. 1 Civ. 1 Bac. Theol. 20 Mag. Art. 23 Bac. Leg. 19 Art. 31 28. Two eminent men are assigned by a good Author at this time to flourish in Cambridge. A pair of learned Writers. The one William Gonel, (a friend to Erasmus) and here public Professor, saith b In Appendice illustrium Angliae Scriptorum. Pitz: but would he had told us, of what Faculty. But probably Public Professor, in the lax acception of that Title, importeth no more than an ordinary Doctor. We need not question his Sufficiency, when we find Sir Tho. More (an Oxford man, and able Judge of Merit) select him for Tutor to his Children. The other Stephen Baron, Provincial of the Franciscans, and Confessor, faith one, c Idem p. 696 in anno 1520. to King Henry the eighth. Some will scarce believe this, Anno Dom. 1519-20 only because about this time they find Longland Bishop of Lincoln performing that place, Anno Regis Henrici 8. 12 except King Henry as he had many Faults, had many Confessors at once. But this Baron might have this office some years since. Let me here without offence remember that the Seniour Vicar (as I take it) of the King's Chapel, is called the Confessor of the King's Household. which perchance hath caused some Mistakes herein. Tho. Stackhouse, 1520-21 Vice-Chan. 13 Rich. Frank lo. Crayford Proctors. Rich Clark, Major. Doct. Theol. 9 Ju. Can. 3 Civ. 1 Bac. Theol. 5 Mag. Art. 21 Bac. Leg. 7 Art. 26 29. Edward Stafford D. of Buckingham, The untimely death of the Duke of Buckingham. a Gentleman rather vain then Wicked, guilty more of Indiscretion than Disloialty, by the practice of Cardinal Woolsey, lost his Life, and was beheaded. Charles the fifth, Emperor, being informed of his death, a Godwin in Henry the eighth. May 17 said that a Butcher's Dog (such Woolsey's extraction) had killed the fairest BUCK in England. Let Oxford then commend the Memory of this Cardinal, for founding a fair College therein; Cambridge hath more cause to complain of him, who hindered her of an hopeful Foundation. For this Duke surprised with death, built but little, and endowed nothing considerably in this Buckingham College. No wonder to such who consider, that prevented with an unexpected End, he finished not his own House, but only brought the sumptuous and stately Foundation thereof above ground at Thornbury in b Camden's Brit. ibidem. Glocestershire. Afterwards in Commiseration of this Orphan College, several Convents built Chambers therein. But more of it hereafter in Magdalen College. john Edmunds, Vice-Chan. Nich. Rowley john Stafford 1521-22 14 Proct. Robert Smith, Major. Doct. Theol. 6 Ju. Can. 1 Civ. 1 Bac. Theol. 19 Mag. Art. 22 Bac. Leg. 6 Art. 40 30. Richard Crook was the first, Crook his Character. who now brought Greek into request in the University. He was born in London, bred in King's College, where Anno c Manuscript. Hatcher. 1506. he was admitted Scholar. Then travailing beyond the Seas, he became public Reader of Greek at Lipzick in Germany. After his return, by the persuasion of Bishop Fisher Chancellor of Cambridge, he professed therein the Greek Language. All Students equally contributed to his Lectures, whether they heard, d Epist. Tho. Mori ad Aca. Oxon. or heard them not, (as in Dutch Ordinaries all Guests pay alike for the Wine, e Erasmi Colloqu. in Diversorio. though they drink it not) because they were or should be present thereat. Crook dedicated his first public Speech made in praise of the Greek tongue to Nich. West Bishop of Ely, because Cambridge (understand him of all the Parish Churches therein,) is of his Jurisdiction. A passage impertinently pressed by f Brian Twine. Oxford Antiquary, to prove this University under his Episcopal Power, as being in, not of Elic Diocese; exempted from it, though surrounded with it. Crook was also chosen the first public Orator, a place of more Honour than Profit, whose original Salary g Cajus Hist. Cant. A●. l. 2 pag. 129. was but 40●. per ann. Tho. Green, Vice-Chan. 1522-23 Robert Dent Io. Briganden Proct. Geo. h MS. Coll. Corp. Christi. Hoyster, Major. He was excommunicated for his obstinacy towards the Deputy of the Vice-Ch. 15 Doct. Theol. 5 In. Can. 2 Mag. Art. 22 Bac. Art. 46 31. It will not be amiss here to present the Reader with a List of the University Orators. Anno Regis Henrici 8. 15 Anno Dom. 1522-23 A Catalogue of Cambridge Orators. Orators. chosen 1 Richard Crook. 1522 2 George Day, fellow of Kings Col. 1528 3 john Redman, of Kings Hall. 1537 4 Thomas Smith, fellow of Queens Col. 1538 5 Roger Ascham, fellow of St. john's Col. 1547 6 Tho. Gardiner, fellow of Kings Col. 1554 7 john Stokes, of the same. 1557 8 George Ackworth. 1560 9 Anthony Girlington, fellow of Pembroke Hall. 1561 10 Andrew Oxenbridge, fellow of Trin. Col. 1562 11 Wil Masters, fellow of Kings Col. 1564 12 Thomas Bing, fellow of Peter House. 1564 13 William Lewin, fellow of Christ's Col. 1570 14 john Beacon, fellow of St johns Col. 1571 15 Rich. Bridgewater, fellow of Kings Col. 1573 16 Anthony Wing field, fellow of Trin. Col. 1580 and readmitted 1586 17 Henry Moutlow, fellow of Kings Col. 1589 18 Rob. Naunton, fellow of Trin. Col. 1595 19 Francis Nethersole, fellow of Trin. Col. 1611 20 George Herbert, fellow of Trin. Col. 1618. 21 Robert Crection, fellow of Trin. Col. 1627. 22 Henry Molle; fellow of Kings Col. 23 Ralph Witherington, fellow of Christ's Col. True it is, that before the solemn founding of the Orators office, some were procured on occasion to discharge the same. Thus we find one Cajus Auberinus an Italian, (for that Age indifferently learned) who (some 20. years since) had twenty a Manuscript Coll. Corp. Christi. pence a piece for every Latin Letter which he wrote for the University. Henceforth we had one standing Orator, whose place was assigned unto him next unto the Doctors of Physic. Henry Bullock, 16 Vice-Chan. 1523-24 Rob. Aldriche Ant. Maxwell Proct. Thomas Brakin, Major. Bac. Theol. 12 Mag. Art. 28 Bac. Leg. 9 Art. 40 Thomas Bilney, Fellow of Trinity Hall, Bilney his scruple in conscience. b Fox Acts and monum. zealously advanced true Religion. To the study of Canon and Civil Law (wherein he was graduated) he added a third, (worth both the former) his study in God's Law, and the Holy Scriptures. Once travelling in the Country, he chanced to come to a poor Cure belonging to Trinity Hall, where the people unprovided of a Preacher pressed him to give them some Instruction. Bilney had Ability, but no Authority to teach them, as then prohibited by the Church. Yet their Want so wrought on his Charity, that for the present he gave them a Collation. This good man, afterwards a Martyr, (the most tender to sin are the most hardy to suffer) was c Fox Acts and Mon. pag. 1013. much troubled in conscience for his contempt of Church-order. How many now adays without any regret turn Praters-Preachers without any Commission from the Church? It is suspicious on the like occasion, some would scarce follow Bilney to the Stake, who run so far before him into the Pulpit. Edmond Nateres, Anno Dom. 1524-25 Vice-Chan. Anno Regis Henrici 8. 17 Edm. Stretey Tho. Briggs Proct. Rich. Woolf, Major. Doct. Theol. 7 lu. Can. 1 lu. Civ. 2 Mag. Art. 25 Bac. Leg. 13 lu. Civ. 3 Art. 40 33. Now was there high and stiff banding in the Schools and Pulpits betwixt the Opposers of the Protestant Religion. Two opposite parties, for, and against superstition. 1. Henry Bullock, (his friend Erasmus calls him Bovillum) of Queen's College. 2. Mr. Hugh Latimer, of Christ's College, the Cross-keeper of the University, which he solemnly brought forth on Procession-dayes. He exhorted the Scholars not to believe one word of what Mr. Stafford did read or preach. 3. Edmund Nateres Vicechancellor, Master of Gon. Hall: and generally all the Heads of Houses. and Advancers of the same. 1. Doctor Foreman, of Queen's College, who therein concealed and kept Luther's Books when sought for to be burnt. 2. Mr. Stafford, Divinity Reader. Let me conjecture him, (for the Founder's Namesake) of Buckingham College. 3. Doctor Thissel (as Mr. Fox writes him) of Pembroke Hall. The same, no doubt, with john Thixtil, chosen fellow there 1 5 1 9 whom Cajus calls hominem singularis eruditionis nostra memoria. Insomuch that his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was authentical in the Schools. Edm. Nateres, 1525-26 Vice-Chanc. Gud. Duplake Tho. Harwood 18 Proctors. Thomas Say, Major. Doct. Theol. 2 Medic. 1 Bac. Theol. 2 Mag. Art. 23 Bac. Leg. 3 lu. Civ. 3 Art. 42 34. Bilney observing in Latimer misguided Zeal, Latimer converted by Bilney. repaired to his Chamber, and desired him to hear his Confession. The hearing whereof (improved by God's Spirit) so wrought on Latimer, that of almost a Persecutor, he became a zealous Promoter of the Truth. Then going to Mr. Stafford, he solemnly asked him a Fox Acts and monum. pag. 1731. Idem pag. 1860. Forgiveness, for his former fierce and causeless Fury against him. 35. Thomas Cranmer was outed of his Fellowship in jesus College for being married. His wife was Kinswoman to the Hostess at the Dolphin, which causing his frequent repair thither, gave the occasion to that impudent Lie of ignorant Papists, that he was an Ostler. Indeed with his learned Lectures, he rubbed the galled Backs, and curried the lazy Hides of many an idle and ignorant Friar, being now made Divinity-Reader in Buckingham College. But soon after, his Wife dying within the year, being a Widower, he was re-elected into jesus Col. I know the Statutes of some Houses run thus, Nolumus Socios nostros esse Maritos, velmaritatoes. It seems this last barbarous word was not, or was not taken notice of in jesus College Statutes. Cranmer herein is a Precedent by himself, if that may be Precedent which hath none to follow it. john Edmunds, 1526-27 Vice-Chan. Nin. Shafto jac. Hulton Proctors. Henry Gilson, 19 Major. Doct. Theol. 5 Ju. Can. 2 Ju. Civ. 1 Doct. Medic. 1 Bac. Theol. 5 Mag. Art. 21 Bac. Leg. 14 Art. 32 36. Richard Crook, University Orator and Greek Professor, Crook outbought departeth to Oxford. (invited with more large and liberal Conditions) leaving Cambridge, removed to Oxford. Yet this honourable Proviso is entered in our Orators Book, Anno Regis Henrici 8. 19 that in Case Crook should ever be pleased to return, Anno Dom. 1526-27 he, for the good service by him performed, should have the precedency of all Cambridge Orators. Great the Antipathy betwixt Crook, and Leland the Antiquary, whose differences began with generous emulation betwixt two eminent competitors of learned Honour, but festered into Envy, not to say malicious Detraction. 37. Dr. cliff Chancellor of Nicholas West Bp. of Ely, The privilege of the University. humbly submitted himself, and craved pardon a Manuscript. Col. Corp. Christi. for his Rashness, because he had excommunicated a Bachelor of Arts, contrary to the express Privileges of the University. The familiarity betwixt Bilney and Latimer daily increased, their meetingplace nigh Cambridge being called the Heretics walk. My enquiry can discover no footsteps thereof, on which side of the Town it lay. john Edmunds, 20 Vice-Chan. 1527-2s8 Tho. Smith john Brewer Proctors. Edw. Slegg, Major. Doct. Theol. 1 Ju. Can. 1 Ju. Civ. 4 Doct. Medic. 1 Bac. Theol. 6 Mag. Art. 20 Bac. Leg. 5 Art. 26 Gram. 2 38. Now many and fierce the conflicts of Friars against Mr. Latimer, Latimer his Sermon of Cards. especially after he had preached at St. Edward's, (the Sunday before Christmas) on the Question of the Priests to the Baptist (parcel of the Gospel appointed for the day) john 1. 19 Tu quis es? Who art thou? It seems he suited his Sermon rather to the Time then the Text, thereby taking occasion to conform his discourse to the playing at Cards, making the Heart b See it at large in Mr. Fox. Triumph, and exhorting all to serve God in sincerity & Truth, not in the glistering show of men's Ceremonies, Traditions, Pardons, Pilgrimages, Vows, Devotions, etc. Now, show me not the Sermon, but show me the Souls converted thereby. This blunt Preaching was in those dark days admirably effectual, which would justly be ridiculous in our Age. I remember in my time a country-Minister preached at St. Maries. His Text Rom. 1 2. 3. As God hath DEALT to every Man a measure of faith. In a fond Imitation of Latimer's Card-Sermon, he prosecuted the Metaphor of dealing, that men should play above-board, that is, avoid all dissembling, not pocket cards, but improve their gifts and graces, follow suit, wear the Surplice, and conform in Ceremonies, etc. All produced nothing but Laughter in the Audience. Thus the same actions are by several Persons and Times made not the same actions, yea differenced from commendable discretion, to ridiculous absurdity. And thus, he will make but bad Music, who hath the Instrument and Fiddlestick, but none of the Rosin of Mr. Latimer. Wil Buckmaster, 21 Vice-Cha. 1528-29 Rowland Swinborn john Blithe Proct. Tho. Brakin, Major. Doct. Theol. 2 Ju. Can. 3 Bac. Theol. 1 Mag. Art 13 Bac. Leg. 11 Art. 40 39 I cannot believe (except on better evidence, A suspected (if not false) report. than the bare testimony of one an engaged c Brian Twine Ant. Acad. Ox. pag. 364. person) what I find reported, that about this time certain Cambridge men went to Oxford, being Gracitatis Hosts, hearty Haters of the Greek Tongue. They called themselves by the names of doughty Trojans, Priam and Hector, condemning all other for arrogant and perfidious Greeks. 40. Thomas Cranmer, now Doctor in Divinity, was grown into so great an esteem for his Learning, that he was made by the University one of the Examiner's of their sufficiency who commenced therein. Until a grievous Plague this year happening in the University, left the Colleges almost empty, and forced him to remove with his prime Pupils to Waltham. And here we surrender render him up to our former Church-History, Anno Dom. 1528-29 where we from this time forward have given a large account of his Conversation. Anno Regis Henrici 8. 21 Io. Watson, 1529-30 Vice-Chan. Io. Linsey Tho. Wilson Proct. William Synderton, 22 Major. Doct. Theol. 5 Ju. Civ. 2 Med. 1 Mag. Art. 8 Bac. Leg. 15 Art. 37 41. Last years Sickness still continued in Cambridge; amongst many that died thereof, Mr. Stafford, Divinity Reader, ended his life, and that on this occasion. The Plague being fore in the Town, amongst other a certain Priest, called Sr. Henry Conjurer, lay sore sick of the said Plague. Mr. Stafford hearing thereof, & seeing the horrible danger that his Soul was in, was so moved in Conscience to help the dangerous case of the Priest, that he neglecting his own bodily death, to recover the other from eternal Damnation, came unto him, exhorted and so laboured him, that he would not leave him before he had converted him, and saw his Conjuring-books burned before his face: which being done Mr. Stafford went home, and immediately a Fox Acts and man. pag. 1013. Mr. Stafford possibly Margaret- Professor. sickened, and shortly after most Christianly deceased. Thus a Life is well lost whereby a Soul is saved. 42. I dare not affirm that this Mr. Stafford was Margaret-Professour in Cambridge, though something might move me to this Conjecture; for at this time there was no other Public Lecture founded in the University. Nor can a negative Argument to the contrary be justly deduced from the Omission of his name in the Catalogue of her Professors, which all must acknowledge to be very imperfect. Yet more probably he was a Volunteer in his Lecture, having no Salary for the reading thereof, save God's Glory, his own Credit, and the Profit of others. And so we take our leave of him; some months after whose Death, at the coming in of cold weather, the Air was cleared, and Cambridge free from Infection was restored to her former Healthfulness. 43. Thomas Bennet was this year Martyred in Exeter. Bennet a martyr of Cambridge. At the Stake he was urged by two Gentlemen of that County, standing by, to say, Precor Sanctam Mariam, & omnes Sanctos Dei, etc. Probably the pronouncing so much might have prevailed for his Pardon: But he refused to save his life on the price of Superstition. I insert him here in our History of the University, (not because, as many more Martyrs, he commenced Master of Arts therein, but) chief because he was born in the b Fox Acts & mon. pag. 1037. Town of Cambridge. Io. Watson, 1530-31 Vice-Chan. Tho. Blyth Rob. masterman Proct. John Chapman, 23 Major. Doct. Theol. 4 Ju. Civ. 2 Med. 2 Bac. Theol. 10 Mag. Art. 17 Bac. Leg. 11 Art. 28 Simon Heynes, 1531-32 Vice-Chanc. Wil Cake joh. Taylor Proctors, 24 William Gill, Major. Doct. Theol. 3 Ju. Can. 1 Iu. Civ. 1 Bac. Theol. 15. A doughty pair of challengers. Mag. Art. 28 Bac. Leg. 12 Art. 43 44. This year two Oxford men, the one George Throgmorton, c Camd. Brit. in Warwickshire. the other john Asewell, came to Cambridge, having much Learning in their heads (but needing to have brought more in their Portmanteaus) challenging all the University of Cambridge, Anno Regis Henrici. 8. 24 to dispute with them on these Questions. Anno Dom. 1531-32 An 1. Ius civil sit praestantius Medicina. 2. Mulier morti condemnata & his suspensa, ruptis Laqueis, tertio suspendi debeat. These two thus ordered themselves, that Throgmorton should be the Forlorn-hope, and answer first: Asewell was kept for the Reserve to come after him. 45. Five Cambridge-men undertook the Disputation: Well worsted for their pains. viz. john Redman, Nicholas Ridley, john Rokesby, Elizeus Price, and Griffith Tregarn (counted in those days the Magazine of all the Law) repairing to the Schools, (the Doors whereof were broken open by Crowds of People.) These Disputants so pressed Throgmorton, that finding him to fail, they followed their Advantage, to improve the Foil into a flat Fall, and would never suffer him (men's spirits once cast, are easily kept down) to recover himself. Wherefore As●well his Partner, who was to answer on the second Question, declined it by a Cajus Ant. Acad. Cant. pag. 19 & 20 dissembling himself sick. Who, had he not indeed been sick of a conceited soul, had never come thither on that occasion. 46. Home go this brace of Disputants wiser than they came to Cambridge, They return with shame. having learned by dear-bought Experience, that if Hercules were so wary as not to fight against two; they two were none of the wisest to fight against so many Herculese as a University might afford. However, the least shadow of Shame doth not reflect on Oxford, who was so fare from giving them a Commission, that she did not know of their coming to Cambridge. Thus bold Children will be venturing into Dangers without their Parents leave, though when it be known it cost them a good whipping for their pains. Indeed b Vt aiunt saith Cajus, ut prius. some have reported that afterwards they were expelled the University, for this their daring Undertaking: If so, let me say, our Aunt Oxford was too severe in her Censures; and I pity the two poor men, whose very Fault was sufficient Punishment. 47. But an Oxford c Brian Twine, Ant. Acad. Ox. pag. 336. Author seeks to qualify the matter in his Relation. The report qualified. First he tells us that Throgmorton was very young, and counted none of the most Learned men: both which we can easily believe. For his Expulsion after his return, he utterly disavoweth it; and concerning his carriage in Cambridge, he pretends to Intelligence, that Throgmorton came off rather as Conqueror then conquered. But Cajus present at the Disputation, is to be credited before those obscure persons [Bank and Bernard] whose Testimony he produceth therein. 48. As for As●well, A causeless jeer. the aforesaid d Idem p. 335. Author will not have him come to Cambridge with any intent to dispute, but only as Chamber-fellow to accompany Throgmorton; adding withal, What need had he to dissemble Sickness in that place, where formerly the Pestilence so reigned, (saith Walsingham in Richard the second) that sound men suddenly died in a Frenzy, without either Sense or Sacrament? But what's all this to the purpose? what if there were a pestilential distemper in Cambridge an hundred years before, must the same be supposed still to continue? But we know the Gentleman's Intent is to give a Gird at Cambridge, for the badness of the Air thereof. We tell not him of the Pestiferous Vapour in Oxford, in the Reign of Queen Elisabeth, wherewith judge, high Sheriff, justices; and most of the Grand-jury, died all suddenly at the e Cam den's Eliz. in Anno 1577. Assizes. Such Casualties happen sometimes in the most refined Airs, and thanks be to God they are but sometimes. 49. He proceeds to tell us, that no Cambridge-man ever challenged the University of Oxford to public Disputation, More modesty argues not less learning. (as I believe they never did:) but I know some who neither can be persuaded nor provoked to fight a Duel on any terms, yet the same in the Field will set their foot as fare in the Face of their Enemy, as any alive. When God's Glory is concerned in the cause of the Truth, Cambridge, though declining such Childish and Vainglorious Challenges, hath been, is, and, I hope, will be as forward as any University in the World in the vindicating thereof. Simon Heynes, Anno Dom. 1532-33 Vice-Chanc. Nich. Ridley Rich. Wilkes Proct. Robert Chapman, Anno Regis Henrici 8. 25 Major. Doct. Theol. 2 Ju Civ. 2 Med. 1 Bac. Theol. 11 Mag. Art. 26 Bac. Leg. 11 Mus. 1 Art. 43 Io. Craiford, a Manuscript. Col. Corp. Christi. Vice-Cha. Hen. Mallet joh. Madew. Proct. Ed. Tompson, a This Tompson was so obstinate, that he was excommunicated by the Vicechancellor for his stubbornness. Major. 1533-34 26 Doct. Theol. 7 Ju. Civ. 1 Bac. Theol. 10. Mag. Art. 19 Bac. Leg. 17 Art. 33 50. This year the University of Cambridge presented his Majesty with the following Instrument, May 2. wherein they utterly renounced the Pope's Supremacy. Invictissimo ac Potentissimo Principi ac Domino nostro, HENRICO OCTAVO, Angliae & Franciae Regi, Domino Hiberniae. Quoth faelix & faustum sit & huic florentissimo regno tuo, & universo orbi Christiano, (invictissime Princeps ac Domine clementissime) in scripto prodimus, ac palam dicimus sententiam nostram in Quaestione illa famosa de Romani Pontificis potestate: cujus Quaestionis Veritatem post maturam & sedulam examinationem, & varias ea de re, non uno tempore, Collocutiones, diligenti tandem scripturarum collatione & propensione (ut nobis videntur) eruimus, ac erutā ac Syngrapho quodam expressam, quod Sententiae nostrae, & facti certissimus testis fuerit, Majestati tuae, una cum nostris Literis mittimus. Atque hanc sane Provinciam (Serenissime Rex) abs tua Sublimitate nobis impositam, libenter suscepimus: partim ob eam (quam Majestati tuae debemus) fidem & obedientiam, quibus ullo tempore aut loco deesse nefas putamus maximum▪ partim ipsius veritatis amore ac study, quam dicere & praedicare, quoties è Christi gloria, & Reipub. Christianae salute atque commodo essevideatur, quum omnium intersit qui Christo nomina dederunt, atque in illius verba jurarunt, tum nostri multo magis refer, & interest videtur, qui quotidie in illius Scripturis versamur, quotidie illius verba, & voces legimus, qui est ipsa Via, Veritas & Vita, quique Veritatem custodit in saeculum saeculi. Hujus favorem & gratiam semper tuae Celsitudini adesse precamur, optamusque ut nos & Academiam nostram, quae tuae semper Voluntati fuerit obsequentissima, vicissim Sublimitatis tuae favore prosequi, fovere, atque ornare digneris. Anno Regis Henrici 8. 26. Christus Servator serenissimam Majestatem tuam diutissime servet. Anno Dom. 1533-34. UNiversis sanctae matris Ecclesiae filiis ad quos praesentes Literae perventurae sunt, Coetus omnis Regentium & non Regentium Academiae Cantabrigiensis, Salutem in omnium Salvatore Jesus Christo. Cum de Romani Pontificis potestate, quam ex sacris Scripturis sibi vendicat in omnibus Christianorum Provinciis, & in hoc Regno Angliae longo jam temporis tractu exercuit, hisce nunc diebus quaestio exorta sit, ac nostra de ea re sententia rogaretur (viz.) An Pontifex Romanus habeat à Deo in Scriptura sacra sibi concessam majorem Authoritatem & Potestatem in hoc regno Angliae, quam quivis alius externus Episcopus: Nos aequum esse putavimus, ut ad dictae quaestionis veritatem eruendam omni studio incumberemus, ac nostram ea de re sententiam & Censuram tandem Orbi proferremus. Nempe ad hoc potissimum Academias olim à Principibus institutas fuisse persuasi, ut & populus Christianus in lege Dei erudiatur, & falsi errores (fi qui exorirentur) cura & solicitudine Doctorum Theologorum penitus convelli ac profligari possint. Quamobrem de praedicta Quaestione deliberaturi more nostro convenientes, ac matura consultatione consilia conferentes, quo modo & ordine ad investigationem Veritatis certius procederetur, atque omnium tandem suffragiis selectis, quibusdam ex doctissimis Sacrae Theologiae Professoribus, Baccalaureis, & aliis Magistris ea cura demandata, ut scrutatis diligentissime Sacrae Scripturae locis, illisque collatis referrent ac renunciarrent quid ipsi dictae Quaestioni respondendum putarunt. Quoniam auditis, perpensis, ac post publicam super dicta quaestione disputationem matura deliberatione discussis his quae in Quaestione praedicta, alterutram partem statuere, aut convellere possent, illa nobis probabiliora, validiora, veriora etiam ac certiora esse, ac genuinun ac sincerū Scripturae sensum referre visa sunt, quae negant Romano Pontifici talem potestatem à Deo in Scriptura datam esse: Illis igitur persuasi, & in unam Opinionem convenientes, ad Quaestionem praedictam ita respondendum decrevimus, & in his scriptis nomine totius Universitatis respondemus, ac pro Conclusione verissima asserimus; Quod Romanus Pontifex non habet à Deo concessam sibi majorem Authoritatem, aut Jurisdictionem in hoc Regno Angliae, quam quivis alius Episcopus externus. Atque in fidem & testimonium hujusmodi nostrae Responsionis, & affirmationis, his Literis Sigillum nostrum commune curavimus apponi. Dat. Cantabrigiae ex Domo nostra Regentium secundo die mensis Maij, Anno ab orbe per Christum redempto, M.DXXXIV. Thus was the Popes powerfully abrogated out of England. Henceforward the Man of sin, Anno Dom. 1533-34;. in this Land, Anno Regis Henrici 8. 26 fell asleep, never more we hope to awake, though once he opened his eyes for a short time in Queen Mary's days, and soon shut them again. 51. Indeed Sanders himself confesseth, The course of the Scholars studies altered for the better. that about this time there were many in Cambridge cordially opposing the Popish Proceed; but he telleth us, they were none ex Doctissimis, of the most Learned therein: but had the meanest of those he decryeth been but of his opinion, how had they started up most, Pious and Learned both in an Instant? Indeed the Old Learning began to be left in the University, and a better succeeded in the Room thereof. Hitherto Cambridge had given suck but with one Breast, teaching Arts only, without Languages. Her Scholars Latin was but bad, (though as good as in any other place;) Greek, little; Hebrew, none at all: their Studies moving in a Circle, (I mean not as it ought in a Cyclopedie of Sciences, but) of some trite SchoolQuaestions over and over again. But now the Students began to make Sallies into the Learned Languages, which the industry of the next Age did completely conquer. Herein a Bale descrip. Brit Ceniur. octava p. 659. Rob. Wakefield, a great restorer of the Hebrew tongue, must not be forgot; who for his better accomplishment traveled most parts of Christendom, and became Hebrew-Professour after Reuchlin, or Capnio, in the University of Tubing. But we shall hear more of him, some years hence after his return. 52. john Fisher Bishop of Rochester was beheaded on Tower-hill, The Lord Cromwell chosen Chancellor in the place of Bishop Fisher. continuing Chancellor of the University to his last hour, june 22 as chosen into that place during his Life, not during his outward Happiness. Being long a Prisoner, he could not protect the University, as unable to enlarge himself. Yet Cambridge honoured him for what he had done, and continued him in his Office. Had this been imitated in after-Ages, Cambridge had not been charged with the Suspicion of Ingratitude, for deserting some of the Patrons, as soon as Greatness deserted them; as choosing not their Persons, but Prosperity for her Chancellor. The Lord Cromwell was elected Chancellor in the room of Fisher. 53. I find not any particular favour conferred, The great good he did the University. or Benefaction bestowed by him on the University. But this great Good he did, that his Greatness kept others form doing Cambridge any Harm. Many hungry Courtiers had hopes to catch fish, (and fish it would be whatever came to their Nets) on this turning of the Tide, the Alteration of Religion. How easy was it for Covetousness in those ticklish times, to quarrel the Colledge-Lands into Superstition? Sacrilege stood ready to knock at their Gates: and, alas! it was past their Porters. power to forbid it entrance, had not the Lord Cromwell vigorously assisted the University on all Occasions. I0. Craiford, Vice-Chan. Rich. Ainsworth Proct. 1534-35 27. William Hasill, Major. Guil. Sanders Doct Theol. 2 Mag. Art. 17 Bac. Theol 9 Bac. Art. 30 54. Hitherto none were chosen Vice-Chancellours of the University, Craisord his Character. save such who before their Election were actual Doctors. Craiford was the first who innovated herein, being Vicechancellor before a Doctor, ut gradus quaestum exofficio faceret, saith my b Cajus de Antony's Cantab. Ac. lib. 1. pag. 156. Author; not bringing a Doctourship as a qualification to be Vicechancellor, but taking it as a gratification conferred on him for being so. c Assert. Ant. Ox. An. 1566 pag. 27. Oxford Antiquary accounts him one of the Ornaments of Cambridge, who at first was bred in Oxford. We deny not, but that Craiford very young might have his Education there, but took all his Degrees in Cambridge, though fare enough from being any great Ornament there of; For first he was expelled out of a Cajus ut prius p. 12. 1. Queen's College (for no good we may be sure,) yet afterward by favour offriends, got to be Proctor Anno 1522. and at last Vicechancellor of the University. But he was, saith one, b Idem ibidem. Gladiator melior quam Procancellarius, a better Fencer than Vicechancellor, Anno Regis Henrici 8. 27 Anno Dom. 1534-35; who in a fury cut off the hand from one Pindar, and cast out a fellow out of the Regent-house, catching him up on his shoulders by main force; and I could wish the occasion thereof had been expressed. Surely he was a man of Metal, being Vicechancellor two years together, which I may call the Critical years of Cambridge, on the Alteration of the Pope's power therein (and perchance too much decried by some on the same account) being chosen of purpose with his rough spirit to bustle through much Opposition. The first general Visitation of Cambridge, Jure Regio. 55. This year Thomas Legh Doctor of Law, Dr. Legh Chancellour, Cromwell his surrogate, his injunctions to the University. Deputy to the Lord Cromwell, Vicar-general to King Henry the eighth, visited the University of Cambridge. We must believe him one of desert, being sole and single by himself selected for such an employment; and may be assured that Cromwell never sent a Slug on his Errands. I find one Dr. Lee petitioned against in the Articles and demands of Robert Aske, and his rebellious Crew of Northern Commons, and charged with extortion in Visitation of Religious-houses; and am confident he was the same person, though some difference betwixt Legh, and Lee, in the Spelling thereof. For besides that the vulgar are never Critics in Writing, no wonder if they did mis-spell him whom they did miscall, loading him with opprobrious Language. Yet no better evidence of ones Honesty, then to be railed at by a rabble of Rebels. But see this Dr. Legh his Injunctions to the University. IN Dei nomine Amen. Anno Domini millesimo quingentes. tricesimo quinto, Octob. 22 Mensis vero Octobris die 22. nos Thomas Legh, Legum Doctor, praeclari ac honorandi Viri Mri. Thomae (romwell, illustrissimi in Christo Principis ac Domini Henrici Octavi, Dei gratia Angliae & Franciae Regis, Fidei Defensoris, Domini Hiberniae, ac in terris supremi Ecclesiae Anglicanae sub Christo Capitis, primarii Secretarii, & ad causas Ecclesiasticas Vicem-gerentis, Vicarii generalis & Officialis principalis, nec non intra regnum Angliae, tam in locis exemptis, quam non exemptis, Visitatoris generalis, ad negotium Visitationis & inquisitionis Academiae, sive Universitatis Cantabrig. ac Collegiorum, Aularun, ac caeterarum Domuum, sive Hospitiorum Scholarium inhabitantium, habentes in caetera potestatem nobis attributean, injunctiones quae nobis necessariae ac opportunae viderentur, quascunque indicendi, has injunctiones, sive mandata sacratissimis regiis injunctionibus adjicienda & annectenda fore decrevimus, quae omnia & singula, non minus quam illa, sub iisdem poenis à quolibet cujusvis Collegii, Aulae, five Hospitii hujus Academiae Praeposito, sive Magistro, aliisque Scholaribus, sive Studentibus hujus Universitatis, quibuscunque observari volumus; & Authoritate regia nobis in hac parte commissa stricte praecipimus atque mandamus. Primum, quod quilibet Sudiosus sive Scholaris intra hanc Academiam Cantabrig. observabit omnia & singula Statuta, Constitutiones, & Ordinationes, & laudabiles Consuetudines, hujus Universitatis, ac Collegii, Aulae, Hospitii, seu Domus ubi habitat, juxta primaevam fundationem ejusdem, quatenus his admemoratis Injunctionibus non repugnent, aut studio bonarum & sacrarum literarum, seu hujus regni nostri Juribus & Statutis non obsunt. Item, quod nullus Magister, sive Socius alicujus Collegii, Aulae, sive Hospitii, in superioribus regiis injunctionibus specificati, alicui vendat aut distrahat in posterum, suam Societatem, quovis quaesito aut excogitato colore; nec aliquam pecuniae summam pro admissione vel receptione alicujus Scholaris, penitus in futurum capiat. Item volumus & stricte praecipimus, ut in posterum penitus facessant & cessent factiones inter hujus, vel hujus Patriae, Civitatis, aut Collegii Concives, sive Socios, & quoscunque alios; nec in electionibus Sociorum, Scholarium, Praepositorum, seu aliquo alio communi actu, vel similibus suffragiis edendis, cuicunque ob communem patriam potius assentiant, quam ei qui literarum studio, vitae & morum integritate, aliisque corporis & animi dotibus, merito sit praeferendus: cum quam turpissimū●it (his praesertim doctis, & bonis Opinionibus imbutis, qui Virtutis exemplar, & speculum esse debent) talibus iniquis & vulgaribus affectibus duci. Quin potius ut haec Academia omnes ad bonos mores & literarum scientiam, veluti iterum format & gignit; sic & omnes, quotquot ejus sunt Alumni, semutuos Concives, & Municipes esse sentiant, singuli singulos pro virili sua, & cum omni Charitate fraterna, qualitatibus, ac donis externis & internis mutuo auxiliantes, & ad meliora promovere satagentes. Item, quod Vice-Cancellarius & Procuratores hujus Universitatis & quilibet Praepositus, Magister, sive Custos cujuscunque Collegii, sive Hospitii & Aulae hujus Academiae possessiones immobiles, & bona mobilia, in communi habentes exhibeat, & citra Festum Purificationis Beatae Mariae proximo futurum, Chartas, Donationes, fundationum, donationum, appropriationum Statuta, Constitutiones, & Bullas Pontificias, ac alia quaecunque Diplomata, & Papistica munimenta, hujus Vniversitatis, ac Collegiorum, Aularun & Hospitiorum hujusmodi respective, ac etiam Rentale mobilium plenum, & fidele Inventorium bonorum mobilium eorundem, in manus dicti Honor, viri Mri. Thomae Cromwell Visitatoris generalis, ejusve legitimi ad hoc deputati, ipsius beneplacitum in ea parte expectaturi. Praeterea, volumus & praecipimus, quod haec Vniversitas unam publicam Lectionem, sive Graecam, sive Hebraicam, ex libera optione eorum, qui de gremio ejusdem Vniversitatis sunt, utram earum maluerint, & conducere arbitrati fuerint, suis impensis continue sustentet, & suppeditet; quique in illius Lecturae, quam in aliarum Lecturarum, ubicunque infra hanc Vniversitatem praelectoribus eligendis, quam diligentissime suam operam adhibeant, ut eos ad praelectiones ejusmodi deligant, qui Literarum scientia, & morum integritate florere noscuntur, & quipure, sincere & pie legere volunt, omni affectu carnali, aut quocunque alio respectu iniquo penitus semoto & postposito. Item volumus & mandamus, quod omnes & Praepositi, & Magistri, Custodes, Scholares, ac Studentes in hac Vniversitate, pro animabus Fundatoris Vniversitatis ac Collegiorum, & aliarum in eadem Domorum quarumcunque, & pro faelicissimo statu invictissimi Domini nostri Regis, & Dominae Annae ejus legitimae conjugis, hujus regni Reginae, summique eorum honoris incremento maximo, sub quorum Auspiciis vera Religio Christiana jam reflorescit, uni Missae in Ecclesia Beatae Mariae, infra mensem proximo sequentem publice celebrandae intersint. Item quod quilibet Praepositus, Magister, sive Custos cujusvis Collegii, Aulae, vel Hospitii memorati habeat exemplar harum & praedictarum injunctionum, ac eas fideliter conscriptas in sua domo coram omnibus Scholaribus ejusdem semel singulis mensibus legi faciat, & eas è quibusvis volentibus transcribi sinat atque permittat. Item quod si aliquis Scholaris & Studens hujus Vniversitatis, vel etiam ipse Vice-Cancellarius, seu alicujus Collegii, Aulae, vel Hospitii Praepositus, Magister, sive Custos injunctiones regias, sigillo suo magno sigillatas, vel hac injunctione sibi annexas, seu earum aliquam violaverit; quilibet eorum id quamprimun dictae Regiae Majestati, aut ejus Visitatori generali, seu ejus Surrogato denunciari procuret: & si delictum respicit Vniversitatis moderatorem aliquem, Vice-Cancellarius & Procuratores denuncianti vel ejus nuncio pecunias necessarias, & alia ad hoc requisita ministrabit. Quod si aliquis alius Praepositus, Magister, sive Custos alicujus Collegii, Aulae, sive Hospitii, in aliquo praemissorum deliquerit, ipse fimiliter accusanti & denuncianti viaticum expensas subministrabit. Reservantes insuper honoratiss. Viro Mro. Thomae Cromwell, & Visitatori generali, consimilem potestatem, adjiciendi & diminuendi, quam Regia Majestas in superioribus injunctionnibus ei reservavit. In cujus rei Testimonium, quia sigillum de proprio authenticum ad manus non habemus, ideo sigillum Officialis Domini Archidiaconi Eliensis praesentibus apponi mandavimus; & nos Officialis antedictus ad speciale mandatum dicti Domini Commissarii sigillum nostrum praesentibus apposuimus. Dat. xxiiᵒ. die mensis Octobris Anno Domini 1535. & regni dicti illustrissimi Domini nostri Regis Anno vicesimo septimo. 56. These Injunctions relate as additionals to former Injunctions of the Kings, King Henry his injunctions to the University of Cambridge. too tedious here to exemplify. But take the substance thereof. 1. He beginneth with bemoaning the Barbarism, and Ignorance, which so lately spread in the University, protesting his desire to promote Piety, and extirpate Heresy, Superstition, Idolatry, etc. 2. He exhorteth all the Members in the University to the embracing of Christ's Doctrine in Spirit and Truth, recommending Mr. Cromwell their Chancellor to be their visitor therein. 3. He requires their renouncing all Obedience to the Pope of Rome, and that his Royal Authority be received as supreme under God. 4. He inciteth them to the study of Tongues, because sensum alicujus rei non, potest ille assequi, qui rudis est Idiomatis quo traditur. 5. He enjoineth them to found on the joint Cost of all the Colleges, two Lectures, the one of Latin, the other of Greek, to be daily read (and by consequence heard) on great Penalties. 6. That no Authors hereafter be publicly read, who have written on the Master of the Sentences; but that all Lectures be made on some part of the Scripture. 7. That it should be permitted to all freely to read God's Word in their private Studies, & repair to any public place where the same is preached. 8. That hereafter none in the University take any Degree in the Canon-Law. 9 He did make void and abolish all Ceremonies and Observances, which any ways did hinder the Study of Scholars, or bonam valetudinem studio amicam. 10. He ordered that the Youth to be educated in the Arts should read Aristotle, Rodulphus Agricola, Philip Melancthon Trapezuntius, etc. 11. He forbade the reading of the frivolous Questions, and obscure Glosses of Scotus, Burleus, Anthony Trombet, Bricot, Bruliferius, etc. 12. He pronounceth all Statutes of the University or private Colleges void, if repugnant to the Premises. 13. That all Masters of Colleges be bound by their solemn Oath to the effectual observation of these his Injunctions. 14. Reserving always to the aforesaid Thomas Cromwell their Chancellor, and his Vicar-general, or to his lawful Surrogate in that kind, full power to examine, add, and alter any thing according to his Discretion, confident of his care herein for the good of the University. Observe by the way, that at this instant the University of Cambridge was very full of Students, as may appear by that Passage in the King's Injunctions; For he reckoneth up the several Colleges, ubi confluunt, & diversantur, & frequentant Scholar's & Studiosi, ex omni Dioecesi, & qualibet parte hujus Regni nostri Angliae, tam ex Wallia quam ex Hibernia. So that it seemeth here was then an universal Confluence of Scholars from all parts of the King's Dominions. 57 Three days after Doctor Legh had set forth his Injunctions, The submission of the Master and Fellows of Gonvil Hall to the King's Injunctions. the Colleges made their respective Submissions thereunto, solemnly subscribing the same. We assure ourselves they used the same form for the Essentials, one Copy whereof we have here inserted, that the rest may be measured thereby. Invictissimo ac pientissimo in Christo Principi & Domino nostro, HENRICO OCTAVO, Dei gratia Angliae & Franciae Regi fidei Defensori Domino Hiberniae, ac in terris supremo Ecclesiae Anglicanae sub Christo Capiti. Vestri humiles Subditi & devotissimi Oratores WILLIELMUS BUCKENHAM, Mr. sive custos Collegii dicti Gonvil Hall, CANTABRIG. & ejusdem Loci socii reverentiam & obedientiam, tam excellenti & prepotenti principi debitas & condignas cum omni subjectione & honore. NOverit Majestas vestra regia quod nos Magister & socii predicti, non viaut metu coacti, dolove aut aliqua alia sinistra machinatione, ad hec inducti sive seducti, sed ex nostris certis scientiis, animis deliberatis, merisque & spontaneis Voluntatibus; pure, sponte & absolute, in verbo Sacerdotii, profitemur, spondemus ac ad sancta Dei Evangelia, per nos corporaliter tacta, juramus vestrae illustrissimae Regiae Majestati, singulari ac summo Domino nostro & patrono, Henrico Octavo, Deigratia, Angliae & Franciae Regi fidei Defensori, & Domino Hiberniae, ac in terris Ecclesiae Anglicanae Supremo immediate sub Christo Capiti; quod posthac nulli externo Imperatori, Regi, Principi antony's Prelato, nec Romano Pontifici, quem Papam vocant, fidelitatem, aut obedientiam verbo vel scripto, simpliciter vel sub juramento, promittemus aut dabimus vel dari curabimus, sed omni tempore casu & conditione, partes vestrae Regiae Majestatis, ac successorum vestrorum sequemur & observabimus, & pro virili defendemus, contra omnem hominem quem vestrae Majestati, aut successoribus Vestris, adversarium cognoscemus & suspicabimur. Solique vestrae Regiae Majestati, velut supremo nostro principi, & Ecclesiae Anglicanae capiti, ac successoribus vestris fidelitatem & obedientiam sincere & ex animo prestabinus. Papatum Romanum non esse adeo in sacris Literis ordinatum profitemur, sed humanitus traditum, constanter assirmamus, & palam declaramus, ac declarabimus, & ut alii sic publicent, diligenter curabimus. Nec tractatum cum quoqunque mortalium privatim aut publice inibimus, aut Consentiemus, quod Pontifex Romanus, aliquam authoritatem & jurisdictionem, amplius hic habeat aut exerceat, aut ad ullam posthac restituatur; Episcopumque Romanum Episcopum modernum, aut ejus in illo Episcopatu, successorem quemcunque, non Papam, non summum Pontificem, non universalem Episcopum, nec sanctissimum Dominum; sed solum Romanum Episcopum, vel Pontificem, (ut priscis mos erat) scienter publice asseremus: Juraque & statuta hujus regni pro extirpatione & sublatione Papatus, & auctoritatis ac Jurisdictionis dicti Romani Episcopi, quandocunque edita sive fancita, edendaque sive sancienda, pro viribus, scientia, & ingeniolis nostris ipsi firmiter observabimus, & ab aliis sic observari (quantum in nobis fuerit) curabimus atque efficiemus; nec posthac dictum Romanum Episcopum appellabimus, aut appellanti consentiemus; nec in ejus curia pro jure aut justitia agemus, aut agenti respondebimus, nec ibidem Accusatoris vel Rei personam sustinebimus; & si quid dictus Episcopus per nuncium vel per literas nobis significaverit, qualecunque id fuerit, illud quam citissime commode poterimus, aut vestrae Regiae Majestati, aut vestris à secretis Consiliariis significabimus, aut significari faciemus: nosque literas, aut nuncium, aut eundem Romanum Episcopum, vel ejus Curiam, nec mittemus nec mitti faciemus, nisi vestra Majestate conscia, & consentiente, aut vestro Successore, quod dictae literae vel nuncius ad eum deferatur. Bullas, brevia aut rescripta quaecunque pro nobis vel aliis ab Episcopo Romano, vel ejus Curia non impetrabimus, vel ut talia à quovis impetrentur non consulemus; & si talia pro nobis insciis aut ignorantibus generaliter vel specialiter impetrabuntur, vel alias quomodo libet concedentur, eye renunciabimus, & non consentiemus, nec utemur eisdem ullo modo, at eas vestrae Majestati aut Successoribus vestris tradi curabimus. Exemptioni vero qua Romano Episcopo, vel summo quem vocant Pontifici, aut ipsi quocunque nomine appelletur, ejusve Romanae Ecclesiae, mediate vel immediate subjecti sumus & fuimus, ipsiusque concessionibus, privilegiis, largitionibus, & indultis quibuscunque expresse in his scriptis renunciamus, & soli vestrae Majestati, vestrisque Successoribus, nos subditos & subjectos profitemur, ac nos subjiciemus, & nos solummodo subditos fore spondemus. Nec eidem Romano Pontifici, vel ejus Nunciis, Oratoribus, Collectoribus, aut Legatis, ullam procurationem, pensionem, portionem, censum, aut quamcunque aliam pecuniarum summan (quocunque nomine appelletur) per nos aut interpositam personam, vel personas solvemus, aut solvi faciemus: statutumque de successione vestra Regia in Parliamento vestro editum, ac omnia ac singula in eodem contenta, juxta formam & effectum ejusdem fideliter observabimus. Praeterea in vim pacti profitemur & spondemus, ac in verbo Sacerdotali, & sub fidelitate vestrae Majestati debita & nostra coram Deo conscientia, promittimus, quod contra hanc nostram praedictam professionem & sponsionem, nulla dispensatione, nulla exceptione, nulla appellatione, aut provocatione, nullove juris vel factiremedio nos tuebimur. Et si quam protestationem, in praejudicium hujus nostrae professionis, & sponsionis fecimus, cam in praesens & in omne tempus futurum revocamus, & eidem renunciamus per praesentes Literas, quibus propriis manibus nomina nostra subscripsimus, & eas nostri communis Sigilli apprehensione, & Notarii publici infrascripti signo & subscriptione committi, curavimus. Dat. & act. in Domo nostra capitulari 25o. diemensis Octobris Anno ab Incarnatione Christi 1535ᵒ. & regni vestri florentissimi 27o. praesentibus tunc ibid. johanne Acres Art. Mag. & Roberto Warmington Bacc. in legibus testibus ad praemissa accitis & legatis. Willimus Buckenham Rogerus Overy johannes Styrmin Laurentius Maptit Andrew Dew johannes Cajus Willimus Barker ET ego johannes Rheseus, Notarius pub. dicti illustrissimi Domini Regis Regestor principalis, quia Professioni, Sponsioni, Juramento, Praestationi, ac caeteris praemissis omnibus, dum sic, ut praemittitur, sub anno, mense, die & loco praedictis, agerentur, & fierent, una cum praenominatis testibus, personaliter interfui, eaque sic fieri & interponi vidi, & audivi, ac mox ut gesta sunt, in notam excepi; ideo hoc praesens publicum Instrumentum inde confeci, & in hanc publicam & authenticam formam redegi, signoque meo Tabellionali ac nomine & cognomine, meis solitis & consuetis signavi; meque hic subscripsi, in sidem & testimonium omnium & singulorum praemissorum, rogatus legitime & requisitus. Their Protestation taken in verbo Sacerdotii, relates to the major part, not to all the Fellows of Gonvil under-writing their names. For I shall not be easily persuaded, that john Cajus, penultimus subscriptor in this Instrument, being a Physician by his Profession, was ever in Holy Orders. 58. In obedience to Doctor Legh his Injunctions, University Records delivered to the Lord Cromwell. the whole University before Candlemas-day next ensuing, surrendered to the King all their Charters, Donations, Statutes, Popes-Bulls, and Papistical Muniments, with an exact Rental of their lands, and Inventory of their goods. The Vicechancellor and signior Proctor went up to London, and delivered them to Secretary Cromwell, Chancellor of the University. And now they are deposited in a safe hand, seeing the same person as Master of the Rolls, was entrusted with the keeping of the Records of the Kingdom. 59 Hereafter expect no more Doctors of Canon-Law in Cambridge. Formerly, No more Doctors of Canon-Law. almost every year some were graduated in that Faculty; and these pre●●● these of Civil-Law, as the Pope makes himself to be above the Emperor. But now, Gratian fared no better in Cambridge, than his brother Peter Lombard. For, as the King had pronounced his Sentence of Condemnation against the public reading of the Master of the Sentences: so the Decretals were banished after them. King Henry stung with the dilatory pleas of the Canonists at Rome in point of his Marriage, did in revenge destroy their whole Hive throughout his own Universities. 60. However, Which is annexed to Civil. afterwards Scholars applied themselves to the reformed Canon-Law, viz. so much thereof as afterwards was received, as conformable, to the King's Prerogative, and the municipal Law of the Land. These many studied to enable themselves for Chancellors, officials, etc. in several Dioceses: yet so, that Canon-Law did never after stand by itself (as subsisting a distinct Faculty wherein any commenced) but was annexed to Civil-Law, and the Degree denominated from the later. And although Civilians kept Canon-Law in Commendam with their own Profession, yet both twisted together are scarce strong enough (especially in our sad days) to draw unto them a liberal Livelihood. SECTION VII. EDVARDO PALMER de WALTHAM Armigero. VIR ATTICISSIME, FRatres meos, Verbi Ministros, saepius audivi solicitos, ne mentes suae sensim torpescerent, eo quod Rusticanis Viculis damnati, sibi solum sit consortium cum crassis Minervis. quibus inter crudum & coctum nihil interest. At mea longe dispar conditio, cui, Deo gratias, emunctioris nasi Parochiani contigerunt; èquibus Tu, limato tuo judicio, me inter praedicandum hebescentem, instar coticulae, aliquoties exacuisti. Fateor sane, praesentiam tuam mihi suggestum ascensuro, non semel metum incussisse, ne forsan, te audiente, aliquid minus pensiculatum excideret. Sed animum erexit opportuna recordatio comitatis tuae, qua lapsibus currentis tam linguae quam calami facile veniam es daturus. Digneris, quaeso, lectione tua hanc historiolam, vel eo nomine, quod Collegium Trinitatis (unumtribus conflatum, & Trin-Vni Deo dicatum) exhibeat. Collegium amplissimum, non tam Rege Fundatore, quam doctissimis suis Alumnis superbiens; inter quos, ob summam Graecarum Literarum peritiam, Te Palmam far meritissime agnoscit. THis year the young fry of Fellows of St. john's in Cambridge combined, yea, conspired against their old Master Doctor Metcalfe, A Combination against Doct. Metcalfe. a man much meriting of his House, It being hard to say, whether St. john's oweth more to the Lady Margaret, or Dr. Metcalfe; she by her Bounty founded it, he by his Providence kept it from being a See more of him in our History of Cambridge, confounded: Anno 1508. many a pound he gave, moe he got of his Friends for this College. Indeed he was none of the greatest Rabbins, but he made many good Scholars under him. Thus the dull and blunt Whetstone may be said virtually to be all Edge, because setting a sharpness on other instruments. Metcalfe, Anno Dom 1534-35 with Themistocles, Anno Regis Henrici 8. 27 could not fiddle, but he know how to make a little College a great one, by his two and twenty years prudent government thereof. 2. I find not a particular of the Faults, Great deserts soon forgotten. which the Fellows laid to Metcalf's charge. It may be the greatest matter was, because he was old, they young; he froward, they factious. Indeed he was over-frozen in his Northern Rigour, and could not be thawed, to ungive any thing of the rigidness of his Discipline. Besides, I suspect him too stubborn in his Romish Mums●mus▪ which gave his Adversaries advantage against him, who would not be quiet, till they had cast him out of his Mastership. Did not all the Bricks of the College that day double their Dye of redness, to blush at the Ingratitudes of those that lived therein? 3. Wonder not if Metcalfe survived but few months after his removal. Gild haunted with justice. Old trees, if transplanted, are so fare from bearing of fruit, that they bear not themselves long but whither away. However let not his Enemies boast, it being observed that none thrived ever after who had a hand in Metcalf's Ejection, but lived meanly and died a Cajus hist. Cant. Ac. lib. 1. p. 76. miserably. This makes me confident, that neither Master Cheek, nor Master Askam (than Fellow of the College) had any hand against him, both of them being well known afterwards to come to good grace in the Commonwealth. Fran. 1535-36 Mallet, 29 Vice-Chan. Hen▪ joliffe Ro. Stokes Proctors. Simon Trew, Major. Doct. Theol. 7 Bac. Theol. 16 Mag. Art. 26 Bac. Leg. 13 Art. 18 4. Now had the Records of Cambridge slept well-nigh a whole year in the Custody of the Lord Cromwell; Cambridge records re-delivered unto them. not that there was the least intention finally to detain them, but to suspend them for a time, to wean the University from their former Fondness to the Pope, that for the future they might feed with a better Appetite on the King's Favours. It was now therefore thought fit to restore them again without the loss of a Shoo-latcher to the University. Whereupon Rob. Stokes the junior Proctor and john Meare the Esq Bedel went up to London, where the aforesaid Records. were delivered unto them. After their return to Cambridge, Tho: Argal and Anthony Hussey were deputed by the Regent-house, to receive such Records as concerned the University. 5. Yet I question, Quaere whether the Pope's Bulls were in species restored. whether any of the Pope's Bulls were restored to the University or no; I mean those Bulls of a later date, conferred on Cambridge since the Massacre general of their Records in the mad Mayoralty of Edward b See our hist. of Camb. Anno. 1381. Lyster. If any such were returned, they might be Monuments (looked on for Rarities) but no longer Muniments of the University, as too infirm to fence and fortify the same, the Pope's power being totally abrogated. However though not in specie, they were virtually restored; the University exchanging, not losing her right herein; only bottoming her Privileges not on Papal, but Regal Power: c Cajus hist. Cant. Ac. l. 1. pag. 105. Etsi inclytissimus Rex ea auferrijusserit, ne Pontificum deinceps obtenderetur Authoritas, corum tamen beneficium Academ●ae salvam integrumque esse voluit. Georg. Anno Regis Henrici 8. 30 Day, Anno Dom. 1536-37 Vice-Chanc. Rich. Standish Tho. Cobbe. Proct. Rad. Berkerdike, Major. Doct. Theol. 3 Medic. 1 Bac. Theol. 5 Mag. Art. 19 Bac. Leg. 5 Medic. 2 Art. 19 Wil Buckmaster, 31 Vice-Cha. 1537-38 Galf. Gylpin Hen. San●●rson Proctors. Robert Smith, Major. Doct. Theol. 2 Ju. Civ. 2 Bac. Theol. 7 Mag. Art. 27 Bac. Leg. 7 Art. 35 Wil 32 Buckmaster, 1538-39 Vice-Chan. Oliv. Ainsworth Alban Longdale Proct. Christ. Frank, Major. Doct. Theol. 3 Ju. Civ. 1 Medic. 1 Bac. Theol. 4 Mag. Art. 20 Bac. Leg. 3 Medic. 3 Art. 42 Gram. 1 6. STEPHEN GARDINER was chosen Chancellor of the University. Gardiner made Chancellor. He was at the same time Master of Trinity Hall, which he was pleased to hold for many years together with the Bishopric of Winchester. Francis Mallet john Edmunds Vice-Chan. 33 Tho. 1539-40 Pulley Ed. Humphrey Proct. john Chapman, Major. Doct. Theol. 1 Iu. Civ. 1 Medic 1 Bac. Theol. 5 Mag. Art. 32 Bac. Leg. 6 Art. 30 Rich. 34 Standish, 1540/41 Vice-Chan. Henry Bissel Thomas West Proctors. William Gil, Major. Doct. Ju. Civ. 1 Medic. 2 Bac. Theol. 4 Mag. Art. 19 Bac. Leg. 9 Medic. 2 Art. 49 7. A contest began now betwixt the Introducers of the New & the Defenders of the Old Pronunciation of Greek. Contention about pronouncing of Greek. The former endeavoured to give each Letter, Vowel and Diphthong it's full Sound, whilst Doctor Cajus, and others of the old stamp, cried out against this project, and the promoters thereof; taxing it for Novelty, and them for want of Wit and Experience. He affirmed Greek itself to be barbarous, thus clownishly uttered, and that neither France, Germany nor Italy owned any such pronunciation. 8. john Cheek, The champions for the new mode. Thomas Smith, (both afterwards Knighted and privy Councelours,) maintained, that this was no Innovation, but the ancient utterance of the Greeks, which gave every letter it's due and native Sound. Otherwise by the fine speaking of his opposers, Vowels were confounded with Diphthongs, no difference being made betwixt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Nor mattereth it if Foreigners descent, seeing hereby we Englishmen shall understand one another. 8. Here Bishop Gardiner Chancellor of the University interposed his power, An inartificial argument. affirming Cheeks pronounciation pretending to be ancient to be antiquated. Anno Dom. 154 0/1 He imposed a penalty on all such who used this new pronounciation, Anno Regis Henrice 8. 34 which notwithstanding, since hath prevailed, and whereby we Englishmen, speak Greek, and are able to understand one another which no body else can. john Edmunds, 154 1/2 Vice-Chanc. 35 Simon Brigs Edwin Sandys Proct. Rob. Chapman, Major. Doct. Leg. 2 Medic. 2 Bac. Theol. 9 Mag. Art. 17 Bac. Leg. 5 Art. 33 Thomas Lord Audley of Walden, The L. Audley builds Mandlin College. Chancellor of England, by licence obtained from King Henry the eighth, changed Buckingham, into Magdalen, [vulgarily] Maudlin College, because (as a Sceleton, Cant. MS. some will have it) his Surname is therein contained betwixt the Initial & Final letter thereof. M'AUDLEY'N. This may well be indulged to his Fancy; whilst more Solid considerations, moved him, to the work itself. 9 As he altered the name, The Arms thereof. he bettered the condition of this House, bestowing some lands thereon and his own Coat, for the Arms thereof, requiring some skill (and more Patience) to blazon them, viz. quarterly per pale indented OR and AZURE, b Thus blazoned by Mills. on a bend, of the second a tret inter two Marteless, or, in the second and third Quarter an Eagle displayed of the first. 10. This College alone, An ill neighbour. cut of from the Continent of Cambridge, is on the Northwest of the River having the Rose Garden on the one, & what is no Rose, [a smoking Brewhouse] on the other-side thereof belonging this 150. years to jesus College. It were no harm to wish this house either removed, or otherwise employed on terms mutually beneficial to both Societies. 11. The Scholars of this Col. To a studious College. (though farthest from the Schools) were in my time observed first there, and to as good purpose as any. Every year this House produced some eminent Scholars, as living cheaper, and private, freer from Toun-Temptations by their remote situation. 12. Whereas the Masters of other Houses, A Monarch Master. are either in the Kings-gift or Colledge-choise, this is in the disposal of the right Honourable the Earl of Suffolk, hereditary Patron of this foundation. And whereas much of Aristocracy is used in other Colleges, more of Monarchy appears in the Master hereof as absolute in his Government, having not only a Negative Voice, but in effect all the Affirmative, in making Elections. Masters. Bishops. Benefactors. Learned Writ. Col. Live. 1 Robert Evans 2 Richard Carr 3 Roger Kelke 4 Richard Howland 5 Degory Nicols 6 Thom. Nevile 7 Rich. Clayton 8 john Palmer 9 Barnaby Goche 10 Hen. Smith 11 Edw. Rainbow 12 john Sadler 1 Richard Howland, Bishop of Peterbur. 2 George Lloid, Bishop of Chester. 3 Io. Bridgman, Bishop of Chester. 1 Henry the eighth 2 Sir. Chrystopher Wrey 3 john Spenliffe 4 Edmond Grindall, Archbishop of Canterbury 5 Thomas Parkinson 6 William Roberts 7 john Hugh's 8 Thomas Sutton 9 c She was daughter to Sir Chrystopher Wray, and besides (one Fellowship and Scholarship she founded) intended 300. pounds in building to the Coll. bade not one Hammerton, an old servant, (as I am informed) deceived her. Frances, Countess of Warwick 10 Io. Smith, fellow Stanton, Rect. of Ely, Dioc. val. 6. 12. 8. So as at this present there is a Master, Anno Regis Henrici 8. 35 eleven Fellows, Anno Dom 154 1/2 and two and twenty Scholars, A good proffer. besides Officers and servants of the foundation, with other Students, being in all one hundred and forty. 13. Though at the present, was it wisely refused. the revenues of this House be not great, some 40. years since it was in a fair Probability of a large addition of Land, had the suit (related at large by the L. Coke in his Report of Maudlin College case) gone on their side. At one time well nigh ten thousand pound was tendered in Composition, (the interest of many being concerned therein) so suspicious were the Defendants of their success. 14. But Doctor Goche, Master of the Col. being a man, of an high Spirit, well skilled in the Laws and confident of the goodness of his cause, would listen to no composition, but have all, or none. He had not learned the maxim Dimidium plus toto in this sense, Half with quiet may be more than all, with hazard and trouble. It was removed from Common-Law to Chancery, where the College was not only cast, but the Dr. with Mr. Smith a Signior Fellow) lay long in prison, for refusing to obey the Lord egerton's Order. 15. Amongst the worthies of this House Mr. Palmer B. D. late Minister of St. Brigits [commonly Bride's] must not be forgotten, Charitable Mr. Palmer. a pious Man and painful Preacher, (besides many and great benefactions to Ministers Widows) hath built and well endowed a neat Almshouse at Westminster. Verily I have found more charity in this one SEQUESTERED Minister, then in many who enjoy other men's Sequestrations. Thomas Smith, 36 Vice-Chan. 154 2/3 Henry Camberforth William Wakelyne Proct. Tho. Brakin, Major. Doct. Theol. 4 Leg. 1 Bac. Theol. 16 Mag. Art. 26 Bac. Leg. 4 Art. 29 Matthew Parker, 37 Vice-Chan. 154 3/4 Edward Cousin Simon Bagot Proctors. William. Hasill, Major Doct. Theol 1 Medic. 1 Bac. Theol. 13 Mag. Art. 23 Bac. Leg. 2 Art. 16 john Madew, 38 Vice-Chan. 154 5/6 Wil Barker Andrew Pern Proct. james Fletcher, Major. Doct. Theol. 6 Leg. 1 Bac. Theol. 9 Mag. Art. 18 Bac. Leg. 1 Art. 35 16. There was now a general decay of Students, Learning runs low. no College having more Scholars therein then hardly those of the foundation, no Volunteers at all, & only persons pressed in a manner by their places to reside; Indeed on the fall of Abbeys fell the hearts of all Scholars, fearing the ruin of learning. And these their jealousies they humbly represented in a bemoaning letter to King Henry the eighth. He comforted them with his gracious return, and to confute their suspicion of the decay of Colleges, acquainted them with his resolution to erect a most magnificent one with all speedy conveniency. 17. Whereupon he seized Michael House into his hands, Trinity Coll. founded by King Henry the eighth. (whose yearly rents, at old and easy Rates then amounted unto one hundred forty four pounds, three shillings and a penny,) and Kings Hall, the best Landed Foundation in the University. Also he took Fistewicks' Hostile, an House unindowed) and allowed the Gonvillians (still grumbling thereat as not sufficient compensation) three pounds a year in Lieu thereof, Anno Dom. 153 5/6 till he should give them better satisfaction. Anno Regis Henrici. 8. 38 Of these three he compounded one Fair College, dedicating it to the holy and undivided Trinity, and endowing it with plentiful revenues. 18. Queen Mary calling her chief Clergy together, A dutiful daughter. consulted with them about public prayers to be made for the Soul of King Henry her Father, conceiving his case not so desperate but capable of benefit thereby. They possessed her of the impossibility thereof, and that his Holiness would never consent such Honour should be done to one dying so notorious a Schismatic. But they advised her in expression of her private affection to her Father's Memory, to add to Trinity College, (as the best monument he had left) whereon (chief at the instance of Bishop Christopherson) she bestowed 376— 10— 3. of yearly revenue. 19 Doctor Thomas Nevyle the eighth Master of this College, Magnisecant Newly. answering his Anagram most Heavenly, and practising his own allusive Motto NE VILE VELIS being by the rules of the Philosopher himself to be accounted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as of great performances, for the general Good, expended 3000. pound of his own in altering and enlarging the old, and adding a new Court thereunto, being at this day the Stateliest and most uniform College in Christendom, out of which may be carved three Dutch Universities. Masters. Bishops. Benefactors. Live in the Coll. gifts. 1 john Redman. 2 William Bill. 3 john Christopherson. 4 William Bill, restored by Q. Elizab. 5 Rob. Beaumont. 6 Io. Whitgift. 7 john Still. 8 Tho. Nevyle. 9 john Richardson. 10 Leonard Maw 11 Sam. Brooks. 12 Tho. Cumber. 13 Tho. Hill. 14 john Arrowsmith. 1 Io. Christopherson, Bp. of Chichester. 2 john Whitgift, Archbishop of Canterbury. 3 john Still, Bishop of Bath and Wels. 4 Gervase Babington, Bp. of Worcester. 5 William Redman, Bishop of Norwich 6 Anthony Rud, Bishop of St. david's. 7 Godfrey Gosborrough, Bishop of Gloucester. 8 Robert Bennet, Bishop of Hereford. 9 Martin Fotherbie, Bishop of Sarisbury. 10 Godfrey Goodman, Bish. of Gloucester. 11 Leonard Maw Bishop of Bath, and Wells. 11 john Bowl, Bishop of Rotchester 12 Adam Lofius, Archbishop of Dublin. 12 Doct. Hampton, Archbishop of Dublin in Ireland. 1 Tho. Allen, Clark. 2 Sr. Edward Stanhop, who gave 900. l. to the Library. 3 The Lady Bromley. 4 George Palin, Girdler. 5 The Lady Anne Weald. 6 Roger jesson, Haberdasher. 7 Mrs. Elizbeth Elwis. 8 Doct. Bill. 9 Dr. Beaumond 10 Dr. Whitgift Masters of this House. 11 Dr. Cousins. 12 Dr. Barrow. 13 Dr. Skevington 14 Wil Cooper, Es 15 Peter Shaw. 16 Sr. William Sidley, Knight, & Baronet. 17 Sr. Thomas Lake 18 Sr. john Sucklin. Knights. 19 Dr. Robert Bankworth, Fellow. 20 Sr. Ralph Hare, Knight. 21 Mr. Silvius Elwis, still in the Coll. St. Maries the great in Cambridge. St michael's in Cambridge. Chesterton, Vic. Eely, val. 10. 12. 03. Orwell Rect. Eely, val. 10. 07. 07 1/ 2. Kendal Vic. Carlisle, val. Barington Vic. Eely val. 7. 14. 04. Blythe, Vic. York Dioc. val. 14. 09. 04. Gryndon, Vic. Peterb. val. 8. 00. 00. Felmersham, Vic. Lincoln. val. 13. 13. 04. Ware, Vic. London val. 20. 08. 11. Thunridge, Vic. London, val. 6. Swinsted, Vic. Lincoln, val. 14. 00. 09. Chedull, R. Cove. & Lich. val. 12. 09. 00. See the Live in Michael-House, and Kings-Hall. So that at this day there are therein maintained, Anno Regis Henrici 8. 38 one master, Anno Dom. 154 5/6 sixty Fellows, sixty seven Scholars, four Conducts, three public Professors, thirteen Poor-Scholars, twenty Almes-men (besides lately, a Master of the Choristers, six Clerks, and ten Choristers) with the Officers, Servants of the Foundation, and other Students, in all four hundred and forty. 20. It is not much above an hundred years, since the first sounding of this House, and see how marvellously God hath blessed it with eminent men in all Professions, besides the Bishop's aforementioned. Statesmen. Divines. Critics. Poets. 1 Sr. Francis Bacon, Lord Chancellor of England. 2. Sr. Edw. Coke, Lord-Chief Justice. 3 Sr. Edward Stanhop, Vicar-general. 4. Richard Cousin, Dr. L. Deane of the Arches. 5. Sr. Robert Naunton. 6 Sir john Cook Principle-Seeretaries of State. both 7. M. john Facker, Secretary to the Duke of Buckingham. 8. Sr. Francis Nethersole, Secretary to the Q. of Bohemia. 1 Thomas Cartwright. 2 Walter Travers. 3 William Whitaker. 4 Matth. Sutcliffe, Founder of Chels. Coll. D. of Exeter. 5 Io. Layfield 6 Tho. Harison. 7 Will. Dakings, All three Translatours of the Bible. 1 Edward Lively, one of the best Linguists in the World. 2 Philemon Holland, an industrious Translator. 3 William, Alabaster, most skilful in Cabalistical learning. 4 Edward Simson, who hath wrote a large History, the mythological part whereof is most excellent. 6 Robert Creiton. 1 Walter Hawksworth, an excellent Comedian. 2 Giles Fletcher, of Christ's Victory. 3 George Herbert, whose Piety & Poëtry cannot be sufficiently commended. 4 Tho. Randolph. Dr. Comber, the twelfth Master of this House, must not be forgotten of whom the most learned a In Animad. in Censuram Exercitationum Ecclesiasticarum Pentateucum Samaritanum, pag. 419. Morinus makes this honourable mention, Alius praeterea codex (Samaritanus) celebratur, & dicitur esse Archiepiscopi Armachani, & ab eo è Palaestina in Hiberniam exportatus, qui Leydensibus Academicis nonnullo tempore fuit commodatus. Istum codicem vir clarissimus Thomas Comberus Anglus, quem honoris & officii reddendi causa nomino, cum textu Judaico verbum è verbo, imo literam cum litter a maxima a diligentia & indefesso labore comparavit, differentiasque omnes juxta capitum & versuum or dinem digestas, ad me misit humanissime & officiosissime. 21. Besides many worthies still alive, With many moe living. john Hacket Doctor of Divinity, whose forwardness in farthering these my Studies, I can only deserve with my prayers. Doctor Henry Ferne, whose pen hath published his own worth. Master Herbert Thornedyke, so judicious and indistrious in setting forth the many Languaged-Bible, Mr. james Duport, so much the more priced by others, for his modest undervaluing his own worth; with many more, whose number God daily increase. 22. King Henry the eighth with Trinity College, King's Professors founded. founded also public Professors. For formerly the University had but two, one of Divinity, founded by the Lady Margaret Countess of Richmond, (allowing him Salary, of twenty Marks) and another for Physic, at the Cost of Thomas Linacre, that excellent Critic, Tutor to Prince Arthur, and afterwards Doctor of Physic. But now King Henry added to these a Regius Professor in Divinity, Law, Hebrew and Greek, allowing them 40. pounds per annum, and increasing the stipend of Physic Professor, now acknowledged as only of the King's foundation. But see the Catalogue. Lady-Margarets-Professours. King's Professors in Divinity. King's Law-Professours. john Fisher, Precedent of Queens Col. Bishop of Rochester. Erasmus Roterodamus. Thomas Cousin, D. D. Master of Corpus-Christi Coll. john Fawn, D. D. Precedent of the University. Thomas Ashley, D. D. Fellow of Kings Coll. William Sket, D. D. Fellow of Kings Coll. Robert Beaumond, D. D. Master of Trini. Coll. Matthew Hutton, D. D. Mr. of Pembroke Hall john Whitgift, D. D. Master of Trin. Coll. William Chaderton, D. D. Precedent of Queens Coll. Thomas Carwright, Master of Arts Fellow of Trinity Coll. john Hanson, Master of Arts Fel. of Trin. Col. john Still, D. D. Master of Trinity Coll. Peter Baro, a Frenchman, D. D. of Trinity Col. Thomas Playford, D. D. Fell. of St. Iohn's Col. john Davenant, D. D. Precedent of Q. Coll. Samuel Ward, D. D. Master of Sidney Suffex Coll. Rich Holdsworth, D. D. Mr. of Emanuel Coll. Rich. Love, D. D. Mr. of Corpus-Christi Coll. Doctor Wiggin. Martin Bucer, D. D. Dr. Sedgwick. Leonard Pilkington, D. D. Master of Saint Iohn's Coll. Matthew Hutton, D. D. Fellow of Trinity Col. john Whitgift, D. D. fellow of St. Peter Coll. Wil Chaderton, D. D. Fellow of Christ's Col. Will. Whitacre, D. D. Master of St. Iohn's Coll. john Overhall, D. D. Master of St. Katharin's Hall. john Richardson, D. D. Fellow of Emanuel, Master of Trinity. Samuel Collins, D. D. Provost of Kings Col. john Arrowsmith, D. D. Master of St. Iohn' s, and after of Trinity. a Sir Thomas Smith, Alkam lib. 2. Ep. ad Bran disbaeam Walter Haddon, D. L. Fellow of Kings, Master of Trinity Hall. Thomas B'ing, D. L. Fellow of St. Peter Coll. Master of Clare Hall. Thomas Legg, D. L. Fellow of jesus & Trinity Coll. Master of Gonvil, & Cajus Col. john cowel, D. L. Fellow of Kings Col. Master of Trinity Hall. Thomas Morysonne, D. L. Fellow of Kings Coll. George Porter, D. L. Fellow of Queens Col. Thomas Goad, D. L. Fellow of Kings Coll. King's Physic Professors. King's Hebrew Professors. King's Greek Professors. john Blyth, Doctor of Physic, Fellow of Kings Coll. john Hatcher, Doctor of Physic, Fellow of Kings. Thomas Larkin, Doctor of Physic, of St. Peter Coll. William Ward, Doctor of Physic, Fellow of Kings Coll. William Burton, Doctor of Physic, Fellow of Kings Coll. john Gostlin, Doctor of Physic, Master of Gonvil, and Cajus Coll. john Collins, Doctor of Physic, Fellow of St. John's Coll. Ralph Winterton, Doct. of Physic, Fellow of Kings Coll. Francis Glisson, Doctor of Physic, Fellow of Gonvil, and Cajus Coll. Mr. Robert Wakefield, Fellow. Antony Rodolphus Cevallerius. Mr. Bignon, a Frenchman, of Corpus Christi Coll. Edward Liveley, Fellow of Trinity Coll. Robert Spalding, D. D. Fellow of St. John's Coll. Jeffery King, D. D. Fellow of Kings Coll. Andrew B'ing, D. D. Fellow of St. Peter Coll. Robert Metcalfe, D. D. Fellow of St. Iohn's Coll. Ralph Cudworth, Felof Emanuel Col. Erasmus Roterodamus. Richard Crook, Fellow of Kings Coll. Sir Thomas Smith, Knight, Fellow of Queens Coll. Sr. john Cheek, Knight, Tutor to King Edward the sixth of St. Iohn's Coll. Nicolas Carr, Fellow of Pembroke Hall, after of Trinity Coll. Bartholomew Doddington, Fellow of Trinity Coll. Francis Wilkinson, Fellow of Trinity Coll. Andrew Downes, Fellow of St. Iohn's Coll. Robert Creiton, Fellow of Trinity Coll. james Duport, Fellow of Trinity Coll. Ralph Widdrington, Fellow of Christ's Col. 23. These Catalogues, though the best (not to say only) extant, are very imperfect. One instance I will give, William Zoone here omitted was Regius a Pitieus de Scripto. Angl. pag. 766. Professor of Law in the Reign of Queen Mary. But I dare not altar, what so long hath been received. john Madew, 1 Vice-Chanc. 154 6/7 Tho. Burman Tho. Carlyle Proctors. john Fannio, Major. Doct. Bac. Theol. 1 Medic. 1 Theol. 7 Mag. Art. 15 Bac. Art. 29 24. Great was the alteration which followed in Cambridge, The Lord Protector made Chancellor. upon King Edward his coming to the Crown. Steven Gardiner, Chancellor of the University, was put out of his office, and into the Tower. Edward Seymor▪ Lord Protector and Duke of Somerset, was chosen in his room. 25. The Townsmen of Cambridge began now to hope their time come, The Insolences of the Townsmen. to cast off the yoke (as they counted it) of the University, as if on the alteration of Religion, the ancient privileges of Scholars should be abolished, under the notion of superstition. Ungratefully therefore they began their pranks, I say ungratfully. Anno Dom. 154 6/7 For, Anno Regis Edvardi 6, 38 although particular Scholars might owe money to particular Townsmen, yet the whole Town owes it's well being to the University. Amongst their many insolences, two were most remarkable. First, One a Compare Mr. Askams' letter to the Bishop of Winchester with his to the Lord Wriothesly. Maxwell, by profession once a jayle-keeper, than a Bearward, promoted at last Purveyor to provide carriages for the King's fish (which commonly came from Cambridge) seized on an ambling Nag of the Master of Peterhouse (which the old and infirm Doctor kept for his health) merely that his man might thereon ride, after the King's carriages. This Horse (I may say) had a long-reach, The injury seeming small and personal, concerned the whole University, both in present and posterity. Secondly, when the Proctors at Sturbridge-Faire had (according to their Office, and ancient custom) fetched out many dissolute persons, out of vicious places, at unseasonable hours; the Major refused to give them the keys of the Toll-booth, or Town-prison, to secure such offenders therein. yea, when they had carried such malefactors to the Castle, within an hour or two, comes the Major's Son, sets open the jail, and let's lose those lewd persons, to the great injury of the University, and encouragement of all viciousness. 26. It was now high time for Doctor Madew, Askham his letters procure friends to the University. the Vicechancellor, and Master Roger Askham, the University Orator, to bestir themselves. The later belettered all the Lords of the Privy Council, and amongst the rest Sir Thomas Wriothesly, the Lord Chancellor of England (whom, saith he, the University partly commandeth us once a member, partly requesteth as now a Patron thereof) with some Gentlemen of the Kings Bed-Camber, and by then procured the confirmation of the University privileges in the following Parliament. However, these oppidane animosities in some degree, continued all this King's Reign. Matthew Parker, 154 7/8 Vice-Chan. 2 Edmond Grindall Edward Gascoigne Proct. john Rust, Major. Doct. Theol. 2 lu. Civ. 1 Bac. Theol. 14 Mag. Art. 26. Bac. Leg. 1 Art. 30 The Lord Protector by letters (which I have seen) solicited Stephen Gardiner, who still kept his Mastership of Trinity Hall, to resign his place and the whole Hall into the King's disposal. 27. That so of that, A proffer of the Protectors to Unite Clare and Trinity Hall. and its Neighbour, Clare Hall, (whose Master, Doctor Madew, may be presumed compliable with the Protectors pleasure) one Eminent and Entire College, might be advanced, on the King's cost, in Imitation of Trinity College, 〈…〉 the late Royal Result of three smaller Foundations. 1 Wherein the Civil and Canon-Law, (the skill whereof his Grace found necessary, for the present wellbeing of the Kingdom) should be countenanced and encouraged. 28. Most politic Gardener not without cause suspecting some design, Blasted by Bishop Gardiner. or Casaulty, might surprise the Interval, betwixt the dissolution of the old and erection of this new Foundation, civilly declined his consent to the Motion. He informed his grace, that the way to advance the Study of the Laws, was by promoting the present Professors of that Faculty, (now so generally discouraged) and not by founding a new College for the future students thereof, seeing Trinity Hall could alone breed more civilians then all England▪ did prefer according to their deserts. 29. Thus was the design blasted, and never more mentioned. But Gardiner, for crossing the Protector herein (and other misdemeanours) soon after was outed of his Mastership of Trinity Hall, Anno Regis Henrici 8. 2 and first Doctor Haddon, Anno Dom. 154 7/8 than Doctor Mouse substituted in his room. William Bill, 3 Vice-Chan. 154 8/9 George Bullock Phil. Baker Proct. Richard Brakin, Major. Doct Theol. 1 Bac. Theol. 1 Mag. Art. 8 Bac. Art. 32 30. Commissioners, An extraordinary Act before the King's Commissioners. were sent from the King to visit the University, viz. Thomas Goodrig, Bishop of Eelie; Nicolas Ridley; Bishop of Rochester; Sir William Paget, Sir Thomas Smith, Sir john Cheek, William Mey, Doctor of Law, and Thomas Wendey, Doctor of Physic. Before these an extraordinary Act was kept, wherein Answerer. Opponents. Moderatours. Quaestions. Dr. Madew, june 20 Protest. held the negat. Doct. Mag. Glin. Langedale Sedgewick Young Papists. His Majesty's Commissioners above mentioned. 1. Whether Transubstantiation can be proved by plain, and manifest words of Scripture. 2. Whether it may be Collected & confirmed by the consent of Fathers, for these thousand years past? Answerer. Dr. Glin, 24 Papist. held the affirm. Mag. Grindal Perne Gwest Pilkington Protestants. Mr. Pern Protest. 25 held the negat. Mag. Parker, not Dr. Matthew Parker, but another of his Name. Pollard Vavasour Youge Papists. Bishop Ridley, according to the custom of the University, concluded all with a solemn Determination. But the transactions of this Disputation are so amply reported by Master Fox, that the sharpest appetite of his Reader need not fear famishing, if he can keep himself from surfeiting thereon. Walter Haddon, 4 Vice-Cha. 15 49/50 Andrew Peerson john Ebden. Proct. Alexander Raye, Major. Bac. Theol 9 Mag. Art. 17 Bac. Art. 26 31. Ed. Duke of Somerset and Chancellor of Cambridge was much declined in his power at Court, Northumberland made Chancellor though surviving some Months after. Now the University, had learned to live by the living Anno Dom. 15 [in favour] and not by the dead, Anno Regis Edvardi 6. 4 and therefore chose john Dudley, Duke of Northumberland Chancellor in place of Somerset. 32. Martin Bucer, Bucer and Fagius called to Cambridge and Paulus Fagius (in Dutch Buchlein or Beecher) living formerly at Strasburg, at the instance of Archbishop Cranmer, were sent for by King Edward to become Professors in Cambridge. My Author, a German, living then hard by, makes them to departed thence, Magistratus Argentinensis voluntate & consensu, whom the jesuite Parsons will have both banished by that State. If so, the disgrace is none at all, to be exiled for no other guilt then preaching the Gospel, opposing the Augustine Confession, which that Imperial City embraced. Besides, the greater the providence, if, when commanded from one place, instantly called to another. 33. Over they come into England, Made Professors there. and last year were fixed at Cambridge, where Bucer was made Professor of Divinity, Fagius of Hebrew. The former had the ordinary stipend of his place tripled a Pantalcon de Illustribus Germaniae. unto him, as well it might, considering his worth, being of so much merit; his need, having wife and children; and his condition, coming hither a foreigner, fetched from a far Country. So it was ordered, that Fagius should in Hebrew read the Evangelicall Prophet Isa●ah, and Bucer in Greek the Prophetical Evangelist St. john. 34 But alas! Fagius his death. the change of air, and diet, so wrought on their temper, that both fell sick together. Bucer hardly recovered; but Fagius, that flourishing Beech (nature not agreeing with his transplanting) withered away in the flower of his Age (as scarce forty five) and was buried in the Church of St. Michael. 35. After his death Emanuel Tremellius was sent for to Cambridge to succeed him in the Professors place. Tremellius, Heb Prof. in Cambridge. There he lived sometime, on this token that Dr. Parker preferred him before many other Friends to be Godfather to his Son, which Tremellius b See Tremellius, his own Preface to his Caldee Grammar. accounted a great favour. But it seemeth that soon after, either affrighted with the valetudinous condition of King Edward, or alured with the bountiful Proffers of the Prince Palatine he returned to Heidelberg. Io. Madew, Vice-Ch. Ralph Standish William Cony Proct. Christop. c Cajus Hist. Cant. Acad. lib. 1. p. 207. Frank, He would not take his oath to the Vicechancellor, till forced by the Lord Protectors letters Maj. 155●/● 5 Doct. Theol. 1 jur. Civ. 2 Medic. 1 Bac. Theol. 4 Mag. Art. 17 Bac. Art. 37 Henry Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, Son of Charles Brandon, by Katherine Lady Willoubie, died at Cambridge, where he was a Student, of the sweating-sickness. 36. Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, younger brother to the same Henry, died within twelve hours, of the same disease. They were much bemoaned of the University, printing a Book of Verses on their funerals, amongst which these following of Dr. Parkhursts, afterward Bishop of Norwich, I shall endeavour to translate. FRatres Amiclaei, Pollux cum Castore, Potuere sic cum morte depaciscier, Vt cum alter eorum esset mortuus, tamen Alter superesset, & reversis sortibus, Vicissim uterque utriusque morte viveret Cur Parca nunc crudelior est quam olim fuit? Anno Regis Edvardi 6▪ 15 Fratres duos, Anno Dom. 155●/● nuper ea, quales hactenus. Nec vidit unquam, nec videbit Anglia. Lumina duo, duoque propugnacula Fortissima virtutis, Reique publicae Mors crudelis (ah) uno peremit funere Virtus nequaquam illam, nec egregia indoles Movit, nec Edvardi Regis nec optimae Matris, nec totius gemitus Britanniae. O dura, duramors, o saeva numina! The same in English. CAstor, and Pollux, Brother's pair, Breathing first Amicle's air, Did with death so bargain make, By exchange their turns to take. If that death, surprised one brother, Still alive should be the other. So the bargain was contrived, Both died, both by turns survived. Why is fate more cruel grown Than she formerly was known? We of Brothers had a brace, Like to which did never grace This our English earth before, Nor the like shall grace it more. Both bright stars, and both did stand Hopeful bulwarks of the land. Both, alas, together slain, Death at once did murder twain. Nothing could their virtues move, Nor King Edward's hearty love. Nor their best of mother's moans, Nor all Britain's heavy groans. Nothing could stern death abate; Oh cruel, over cruel fate! Many in Cambridge died of this sweeting sickness, Patients mending, or ending in twenty four hours. Some sought for the natural cause thereof out of the heavens, imputing it to the conjunction of the superior Planets in Scorpio. Others looked for it from the earth, as arising from an exhalation in moist weather out of Gipsous, or plaisterly ground. The cure thereof (conceived impossible before, and easy as all things else, after it was found out) was, in the night time to keep him in; in the day time (if then seized on) to send the sick a See Camden's Brit. in Shropshire man (though in his clothes) to bed, there to lie still, but not sleep for four and twenty hours. Nothing else have I to observe of this sickness, save that I find Foreigners call it the English sweeting, as first arising hence, whilst diseases more sinful (though it may be not so mortal) take their names from our neighbouring Countries. Andrew Perne, 1551/2 Vice-Chan. 6 Edward Hauford Thomas Yade Nicolas Robinson Proct. William Gill, Major. Doct. Theol. 1 jur. Civ. 1 Medic. 2 Bac. Theol. 3 Mag. Art. 22 Bac. Leg. 3 Bac. Art. 42 37. Martin Bucer ended his life (and was buried in St. Mary's) several Authors assigning sundry dates of his death. Several dates of Bucers' death. Martin Crusius, part 3 a Which may probably intimate his death one the same. Annal. Suev. lib. 11. cap. 25▪ makes him to die 1551. on the second of February. Pantaleon, De Viris Illustribus Germaniae, makes him expire about the end of April of the same year. Mr. Fox, in his Reformed Almanac, appoints the 23. of December, for Bucer his Confessourship. A printed table, of the Chancellors of Cambridge, set forth by Dr. Perne, signeth March the tenth 1550. for the day of his death. Nor will the distinction of old and new-style (had it been then in use) help to reconcile the difference. It seems by all reports that Bucer was sufficiently dead in or about this time. 38. b In his Examen of john Fox, his Saints Kalenoar for Decemb. pag. 330. Persons, the jesuite, A loud lie of a lewd jesuite. tell us, that some believed that he died a jew (merely, I conceive, because he lived a great Hebrician) citing Surius, Genebrand, and Lindan (ask my fellow if I be a liar) for this report. Sure I am, none of them were near him at his death, as Mr. Bradford and others were. Who when they admonished him in his sickness, that he should arm himself against the assaults of the Devil, he answered, that he had nothing to do with the Devil, because he was wholly in CHRIST. And, when Mr. Bradford came to him, and told him, that he must die, he answered, Ille, ille regit, & moderatur omnia, and so quietly yielded up his soul. What good man would not rather die like a jew with Martin Bucer, then like a Christian with Robert Persons? He was a plain man in person, and apparel; and therefore, at his own request, privately created Doctor, without any solemnity: a skilful Linguist, whom a great c Vossius in Thesi. de statu animae separatae. Critic (of a palate not to be pleased with a common gust) styleth Ter Maximum Bucerum, a commendation which he justly deserved. Edwin Sands, 1552/3 Vice-Chanc. 7 Regin. Mariae 1 Thomas Gardiner Henry Barely Proct. Thomas Wolf, Major. Doct. Theol. 4 Bac. Theol. 16 Mag. Art. 19 Bac. Art. 48 39 The Lady Mary after her Brother's death having Q. jane was Proclaimed, Queen Marry secretly passeth into Suffolk. came 5. miles off to Sr. Robert Huddlestons were she heard Mass. Next day Sr. Robert waited on her into Suffolk though she for the more secrecy road on Horseback behind his servant, july 11 12 which servant (as I am most credibly Informed) lived long after the Q. never bestowing any preferment upon him. Whether because for getting him (whose memory was employed on greater matters) or because she conceived the man was rewarded in rewarding his Master. Anno Regin. Mariae 15 Indeed she bestowed great boons on Sr. Robert and amongst the rest the Stones a Cajus Hist. Acad. Camb. of Cambridge Castle to build his house at Salston. Anno Dom. 155●●3 Hereby that stately structure, anciently the ornament of Cambridge is at this day reduced next to nothing. 40. john Dudley Duke of Northumberland came to Cambridge with his Army and a Commission to apprehend the Lady Mary. Dr. Sandys, preacheth before the Duke of Northumberland. At night he sent for Doctor Sandys the Vicechancellor and some other Heads of Houses to sup with him, he enjoined the Vicechancellor to preach before him the next day. The Dr. late at night betake himself to his prayers and study, desiring God to direct him to a fit Text for that time. His Bible opens at the first of joshua, and, (though he heard no voice, with St. Augustine, Tolle & lege) a strong fancy inclined him to fix on the first words he beheld, viz. Verse the sixteenth, And they answered joshua, saying, All that thou commandest us, we will do and whithersoever thousendest us, we will go. A fit Text indeed for him, as in the event it proved, to whom it occasioned much sanctified affliction. However, so wisely, and warily, he handled the words, that his enemies got not so full advantage against him as they expected. 41. Next day the Duke advanced to Bury with his Army, The Duke's retrograde motion. whose feet marched forward, julie 17 18 whilst their minds moved backward. He, hearing that the Country came in to the Lady Mary, and proclaimed her Queen, returned to Cambridge, with more sad thoughts within him, then valiant Soldiers about him. Then went he with (if he sent not for) the Major of the Town, and in the Market place proclaimed Queen Mary. The beholders whereof more believed the grief confessed in his eyes, when they let down tears, than the joy professed by his hands, when he cast up his cap. The same night he was arrested of high Treason by Roger Slegge, Sergeant at Arms, even in King's College, which is fenced with privileges moe than any other Foundation in the University. Here Oxford-men will tell us, how their University would not surrender up b Brian Twine Antiq. Acad. Oxon. 263. Robert Stillington, Bishop of Bath and Wells, when in the Reign of King Edward the fourth convict of high Treason, but stood on their Academical immunities. But Cambridge is sensible of no privileges inconsistent with allegiance, accounting in the first place, God's service perfect freedom, and next to it, 19 Loyalty to her Sovereign, the greatest Liberty. As for the Duke, though soon after he was set at liberty, on the general Proclamation of pardon, yet the next day he was re-arrested of high Treason, by the Earl of Arundel, at whose feet the Duke fell down to crave his mercy; a low posture in so high a person. But what more poor and prostrate then pride itself, when reduced to extremity. 42. Behold we this Duke as the mirror of humane unhappiness. Read, and wonder at humane uncertainty. As Nevil, Earl of Warwick was the Make-King: so this Dudley Earl of Warwick (his title before lately created Duke) was the Make-Queen. He was Chancellor of the University of Cambridge, and also Senescallus (High-Steward, as I take it) of the Town of Cambridge, two offices which never before or since, met in the same person. Thus, as Cambridge was his vertical place, wherein he was in height of honour: it was also his vertical, where he met with a sudden turn, and sad catastrophe. And it is remarkable, that though this Duke (who by all means endeavoured to engrand his posterity) had six Sons, all men, all married, none of them left any issue behind them. Thus, far better it is to found our hopes of (even earthly) happiness on goodness, than greatness. 43. Doctor Sandys, The hard usage of Dr. Sandys. hearing the Bell ring, went according to his custom and office attended with the Beadles, into the Regent-House, and sat down in the Chair according to his place. In cometh one Master Mitch, with a rabble of some twenty Papists, some endeavouring to pluck him from the Chair, others the Chair from him, all using railing words, and violent actions. The Doctor, being a man of metal, groped for his dagger, and probably had dispatched some of them, Anno Dom. 1552/3 had not Doctor Bill, Anno Regin, Mariae 20 and Doctor Blythe, by their prayers and entreaties, persuaded him to patience. How afterwards this Doctor was spoilt of his goods, sent up prisoner to London, how with great difficulty he was enlarged, and great danger escaped beyond the seas, is largely related by Master Fox. 44. Some two years since Cambridge had her Sweating-sickness, Masters placed, and displaced. but now began her hotfit, or fiery-tryall indeed. For, on the execution of the Duke of Northumberland, Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, was restored Chancellor of Cambridge: then followed an alteration of Masters in most Houses▪ However let us give unto Doctor Pern his deserved praise, that he quenched the fire of persecution, (or rather suffered it not to be kindled) in Cambridge, saving many from the stake, by his moderation; and let us give in a list of the great alteration, In the Masters of Houses, which the first year of this Queen did produce. Master's put out. Colleges. Masters put in. 1 Ralph Ainsworth, because he was married. 2 Doctor john Madeu, who had been three times Vicechancellor. 3 Nic. Ridley, still holding his Mastership, with the Bishopric of London. 4 Matthew Parker, Deane of Lincoln. 5 William Mouse, Doct. of Law, and a Benefactor. 6 Sr. john Cheek Knight, Tutor to King Edward the sixth. 7. William May, Dr. of Law, Chancellor, to Nic. West, Bp. of Ely. 8 Edwin Sands, Vice-Chancel. in this year. 9 Edward Pierpoint, Dr. of Divinity. 10 Rich, Wilkes, Mr. of the Hospital of S. john's, & Mary Magdel. in Ely. 11 Tho. Leaver, B. D. a Confessor in the Reign, of Q. Mary at Arrough in Switzerland. 1 Peter House 2 Clare Hall 3 Pembroke Hall 4 Bennet College 5 Trinity Hall 6 Kings College 7 Queen's College 8 Catharine Hall 9 jesus College 10 Christ's College 11 St. john's College 1 Andrew Pern, Dean of Ely. 2 Dr. Rowland Swinburn, Rector of little Shelford in Cambridgeshire. 3 john Young, Fellow of St. john's a zealous Papist, and opposite to Bucer. 4 Laurence Maptyde, Fellow of Trinity Hall. 5 Steven Gardner, than Bp. of Winch., and L. Chancel. of England. 6 Richard Adkinson, Doctor of Divinity. 7 William Glyn, Dr. of Divinity afterward Bishop of Bangor. 8 Edmund Cousins, born in Bedfordshire. 9 john Fuller, Prebend of Ely, Vicar general to Th. Thurlby Bp thereof 10 Cuthbert Scot, afterwards Bishop of Chester. 11 Thomas Watson, afterward Bishop of Lincoln. I find but two continuing in their places, namely Thomas Bacon, Master of Gonvil Hall, and Robert Evans, Master of Magdelen College, than so poor a place, that it was scarce worth acceptance thereof. john Young, Anno Regin. Marlae 2 Vice-Chanc. Anno Dom. 1553/4 Tho. Gardner Hen. Barely Proctors. Tho. Woolf, Major. Doct. Theol. 4 Bac. Theol. 16 Mag. Art. 19 Bac. Art. 48 William Glynne, 3 Cuthb. Scot 1554/5 Vice-Chan. Tho. Bailiff Greg. Garth Proct. john Richardson, Major Doct. Theol. 1 Leg. 1 Medic. 2 Bac. Theol. 3 Mag. Art. 33 Bac. Leg. 4 Art. 43 Cuthbert Scot, 4 Vice-Chanc. 1555/6 George Boyse john Gwyn Proct. Richard Brassay, Major. Doct. a That was the last Dr. that ever commenced in Cambridge of Canon-Law alone, which (as a destinct faculty) was banished by King Henry the eight and (it seems) for a short time was restored by Queen Mary. Can Leg. 1 Bac. Theol. 6 Mag. Art. 27 Bac. Art. 37 Andrew Pern, 5 Vice-Chanc. 1556/7 Nic. Robinson Hugo Glyn Proct. Thomas Smith, Major. Doct. Theol. 4 Leg. 2 Bac. Theol. 4 Mag. Art. 27 Bac. Leg. 5 Medic. 1 Art. 27 Robert Brassey, 6 Vice-Chanc. 1557/8 William Golden William Day Proct. William Hasell, Maj. Doct. Medic. 2 Bac. Theol. 1 Bac. Mag. Art. 22 Leg. 1 Art. 41 45. john Cajus Doctor of Physic improved the ancient Hall of Gonvil into a new College, Dr. Cajus foundeth Cajus College of his own name. He was born in Norwich (but Son of Robert Cajus a Yorkshire-man) spent much of his time in the Italian Universities (there making many, translating more learned books) and after his return was Physician to Queen Mary. He bestowed a fivefold favour on this his foundation. 46. First, Giveth it good Land. Land to a great proportion. So untrue is his Cavil, Nescio quid b Rex platonicus p. 216. in margin. panxillum, as if it was some small inconsiderable matter) whereas indeed he conferred thereon the Demesnes of Crokesly in ●ixmonsworth in Hartfordshire; Bincomb Manor in Dorcetshire (with the Advowsance of the parsonage,) Rungton and Burnhams-Thorp in Norfolk; the Manor of Swansly at Caxton in Cambridgeshire; 47. Secondly building. And good building. Adding a new Court of his own charge, and therein three Gates of Remark; the Gate of Humility; low and little, opening into the Street over against St. Michaels-Church. The Gate of Virtue, (one of the bestpieces of Architesture in England:) in the midst of the College. Thirdly, the Gate of Honour leading to the Schools. Thus the Gates may read a good Lecture of Morality, to such who go in and out thereat. He ordered also that no new windows be made in their College, new lights causing the decay of old Structures. 48. Thirdly, Good statutes. he bestowed on them Cordial statutes (as I may call them) for the preserving of the College in good health, being so prudent and frugal, It must needs thrive (in its own defence) if but observing the same: thence it is, this Society hath always been on the purchasing hand, (having a fair proportion annually deposited in stock) and indeed oweth its Plenty under God unto its own Providence, Anno Dom. 155 7/8 rather than the bounty of any eminent Benefactor, Anno Regin. Mariae 6 the Masters only excepted. Who for so many successions, have been bountiful unto it, that the College (in a manner) may now prescribe for their Benefaction. 49. Fourthly, A new Name he gave it a new name, to be called Gonvil and Cajus College. But as in the Conjunction of two Roman Consuls, Bibulus and Cajus julins Caesar, the former was eclipsed by the Lustre of the Later, so this his Namesake Cajus, hath in some sort obscured his partner, carrying away the name of the College in common discourse. 50. Lastly, And Hierogliphycall arms. he procured a Coat of Arms, for the College to bear it impaled with that of Gonvil. Indeed they are better Hierogliphics than Heraldry, fit to be reported then Blazoned, and betwixt both we dare adventure on them. Namely in the Field Or, bescatered with purple ears of Amarinth; two Serpents erected azure, with their tails nowed or knotted together, upon a Pedastall of Marble a no Natural colour. [Vert,] having a branch of semper vivum proper betwixt their heads, and a Book Sable with golden Buttons, betwixt their bodies, wherein not to descend to particulars, b Scelius Cantabrig●ae. MS. wisdom is designed in a stable posture by the embracing of Learning, to attain to uncorrupted immortality, or to take the Words of the Patent, exprudentia, & literis, Virtutis petra firmatis immortalitas. He lieth buried in the chapel under a plain Tomb, and plainer Epitaph, as without words having one word fewer FVI CAIUS. 51. Some since have sought to blast his memory, No violent Papist. by reporting him a Papist; no great crime to such who consider the time when he was born, and foreign places wherein he was bred: however this I dare say in his just defence, he never mentioneth Protestants, but with due respect, and sometimes occasionally, doth condemn the superstitious c Hist. Camb. lib. 1. p. 8. quanquam illius aevicaecitas admirationem, etc. Credulity of Popish Miracles. Besides, after he had resigned his Mastership to Doctor Legg, he lived Fellow-Commoner in the College, and having built himself a little Seat in the Chapel, was constantly present at Protestant prayers. If any say all this amounts but to a Lukewarm Religion, we leave the Heat of his Faith, to God his sole judgement, and the light of his good works to men's Imitation. Masters. Bishops. Benefactors. Learned Writ. College Liv. 1 john Cajus. 2 Tho. Leg. 3 Wil Branthwaite. 4 john Gostlin. 5 Tho. Bachcroft. 6— Dell. Francis White, Bishop of Ely. Matthew Parker, Archbishop of Canterbury. Robert Traps, and jone his Wife: joice Franklin, their Daughter. Dr. Wendie. Dr. Bishbie. Dr. Harvey. Sr. William. Paston, Knight. William. Cutting. Dr. Legg. Dr. Branthwaite. Dr. Gostlin, late Master of this House. Dr. Perseus. Dr. Wells, late Fellows. john White. Francis White — Fletcher, famous, for his book de Vrinis. William. Watts, D. D. he set forth Matthew Paris. jeremy Taylor D. D. Bincomb, rect. in the Diocese of Bristol. 1 ● d — 9— 1— 5 So that lately, viz. Anno 1634 there were one Master, 25 Fellows, one Chaplain, 69. Scholars, besides Officers and Servants of the foundation, with other Students, the whole number being 209. 52. Doctor Cajus, A numerous nursery of eminent Physicians. may seem to have bequeathed a Medicinal Genius unto this foundation, as may appear by this Catalogue. 1 Stephen Perseus 2 William. Rant Sen. 3 William Harvy 4 Thomas Grimston 5 john Gostlin. 6 Robert Wells 7 Oliver Green 8 Nicholas Brown 9 joseph Micklewaite 10 Francis Prujean 11 William. Rant jun. 12 Edmund Smith 13 Richard Curtis 14 Francis Glisson 15 Richard London 16 Henry Glisson 17 Robert Eade 18 joseph Dey 19 Th. Buckenham 20 William. Ringall 21 Charl. Scarborough 22 Thomas Prujean 23 Robert Waller 24 Abner Coo 25 Will. French 26 Christopher Ludkin 27 William Bag All bred in this House, Doctors of Physic, and extant in my memory, such a little Montpelier is this College alone, for eminent Physicians; and now we take our leave thereof, acknowledging myself much beholden to Master More, late Fellow, an Industrious and judicious Antiquary for many rarities imparted unto me. 53. Upon the death of Stephen Gardner, Cardinal Poole Chancellor both of Cambridge and Oxford▪ ● Reginall Poole, Cardinal, Archbishop of Canterbury, was chosen Chancellor of Cambridge, I admire therefore at Master Brian Twine his peremptoriness, when affirming a De Antiq. Oxon. p. 383 Reginaldus Polus non Cantabrigiensis (quod Londinensis falso affirmat) sed Oxoniensis fuit Cancellarius, if he was to be believed before our Records. Indeed Poole was Chancellor of both Universities at the same time, and as now Cambridge chose an Oxford-man for their Chancellor; Oxford afterward made election of one of Cambridge, viz. Richard Bancroft, Archbishop of Canterbury. 54. The Cardinal kept a visitation in Cambridge by his power Legatine, His visitation of Cambridge. wherein the bones of Bucer and Phagius were burned to ashes, and many Superstitions established, so largely related by Mr. Fox, our industry can add nothing thereunto. The best is, the effects of this visitation lasted not long resinded in the next year by the coming in of Queen Elizabeth. Edmund Cousin, Elizabeth 1 155 1/9 john Pory Vice-Chanc. Rich. Smith john Bell Proct. john Line Milo Prance Maj. Doct. Theol. 2 Leg. 1 Medic. 2 Bac. Theol. 1 Mag. Art. 22 Bac. Art. 28 55. On the death of Cardinal Poole, Cambridge visited by Queen Elizabeth's Commissioners. Sir William Cecil, afterward Lord Burgly,) was made Chancellor of Cambridge, being so great a Friend thereunto, nothing can be said enough in his commendation. Then followed a visitation of Cambridge, jure Regio, wherein with the foresaid Chancellor, were adjoined Anthony Cook Knight, Matthew Parker, William Bill, Richard Horn, james Pilkinton, Doctors of Divinity, William May, Walter Haddon, Doctors of Law, and Thomas Wendie, Doctor of Physic, and Physician to her Majesty: What Alteration this produced, the ensuing Catalogue will inform. Master's put out. Colleges. Masters put in. 1 Dr. Rowland Swinburn 2. Dr. john Young 3. Dr. William Mouse 4. Dr. Robert Brassey 5. Thomas Peacock, B. D. 6. Dr. Edmund Cosius 7. Dr. john Fuller 8. Dr. William Taylor 9 Dr. George Bullock 10. Dr. Richard Car, fed quaere 11. Dr. john Christopherson, Bishop of Chichestor. 1 Clare Hall 2 Pembroke Hall 3 Trinity Hall 4 Kings College 5 Queen's College 6 Katherine Hall 7 jesus College 8 Christ College 9 St. john's College 10 Magdalen College 11 Trinity College 1 Dr. john Madeu, thrice Vicechancellor 2 Dr. Edmund Crindal 3 Dr. Henry Harvey 4 Dr. Philip Baker 5 Dr. William May, restored 6 Dr. john May 7 Dr. Thomas Redman 8 Dr. Edmund Hawford 9 Dr. james Pilkinton 10 Dr. Roger Kelke 11 Dr. William Bill, restored. Doctor Cajus Master of his own College (and very good reason) still continued therein, Anno Dom. 1558/9 so did Doctor Andrew Perne in Peterhouse. Anno Regin. Elizabetha 1 Hence the Scholars in merriment made (and for some years kept) the Latin word, (unknown in that sense to Varro or Priscian) perno to turn or change often, avouched by no other Author than this Doctor's unconstancy. However let us not be over cruel to his memory, for not suffering for his own, who was so kind and careful to keep other from suffering for their conscience. Andrew Pern, 1559/6● Vice-Chan. Barth. Dodington George Fuller Proct. Tho. Ventris, 2 Major. Doct. Leg. 3 Medic. 1 Bac. Theol. 6 Mag. Art. 25 Bac. Art. 60 Henry Harvy, Vice-Chanc. Anthony Gilblington john cowel Proct. Roger Slegg, 156 ●/● Maj. 3 Doct. Leg. 1 Bac. Theol. 9 Mag. Art. 31 Bac. Leg. 1 Mus. 2 Art. 53 Philip Baker, 156 1/2 Vice-Chan. William Master Georg Blithe Proct. Tho. Kymbold, 4 Major. Doct. Theol. 1 Leg. 2 Medic. 1 Bac. Theol. 8 Mag. Art. 20 Bac. Leg. 3 Art. 51 Francis Newton, 156 2/3 Vice-Chan. Andrew Oxenbridg john Igulden Proct. Hen. Serle, 5 Major. Doct. Theol. 3 Leg. 1 Medic. 1 Bac. Theol. 4 Mag. Art. 44 Bac. Leg. 7 Art. 80 Edward Hauford, 156 1/4 Vice-Cha. Richard curtess Henry Woorley Proct. Rob. Canon, 6 Major. Doct. Theol. 12 Medic. 2 Bac. Theol. 4 Mag. Art. 39 Bac. Leg. 2 Art. 71 Robert Beaumond, 156 4/5 Vice-Chanc. Tho. B'ing Barth Clark Proct. William Munsey, 7 Maj. Doct. Theol. 1 Bac. Theol. 7 Mag. Art. 27 Bac. Art. 85 Now began a great difference in Trinity College, betwixt Doctor Beaumond Master thereof, and some in that Society, which hath its Influence at this day, on the Church of England, whereof hereafter. SECT. VII. TO FRANCIS ASH OF LONDON, Ann. Dom. 156 3/4. Esquire. Ann. Reg. Eliz. 6. IT is the life of a Gift to be done in the life of the Giver, fare better than funeral Legacies, which like Benjamin, are born by the loss of a Parent; For, it is not so kindly charity, for men to give what they can keep no longer: besides, such donations are most subject to abuses; Silver in the living, Is Gold in the giving; Gold in the dying, Is but Silver a flying; Gold and Silver in the dead, Turn too often into Lead. But you have made your own hands, Executors; and eyes, Overseers; so bountiful to a flourishing foundation in Cambridge, that you are above the standard of a Benefactor. Longer may you live for the glory of God, and good of his servants. QUeen Elizabeth, Aug. 5. partly to ease Herself, Queen Elizabeth comes to Cambridge. with some recreation, partly to honour and encourage Learning and Religion, came to Cambridge, where, she remained five whole days, in the Lodgings of the Provost of King's College. She was entertained with Comedies, Tragedies, Orations, (whereof one most eloquent) made by William Masters (the Public Orator) disputations, and other Academical Exercises; She severally visited every House. And at Her departure She took Her leave of Cambridge, with this following Oration: ET si foeminilis iste meus Pudor (subditi fidelissimi & Academia charissima) in tanta doctorum turba illaboratum hunc Sermonem & Orationem me narrare apud vos impediat: Her Oration to the University. tamen Nobilium meorum intercessus, Ann. Dom. 1563-64. & erga Academiam benevolentia me aliqua proferre invitat. Ann. Regi. Eliz. 6. Duobus ad hanc rem stimulis moveor. Aug. 10. Primus est bonarum literarum Propagatio. Alter est vestra omnium expectatio. Quod ad propagationem spectat, unum illud apud Demosthenem memini; Superiorum verba apud inferiores Librorum locum habent, & Principum dicta legum Authoritatem apud subditos retinent. Hoc igitur, vos omnes in memoria tenere velim, quod semita nulla praestantior est sive ad bona fortunae acquirenda, sive ad Principum gratiam conciliandam, quam graviter (ut coepistis) studiis vestris exhibeatis operam: quod ut faciatis vos omnes oro obsecróque. De secundo stimulo vestra nimirum expectatione hoc unum dico me nihil libenter praetermissuram esse, quod vestrae de me animae benevolae concipiunt cogitationes. Jam ad Academiam venio. Tempore ante meridiano vidi ego, aedificia vestra sumptuosa à meis majoribus clarissimis Principibus literarum causa extructa, & inter videndum dolour Artus meos occupavit, atque ea mentis suspiria quae Alexandrum quondam tenuisse feruntur; qui cum legisset multa à: Principibus monumenta, conversus ad familiarem, seu potius ad Consiliarium, multum doluit se nihil tale fecisse. Haec tamen vulgaris sententia, me aliquantum recreavit, quae etsi non auferre, tamen minuere potest dolorem: Quae quidem sententia haec est Romam non uno aedificatam fuisse die: tamen non est ita senilis mea aetas, nec tam diu fui ex quo regnare coepi, quin ante redditionem debiti naturae (si non nimis cito Atropos lineam vitae meae amputaverit) aliquod opus faciam, & quamdiu vita hos regit artus nunquam à proposito deflectam. Et si contingat, (quam citò futurum sit, nescio) me mori opportere, priusquam hoc ipsum, quod polliceor complere possim, aliquod tamen egregium opus post mortem relinquam, quo & memoria mea in posterum celebris fiat, & alios excitem exemplo meo, & vos omnes alacriores faciam ad studia vestra. Sed jam videtis quantum inter sit inter doctrinam Lectam, & disciplinam animo non retentam. Quorum alterius sunt complures satis sufficientes testes, alterius autem vos omnes nimis quidem inconsideratè testes hoc tempore effeci, quae meo barbaro Orationis genere tam diu doctas vestras aures detinuerim. DIXI. At that time the Degree of Master of Art, Noblemen made Masters of Art. was conceived to take a Degree, and itself commenced in honour when the following Peers, and Noble Persons were in the Regent House created Masters of Art. a Caius Hist. Cant. Acad. Pag 88 Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolk. Edward Veer Earl of Oxford. Ambrose Dudley Earl of Warwick. Edward Manners Earl of Rutland. Thomas Ratclyf Earl of Sussex. Robert Dudley Earl of Leicestre. Edw: Clinton high Adm. of England. William Howard Lord Chamberlain. Henry Carew Lord Hunsden. Sir William Cecil Secretary. Sir Francis Knolls Vice-chamb: Tho: Heneage John Ashley Richard Bartue William Cook Edmond Cook Esquires. Thus Acts being ended, Degrees conferred, University Officers well rewarded, and all persons pleased, Her Majesty went on in Her Progress, and the Scholars returned to their Studies. 2. And yet we find one great Scholar much discontented if my * Sir Geo. Paul in the Life of Archbishop Whitigist, p. 7: Author may be believed; namely, The first cause of Mr. Cartwrights discontentment. Mr. Thomas Cartwright. He, and Thomas Preston, (than Fellow of King's College, afterwards Master of Trinity Hall) were appointed two of the four Disputants in the Philosophy. Act, before the Queen. Cartwright had dealt most with the Muses, Preston with the Graces, adorning his Learning with comely carriage, graceful gesture, and pleasing pronunciation. Cartwright disputed like a great, Preston like a gentile Scholar, being a handsome man; and the Queen (upon parity of deserts) always preferred properness of person, in conserting Her favours. Hereupon with Her looks, words, and deeds She favoured Preston, calling him Her Scholar, as appears by his Epitaph, in Trinity Hall Chapel, which thus beginneth, Conderis hoc tumulo Thoma Prestone Scholarem Quem dixit Princeps Elizabetha suum. Insomuch, that for his good disputing, and excellent acting in the Tragedy of Dido, She bestowed on him a Pension of * See Mr. Hatchers MS▪ of the Fellows of Kings Gol. 1553. 20 li. a year, whilst Mr. Cartwright (faith my Author) received neither reward nor commendation, whereof he not only complained to his inward friends in Trinity-college, but also after Her Majesty's neglect of him, began to wade into divers Opinions against Her Ecclesiastical Government. But Mr. Cartwright's followers (who lay the foundation of his disaffection to the discipline established, The same disavowed by his followers. in his conscience, not carnal discontentment) credit not the relation. Adding moreover, that the Queen did highly * See his Life lately set forth by Mr. Clarke. commend, though not reward him. But, whatever was the cause, soon after he went beyond the Seas, and after his Travel returned a bitter Enemy to the Hierarchy. John Stokes Vicecan: Ann. Dom. 1564-65. Thomas B'ing Thomas Preston Proct. Christopher Fletcher Major. Ann. Regi. Eliz. 7. Doct. Theol. 2. Doct. Medic. 1. Bac. Theol. 1. Mag. Art. 46. Bac. Leg. 02. Art. 86. Rob: Beaumond Roger Kelke Vicecan. 1565-66. Nich: Shepherd Edward Deering Proct. Alex: Ray Major. 8. Doct. The. 4. Leg. 1. Med. 4. Mag. Art. 45. Bac. Leg. 01. Art. 86. Rich: Longworth Vicecan. 1566-67. Christoph: Lindley John Dawbeny Proct. Tho: Kimbold Major. 9 Doct. The. 0. Leg. 2. Med. 1. Bac. Theol. 4. Mag. Art. 59 Bac. Leg. 02. Med. 01. Art. 118. John Whitgift, The Factions in Trinity-college. Master of Pembroke-Hall, July 4. is made Master of Trinity College, which he found distempered with many Opinions, which Mr. Cartwright lately returned from beyond Seas, had raised therein, and on a Sunday, (in Dr. Whitgift's absence) Mr. Cartwright, and two of his Adherents made three Sermons on one day in the Chapel, so vehemently inveighing against the Ceremonies of the Church, that at Evening Prayer all the * Sir George Paul in whitgift's life, p. 9 Scholars, save three (viz: Dr. Leg, Mr. West, Whitakers his Tutor, and the Chaplain) cast off their Surplices, as an abominable Relic of Superstition. 3. Whitgift was Master of the College, Whitgift and Cartwright clash in the Schools. and the Queens, Cartwright but Fellow thereof, and the Lady Magarets' Professor of Divinity. Great clashing was now in the Schools, when one Professor impugned, the other afferted the Church-Discipline in England. Cartwrights Followers would fain have it believed, that the Emulation was inflamed betwixt them, because Whitgifts Lectures and Sermons were not so frequented whilst all flocked after Cartwright, insomuch that when he preached at St. mary's, the Clerk thereof was fain to take down the windows of the Church. Yea, Mr. Cartwright did not only oppose the matter, but also the manner and method of Mr. whitgift's Lectures, as may appear by what afterwards was printed by both, the one Objecting, what is thus Answered by the other. * in the Defence of the Answer to the Admonition, p 14. Tho: Cartwright. * Whitgift, ib. p. 25. John Whitgift. They which have heard Mr. Doctor read in the Schools can tell, that he being there amongst learned men never used to reduce the contrary Arguments of the Adversaries to the places of the fallacious; and yet that was the fittest place for him to have showed his knowledge in, because there they should have been best understood. Touching my reading in the Schools (which you here opprobriously object unto me) though I know that the University had a fare better opinion of me, than I deserved, 1566-67 and that there were a great many which were in all respects better able to do that Office than myself, 9 yet I trust I did my duty, and satisfied them. What Logic I uttered in my Lectures, and how I read, I refer to their judgements: who surely if they suffered me so long to continue in that Place, augmented the Stipend for my sake, and were so desirous to have me still to remain in that Function (reading so unlearnedly, as you would make the world believe I did) may be thought either to be without judgement themselves, or else to have been very careless for that exercise. The result of the difference betwixt them is this, Ann. Dom. 1567-68. that (leaving the Controversy itself to the Judgement of others) if Cartwright had the better of it in his learning, Ann. Regi. Eliz. 9 Whitgift had the advantage in his temper; and (which is the main) he had more power to back, if fewet people to follow him. John Young, 1568-69. Vicecan: 10. John Wells Edm: Rokery Will: Lewin Proc: Roger Slegg. Major. Doc: The. 5. Juris 6. Medi. 2. Bac. The. 22. Mag. Art. 62. Prac: in Chir. 01. Bac: Leg. 02. Art. 86. Nich, Car, Fellow of Pembroke Hall, a great Restorer of Learning in this University, wherein he was Professor of Greek, (first as Substitute to Sir John Cheek in his absence, then) in his own capacity discharging the Place 15 years, (afterwards resigning the same, and commencing Doctor of Physic) this year, ended his life to the great grief of all godly and learned men: he was buried in St. Gyles Church beyond the Bridge, under a handsome Monument, with this Epitaph: Hic jaceo CARRUS Doctos doctissimus inter Tempore quos fovit GRANTA diserta meo. Tam mihi Cecropiae, Latiae quam gloria Linguae Convenit & Medicae maximus Artis honos Non ego me jacto, sed quas Academia laudes Attribuit vivo, mortuus exce fruor. Et fruar, O Lector; procul absit turba profona Aeterno violans busta sacrata Deo. John May Vicecan. 1569-70 Thomas Aldrich Reuben Sherwood Proc: 11. Miles Prance Major. Doc: Theol. 03. Leg. 02. Medic. 01. Bac. Theol. 14. Mag. Art. 055. Prac. in Med. 001. Bac. Leg. 004. Art. 114. Amongst the Doctors of Divinity, Whitgifts commencing Doctor. John Whitgift Master of Trinity-college took his degree, answering the Act, and publicly maintaining in the Commencement-house for his * Sir Geo. Paul, in his Life. p. 5. Position, Papa est ille Anti Christus. John Whitgift Vicecan. 1570-71. Will: Bingham Hugo Bellot Proct. William Foxton Major. 12. Doc. Leg. 1. Med. 1. Mag. Art. 071. Prae. in Med. 001. Bac. Art. 113. WHitgift now armed with Authority as Vicechancellor, Whitgift summons Cartw: who gives in a List of his Opinions. summoneth Cartwright to give an account of his Opinions, which he neither denied nor dissembled, but under his own hand expressed in these words following: 1. Archiepiscoporums, & Archidiaconorum nomina simul cum muneribus & officiis suis sunt abolenda. 2. Legitimorum in Ecclesia Ministrorum nomina, Ann Reg Eliz. 12. qualia sunt Episcoporum & Diaconorum, Ann. Dom. 1570●1. separata à suis muneribus in verbo Dei descriptis simpliciter sunt improbanda, & ad institutionem Apostolicam revocands, ut Episcopus in verbo & precibus, Diaconus in panperibus curandis versetur. 3. Episcoporum Cancellariis, aut Archidiaconorum Officialibus etc. regimen Ecclesia non est committendum, sed ad idoneum Ministrum & Presbyterum ejusdem Ecclesiae deferendum. 4. Non oportet Ministrum esse vagum & liberum, sed quisque debet certo culdam gregi adjici. 5. Nemo debet Ministerium tanquam candidatus petere. 6. Episcoporum tantum Autboritate & Potesate Ministri non sunt Creandi: multo minus in musaeo ant loco quopiam clanculario: sed ab Ecclesia electio fieri debet. Hisce reformandis, quisque pro sua vocatione studere debet (vocationem autem intelligo) ut Magistratus Authoritate, minister verbo, omnes precibus permoveant. And because he persisted resolute in the defence thereof, the Vice-Chancellout made use of his Authority, and flatly deprived him of his Lecture, and banished the University; according to the tenor of the ensuing Instrument registered in Cambridge. Whereas it is reported that Master Cartwright, March 18. offering disputations and conference, touching the assertions uttered by him, and subscribed with his hand, and that he could not obtain his request therein; This is to testify, that in the presence of us, whose names are here underwritten, and in our hearing, the said Mr. Cartwright was offered Conference of divers; and namely, of Mr. Doctor Whitgift, who offered, That if the said Mr. Cartwright would set down his Assertions in writing, and his Reasons unto them, he would answer the same in writing also; The which Master Cartwright refused to do. Further, the said Doctor Whitgift at such time as Mr. Cartwright was deprived of his Lecture, did in our presence ask the said Mr Cartwright, Whether he had both publicly, and privately divers times offered the same Conference unto him, by writing, or not: To which Mr. Cartwright answered, That he had been so offered, and that he refused the same. Moreover, the said Mr. Cartwright did never offer any disputation, but upon these conditions? viz. That be might know who should be his Adversaries, and who should be his Judges; meaning, such Judges as he himself could best like of. Neither was this kind of disputation denied unto him, but only he was required to obtain Licence of the Queen's Majesty, or the Council, because his assertions be repugnant to the state of the Common wealth, which may not be called into question by public disputation without licence of the Prince or His Highness' Council. john Whitgift Vice-Chan. Andrew Pearne. William Chadderton. john Mey. Henry Harvy. Edward Hawford. Thomas F—. Thomas B—. Thus was Mr. Cartwright totally routed in Cambridge, and being forced to forsake the Spring, betook himself to the Stream, of whom largely in our History of the Church. 4. Philip Baker Doctor of Divinity, Dr. Baker Provost of Kings Coll● flies for Religion. Provost of Kings-Colledge, being a zealous Papist, had hitherro so concealed his Religion, that he was not only the first Ecclesiastical person, on whom Queen Eliz. bestowed preferment, but also being Vicechancellor of Cambridge, commendably discharged the Place, without any discovery of his Opinions. But now, being questioned for his Religion, not willing to abide the trial he fled beyond the Seas. Even such who dislike his judgement, will commend his integrity, that having much of the College money and Plate in his custody, (and more at his command, aiming to secure, not enrich himself) he faithfully resigned all; yea, carefully sent back the Colledge-Horses which carried him to the Seaside. 5. Roger Goad was chosen in his place, fetched from Guildford in Surrey, where Roger Goad chosen in his Place. he was a Schoolmaster; a pleasant sight to behold preferment seeking to find out desert. Forty years was he Provost of that House, in which time he met with much opposition, such as Governors must expect arising from the Antipathy betwixt youth and severity. And no wonder if young Scholars swelled against him who bond them hard to the observation of the Statutes. However, he always came off with credit, chief befriended with his own innocence. Roger Kelke Vicecan: 1571-72. Arthur Purifoy John Beacon Proct. William Bright Major. 13. Doct. Theol. 1. Doct. Leg. 1. Bac. Theol. 8. Mag. Art. 061. Bac. Art. 185. Tho: B'ing Vicecan. 1572-73. Walter Alleyn John Tracy Proct. Oliver Flint Major. 14. Doc. Leg. 2. Med. 1. Bac. Theol. 8. Mag. Art. 063. Bac. Leg. 007. Art. 120. john Whitgift Vicecan. 1573-74. Richard Bridgwater Lancelet Browne Proct. Christoph: Fletcher Major. 15. Doct. Leg. 02. Bac. Theol. 09. Mag. Art. 57 Bac. Leg. 001. Med. 001. Art. 146. Andrew Perne Vicecan. 1574-75. john Cragge Luke Gilpin Proct. Tho: Kymbold Major. 16. Doct. Theol. 6. Leg. 2. Bac. Theol. 013. Mag. Art. 104. Bac. Art. 130. Doctor Caius set forth his excellent History of Cambridge, and took an exact account of all the Students therein, amounting unto One thousand seven hundred eighty three; and if any be so curious as to know how these numbers were divided betwixt the several Colleges, the ensuing Catalogue will inform them: 1 Peterhouse 096 2 Clare-Hall 129 3 Pemb: Hall 087 4 Bennet Coll: 093 5 Trinity-Hall 068 6 Gonvil and Caius-Coll: 062 7 Kings-Coll: 140 8 Queens-Coll: 122 9 Katherine-Hall. 032 10 Jesus-Coll: 118 11 Christ-Coll: 157 12 S. Johns-Coll: 271 13 Magdalen-Coll: 049 14 Trinity-Coll: 359 john Still Vicecan. Ann. Reg. Eliz. 17. Thomas Randall David Yale Proct. Ann. Dom. 1575-76. Roger Slegge Major. Doct. Theol. 03. Leg. 03. Med. 04. Bac. Theol. 16. Madge Art. 070. Bac. Leg. 002. Med. 001. Art. 174. 6. This year an Act passed in Parliament, Rent-Corn first reserved to Colleges. most beneficial to both Universities, whereby it was provided, That a third part of the Rent upon Leases made by * see Pul●ons Collections of the Statutes, 18 Eliz. cap. 6. Colleges, should be reserved in Corn, paying after the rate of six shillings eight pence the quarter (ten pence a bushel) for good Wheat, and five shillings a quarter or under (seven pence halfpenny a bushel) for good Malt, generally dearer than Barley, the pains of making it being cast into the price. This Corn the Tenants were yearly to deliver to the Colleges, either in kind, or in money, after the rate of the best Wheat and Malt, in the Markets of Cambridge and Oxford, at the days prefixed for the payment thereof. 7. Sir Thomas Smith principle Secretary of his state, was the chief procurer of the passing of this Act, By the procurement of Sir T. Smith. and is said by some to have surprised the House, therein, where many could not conceive how this would be at all profitable to the College, but still the same on the point, whether they had it in money, or wares. But the politic Knight took the advantage of the present cheap year, knowing hereafter Grain would grow dearer, mankind daily multiplying, and licence being lately legally given for transportation. This is that Sir Thomas born at Walden in Essex, deserving as well to be called Smith Walden, as Saffron Walden, as no less eminent for this worthy Statesman born therein, as for that sovereign Antidote growing thereabout. 8. At this day much emolument redowneth to the ancient Colleges in each University (foundation since the Statute enjoying no benefit thereby) by the passing of this Act, Great profit thereby. so that though their Rents stand still, their Revenues do increase. True it is, when they have least Corn, they have most Bread, I mean, best maintenance, the Dividends then mounting the highest: I wish them good stomaches to their meat, digestion to their stomach, strength and health on their digestion. Roger Goad Vicecan: 18. Arthur Purifoy Thomas Patenson Proct: 1576-77. Miles Prawaite Major. Doct. Medi. 05. Bac. Theol. 18. Mag. Art. 093. Prac: in Chir. 002. Bac. Art. 160. Richard Howland Vicecan. 19 Osin Lakes Nich: 1578-79. Steer Proct. John Chase Major. Doct. The. 03. Leg. 03. Bac. Theol. 12. Mag. Art. 085. Bac. Leg. 006. Art. 115. Prac. in Med. 003. Thomas B'ing Vicecan. Ann. Dom. 1578-79. William Farrand Rich: Ann. Reg. Eliz. 20. Willowby Proct. Edward Wallis Major. Doct. The. 02. Leg. 06. Med. 01. Bac. Theol. 15. Mag. Art. 106. Bac. Leg. 006. Bac. Art. 153. Prac. in Med. 001. John Hatcher Vicecan. 1579-80 william Lakin John Bradley Proc: 21. Marmaduke Bland Major. Doc: Theol. 01. Leg. 03. Medic. 02. Bac. Theol. 17. Mag. Art. 086. Bac. Leg. 001. Art. 205. Prac. in Med. 001. Andrew Perne Vicecan. 158-81. Thomas Nevil John Duport Proct. 22. William Foxton Major. Doc. The. 4. Leg. 7. Med. 6. Bac. Theol. 8. Mag. Art. 061. Bac. Leg. 004. Art. 194. Prac. in Med. 002. 9 A contest happened between Mr. Chadderton A contest betwixt Dr. Baro and Mr. Chadderton. (afterward Master of Emmanuel College) and Doctor Baro Margaret-Professour, about some heterodox Opinions, vented by the same Baro both in his readings and print, (viz: in his Comment on jonah, and book De Fide.) 10. Whereupon, the Doctor procured Mr. Chadderton to be called into the Consistory in the presence of the Vicechancellor, Dr. Hauford, Dr. Harvey, and Dr. Legge, where he utterly denied he had ever preached against the Doctor, but he propounded these Questions as erroneous and false: 1. Primus Dei amor non est in naturâ fidei justificantis. 2. Fide justificans non praecipitur in Decalogo. Many Papers in Latin passed betwixt them, and at last they were conceived to come nearer together, in these their expressions, the Originals being kept in the University Library: De Primâ, sic PETRUS BARO. Nullus amor est Deo gratus sine fide. Quoddam desiderium justitiae, & remissionis peccatorum obtinendae in fide justificante inest, non naturale, sed gratuitum, Spiritus sancti donum. Omnis amor ante fidem est peccatum. Sola fides apprehendit justificationem. De Secundâ Fides justificans Decalogo praecipitur quatenus Decalogo sumitur pro Decem illis sententiis, quas Deus suo ore in monte Sinai pronunciavit, quibus universa pietas comprehenditur. Fides justificans Decalogo alio modo sumpto nempe pro nudis Legis mandatis, ac quatenus à Paulo Christo opponitur, non continetur. Petrus Baro. De Primâ. Mr. Chadderton in hunc modum. 1. In operatione justificationis Christianae, nulla est cooperatio fidei & amoris. 2. Omnis amor qui placet Deo est opus Spiritus sancti supernaturale, & fructus fidei justificantis, non pars. De Secundâ. 1. Decalogo secundum notationem vocis, pro decem praeceptis moralibus, fides justificans non praecipitur. 2. Decalogo pro universâ lege Mosis sumpto, fides justificans praecipitur. Laurence Chadderton. Now however they might seem in terms to approach, Ann. Dom. 158-81. their judgements were so fare asunder, Ann. Regi. Eliz. 22. that it set their affections at the same distance, so that no compliance betwixt them, and the Doctor at last outed of his place, whereof hereafter. William Fully Vicecan. 1581-82. John Jegon Rob. Liveless Proct. 23. Oliver Flint Major. Doct. Theol. 003. Bac. Theol. 020. Mag. Art. 102. Bac. Leg. 003. Art. 213. John Bell Vicecan. 1582-83. Anthony Wingfeild Leonard Chamber Gabriel Harvie Proct. 24. John Goldsborow Major. Doct. Theol. 09. Leg. 03. Bac. Theol. 14. Mag. Art. 129. Bac. Leg. 003. Art. 213. Richard Howland Vicecan. 1583-84. Henry Hickman Henry Hawkins Proct. 25. Henry Clerk Major. Doc. Theol. 2. Med. 2. Bac. Theol. 9 Mag. Art. 113. Bac. Leg. 001. Art. 236. Robert Norgat Vicecan: 1584-85. William Hawes Thomas Bradocke Proct. 26. Thomas Dormer Major. Doct. Theol. 02. Doct. Leg. 02. Bac. Theol. 13. Mag. Art. 113. Bac. Med. 001. Art. 192. 11. Walter Mildmay Knight, Emmanuel Coll. founded by Sir W. Mildmay. fift Son of Thomas Mildmay of Chelmesford in Essex, formerly a serious Student in, and Benefactor to Christ's College, Chancellor of the Duchy, and of the Exchequer; founded a House by the name of Emmanuel College, in a place where the Dominicans, black Friars, or preaching Friars had formerly their Covent, founded, Anno, One thousand two hundred eighty, by the * 〈◊〉 Cantabrig. 〈◊〉, M. S. Lady Alice Countess of Oxford, Daughter and sole Heir of Gilbert Lord Samford, Hereditary Lord Chamberlain of England. After the suppression of Monasteries it was the dwellinghouse of one Mr. Sherwood, from whom, as I take it, Sir, Walter purchased the same. 12. Sir Robert Nanton in his Fragmenta Regalia did leave as well as take, Who causelessly fe●l into the Queen's displeasure. omitting some Statesmen (of the first magnitude) no less valued by, than useful to, Queen Elizabeth, as appears by his not mentioning of this worthy Knight. True it is, toward the end of his days, he fell into this Queen's disfavour, not by his own demerit, but the envy of his adversaries: For, he being employed by virtue of his Place, to advance the Queen's treasure, did it industriously, faithfully, and conscionably, without wronging the Subject, being very tender of their privileges, in somuch that he once complained in Parliament, That many Subsidies were granted, and no Grievances redressed: Which words being represented with his disadvantage to the Queen, Ann. Dom. 1584-85. made her to disaffect him, Ann. Regi. Eliz. 26. setting in a Court cloud, but in the Sunshine of his Country and a clear Conscience. 13. Coming to Court after he had founded his College, His Answer to Q. Elizabeth. the Queen told him, Sir Walter I hear you have erected a Puritan Foundation. No, Madam, saith he, fare be it from me to countenance any thing contrary to your established Laws, but I have set an Acorn, which when it becomes an Oak, God alone knows what will be the fruit thereof. Sure I am, at this day it hath overshadowed all the University, more than a moiety of the present Masters of Colleges being bred therein, but let us behold their Benefactors: Masters. Bishops. Benefactors. Learned Writers Fell. Learned Writers no Fellows. Colledge-living. 1. Laurence Chaderton. 2. John Preston. 3. William Sandcroft. 4. Rich: Oldesworth. 5. Anthoney Tuckney. 6. William Dillingham. 1. Jos: Hall, Bishop of Norwich. 2. Will: Beadle, Bishop of Kilmore in Ireland. Qu. Elizabeth. Hen: E. of Huntingdon. Sir Fr. Hastings. Sir Rob: Iermin. Sir Fran: Walsingham. Sr Herald Killigrew. Sr Wolstan Dixy. Sir john Hart. Sir Sam: Leonard. St Tho: Skinner. Alexan: Noel. Doctor Leeds. Doct: Harvey. Dr Branthwait. Rob: Tailor. Customer Smith. Nich: Fuller. Roger Snegg. Fran: Chamberlain. Master Ellis. john Spenliffe. William Neale. Edm: English. Alder: Racliffe. john Morley. Ric: Culverwell. Rob: johnson. john Bernes. Marry Dixy. Martha Iermin. Alice Owen. joice Franckland. Eliz: walter's. Dr. Richardson. Sr. Hen: ●ildmay of Graces. Rich: Knightly. Thomas Hobbs. Walt: Richards. Will: jones. Wil: Beadle john Down. Hugh Cholmley. joseph Hall. Ralph Cudworth. Samuel Crook. joh. Cotton. Th. Hooker. john Yates. Io: Stoughton. james Waidsworth, who turned Papist. john Gifford of Minister's maintenance. Ezekiel Culverwel of Faith. Robert Firman of admission to the Sacrament. Sam: Foster of Mathematics. jerem: Burrowes besides many still surviving. Sir Roger Twysden an excellent Antiquary. H: Laurence of Angels, and other Treatises. Steph: Martial. Tho: Shephard. Samuel Hudson of the visible Church. Nath: Ward. Thomas Arthur. Tho: Doughty. Ioh: Wallis now Geometry Professor in Oxf: Auler Rect: in the Diocese of Bath and Wells, valued at 39l. 14s. 10d Cadbury Rect: in the Diocese of Bath and Wells, valued at 28l. 17s. 2d. ob. Pydleton Vic: in the Diocese Bristol, valued at 31l. 2s. 10d Stanground Vic. in the Diocese of Lincoln, valued at 6l. 6s. 10d. Winnsford Vic: in the Diocese of Bath and Wells, valued at 14l. 13s. 8ds. Loughberow Rect: in the Diocese of Lincoln, valued at 40ls. 16s. 3d. So that lately, Ann. Reg. Eliz. 26. viz: Ann. Dom. 1584. 5. Anno, one thousand six hundred thirty four, were maintained one Master, fourteen Fellows, fifty Scholars, ten poor Scholars, besides Officers, and Servants of the foundation, with other Students, the whole number being 310. 14. Amongst the Bishops of this House, D●. Oldesworth refuseth a Bishopric. Richard Oldesworth fourth Master, must not be forgotten, who might, but would not be Bishop of Bristol. Not out of covetousness, (from which none more free) because so small the Revenuss thereof, or laziness to decline pains, none being more laborious in his calling; or scruple of conscience, none more Zealous in a certain Episcopacy: but for some secret reasons, which these troublesome times suggested unto him. He was a most excellent Preacher both by his pious life, and patiented death: and one passage which I heard from him, some days before his expiring I shall here insert: 15. I admire (said he) at David's gracious heart, A good Meditation of a dying Saint. who so often in Scripture (but especially in the 119 Psalms) extolleth the worth and value of the Word of God, and yet quantillum Scripturae, how little of the Word of God they had in that Age, the Pentateuch, the Book of Job, and some of the Hagiography: how much have we now thereof, since the accession of the Prophets, but especially of the New Testament; and yet, alas! the more we have of the Word of God, the less it is generally regarded. 16. Amongst the Benefactors of this House I have omitted two, Two grand Benefactors. not because too small, but too great to be inserted with others, deserving a Form by themselves, namely, the Lady Grace Mildmay, whom the Scholars of this College account the fourth Grace, and more worth than the other three as Poetical Fictions. The other, Francis Ash Esquire, a rich Merchant of London, to whom God hath given a full hand, and free heart, to be bountiful on all good occasions. 17. Amongst the learned Writers of this College, The Living omitted. I have omitted many still alive, as Master Anthony Burges, the profitable Expounder of the much mistaken nature of the two Covenants: Doctor Benjamin Whichcot now Provost of Kings, whose perfect List cannot be given in, because daily increasing. Humphrey tindal Vicecan. 27. joseph Smith john cowel Proct. John edmond's Major. 1585.▪ 6. Doct. The. 01. Leg. 03. Med. 02. Bac. Theol. 16. Mag. Art. 165. Bac. Leg. 003. Art. 198. john Capcott Vicecan: 28. Anth: Wingfeild Henry Farr Proct: john edmond's Major. 1586-87. Doct. Leg. 1. Med. 2. Bac. Theol. 016. Mag. Art. 185. Bac. Art. 180. Doctor Capcott when chosen Vicechancellor, The last Vicechancellor then, but Fellow of the House was only Fellow of Trinity-Coll: within which he gave upper hand to Doctor Still [then Master] but took it of him when out of the walls of the College; but before the year ended, he was chosen Master of Bennet-Colledge, and an Act made amongst the Doctors, That for the time to come, none but Heads of Houses should be chosen Vice-Chancellours. Tho: Legg Vicecan. Ann. Dom. 1587-8. john Palmer john Smith Proct. Roger Smith Major. Ann. Reg. Eliz. 29. Doct. Theol. 2. Leg. 1. Med. 1. Bac. Theol. 8. Madge Art. 121. Bac. Leg. 002. Art. 129. Thomas Nevil Vicecan. 1588-89. Rob: Canesfeild Miles Sandys Proct. Nich: Gaunt Major. 30. Doct. Theol. 07. Leg. 03. Med. 01. Bac. Theol. 19 Mag. Art. 107. Bac. Leg. 003. Art. 182. Hitherto we have given in the List of the yearly Commensers, An unfaithful Register. but now must break off, let Thomas Smith University Register bear the blame, who about this year entering into his Office, was so negligent, that as one saith, Cum fuit Academiae à memoriâ, omnia tradidit oblivioni, I can hardly inhold from inveighing on his memory, carelessness being dishonesty in public persons so entrusted. Thomas Preston Vicecan. 1589-90 Henry Mountlaw Richard Betts Proct. Will: Wolf Major. 31. Robert Soame Vicecan. 1590-91. John Sledd ●uth: Bambrigge Proct. John Clerk Major. 32. Robert Soame Vicecan. 1591-92. Gilbert Jacob Otho Hill Proct. Tho: Goldsborrow Major. 33. John Still Tho: Leg Vicecan. 1592-93. Thomas Grimston Samuel Harsnett Proct. Tho: Medcalfe Major. 34. John Duport Vicecan. 1593-94. Henry Mountlow Thomas jegon Proct. Christoph, 35. Hodson Major. John Duport Vicecan. 1594-95. Gregory Milner john Meriton Proct. Oliver Green Major. 36. Roger Goad Vicecan. Ann. Dom. 1594-95. Lionel Duckett Thomas Cook Proct. john Norcott. Major. Ann. Regi. Eliz. 37. William Barret, Barrett summoned before the Consistory. Fellow of Gonvile and Caius College, April 29. preached ad Clerum for his degree of Bachelor in Divinity in St. mary's, wherein he vented such Doctrines, May 5. for which he was summoned six days after before the Consistory of the Doctors, and there enjoined the following Recantation: PReaching in Latin not long since in the University-Church (Right Worshipful) many things slipped from me, His solemn Recantation. both falsely, and rashly spoken, whereby I understand the minds of many have been grieved: to the end therefore that I may satisfy the Church and the Truth which I have publicly hurt, I do make this public Confession, both repeating, and revoking my Errors. First, I said, That no man in this transitory world, is so strongly underpropped, at least by the certainty of Faith, that is, unless (as I afterwards expounded it) by revelation that he ought to be assured of his own Salvation. But now I protest before God and acknowledge in my own conscience, that they which are justified by Faith, have peace towards God, that is, have reconciliation with God, and do stand in that Grace by Faith: therefore that they ought to be certain, and assured of their own Salvation even by the certainty of Faith itself. Secondly, I affirmed, That the faith of Peter could not fail, but that other men's may: for (as I then said) our Lord prayed not for the faith of every particular man. But now, being of a better, and more sound judgement, (according to that which Christ teacheth in plain words, John 17. 20. I pray not for these alone (that is, the Apostles) but for them also which shall believe in me, through their word:) I acknowledge that Christ did pray for the faith of every particular Believer: and that by the virtue of that prayer of Christ, every true Believer is so stayed up, that his faith cannot fail. Thirdly, Touching perseverance unto the end, I said, That that certainty concerning the time to come, is proud, forasmuch as it is in his own nature contingent, of what kind the perseverance of every man is; neither did I affirm it to be proud only, but to be most wicked. But now I freely protest that the true, and justifying Faith (whereby the faithful are most nearly united unto Christ) is so firm, as also for the time so certain, that it can never be rooted out of the minds of the faithful, by any tentations of the flesh, the world, or the Devil himself, so that he who hath his Faith once, shall ever have it: for by the benefit of that justifying Faith, Christ dwelleth in us, and we in Christ: therefore it cannot be but increased (Christ growing in us daily) as also persevere unto the end because God doth give constancy. Fourthly, I affirmed, That there was no distinction in Faith, but in the persons believing: In which, I confess, I did err: now I freely acknowledge, That temporary faith (which as Bernard witnesseth, is therefore feigned, because it is temporary) is distinguished, and differeth from that saving Faith, whereby Sinners apprehending Christ, are justified before God for ever: not in measure, and degrees, but in the very thing itself. Moreover, I add, that James doth make mention of a Dead Faith; and Paul, of a Faith that worketh by Love. Fiftly, I added, That Forgiveness of Sins is an Article of Faith, but not particular, neither belonging to this man, nor to that man: that is, (as I expounded it) that no true faithful man either can or ought certainly to believe that his Sins are forgiven: But now I am of another mind, and do freely confess, that every true faithful man is bound by this Article of Faith, (to wit, I believe the forgiveness of Sins) certainly to believe that his own particular sins are freely forgiven him: neither doth it follow hereupon, that that Petition of the Lords Prayer (to wit, Forgive us our Trespasses) is needless; for in that Petition, we ask not only the Gift, but also the increase of Faith. Sixtly, These words escaped me in my Sermon, viz: As for those that are not saved, I do most strongly believe, and do freely protest that I am so persuaded against Calvin, Peter Martyr, and the rest, That Sin is the true, proper, and first cause of Reprobation. But now, being better instructed; I say, That the Reprobation of the wicked is from everlasting, and that the saying of Augustine to Simplician is most true, viz: If Sin were the cause of Reprobation, than no man should be elected, because God doth foreknow all men to be defiled with it, and (that I may speak freely) I am of the same mind, and do believe concerning the Doctrine of Election, and Reprobation, as the Church of England believeth and teacheth in the Book of the Articles of Faith, in the Article of Predestination. Last of all, I uttered these words rashly against Calvin, a man that hath very well deserved of the Church of God; to wit, that he durst presume to lift up himself above the High, and Almighty God. By which words I confess, that I have done great injury to that most learned, and right Godly man: and I do most humbly beseech you all to pardon this my rashness: as also, that I have uttered many bitter words against Peter Martyr, Theodore Beza, Jerome, Zanchius, Francis Junius, and the rest of the same Religion, being the Lights and Ornaments of our Church: calling them by the odious names of Calvinists and other slanderous terms, branding them with a most grievous mark of Reproach, whom, because our Church doth worthily Reverence, it was not meet that I should take away their good name from them, or any way impair their credit, or dehort others of our Countrymen from reading their most learned Works: I am therefore very sorry, and grieved for this most grievous offence which I have publicly given to this most famous University, which is the Temple of true Religion, and sacred receptacle of Piety: And I do promise you, that (by God's help) I will never hereafter offend in like sort: and I do earnestly beseech you (Right Worshipful) and all others to whom I have given this offence, either in the former Articles, or in any part of my said Sermon, that you would of your courtesy pardon me, upon this my Repentance. This Recantation was by the Doctors peremptorily enjoined him, Maii 10. That on Saturday following, immediately after the Clerum, he should go up into the Pulpit of S. mary's (where he had published these Errors) and there openly in the face of the University, read, and make this Recantation; which by him was done accordingly: but not with that remorse and humility as was expected; for, after the reading thereof, he concluded thus, Haec dixi, as if all had been oral rather than cordial: Yea, soon after he departed the University, got beyond Sea, turned a Papist, returned into England, where he led a Lay man's life until the day of his death. john jegon Vicecan. 1595-96. Ezech: Hilliard William Bolton Proct. Rob: Wallis Major. 18. Doctor Whitaker returning from Lambeth Conference, Nou. 28. brought home with him the bane of his health, The sickness and death of Dr. Whitaker. contracted there by hard and late studying and watching in a very cold Winter. 29. In his journey homewards, he was rather not well, than sick, and when come to S. John's Coll. the outside of his disease, (so much as appeared in the symptoms thereof) had little of danger, whilst the inside thereof, (as the sad success declared) had nothing of hope therein. 30. On the Sunday following he took his bed, Ann. Reg. Eliz. 38. Dec. 3. and then was there no want of Physician, Ann. Dom. 159 5/6. if not too much plenty of them about him. They meet, consult, conclude he must be let blood, but none did, what all advised should be done. This was deferred till Wednesday next, (let the blame thereof, to make it the lighter, be divided amongst all his friends there) and then when all things else were fitted for blood-letting, the Patient himself was unfit, being in so violent a sweat, that opening of a vein, would (as all thought) let out blood and life together. That night he cheerfully received in himself the sentence of death, professing that he desired not life, but to glorify God, and serve the Church therewith, though his Wife was near the time of her travel, whose posthume child he bequeathed to God the chieffather thereof. 4. Next day being Thursday, he quietly resigned his Soul to God, in the 47 year of his life; one so exactly qualified, that the Professors Chair may seem made for him, and he for it, they mutually so fitted each other. 19 Six days after his Funerals were solemnly performed after this manner: His sad and solemn Funeral. All the University repaired to S. John's College, 10. which they found hung (Chapel, Hall, and outward Court) with Mourning, Scutcheons, and Verses. Then taking up the Corpse, they all advance in their Academical equipage to S. mary's, where the Major and Aldermen, (whose vicinity to the University commonly causeth their distance from it) met them in their Mourning-formalities. Then Dr. Goad, the Vicechancellor, pathetically preached to the auditory. His tears were so mannerly (or religious rather) that, observing their time, they obstructed not his Sermon till come to a competent length, when the springtide of his weeping stopped his preaching. Thus his Sermon (like his life, who was the subject of it, cut off when not much passed the prime thereof) was rather broken off, than ended. So sad was the whole Congregation, that one might as soon therein have found a face without eyes, as eyes without tears. Back they all return to the College, where, after a Latin Oration made by one of the Fellows, his Corpse was solemnly interred in the Chapel. Then a Banquet of sweetmeats, soured with so sad an occasion (at the sole charge of the Coll:) was rather seen than tasted by the guests, formerly surfeited with sorrow. Hence they readvance to St. mary's, where Robert Nanton, University-Oratour (after Knighted, and Secretary of State) with another Latin Speech concluded the Funeral solemnity. 20. Soon after two Candidates appeared for the Professors Place; john Overall, Overall succeeds him in the Professors place. of Trinity, Doctor; Anthony Wotton, of King's College, Bachelor of Divinity. Both read solemn Lectures of probation on subjects assigned them; namely, Overall on Hebr: 6. 4. etc. Wotton on Jam. 2. 24. For it is impossible for those who were once enlightened, and have tasted the heavenly gift, if they shall fall away, to renew them again unto repentance. Ye see then how that by works a man is justified, and not by faith only. Pity it is but the Place should have been capable of both, both approving themselves so deserving of it. Wherefore Wotton was not rejected, though Overall was preferred to the Chair. Yea, rather than Wotton's worth should pass unrewarded, a Professors Place of Divinity (though not in Cambridge) shall either be found out, or founded for him: For, within few months after, he was made the first * St●w survey of London, pag. 65. Reader of Divinity in Greshams-Colledge in London. 21. The end of Doctor Peter Baro, Dr. Baro quits his Professors place. (the Margaret Professor) his triennial Lectures began to draw near. Now although custom had made such courtesy almost a due to continue the same Professor, where no urgent reasons to the contrary were alleged: yet the University intended not to re-elect him for the Place, meaning fairly to cut him off at the just joint, (which would be the less pain and shame unto him) when his three years should be expired. He himself was sensible thereof, and besides he saw the Articles of Lambeth (whereof largely * See our Hist. Anno 1595. before) lately sent to the University, Ann. Regi. Eliz. 38. and foresaw that subscription thereunto would be expected from; yea, imposed on him, to which he could not con● descend: and therefore resolved to quit his Place. So that this his departure was not his free act, out of voluntary election, but that whereunto his will was necessarily determined: witness his own return to a friend, requiring of him the cause of his withdrawing: Fugio, saith he, ne fugarer, I fly for fear to be driven away. 22. Some conceive this, Different judgements about his departure. hard measure, which was used to one, of Dr. Baro's qualifications: For first, he was a foreigner, a French man: Turpius ejicitur. quam non admittitur hospes. Secondly, a great Scholar: For, he who denieth learning in Baro, (so witnessed in his Works) plainly affirmeth no scholarship in himself. Thirdly, an inoffensive man for life and conversation, seeing nothing of viciousness could be charged upon him, which otherwise in his contest with * See our University Hist. Anno 1581. Mr. Chaderton, had been urged against him. Lastly, an aged man, coming hither many years since, (when the Professors Place as much needed him, as he it) and who had painfully spent his strength in the employment. Others alleged, That in such cases of conscience, there lies no plea for courtesy; and that Baro, as he was a stranger, had brought in strange Doctrines, to the infecting of the University, the fountain of Learning and Religion, and therefore Archbishop Whitgift designed removing of him from him place. Thomas Pleyfer, Fellow of S. John's in Cambridge, and Doctor of Divinity, was elected to succeed him in his Professors place, of whom largely hereafter. 23. On the twentieth day of May was the first stone laid of Sidney College (the whole fabric whereof was finished three years after) on the cost of the Lady Frances Sidney, The first foundation of Sidney. Sussex College. Daughter to Sir William, May 20. Sister to Sir Henry (Lord Deputy of Ireland) Aunt to Sir Philip Sidney, Relict of Thomas Ratcliff the third Earl of Sussex. This Lady died seven years since, on the ninth of March, 1588. as appears by the Epitaph on her Monument in Westminster. Abbey, in which Church she founded a Salary of twenty pounds a year for a Divinity Lecture. By her Will, dated December the sixth, 1588. she left to her Executours (Henry Grace, Earl of Kent, and to her Nephew Sir john (afterwards Lord Harrington) five thousand pounds, besides her goods unbequeathed, for the erection of a College, and purchasing of competent lands, for one Master, ten Fellows, and twenty Scholars. But in case the Legacy would not thereunto extend, than the same to go to the enlarging of Clare Hall, for the maintenance of so many Fellows and Scholars therein, to enjoy all liberties, customs, and privileges, with other Fellows, and Scholars of that Foundation. She appointed john Whitgift Archbishop of Canterbury, and Gabriel Goodman, Dean of Westminster, Overseers of her Will; ordering also, that Alexander Nowell, Dean of S. Paul's, should preach her funeral Sermon, which (no doubt) was done accordingly. 24. Be it remembered by the way, The spite of Index expurgatorius. that the lately mentioned Earl of Kent, is he on whom Mr. Cambden bestows this deserved commendation, Verae Nobilitatis ornamentis a Camden's Brit, in the conclusion of Kent. Vir longè bonoratissimus. But the Index expurgatorius set forth at Madrid, by Lewis Sanchez, the King's Printer, 1612. (and truly reprinted at Geneva, 1619.) dashes these words with a Deal, b Prima Classe literae G. thought the character given this Peet, most honourable for his parentage, and no less for his piety, will justly remain to his memory, when this peevish partial Index shall be purged to nothing. 25. These two noble Executours, The College Mortmain how procured. in pursuance of the Will of this Testatrix, according to her desire, and direction therein, in her name presented Q. Elizabeth a Jewel, being like a star, of Rubies, and Diamonds, with a Rubies in the midst thereof, worth an hundred and forty pounds; having on the back side an Hand delivering up an Heart unto a Crown. At the delivery hereof they humbly requested of Her Highness a Mortmain to found a College, Copied out of the words of her Will. which She graciously granted unto them. Their next care was to purchase of Trinity College, a parcel of ground with some ancient buildings thereon, (formerly called the Franciseans or Grey Friars) procuring the same to be passed unto them in Fee farm by Act of Parliament, Ann. Dom. 159-96. and thereon they laid the foundation of this new College. Ann. Regi. Eliz. 38. 26. We usually observe Infants born in the seventh month, A little Babe (thank God and good Nurses) well batled. (though poor and pitiful creatures) are vital, and with great care, and good attendance in time prove proper persons. Ovid, or his elder Brother (the words being dubiously placed) may be an instance hereof: d De tristibus lib. 4. Eleg. 10. Qui tribus ante quater mensibus ortus erat. To such a Partus Septimestris may Sidney College well be resembled, so low, lean, and little at the birth thereof. Alas! what is 5000 li. to buy the scite, build and endow a College therewith? As for her unbequeathed goods, they answered not expectation; and I have heard, that some inferior persons employed in the sale of her Jewels, were (out of their own want of skill, or of honesty in others) much deceived therein: Yet such was the worthy care of her honourable Executors, that this Benjamin-Colledge (the least, and last in time, and born after, (as he at) the death of its mother) thrived in a short time to a competent strength and stature. Masters. Bishops. Benefactors. Learned Writers livings. 1. I am: Montague, first Master of this House, and a worthy Benefactor thereof, giving much, procuing more thereunto. 2. Fran: Aldridge, Fellow of Trin: Coll: chosen 1608. 3. Sam: Ward Fellow of Emmanuel College chosen 1609. of whom largely hereafter. 4. Rich: Minshul, first I am since informed one once a Servant of Bishop Montagu, hath given them one in Bedfordshire. Master bred in and chosen by the College, and much meriting thereof by his providence. james Montague Bishop of Bath and Wells, Anno 1608. afterwards Bishop of Winchester. john Bramhall Bishop of London-Derrie in Ireland. Henry Earl of Kent, who let the Legacy of of 100 l. (bequeathed him by the Foundress) go on to the building of the Coll: though generally omitted in the Catalogue of their Benefactors. Sir john Hart Knight. Leonard Smith Citizen of London. Peter Blundel of Tiverton, Clothier. john Freestone Esq. Edward Lord Montagu of Boughton. john Lord Harrington the younger. Lady Lucy his Sister Countess of Bedford. Lady Anne Harrington their Mother. George Lord Goringe. john Young D. D. Dean of Winchester. Sir Will: Wilmore first Pensioner in the Coll: Robert johnson Archdeacon of Leicester. john Harrington Godfr: Fuliambe Edward Wray Robert Hadson Francis Combe Esq. Paul Micletwait D. D. and Fell: of the Coll. Richard Dugard. 1. Daniel Dike that faithful Servant, in discovering the deceitfulness of man's heart. 2. Ier: Dike his Brother. 3. Sam: Ward Minister of Ipswich. 4. Tho: Gatacre much known by his Book of Lots, and other works. 5. Ier: Witaker. 6. Tho: adam's a noted Preacher in London. * The three former were put in by the Foundress Executors. Sunt mihi non potis est dicere, dicit erunt. 27. As for the bounty of Sir Francis Clerk, Sir Fran Clark, deservedly accounted a By-Founder. it exceedeed the bounds of Benefaction, and justly entitled him to be a By-founder. The Giver doubled the Gift, if we consider, First, his estate was not great, for one of his condition. Secondly, he had a Daughter, and generally it is observed, that Parents are most barren, and the childless most fruitful in great expressions of Charity. Thirdly, he was altogether unknown to the College, and the College to him, surprising it on a sudden with his bounty, so much the more welcome, because not expected. Yet such his liberality, that he not only built a fair and firm range of twenty chambers, (from the addition whereof, a second Court resulteth to the College) but also augmented the scholarships of the foundation, and founded four Fellowships and eight scholarships more. Herein his favour justly reflected on his Countrymen of Bedford shire, preferring them before others to places of his own foundation. 28. Nor comes the bounty of Sir John Brereton much behind him. To whom Sir John Brereton not much inferior. He was, (as I may term him) one of the Aborigines of the College, one of the first Scholars of the House; and afterwards became His Majesty's Sergeant for the Kingdom of Ireland. At his death he was not unmindful of this his Mother, to whom he bequeathed a large Legacy, above two thousand pounds. Now whereas some Benefactors in repute, are Malefactors in effect, (giving to Colleges 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,) viz: such as burden and clog their donations, to maintain more than they are able, (whereby their gifts become suckers, impairing the root of the Foundation) Sir john his gift was so left at large for the disposal thereof, that it became a gift indeed, and really advanced the good of the College. 29. This College continued without a Chapel some years after the first founding thereof, A Chapel added after some years. until at last some good men's charity supplied this defect. Some have falsely reported, that the now-Chappell of the College was formerly a Stable: whereas indeed it was the Franciscans ancient Dormitory, as appeareth by the concavities still extant in the walls, places for their several reposure. But others have complained, that it was never ceremoniously consecrated, which they conceive essential thereunto, whilst there want not their equals in learning and religion, who dare defend, that the continued series of Divine duties, (Praying, Preaching, administering the Sacrament) publicly practised for more than thirty years, (without the least check or control of those in Authority) in a Place set apart to that purpose, doth sufficiently consecrate the same. 30. It is as yet but early days with this College, A Child's prayer for his Mother. (which hath not seen sixty years) yet hath it been fruitful in worthy men proportionably to the Age thereof, and I hope it will daily increase. Now though it be only the place of the Parents, and proper to him (as the greater) to bless his c Heb. 7. 6. Child, yet it is the duty of the Child to Pray for his Parents, in which relation my best desires are due to this Foundation, my Mother for my last eight years in this University. May her lamp never lack light for the oil, or oil for the light thereof. Zoar, is it not a little one? Yet who shall despise the day of small things? May the foot of sacrilege, if once offering to enter the gates thereof, stumble and rise no more. The Lord bless the labours of all the Students therein, that they may tend, and end at his glory, their own salvation, the profit and honour of the Church and Commonwealth. john jegon Vicecan. 1596-97. William Moon Richard Sutton Proct. 39 Robert Wallis Major. John jegon Vicecan. 1597-98. Nathaniel Cole William Rich Proct. 40. James Robson Major. 31. The young Scholars conceiving themselves somewhat wronged by the Townsmen, CLUB LAW acted in Clare-Hall. (the particulars whereof I know not) betook them for revenge to their wits, Ann. Dom. 1597-98. as the weapon wherein lay their best advantage. Ann. Regi. Eliz. 39 These having gotten a discovery of some Town privacies, from Miles Goldsborrough (one of their own Corporation) composed a merry (but abusive) Comedy, (which they called CLUB-LAW) in English, as calculated for the capacities of such, whom they intended spectators thereof. Clare-Hall was the place wherein it was acted, and the Major, with his Brethren, and their Wives, were invited to behold it, or rather themselves abused therein. A convenient place was assigned to the Townsfolk, (riverted in with Scholars on all sides) where they might see and be seen. Here they did behold themselves in their own best clothes (which the Scholars had borrowed) so livelily personated, their habits, gestures, language, lieger-jests, and expressions, that it was hard to decide, which was the true Townsman, whether he that sat by, or he who acted on the Stage. Sat still they could not for chase, go out they could not for crowding, but impatiently patiented were fain to attend till dismissed at the end of the Comedy. 32. The Major and his Brethren soon after complain of this libellous Play to the Lords of the Privy Council, Complained of by the Townsmen to the Council Table. and truly aggravate the scholars offence, as if the Major's Mace could not be played with, but that the Sceptre itself is touched therein. Now, though such the gravity of the Lords, as they must maintain Magistracy, and not behold it abused; yet such their goodness, they would not with too much severity punish Wit, though waggishly employed: and therefore only sent some slight and private check to the principal Actors therein. 33. There goeth a tradition, How declined. many earnestly engaging for the truth thereof, that the Townsmen not contented herewith, importunately pressed, That some more severe and public punishment might be inflicted upon them. Hereupon, the Lords promised in short time to come to Cambridge, and (because the life in such things is lacking when only read) they themselves would see the same Comedy, with all the properties thereof, acted over again, (the Townsmen as formerly, being enjoined to be present thereat) that so they might the better proportion the punishment to the fault, if any appeared. But rather than the Townsmen would be witnesses again to their own abusing, (wherein many things were too fare from, and some things too near to truth) they fairly fell off from any farther prosecution of the matter. 34. Upon the death of William Cecil Lord Burghly, Robert Earl of Essex made Chancellor. Robert Devereux Earl of Essex was chosen Chancellor of the University. Coming to Cambridge, he was entertained in Queens Coll: where the Room he lodged in, is called Essex Chamber to this day, and where the pleasant Comedy of LELIA was excellently acted before him. Robert Soame Vicecan. 1598-99. William Boise Randal Woodcock Proct. 40. John Yaxley Major. john jegon Vicecan. 1599-600. john Goslin Geo: 41. Mountain Proct. jeremy Chase Major. john Duport Vicecan. 1600-●●. Rob: Naunton Tho: 42. Morison Proct. john jenkinson Major. Sir Robert Cecil principal Secretary of Estate, Ann. Dom. 1600-01. was chosen Chancellor of the University, Ann. Regi. Eliz. 42. and did greatly befriend it on all occasions. Sir Robert Cecil chosen Chancellor. He was afterward Earl of Salisbury, and Lord Treasurer of England. Will: Smith Vicecan. 1581-2. Richard Trim John Forthenho. Coll: Trin: Proct. 43. Edward Potto Major. John cowel Vicecan. 1682-3. Nathaniel Wiburn Edward Barwel Coll: Christi. Proct. 44. Hen: Jackson Major. 35. King JAMES removed by many small journeys and great feast from Scotland to London: 1592/3. Always the last place He lodged in, Ann. Reg. Jac. 1. seemed so complete for entertainment that nothing could be added thereunto. K. James his matchless Entertainment at Hinchinbrooke And yet commonly the next Stage, April. 27. exceeded it in some stately accession. Until at last His Majesty came to Hinchinbrooke, nigh Huntingdon, the House of Master Oliver Cromwell, where such His reception, that in a manner it made all former entertainments forgotten, and all future to despair to do the like. All the pipes about the house expressed themselves in no other language than the several sorts of the choicest wines. The Entertainer being so rich a Subject, and the Entertained so renowned a Sovereign, altered the nature of what here was expended, (otherwise justly censurable for prodigality) to be deservedly commended for true magnificence. 36. But it was the banquet, Where the Doctors of Cambridge wait on His Majesty, which made the feast so complete. Hither came the Heads of the University of Cambridge, in their scarlet Gowns, and corner Caps, where Mr. Rob: Naunton the Orator made a learned Latin Oration, wherewith His Majesty was highly affected. The very variety of Latin was welcome to His ears, formerly almost surfeited with so many long English Speeches made to Him as He passed every Corporation. The Heads in general requested a Confirmation of their Privileges, (otherwise uncourtlike at this present to petition for particulars) which His Highness' most willingly granted. Here one might have seen the King (passing over all other Doctors for His Seniors) apply Himself much in His discourse to Dr. Montague, Master of Sidney College. This was much observed by the Courtiers, (who can see the Beams of Royal favour shining in at a small cranny) interpreting it a token of his great and speedy preferment, as indeed it came to pass. 37. Within the compass of this last year, The death of Mr. Perkins. (but in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth) died that worthy and painful servant of Jesus Christ, Mr. William Perkins, whose life I have f in my Holy State. formerly written, and therefore forbear any repetition. He was buried in his own Parish-Church of S. Andrews in Cambridge. Only I will add, it sadded me lately to see that Church wherein this Saint was interred ready to fall to the ground. jacob said of Bethel, the house of God, g Gen 28. 17. How dreadful is this place? I am sorry it may in a fare different sense be said of this S. Andrews, filling such as approach to it with fear of the ruins thereof. I say no more, but as David was glad to go up into the house of the Lord, all good men may be sorrowful to behold, God's ruinous House coming down to them. john cowel Vicecan. 1603-4. john Andrews Major. 2. Richard Claton Vicecan. 1604-5. John edmond's Robert Wallis Major. It was enacted in Parliament, Recusants' Presentations given to the Universities. That the Chancellor, Anno. Reg. Jac. 3. and Scholars of the University of Cambridge, shall have the Presentation, Ann. Dom. 1604-05. Nomination, Collation, and Donation, of, and to every such Benefice, Prebend, or Ecclesiaticall Living, School, Hospital, and Donative, as shall happen to be void, during such time as the Patron thereof, shall be, and remain a Recusant convict, in the Counties Of Essex. Hartford. Bedford. Cambridge. Huntingdon. Suffolk. Norfolk. Rutland. Leiceister. Lincoln. Derbie. Nottingham. Shrop shire. Chesshire. Lancaster. York. Bish: of Duresme. Northumberland. Cumberland. Westmoreland. Radnor. Denbigh. Flint. Carnarvan. Merianith. Glamorgan. Anglesey. The other moiety of Counties was bestowed on Oxford. In this division the greater half of the Land fell to the share of Cambridge, whether we reckon the number of Shires, being more; or measure the extent of Ground, being greater; or consider (the main matter herein) that Recusant-Patrones were most numerous in the Northern parts of the Kingdom. 38. However, The Statute how frequently frustrated by Recusants. I have heard it oft complained of, That this Statute took not effect according to the true intent thereof: either because many Bishops were very backward in giving Institutions on the Presentations of the University, wherein we are willing to believe the fault not in them, but their Officers. Or because it is so hard a thing to prove or convict the legal conviction of a Papist. Or Recusant-Patrons, before their conviction, had such sleights, by preconveyances to make over their Advowsances to others. Hence it was, that many Clerks, presented by the University, were wearned ou● with vexatious suits, (overpoised with the weight of Popish-Patrons purses) and forced at last, either totally to relinquish their title, or to make an hard (not to say sometimes an unworthy) composition. 39 About this time also it was, Burgesses granted the Universities. that the two Universities were honoured by the King to have their respective Burgesses to represent them in Parliament. Samuel Harsnet Vicecan. 4 Mil: Raven Edward Sent Proct. 1605-06. John edmond's Major. Roger Goad Vicecan. 5. Will: Barton Sam: tindal Proct. 1606-07. William Arthur Major. 40. Thomas playfere, The death and high Epitaph of Dr. playfere. D. D. Fellow of S. john's Coll: and Margaret Professor, died this year, and was buried in the Chancel of S. Buttolfs' Church, where this is part of his Epitaph: Minister ille Triados, enthei logii Oraculum, patronus artium, parens Sciarum, concionum Rex, sacrae Cathedrae Imperator, fulmen & tonitru scholae, Suadae maritus, ac gemellus. Ingenî, Ardour eorum, & exterae gentis stupor, etc. Should this Epiteph come under the hands of those Grecian Officers, deputed to proportion men's Monuments to their merits, it is suspicious they would make bold, to pair part thereof, though indeed the Doctor was one of excellent parts, and a great commander of the Latin Tongue. Ann. Dom. 1606-07. Doctor John Davenant succeeded in the Professors place. Ann. Reg. Jac. 5. Robert Soame Thomas jegon Vicecan. George Dearing Thomas Cecil Proct. 1606-08. Jeremy Chase Major. 6. John Duport Vicecan. 1608-09. Richard Bridges Anth: Disborough Proct. 7. Thomas French Major. Fogg Newton Vicecan. 1609-10. Abraham Bidle Leonard Maw Proct. 8. Thomas French Major. Barnab: Gouge Vicecan. 1610-11. John Aungier Will: Adison Proct. 9 Thomas French Major. 41. About this time William Amese Fellow of Christ's College in Cambridge, Master Amese troubled about his Sermon in S. mary's. on S. Thomas his day, had, (to use his own * in a Letter I have of his to his friend. expression) the place of a Watchman for an hour in the Tower of the University; and took occasion to inveigh against the liberty taken at that time, especially in such Colleges who had Lords of misrule, a Pagan relic, which, (he said) as * Lib. 5. cap. 2. Polidore Virgil observeth, remaineth only in England. 42. Hence he proceeded to condemn all playing at Cards and Dice, Against all playing at Cards and Dice. affirming that the later in all Ages was accounted the device of the Devil; that as God invented the one and twenty letters whereof he made the Bible; the Devil, saith an * Antonius. Author, found out the one and twenty pricks of the Die; that Canon Law forbade the use thereof, seeing * Langecruchius inspeculo. Inventio Diaboli nullâ consuetudine potest validari. 43. His Sermon gave much offence to many of his Auditors, He leaveth the College. the rather because in him there was a concurrence of much nonconformity, insomuch that to prevent an expulsion, from Doctor Cary the Master, he fairly forsook the College, which proved unto him neither loss nor disgrace, being not long after by the States of Freezland chosen Professor in their University. Valentine Cary Vicecan. 1611-12. Thomas Miriall John William's Proct. 10. Thomas Smart Major. Clemens Corbet Vicecan. 1612-13. Richard Tompson Stephen Paget Henry Bird Proct. 11. Edward Cropley Major. Samuel Harsenett Vicecan. 1613-14. Arthur johnson Richard Anguish Proct. 12. john Wicksted Major. Owen Gwin Vicecan. 1614-15. Tho: Kitchen john Dod Proct. Thomas French Major. 13. john Hill Vicecan. Ann. Reg. Jac. 15. Andrew Pern Thomas Smith Proct. Robert Lukin Major. 44. Edward Sympson (a very good scholar) Fellow of Trinity Coll: Mr. Sympson his Sermon and Recantation: preached a Sermon before King james at Royston, taking for his Text, john. 3. 6. That which is born of the flesh, is flesh. Hence he endeavoured to prove, that the commission of any great sin doth extinguish grace, and God's Spirit for the time in the man. He added also, that S. Paul in the 7th Chapter to the Romans, spoke not of himself as an Apostle and Regenerate, but sub statu Legis. Hereat His Majesty took (and publicly expressed) great distaste, because Arminius had lately been blamed for extracting the like exposition out of the works of Faustus Socinus. Whereupon, He sent to the two Professors in Cambridge for their judgement herein, who proved and subscribed the place ad Romanos 7 more to be understood of a Regenerate man, according to S. Augustine his later opinion in his Retractations: and the Preacher was enjoined a public Recantation before the King, which accordingly was performed. Nor doth such a palinody sound any thing to his disgrace, having S. Augustine himself for his precedent, modestly retracting what formerly he had erroneously written therein. John Richardson Vicecan. 16. John Browne George Ramsey Proct. 1617-18. Henry King Major. Will: Branthwait John Goslin Vicecan. 17. john Smithson Alex: 1618-19. Read Proct. Sir Edw: Hind Knight, Major. 45. The neighbouring Gentry of Cambridge, The first and last Knight Major of Cambridge. being very pleasant at a merry-meeting, resolved in a frolic to be made Freemen, and so successively to take their turns in being Major thereof. The Towns men promised themselves great matters hereby, (betwixt whom and the University some petty animosities at present) when persons of such state and quality should Head their Corporation, Sir Edward Hind of Madingley Knight, lead the dance, and kept His Majesty in Cambridge, expecting others in order to follow him, who considering the expensiveness of the place (with some others no less politic than thrifty considerations) receded from the resolution, and let the good Knight alone, to possess that honour by himself; Townsmen (as formerly) succeeded him therein. SECT. VIII. Anno Dom. THOMAE PLAYER Armigero, Anno Regis Jacob. Camerarii LONDINENSIS primogenito. TAndem aliquando, DEO Deuce, post varios anfractus, & vias in vias, ad Historiae finem perventum est. Nec diffiteor me non fessum modò, sed & lassum, cùm mihi ita deficiant vires, ut nunc, cùm pes sit figendus, vix possim me continere, ne pronus corruam. Opus mihi igitur jam concludenti, PATRONO, non forti minùs qui possit, quàm miti, qui velit me nutantem sustentare, vel fortè labascentem erigere. Hîc Tu mihi Occurris exoptatissimus, qui tam mentis quàm corporis dotibus es spectabilis. Spero igitur Finem, Opus meum; certus scio, Nomen Tuum, finem Operis Coronaturum. HEre we have omitted (to confess and amend a fault, Henry Howard Chancellor of Cambridge. is pardonable) how after the decease of Robert Cecil Earl of Salisbury (one no less willing than able on all occasions to befriend the University) dying Anno 1612. Henry Howard Earl of Northhampton was chosen Chancellor of Cambridge. He was Son to Henry Earl of Surrey (beheaded 1546. for a mere State-nicety) and succeeded, as to his name, to his excellent parts and industry, being bred in King's College, where he attained to a great degree of eminency for learning. 2. He told his intimate * Mr. George Penny. Secretary (who related it to me) that his Nativity (at his Father's desire) was calculated by a skilful Italian ginger, Sometimes it hi●s. who told him That this his infant-son should taste of much trouble in the midst of his life, even to the want of a Meals meat, but his old age should make amends for all, with a plentiful estate; which came to pass accordingly. For, his Father dying in his Infancy, no plentiful provision was made for him; and when his eldest Brother Thomas Duke of Norfolk was executed, his condition was much impaired: insomuch that once being in London (not overstockt with money) (when his Noble Nephews (the Earl of Arundle, and the Lord Thomas Howard) were out of the City) and loath to pin himself on any Table univited) he was said to din● with the chair of Duke Humphrey, Anno Dom. 1616-17. but other (not to say better company) viz: Anno Regis Jacob. 15. reading of Books in a Stationer's shop in Paul's Churchyard But K JAMES coming to the Crown, and beholding the Howards as His Mother's Martyrs, revived them with His favours, and this Lord attained under Him, to great wealth, honour and command. 3. However this Lord gave little credit to, His Learned Book. and placed less confidence in such Predictions, as appeared by a Learned Work he hath written of that subject. He died Anno 1614 and his Nephew Thomas Howard Earl of Suffolk succeeded him in the Chancellors place of the University. John Richardson Vicecan. 1617-18. John Smithson Alexander Read Proct. 16. John Durant Major. 4. On the 29 of January died Mr. William Butler, The death of Dr. Butler. the Aesculapius of our Age, as by the Inscription on his Marble Tomb in the Chancel of St. Mary's will appear, Nil, proh, marmor agis, Butlerum dum tegis, illum Si splendore tuo nomen habere putas. Ille tibi monumentum, iudigner is ab illo, Butleri vivis munere marmor iners. Sic homines vivus, sic mirâ mortuus arte, Phoebo chare Senex, vivere saxa facis. But the Prose is higher than the Verse, and might have served for Joseph of Arimathea to have inscribed on the Monument of our Saviour; whereof this is a part, — Abi Viator, & ad tuos reversus dic, te vidisse Locum in quo salus jacet. He gave to Clare Hall, whereof he was Fellow, a Chalice with a cover of beaten-gold, weighing and worth three hundred pounds, besides other Plate and Books to the value of five hundred pounds. Will: 1618-19. Branthwait John Goslin Vicecan. 17. Henry Goch Tho: Horseman Proct. Richard Foxton Major. 5. The Title of the Earldom of Cambridge which (as we have formerly observed, The marquis of Hamilton made Earl of Cambridge. was only conferred on Foreign Princes, or those of the English blood-royal) had now lain dormant since the death of Richard Plantagenet Duke of York, and eighth Earl of Cambridge. It was now the King's pleasure in imitation of His Ancestors reserving that Honour for some Prime person) to confer the same on his near Kinsman James Marquis Hamilton, who dying some six years after left his Title to James his Son, the last Earl during the extent of our History. Robert Scot Vicecan. 1619-20. Will: 18. Roberts Robert Mason Proct. Richard Foxton Major. 6. Master John Preston, Mr Preston prosecuted by the Commissary, and how escaping. Fellow of Queens, suspected for inclination to Nonconformity, intended to preach in the Afternoon (S. mary's Sermon being ended) in Botolphs-Church. But, Doctor Newcomb, Commissary to the Chancellor of Elie, Anno Dom. 1619-20. offended with the pressing of the people, Anno Regis Jacob. 18. enjoined that Service should be said without Sermon. In opposition whereunto, a Sermon was made without Service, where large complaints to Lancelot Andrews, Bishop of Elie; and in fine to the King himself. Hereupon, Mr. Preston was enjoined to make, what his fees called a Recantation, his friends a Declaration Sermon, therein so warily expressing his allowance of the Liturgy, and set forms of Prayer, that he neither displeased his own party, nor gave his enemies any great advantage. Samuel Ward Vicecan. 1620-21. Gabriel More Phil: 19 Powlet Proct. Richard Foxton Major. 7 William Lord Mainard, The Ld. Maina●d foundeth a Logic Professor. first of Wicloe in Ireland, then of Estaines in England, brought up when a young Scholar, in S. John's College, where Dr. Playfere thus versed it on his name, Inter menses Maius. & inter aromata nardus,) Founded a Place for a Logic Professor, assigning him a salary of Forty pounds per annum, and one Mr. Thornton, Fellow of the same College, made first Professor of that faculty. Leonard Maw Vicecan. 1621-22. Thomas Scamp Tho: 20. Parkinson Charles Mordant Proct. Edward Potto Major. 8. An exact survey was taken of the number of Students in the University, The Scholar's number. whose total sum amounted unto Two * Tables of John Scot thousand nine hundred ninety and eight. Hierome Beale Vicecan. 1622-23. Thomas Adam Nathanael Flick Proct. 21. Thomas Atkinson Major. Thomas Paske Vicecan. 1623-24. John Smith Amias Ridding Proct. 22. Thomas Purchas Major. 9 The Town-Lecture at Trinity-Church being void, two appeared Competitors for the same, namely, Doctor John Preston, now Master of Emmanuel, Preacher at Lincolns-Inne, and Chaplain to Prince Charles, generally desired by the Towns men, Contributours to the Lecture. Paul Micklethwait, Fellow of Sidney-Colledge, an eminent Preacher, favoured by the Diocesan Bishop of Elie, and all the Heads of Houses, to have the place. The contest grew high and hard, A tough canvas for Trinity-Lecture. in somuch as the Court was engaged therein. Many admired that Doctor Preston would stickle so much, for so small a matter as an annual stipend of Eighty pounds, issuing out of more than thrice eighty purses. But his party pleaded his zeal, not to get gold by, but to do good in the place, where (such the confluence of Scholars to the Church) that he might generare Patres, beget begerrers, which made him to wave the Bishopric of Gloucester, (now void and offered unto him) in comparison of this Lecture. 10. At Doctor Preston his importunity, Dr. Preston caves it clear. the Duke of Buckingham interposing his power, Anno Dom. 1623/24. secured it unto him. Anno Regis Jacob. 22. Thus was he at the same time Preacher to two places (though neither had Cure of Souls legally annexed) Lincolns-Inne, and Trinity-Church in Cambridge. As Elisha cured the waters of jericho by going forth to the spring head, and casting in salt there: so was it the design of this Doctor for the better propagation of his principles, to infuse them into these two Fountains, the one of Law, the other of Divinity. And some conceive that those Doctrines by him then delivered, have since had their Use and Application. john Mansell Vicecan. 1624-25. William Boswell Thomas Bowles Proct. Thomas Purchas Major. 11. King james came to Cambridge, King James' last coming to Cambridge. lodged in Trinity-college, was entertained with a Philosophy-Act, and other Academical performances. Here, in an extraordinary Commencement, many but ordinary) persons were graduated Doctors in Divinity, and other Faculties. 12. Andrew Downs, The death of Mr. Andrew Dewnes. Fellow of S. john's, Anno Regis Car. 1. 1. one composed of Greek and industry dyeth; whose pains are so inlaid with Sir Henry Savil his Edition of chrysostom, that both will be preserved together. Five were Candidates for the Greek-Professours place void by his death, viz: Edward Palmer Esquire, Fellow of Trinity-college; Abraham Whelocke, Fellow of Clare Hall; Robert Creighton of Trinity; Ralph Winterton of Kings; and james White, Master of Arts, of Sidney-Colledge. How much was there now of Athens in Cambridge, when besides many modestly concealing themselves) five able Competitors appeared for the place? 13. All these read solemn Lectures in the Schools on a subject appointed them by the Electours, Mr. Chreighton chosen his successor. viz: the first Verses of the three and twentieth Book of Homer's Iliads, chief insisting on, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. But the Place was conferred on Mr. Robert Chreighton, who, during Mr. Downes his aged infirmities, had (as Hercules relieved weary Atlas) supplied the same, possessed by the former full forty years. john Goslin Henry Smith Vicecan. john Norton Robert Ward Proct. 1625-26. Robert Lukin Major. 2. 14. Thomas Howard Earl of Suffolk, The Duke of Buckingham elected Chancellor. Chancellor of the University, departed this life; an hearty old Gentleman, who was a good friend to Cambridge, and would have proved a better if occasion had been offered. It argued the Universities affection to his Memory, that a grand party therein, unsought, unsent, unsued to, gave their suffrages for his second Son Thomas Earl of Bark shire, though the Duke of Buckingham by very few voices carried the place of the Chancellor. This Duke gave the Beadles their old silver Staves, and bestowed better and bigger on the University, with the Kings, and his own Arms ensculpted thereon. Henry Smith Vicecan. 1626-27. Samuel Hixton Thomas Wake Proct. 3. Martin Pierce Major. Thomas Bambrigg Vicecan. Anno Dom. 1627-28. Thomas Love Edward Lloyd Proct. john Shirwood Major. Anno. Regis Car. 1. 4. 15. Henry Earl of Holland, The Earl of Holland made Chancellor. The L● B●ooke founded an History-Professour. recommended by His Majesty to the University, is chosen Chancellor thereof, in the Place of the Duke of Buckingham deceased. 16. Sir Fulk Grevil, Lord Brooke, bred long since in Trinity College, founded a Place for an History-Professour in the University of Cambridge, allowing him an annual Stipend of an Hundred pound. Isaac Dorislaus, Doctor of the Civil Law, an Hollander, was first placed therein. Say not, this employed want of worthy men in Cambridge for that faculty, it being but fit, that Founders should please their own fancy, in the choice of the first Professor. This Doctor was a Dutchman, very much Anglized in language and behaviour. However, because a foreigner, preferred to that Place, his Lectures were listened to with the more critical attention of Cambridge-Auditours. 17. Incomparable Tacitus he chose for his subject, Dr. Dorislaus why accused. and had not yet passed over those first words, Urben: Romanam primò Reges habuere, when some exception was taken at his Comment thereon. How hard is it for liquors not to resent of the vessels they are poured through? for vessels not to taste of that earth they are made of? Being bred in a popular air, his words were interpreted by high Monarchical ears, as over-praising a State in disgrace of a Kingdom. Hereupon he was accused to the King, troubled at Court, and, after his submission, hardly restored to his place. This is that Doctor Dorislaus, Cambridge Professor of History in his life, who himself was made an history at his death, slain in Holland, when first employed Ambassador from the Commonwealth unto the States of the United Provinces. 18. A great scarcity followed after the plenty, Country penury, Cambridge plenty. in, and men's unthankfulness for it, the former year, insomuch that Wheat was sold in Cambridge-Market for Ten shillings the bushel, whereby a great improvement was made to the Fellowships of the old Foundations, which the more plainly appears by perusing the words of Master Bradford, written some 80 years before, when Fellow of Pembrook-Hall, [ * in his Letter to Mr. Traves, Fox Acts and Mon, p. 1664. My Fellowship here is worth seven pound a year, for I have allowed me xviij pence a week, and as good as xxxiij shillings four pence a year in Money, besides my Chamber, Launder, Barbour, etc.] If since Fellows be sensible of the grand increase of their Places, let them thank God for Sir Thomas Smith, and thank his Memory for procuring Rent-corn unto them. Matthew Wren Vicecan. 1628-29. Richard Love Michael Honywood Proct. 5. john Badcock Major. 19 A tough suit betwixt the University and Town-chaundlers', The Candlesuit with the Townsmen. chief on the account whether Candles came within the compass of Focalia, and so to have their price reasonably rated by the Vicechancellor. The Townsmen betook themselves to their Lawyers, the Scholars to the Lords, plying the Privie-Councill with learned Letters, by whose favour they got the better, and some refractory Townsmen, by being discommoned, were humbled into obedience. Henry Butts Vicecan. 1629-30. Thomas Goad William Robert's Proct. 6. Samuel Spalding Major. 20. The plague broke forth in Cambridge. The plague in Cambridge. The University in some sort was dissolved, and Scholars dispersed into the Country; three hundred forty seven of the Town-folke died of the infection. Anno Dom. 1629-30. As God's hand was just upon, Anno Regis Car. 1. 6. man's was merciful unto the Town of Cambridge, and the signal bounty of London (amounting to some thousands of pounds) deserves never to be forgotten. But this corruption of the air proved the generation of many Doctors, graduated in a clandestine way, without keeping any Acts, to the great disgust of those who had fairly gotten their degrees with public pains and expense. Yea, Dr. Collins, being afterwards to admit an able man Doctor, did (according to the pleasantness of his fancy) distinguish inter Cathedram pestilentia, & Cathedram eminentiae, leaving it to his Auditors easily to apprehend his meaning therein. 21. After the return of the Scholars, Good counsel one of the first that preached in S. mary's minded the University of gratitude to God, who had dealt with them, said he, as the Children, Sons of Kings are used, whose servants, for the more state, are beaten when their young Masters are in fault; the plague light on the Townsmen, though Scholars ought to examine themselves, whether they were not the chief offenders. Henry Butts Vicecan. 1630-31. Peter Ashton Roger Hockstater Proct. 7. William Holland, Major. Henry Butts Tho: Cumber Vicecan. 1631-32. Tho: Tyrwhit Lionel Gatford Proct. 8. Tho: Purchas Major. 22. King Charles and Queen Mary came to Cambridge, were entertained at Trinity College with Comedies, and expressed candid acceptance thereof. 23. Thomas Adam's (than Citizen, Master adam's found'st an Arabic P●ofessourship. since Lord Major) of London, deservedly commended for his Christian constancy in all conditions, founded an Arabian Professourship, on condition it were frequented with competency of Auditors. And, notwithstanding the general jealousy that this new Arabia (happy, as all novelties at the first) would soon become desert, yet it seems it thrived so well, that the salary was settled on Abraham Whelock, Fellow of Clare-Hall. His industrious mind had vast stoäge for words, and is lately dead, whose longer life had in probability been very advantageous to the new Edition of the Bible in many Languages. An excellent work, and may it be as happily performed, as it is worthily undertaken. 24. A grave Divine, A smart passage in a Sermon. preaching before the University, at S. mary's, had this passage in his Sermon, that, As at the Olympian Games he was counted the Conqueror, who could drive his Chariot-wheels nearest the mark, yet so as not to hinder his running, or to stick thereon, — metaque fervidis Evitatarotis;— So he who in his Sermons could preach near Popery, and yet no Popery, there was your man. And indeed it now began to be the general complaint of most moderate men, that many in the University, both in the Schools and Pulpits, approached the opinions of the Church of Rome nearer than ever before. 25. Mr. Bernard, Mr. Bernard gives distaste with his preaching. a Discontinuer, May 6. and Lecturer of S. Sepulchers in London, preached at S. mary's in the afternoon; his Text, 1 Sam. 4. 21. The glory is departed from Israel etc. In handling whereof, he let fall some passages, which gave distaste to a prevalent party in the University; as for saying, 1. God's Ordinances, when blended and adulterated with innovations of men, cease to be God, Ordinances, and he owneth them no longer. 2. That its impossible any should be saved living and dying without repentance in the doctrine of Rome, as the Tridentine Council hath decreed it. 3. That Treason is not limited to the Blood Royal, but that he is a Traitor against a Nation, Anno Dom. 1631-32. that depriveth it of God's Ordinances. Anno Regis Car. 1. 8. 4. That some shamefully symbolise in Pelagian errors, and superstitious ceremonies with the Church of Rome. Let us pray such to their conversion, or to their destruction, etc. 26. Dr. Cumber, Convented in he high Commission, refuseth to recant, and dieth. Vicechancellor, gave speedy notice hereof to Dr. Laud Bishop of London, though he (so quick his University intelligence) had information thereof before. Hereupon he was brought into the High Commission, and a Recantation tendered unto him, which he refused to subscribe, though professing his sincere sorrow and penitency, in his Petitions and Letters to the Bishop, for any oversights and unbeseeming expressions in his Sermon. Hereupon he was sent back to the new Prison, where he died. If he was miserably abused therein by the Keepers (as some have reported) to the shortening of his life, He that maketh inquisition for blood, either hath, or will be a revenger thereof. Benjamin Lany Vicecan. 1632-33. john Lothian Dan: Chaundeler Proct. 9 George Saunders, Major. Richard Love Vicecan. 1633-34. Henry Molle Luke Skippon Proct. 10. Robert Twelves, Major. 27. Now began the University to be much beautified in buildings, Organserected in Chapels. every College either casting its skin with the Snake, or renewing its bill with the Eagle, having their Courts, or at leastwise their fronts, and Gatehouses repaired and adorned. But the greatest alteration was in their Chapels, most of them being graced with the accession of Organs. And, seeing Music is one of the Liberal Arts, how could it be quarrelled at in an University, if they sang with understanding both of the matter and manner thereof? Yet some took great distant thereat as attendancy to superstition. At this time I discontinued my living in the University, and therefore crave leave here to break off my History, finding it difficult to attain to certain intelligence. However, because I meet with much printed matter about the visitation of Cambridge in these trouble some times though after some years' interval) I shall for a conclusion adventure to give posterity an unpartial relation thereof. 28. Richard Holdesworth being Vicechancellor. 1641-42 — The Masters and Fellows of all Colleges send their plate (or money in lieu thereof) to the King to York, Aug. ult. many wishing that every ounce thereof were a pound for His sake, Colledge-plate sent to the King. conceiving it unfitting that they should have superfluities to spare, whilst their Sovereign wanted necessaries to spend. 29. This was beheld by the Parliament as an Act unjust in itself, The act aggravated, and dangerous in the consequence thereof: for, the present Masters and Fellows were only Fiduciaries, not Proprietaries of the Plate, to keep and use it, not to dispose thereof. Was not this obliterating the Records of gentlemen's bounty, who had conferred those costly Utensils on the Colleges? Besides, this was interpreted a fomenting of the Civil War, thereby encouraging and enabling the King against His Subjects. 30. In vain did the Heads plead for themselves, And excused. that they affrighted at the plundering of the House of the Countess of Rivers at Long-Melford (the first-fruits of Rapine in our Age) did suspect the like violence. Plunderers have long Arms, and can quickly reach out of Suffolk into Cambridge shire. For prevention whereof they thought good to secure some of their Plate in a safe hand, and could not find a fit than His Majesties, Heir to His Ancestors the Founder's paramount of all Houses. Besides, though the clouds look black with a louring complexion, yet did it not rain war downright betwixt King and Parliament, Anno Dom. 1641-1642. Anno Regis Car. 1. Aug. it being some days before the erecting of His Standard at Nottingham. 31. Dr. Beale, Dr. Martin, and Dr. Stern, Masters of S. John's, Queens, Three Doctors imprisoned in the Tower. and jesus Coll: are carried to London, and imprisoned in the Tower, for their activity in the Plate-businesse. And Cambridge is made the Seat of the Committee for the Eastern Association, which escaped the best of all parts in this Civil War, the smoke thereof only offending those Counties, whilst the fire was felt in other places. 32. Richard Holdesworth Vicecan. Before his year expired, he was seized on, and imprisoned, first in Elie-house, then in the Tower, for executting His Majesty's command in printing at Cambridge such His Declarations as were formerly printed at York. Mar. 30. 33. The Vice Chancellor and Heads of Houses solemnly assembled in the Consistory, The Heads deny the Parliament money. were demanded to contribute to the Parliament, so to redeem their forwardness in supplying the King. Which performed by them would (notwithstanding their former crooked carriage in the Cause) bolster them, upright in the Parliaments esteem. But they persisted in the Negative, that such contributing was against true Religion and a good conscience: for which, some of them were afterwards imprisoned in S. john's College. 34. Amongst these was Doctor Samuel Ward Master of Sidney College, The death of Dr. Ward. and Divinity Professor, Lady Margaret's, or the Kings (shall I say) in the University? For, though the former by his Foundation, he may seem the later by his resolution. Yet was he a Moses (not only for slowness of speech, but) otherwise meekness of nature. Indeed, when in my private thoughts I have beheld him and Dr. Collins, (disputable whether more different or more eminent in their endowments) I could not but remember the running of Peter and John to the place where Christ was buried. In which race John came first as the youngest and swiftest, but Peter first entered into the Grave. Doctor Collins had much the speed of him in quickness of parts, but let me say (nor doth the relation of a Pupil misguide me) the other pierced the deeper into underground and profound points of Divinity. Now as high winds bring some men the sooner into sleep, so I conceive the storms and tempests of these distracted times invited this good old man the sooner to his long rest, where we fairly leave him, and quietly draw the curtains about him. 35. Now approached the general Doom of Malignant Members (so termed) in the University, The Oath of Discovery tendered and refused. the Earl of Manchester, with his two Chaplains, Mr. Ash, and Mr. Good, coming thither to effect a Reformation. In preparation whereunto, I read how an oath of * Quercla Cantabrigieusis, pag. 20. Discovery was tendered to many, and universally refused, as against all Law and conscience, as being thereby made to accuse their nearest and dearest Friends, Benefactors, Tutors and Masters, and betray the Members and Acts of their several Societies, contrary to their peaceable Statutes, viz: Non revelabis aliquod secretum Collegii, nec malum aut damnum inferes cuilibet Sociorum. Whereupon, this Oath was generally denied. 36. To be satisfied in the truth hereof, Mr. Ash disa●oweth any such Oath. I wrote to Mr. Ash (whose face I had never seen) requesting him to inform me, such proceed seeming very strange to my apprehension. But hear his Answer. TRuly Sir, I am so great a stranger to that Oath of Discovery which you mention, that I cannot call to mind the moving of any such matter, by the Lord of Manchester, or any who attended him. And as for myself, having been a Sufferer upon the dislike of the Oath Ex Officio, I have all along my life been very tender in appearing as an instrument in any such matter. Sir, I may be under mistakes through forget fullness, but I hope there is a principle within me which will not suffer me to suggest an untruth willingly. London, July the 10th, 1654. Your loving Friend, Simon Ash. Here we see what he writes, and what others print. If there was any such Oath, it seems it had the happiness of a short Part, and sensible of its own ill acting therein, it sneaked down so quickly into the Tireing house, that it hopes not to be remembered ever to have come upon the Stage. But if Mr. Ash was active herein, I see stripes are not so soon forgotten by those that bear them, as by those that lay them on. For my own part I am satisfied no such Oath was tendered by him, charitably believing that he would not cross his own doctrine, when preaching to the Parliament 1640, on Psal. 9 9 The Lord is a refuge for the oppressed: he complained of the strictness of University Oaths. 37. Not long after warning was given, The Covenant generally tended. that all Students should come in within b Qu●rela Cant. pag. twelve days and take, the Covenant. This seemed a strange summons, and the two Chaplains (to whom the Earl of Manchester most mild in his self, chief remitted the managing of these matters) were challenged for injustice herein: For, though Divines, they were presumed to have so much of Civil Law, yea, of the Law of Nature, as to know, Nemo tenetur ad impossibilia, No man is tied to impossibilities; whereas many Scholars being absent more scores of miles than they had days allowed them, (besides the danger of Armies interposed) could not if receiving warning repair at the time appointed; but because many of them were suspected to be in the King's Army, twelve days were conceived for them as much as c M. Ash informed me, that afterward a longer time was given them. and refused. twelve months, no time being too short for those who were willing, and none long enough for such who were unwilling to take the Covenant. 38. This Covenant being offered, was generally refused; whereupon, the Recusants were ordered without any delay to pack out of the University three days after their ejection. 39 Doctor Brownrigg Bishop of Exeter and Master of Katherine Hall, Offence taken at Bp. Brownrigg Sermon. was now Vice Chancellor of Cambridge, succeeding Dr. Holdesworth, as I take it: for, know Reader, I begin now to be incurious in Chronologie, not so much because weary with a long observing thereof, as because such the noise of the present disturbance I cannot hear what the Clock of Time doth strike. This sure I am, that the Vice Chancellor, though eminent for his piety, gravity, and learning, could so little prevail for others (endeavouring all the good offices he could) that the next year he was banished the University for preaching the Inauguration Sermon of the KING, wherein many passages were distasted by the Parliament-party. And now they vigoronsly proceeded, having learned the Maxim in Hypocrates, that Licet in extremis ad lipothymiam vacuare, In desperate cures, one may let blood even till the patiented swoons: on confidence, that though the soul dissembleth a departure, yet it will stay still in the body especially when finding it amended in the temper thereof. And, it seems the blood appeared so corrupt to these Physicians, that so great a quantity was taken away, some Colleges lay, as it were, languishing for the loss thereof. 40 In Queens Coll: there was made a thorough Reformation, neither Master, Fellow, nor Scholar being left of the Foundation; so that according to the Laws of the Admiralty it might seem a true Wreck, and forfeited in this Land tempest, for lack of a live thing therein to preserve the propriety thereof. However some conceived this a great severity, contrary to the eternal Moral of the Jewish Law provided against the depopulation of Birds nests that the Old and Young Ones should be destroyed together. But to prevent a vacuity (the detestation of nature) a new Plantation was soon substituted in their room, who short of the former in learning and abilities, went beyond them in good affections to the Parliament. 41. However, What became of so many ejected Fellows. on the account of Humanity, some pity may seem due to such Fellows, outed house and home, merely for refusing the Covenant, being otherwise well-deserving in the judgements of those who ejected them. And it is strange to conceive how many of them got any subsistence, or livelihood to maintain themselves. This mindeth me of the occasion of the Greek * Zenodotus the Author thereof. Proverb, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, He is either dead, or teacheth School. For when Nicias the General of Athens, Anno Dom. 1643. (having many Scholars in his Army) had fought unfortunately against the Sicilians, and when such few as returned home were interrogated what became of their Companions, this was all they could return, They were either dead, or taught School; a poor and woeful employment it seems, in those days, as weighed in the other scale, against Death, so indifferent was the odds betwixt them. The same we conceive the hard hap of such Fellows that survived the grief of their Ejection, many betook themselves to the painful profession of Schoolmaster; no calling, which is honest, being disgraceful especially to such, who for their conscience sake, have deserted a better condition. 42. I know what the Chaplains of the Earl have pleaded, The Chaplains plea for themselves. in excuse of their rigorous proceed against the Scholars at this time; viz: That authority was much exasperated by Academics deserting their places, and refusing upon summons given, to come in with Petitions for favour, in relation to such particulars wherein they were dissatisfied: that as if the times were their Text whatever the subject of their Sermons, they were invective against the present Authority: that Querela Cantabrigiensis is but Querela, relating all things to the worst; and plaints are no proofs. That for their own parts, they only answered the spur, and scarcely that, being quickened on both sides both from above, and beneath, and daily complained of, That their over remissness would obstruct Reformation, both in Church, and University How far this will prevail on the belief of posterity is unto me unknown. 43. Some perchance may be so curious hereafter to know what Removals and Substitutions were made at this time amongst the Heads of Houses. Great alteration in Heads of Houses Now although a man may hold a candle to lighten posterity, so near as to burn his own fingers therewith, I will run the hazard, rather than be wanting to any reasonable desire. Master's put out. 1. Dr. john Cousins, Dean of Peterborough, and Prebendary of Durham. 2. Dr. Thomas Pask, Archdeacon of London. 3. Dr. Benjamin Laney, Dean of Rochester. 4. Dr. Thomas Badgcroft. 5. Dr. Samuel Collins, the King's Professor. 6. Dr. Edward Martin, Chaplain to Archbishop Land. 7. Ralph Brownrigge, Bishop of Exeter. 8. Dr. Richard Sterne, Chaplain to Archbishop Land. 9 Dr. William Beale, Chaplain to the King. 10. Dr. Thomas Cumber, Dean of Carlisle. 11. Dr. Rich: Holesworth, Archdeacon of Huntingdon. 12. Dr. Samuel Ward (in effect but a Prisoner) died a natural death. Colleges. 1. Peter. House. 2. Clare. Hall. 3. Pembr:- Hall. 4. Caius-College. 5. Kings-College. 6. Queens-College. 7. Katherine. Hall. 8. Jesus-College. 9 S. john's College. 10. Trinity College. 11. Emmanuel-Coll: 12. Sidney. College. Masters put in. 1. Lazarus Seaman, Minister in London, bred in Emman: Coll: since D. D. 2. Ralph Cudworth, Fellow of Emmanuel-Coll: since D. D. 3. Rich: Vines bred in Mag: Coll: afterward outed for refusing the Engagement. 4. del admitted first into Emmanuel College. 5. Benjamin Witchcoat, Fellow of Emmanuel, since D. D. 6. Herbert Palmer, formerly Fellow of the same College. 7. Will: Spurston Fell: and outed for refusing the Engagement. 8. Timothy Young bred in Scotland, Outed for refusing the Engagem: 9 john Arrowsmith Fellow of Katherine Hall, since D. D. 10. Thomas Hill Fell: of Emman: Coll: since D. D. 11. Anth: Tuckney formerly Fell: since D. D. 12. Richard Minshall Fellow, since D. D. chosen by the Society into the void place. Four Masters by the sspeciall favours of their friends, and their own wary compliance, continued in their places, viz: Dr. Thomas Bainbrigg, and Dr. Thomas Eden of Trinity-Hall, but died soon after; Dr. Richard Love, Master of Bennet College, afterwards Margaret Professor; and Dr. Edward Rainbow of Magdalen College, who not long after lost his Mastership, for the refusal of the Engagement. 44. Pass we now from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The sad effects of War●e. the living consisting of Students, to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the dead University, as composed of lands, Libraries, and buildings; where we meet with many moans in this kind. How Soldiers were now quartered in their Colleges; Chapels abused; Common-Prayer books, yet legally in force, torn in St. mary's; their Bridges broken down; Materials for building Colleges taken away; jesus-college Grove (no idolatrous one) cut down to the ground; ancient Coins of S. john's College taken away, valued at twenty two pound according to weight, though an hundred times worth more than they were worth, wherein every piece was a volume, and all together a Library of Roman Antiquities. 45. But chiefly it vexed them that their Lands, Townsmen tax Scholars. hitherto exempted from payments, and (like his Father's house, who should conquer Goliath) free in * I Sam. 17. 25. Israel, were now subjected to Taxes, wherein the Raters were heavier than the Rates, being taxed by the Townsmen. And how Odious is a Handmaid that is Heir * Prov. 30. ● 23. to her Mistress of her but much more when Mistress, as here the Town (in some fort) was over the University, where such who set the lowest price on learning, put the highest valuation on the Professors thereof. 46. However, there are University men (not altogether so passionate for, Moderate men's judgement. but every whit as affectionate to their Mother) who, as they condole Cam-bridge for faring so ill; congratulate her also for faring no worse in such tumultuous times. When all the Body is distempered, with what hope can either Eye promise ease unto itself? Was their glass broken? it was well their windows were left. Was the floor of some of their Chapels digged up? Well that the walls of them were not digged down. Were one or two of their Bridges broken? it was well that any was spared from whence Cambridge might still retain her denomination. 47. Now that my sun may not set in a cloud, amidst many bemoanings of Cambridge, I must rejoice that the ruins of one ancient Church, Saint Andrews Church repaired. St. Andrew's by name, are repaired by the joint benefaction of many, and particularly of Richard Rose Esq. late Major of Cambridge, and Sheriff of Cambridge shire. Let him who hath the building of God's house [whilst living] for his Monument, have the Praise of Posterity for his never-dying Epitaph. 48. Here some may expect (according to my promise) an History of the University of OXFORD: but finding my Informations thence, The Authors just Apology. (assisted with my own industry) to fall short of filling a Just Treatise; I thought fit to insert their Colleges in the Body of my History, according to the dates of their respective Foundations, submitting the censure of my fair dealing therein, to the ingenuous in that famous University. 49. To draw to conclusion, lately a College in Cambridge, A witty homonymous Answer. much beautified with additional Buildings, sent a Messenger to a Doctor, (no less ingenious than bountiful) who had been a great, and promised to be a greater Benefactor unto them, requesting him to remember them, or else Their COLLEGE Must Even Stand Still, meaning they must desist from going farther in their intended fabric. To whom the Doctor answered, May your College, and all the Colleges in both Universities STAND STILL. In the charitable meaning whereof, all good men will concur, and join with us in our following devotions. A Prayer. O GOD! who in the creating of the lower World didst first make * Gen. 1. 3. light, (confusedly diffused [as yet] through the imperfect Universe) and * Gen 1. 16● afterwards didst collect the same into two great Lights, to illuminate all creatures therein. O Lord, who art a God of knowledge, and dost * John 1. 9 lighten every man that cometh into the world. O Lord! who in our Nation hast moved the hearts of Founders and Benefactors to erect and endow two famous Luminaries of Learning and Religion, bless them with the assistance of thy holy Spirit. Let neither of them contest, (as once thy Disciples on earth) * Luke 22. 24. which should be the greatest, but both contend which shall approve themselves the best in thy presence. Oh though for their sins thou permittest them to be eclipsed, for thy mercy do not suffer them to be extinguished. And as thou didst appoint those two great Lights in the Firmament to last * Rev. 21. 23. till thy Servants shall have no need of the Sun, nor of the Moon to shine therein, for thy Glory doth lighten them: So grant these Old Lights may continue till all acquired and infused knowledge be swallowed up with the vision and fruition of thy blessed-making Majesty, Amen. The end of the History of the University of Cambridge. THE HISTORY OF Waltham-Abby in Essex, Founded by KING HAROLD. Patria est ubicunque, est bene Bene vixit, qui bene latuit. By THOMAS FULLER, the CURATE thereof. SIC OMNI TEMPORE VERDO printer's or publisher's device LONDON, Printed in the Year, M.DC.LU To the Right Honourable, Anno Rigis JAMES HAY, Anno Dom. EARL of CARLISLE, VISCOUNT Doncaster, BARON of Sauley and Waltham. I Have formerly in this History presumed to trouble your Honour, and now adventure the second time. Indeed this Treatise containeth the description of your large Demesnes, and larger Royalty and Command. Should I therefore present it to any other, save yourself, it would be held as a STRAY indeed, (wand'ring out of the right Way it should go in) and so, (without any thanks to me) would fall to your Lordship, as due unto you by the Custom of your Manor. Your Honour's most obliged Servant and Chaplain. THE HISTORY OF Waltham-Abby. PRovidence, by the hand of my worthy friends, having planted me for the present at Waltham-Abby, I conceive, that in our general work of Abbeys, I own some particular description to that place of my abode. Hoping my endeavours herein may prove exemplary to others (who dwell in the/ sighed of remarkable Monasteries) to do the like, and rescue the observables of their habitations, from the teeth of time and oblivion. Waltham is so called from the Saxon Ham, Waltham Why so named. Which is a Town (whence the Diminutive Hamlet) and Weald, or Wealth, that is, Woody (whence the Weald of Kent) it being Anciently overgrown with tress and timber. Thus Kiria●h-jearim, or the City of the woods, in Palestine; Dendros, an Island in Peloponnesus Sylviacum, an Ancient City in Belgia, got their names from the like woody situation. Some will have it called Waltham, quasi Wealthie-Ham: I wish they could make their words good, in respect of the persons living therein, though in regard of the soil itself, indeed in is rich and plentiful. The Town is seated on the East side of the River Ley, The situation thereof. which not only parteth Hertford-shire from Essex, but also seven times parteth from its self, whose septemfluous stream in coming to the Town, is crossed again with so many bridges. On the one side, the Town itself hath large and fruitful Meadows (whose intrinsic value is much raised by the vicinity of London) the grass whereof when first gotten an head, is so sweet and luscious to Cattle, that they diet them at the first entering therein to half an hour a day, lest otherwise they overeat themselves, which some Kine yearlie do, and quickly die for it, notwithstanding all their Keeper's care to the contrary. On the other side a spacious Forest spreads itself, where, fourteen years since, one might have seen whole Herds of Red and Fallow Deer. But these late licentious years have been such a Nimrod, such an Hunter, that all at this present are destroyed, though I could wish this were the worst effect which our woeful Wars have produced. The air of the Town is condemned by many, Excused from bad air. for over-moist and Aguish, Anno Dom. caused by the depressed situation thereof. Anno Regis In confutation of which censure, we produce the many aged persons in our Town, (above threescore and ten, since my coming hither, above threescore and ten years of age) so that it seems, we are sufficiently healthful, if sufficiently thankful for the same. Sure I am, what is wanting in good air in the Town, is supplied in the Parish, wherein as many pleasant hills and prospects are, as any place in England doth afford. Tovy, First Founded by Tovy. a man of great wealth and authority, as being the King's Staller, (that is, Standard-Bearer) first Founded this Town, for the great delight which he took in the game, the place having plenty of Deer. He planted only threescore and six in-dwellers therein. Athelstan, Falls back to the Crown. his son, proved a Prodigal, and quickly spent all his Father's goods and great estate, so that by some transactions the place returned to the Crown. Edward the Confessor, Bestowed on Earl Harold bestowed Waltham, 1060. with the Lands thereabouts, Edw. Confessor. 18. on Harold his Brother-in-law, who presently built and endowed therein a Monastery, where of nothing at this day is extant, save the West end, or body of the Church. A structure of Gothish-building, The model of the modern Church. rather large then neat, firm then fair. Very dark (the design of those days to raise devotion) save that it was helped again with artificial lights; and is observed by Artists to stand the most exactly East and West of any in England. The great pillars thereof are wreathed with indentings, which vacuities, if formerly filled up with Brass (as some confidently report) added much to the beauty of the building. But, it matters not so much their taking away the Brass from the Pillars, had they but left the Lead on the Roof, which is but meanly Tiled at this day. In a word, the best commendation of the Church is, that on lords-days generally it is filled with a great and attentive Congregation. To the Southside of the Church is joined a Chapel, Mortality triumphant. formerly our Ladies, now a School-house, and under it an arched Charnel-house, the fairest that ever I saw. Here, a pious fancy could make a feast to its self on those dry bones, with the meditation of mortality: where it is hard, yea, impossible to discern the Sculls of a rich, from a poor; wise, from a simple; noble, from a mean person. Thus all counters are alike when put up together in the box, or bag; though, in casting of account, of far different valuation. King Harold Dedicated the Monastery to the honour of an Holy Cross, A Dean and Canons founded at Waltham. found far Westward, and brought hither (as they writ) by miracle; whence the Town hath the addition of Waltham-Holy-Cross; but the Church we find in after ages also Dedicated to St Laurence. His foundation was for a Dean, and eleven Secular Black Canons. Let none challenge the words of impropriety, seeing a Dean, in Latin, Decanus, hath his name from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ten, over which number he is properly to be preposed. For, nothing more common, then to wean words from their infant and original sense, and by custom to extend them to a larger signification, as Dean afterwards plainly denoted a superior over others, whether fewer than ten, as the six Prebendaries of Rochester; or moe, as the three and thirty of Salisbury. The Dean and eleven Canons were plentifully provided for, each Canon having a Manor, and the Dean six for his maintenance. For in the Charter of Confirmation made by King Edward the Confessor, Seventeen Manors confirmed to them by the Confessor. besides North-land in Waltham (now called, 1062 as I take it, 20. North-field) wherewith the Monastery was first endowed, these following Lordshops, with all their appurtenances, are reckoned up. 1. Passefield. 2. Walde. 3. Upminster. 4. Walthfare. 5. Suppedene. 6. Alwertowne. 7. Wodeford. 8. Lambehide. 9 Nesingan. 10. Brickindon. 11. Melnhoo. 12. Alichsea. 13. Wormeley. 14. Nichelswells. 15. Hitchche. 16. Lukendon. 17. West-Wealtham. All these the King granted unto them cum Sacha & Socha, Tol and Team, Anno Regis Harol. 1. etc. free from all gelts and payments, Anno Dom. 1066 in a most full and ample Manner; Witness himself, Edith his Queen, Stigand Archiepiscopus Dorobornensis, Count Harold, and many other Bishops and Lords subscribing the same Cha●●er. Afterward Harold usurpeth the Crown, Will. Conq. 1. but enjoyed it not a ●ull year, 1067 killed in Battle-fight, Harold Crowned, killed buried at 〈◊〉 tha●. by King William the Conqueror. Where either of their swords (if victorious) might have done the deed, though otherwise both their titles twisted together, could not make half a good claim to the Crown. Githa, Mother of Harold, and two religious men of this Abbey, Osegod and Ail●i●, with their prayers and tears, hardly prevailed with the Conqueror (at first denying him burial, whose ambition had caused the death of so many) to have Harold's Corpse (with his two Brethren, Girth and Leofwin, losing their lives in the same battle) to be entombed in Waltham Church, of his foundation. He was buried, where now the Earl of Carlisle his leaden Fountain in his Garden, then probably the end of the Choir, or rather some Eastern Chapel beyond it. His Tomb of plain, but rich grey Marble, with what seemeth a Cross-Floree (but much descanted on with art) upon the same, supported with Pillarets, one Pedestal, whereof I have in my house. As for his reported Epitaph, I purposely omit it, not so much because barbarous (scarce any better in that Age) but because not attested, to my apprehension, with sufficient Authority. A Picture of King Harold in glass was lately to be seen in the North-window of the Church, Deforming Reformers. till ten years since some barbarous hand beat it down under the notion of Superstition. Surely had such ignorant persons been employed in the days of Hezekiah, to purge the Temple from the former Idolatry; under the pretence thereof, they would have rended off, the Lilie-work from the Pillars; and the Lions, Oxen, and Cherubims from the Bases of Brass. However, there is still a place called Harolds-Park in our Parish, by him so denominated. Let not therefore the village of Harold on the North side of O●se near Bedford (properly Harewood, or Harelswood, on vulgar groundless tradition) contest with Waltham for this King's interment. The Re-foundation of WALTHAM-ABBY by HENRY the Second. ONe will easily believe, Waltham Canons in a sad condition. that at the death of King Harold, Waltham-Abby, Founded by him, was in a swoon, and the Canons therein much disheartened. However, they had one help, which was this; that, Edward the Confessor was the confirmer of their Foundation, whose memory was not only fresh and fair in all men's minds (bearing a veneration to his supposed sanctity) but also King William the Conqueror, had the best of his bad titles by bequest of the Crown from this Confessor. So that in some sense Waltham-Abby might humbly crave kindred of King William, both deriving their best being from one and the same person. The industry of Rob. Fuller last Abbot of Waltham. Know Reader, that what ever hereafter I allege touching the Lands and Liberties of Waltham (if not otherwise attesed by some Author in the margin) is by me faithfully transcribed out of Waltham Leidger-Book, now in the possession of the Right Honourable, JAMES Earl of Carlisle. This Book was collected by Robert Fuller, the last Abbot of Waltham; who, though he could not keep his Abbey from dissolution, did preserve the Antiquities thereof from oblivion. The Book (as appears by many inscriptions in the initial Text-letters) was made by himself, having as happy an hand in fair and fast writing, as some of his Surname since have been defective therein. Not long after the Conquest, Queen Maud gives Waltham Monks a Mill. Waltham-Abby found good Benefactors, Anno Dom. 1102 and considerable additions to their maintenance. Anno Regis Hen. 1▪ 3. For, Maud, the first Queen to King Henry the first, bestowed on them the Mill at Waltham, which she had by exchange for Trinity-Church in London, which I take to be part of the Trinity-Priory, now called the Dukes-place. Adelisia, Queen Adelisia the Tithes second wife to King Henry the first, 1130 being possessed of Waltham as part of her Revenue, 31. gave all the Tithes thereof, as well of her Demesnes, as all Tenants therein, to the Canons of Waltham. Mean time how poorly was the Priest of the place provided for? Yea, a glutton Monastery in former ages, makes an hungry Ministry in our days. An Abbey and a Parsonage unimpropriate in the same place, are as inconsistent together, as good woods and an Iron Mill. Had not Waltham Church lately met with a Noble Founder, the Minister thereof must have kept more fasting-dais, than ever were put in the Roman Calendar. King Stephen, King Steven his bounty. though he came a wrong way to the Crown, 1135 yet did all right to the Monastery of Waltham (as who generally sought the good will of the Clergy to strengthen himself) and confirmed all their Lands, Steph. 1: profits, and privileges unto them. King Henry the second utterly dissolved the foundation of Dean and eleven Canons at Waltham. King Henry dissolves the Dean and Canons at Waltham. The debauchedness of their lives is rendered in his Charter as the occasion thereof, 1156 Come in ea Canonici Clericique minùs religiosè & aequaliter vixissent, Hen. 2▪ 2. ita quòd in●amia conversationis illorum multos scandalisasset. Whether these were really, or only reputed vicious, God knows, seeing all those must be guilty whom power is pleased to pronounce so. Sure it is, King Henry outed this Dean and Canons, and placed an Abbot and Regular Augustinians in their room, increasing their number to twenty four. And because (to use the Kings own words) it was fit that Christ his Spouse should have a new dowry, he not only confirmed to this Monastery the primitive patrimony, mentioned in the Confessors Charter, cum peciis terrae, with many pieces of land, and tenements, which their Benefactors since bestowed upon them; but also conferred the rich Manors of Sewardstone, and Epping on this Monastery. The whole Charter of King Henry is too long to transcribe, Augustinians substituted in their room. but some passages therein must not be omitted. First, the King had the consent of Pope Alexander, for the suppression of these Canons; the rather moved thereunto, quia praedictis Canonicis sufficienter provisum fuit, because the aforesaid expelled Canons had sufficient provision made for them. For, grant them never so scandalous, this was to add scandal to scandal, to thrust them out of house and home, without any means or maintenance. Secondly, this Charter Presents us with the ancient liberties of Waltham-Church, that, Semper suit Regalis Capella ex primitiva sui sundatione, nulli Archiepiscopo vel Episcopo, sed ta●●ùm Ecclesiae Romanae & Regiae dispositioni subjecta. And, though since Reformation, the Church hath been subjected to the Arch-Bishops jurisdiction (as succeeding to the Royal power) and sometimes (with grumbling and reluctancy) to the Episcopal power, yet it never as yet owned an Archdeacon, or appeared at his Visitation. The metioning of the consent of Pope Alexander to the suppression of Waltham Dean and Canons, Rome-land in Waltham. and substituting Augustinians in their room, mindeth me of a spacious place in this Town, at the entrance of the Abbey, built about with houses, called Rome-land, as (Peter-pences were termed Romescot) at this day. It is generally believed, that the rents thereof peculiarly belonged to the Church of Rome. Thus the Pope would not be so bad a carver, as to cut all away to others, and reserve no corner to himself. King Richard the first (though generally not too loving to the Clergy) amply confirmed his Father's Foundation, Fitz-Aucher setied at Copt-Hall. and gave Lands to Richard Fitz-Aucher in this Parish, 1189 to hold them in Fee, Ric. 1 1. and hereditarily of the Church of Waltham-Holy-Cross. This Fitz-Aucher fixed himself at Copt-Hall, a stately house in the Parish. Whether so called contractedly, quasi Cobbing-Hall, from Cobbing, Anno Regis Hen. 3. 10. a rivulet running not far off, Anno Dom. 1226. or from two ancient and essential Turrets of that house, which are coped and covered with Lead: or from (in my mind most probable) an high and sharp-Hill (thus Copeland so called in Cumberland) whereon the house is founded. In or about this King's Reign, Hugh Nevil a bountiful benefactor. Hugh Nevil, with the consent of Joan his wife, and John his son, bestowed the Manor of Thorndon on the Monastery of Waltham, of whom largely before. King Henry the third, to spare Court-keeping, came often and lay long at Abbeys; so that Waltham (the nearest mitred Abbey to London) had much of his company. Being a Religious Prince, great were his desires, but withal necessitous, small his deeds in endowing Churches. However, what he wanted in giving himself, he supplied in confirming the gifts of others. And finding it the cheapest way of benefaction, to give liberties than lands, he bestowed on Waltham a weekly Market and a Fair (so called à seriando, from people's playing there) to last seven days; which now is divided into two, but of shorter continuance, the one on the third day of May, the Invention, the other on the fourteenth of September, the Exaltation of the Cross. We now have a Market on Tuesday, Waltham Market. but cannot boast of much trading therein. Indeed there is plenty of Flesh, but little Corn brought thither: and Bread is the staff, as of a man, so of a Market. Nor let us impute the thinness of Chapmen in Summer to husbandmen's having no leisure, as busied in tillage, Hay, or harvest: or in Winter to their having no pleasure to repair thither in so deep and dirty ways, seeing the plain truth is, no underwood can thrive near the droppings of so great an Oak, the vicinity of London. The golden Market in Leaden-Hall, makes leaden Markets in all the Towns thereabouts. In the first year that Simon was made Abbot (which by exactest proportion we collect to be about the thirtieth year of King Henry the third) the * M. S. of Edward Stacy, written (as appears by character) 140 years since, fol. 42. men of Waltham came into the Marsh, 30. which the Abbot and his Covent formerly enjoyed, 1245 as several to themselves, Broils betwixt the Abbot and the Townsmen about Commons. killed four Mares, worth forty shillings sterling at least, and drove away all the rest. The Abbot was politicly pleased, for the present not to take notice thereof. The next year some men of Waltham went to the Abbot, the Thursday before Easter, in the name of the whole Village, and demanded of him to remove his Mares and Colts out of the Marsh. This the Abbot refused to do, adding withal, that if his Bailiffs had placed his Cattle otherwhere then they ought, they might do well to have it amended, yet so, as to defer the matter till Tuesday after Easter. On that Tuesday, 31. Richard, 1246 Brother to the King, The sturdiness of the Townsmen. Duke of Cornwall, came to Waltham, at what time both the men and women of the Town repaired to the gate of the Abbey, to receive the Abbot's final answer. He told them that he could not speak with them for the present, as providing himself for a long journey into Lincolnshire, there to visit the Justice's itinerant; but by his Prior and other Canons, he desired them to be patiented till his return, when he would mend what was to be mended. Not satisfied therewith, and neither respecting the spiritual holiness of the Abbot, nor temperal greatness of the Duke, railed at and reviled him. Then into the pasture they go, and, in driving out the Abbot's Mares and Colts, drowned three worth twenty shillings, spoilt ten more, to the value of ten marks, and beat their keepers who resisted them, even to the shedding of blood. But, The most guilty first accuse. after the Abbot returned from Lincolnshire, the Townsmen, fearing they should be trounced for their riot, desired a Love-day, submitted themselves unto him, and proffered to pay him damage. But next day, when the performance of these promises were expected, away went the Waltham-men, with their wives and children, to the King to London, enraging him as much as in them lay, against the Abbot, accusing him that he would disinherit them of their right, Anno Dom. 1246. bring up new customs, Anno Regis Hen. 3. 31. take away their Pastures, and (to use their own words) eat them up to the bones; and that he had wounded and abused some of them, who stood defending their own rights. Which false report was believed of many, to the great disgrace of the Covent of Waltham. The Abbot would not put up so great a wrong, The Abbot comes off conqueror. but, having Episcopal power in himself, proceeded to the Excommunication of the Rebellious Walthamites. But the Townsmen went another way to work, namely, to defend their right by the Common Laws of the Realm. Whereupon Stephen Fitz-Bennet, Simon of the Wood, William Theyden, and Ralph of the Bridge, in the name of all the rest, implead the Abbot for appropriating their Commons to himself. But in fine (after many cross plead here too long to relate) the Abbot so acquitted himself, that he made both his own right and the townsmen's riot to appear: who at last at the Kings-Bench were glad to confess that they had done evil, and were amerced twenty Marks to the Abbot, which he not only remitted unto them, but also on their submission assoiled them from the Excommunication. The brawls betwixt the Abbot and Townsmen of Waltham were no sooner ended, The suit betwixt the Abbot of Waltham and the Lord of Chesthunt. but far fiercer began betwixt the said Abbot and the Lord of Chesthunt, 1248 on the like occasion. 33. This Chesthunt is a large Parish in Hertford-shire, confining on the West of Waltham, so called saith * In his short Survey of Hertford-shire. Norden, quasi Castanetum, of Chestnut-trees, though now, I believe, one hardly appears in the whole Lordship. In this suit, Plaintiff. Judges. Defendant. Peter, Duke of Savoy, the King's dear Uncle, (first founder, I take it, of the Savoy in London) on whom the King conferred many Lordships, and Chesthunt amongst the rest. Solicitor. Adam de Alverton. Ralph Fitz-Nicolas, John of Lexington, Paulin Peyner Seneschal, Henry of Bath, Jeremy of Caxton, Henry de Bretton. The Case. Simon, the Abbot, and the Covent of Waltham. The Plaintiff endeavoured to prove, that the stream of Ley, (called the Kings-Stream) dividing Hertford-shire from Essex, ran thorough the Town of Waltham, all the land West thereof belonging to the Manor of Chesthunt. This was denied by the Defendant, maintaining that Small-Ley-stream, running well-nigh half a mile West of Waltham, parted the Counties, all the interjacent meadows pertained to Waltham. Perusing the names of these the King's Justices at Westminster, A like not the same. who would not suspect, but that this Henry of Bath was Bishop of that See? considering how many Clergymen in that age, were employed in places of Judicature. But the suspicion is causeless, finding none of that name in the Episcopal Catalogue. Others in like manner may apprehend, that Bretton, here mentioned, was that Learned Lawyer (afterwards Bishop of Hereford) who wrote the * See Godwin in his Bishops of Here●ord. Book De Juribus Anglicanis, and who flourished in the latter end of the Reign of this King Henry the third. But his name being John, not Henry, discovereth him a different person. Not long after, this suit was finally determined, and Peter Duke of Savoy remised and quit-claimed from him and his Heirs, to the said Abbot and his Successors, Anno Regis the right and claim he had to ask in the same Meadows and Marshes of the said Abbot. Anno Dom. This is called in the Instrument finalis concordia, though it proved neither final, nor a concord. For, soon after this pallia●● cure broke out again, and the matter was in variance and undetermined betwixt Robert, the last Abbot, and the Lord of Chesthunt, when the Abbey was dissolved. Many accessions (besides those common prolongers of all suits, namely the heat of men's anger, and the bellows of instruments, gaining by Law) did concur to lengthen this cause. 1. The considerableness and concernment of the thing controverted, being a large and rich portion of ground. 2. The difficulty of the cause, about the channels of that River, which, Proteus-like, in several Ages hath appeared in sundry forms, disguised by derivations on different occasions. 3. The greatness of the Clients; Chesthunt Lordship being always in the hand of some potent person, and the Corporation of Waltham Covent able to wage Law with him. Hence hath this suit been as long-loved as any in England, (not excepting that in * Cambden in Gloucestershire. Gloucestershire, betwixt the posterity of Vice-Count Lisle, and the Lord Barkley;) seeing very lately (if not at this day) there were some suits about our bounds; Waltham Meadows being very rich in grass and hay, but too fruitful in contentions. For mine own part, that wound which I cannot heal, I will not widen: and, seeing I may say with the Poet, Non nostrum inter vos tantas componere lights. No power of mine so far extends, As for to make both parties friends. I will not turn, of an unpartial Historian, an engaged person, who as a neighbour wish well to Chesthunt, as a Parishioner better to Waltham; as a Christian, best to both. And therefore so much for matter of fact, in our Records and Leiger-books, leaving all matters of right for others to decide. Mean time, whilst the Abbot and Monks of Waltham, were vexed with the men of Chesthunt, they found more favour (if public same belies them not) from some loving women in that Parish, I mean the Holy Sisters in Chesthunt-Nunnery, whose House (when ever Founded) I find some ten years since thus confirmed by Royal Authority. Henricus Rex Anglie, Chesthunt Nunnery Founded. Dominus Hybernie, Dux Normanie, Aquitanie, & Comes Andegavie etc. Shestrehunt Moniales totam terram Dom. teneant cum pertinentiis suisque Canonicis de Cathele etc. quos amoveri fecimus. Datum apud West. xj. Aug. Anno Regni nostri twenty-four. But this subject gins to swell beyond the bounds intended unto it, lest therefore what we intended but a Tract should swell to a Tome, we will here descend to matters of later date. Only be it premised, Copt-Hall past to King Hen. 8. that some years before the Dissolution, Robert the last Abbot of Waltham, passed over the fair seat of Copt-Hall, unto King Henry the eighth. Thus as the Castor, when pursued by the Hunter, to make his escape is reported to by't off his own stones, (as the main treasure sought after) and so saves his life by losing a limb: So this Abbot politicly parted with that stately Mansion, in hope thereby to preserve the rest of his revenues. However all would not do, (so impossible it is to save, what is designed to ruin) and few years after, the Abbey, with the large Lands thereof, were seized on by the King, and for some Months, He alone stood possessed thereof. The Extraction, Charter, Death and Issue of Sir Anthony Dennie, on whom King Henry the Eighth bestowed WALTHAM-ABBY. AT the Dissolution, A Lease of Waltham Abby given to Sir Anthony Denny. King Henry bestowed the Site of this Abbey, with many large and rich Lands belonging thereunto, on Sr Anthony Dennie, for the term of Thirty one years. Let us a little inquire into his extraction and descent. I find the name very Ancient at a Speed, or rather●● Rob. Cotton in Huntingdon-shire. Chesterton in Huntington-shire, where the Heir-general was long since married, John Denny the great sou●der in France. to the worshipful and Ancient Family of the Bevils. It seems, a branch of the Male-line afterwards fixed in Hertford-shire; Whereof John Denny, Esquire, valiantly served Henry the fifth in France, where he was slain, and buried with Thomas, his second Son, in St Dionys his Chapel; their interment in so noble a place speaking their worthy performances. In the Reign of Queen Mary, a Friar shown their Tombs to Sr Matthew Carew, together with their Coats and differences. Henry, eldest son of this John Denny, begat William Denny of Chesthunt in Hertford-shire, which William was High Sheriff of the County in the year 1480. leaving Edmond Denny to inherit his estate. Edmond Denny was one of the Barons of the Exchequer, Edm. Denny Baron of the Exchequer. in credit and favour with King Edward the Fourth, and Henry the Seventh. He Married Mary, the Daughter and Heir of Robert Troutbeck Esquire, on whom he begat Thomas Denny, from whom the Dennies in Norfolk are descended. Anthony Denny, Anthony Denny his high commendations. second Son to Baron Denny, was Knighted by King Henry the Eighth, made Gentleman of his Bedchamber, Privy-Councellour, and one of his Executors. I cannot say he was bred any great Scholar, but find him a Maecenas, and grand favourer of Learned men. For, when the School of b Ascham, C●●nend. Epist. fol. 210. Idem. fol. 208. Sedbury in the North, belonging to St john's in Cambridg, was run to ruin, the Lands thereof being sold and embezeled, Sr Anthony procured the reparation of the School, and restitution of their means, firmly settling them to prevent future alienation. Hear what character ᶜ Mr Ascham gives of him; Religio, Doctrina, Respublica, omnes curas tuas sic occupant, ut extra has tres res nullum tempus consumas; Religion, Learning, Commonwealth, so employ all thy cares, that besides these three things you spend no other time. Let then the enemies (if any) of his memory abate of this character to what proportion they please (pretending it but the Orators Rhetorical Hyperbole) the very remainder thereof, which their malice must leave, will be sufficient to speak Sr Anthony a worthy and meriting Gentleman. I find an excellent Epitaph made on him by one the Learned'st of Noblemen, His Epitaph made by the Lord Howard. and Noblest of Learned men in his age, viz. Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey, and eldest son to the Duke of Norfolk, worthy the Reader his perusal. Upon the Death of Sir Anthony a Weavers Funeral Monuments, p. 852. Denny. Death, and the King, did, as it were, contend, Which of them two bare Denny greatest love: The King, to show his love began far extend, Did him advance his betters far above. Near place, much wealth, great honour eke him gave, To make it known what power Princes have. But when Death came with his triumphant gift, From worldly cark he quit his wearied ghost Free from the corpse, and strait to Heaven it lift. Now deem that can, who did for Denny most. The King gave wealth, but fading and unsure; Death brought him bliss that ever shall endure. Know Reader, that this Lord made this Epitaph by a Poetical Prolepsis; otherwise, at the reading thereof who would not conceive, that the Author survived the subject of his Poem? Whereas indeed this Lord died (beheaded 1546.) in the Reign of King Henry the Eighth, whom Sr Anthony outlived, being one of the Executors of his Will. Nor was it the worst piece of service he performed to his Master, when (all other Courtiers declining the employment) he truly acquainted him with his dying-condition, to dispose of his soul for another world. Sr Usum died about the second of Edward the sixth, His issue by Dame Joan his wife. Dame Joan his Wife, surviving him. Daughter she was to Sr Philip Champernoon of Modbury in Devon-shire: a Lady of great beauty and parts, a favourer of the Reformed Religion when the times were most dangerous. She sent eight shillings by her man, in a Violet coat, to Anne b Fox, Acts & Monuments, fol. 1239. Aschough when imprisoned in the Counter; a small sum, yet a great gift, so hazardous it was to help any in her condition. This Lady Joan bought the Reversion in Fee of Waltham, from King Edward the Sixth, paying three thousand and hundred pounds for the same, purchasing therewith large privileges in Waltham-Forest, as by the Letters Patents doth appear. She bore two Sons to Sr Anthony, Henry Denny, Esquire, of whom hereafter: the second Sr Edward, who, by God's blessing, Queen Elizabeth's bounty, and his own valour, achieved a fair estate in the County of Kerry in Ireland, which at this day is (if any thing in that woeful war-wasted Country can be) enjoyed by his great Grandchild, Arthur Denny Esq of Tralleigh. The condition of Waltham Church from the Dissolution of the Abbey, until the Death of King HENRY the Eighth. HAving the perusal of the Churchwardens accounts, wherein their Ancient expenses and receipts are exactly taken, fairly written, and carefully kept, I shall select thence some memorable Items, to acquaint us with the general devotion of those days. Know then, there were six Ordinary Obits which the Churchwardens did annually discharge, viz. For Thomas Smith, and Joan his wife, on the sixteenth of January. Thomas Friend, Joan and Joan his wives, on the sixteenth of February. Robert Peest and Joan his wife, on the tenth of April. Thomas Towers and Katherine his wife, the six and twentieth of April. John Breges and Agnes his wife, the one and thirtieth of May. Thomas Turner and Christian his wife, the twentieth day of December. The charge of an Obits was two shillings and two pence; and, if any be curious to have the particulars thereof, it was thus expended. To the Parish-Priest four pence; to our Ladies-Priest three pence; to the Charnel-Priest three pence; to the two Clerks four pence; to the Children (these I conceive Choristers) three pence; to the Sexton two pence; to the Bellman two pence; for two Tapers two pence; for Oblation two pence. Oh the reasonable rates at Waltham! two shillings two pence for an Obits, the price whereof in Saint Paul's in London was forty shillings. For (forsooth) the higher the Church, the holier the service, the dearer the price, though he had given too much that had given but thanks for such vanities. To defray the expenses of these Obits, the parties prayed for, or their Executors, left Lands, Houses or Stock, to the Churchwardens. Thomas Smith bequeathed a Tenement in the Corn-Market, and others gave Lands in Vpshire, called Pater-noster-Hills; others ground elsewhere, besides a stock of eighteen Cows, which the Wardens let out yearly to farm for eighteen shillings, making up their yearly accounts at the Feast of Michael the Archangel, out of which we have excerpted the following remarkable particulars. Anno 1542. the 34th of HENRY the 8th. Imprimis. For watching the Sepulchre, a groat.] This constantly returns in every yearly account, though what meant thereby, I know not. I could suspect some Ceremony on Easter-eve, (in imitation of the Soldiers watching Christ's grave) but am loath to charge that Age with more superstition than it was clearly guilty of. Item, Paid to the Ringers at the coming of the King's Grace, six pence.] Yet Waltham Bells told no tales every time King Henry came hither, having a small house in Rome-land to which he is said oft privately to retire, for his pleasure. Item, Paid unto two men of Law for their counsel about the Church-leases, six shillings eight pence. Item, Paid the Attorney for his Fee, twenty pence. Item, Paid for Ringing at the Prince his coming, a penny. Anno 1543. the 35th of HENRY the 8th. Imprimis, Received of the Executors of Sr Robert Fuller, given by the said Sr Robert to the Church, ten pounds. How is this man degraded from the Right Honourable the Lord Abbot of Waltham (the last in that place) to become a poor Sr Robert, the title of the meanest Priest in that age. Yet such his charity in his poverty, that, besides this legacy, he bequeathed to the Church a Chalice a The Churchwardens account, Anno 1556. silver and gilt, which they afterwards sold for seven pounds. Anno 1544. the 36. of HENRY the 8th. Imprimis, Received of Adam Tanner the overplus of the money which was gathered for the purchase of the Bells, two pound four shillings and eleven pence.] It seems the King's Officers sold, and the Parish then purchased the five Bells being great and tuneable (who, as they gave bountifully, so I presume they bought reasonably) and the surplusage of the money was delivered. Item, Received of Richard Tanner for eight Stoles, three shillings.] A Stole was a vestment which the Priest used. Surely these were much worn, and very rags of Popery, as sold for four pence half penny a piece. It seems the Churchwardens were not so charitable to give away, nor so superstitious to burn, but so thrifty as to make profit by sale of these decayed vestments. Item, Paid for mending the hand-bell, two pence.] This was not fixed as the rest in any place of Church or Steeple, but (being a Diminutive of the Saints-bell) was carried in the Sexton's hands at the circumgestation of the Sacrament, the visitation of the sick, and such like occasions. Item, Paid to Philip wright, Carpenter, for making a frame in the Belfry, eighteen shillings four pence.] The Bells being bought by the Parishioners, were taken down out of the decayed Steeple, and we shall afterwards see what became thereof. Mean time a timber-frame was made (which the aged of the last generation easily remembered) in the Southeast end of the Churchyard, where now two Yew-trees stand, and a shift made for some years to hang the Bells thereon. Anno 1546. the 38. of HENRY the 8th. Item, For clasps to hold up the Banners in the body of the Church, eight pence.] By these, I understand, not Pennons with Arms hanging over the Graves of interred Gentlemen, but rather some superstitious Streamers, usually carried about in Procession. Item, Paid to John Boston for mending the Organs, twenty pence. The state of Waltham Church during the Reign of King EDWARD the Sixth. OLd things are passed away, behold all things now are become new. Superstition by degrees being banished out of the Church, we hear no more of prayers and Masses for the dead. Every Obits now had its own Obits, and fully expired, the Lands formerly given thereunto being employed to more charitable uses. But let us select some particulars of the Churchwardens accounts in this King's days. Anno 1549. the 3d. of EDWARD the Sixth. Imprimis, Sold the Silver plate which was on the desk in the Charnel, weighing five ounces for twenty five shillings.] Guess the gallantry of our Church by this (presuming all the rest in proportionable equipage) when the desk, Anno Dom. whereon the Priest read, was inlaid with plate of silver. Item, Sold a rod of iron which the curtain run upon before the Rood, Anno Regis nine, pence.] The Rood was an Image of Christ on the Corss, made generally of wood, and erected in a loft for that purpose, just over the passage out of the Church into the Chancel. And, wots you what spiritual mystery was couched in this position thereof? The Church (forsooth) typified the Church Militant, the Chancel represents the Church Triumphant; and all, who will pass out ot the former into the latter, must go under the Rood-lost; that is, carry the cross and be acquainted with affliction. I add this the rather, because a Fox Acts & Mon. in the examination of Tho. Hawks. pag. 1590. Harpsfield, that great Scholar (who might be presumed knowing in his own art of Superstition) confesseth himself ignorant ot the reason of the Rood-scituation. Item, Sold so much Wax as amounted to twenty six shillings.] So thirsty the Wardens, at that they bought not candles and tapers ready made, but bought the wax at the best hand, and paid poor people for the making of them. Now they sold their Magazine of wax as useless. Under the Reformation more light and fewer candles. Item, Paid for half of the Book called Paraphrase, five shillings.] By the seventh Injunction of King Edward, each Parish was to procure the Paraphrase of Erasmus, namely, the first part thereof on the Gospels, and the same to be let up in some convenient place in the Church. Item, Spent in the Visitation at Chelmsford amongst the Wardens and other honest men, fourteen-shillings four pence.] A round sum I assure you in those days. This was the first Visitation (kept by Nicholas Ridley newly Bishop of London) whereat Waltham-Wardens ever appeared out of their own Town, whole Abbot formerly had Episcopal Jurisdiction. Anno 1551 the 5th of EDWARD the 6th. Imprimis, Received for a Knell of a servant to the Lady Mary her Grace, ten pence.] Cept-Hall in this Parish being then in the Crown, the Lady (afterwards Queen) Marry, came thither sometimes to take the air probably, during whose residence there this her servant died. Item, Lost forty six shillings by reason of the fall of money by Proclamation.] King Henry much debased the English Coin, to his own gain and the Lands loss (if Sovereigns may be said to get by the damage of their Subjects) yet all would not do to pay his debts. His Son Edward endeavoured to reduce the Coin to its true standard, decrying bad money by his Proclamation, to the intrinsic value thereof. But, prevented by death, he effected not this difficult design (Adultery in Men, and Adulterateness. in Money, both hardly reclaimed) which was afterwards completed by the care of Queen Elizabeth. Item, Received for two hundred seventy one ounces of Plate, sold at several times for the best advantage, sixty seven pound fourteen shillings and nine pence.] Now was the Brotherhood in the Church dissolved, consisting as formerly of three Priests, three Choristers, and two Sextons; and the rich plate belonging to them was sold for the good of the Parish. It may seem strange the King's Commissioners deputed for that purpose, seized not on it, from whose hands Waltham found some favour (befriended by the Lord Rich their Countryman) the rather▪ because of their intentions to build their decayed Steeple. Church-alterations in the Reign of Queen MARY. NEw Lady new Laws, Now strange the Metamorphosis in Waltham. Condemn not this our Como-graphie, or description of a Country-Town, as too low and narrow a subject, seeing in some sort the History of Waltham-Church is the Church-History of England, all Parishes in that age being infected alike with superstition. Nor intent I hereby to renew the memory of Idolatry, but to revive our gratitude to God for the abolishing thereof, whose numerous trinkets here ensue. Anno 1554. Mariae primo. Imprimis, For a Cross with a foot cooper and gilt, twenty five shillings. Item, For a Cross-staff copper and gilt, nine shillings and four pence. Item, For a Pax copper and gilt, five shillings.] Greet one another, saith St a 1 Cor 16. 20. Paul, with an holy kiss, on which words of the Apostle the Pax had its original. This Ceremony performed in the Primitive times, and Eastern Countries, was afterwards (to prevent wantonness, & to make the more expedition) commuted into a new custom, viz. A piece of wood, or metal (with Christ's picture thereon) was made, and solemnly tendered to all people to kiss. This was called the Pax, or Peace, to show the unity and amity of all there assembled, who (though not immediately) by the Proxy of the Pax kissed one another. Item, For a pair of Censers copper and gilt, nine shillings and eight pence.] These were pots in the which frankincense was burned, perfuming the Church during Divine Service. Item, For a Stock of brass for the Holy-water, seven shillings.] Which by the Canon must be of marble, or metal, and in no case of brick, b Durantus de Ritibus Eccles. num. 6. pag. 173. lest the sacred liquor be sucked up by the spunginess thereof. Item, For a Chrismatory of pewter, three shillings four pence.] This was a vessel in which the consecrated oil, used in Baptism, Confirmation, and Extreme Unction, was deposited. Item, For a yard silver Sarsenet for a cloth for the Sacrament; seven shillings eight pence.] Here some Silkman or Mercer must satisfy us what this was. The price seems too low for Sarsenet inwoven with silver, and too high for plain Sarsenet of a silver colour. Item For a Pix of Pewter, two shillings.] This was a Box wherein the Host, or consecrated wafer, was put arid preserved. Item, For Mary and John that stand in the Rood-left twenty six shillings eight pence.] Christ c John 19 26. etc. on the Cross saw his Mother, and the Disciple whom he loved standing by. In apish imitation whereof the Rood (when perfectly made with all the appurtenances thereof) was attended with these two images. Item, For washing eleven Aubes and as many Headclothes, six pence.] An Aube, or Albe, was a Priest's garment of white linen down to their feet, girded about his middle. The thin matter denoted simplicity; colour, purity; length, (deep d Durontus de Rititbus Eccles. num. 9 pag. 316. Divinity) perseverance and the cincture thereof, signified the person wearing it prompt and prepared, for God's service. Their headclothes were like our Sergeant's Coifs, but close, and not turned up. Item, For watching the Sepulchre, eight pence.] Thus the price of that service (but a groat in King Henry's days) was doubled. However, though Popery was restored to its kind, yet was it not re-estated in its former degree, in the short Reign of Queen Mary, for we find no mention of the former six Obits anniversarily performed, the lands-for whose maintenance were alienated in the Reign of King Edward, and the Vicar of the Parish not so charitable as to celebrate these Obits gratis without any reward for the same. Item, For a Processioner, and a Manual, twenty pence. Item, For a Corporas-cloth, twelve pence.] This was a linen cloth laid over or under the consecrated Host. Item, To the Apparitor for the Bishop's Book of Articles at the Visitation, six pence.] This Bishop was bloody Bonner, that corpulent Tyrant, full (as one said) of guts and empty of bowels; who visited his Diocese before it was sick, and made it sick with his Visitation. His Articles were in number thirty seven, and John a Fox Acts & Mon. pag. 1474. Bale wrote a book against them. The Bishop's chief care herein was the setting up of complete Roods, commonly called (but when without his ear-reach) Bonner's Block-almightie. If any refused to provide such blocks for him, let them expect he would procure faggots for them. Anno 1556. Mariae tertio. Imprimis, For coals to undermine a piece of the Steeple which stood after the first fall, two shillings.] This Steeple formerly stood in the middle (now East end) of the Church; and, being ruined past possibility of repair, fell down of itself, only a remaining part was blown up by underminers. How quickly can a few destroy what required the age and industry of many in long time to raise and advance? It soundeth not a little to the praise of this Parish, that neither burdensome nor beholding to the Vicinage for a collection, they rebuilt the Steeple at the West end of the Church, on their own proper cost, enabled thereunto, partly by their stock in the Church-box, arising from the sale (as is aforesaid) of the goods of the Brotherhood and partly by the voluntary contribution of the Parishioners. This Tower-Steeple is eighty six foot high From the foundation to the battlements, each b The thirty three foot on the top (diffculty & danger of climbing made it the dearer) cost forty shillings a foot, as appeareth by the Churchwardens accounts, Anno 1563. foot whereof (besides the materials preprovided) costing thirty three shillings four pence the building. Three years passed from the founding to the finishing thereof (every years work discernible by the discolouration of the stones) and the Parish was forced, for the perfecting of the building, to fell their Bells, hanging before in a wooden frame in the Churchyard; so that Waltham, which formerly had Steeple-less-Bells, now had for some years a Bell-less-Steeple. The condition of the Church from the beginning of Queen ELIZABETH, to this day. IN eleven full years, viz. from the last of King Henry the Eighth, Anno 1547. till the first of Queen Elizabeth, 1558. this Church found four changes in Religion; Papist, and Protestant; Papist, and Protestant again. The last turn will appear by the Wardens following accounts. Anno 1558. Elizabethae primo. Imprimis, For the taking down of the Rood-lost, three shillings two pence.] If then; there living and able, I hope I should have lent an helping hand to so good a work, as now I bestow, my prayers, that the like may never in England be set up again. Item, Received for a suit of Vestments, being of blue velwet, and another suit of Damask, and an Altar-cloth, four pound. Item, For three Corporasses, whereof two white silk, and one blue velvet, two pound thirteen shillings four pence. Item, For two suits of Vestments, and an Altar-cloth, three pound.] Now was the superstitious Wardrobe dispersed, and that (no doubt) sold for shillings which cost pounds. They were beheld as the garments spotted with sin, and therefore the less pity to part with them. But see what followeth. Anno 1562. Elizabethae quinto. Item, For a cloth of Buckram for the Communion-Table, and the making, four shillings.] Having fold so much could they not afford a better Carpet? Is there no mean betwixt painting a face, and not washing it? He must have a fixed aim, and strong hand, who hits decency, and misseth gaudiness and sluttery, But there is a generation of people who overdo in the spirit of opposition: such conceive that a tressel is good enough for God's Table, and sucn a Table, Covering enough for itself. Item, For Lattices for the Church-windows, fifteen shillings.] Fain would I for the credit of our Church by Lattices understand Casements, if the word would bear it. Yet surely it was not for covetousness wholly to spare glazing, but thrift to preserve the glass, that these Lattices did fence them on the outside. Item, Paid for a Bay Nag given to Mr Henry Denny for the Abbey wall, three pound seventeen shillings.] This Nag was rather a thankful acknowledgement of Mr Denny his propriety, than a just valuation of what the Parish received from him, for it followeth. Item, To Labourers which did undermine, the said wall, forty five shillings nine pence.] What then may the materials of that wall be presumed worth in themselves? I conceive this was a building which ranged East beyond the old Steeple, the demolishing whereof brought much profit to, the Parish, whole Wardens for some years drove a great trade in the sale Led; Stone, and Timber, all devoured in the roofing, flooring, and finishing of their Steeple, Anno 1563. Eliz. SIXPENCES. Imprimis, For an old house in the: old Marketplace, thirteen pound six shillings eight pence.] This Tenement low-rented yielded annually nine shillings. Now the Parish sold it, (and another house in West-street) outright, letting Leases also of their other Church-lands for twenty one years, such bargains made a Feast for the present age; and a Famine for posterity. Item, For the old timber in the little Vestiary of St Georges Chappel; fifteen shillings.] In vain have I enquired for the situation hereof, long since demolished, c Philipp●l Melan 〈◊〉 Apologia Articule 21. confessions Augustane. and no wonder if St George his Chapel cannot be found, when St George himself is affirmed by ᵃ some as one never existent, in rerum natura. Item Received Mr Denny for one Cope of Cloth of gold, three, pound six shillings eight pence. Item, For two Altar-Cloaths of Velvet and silk, two pound.] It seemeth the Parish did not part with all their gallantry at once, but made several stakes thereof, and parceled them out as their necessities did require. Item, Received of Mr Tamworth twenty loads of timber ready hewed, which he gave to the Parish.] This Gentleman by his bounty to the Public seems better known to God then to me, having neither heard nor read of any of his name living in or near to Waltham. Item, For taking down the stairs in the Abbey, seven shilling eight pence.] This was part of the Nag-purchase, whereby we collect that a large structure Was by this bargain conveyed to the Parish. Item, For taking down the Lead from the Charnel-house, and covering the Steeple, eighteen shillings.] The Steeple was conceived above the Charnel-house as in height so in honour. Wherefore now the Led taken from it was translated to the covering of the Steeple. Which is now but tiled Call this removing of this metal from on part of the Church to another, only the borrowing of St Peter to lend to St Paul. Item, For the Arch-Deacons man coming for a Record of all the Inhabitants of the Parish, four pence.] I know not on what Canon this was founded. It may be her Majesty in those dangerous times desired (not out of Pride, but necessary Policy) to know the number of her Subjects, and might enjoin the Arch-Deacons in their respective Visitations, to make this inquiry. But Day gins to dawn, and the light of our Age to appear, matters coming within the memory of many alive. We will therefore break off, Waltham since affording no peculiar observables. Only will add that St Edward (Grandchild to St Anthony) Denny, was created by King James, a Candens Brit. in Eslex. Baron of Waltham, and since made by King Charles, Earl of Norwich. A Noble person, High time to knock off. who settled on the Curate of Waltham (to whom before a bare Stipend of Eight pound did belong) one hundred pound per annum, with some other considerable accommodations, tying good Land for the true performance thereof. The Abbey is now the Inheritance of this Earls Grandchild, by Honorw his daughter) James Hay Earl of Carlisle, who Married Margaret, Daughter to Francis, Earl of Bedford, by whom as yet he hath no Issue, James Earl of Carlisle present owner of Waltham. Nicholas the most civinent Abbot of Waltham. for the continuance of whole happiness my prayers shall never be wanting. The Reader may justly expect from me a Catalogue of all the Abbots of this Monastery. But to do it falsely, I dare not; lamely, I would not; perfectly, I cannot; and therefore must crave to be excused. Only let me observe, That Nicholas, Abbot of Waltham was most triumphant in power, of any in his place; he flourished in the Reign of King Richard the second, and was b Hen de Knigbton de eventibus Angl. lib. v. pag 2687. one of the fourteen Commissioners, chosen by Parliament, to examine the miscarriages in that King's Reign since the death of his Grandfather. Amongst the Natives of Waltham for Stutes-men John de Waltham bears away the bell. He was keeper of the Privy Seal in the Reign of King Richard the second, being the third in number, chosen amongst the fourteen Commissioners aforesaid, John de Waltham. empowered to examine all misdemeanours of State. And now was not Waltham highly honoured with more than a single share, when amongst those fourteen, two were her Gremials, c Hen Knigh. ton ut prius. Pag. 2685. Roger Waltham a learned writer the forenamed Nicholas living in Waltham, and this John, having his name thence, because birth therein. But amongst Scholars in our Town, Roger Waltham must not be forgotten; Canon of St Patils in London; and a great favourite to Fulk Busset, Bishop thereof. He wrote many learned books, whereof two especially (one called d Bale de seript. Brit. cent. 4 pag. 302. Compendium Morale, the other Imagines Oratorum) commond his parts and pains to posterity. Pase we from those who were Born, to eminent persons Buried therein. Here we first meet with Hugh Nevile, a Minton of King Richard the first, he Was Interred in Waltham Church, saith my Mat. Paris in Anno 1222. page 315. and also Robert Pass lieu. Author, in Nobili Sarcophago Marmoreo & insculpto, in a Noble Coffin of Marble engraved. If a Coffin be called Sarcophagus (from consuming the Corpse) surely Sacrilege may be named Sarcophago-phagus, which at this day hath devoured that Coffin, and all belonging thereunto. We spoil all, if we forget Robert Passellew, who was Dominus fac totum, in the middle, and fac nihil, towards the end of the Reign of Henry the third. Some Parasites extolled him by allusion to his name, Pass-le-eau, (that is, passing the pure water) the Wits of those days thus descanting upon him; f Collect. of Mr. Camb. M. S. in Sr. Tho. Cottons Librdry. Est aqua lenis, & est aqua dulcis, & est aqua clara, Tu praecellis aquam, nam leni lenior es tu, Dulci dulcior es tu, clara clarior es tu, Mente quidem lenis, re dulcis, sanguine clarus. But such who flattered him the fastest, whilst, in favour, mocked him the most in misery, and at last he died in his own House in Waltham, and was g Matt. Paris Anno 1252. A heap of difficulties cast together. buried in the Abby-Church therein. And now because we have so often cited Matthew Paris, I never met with more difficulties in six lines, than what I find in him; which because nearly relating to this present subject, I thought fit to exemplify. MATTHEW PARIS in Anno 1242. p. 595. Eodemque Anno, videlicet in crastino Sti Michaelis dedicata est Ecclesia conventualis Canonicorum de Waltham, ab Episcopo Norwicensi Willielmo, solemniter valde, assistibus aliis plurimis Episcopis, Praelatis, & Magnatibus venerabilibus, statim post dedicationem Ecclesiae sancti Pauli Londinensis, ut peregrinantes hinc inde, indistanter remearent. And in the same year, namely the morrow after St. Michael's day, the conventual Church of the Canons at Waltham, was dedicated by William, Bishop of Norwich very solemnly, many other Bishops, Prelates, and venerable Peers assisting him: presently after the dedication of St Paul's in London, that Pilgrims and Travellers up and down might indistantly return. It is clear our Church of Waltham Abby is intended herein, a See speed his Caralogue of religiious houses. Queries on queries. England affording no other Conventual Church. This being granted, how comes Waltham Church (built by Harold two, hundred years before) now to be first Dedicated, that Age accounting it as faulty and fatal, to defer the Consecration of Churches, as the Christening of Children? 2. What made the Bishop of Norwich to meddle therewith? an Office more proper for the Bishop of London to perform, Waltham being (though not under) in his jurisdiction. 3. What is meant by the Barbarous word indistanter? and what benefit accrued to Travellers thereby? I will not so much as conjecture, as unwilling to draw my bow, where I despair to hit the mark, but leave all to the judgement of others. But I grow tedious, and will therefore conclude. Anno 1641. King CHARLES came the last time to Waltham, and went (as he was wont, where any thing remarkable) to see the Church, the Earl of Carlisle attending him; His Majesty told him, that he divided his Cathedral Churches, K. Charles his last coming to Waltham. as he did his Royal ships, into three ranks, accounting St Paul's in London, York, Lincoln, Winchester, etc. of the first form; Chichester, Lichfield, etc. of the second; the Welsh Cathedrals of the third, with which Waltham Church may be well compared, especially if the Roof thereof, was taken lower and Leaded. The Earl moved His Majesty, Conditionally granteth the repairing of the Church that seeing this Ancient Church, (Founded by king Harold his Predecessor) was fallen into such decay, that the repair was too heavy for the Parish, he would be pleased to grant a moderate Tole of Cattle coming over the Bridge, (with their great Driftsses, doing much damage to the Highways) and therewith both the Town might be Paved, and the Church repaired. The King graciously granted it, provided, it were done with the privity and consent of a great Prelate, (not so safe to be named as easy to be guessed) with whom he consulted in all Church-matters. But when the foresaid Prelate was informed, But it misarcrieth. that the Earl had applied to His Majesty before addresses to himself, he dashed the design, so that poor Waltham Church, must still be contented, with their weak walls, and worse Roof, till Providence, procure her some better Benefactors. As for the Arms of Waltham Abby, being loath to set them alone, I have joined them in the following draught, with the Arms of the other Mitred Abbeys, as far as my industry could recover them. SOLI DEO GLORIA. FINIS. AN INDEX OF THE MOST REMARKABLE PERSONS and Passages in this BOOK. TO THE READER. ALthough a Methodical Book be an Index to itself: yet an Index is not to be contemned by the most Industrious Reader: Whom we request to take notice of the following Particulars. I. C. stands for Century. B. for Book. P. for Page. ¶ for Paragraph. II. In the two first Books, memorables are ranked only according to Centuries an Paragraphs, but afterwards by Books. III. Paragraph without page doth for brevity sake refer to that page which was last named. iv Page without Book, on the same reason, relates to the last Book that was named. V Where no Paragraph is named, it showeth that the page by itself is sufficient notification. Lastly, know that the discounting of Sheets (to expedite the work at several Presses) hath occasioned in the Fifth book after page 200. completed, to go back Again to page (153). surrounded in this fashion, to prevent confusion. ARON, a Citizen of Caerlion, martyred. Cent. 4. 1. 10. ABBEYS, The prodigious expense in building and endowing them, Cent. 10. ¶. 40. multitudes of them causeth the Danish invasion, ¶. 51. mischiefs done by them, b. 2. p. 282, 283, 284. prime Officers and Officines, p. 285, 286, 287. the civil benefits by them, p. 296, 297, 298. presage of their ruin, p. 300. and offers to overthrow them, p. 301, 302. the lesser (which could not expend 200. pounds a year) bestowed on the King, p. 310, 311, and the rest (visited with three sorts of Officers, p. 314. 315.) some appear virtuous, p. 316. other●●otouriously vicious, p. 317. all resigned by their Abbots (unwillingly willing) to the King, p. 319, etc. Rob. ABBOT, Bishop of Salisbury, his death and commendation, B. 10. P. 70. ¶. 53. George ABBOT, Archbishop of Cant. B. 10. P. 57 9 47. casually killeth a keeper, p. 87 ¶. 12, etc. befriended by Sir Edward Coke, ¶. 15. and Bishop Andrews, ¶. 16. mortified by this chance, ¶. 17. seven years after severely suspended from his jurisdication, b. 11. ¶. 51. his character, ¶. 53. and vindication, ¶. 54. 55. Tho. adam's, Alderman of London, foundeth an Arabic Professors place in Cambridge. Hist. of Cam. P. 166. ¶. 23. ADELME, the first Bishop Sherborn, Cent. 8. ¶. 4. and the first Englsnman who wroted Latin, or made a verse, ibid. AETHELARD, Archbishop of Cant. calleth a Sunod, Cent. 9 ¶. 2. with the solemn subscriptions thereunto. ibidem. AGRICOLA, a principal spreader of Pelagiamisme in Britain, Cent. 5. ¶. 3. AIDAN, Bishop of Lindissern his due Commendation, Cent. 7. ¶. 70. dissenteth from the Romish Church in the Celebration of Easter, ¶. 71. inciteth Laymen to the Reading of Scripture. ¶. 72. St. ALBAN, though a Britain, how a Citizen of Rome, Cent. 4. ¶. 2. converted to Christianity by Amphibalus, ¶. 3. his Martyrdom and reported Miracles, ¶. 4. 5. his entire body pretended in three places. Cent. 5. ¶. 11. Enshrined some hundred years after by King Offa, Cent. 8. ¶. 35. St. ALBAN Abbey founded by King Offa, Cent. 8. ¶. 38. the Abbot thereof confirmed first in place of all England, by Pope Adrian the fourth, b. 3. p. 29. ¶. 49. ALL-SOULS College in Oxford founded by Hen. Chichely Archbishop of Cant. b. 4. p. 182. ARROW, a small city in Switzerland, where a Congregation of English Exiles in the Reign of Q. Marry, b. 8. p. 26. ¶. 41. ALCUINUS, or Albinus, an eminent Scholar and opposer of Image-worship, Cent. 8. ¶. 40. ALFRED the Saxon Monarch his admirable act, Cent. 9 ¶. 25. etc. foundeth an University at Oxford, ¶. 29. etc. a soleman Council kept by him, ¶. 42. with the Canons made therein. ibidem. his death, ¶. 44. ALIEN Priors, b. 6. p. 33. ¶. 1. 2. of two natures, ¶. 3. shaken by other Kings, ¶. 4. but dissolved by King Henry 5. ¶. 5. William ALLEN Cardinal his death and character, b. 9 p. 229. ¶. 12. William AMESE his bitter Sermon against Cards and Dice, Hist. of Cam. p. 159. ¶. 41. 42. leaveth Christ's College for his nonconformity, ¶. 43. AMPHIBALUS, so named first by I. Munmoth, Cent. 4. ¶. 6. Martyred at Redbourn in Hartfortshirt, ¶. 7. the fancies about his stake confuted, ibidem. ANABAPTISTS, their beginning in Engalnd, l. 5. 249. ¶. 11. discovered in London, b. 9 p. 104. ¶. 12. eleven condemned, and two burnt ¶. 13. Lanc●●● ANDREWS his death and character b. 11. 9 46, 47, 48, 49. Q. ANNA King of the East-Saxons, happy in his children, Cent. 7. ¶. 82. Q. ANNE (Wite to King james) her signal letter to the own of Rippon, b. 10. ¶. 15. ANSELEME Archbishop of Cant. b 3. p. 11. ¶. 30. refuseth to lend King Rufus a 1000 pounds, ¶. 32. Variance betwixt him and King Rufus, p. 12. ¶. 36. etc. holdeth a Synod at Weftminster, p. 16. ¶. 3. the constitutions thereof, p. 16, 17, 18, 19 sent to Rome, p. 20. ¶. 5. forbids Priests marriage, ¶. 7. but dyeth re infecta, p. 23. ¶. 18. Io. ARGENTINE challengeth all Cambridge to dispute much him, Hist. of Cam. p. 64. ¶. 28, etc. ARIMINUM British Bishops present at the Council kept therein, Cent. 4. ¶. 20. And why they refused ot receive a Salary from the Emperor, ibidem. ARLES: British Bishops present at the Council kept therein, Cent. 4. ¶. 20. ARISTOBULUS fabulously made by Grecian writers a Bishop of Britain, Cent. 1. ¶. 8. ARMS, in noble Families still extant, relating to the Achievements of their Ancestors in the holy Land, b. 3. p. 40, 41, 42, 43. ARRIANISME infpected England, as appears by Gildas his complaint, Cent. 4. ¶. 21. King ARTHUR a real worthy of Britain, though his actions be much discredited with Monkish fictions, Cent. 6. ¶. 2. The SIX ARTICLES, contrived by Bishop Gardiner, b. 5. p. 203 ¶. 17. to the great trouble of poor Protestants. ¶. 18. The 30. ARTICLES composed, b. 9 p. 72. ¶. 51. why drawn up in general terms, ¶. 52. by those who had been Confessors, 53. confirmed by Statute, 55. imposed only on the Clergy, ¶. 56. The 20th ARTICLE (concerning the Authority of the Church) questioned, b. 9 p. 73. inserted in some, omitted in other Editions, p. 74. ¶. 85. defended by Bishop Laud against Mr. Burton, ¶. 59 ARTICLES of Lambeth: see Lambeth. Thomas ARUNDEL, when Archbishop of York a cruel persecutor, b. 4. p. 151. ¶. 42. when Archbishop of Cant active in deposing King Rich, the second, p. 153. ¶. 54. visiteth the University of Cambridge and all the Colleges therein, Hist of Cam. p. 59 60, etc. Affronted at Oxford, b. 4. p. 164. ¶. 125. but by the Kings help too hard for the Students, p. 165. ¶. his woeful death p. 166. ¶. 30. St. ASAPH his pious Expression, Cent. 6. ¶. 13. john ASCHWELL challengeth all Camb. Hist. of Camb. P. 104. ¶. 44. his bad success, ¶. 45. etc. Anne ASCOUGH, b. 5. p. 242. ¶. 44. Plea for leaving her Husband, ¶. 45. first wracked then burnt 46. her prose, and poetry, 47. Mr. ASHLE his difference at Frankford with Mr. Home, book 8. p. 32, 33. ¶. 11. The sad consequences occasioned thereby, ¶. 12. 13. ASSEMBLEY of Divines their first meeting, b. 11. ¶. 1. consisteth of four English quarters, p. 198. ¶. 2. besides the Scotish Commissioners, p. 199. ¶. 3. the reasons of the Royalists why they would not join with them, b. 11. p. 199. ¶. 5. first petition for a fast, p. 200. ¶. 8. troubled with Mr. Selden, b. 11. p. 213. ¶. 54. and with the Erastians', ¶. 55. etc. shrewdly checked for exceeding their bounds, p. 214. ¶. 58. their Monuments, p. 215. ¶. 66. rather sinketh than endeth, ¶. 67. King ATHELSTAN his principle Laws enacted at Greatlea, Cent. ¶. 9 10. ATHELWOLPHUS Monarch of the Saxons maketh [equivalently] a Parliament act for the paying of Tithes, Cent. 9 ¶. 8. Objections against the validity thereof answered. ¶. 9, 10. et sequentibus. Granteth Peter-pences to the Pope, ¶. 15. St. AUDRE her chastity, Cent. 7. ¶. 108. twice a Wife, still a Maid, ¶. 109. etc. her moraculius monumont confuted, ¶. 111. etc. St. AUGUSTINE, the worthy Father Bishop of Hippo said to be born on the same day with Pelagius the Heretic, Cent. 5. ¶. 2. AURELIUS AMBROSE erectech a monument in Memory of his Conquest over the Britan's, Cent. 5. ¶. 25. Causelessly slandered by an Italian writer, ¶. 28. AUGUSTINE the MONK sent by P. Gregory to Convert England, b. 2. Cent. 6. ¶. 2. by him (shrinking for fear) is encourageo, ¶. 3. mocked by women in his passage, ¶. 4. landeth in England, ¶. 5. why choosing rather to be Archbishop of Cant. then London, C. 7. ¶. 1. summons a Synod under his AKE, ¶. 2. his proud carriage therein towards the British Clergy, ¶. 3. etc. his prophecy ¶. 8. arraigned as guilty of murdering the Monks of Bagnor, ¶. 10. etc. acquitted by the moderation of Mr. Fox, ¶. 14. baptiseth ten thousand in one day, ¶. 19 his ridiculous miracle, ¶. 22. death and Epitaph, ¶. 24. without the date of the year, ¶. 25, a farewell to him with his character, ¶. 26. AUGUSTINEAN Monks, b. 6. p. 268. ¶. 67. Colchester their chief seat, ibidem. AUGMENTATION court: the erection, use, cause, name, & abolishing thereof, b. 6. p. 348, 349. AUGUSTINEAN Friars, b. 6. p. 273. ¶. 1. The same in Oxford turned into Wadham Coll. b. 10. p. 68 ¶. 30. learned writers of their Order bred in Cambridge, Hist. of Camb. p. 30. B. Gervase BABINGTON, Bishop of Worcester, his death and praise, b. 10. p. 56. ¶. 32, 33. Roger BACON, a great School-man and Matheamtician, falsty accused for a Conjurer, C. 14. p. 96. ¶. 17. many of that name confounded into one, ¶. 18. John BACONTHOR p, a little man and great Scholar, p. 97. ¶. 20. BAILIOL COLL. founded by J. Bailiol, b. 3. p. 67. and 68 Philip BAKER, Provost of Kings, an honest Papist, Hist, of Cam. p. 142. ¶. 4. John BALE, Bishop of Ossory, his death, character, and excusable passion, b. 9 p. 67. ¶. 37, 38, 39 Bishop BANCROFT, causelessly condemned for keeping Popish Priests in his house, b. 10. ¶. 1. his behaviour in Hampton-Court Conference, p. 9 et sequentibus. violently prosecuteth Mr. Fuller unto his death in Prison, p. 55, 56. ¶. 29. 30. his death, 34. vindicated from cruelty, covetousness and Popish inclinations, 44. 45, 46. his crossing a Court project, 47. BANGOR: the Monks therein massacred, b. 2. ¶. 9 Peter BARO why leaving his Professors place, Hist. of Cam. p. 125. ¶. 21. different judgements about his departure, ¶. 22. William BARRET Fellow of Cajus Coll. His solemn recantation, Hist. of Cam. p. 150. BARDS, their powerful practices on the Pagan Britan's, Cent. 1. ¶ 94. BARNWELL nigh Cambridge, the Original of Midsummer fair therein, Hist, of Cam. p. 3. ¶. 9 a Priory therein founded by Pain Peverell, p. 7. ¶. 16. BASIL Council: English Ambassadors sent thither b. 4. p. 178. observations on their Commission, p. 179, 180. John BASTWICK his accusation, b. 11. p. 151. ¶. 58. his plea, 152. ¶. 64. his speech on the Pillory, p. 155. ¶. 71. BATTLE ABBEY founded by King Will. the Conqueror, b. 3. ¶. 1. the large Privileges thereof, Ibidem, and ¶. 15. Thomas BECKET, b. 3. p. 32. ¶. 57 Archbishop of Canterb. 58. stubborn in defending the Clergy, 59, etc. slain by 4 Knights in his own Church, ¶. 66 67. the great supper stition at his shrine, p. 36. ¶. 70. Biob. BEALE Clark of the Council, zealus against Bishops, b. ¶. p. 47. Archbishop Whitgift complains of his insolent carriage, ibidem. BEDE, though sent for, went not to Rome, C. 8. ¶. 15. yet probably went out of his Cell, ¶. 16. why ssur-named VENERABLE, ¶. 17. the last ●laze & going out of the Candle of his life, ¶. 18. BENNET COLL, in. Cambridge the foundation thereof, Hist. of Cam. p. 43, 44, & c. Archb. Parker a par amount benefactor thereunto, p. 46. ¶. 11. BENEDICTINE Monks, b. 6. p. 266. ¶. 2. most an●cient of all orders in England, p. 267, 268. BERKLEY Nuns all with child at once, c. 11. c. 19 and b. 6. p. 301. ¶. 2. BERKLEYS' their Arms relating to their service in the Holy Land, b. 11. p. 43. ¶. 23. their great Bonefaction to Abbeys, Hist. of Abb. p. 326. sers by their dissotution, 327. Tho. L. BERKLEY Patron to John de Trevisa, b. 4. p. 151. ¶. 43. at whose command he translated the Bible into English, ¶. 44. BERTHA the Christian Wife of King Ethelbert [as yet] a Pagan, a great Promoiresse of Religion, b. 2. c. 6. ¶. 9 St. John of BEVERLEY his Miracles, c. 8. ¶. 11. Theodorns BEZA his letter to Mr. Travers to crave contribution for the City of Geneva, b. 9 p. 136, 137. why coldly resented, ibid. BIBLE, three several Translations thereof, b. 7. p. 387. a fourth and best by the appointment of King James, b. 10. p. 45, etc. Vide Translatours. BIRINUS converts the Westsaxons, C. 7. ¶. 65. breaketh his promise yet keepeth it, ¶. 66. made Bishop of Dorchester, ¶. 67. BISHOPS their judisdictions first severed from the Sheriffs, b. 3. p. 5. ¶. 10. BISHOP Sin the late long Parliament being charged with a Praemunire for making the late canons, b. 11. p. 183. ¶. 6. legally defend themselves, ¶. 7. acquit themselves from Feculencie of Extraction wherewith a Lord aspersed them, ¶. 8, 9 symptoms of their dying power in Parliament, p. 184. ¶. 10. being petitioned against, p. 185. ¶. 12. and assaulted, ¶. 13. twelve of them subscribe and present a protest. p. 186. ¶. 16. forwhich they are imrisoned, p. 188. ¶. 18. enlarged on bail, p. 196. ¶. 34. BISHOPRICS when and why removed from small Towns to great Cities, b. 3. ¶. 21. Five (on the destruction of Abbeys) erected by King Henry the eighth, b. 6. p. 338. ¶. 3. BLACKFRIERS, the doleful downfall or fatal Vespers thereof, b. 10. p. 102. ¶. 29, 30, etc. Q. Anna BOLLEN hath amatorious Letters written unto her from king Henry the eighth, b. 5 p. (175) ¶. 49. preserved (as some say) in the Vatican, ibidem. her character, p. 206. ¶. 20. solemnly divorced from King Henry the eighth, p. `207. ¶. 2. Robert BOLTON an eminent Divine his death, b. 11. p. 143. ¶. 25. EDMUND BONNER, Bishop of London, gins to bonner it, b. 5. p. 231. ¶. 19 deprived under Ed. 6. b. 7. p. 414. his cruel articles, Hist. of Walth. p. 18. whom allgenerations shall call Bloody, b. 8. S. 2. ¶. 11. why imprisoned in the marshalsea, b. 9 ¶. 17. traverseth a suit with Horn Bishop of winchester's, S. 4. ¶. 1. his Counsels plea in his behalf, ¶. 2, 34. A drawn Baitel betwixt them occasioned by a proviso in a new Statute, ¶. 7. BONNES HOMMES why so called, b. 6. 273 ¶. 24. Rich Eremites in pretended poverty, ¶. 25. BOOKS embezeled at the dissolution of Abbeys b. 6. p. 334. to the great lass of learning, ibidem. BOOKS preparatory to reformation set forth by King Henry the eighth, b. 7. p. 375. Gilb. BOURN, Bishop of Bath and Wells, why mild in the days of Q. Marry, b. 8. S. 2. ¶. 3. his death, b. 11. p. 144. ¶. 32. Theoph. BRADBURN his sabbatarian fancies, b. 11. p. 144. ¶. 32. Thomas BRADWARDINE a great Schoolman, c. 14. p. 98. ¶. 23. his just, praise, ibidem. afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury. BRANDON'S, Brothers, successively Dukes of Suffolk, die of the sweeting sickness, Hist. of Cam. p. 128. ¶. 70. Bishop Parkhurst his Epitaph on them, ibidem. Thomas BRIGHTMAN his birth, breeding, b. 10. p. 49. ¶. 12. preferment, ¶. 13. writings, ¶. 14. good life, ¶. 15. and sudden death, ¶. 16, 17. BRITAN'S their dol●full case whilst Pagans, C. I. ¶. 1. their principal Idols, ¶. 2. in vain they crave help of the Roman Emperor against the invasion of the Picts, C. 4. ¶. 22. and C. 5. ¶. 14. 15. BRITAIN: the causes hastening the Conversion thereof before other Country's nearer Palestine, C. 1. ¶. 6. why the first Planters of Christianity therein are unknown, ¶. 8. not beholden to Rome for her first Preachers, ¶. 18. not divided into five Roman Provinces (as Giraldus Cambrensis mistakes.) until the time of Flavius Theodosits, C. 2. ¶. 10. Christianity continued therein after the death of King Lucius, C. 3. ¶. 2. by the Testimony of Gildas, Tertullian, and Origen, ¶. 3. in defiance of Dempster a detracting writer, ibid. Why so little left of the primitive Church-History thereof, ¶. 6. and C. 4. ¶. 11. BRITISH CLERGY refuse submission to the Pope of Rome, C. 7. ¶. 3. the Dialogue betwixt them and an Anchoret, ¶. 6. BRITISH LANGUAGE the commendation thereof, C. 7. ¶. 17. vindicated from causeless cavils, ¶. 18. Robert BROWN his gentile Extraction, b. 9 p. 166. ¶. 2. deserted by his own Father, p. 167. his opinions, p. 168. spared when his Followers were executed, ¶. 45. the odd occasion of his imprisonment and death, ¶. 46. BRUSSELS Benedictine rich Nunnery for English Gentlewomen with good portions, b. 6. p. 363. Martin BUCER called to Cambridge, History of Camb. p. 128. ¶. 32, 33, 34. the various dates of his death, p. 130. ¶. 37. belied by Parsons to die a Jew, ¶. 38. his bones burnt by Card. Poole, p. 135. ¶. 54. BUCKINGHAMSHIRE paramount for Martyrs, b. 5. p. 163. ¶. 2. Dr. Cornelius BURGES his speech against Deans and Chapters, b. 11 p. 179 ¶. 73, 74. Henry BURTON his character, b. 14. p. 152. ¶ 59 cause of discontent, ¶. 60. degraned, p. 143. ¶. 68 his words on the Piliory, ¶. 69, 70. brought back from Exile in Triumph, p. 172. ¶. 32. C. Jack CADE his rebellion, b. 4. p. 186. ¶. 22. CADOCUS his discreet devotion, C 6. ¶. 7. CADWALLADER last K. of Wales, foundeth at Rome a Hospital for the Welsh, C. 7. ¶. 104. since injuries fly taken from them, ¶. 105. CAIUS College in Cambridge foundea by Dr. Caius, Hist. of Camb. p. 133. ¶. 45. who bestowed good Lands, building, statutes, Name, and Arms thereon, ¶. 46, 47, etc. fruitful with famous Physicians, ¶. 52. CAMBRAY: a Nunnery therein founded for English women by the Spanish Ambassador, b. 6. p. 3 63. CAMBRIDGE reported to have received divers privileages from King Lucius, C. 2. ¶. 12. her Christian Students reported slain by the Pagan Britain's, C. 4. ¶. 9 & persecuted (to the dissolution of the 〈…〉 by Pelagius, C. 5. ¶. 2. reputed first founded by King 〈◊〉, C. 7. ¶. 46. Arguments to the contrary answered, ¶. 47, etc. called Schola, which was in that Age the same with an Academy, ¶. 54. restored by King Edward the Elder, C. 10. ¶. 6, 7. mistaken by John Rouse for the founder thereof, ¶. 8. renounceth the Pope's supremacy in a public instrument, Hist. of Camb. p. 106. ¶. 50. the first general visitation thereof, jure Regio, Hist. of Camb. p. 109. ¶. 55. King Henry his Injunctions thereunto, p. 112. ¶. 56. Edmund CAMPIAN sent over by the Pope to pervert England, B. 9 p. 114. ¶. 41. his journal letter, p. 115, 116, 117. catched by secretary Walsingham, ibid. falsely pretends to be cruelly racked, p. 117. ¶. 2. is at last executed. CANONS made in the last Convocation, with the &c. Oath therein, b. 11. p. 168, 169. several opinions about them, p. 171. Mr. Maynard his speech against them, p. 100 ¶. 77. the Clergy are judged in a Praemunire for making them, ¶. 78. King CANUTUS his cruelty, C. 11. ¶. 5. conversion and charity, ibidem, etc. so. CAPON Bishop of Salisbury, a cruel persecuter under Q. Mary, b. 8. S. 2. ¶. 5. the bane of his Bishopric, b. 9 ¶. 21. Nic. CARR his Epitaph, Hist of Camb. p. 141. George CARLTON Bishop of Landaf, sent by K. James to the Synod of Dott, B. 10. p. 77. ¶. 63. dieth Bishop of Chichester, b. 11. ¶. 67. CARMELITES their first coming into England, p. 271. ¶. 18. great privileges, ¶. 19 most careful keepers of the Records of their order, ¶. 20. a Catalogue of their Provincials, p. 272. their first coming to Cambridge, Hist. of Camb. p. 20. ¶ 5. where they would not commence Doctors, and why, ibid. till Humphrey Necton first broke the ice, ¶. 6. learned writers of their order which were Cambridge-men, Hist. Camb. p. 30. ¶. 27. CARTHUSIAN Monks, b. 6. p. 269. ¶. 9 Tho. CARTWRIGHT presents his admonition to the Parliament, b. 9 p. 102. ¶. 5. bandying betwixt him, and Dr. Whitgift, ¶. 6, 7. examined in the high Commission on 29. Articles, b. 9 p. 198 etc. sent to the Fleet for refusing to answer, p. 203. discharged the Star-Chamber by favour of Archbishop Whitgift p. 204. ¶. 31. groweth rich at Warwick, b. 10. ¶. 7. and very moderate, ¶. 8. The reasons thereof, ibid. His character, ¶. 9 dedicates a Book to King James, ¶. 18. His strange infirmity and death, ¶. 19 his first cause of discontentment, Hist. of Camb. p. 139. ¶. 2. cla●heth with Dr. Whitgift, p. 140. ¶. 3. by whom he is summoned, p. 141. and banished the University, p. 142. John CASE Dr. of Physic, b. 8. S. 3. ¶. 45. the great favour done by the University to his Scholars at Oxford, ibidem. CAURSINES what they were, b. 3. p. 59 ¶. 6. the form of their cruel Obligations, p. 60. with s●me notes thereon, ibidem. why they were called Caursines, p. 61. ¶. 8. St. CEDDE his difference from St. Chad, C. 7. ¶. 84. St. CHAD his difference from St. Cedde, C. 7. ¶. 84. teacheth Wulfade the Christian faith, ¶. 86. CHANTEREYES' given to the King, b. 6. p. 250 ¶. 2. what they were, ¶. 5. Forty seven founded in St. Paul's Church in London, p. 351, 352, etc. vasi, though uncertain, their number in England, p. 354. ¶. 18. Free CHAPELS given to the King, b. 6. p. 354. ¶. 15. King CHARLES his solemn coronation, b. 11. ¶. 19, etc. restoreth Imprepriations of Ireland to the Church, p. 149. ¶. 45. unwillingly consenteth to the taking away of Bishop's votes in Parliament, p. 195. ¶. 29, and 30. his several papers in the Isle of Wight in defence of Episcopacy, p. 230, 231, etc. his death, which endeth the eleventh Book. CHARLES eldest Son to King Charles, his short life, b. 11. p. 135. ¶. 1. an excellent Tetrastick on his death. ¶. 2. Charterhouse founded by Mr. Sutton, b. 10. p. 65. in some respect exceeding the Annuntiata at Naples, p. 66. ¶. 21. Thomas CHASE cruelly martyred, b. 5. p. 164. ¶. 3. Geoffrey CHAWCER the famous Poet, b. 4. p. 151. ¶. 46. his Parentage, Arms, and praise, p. 152. ¶. 47, 48. his cumity to Friars, ¶. 49. Student sometimes in Cambridge, Hist. Camb. p. 52. ¶. 38. as also in Oxford, ibidem. CHEALSEY College: a large discourse of the foundation thereof, b. 10. p. 51, 52, 53, etc. Sr. J. CHEEK Tutor to King Edward the sixth, b. 7. p. 422. ¶. 12. restored to health by King Edward's prayers, p. 424. ¶. 13. A prime Exile in the Reign of Q. Marry, b. 8. S. 2. ¶. 24. his sad return into England, ¶. 30. orally recanteth, ¶. 31. and dyeth for the grief thereof, ibidem. vindicated from slandering (and mistaking) Pens in his Parentage, Parts, and Posterity, ¶. 32. Henry CHICHELEY Archbishop of Canterbury foundeth All-Souls College, b. 4. p. 181. ¶. 10. soberly returneth a tart jeer, p. 182. ¶. 11. saveth Abbeys by sending King Henry the fifth into France, b. 6. p. 302 ¶. 5. Christchurch in Oxford, b. 5. p. (169.) ¶. 28, etc. confirmed by King Henry the eighth, ¶. 30. the Deans, Bishops, Benefactors, etc. thereof, ¶. 32. John CHRISTOPHERSON Bishop of Chichester, a learned man, but great persecuter, under Q. Mary, b. 8. S. 2. ¶. 8. CHRIST'S COLLEGE founded by Margaret Countess of Derby, Hist. of Camb. p. 90. ¶. 55. endowed it with rich lands, ¶. 56. augmented by King Edward the sixth, p. 91. ¶. 7. Their numerous worthies of this foundation, ¶. 9 CIRCUMSPECT AGATIS the form thereof, b. 3. p. 79. ¶. 15. both a statute & a writ grounded thereon, p. 80. a large discourse of the several branches thereof, p. 81, 82, 83. CISTERTIANS being refined Benedictines, b. 6. p. 266. ¶. 2. exempted by Pope Adrian the fourth from paying of Tithes, and why, p. 283. ¶. 4. their freedom somewhat confined by the Lateran Council, ¶. 5. CLARE HALL. founded by Elizabeth Countess of Clare, Hist. of Camb. p. 37. ¶. 41. The Masters, Benefactors, Bishops, etc. thereof, ibidem. anciently called Soler Hall, p. 38. ¶. 44. ruinous, and lately re-edified, ¶. 45. Four hundred pounds worth of timber reported taken from it in these troublesome times, which the Author of this Book will not believe, ibid. CLAUDIA mentioned by St. Paul 2. Tim. 4. 21. probably a British Convert, C. 1. ¶. 9 notwithstanding Parsons his Cavils to the contrary, ¶. 10. CLUNIACK Monks being reform Benedictines, b. 6. p. 266. ¶. 2. Elinor COBHAM Duchess of Gloucester, accused for a Sorceress by some, made a Confessor by M. Fox, b. 4. p. 171, etc. COIFY a Pagan Priest, his remarkable speech, C. 7. ¶. 41. COLCHESTER claimeth Constantine to be born therein, C. 4. ¶. 18. Augustinean Monks had there their prime residence, b. 6. p. 268. ¶. 6. COLLEGES (not in the Universities, but) for superstitious uses, given to the King, b. 6. p. 350. ¶. 3, 4, 5. John COLLET Dean of St. Paul's, b. 5. p. (167.) ¶. 13. foundeth Paul's School, ¶. 14. making the Mercer's overseers thereof, ¶. 15. out of provident prescience, ¶. 16. Tho. COMBER Master of Trinity College in Camb. highly commended by Mor●nus, History of Camb. p. 123. ¶. 20. High COMMISSION arguments for, and against, it, b. 9 p. 18●. CONSTANTINE the first Christian Emperor proved a Britain by birth, C. 4. ¶. 15. the objections to the contrary answered, ¶. 16. richly endoweth the Church, ¶. 19 CONSTANTIUS CHLORUS the Roman Emperor, and, though no Christian, a favourer of them, C. 4. ¶. 12. buried at York, and not in Wales, as Florilegus will have it, ¶. 13. CONVENTICLE the true meaning thereof, b. 9 p. 102. ¶. 4. CONVENTS: some general conformities used in them all, b. 6. p. 287, etc. CONVOCATIONS: three several sorts of them, b. 5. p. (190) (191.) they complain of erroncous opinious, p. 209, 210, etc. CORPUS CHRIST COL. in Camb. See Bennet College. CORPUS CHRISTI COLL. in Oxford founded by Bishop Fox, b. 5. p. (166.) ¶. 11. called the College of three Languages, ibid. the worthies thereof, ibid. Mass quickly set up therein in the first of Q. Marry, b. S. p. 8. ¶. 10, 11. Dr. John COUSIN charged with superstition: his due praise, b. 11. p. 173. ¶. 34, etc. The Scotish COVENANT: the form thereof, b. 11. p. 201. ¶. 13, etc. exceptions to the Preface and six Articles therein, 203, 204, 205, 206. never taken by the Author of this Book, p. 206. ¶. 30. Will. COURTNEY Bishop of London, his contests about Wickliff with the Duke of Lancaster, b. 4. ¶. 135. ¶. 19 Archbishop of Canterbury, p. 142. ¶. 24. COURTS SPIRITUAL began in the Reign of King William the first: when severed from the Sheriffs Courts, b. 3. ¶. 10. Their contesting with the Common Law how to be reconciled, ¶. 11. Richard COX Dean of Christ's Church accused ('tis hoped, unjustly) for cancelling Manuscripts in Oxford Library, b. 7. p. 302. ¶. 19, 20. flies to Frankford in the Reign of Queen Mary, b. 8. p. 30. ¶. 3. where he headeth a strong party in defence of the English Liturgy, p. 31, 32. made Bishop of Ely, b. 9 p. 63. his death, and Epitaph, p. 111. ¶. 34. Thomas CRANMER employed by King Henry to the Pope, b. 5. p. (179.) ¶. 9 to prove the unlawfulness of the King's marriage, ¶. 18. thence sent into Germany, ¶. 22. made Archbishop of Canterbury against his will, ¶. 27. defended against the cavils of Papists and Mr. Prin, ¶. 28, etc. his death, b. 8. p. 203. ¶. 32. CREKELADE or GREEKLADE, an ancient place where Greek was professed, C. 9 ¶. 29. CROWLAND Monks massacred by the Danes, C. 9 ¶. 19 Thomas CROMWELL, first known to the World, for defending his Mr. Card. Woisey, b. 5. p. (177). ¶. 1. as the King's Vicar in Spiritualibus presidenteth it in the Convocation, p. 206. ¶. 21. falls into the King's displeasure, p. 231. ¶. 20. deservedly enured, ¶. 21. his admirable parts, ¶. 22. with the History of his death, etc. ¶. 23, etc. Chancellor of Cambridge, Hist. of Cambridge, p. 108. ¶. 53. Richard CROMWELL, alias Williams, Knighted for his valour at a solemn ti●ting, b. 6. p. 370. ¶. 11. giveth a Diamond Ring in his Crest on an honourable occasion, ¶. 12. CUTHBERT Archbishop of Canterbury (by the King's leave) first brings Bodies to be buried in the Church, b. 2. p. 103. ¶. 27. D. DANES their first arrival in England, B. 2. p. 103. ¶. 29. why their country (formerly so fruitful) is lately sobarren of people, ¶. 30, 31, 32. the sad Prognostics of their coming hither, ¶. 33. make an invasion into Lincolnshire, C. 9 ¶. 18. massacre the Monks of Crowland, C. 9 ¶. 19 and burn the Monastery of Medeshamsted, ¶. 20, 21. why their fury fell more on Convents then Castles, C. 10. ¶. 48. after sixty years' absence re-invade England, ibidem. A dear peace bought with them, ¶. 50. to no purpose, ¶. 52. their Royal line in England suddenly and strangely extinct, C. 11. ¶. 10. no hostile appearance of them in England, ¶. 13. Thomas L. DARCY beheaded, B. 6. p. 313. ¶. 5. his Extraction undicated from the causeless Aspersion of King Henry the eighth, page 324, 325. John DAVENANT sent by King James to the Synod of Dort, B. 10. p. 77. ¶. 63. made Bishop of Salisbury, B. 10. p. 91. ¶. 35. questioned for his Sermon at Court, B. 11. p. 138. ¶. 14, 15. relates all the passages thereof in a Letter to Dr. Ward, ¶. 16. his opinion about the suspension of Bishop Goodman, p. 170. ¶. 23. his death, p. 176. ¶. 53. St. DAVID a great advancer of Monastic life, C. 6. ¶. 4. one of his paramount Miracles, ¶. 5. St. david's, or Menevia, in Wales, once an Archbishopric, B. 3. p. 24. ¶. 25. contesteth with Canterbury, ibidem. but is overpowered, ¶. 26. DEANS and CHAPTERS defended in the House of Commons by an excellent speech of Doctor Hackets, B. 11. p. 177, 178, 179. Edward DEERING his death and praise, B. 9 p. 109. ¶. 22. Sr. Auth. DENNIE his extraction, issue, death, and Epitaph, Hist. of Walt. p. 12, 13. DERWIANUS sent by Eleutherius Bishop of Rome to King Lucius to instruct him in Christianity, C. 2. ¶. 8. DEVONSHIRE commotion begun out of superstition, heightened with cruelty, suppressed by God's blessing on the valour of the Lord Russell, B. 7. p. 393, 394, etc. The DIRECTORY compiled by the Assembly of Divines, B. 11. p. 221. ¶. 1. commanded by the Parliament, ¶. 6. forbidden by the King to be generally used, ¶. 7. it and the Liturgy comparted together, p. 223. 224. DISSENTING BRETHREN, B. 11. ¶. 35 why departing the Land, ¶. 36. kindly entertained in Holland, ¶. 37. their chief groundworks, ¶. 39 40. manner of Church-service, ¶. 41. Schism betwixt them, ¶. 42, etc. Sr. Th. DOCKWRAY Lord Prior of St. Joanes, B. 6. p. 359. ¶. 4. and p. 361. in the dedication. John DOD his birth, and breeding, b. 11. p. 219. ¶. 85. his peaceable disposition, ¶. 86. improving of piety, p. 220. ¶. 87, etc. an innocent deceiver, ¶. 90. excellent Hebrician, ¶. 91. last of the old Puritans, ¶. 92. DOGS meat given to men, b. 3. p. 29. ¶. 46 DOMINICAN Friars their first coming over into England, b. 6. p. 270. ¶. 15. after their expulsion set up again by Q. Mary, p. 357. the learned men of this order who were bred in Cambrid. Hist. of Cam. p. 30. De DOMINIS Marcus Antonius. see SPALLETO. John DONNE Dean of St. Paul's prolocutor in the Convocation, b. 10. p. 112. ¶. 15. his life excellently written by Mr. Isaac Walton, ¶. 16. DOOMSDAY Book composed by the command of Will. the Conqueror, b. 3. ¶. 3. DORT Synod, b. 10. p. 77. ¶. 63. four English Divines sent thither, ibidem. King James his Instructions unto them, p. 77, 78. Oath at their admission into it, p. 78. ¶. 66. liberal allowance from the State, p. 77. ¶. 77. various censures on the decisions thereof, p. 84. ¶. 5, etc. The DOVE on King Charles his Sceptre ominously broken off, b. 11. ¶. 16. Thomas DOVE Bishop of Peterborough his death, b. 11. p. 41. ¶. 17. DOUAI COLL. in Flanders for English fugitives, b. 9 p. 85. A Convent there for Benedictine Monks, b. 6. p. 365. And another for Franciscan Friars, 366. DRUIDS their office, and employment amongst the Pagan Britan's, C. 1. ¶. 3. The DUTCH Congregation first set up in London, b. 7. p. 407. ¶. 33. privileges allowed them by King Edward the sixth, ibidem. under Queen Mary depart with much difficulty and danger into Denmark, b. 8. p. 8. ¶. 13. DUBLIN University founded by Queen Elizabeth, b. 9 p. 211. ¶. 44. the several benefactors (whereof Mr. Luke Chaloner a chief) p. 212. no rain by day during the building of the College, ibidem. The Provosts thereof, p. 213. ¶. 47. DUBRITIUS Archbishop of Caerlion, a great Champion of the truth against Pelagius, C. 6. ¶. 3. ADUCATE worth about four shillings, but imprinted eight, b. 5. p. (196) ¶. 37. Andrew DUCAT in effect the founder of Queen's College in Cambridge, Hist. of Cambridge, p. 80. ¶. 33. St. DUNSTAN his story at large, Cent. 10. ¶. 11. etc. his death and burial in Canterbury, ¶. 44. as appeared (notwithstanding the claim of Glassenbury) by discovery, ¶. 45, 46. DUNWOLPHUS of a swineherd made Bishop of Winchester, C. 9 ¶. 41. DURHAM: the Bishopric dissolved by King Edward the sixth, b. 7. p. 419. ¶. 2. restored by Queen Mary, ¶. 3. Wil DYNET the solemn abjuration enjoined him, wherein he promiseth to worship Images, b. 4. p. 150. E. EASTER-DAY, difference betwixt the British & Romish Church in the observation thereof, Cent. 7. ¶. 5. the Controversy stated betwixt them, ¶. 28. reconciled by Laurentius, ¶. 30. the antiquity of this difference, ¶. 31. spreads into private families, ¶. 89. A counsel called to compose it, ¶. 90. settled by Theodorus according to the Romish. Rite, ¶. 96. ETON COLLEGE founded by K. Henry the sixth, b. 4. EDGAR, King of England, Cent. 10. ¶. 24. disciplined by Dunstan for viciating a Nun. ¶. 26. The many Canons made by him why in this book omitted, ¶. 29. A most Triumphant King, ¶. 30. his death, ¶. 34. EDMUND King of the East Angles cruelly Martyred by the Danes, Cent. 9 ¶. 22. EDWARD the Elder calls a Council to confirm his Father's acts, Cent. 10. ¶. 5. gives great Privileges to Cambridge, ¶. 6. EDWARD the Martyr, Cent. 8. ¶. 34. Barbarously murdered, ¶. 42. EDWARD the Confessor his life at large, Cent. 11. ¶. 11, etc. King EDWARD the first, his advantages to the Crown though absent at his Father's death, b. 3. p. 74. ¶. 3. his achievements against the Turks, ¶. 4. Casteth the jews out of England, p. 87. ¶. 47. chosen arbitrator betwixt Balliol & Bruce, claiming the Kingdom of Scotland, p. 88 ¶. 49. which Kingdom he conquereth for himself, ¶. 50. stoutly maintaineth his right against the Pope, p. 90. ¶. 2. humbled Rob. Winchelsey, Archbishop of Cant. ¶. 4, 5. the Dialogue betwixt them, 6. his death and character. p. 92. ¶. 11. his Arm the standard of the English yard, ibid. King EDWARD the second his character, b. 3. p. 93. ¶. 13. fatally defeated by the Scots, ¶. 14. his viciousness, p. 100 ¶. 28. accused for betraying his Privileges to the Pope, ¶. 29. his deposing and death, p. 103. King EDWARD the third, a most valiant and fortunate King both by Sea and Land foundeth King's Hall in Cambridge. Hist. of Camb. p. 39 ¶. 36. his death and Character. b. 4. p. 136. ¶. 12. King EDWARD the fourth gaineth the Crown by Conquest, b. 4. p. 190. ¶. 46. Beaten afterwards in Battle, by the Earl of Warwick. p. 191. ¶. 31. escapeth out of prison, flieth beyond the Seas, returneth and recovereth the Crown, ¶. 32, 33. A Benefactor to Merron Coll. in Oxford. b. 3. p. 75. ¶. 7. but Malefactor to Kings Coll. in Cambridge, Hist. of Camb. p. 76. ¶. 19 his death, b. 4. p. 199. ¶. 4●. King EDWARD the fifth barbarously murdered by his Uncle Richard Duke of York, b. 4. p. 196. ¶. 5. King EDWARD the sixth his Injunctions, b. 7. ¶. 3. observations thereon, p. 374. his several proclamations, whereof one inhibiteth all Preachers in England for a time, p. 388, 389. his TEXT ROYAL, and our observations thereon, p. 397, 398. etc. Giveth an account by letter, to B. Fitz-Patrick, of his progress; p. 412, 413. several letters written by him, p. 423, 424. his diary, p. 425. ¶. 14. quick wit, and pious prayer, ¶. 17. at his death, ibid. EDWIN King of Northumberland, and in effect Monarch of England, after long preparatory promises, Cent. 7. ¶. 39, etc. at last converted and baptised, ¶. 43. slain by the Pagans in Battle, ¶. 60. EGBERT, Archbishop of York, famous in several respects, b. 2. p. 101. ¶. 23. his beastly Canons, ¶. 24. EGBERT, first fixed Monarch of England, Cent. 8. ¶. 41. First giveth the name of England, Cent. 9 ¶. 5, 6. Is disturbed by the Danes, ¶. 7. ELEUTHERIUS Bishop of Rome his Letter to King Lucius, Cent. 2. ¶. 6. pretendeth to an ancienter date than what is due thereunto, ¶. 7. sends two Divines into Britain, ¶. 8. ELIE Abbey made the See of a Bishop, b. 3. p. 23. ¶. 23. the feasts therein exceed all in England, b. 6. p. 299. ¶. 11. Q. ELIZABETH proclaimed, b. 8. p. 43. ¶. 56. assumeth the title of supreme head of the Church, b. 9 p. 152. ¶. 4. defended therein against Papists, p. 53. ¶. 5, 6. etc. Excommunicated by Pope Pius quintus, b. 9 p. 93, 94. Her farewell to Oxford with a Latin Oration, b. 9 p. 223. ¶. 7, 8. Her welcome to Cambridge with a Latin Oration, Hist. of Cambridge, p. 138. her death, b. 10. p. 4. ¶. 12. john ELMAR Bishop of London his death and Character, b. 9 p. 223. ¶. 10. ELVANUS sent by King Lucius to Eleutherius Bishop of Rome, Cent. 2. ¶. 5. EMDEN: a Congregation of English Exiles therein in the Reign of Q. Mary under I. Scory their Superintendent, b. 8. Sect. 2. ¶. 41. Q. EMMA the miraculous purgation of her chastity, Cent. 11. ¶. 14, 15. EAST-ANGLES their Kingdom, when begun, how bounded, Cent. 5. ¶. 27. converted to Christianity, Cent. 7. ¶. 44. EAST-SAXONS, the beginning and bounds of their Kingdom, Cent. 5. ¶. 17. converted to Christianity by Mellitus, Cent. 7. ¶. 23. after their apostasy, reconverted under King Sigebert, ¶. 81. ENGLAND when and why first so called, Cen. 9 ¶. 5, 6. the Kingdom thereof belongeth to God himself, Cent. 11. ¶. 24. ENGLISHMEN drunk when conquered by the Normans, b. 3. ¶. 1. EOVES a Swineherd, hence Eovesham Abbey is so called, Cent. 8. ¶. 8. ERASMUS (Greek Professor in Camb.) complaineth of the ill Ale therein. Hist. of Camb. p. 87. his Censure of Cambridge and Oxford, p. 88 too tart to Townsmen, ibid. ERASTIANS' why so called and what they held, b. 11. p. 21. ¶. 55. and 56. favourably heard in the assembly of Divines, ¶. 57 ERMENSEWL a Saxon Idol, his shape, and office, b. 2. Cent. 6. ¶. 6. ETHELBERT King his Character, b. 2. Cent. 6. ¶. 6. etc. converted to Christianity, ¶. 11. his death, and the decay of Christianity thereon, Cent. 7. ¶. 32. ETHELBERT the West-sixon Monarch his pious valour, Cent. 9 ¶. 23. King ETHELRED his Fault in the Font, Cent. 10. ¶. 43. why Surnamed the unready, ¶. 49. EXCOMMUNICATING of Q. Elizab. by Pius quintus, displeasing on many accounts, to moderate Papist, b. 9 p. 59 ¶. 25. EXETER, the description thereof, b. 7. p. 393. ¶. 4. Loyal and Valiant against the Rebels though oppressed with faction, p. 394. ¶. 7. and famine, p. 396. ¶. 12. seasonably relieved p. 397. ¶. 14. F. FAGANUS sent by Eleutherius Bishop of Rome to King Lucius to instruct him in Christianity, Cent. 2. ¶. 8. FAMILY of LOVE, their obscure original, b. 9 p. 112. ¶. 36. worse in practice then opinion, p. 113. ¶. 39 their Abjuration before the privy Council. Their tedious petition to King James, b. 10. ¶. 18. desire to separate themselves from the Puritans, (to whom their looseness had no relation) ¶. 19 turned into Ranters in our days, ¶. 22. John FECKNAM Abbot of Westminster, the Chronicle of his worthy life, his courtesy and bounty, b. 9 p. 178, 179. FELIX Bishop of Dunwich instrumental to the Conversion of the East-Angles, Cent. 7. ¶. 45. and to the founding of an University in Cambrid. ¶. 48. Nicholas FELTON Bishop of Ely, his death and commendation, b. 11. ¶. 77. FENS nigh Cambridge: Arguments pro and con, about the feacibility of their draining, Hist. of Camb. p. 70. & 71. The design lately performed to admiration, ibid. p. 72. feoffs to buy in impropriations, b. 11. p. 136. ¶. 5. hopefully proceed, p. 137. ¶. 6. questioned in the Exchequer, and overthrown by Archbishop Laud, p. 143. ¶. 26, etc. The FIFTH PART ordered by Parliament for the Widows and children of sequestered Ministers, b. 11. p. 229. ¶. 34. several shifts to evade the payment thereof, p. 230. John FISHER Bishop of Rochester tampereth with the holy Maid of Kent, b. 5. p. (28) ¶. 47. imprisoned for refusing the Oath of supremacy, ¶. 47. his pitiful letter out of the Tower for new clothes, p. (190) ¶. 12. the form of his indictment, p. (191) ¶. 19 made Cardinal, p. 201. ¶. 1. the whole Hist. of his birth, breeding, death and burial, p. 202, 203, 204, 205. Barnaby FITZ-PATRICK proxy for correction to King Edward the sixth, b. 7. p. 411. ¶. 47. the said King's instruction unto him for his behaviour in France, ibidem. FLAMENS in Britain, mere flammes of J. Monmouths making, Cent. 2. ¶. 9 FOCARIAE of Priests who they were, b. 3. p. 27. ¶. 40. FORMOSUS the Pope interdicteth England for want of Bishops, Cent. 10. ¶. 1. On good conditions absolveth it again, ¶. 3. Richard FOX Bishop of Winchester foundeth Corpus Christi College, b. 5. p. (166.) ¶. 11. John FOX flies to Frankford in the Reign of Q. Marry, b. 8. Sect. 2. ¶. 41. Thence (on a sad difference) removes to Basil, Sect. 3. ¶. 10. returning into England refuseth to subscribe the Canons, b. 9 ¶. 68 Is a most moderate Nonconformist, ibidem. his Latin Letter to Queen Elizabeth that Anabaptists might not be burnt, p. 104. ¶. 13. another to a Bishop in the behalf of his own Son, p. 106. ¶. 15. his death, p. 187. ¶. 63. FRANCISCAN Friars, b. 6. p. 270. ¶. 16. their frequent Subreformation, ¶. 17. admit boys into their order, Hist▪ of Camb. p. 54. ¶. 46, 47, 48. whereat the University is much offended, ibid. FRANKFORD, the Congregation of English Exiles there in the Reign of Q. Marry, b. 8. Sect. 2. ¶. 41. They set up a new discipline in their Church, ¶ 42, 43. invite (but in vain) all other English Exiles to join with them, ¶. 44. 45. FREEZLAND converted to Christianity by Wilhid a ●axon Bishop, Cent. 7. ¶. 97. FRIDONA the first English Archbishop, C. 7. ¶. 85. FRIARS and Monks how they differ, b 6. p. 269. FRIGA a Saxon Idol, her name, shape and office, b. 2. Cent. 6. ¶. 6. John FRITH his Martyrdom, b. 5. p. (190) ¶. 11. Tho. FULLER unjustly hanged, and saved by miracle, b. 4. p. 154. ¶. 25. John FULLER Doctor of Law, pitiful when alone, but when with others, a persecutor, b. 8. p. 22. ¶. 28. see Jesus College, of which he was master. Nich. FULLER, a Common Lawyer, prosecuted to death by Bishop Bancroft, b. 10. p. 55, 56. ¶. 29, 30. leaves a good memory behind him, ibid. Nicholas FULLER, a Divine, his deserved commendation, b. 11. ¶. 15. Robert FULLER last Abbot of Waltham, a great preserver of the Antiquities thereof, History of Walt. p. 7. passeth Copt-Hall to King Henry 8. p. 11. his legacy to the Church, p. 14. Thomas FULLER, Pilot who steered the Ship of Cavendish about the world, b. 11. p. 231. G. GANT COLL. in Flanders, for English fugitives, b. 9 p. 91. STEPHAN GARDINER, Bishop of Winchester, getteth the six bloody Articles to be enacted, b. 5. p. 2●0. ¶. 17, 18. bringeth in a List of Latin words in the N. Test. which he would not have translated, p. 238. for his obstinacy first sequestered, then deposed from his Bishopric, b. 7. p. 400. and 401. a politic, plotting Persecuter, b. 8. Sect. 2. ¶. 6. yet courteous in sparing Mistress Clerk the Author's great Grandmother, ¶. 7. his threatening of the English Exiles, Sect. 3. ¶. 22. dieth a Protestant in the point of justification, ¶. 42. Henry GARNET jesuite, his education and viciousness, b. 10, p. 39 ¶. 45. canvased in the Tower by Protestant Divines, ¶. 46, etc. overwitted with an equivocating room, ¶. 48. his arraignment and condemnation, p. 40. 49. dejected carriage at his death, 50. his Straw-Miracle confuted, ¶. 51. etc. GENEVA: such English, who deserted the Church at Frankford, settled there, b. 8. p. 52. ¶. 10. their names, ibid. they send a letter to those at Frankford, about accommodation, which cometh too late, b. 9 p. 52. ¶. 3. the State thereof oppressed by the Savoiard, sues to England for relief, p. 136. their suit coldly resented, and why, p. 137. ¶. 20. yet some years after, the necessity thereof bountifully relieved by the English Clergy, b. 10. p. 4. ¶. 11. GENEVA Translation of the Bible, made by the English Exiles there, b. 8. p. 36. ¶. 27. the marginal notes thereof disliked by King James, b. 10. p. 14. our Translatours enjoined by him to peruse it, p. 47. ¶. 1. the Brethren complain for the lack of their notes, p. 58. ¶. 51. which Doctor H causelessely inveyed against, 52. GERMANUS invited hither by the British Bishops, Cent. 5. ¶. 4. (assisted with Lupus ibid.) His disputation with the Pelagians, ¶. 6. in a most remarkable Conference at S. Alban, ¶. 7, 8. miraculously conquereth the Pagan Picts and Saxons, ¶. 10. is said to exchange some, Relics for S. Alban, ¶. 11. his return into Britain to suppress resprouting Pelagianism in a Synod, ¶. 12, 13. GILBERTINE Monks, b. 6. p. 268. ¶. 8. Ant. GILBY a fierce Nonconformist, b. 9 p. 76. ¶. 70. GILDAS, a British writer, calleth his Countrymen the Ink of the Age, C. 5. ¶. 14. why he omitteth the worthies of his Nation, C. 6. ¶. 2. GILDAS surnamed Albanius, struck dumb at the sight of a Nun with Child, the reported Mother of St. David, C. 5. ¶. 236. Barnard GILPIN refuseth the Bishopric of Carlisle, and why, b. 9 p. 63. ¶. 32. his Apostolical life and death, ibid. GLASS, the making thereof first brought into England, C. 7. ¶. 87. GLASSENBURY: the most ancient Church in Christendom [said to be] erected therein, C. 1. ¶. 13. The plain platform thereof, ibidem. The story of the Hawthorn thereby, budding on Christmas day examined, ¶. 15, 16, 17. out down ●●tely by the Soldiers, ibidem. The twelve British Monks with their hard names dwelling there, ●. 5. ¶. 18. though St. Patrick never lived in that Monastery, ¶. 20. the high praise of the place ibidem. with profane slattery, C. 10. p. 136. ¶. 46. Roger GOAD the worthy Provost of King's College, Hist. of Camb. p. 143. ¶. 5. Thomas GOAD his Son sent to the Synod of Dort, b. 10. p. 80. ¶. 71. GODFATHERS used to men of mature age, C. 7. ¶. 103. Christopher GOODMAN, a violent Nonconformist, b. 9 p. 77. ¶. 72. Godfrey GOODMAN Bishop of Gloucester suspended for his refusing to subscribe to the New Canotis, 〈◊〉 p. 170. ¶. 22, 23. John GOODMAN a seminary Priest, bandied betwixt life and death, b. 11. p. 173. ¶. 39, etc. Earl GODWIN by cheating g●ts the Nunnery of Berkley, C. 11. ¶. 19 and the rich Manor of Boseham, ¶. 20. Francis GODWIN Son of a Bishop, and himself made Bishop of Landaff by Q. Elizabeth, in whose Reign he was born, b. 9 ¶. 4. Count GONDOMAR jeered by Spalleto returns it to purpose, b. 10. p. 95. ¶. 7● and 8. procureth the Enlargement of many jesuites, p. 100 ¶. 22. a bitter compliment passed on him by the Earl of Oxford, p. 101. ¶. 21. King James (by him willingly deceived, p. (114. ¶. 30.) his smart return unto him, ¶. 31. GRAVELIN Nunnery founded by the Gauges for the English of the poor Order of St. Clare, b. 6. p. 363. The GREEK-tongue: difference about the pronunciation thereof, Hist. of Camb. p. 119. ¶. 7, etc. Rich. GREENHAM dieth of the Plague, b. 9 p. 219. ¶. 64. humbled in his life-time with an obstinate Parish which he left at last, ¶. 66. but with his own disliking, p. 223. ¶. 68 a great observer of the Sabbath, ¶. 69. GREGORY the Great his discourse with the Merchants at Rome about the English Slaves, b. 2. C. 6. ¶. 1. would in person, but doth by proxy-endeavour England's Conversion, ¶. 2. his exhortatory letter to Augustine, ¶. 3. St. GRIMBALD a prime Professor in Oxford, C. 9 ¶. 30. his contest with the old Students therein, and departure in discontent, ¶. 39 Edmund GRINDAL made Bishop of London, b. 9 p. 63. ¶. 31. his discourse with the Nonconformist than Archbishop of Cant. p. 108. ¶. 18. why he fell into the Queen's displeasure, p. 119. ¶. 1. the Latin Petition of the Convocation penned by Toby. Matthews to the Queen in his behalf prevaileth not, p. 120, 121. his large letter to the Queen in defending prophecies, from p. 123. to p. 130. offendeth the Earl of Leicester by denying Lambeth House, p. 130, ¶. 4. our English Eli, p. 163. ¶. 10. dies poor in estate, but rich in good works, ¶. 11. Robert Grout-head Bishop of Lincoln, b. 3. p. 65. ¶. 28. offendeth the Pope, ¶. 29. Sainted (though not by the Pope) by the people, ¶. 31. GUNPOWDER TREASON the story at large, b. 10. p. 34, 35, 36, etc. St. GUTHLAKE the first Saxon Eremite, C. 8. ¶. 7. H. William HACKET a blasphemous Heretic his story, b. 9 p. 204. ¶. 32, etc. Dr. John HACKET his excellent speech in the behalf of Deans and Chapt●rs, b. 11. p. 177, 178, 179. Alexander HALES the first of all Schoolmen, C. 14. p. 96. ¶. 16. Sr. Robert HALES Prior of St. Joanes slain in Jack Straw's rebellion, b. 4. p. 140. ¶. 20. Sr. James Hales a Judge refuseth to underwrite the disinheriting of Queen Mary and Q. Elizabeth, b. 8. ¶ 4. Joseph HALL. (since Bishop of Norwich) sent by K. James to the Synod of Doxt, b. 10. p. 77. ¶. 63. his speech at his departure thence for want of health, p. 79. ¶. 70. his letter to the Author, in just vindication of that Synod against Master Goodwin, p. 85. ¶. 7. King HAROLD usurpeth the Crown, C. 11. ¶. 39 killed, and buried (with much a do) in Waltham, Hist. of Walth. p. 7. ¶. 2. Samuel HARSNET Archbishop of York his charging of Bishop Davenant, b. 11. p. 138. ¶. 15. his death, ¶. 31. HEAFENFIELD near Hexham in Northumberland why so called, C. 7. ¶. 63. HEILE a Saxon Idol, their Aesculapius, b. 2. C. 6. ¶. 6. destroyed by Augustine the Monk, C. 7. ¶. 21. King HENRY the first, surnamed Beauclark, his Coronation, b. 3. p. 13. ¶. 41. married Maud a professed Votary, p. 15. ¶. 1, 2, etc. clasheth with Anselm, p. 19 ¶. 4, 5, etc. his death on a surfeit, p. 24. ¶. 27. bred in Camb, Hist. of Camb. p. 2. ¶. 3. King HENRY the second cometh to the Crown, b. 3. p. 30. ¶. 52. his character, 53. refineth the Common Law, & divideth England into Circuits, p. 31. ¶. 54. politicly demolisheth many Castles, ¶. 56. coutesteth with Thomas Becket, p. 32, 33, etc. heavy penance for consenting to his death, p. 35. ¶. 68 afflicted with his undutiful Son Henry, p. 37. ¶. 1. the fare extent of the English Monarchy, p. 39 ¶. 6. dies unfortunate in his Family, p. 40. ¶. 7. King HENRY the third under Tutors and Governors, b. 3. p. 54. ¶. 24. by what he so quickly recovered his Kingdom, ¶. 25. forbiddeth an appeal to the Pope for the trial of Bastardy, b. 3. p. 58, 59 troubled a long time with the animosities of his Subjects, p. 66. ¶. 33, etc. reformeth his faults, ¶. 38. his quiet death, p. 73. ¶. 1, 2. King HENRY the fourth gaineth the Crown by deposing King Richard, b. 4. p. 152. ¶. 52, 53. bloody against poor Innocents', p. 155. ¶. 1. subjecteth Oxford (notwithstanding many Papal exemptions thereof) to the visitation of the Archbish. of Cant. p. 164, 165. his death, p. 166. ¶. 28. King HENRY the fifth, whilst Prince, engaged himself in a bitter Petition, (with the Bishops) against the poor Lollards, b. 4. p. 162, 163. when king, the prelate's (afraid of him, p. 166. ¶. 31.) divert his activity on the French, ¶. 32. his death. King HENRY the sixth his plety, b. 4. ¶. 1. foundeth Eton College, p. 183. looseth all in France, p. 184. ¶. 15. 16. foundeth Kings Coll. An Camb. Hist. of C. p. 73. conquered by K. Edward the 4. p. 190. ¶. 26. returneth out of S●otl. fighteth and is roured, ¶. 29. afterward enlarged out of prison and made King, p. 191. ¶. 31. reimprisoned and murdered, p. 3. worketh many miracles after his death, p. (154.) ¶. 25 yet could be made a Saint by the Pope, and why. ¶. 27. King HENRY the seventh his sixfold title to the Crown, b. 4. p. 194. ¶. 15. his extraction, p. 200. ¶. 18. retrencheth the exorbitances of sanctuaries, ¶. 19 endeavouret him vain to get King Henry the sixth Sainted, p. (153.) ¶. 23. and converteth a lollard and then burneth him, p. (155.) ¶. 31. foundeth the Savoy, b. 5. p. (165.) ¶. 4. his death, ibidem. King HENRY the eighth marrieth the relict of his Brother Arthur, b. 5. p. (165.) ¶. 6. writes against Luther, p. (168.) ¶. 21. therefore styled Defender of the Faith, ¶. 22. embraceth the Motion to be divorced, p. (171.) ¶. 38. troubles before it could be effected, p. (172. &c. owned supreme Head of the Church, p. 187. 48. justified in abolishing the Papal power in England, p. (194.) and (195.) his large Will, from p. 243. to 253. observations thereon, p. 252, 253. his disease and death, p. 254. ¶. 61. vices and virtues, 64. imperfect Monuments, 65. Prince HENRY his death, and excellent Epitaph, b. 10. p. 67. ¶. 22. HERBERT the simoniacal Bishop of Norwich, b. 3. p. 11. ¶. 33. Charles HERLE prolocutor in the Assembly, b. 11. p. 213. ¶. 53. HILDA the worthy Abbess, C. 7. ¶. 90, 93. a Miracle imputed unto her, ¶. 94. Arthur HILDERSHAM his remarkable life and death, b. 11. p. 142. ¶. 22, etc. John HILTON Priest solemnly abjureth his blasphemous heresies before Archbishop Whitgift in the Convocation, b. 9 p. 175. ¶. 27. Robert HOLCOT a great School-man his sudden death, C. 14. p. 98. ¶. 21. John HOLYMAN, Bishop of Bristol, no persecutor in the Reign of Q. Marry, b. 8. S. 2. ¶. 4. HOMILIES of two sorts, b. 9 p. 74. ¶. 60. their use, ¶. 62. authenticalness unjustly questioned, ¶. 63. Rich. HOOKER his character, b. 9 p. 214. ¶. 15. and p. 216. ¶. 53. clasheth with Mr. Travers about a point of Doct. and overpowreth him, ¶. 55, 56, etc. commended by his Adversaries for his holiness, p. 217. ¶. 59 his death, p. 235. ¶. 40. John HOOPER, Bishop of Gloucester, the first founder of nonconformity in England, b. 7. p. 42, 43, 44. etc. much opposed by Bp. Ridley, ibid. till fire and faggots made them friends, p. 405. ¶. 29. Robert HORN chosen Reader of Hebrew to the English Exiles at Frankford, b. 8. p. 31. ¶. 6. His contest with M. Ashley, ¶. 11, 12, 13. stickleth there for the Old discipline, ¶. 14, etc. chose a Disputant in the conference at Westminster, b. 9 ¶. 10. consecrated Bishop of Winchester, ¶. 31. his Suit against Bonner, p. 77. ¶. 1, 2, etc. superseded by a proviso in Parliament, ¶. 7. his death, p. 111. ¶. 32. Ancient HOSTLES in Cambridge before any Colleges therein were built or endowed, Hist. of Camb. p. 26, 27. though fewer, greater than those in Oxford, p. 27. ¶. 21, 22. Richard HUN martyr barbarously murdered, b. 5. p. (166.) ¶. 9 Matthew HUTTON Archbishop of York, by his letter concurreth with Lamheth Articles, b. 9 pag. 230. his death, b. 10. p. 38. ¶. 42. and memory rectified from a foul mistake, ¶. 43. I. St. JAMES how mistaken to have preached in Britain, Cent. 1. ¶. 8. KING JAMES, b. 9 p. 5. ¶. 13. his speech at Hampton Court, p. 8. and discreet carriage therein, p. 9 10, etc. writeth against the Pope, p. 45. ¶. 58 & against Vorstius, p. 27. ¶. 5. his discourse with the legate, ¶. 7. happy in discovery of Impostors, p. 73. ¶. 56. 57 his Sickness, p. 113. ¶. 21. increased with a plaster, ¶. 23. his faith and Charity at his death ¶. 25. his peaceableness, Eloquence, piercing wit, Judgement, bounty and Mercy, p. 114. ¶. 27. 28. etc. His funeral Sermon preached by Bp. Williams, b. 11. pag. 117. ¶. 3. Doctor JAMES his good motion in the convocation at Oxford, b. 11. ¶. 12. Queen JANESEYMOUR married to King Henry the eighth, b. 5. p. 208. ¶. 25. her letter on her delivery, to the Lords of the Council, b. 6. p. 421. ¶. 11. her death, p. 422. ibidem. JESUATES how differing from JESUITS, b. 6. p. 278. ¶. 45. JESUITS their beginning just when other orders in England were dissolved, b. 6. p. 278. ¶. 43. best Butteresses in the Romish Church, p. 279. ¶. 56. their policy, ¶. 57 how in Engl. like the Astrologers in Rome, ¶. 58. their bitter contentions with Secular Priests, b. 9 p. 225, 226. JESUITESSES, a Viraginous Order, & (I think) extinct, b. 6. p. 364. JESUS COLL. IN CAMBRIDGE founded by Bp. Alcock, Hist. Camb. p. 84. ¶. 42, etc. called the Bp. of Ely'es' house, p. 84. ¶. 46. The Masters, Benefactors, Bishops, etc. thereof, p. 86. JESUS COLL. IN OXFORD founded by Hugh Price, b. 9 p. 96. ¶. 28. the Principals, Bps. Benefactors, etc. thereof, ibidem. IMPROPRIATIONS endeavoured to be bought in by Feoffees, b. 11. p. 136. ¶. 5, 6. crushed by Archbishop Laud, p. 143. ¶. 26. etc. those in Ireland restored to the Clergy by the bounty of King Charles, b. 11. p. 149. ¶. 45. INNS of Bishops, or their several Lodging-houses in London, b. 3. p. 63. INNOVATIONS in doctrine and discipline complained of, b. 11. p. 174, 175. JOHN JEWEL draweth up the Gratulatory letter of Oxford to Queen Mary, b. 8. ¶. 6. driven out of Corpus Christi College, ¶. 11. his great fall, ¶. 15. seasonable and sincere recovery, ¶. 17. Vice-Master of P. Martyr's College at Strasbourg, Sect. 3. ¶. 24. one of the disputants against the Papists at Westminster, b. 9 ¶. 10. his reasons against the Council of Trent, ¶. 42. his death, and deserved praise, p. 101. ¶. 1. 2. JEWS first came over into England under William the Conqueror, b. 3. p. 9 ¶. 44. highly favoured by W. Rufus, ibid. had a chief Justicor ●ver them, p. 84. ¶. 33. & a High priest or Presbyter, ¶. 35. their griping usury, p. 85. ¶. 36, etc. unfortunate at Feast and Frays, p. 86. ¶. 40. eruelly used by K. Henry the 3d. ¶. 43. Misdomeanours charged on them. p. 87. ¶. 46, cast out of the land by K. Edward the first, 47. though others say they craved leave to departed, ibid. etc. ILTUTUS abused by Monkish for geries, C. 6. ¶. 8. IMAGE-WORSHIP first settled by Synod in England, C. 8. ¶. 9, 10. enjoined point-blank to poor people to practise it, b. 4. p. 150. ¶. 40. IN A King of the Westsaxons, his Ecclesiastical Laws, C. 7. ¶. 106. he giveth Peter-pences to the Pope, C. 8. ¶. 13. INDEPENDENTS: vide dissenting Brethren. Sr. Fra. INGLEFIELD a Benefactor to the English Coll. at Valladolit, b. 9 p. 87. yea to all English Papists, p. 108. ¶. 20. St. JOHN'S COLLEGE in Cambridge founded by the Lady Margaret, Hist of Cam. p. 94. ¶. 11. the Masters, Bishops, etc. thereof, p. 94, 95. St. john's COLL. Oxford founded by Sr. Tho. White, b. 8. S. 3. ¶. 44. The Precedents, Bishops, Benefactors, etc. thereof, ¶. 45. King JOHN receives a present from the Pope, b. 3. p. 48. ¶. 4. returns him a stout answer, 5. for which the whole Kingdom is interdicted, p. 49. ¶. 6, 7, etc. his Innocency to the Pope's injustice, ¶. 9 by whom he is excommunicated by name, ¶. 10. yet is blessed under his curse, ¶. 11. his submission to the Pope, p. 51. ¶. 13. resigning his Crown, ibid. his unworthy Embassy to the King of Morocco, p. 53. ¶. 21. lamentable death, ¶. 22. and character, ¶. 23. JOSEPH of ARIMATHEA said to be sent into Britain, C. 1. ¶. 11. his drossy History brought to the Touch, ¶. 12. several places assigned for his burial, ¶. 14. the Orators of Spain in the council of Basel, endeavour to disprove the whole story, b. 4. p. 180. ¶. 8. whose objections are easily answered, p. 181. ¶. 9 IRELAND excludeth their own Articles, and receiveth the 39 Articles of England, b. 11. p. 149. ¶. 46. ITALIANS had in England seventy thousand Marks a year of Ecclesiastical revenues, b. 3. p. 65. ¶. 29. held the best live and kept no Hospitality; b. 4. p. 138. ¶. 17. William JUXON Bishop of London, made Lord Treasurer, b. 11. p. 150. ¶. 48. his commendable carriage, ¶. 49. K. Q. KATHERINE de Valois disobeyeth her Husband, b. 4. p. 170. ¶. 46. therefore never buried, ¶. 47, 48. Q. KATHERINE Dowager for politic ends married to King Henry the eighth, b. 5. p. (165.) ¶. 6. on what score the match was first scrupled by the King, p. (171.) ¶. 36, 37, etc. her Speech, p. (173.) her character and death, b. 5. p. 206. ¶. 19 KATHERINE HALL. founded by Robert Woodlark, Hist. of Camb. p. 83. ¶. 40. in strictness of Criticism, may be termed Aula bella, ¶. 41. KEBY a British Saint fixed in Anglesey, C. 4. ¶. 25. KENT: the Saxons Kingdom therein when beginning, how bounded, C. 5. ¶. 17. first converted to Christianity by Augustine the Monk, b. 2. C. 6. ¶. 11. the Petition of the Ministers of Kent against subscription, b. 9 p. 144. KENULPHUS King of the Westsaxons his Charter granted to the Abbey of Abbington, proving the power of Kings in that Age in Church matters, b. 2. p. 101. ¶. 25. notwithstanding Persons his objections to the contrary, ¶. 26. putteth down the Arch bishopric of Lichfield. KETTS Robert and William their Rebellions b. 7. p. 339. ¶. 2. their execution, p. 397. ¶. 15. The KINGS EVILE a large discourse of the cause and cure thereof, C. 11. p. 145, 146, 147. John KING Dean of Christ-Church, b. 5. p. (170.) present at Hampton-Court conference, b. 10. p. 7. when Bishop of London graveleth Legate the Arrain, p. 62. ¶. 8. condemneth him for a Heretic, p. 63. ¶. 10. his clear carriage in a cause of great consequence, p. 67. ¶. 24, 25. his death, p. 90. ¶. 31. and eminencies in defiance of Popish falsehood, ¶. 32. 33. Henry KING made Bishop of Chichester, b. 11. p. 194. KINGS HALL. built by King Edward the third, Hist of Camb. p. 39 ¶. 46. three eminences thereof, ¶. 47. KING'S COLLEGE founded by K. Henry the sixth, Hist. of Camb. p. 73. John KNEWSTUBS minister of Cockfield in Suffolk, b. 9 p. 135. ¶. 16. a meeting of Presbyterians at his house, ibidem. against conformities at Hampton-Court conference, b. 10. p. 7. his exceptions propounded, p. 16, and 17. shrewdly checked by King James, p. 20. a Benefactor to Saint John's College, Hist. of Camb. p. 95. ¶. 15. KNIGHTS of the Garter their Institution, qualifications, hubilliments, Oath, and orders by them observed, how their places become vacant, b. 3. p. 116. KNIGHTS anciently made by Abbots, b. 3. p. 17, 18. until it was forbidden by Canon, ibidem. Mr. KNOT the Jesuit, his causeless Cavils at Mr. Sutton confuted, b. 10. p. 65. ¶. 17, etc. John KNOX chosen their minister by the English Exiles at Frankford, b. 8. S. 3. ¶. 1. opposed in his discipline by Dr. Cox, ¶. 3, 4. accused for treacherous speeches against the Emperor, ¶. 5. forced to departed Frankford to the great grief of his party, ibidem. L. Arthur LAKE Bishop of Bath and Wells, his death and character, b. 11. ¶. 45. LAMBETH Articles by whom made, b. 9 p. 229. ¶. 23. nine in number, p. 230. various judgements of them, p. 231. ¶. 24, etc. LANCASTER and York houses the Battles betwixt them for the Crown; Place, Time, number slain, and Conqueror, b. 4. p. 186, and 187. LANCK-FRANCK made Archbishop of Canterbury, b. 3. ¶. 4. most kindly treated by the Pope, ¶. 17. to whom he accuseth Thomas elect of York, and Remigius elect of Lincoln, ¶. 18, 19 his return and employment, ¶. 20. Hugh LATIMER a violent Papist, History of Cambridge, p. 102. ¶. 33. converted by Bilney, ¶. 34. his Sermon of Cards, p. 103. ¶. 38. preacheth before the Convocation, b. 5. p. 207. ¶. 23. deprived of his Bishopric of Worcester, p. 231. ¶. 18. why he assumed it not again in the Reign of King Edward the sixth, b. 7. p. 405. ¶. 28. his judgement of the contemners of common prayer, p. 426. ¶. 17. William LAUD made Bishop of St. David's, b. 9 p. 90. ¶. 30. a great Benefactor to St. John's in Oxford, b. 8. p. 40. ¶. 45. accused by the Scotch for making their Liturgy, b. 1●. p. 163. prepares for his death, b. 11. p. 215. ¶. 68 his Funeral speech and burial, p. 216. ¶. 69, 70. his birth, breeding and character, p. 216, 217, 218, 219. LAURENTIUS Archbishop of Cant. reconcileth the British to the Romish Church in the Celebration of Easter, C. 7. ¶. 27. intending to departed England i● rebuked in a vision, ¶. 34, 35. LECHLADE or LATINELADE, a place where Latin was anciently taught, Cent. 9 ¶. 30. Thomas LEE or LEAH a prime Officer employed in the dissolution of Abbeys, Hist. of Ab. 314. visiteth the University of Camb. Hist. Cam. of p. 109. ¶ 55. his injunctions to the University, ibidem. Baithol. LEGATE burnt for an Arrian, b. 10. p. 62. ¶. 6, 7, 8. etc. Dr. LEIGHTON his railing book severely censured, b. 11. p. 136. ¶. 3. recovered after his escape and punished. ¶ 4. The first LENT kept in England, C. 7. ¶. 74. Jo. LEYLAND an excellent Antiquary fellow of Christ's Coll. Hist. of Cam. p. 90. ¶. 7. wronged in his works by Polydore Virgil and another nameless Plagiary, b. 5. p. (198) ¶. 54. employed by King Henry 8. to collect and preserve Rarities at the dissolution of Abbeys, b. 6. p. 339. ¶. 8. died distracted, ¶. 9 LICHFIELD bestrewed with the dead bodies of Martyrs, C. 4. ¶. 8. made the See of an Archbishop by King Offa, b. 2. p. 104. ¶. 34 the bvilders of the present (almost passed) Cathedral, b. 4. p. 174. the praise, and picture thereof, p. 175. LIEGE Coll. in Lukeland for English fugitives, b. 9 p. 91. William LILLY the first schoolmaster of Paul's, b. 5. p. (167) ¶. 17. the many Editions of his Grammar, p. (168.) ¶. 18. LISBON a rich Nunnery for Engl. Bridgitines', b. 6. p. 262. ¶. 5, 6, etc. LITURGY an: uniformity thereof when prescribed all over England, b. 7. p. 386. three several editions thereof with the persons employed therein, ibid. Bishop Latimer his judgement against the contemners thereof, p. 426. LONDON, why so called, C. 1. ¶. 2. layeth claim to the birth of Constantine the Emperor, C. 4. ¶. 18. the walls thereof built with Jewish stones▪ b. 3. p. 86. ¶. 42. the honourable occasion of an Augmentation in their Arms, b. 4. p. 141. ¶. 21. William LONGCAMPE Bp. of Ely, his pride, b. 3. p. 43. ¶. 24. his parallel with Cardinal Wolsey, ¶. 28, etc. LOUVAIN College in Brabant, for English fugitives, b. 9 p. 90. a nunnery (or rather but half a one) therein for Engl. women, b. 6. p. 364. ¶. 2. LINCOLN Coll. in Oxford founded by Richard Fleming, b. 4. p. 168. the Rectors, Bps. etc. thereof, p. 1691 William LINWOOD writeth his Provincial constitutions, his due praise, b. 4. page 175. ¶. 71. etc. LUCIUS', the different dates of his conversion, C. 2. ¶. 1. do not disprove the substance of his story, ¶. 3. might be a British King under the Romans, ¶. 4. several Churches in Britain said to be erected by him, ¶. 13. confounded by unwary writers with Lucius a Germane preacher in Suevia, ¶. 14. said to be buried in Gloucester, with his Dunstical Epitaph, C. 3. ¶. 1. LUPUS, assisteth Germanus in his voyage into Britain to suppress Pelagianism, C. 3. ¶. 4. M MADRID Coll. in Spain for English fugitives, b. 9 p. 90. MAGDALEN Coll. in Ox. founded by William Wainfleet▪ b. 4. p. 188. ¶. 24. scarce a Bp. in England to which it hath not afforded one prelate, ¶. 25. sad alterations therein by the Visitors in the first of Q. Marry, b. 8. ¶. 8. the character of this Coll. with the violence of rigid non-conformists' therein presented in a latin letter of Mr. Fox, b. 9 p. 106. ¶. 14, 15. MAGDALEN College in Cambridge founded by Thomas Lord Audley, History of Cambridge, p. 120. ¶. 8, etc. MALIGNANT whence derived, and first fixed as a name of disgrace on the Royal party, b. 11. p. 195. ¶. 32. Roger MANWARING charged by Mr. Pym in Parliament, b. 11. ¶. 61. for two Sermons preached, ibidem. his censure, ¶. 62. and submission, ¶. 63. MARRIAGE of the Priests proved lawful, b. 3. p. 20, 21, 22, 23. MARRIAGE of a Brother's Wife is against God's Word, and above Papal dispensation, b. 5. p. (179,) (180,) (181.) Tho. MARKANT Proctor of Cambridge made and gave a rare Book of her privileges to the university which was lost, found, lost, found, lost, Hist. of Ca●b. p. 65. ¶. 33, 34. Q. MARY quickly recovereth the Crown in right of succession, b. 8. ¶. 1. in her first Parliament restoreth Popery to the height, ¶. 20, 21. makes a speech in Guild-Hall, ¶. 30. her character, S. 2. ¶. 34. valiant against the Pope in one particular, S. 3. ¶. 41. very Melancholy with the causes thereof, ¶. 46, 47. dyes of a Dropsey, ¶. 48. two Sermons preached at her funeral, ¶. 52. her deserved praise, ¶. 53. for refounding the Savoy, ¶. 54. her burial, ¶. 55. MARY Queen of Scots flies into England and is there imprisoned, b. 9 S. 2. ¶. 13. her humble letter to Pope Pius the fifth, ibidem. her second letter unto him, b. 9 p. 99, her death, Poetry, burial, removal to Westminster, and [wel-Latined] Epitaph, p. 181. Queen MARY, Wife to King Charles, her first landing at Dover, b. 11. ¶. 9 delivered of a Son by a fright before her time, b. 11. p. 135. ¶. 1. Toby MATTHEW Archbishop of York dying yearly dies at last, b. 11. ¶. 74. his gratitude to God, ¶. 75. MAUD for four descents the name of the Queens of England, b. 7. p. 25. ¶. 28. MAXIMUS usurpeth the Empire and expelleth the Scots out of Britain, C. 4. ¶. 22. draineth the Flower of the British Nation into France, ¶. 23. slain in Italy, ¶. 24. his memory why inveighed against, ibidem. Mr. MAYNARD his learned speech against the late Canons, b. 11. p. 180. ¶. 77. MEDUINUS sent by King Lucius to Eleutherius Bishop of Rome, C. 2. ¶. 5. MEDESHAMSTED Monastery burnt by the Danes, C. 9 ¶. 20. MELLITUS Bishop of London converteth the Kingdom of Essex, C. 7. ¶. 23. departeth England, and why, ¶. 33. returneth, ¶. 35. and is rejected at London, 36. his character, 37. MERCIA a Saxon Kingdom when begun, how bounded, C. 5. ¶. 17. converted to Christianity under Prince Peada, C. 7. ¶. 83. Thomes MERKES Bishop of Carlisle his bold speech in the behalf of King Richard the second, b. 4. p. 153. ¶. 55. tried for Treason not by his Peers, but a Common jury, p. 154. ¶. 57, 58. his life spared and he made Bishop of Sam●s in Greece, ¶. 59 MERLIN two of the name, C. 5. ¶. 20. his magical Pranks, ¶. 26. questionable whether ever such a man, ¶. 32. fitted with two of her fawles of the same Feather, ibidem. MERTON Coll. in Oxford founded by Walter Merton, b. 9 p. 75. ¶. 7, etc. Wardens, Bishops, Benefactors, and thereof, ¶. 8. a by-foundation of Post-masters therein, p. 76. happy in breeding Schoolmen, p. 99 ¶. 27. a petty rebellion therein suppressed by Archbishop Parker, b. 9 p. 71. ¶. 47, 48, not founded before Peter-house in Cambridge, Hist of Camb. p. 32. ¶. 33, etc. Sr. Walter MILDMAY foundeth Emanuel College, Hist of Cam. p. 146. ¶. 11, 12. etc. The millenary petition, b. 10. p. 22. the issue thereof, p. 23. ¶. 25, 26. the millenary is equivocal, p. 24. MINSHULLS their honourable Arms achieved in the Holy War, b. 3, p. 42. ¶. 19 MIRACLES their Description, b. 6 p. 329. ¶. 1. long since ceased, p. 330. ¶. 2. and why, ¶. 5. yet counterfeited by the Papists, ¶. 7. etc. The Lord MOHUN his memorable patent, made therein by the Pope a Count Apostolical, b. 3. p. 64. John MOLLE his birth, and breeding, b. 10. p. 48. ¶. 7. his sad dilemma, ¶. 8. constancy and death in the Inquisition, ¶. 9, 10. MONKS, their primitive pretty and painfullness, b. 6. p. 263. ¶. 1, 2. etc. afterwards voluntary, not for necessity but convenience, p. 264. ¶. 1, 2. MONUMENTS in Churches, Q Elizab. proclamations (each Copy signed with her own hand) against the defacers of them, b. 9 p. 65. ¶. 36. Sr. Thonas MOOR his praise and dispraise, b. 5. p. 205. ¶. 16, 17. etc. Sr. Ed. MONTAGUE, threatened by the Duke of Northumberland, draws up the Testament of King Edward the sixth to disinherit his Sisters, b. 8. ¶. 2. his great sufferings for the same, ibidem. James MONTAGUE Bp. of Winchester his death, b. 10. p. 86. ¶. 8. a memorable accident thereat, ¶. 9 sec Sidney College. Richard MONTAGUE his character, b. 11. ¶. 7, 8. rescued by the King from the house of commons, ¶. 10. written against by several Authors, ¶. 14. left to defend himself, ¶. 15. made Bishop of Chichester, ¶. 67. his confirmation opposed, ¶. 68, 69. his death, p, 194. ¶. 22. MORRIS Bishop of Rochester a great persecutor, b. 8. S. 2. ¶. 10. MORTMAIN statute, b. 3. p. 77. ¶. 9 the cause thereof, ¶. 10. not a new, but renewed Law, ¶. 11. St. Hierom and Ambrose angry thereat, ¶. 12. the form of the statute, ¶. 13. John▪ MORTON Bishop of Ely the Make-peace betwixt Lancaster and York, b. 4. p. 198. ¶. 11. defended against Mr. P. in, ¶. 12. made Archbishop of Canter. p. 194. ¶. 17. his death, p. [165.] Thomas MORTON, since Bp. of Durham Fellow of Chelsey Coll. b. 10. p. 52. erecteth a Tomb to Casaubon, p. 70. ¶. 38. detecteth the Imposture of the Boy of Bilson, p. 73. ¶. 55. MORTUARY, when, by whom, and to whom to be paid, b. 3. p. 83. ¶. 27. N. The NAGGS-head consecration of Matthew Parker largely confuted, b. 9 p. 61. ¶. 27, etc. The small reason of so great report, p. 62. ¶. 30. Humphrey NECTON (not absolutely the first Doctor who commenced in Cambridge, but) first Carmelite who commenced Dr. therein, Hist. of Camb. p. 20. ¶. 5, 6, etc. Hugh NEVIL slew a Lion in the holy Land, b. 3. p. 41. ¶. 10. Benefactor to Waltham Abbey, ¶. 11. buried therein, Hist. of Waltham. Ralph NEVIL most triumphant in his issue of any English subject, b. 6. p. 297. ¶. 3. made three of his daughter's Nuns, ibidem. George NEVIL Arch bishop of York, b. 4. p. 191. ¶. 31. his prodigious Feast, p. 193. ¶. 38. afterwards starved to death, ¶. 39 Rich. NEVIL the make-King, Earl of Warwick's b. 4. p. 190. ¶. 6. on distaste given him, ¶. 30. conquereth and imprisoneth King Edward the fourth, by whom at last he is overcome and slain, p. 191. ¶. 33. Charles NEVIL Earl of Westmoreland, routed in his rebellion against Queen Elizabeth, b. 9 ¶. 15, 16, etc. Tho. NEVIL the most magnificent master, and Benefactor of Trinity College, Hist of Cambridge, p. 122. ¶. 19 NICE: some British Bishops present at the general Council kept therein, C. 4. ¶. 20. Henry NICHOLAS the founder of the Familists, b. 9 p. 112. ¶. 37. his Mock-Apostolick-stile, ¶. 38. NON-CONFORMISTS' their beginning in the Reign of King Edward the sixth, b. 7. p. 402. ¶. 24. Mr. Hooper and Mr. Roger's their first Champions, ibidem. their arguments since not so much increased as more enforced, p. 404. their practice fomented by the English Exiles at Frankford, b. 8. S. 2. ¶. 33. especially after the coming of Mr. Knox thither, S. 3. ¶. 1. and Mr. calvin's letter, ¶. 2. William Whittingham heard of that party, ¶. 7. which in discontent departed to Geneva, ¶. 10. their Persons and opinions return into England, b. 9 ¶. 3. divided into moderate and fierce Nonconformists, ¶. 68 when their first Set was expired a worse succeeded, p. 81. ¶. 9 etc. The NORTHERN rebellion, b. 6. p. 313. ¶. 1. the Northern Gentry routed therein, ¶. 6. NORTHUMBERLAND a Saxon Kingdom when begun, how bounded, C. 5. ¶. 17. afterward subdivided into two Kingdoms of Bernicia and Deira, C. 7. ¶. 61. NORWICH described, b. 7. p. 393. ¶. 4. yieldeth to the rebels, p. 294, ¶. 6. seasonably relieved, p. 396. ¶. 14. unjustly taxed with disloyalty, ibid. Alex. NOWELL saved from Bonner's cruelty by Mr. Francis Bowyer, b. 8. p. 16. dedicat. Epist. prolocutor in the convocation, 1563 when the Articles were made, b. 9 ¶. 51. consisting of Holy Riddles, b. 9 ¶. 10. his death, ibidem. O. OATH taken by English fugitives, when admitted in foreign Colleges, b. 9 p. 92. of obedience imposed on all Papilis, b. 10. p. 42. another taken by the Divines at the Synod of Dort at their admission, p. 78. ¶. 66. another made in the late Canons with an etc. in the midst thereof, b. 11. p. 169. ¶. 20. OATH ex officio, arguments against and for it, b. p. 183, 184, etc. a fourfold behaviour of Nonconformists in refusing it, p. 186. OBITS what they were, and how performed; six kept in Waltham Church, this charge-2. shillings 6. pence a● piece, Hist. of Waltham, p. 14. William OCCAM Luther his School man. C. 17. p. 98. ¶. 21. OFF A King of Mercia maketh Lichfield the see of an Archbishop, C. 8. ¶. 34. inshrineth the body of St. Alban, ¶. 35. goeth to Rome, and giveth Peter-pences to the Pope, C. 8. ¶ 36, 37. buried at Bedford, ¶. 38. Sr. John OLDCASTLE his opinions, b● 4. p. 167. his guiltiness examined, p. 268. left doubtful to Divine decision, ibid. Barnabas OLY a worthy instrument in re-edifying. Clare Hall ejected for refusing the Covenant, Hist. of Camb. p. 38. ¶. 45. St. OMERS Coll. in Ar●ois, for English fuglelves, b. 9 p. 89. OBSERVANT Friars being Franciscans, refined, b. 6. p. 271. ¶. 17. the first order totally and finally suppressed by King Henry 8. p. 308. ¶. 1, 2. set up for a short time by Q. Mary, p. 357. ORDALL, or the trial by fire of suspected persons, the manner thereof, C. 11. ¶. 14. ORIAL COLL. in Oxford, b. 3. p. 103, 104. Lambert OSBASTON his ridding letter to Bishop Williams, b. 11. p. 165. ¶. 1. censured in the Star-Chamber, p. 166. ¶. 9 restored by Parliament, p. 172. ¶. 33. OSWALD the Christian King of Northumberland, his miraculous Victory in Heafenfield, C. 7. ¶. 63. sendeth for preachers ou● of Scotland, ¶. 69. is interpreter to Bishop Aidan, ¶. 73. slain in fight by Penda the Pagan, ¶. 75. his hands said never to purify, ¶. 76. in what sense it is true, ¶. 77. presently possessed of happiness, ¶. 78. yet his soul prayed for by the superstition of that Age, ibidem. OSWY the most Christian King of Northumberland, C. 7. ¶. 80. OTHO the Pope's Legate lodgeth in Oxford, b. 3. p. 61. ¶. 12. his brother killed, ¶. 13, and 14: himself pursued by the Scholars, p. 62. ¶. 15. whereupon be interdicteth the university, ¶. 17. but at the Bishop's intercession, ¶. 19 and the Scholars solemn pen●ance, ¶. 20. 〈◊〉 is reconciled, ibidem. John OVERDO ALL carrieth the King's Professors pl●oe from Mr. Wotton, Hist. of Camb. p. 125. ¶. 20. Dean of St. Paul's, b. 10. p. 7. gives King James an account of Lambeth Articles, p. 13. his death, p. 86. ¶. 10. OXFORD University (if not founded) restored by King Alfred, C. 9 ¶. 30. the Arms of the University, ●. 40. the Scholars there of harshly used by King William ●he Conqueror, b. 3. p. 6. ¶. 16. killed the brother of Otho the Pope's Legate, p. 61. ¶. 13. for which ●e interdicteth the University, p. 62. ¶. 17. till the Scholars make their solemn submission, ¶. 20. the great and sudden alterations therein in the Reign of Q. Marry, b. 8. p. 7, 8, 9 a strange Mortality Anno 1577. a● the Assizes, b. 9 p. 109. ¶. 22. counted by ●aunders a gre●● miracle, ¶. 24. though a natural cause be assigned thereof, ¶. 25. discontents therein about innovations, b. 11. p. 141▪ ¶: 18, etc. P. APPALL what it i●, with the mysteries thereof C. 7. ¶ 38. PANDULPHUS his proud 〈◊〉 b. 3. p. 53. ¶. 22. Katherine PAR married to King Henry the eighth, b. 3. p. 243. ¶. 48. her enemy's 〈◊〉 against 〈◊〉, defeated by God's providence, ¶ 49, 50 the form of public prayer for her, b. 7. p. 374. ●●letter of Edward the sixth (while Prince) unto her, p. 423, 424. PARISHES in England first divided by Pope Honour●●●, 7. ¶. 68 Matthew PARKER almost looseth his own life to convert the Rebels, b. 7. p. 394. ¶. 7. made Archb. of Cant. b. 9 p. 60. ¶. 23: most legally consecrated, ¶. 25, etc. in defiance, of all Popish Calumnies, ibidem. his death, p. 108. ¶. 17. and defence against Mr. Prin, ¶. 18. see Bennet Coll. Margaret PARKER the Archbishop his exemplary wife. b. 9 p. 108. ¶. 19 St. PATTERN a pattern for all Bishops, C. 6. ¶. 10. St. PATRICK falsely reported living and dying at Glassenbury, C. 5. ¶. 18, 19, 20. a distinct person from Sen Patrick, ¶. 20. St. PAUL by a Poetical Hyperbole only, made to preach in Britain, C. 1. ¶. 8. PAULINUS his death, C. 7. ¶. 79. The PAX what it was and the original thereof, Hist. of Walt. p. 17. in the third Item. PEADA first Christian Prince of Mercia, C. 7. ¶. 83. PELAGIUS a Britain by birth, C. 5. ¶. 1. his principal Errors, ¶. 3. condemned by many Counsels under the name of his Scholar Caelestius, ibid. PEMBROKE HALL. in Cambridge founded by Mary de St. Paul, Hist. of Camb. p. 41. PEMBROKE College in Oxford founded, b. 11. ¶. 41, 42. John PENRY with others executed for libelling against the Bishops, b. 9 p. 223. ¶. 6. Rob. PERSONS Jesuit cometh over into England, b. 9 p. 114. ¶. 41. his three strange escapes, p. 118. ¶. 44, 45. returns to Rome, ¶. 46. Master of the English College there, p. 86. the Secular priests bitterly complain of him, p. 233. ¶. 30. St. PETER: he never preached in Britain (not withstanding Persons his arguments to the contrary,) C. 1. ¶. 7. Peter-pences first granted to the Pope by King Ina, C. 8. ¶. 13. amounting at least to seven thousand five hundred pounds per ann. b. 15. p. (197.) ¶. 46, 47. PETER-HOUSE founded by Hugo. Balsham Subprior of Ely, Hist. of Camb. p. 12. ¶. 44. endowed many years after, by the same Hugo when Bishop of Ely, p. 30, 31, 32, 33. St. PETROCK captain of the Cornish Saints, C. 6. ¶. 11. J. PHILPOT stoutly defendeth the truth in the convocation, b. 8. ¶. 22. against railing Weston, ¶. 23. sealeth it with his blood, ¶. 24. John PIERCE Archbishop of York his death, and commendation for exemplary temperance, b. 9 p. 223. ¶. 9 Thomas PIERCY Earl of Northumberland, his Rebellion against Q. Elizabeth, b. 9 p. 83. ¶. 15. in maintenance of Popery, ¶. 16. routed by the Queen's forces, ¶. 17. beheaded at York, ¶. 19 James PILKINTON the false report of ten thousand pound given with his daughter, b. 5. p. 253. ¶. 55. the truth thereof, b. 9 p. 109. ¶. 21. his death, ibidem. Pope PIUS the fourth his letter and proposals to Q. Elizabeth, b. 9 p. 68 ¶. 40. Pope PIUS the fifth his sentence declaratory against Q. Elizabeth, b. 9 p. 93. PLAYER'S prohibited by proclamation of King Edward the sixth, b. 7. p. 391. Thomas playfere his ranting Epitaph. Hist. of Camb. p. 158. ¶. 40. PLEGMUND of an eminent Eremite made Archbishop of Canterbury, C. 9 ¶. 43. consecrateth seven Bishops in one day, C. 10. ¶. 4. PLUNDER whence derived, and when first used in England, b. 11. p. 196. ¶. 33. Reg. POOL Cardinal, why so much favoured by Q. Mary, b. 8. ¶. 39 Godfather to ●. Tremelius, ¶ 40 consecrated Archb. of Cant. ¶. 41. his dry Sermon of the Pall, ibid. reconcileth England unto Rome, ¶. 42. his death, b. 8. S. 3. ¶. 49. well inclined to be a Protestant ¶. 50. leaveth all his estate to Italians, 51. Chancellor both of Cambridge and Oxford, Hist. of Camb. p. 135. ¶. 53. Sr. Tho. POPE. vide Trinity College Oxford. The POPE in England in his Rising, improveth his power on five sorts of Princes, C. 10. ¶. 2. The POPE in England in his Reigning: a conjectural estimate of his yearly revenues in England, b. 5. p. (197.) The POPE in England in his Ruin: how his usurped power, at the abolition thereof, was restored to several persons to whom it did belong, b. 5. ¶. 199. All PREACHERS (for a time) inhibited by a Proclamation of King Edward the sixth, b. 7. p. 388, 389. PREMUNIRE-statute why made, b. 4. p. 145. the form thereof, p. 146, etc. why so named, p. 148. ¶. 35. Thomas PRESTON (Master of Trinity Hall) Queen Elizabeth her Scholar, History of Camb. p. 139. ¶. 2. John PRESTON his great favour at Court, b. 11. ¶. 6. employed in a double conference, ¶. 35, 36. temporizeth with the Duke of Buckingham, ¶. 43, 44. his death and burial, ¶. 66. William PRIN, b. 11. p. 152. ¶. 56. accused for libelling against Bishops, ¶. 57 his plea rejected, p. 152. ¶. 6●. and answer refused, ¶. 63. his speech on the Pillory, ¶. 73. and behaviour therein, ¶. 74. good employment in his exile, 75. brought book with triumph, p. 172. ¶. 32. False PROPHECIES a great trade driven with them in Abbeys, Hist. of Abb. p. 333. ¶. 11. PROPHECYING in England how ordered, b. 9 P. 121. ¶. 2. their inconveniences, p. 122. ¶. 3. Archbishop Grindal his large letter to Q. Elizab. in their defence, p. 123, etc. PROVISIONS of the Pope their nature, b. 3. p. 8. and b. 4. p. 115. ¶. 25. redressed by a statute, ¶. 26. yet complained of many years after, p. 147. ¶. 43. PSALMS of David by whom translated into English meeter, b. 7. p. 406. ¶. 31. the mean doing thereof endeavoured to be defended, ¶. 32. PURGATORY not held in the Popish notion before the Conquest, b. 2. p. how maintained in the Mongrel Religion under King Henry the eighth, b. 5. p. 223. a merry Vision thereof, b. 4. p. 107. PURITAN: when the word first began in that odious sense, b. 9 ¶. 67. vide Non-conformists. The Archbishop of Spalleto, the first who abused the word to signify the Defenders of matters Doctrinal. Conformable Puritans by whom complained of, b. 11. p. 144. ¶. 31. Q. QUEENS COLL. in Oxford founded by R. Eglesfield, b. 3. p. 114, 115. QUEENS COLL. in Cambridge founded by Q. Margaret, History of Cambridge, p. 80. ¶. 31. finished by Q. Elizabeth wife to King Edward the fourth, ¶. 33. The Masters, Benefactors, Bishops, ibidem. R. READING, a pleasant story between the Abbot thereof, and King Henry the eighth, b. 6. p. 299. ¶. 12, 13. RECUSANTS for Papists when the name in England first began, 809. p. 98. ¶. 29. Our REFORMATION under King Henry the eighth cleared from the aspersion of Schism, b. 5. p. (194,) and (195.) William REGINALD, or Reinolds, a zealous Papist, his death and character, b. 9 p. 224. ¶. 12. John REINOLDS against Conformity in Hampton-Court conference, b. 10. p. 7, 8, 9, etc. his death, p. 47. ¶. 3. admirable parts and piety, p 48. ¶. 5. desireth absolution at his death, ¶. 6. RELICS their abominable superstition, and Forgery, b. 6. p. 331. ¶. 10, 11, etc. RENT-CORN by statute reserved to Colleges, History of Cambridge, p. 144. ¶. 6. procured by Sr. Tho. Smith, ¶. 7. to the great profit of both Universities, ¶. 8. R. Lord RICH his servants sad mistake, b. 7. p. 408. ¶. 40. which cost his master the loss of his Chancellors place, ¶. 41. King RICHARD the first endeavoureth to exp●are his undutifulness by superstition, b, 3. p. 40. ¶. 8. dearly ransomed, p. 44. ¶. 28, 29. made better by affliction, p. 45. ¶. 30. his death, burial, and Epitaph, ¶. 32, etc. King RICHARD the second, b. 4. p. 137. ¶. 12. his lose life, p. 152. ¶. 51. conspired against by Duke Henry, ¶. 52. forced to depose himself or be deposed, p. 153. ¶. 53. his death, ibid. King RICHARD the third his pompous double Coronation, b. 4. p. (196.) ¶. 4. barbarously murdered his brother's Sons, ¶. 5. endeavoureth in vain to be Popular, p. (197.) ¶. 6, and 7. unjustly commended by a Modern Writer, ¶. 8. beaten and killed in the Battle of Bosworth, p. 194. ¶. 14. RIPPON Collegiat Church endowed by King James, b. 10. p. 29. ¶. 16. their Land since twice sold, ¶. 17. John ROGERS prime Patron of Nonconformity, b. 7. p. 402. martyred, b. 8. p. 23. ¶. 32. Thomas ROGERS writeth on the Articles of the Church of England, b. 9 p. 172. ¶. 22. first opposeth the opinion of the Sabbatarians bitterly enough, p. 228. ¶. 22. ROME COLLEGE for English fugitives, b. 9 p. 86. The ROOD what is was, and why placed betwixt the Church and Chancel. History of Walt. p. 16. in the first item. S. The SABBATH: the strict keeping thereof revived by Doctor Bound, b. 9 p. 227. ¶. 20. learned men divided therein, p. 228. ¶. 21, etc. liberty given thereon by King James his Proclamation in Lancashire, b. 10. p. 74. ¶. 58, 59 reasons pro and con whether the same might lawfully be read, p. 74. ¶. 56. minister's more frighted then hurt therein, p. 76. ¶. 62. not reading of it enforced on them, ibidem. controversy revived in the Reign of King Charles, b. 11. p. 144. ¶. 13, etc. SAINTS Numerous and noble amongst the Saxons C. 8. ¶. 6. ridicliously assigned by Papists to the Curing of sundry diseases, and patronage of sundry professions, b. 6. p. 33. ¶. 13. SAMPSON, an ancient British Bishop, madef fine Titulo, C. 6. ¶. 9 Thomas SAMPSON Dean of Christ-Church in Oxford, the first that I find outed his place for Puritanisme, b. 9 p. 77. ¶. 72. Edwin SANDYS Bishop of Worcester, b. 9 p. 63. ¶. 31. Archbishop of York: his death, p. 197. ¶. 35. his Sermon before the Duke of Northumberland at Cambridge, Hist. of Camb. p. 131. ¶. 40. his ill usage for the same, ¶. 43. SARDIS: some representation of the British at the General Council kept therein, C. 4. ¶. 20. SARUM, secundum usum thereof its original and occasion, b. 3. ¶. 23. William SAWTREE, b. 4. p. 156. Articles against him, ibidem degraded, p. 157. ¶. 5. and the first man burnt for his Religion, p. 158. SAXONS, the first mention of them in Brit. C. 5. ¶. 9 unadvisedly invited over by King Vortiger, ¶. 16. erect seven Kingdoms in Britain, ¶. 17. The rabble of their Idols, C. 6. ¶. 6. wilfully accessory to their own 〈◊〉 by the Danes, C. 9 ¶. 17. SCHISM unjustly charged on the English Church in their Reformation, and returned on Rome, b. 5. p. (194) and (195) SCHOOLMEN: nine eminent, all of England, most of Merton College, C. 14. p. 94, 95. their needless difficulties, p. 98. ¶. 24. barbarous Latin, ¶. 25. divisions in judgement; ¶. 26. why their Learning less used in after ages, ¶. 28. SCOTLAND challenged by the Pope, as his peculiar, C. 14. ¶. 1. stoutly denied by the English, ¶. 2. SCOTCH Liturgy, the whole story thereof, b. 11. p. 160. ¶. 95, etc. John SCOTUS Erigena his birthplace, C. 9 ¶. 32, 33, 34. miserably murdered by his Scholars, ¶. 35. unmartyred by Baronius, ¶. 36. causelessly confounded with Duns Scotus, ¶. 37. John DUNSSCOTUS why so called, C. 14. p. 96. ¶. 19 his birth claimed by three Kingdoms, ibidem. SEATER a Saxon Idol, his shape and Office, b. 2. C. 6. ¶. 6. SECULAR Priests their contesting with Monks, C. 8. p. 133, 134. John SELDEN setteth forth his Book against Tithes, b. 10. p. 70. ¶. 39, 40. puzleth the Assembly of Divines with his queries, b. 11. p. 213. ¶. 54. Richard SENHOUSE preacheth King Charles his Coronation, and his own funeral, b. 11. ¶. 18. Edward SEIMOUR Duke of Somerset Lord Protector, b. 7. p. 372. ¶. 3. his tripartite accusation, p. 407. ¶. 36. imprisoned, yet restored, p. 408. ¶. 38. afterwards impeached of Treason, ¶. 42. and executed, p. 409. ¶. 43. unjustly, saith a good Author, ¶. 44. (though King Edward was possessed of his guiltiness as appeareth by his letter, ibidem.) his character and commendation, p. 410. ¶. 45. SIDNEY SUSSEX College founded, Hist. of Camb. p. 153. ¶. 23, etc. SIGEBERT King of the East-Angles, his Religion, and Learning, C. 7. ¶. 45. reputed founder of the University of Camb. ¶. 46. the Cavils to the contrary answered ¶. 49, etc. SIGEBERT the pious King of the East-Saxons, C. 7. ¶. 81. SIMON ZELOTES made by Dorotheus to preach in Britain, C. 1. ¶. 8. SIVIL COLLEGE in Spain for English fugitives, b. 9 p. 88 Mr. SMART termed proto-Martyr of England, b. 11, p. 173. ¶. 35, etc. Sr. Tho. SMITH Benefactor general to all Scholars, Hist of Camb. p. 81. ¶. 37, 38. and also, p. 144. ¶. 6, 7, 8. Henry SMITH commonly called the Silver-tongued, b. 9 p. 142. ¶. 3, 4. Rich. SMITH ●●eularie Bishop of Cha●●edon, b. 11. ¶. 72. some write for, others against him: Episcopizethin England, b. 11. p. 137. ¶. 7. opposed by Nicholas Smith, and defended by Dr. Kelison, both zealous Papists, ¶. 8, 9, etc. SOBRIQUETS what they were, b. 3. p. 30. ¶. 52 fifteen principal of them, ibid. SODOMITRY the beginning thereof in England, b. 3. p. 19, ¶. 29. with too gentle a Canon against it, ibid. SOUTH SAXONS their Kingdom, when begun, how bounded, C. 5. ¶. 17. converted to Christianity by Wilfride, C. 7. ¶. 98, etc. taught by him first to fish, ¶. 101. SPALLETO his coming over into England, with the whole story of his stay here, departure hence, and burning at Rome for a Heretic after his death, b. 10. p. 93. unto the 100 King STEPHEN usurpeth the Crown, b. 3. p. 24. ¶. 28. by the perjury of the Clergy, p. 25. ¶. 29. variety of opinions and arguments pro and con about him, ¶. 30, 31, etc. the Clergy revolt from him, p. 27. ¶. 39 appeareth (as some say) in person, summoned to a Synod in Winchester, p. 28. ¶. 43. a founder of Religious houses, p. 29. ¶. 46. his death, p. 30. ¶. 51. STEWS suppressed by statute, b. 5. p. 239. ¶. 38. their Original, ¶. 39 and Constitution, p. 140. ¶. 40. arguments pro and con for their lawfulness, ¶. 41, 42. STIGANDUS Archbishop of Cant his Simony, b. 3. ¶. 2. and covetousness, ¶. 4●. Simon STOCK living in a trunk of a tree esteemed a Saint, b. 6. p. 272. ¶. 21. STONEHENGE, the description and conceived occasion thereof, C. 5. ¶. 26. Tho. STONE a conscientious Nonconformist discoverth the Anatomy of the disciplinarian meetings, p. 207, etc. his sixteen Reasons in his own defence against his accusers herein, p. 209, etc. J. STORY a most bloody persecuter, b. 8. s. 2. ¶. 12. with a fine design trained into England, b. 9 p. 84. ¶. 20. executed his revenge on the executioner, ibid. STRASBURGH: the congregation of English Exiles therein in the Reign of Q. Marry, b. 8. S. 2. ¶. 41. Jack STRAW his rebellion, b. 4. p. 138. ¶. 18. his rabble of Rebels in Rhythme, p. 139. ¶. 19 their barbarous, outrages, p. 140. ¶. 20. and ruin, ¶. 21. See Wat Tyler. STURBRIDGE FAIR the Original thereof, Hist. of Camb. p. 66. ¶. 36. SUBSCRIPTION first pressed by the Bishops, b. 9 p. 76. ¶. 66. and more rigorously, p. 102. ¶. 3. Simon SUDBURY Archbishop of Canterbury why silent in the conference at St. Paul's, b. 4. p. 136. ¶. 10. slain by the rebels under Jack Straw, ¶. 20. being one hundred thousand, ¶. 21. founded (whilst living) Canterbury College in Oxford, b. 5. p. (169.) ¶. 28. Matthew SUTCLIFFE Dean of Exeter his bounty to Chealfey College, b. 10. p. 51. ¶. 22. the Lands of that College restored to his heirs general, p. 55. ¶. 27. Richard SUTTON his death, b. 10. p. 75. ¶. 15. the several manors bestowed by him on Charter-house, ¶. 16. the Cavils of Mr. Knot. ¶. 17. his constant prayer, p. 66. ¶. 20. SWEETING sickness in Cambridge, the cause and cure thereof, Hist. of Camb. p. 128. Edward SYMPSON an excellent Critics Hist. of Camb. p. 123. ¶. 20. enjoined a recantation before King James, p. 160. ¶. 44. ZION nuns their notorious wantonness, b. 6. p. 318. ¶. 8. T. Adam TARLETON Bishop of Hereford his life and death letter, b. 3. p. 107. ¶. 28. thrice arraigned for his life, yet escapeth, p. 108. Mr. TAVERNOUR high Sheriff of Oxford, part of his Sermon preached at St. Mary's, b. 9 p. 65. ¶. 35. TAVISTOCK in Devon, the last mitred Abbot, made by King Henry the eighth, few years before the dissolution, b. 6. p. 293. ¶. 5. TAURINUS how by mistake made the first Bishop of York, C. 2. ¶. 1. TAXERS in Cambridge their original, His. of Camb. p. 10. ¶. 36, 37, &c St. TELIAU his high commendation, C. 6. ¶. 12. TEMPLES of heathen Idols, converted into Christian Churches, C. 2. ¶. 11. our Churches succeed not to the holiness of Solomon's Temple, but of the Jewish Synagogues, b. 11. p. 150. ¶. 51. TENTHS their Original, why paid to the Pope, b. 5. p. 226. ¶. 1. commissioners (being unquestioned Gentlemen) employed by King Henry the eighth to rate them, ¶. 2. their Instructions, ¶. 3. Tenths remitted by Q. Mary, p. 228. ¶. 6. resumed by Q. Elizabeth, ¶. 7. in vain heaved at, at the present in our state, ¶. 8. A TERRIER made of all Glebe Lands, b. 3. p. 113. New TESTAMENT: several Bishops assigned to peruse the translation of the several Books thereof, b. 5. p. 233. Gardiner giveth in a List of Latin words which he would not have translated, p. 238. why, p. 239. ¶. 35. TEUXBURY Abbot in Glocestershire controverted whether on no a Baron in Parliament, b. 6. p. 294. ¶. 12. THE ODORUS Archbishop of Cant. C. 7. ¶. 95. settleth Easter according to the Romish Rite, ¶. 96. the Canons of a Council kept by him at Hartford, ibidem. Tho. THIRLEBY Bishop of Ely sent to Rome to reconcile England to the Pope, b. 8. ¶. 42. no great persecuter in his Diocese in the days of Q. Marry, S. 2. ¶. 14. found favour under Q. Elizabeth, b. 9 ¶. 18. being a Prisoner to be envied, ibidem, though reputed a good man, wasted the lands of Westminster Church, whereof he the first and last Bishop, b. 9 ¶. 43. Thomas TISDALE founder of Pembroke College in Oxford, b. 11. ¶. 41. TITHES first given to the Clergy, C 9 ¶. 8, etc. by King Athelwolphus. The objections against his grant answered, etc. ibidem, confirmed by the Charter of King William the Conqueror, b. 3. ¶. 12. three orders exempted from payment of them, b. 6. p. 283. ¶. 3. THOR, a Saxon Idol, his name, shape, and office, b. 2. C. 6. ¶. 6. John THRASK censured for his judaical opinions, b. 10. p. 76. ¶. 64. George THROGMORTON an Oxford man challengeth all Cambridge to dispute on two questions, Hist. of Cambridge, p. 104. ¶. 44. the ill success thereof, ¶. 45, etc. TOLERATION of Papiss set afoot in the Reign of King James, with the arguments pro and con, b. 10. p. 106, and 107. resumed 〈◊〉 rejected in the Reign of K. Charles. ●. 11. ¶. 56, 57, 58. Rob. TOUNSON Bishop of Salisbury his death, b. 10. p. 91. ¶. 35. TRANSLATOURS of the Bible their names, and number, b. 10. p. 45, 46. instructions given by King James, p. 47, their work finished, p. 58. and defended against causeless Cavils, ibidem. TRINITY COLL. in Oxford founded by Sir Tho. Pope, b. 8. S. 3. ¶. 43. being the first that gained by Abbey lands, and made a public acknowledgement in charitable uses, ibidem. The Precedents, Bishops, Benefactors, etc. of that College. TRINITY COLL. in Cambridge founded by King Henry the eighth, Hist. of Cambridge, p. 121. ¶. 17. enriched by Queen Mary, p. 122. ¶. 18. and enlarged by Dr. Nevile, ¶. 19 the Masters, Bishops, Benefactors, etc. thereof, ibidem. Statesmen, Divines, Critics, p. 123. ¶. 20. James TURBERVILL Bishop of Exeter no active persecuter, b. 8. S. 2. ¶. 2. findeth fair usage after his deprivation, b. 9 ¶. 19 TOURNAMENTS their ill effects, History of Camb. p. 11. ¶. 39 forbidden within five mile of Camb. ¶. 40, etc. Wat TYLER his rebellion, b. 4. p. 138. ¶. 18, etc. parallelled with Judas of Galilee, p. 140. ¶. 21. the Wicklivites defended from having any hand in causing his Rebellion, p. 141. ¶. 23. see Jack Straw. William TYNDAL his story at large, b. 5. p. 224, 225. TUYSC a Saxon Idol his shape and office, b. 2. C. 6. ¶. 6. William TWISSE prolocutor in the Assembly, b. 11. p. 199. ¶. 4. his death, p. 213. ¶. 53. V VALLADOLIT COLL. in Spain for English fugitives, b. 9 p. 87. Richard VAUGHAN Bishop of London his death, b. 10. p. 49. ¶. 11. Master UDAL: King James his letter for him, b. 9 p. 203. ¶. 30. arraigned and condemned, p. 221. ¶. 1. Richard VINES his argument at Uxbridge treaty to prove the sufficiency of ordination by Presbyters, b. 11. p. 215. ¶. 65. Polydore VIRGIL Collector of Peter-pences in England, b. 5. p. (198.) ¶. 51. Benefactor to the Church of Wells, malefactor to the Church of England, ¶. 52, 53. Eight foreign UNIVERSITIES conclude it unlawful to marry a Brother's Wife, b. 5. p. (183.) ¶. 19 UNIVERSITY COLL. in Oxon, founded by King Alfred, C. 9 ¶. 30. the maintenance paid out of the King's Exchequer, ¶. 38. exhibitions allowed to the Scholars thereof why detained by William the Conqueror, b. 3. ¶. 16. refounded and endowed, p. UNIVERSITY Hall in Cambridge founded by Richard Badew, Hist. of Cam. p. 37. ¶. 40. burnt down, ibidem. see Clate Hall. Conradus VORSTIUS his dangerous opinions, b. 10. p. 60. opposed by King James, p. 61. in his letter to the States, ¶. 3, etc. K. VORTIGER his incefluous match condemned by Germanus, C. 5. ¶. 13. calleth in the Saxons, ¶. 16. burning in lust is burnt to Ashes, ¶. 27. URSULA her fabulous Martyrdom at Colen, (with. ●1000. Virgin's attending her) confuted. C. 5. ¶. 21. USURPERS how far they are to be abeyed, in the case of King Stephen, b. 3. p. 25, 26, 27. UXBRIDGE treaty, the fruitless fruits thereof, b. 11. p. 214. ¶. 61. Conference about Church-matters therein, ¶, 63. etc. W. WADHAM COLLEGE in Oxford founded by Nicholas Wadham, b. 10. p. 68 ¶, 29, 30. Peter of WAKEFIELD prophesied against K. John, b. 3. p. 50. ¶. 12. hanged, p. 52. ¶. 16. whether justly or unjustly, disputed, ibidem. WALTHAM ABBEY why so named, Hist. of Walt. p. 5. ¶. 2. the situation thereof, ¶. 3. excused for its bad air p. 6. ¶. 1. the Town first founded by one Tovy, ¶. 2. but Abbey, by Earl Harold, ¶. 4. refounded by King Henry the second, p. 7. Nicholas abbot of WALTHAM most eminent, Hist. of Wal. p. 20. toward the end. John de WALTHAM keeper of the privy seal to K. Richard the second, Hist. of Wal. p. 30. near the end. Roger de WALTHAM a great Scholar, Hist. of Wal. p. 20. at the bottom. William WARHAM Archbishop of Canterbury his death, and character, b. 5. p. (184) ¶. 26. John WARNER, Bishop of Rochester, chosen to solicit the Bps● cause when charged with a praemunire, b. 11. p. 183. ¶. 7. pleadeth stoutly for their votes in Parliament, p. 194. ¶. 25. William WATSON, a Secular Priest, his notorious railing against the Jesuits, b. 10. ¶. 5, 6. his Treason against K. James, ¶. 14. and silly plea at his Execution, ¶. 17. WEASEL, the English Exiles under Q. Mary why quickly removing thence, b. 8. S. 2. ¶. 41. WELCH, two grand mistakes therein, b. 11. p. 170. ¶. 21. committed to Welsh Bps. to amend 〈◊〉 ibidem. WESTMINSTER pretends to a Massacre of primitive Monks therein, Cent. 4. ¶. 9 a Church therein built by Edward the Confessor, said to be consecrated by St. Peter himself, C. 11. ¶. 22. five alterations in St. Peter's therein within 30. years, b. 9 p. 70. ¶. 43. Herbert WESTPHALING, Bishop of Hereford, seldom seen to laugh, b. 10. ¶. 10. WESTSAXONS, their Kingdom when begun, how bounded, C. 5. ¶. 17. William WHITACRE Master of St. John's in Camb. kindly resens are proof from one of the fellies, Hist of Camb. p. 97. ¶. 18. his sickness and death, p. 151. ¶. 18. his sad & solemn funeral, ¶. 19 John WHITE swalloweth 〈◊〉 to get the Bishopric of Winchester, b. 8. S. 3. ¶. 42. preacheth a 〈◊〉 (yet flattering) Sermon, at the Funerals of Q. Marry, ¶. 52. stirred against Q. Eliz. b. 9 ¶. 17. Sr. THO. WHITE, Lord Major of London, founder St. Ion●s College in Ox, b. ●. S. 3. ¶. 44. john WHITGIFT, Dr. of D. after much clushing with Mr. Cartwright Hist. of Camb. p. 140. expelleth him, ibid. 〈…〉 Cant. 〈…〉 Lords, in defence of Conformity, b. 9 p. 145. etc. his death, b. 10. p. 25. ¶. 2. just defence against the exceptions of 〈…〉 etc. William WHITTINGHAM head of 〈…〉 non-conformists at Frankford, b. 8. 〈…〉. ¶. 7. 〈◊〉 whom he depar●eth to Geneva, ¶. 10. a fierce Nonconformist (though Dean of D●rham) in the beginning of Q. Eliz. b. 9 ¶. 71. John WICKLIFF his parent age, learning, and opinions, b. 4. p. 130. ¶. 3. etc. marvellously spread and why, p. 142. ¶. 25. his quiet death, ¶. 26. Richard WIGHTWICK an eminent Benefactor to Pembroke College in Oxford, b. 11. ¶. 41. Edward WIGHTMAN burnt for a Heretic, b. 10. p. 64. ¶. 13. WILFRIDE a Champion for the Romish Easter, C. 7. ¶. 90. his prevailing argument, ¶. 91. envied by Theodoius Archbishop, ¶. 97. converteth the South-Saxons, ¶. 98, etc. persecuted by King Alfride, C. 8. ¶. 1. appealeth to Rome, ¶. 2. dyeth, ¶. 3. WILLIAM the first conquereth King Harold in fight, C. 11. ¶. 40. rebateth his conquering sword with composition, ¶. 41. calleth a Synod of his Bishops at Winchester, b. 3. ¶. 4. is civil to the Pope, ¶. 5. yet so as he is true to his own interest, ¶. 6. refuseth to do fealty to Pope Gregory the seventh, ¶. 7, 8. suffers none of his Barons to be excommunicated without his consent, ¶. 9 divides the jurisdiction of the Bishops from the Sheriffs, ¶. 10, 11. quits the Crown by Conquest, but kept it by composition, ¶. 13. his death and burial, ¶. 25. WILLIAM Rufus crowned, b. 11. p. 10. ¶. 27. his covetnousness, ¶. 28, 29. contests with Anselme, p. 11. ¶. 3. John WILLIAMS, Bishop of Lincoln, made Lord keeper, b. 10. p. 89. ¶. 24, 25, etc. preacheth King James his funeral Sermon, b. 11. ¶. 3. exceptions thereat, ¶. 4. excluded attendance at the Coronation, ¶. 17. looseth the Keeper's place, ¶. 37, etc. is sued in the Star-Chamber, from p. 153, to 158. severely censured there, ibidem. fined the second time in the same Court, p. 165, 166. vindicateth his extraction, p. 183. ¶. 9 the first and most active in the Bishop's protestation, p. 187. the brief account of his life and death, p. 225, 226. WINCHESTER pretends to a Massacre of Primitive Monks therein, C. 4. ¶. 9 King Stephen. summoned, said to be present at a Synod there, b. 3. p. 28. ¶. 43, 44. a famous School therein founded by William Wickham, b. 4. p. 133. ¶. 30. R. WINCELSEY Archbishop of Cant. humbled by King Edward the first, C. 1. p. 90. ¶. 4, etc. why finding no favour from the Pope, p. 91. ¶. 7. restored to his Archbishopric, p. 92. ¶. 12. WINE, when first permitted to English Monks to drink, b. 2. p. 103. ¶. 28. Dr. Thomas WINNIFF preacheth in the convocation, b. 11. ¶. 65. WODEN a Saxon Idol his name, shape and office, b. 2. C. 6. ¶. 6. WOMEN present at a Church-councill, C. 7. ¶. 107. women's brawls, mens Thralls, b. 7. p. 407. ¶. 34, 35. English WOOLS improvement in manufactures, B. third, (but 〈◊〉 sprinted fourth,) p. 111. ¶. 6. when the Dutch workmen invited into England, ¶. 7, 8, etc. WOOLFRED Archbishop of Cant. kept a Council at Celichyth, C. 9 ¶. 4. the acts thereof, ibid. WOLPHERE King of Mercia his cruel murdering of his Sons, C. 7. ¶. 86. Thomas WOLSEY C●rasnal foundeth Cardinal's College in Oxford, b. 5. p. (169.) ¶. 27, etc. would have his servants serve none but the King, p. (171) ¶. 35. falleth into the King's displeasure, & dyeth, b. 5. p. (178.) ¶. 2, etc. WOLSTAN Bishop of Worcester, the English Janus, keeps his Bishopric by resigning it, b. 3. ¶. 22. his death, 34. Nich. WOOTTON, Dean of Cant. and York, his death and character, b. 9 p. 8. ¶. 11. Dr. WRIGHT a moderate Visitor in Oxford, b. 8. ¶. 9 redanteth and dyeth a Protestant in his perfect senses, notwithstanding Sanders Slanders to the contrary, ibidem. St. Tho. WYATT his rising to hinder the Spanish match, b. 8. ¶. 25. how his fool abused the Queen's Herald, ¶. 26, 27, 28. his insolent demands, ¶. 30. entereth Southwark and quitteth it, ¶. 31, 32. retarded in his March, ¶. 34. stopped at Ludgate and taken in Fleetstreet, ¶. 37. penitent at his execution, ¶. 38. Y. A YEAR ill lost, and well found in the Saxon Chronologie, C. 7. ¶. 62. Ed. YEAR, if his name was not Anne, his dear Poetry against the Mass, wherein every verse cost him a lash, b. 8. ¶. 14. YORK: Constantius Chlorus buried there, C. 4. ¶. 13. layeth claim to the birth of Constantine the Emperor, ¶. 18. an Archbishops Palls bestowed thereon by Pope Gregory, C. 7. ¶. 1. claimeth precedency of Canterbury, b. 3. p. 38. ¶. 3. on what Title, ibid. the Archbishops thereof not satisfied with the Pope's nice distinction, p. 39 ¶. 45. YORK and Lancaster houses the Battles betwixt them for the Crown; Place, time, number slain, and Conqueror, b. 4. p. 186, and 187. YORK Clergy, though late, at last acknowledged the King's Supremacy, b. 5. p. (188.) ¶. 49, 50, etc. Thomas YOUNG Archbishop of York, lost by gaining, b. 9 p. 83. ¶. 14. his death, ibidem. John YOUNG Bishop of Rochester his death, b. 10. p. 39 ¶. 44. Z. Baltazer ZANCHES a Spanish protestant builds an Almshouse for the Eng. poor at Tottenham, b. 9 p. 234. ¶. 35. he the first (his family since the best) confectioners in England, ibidem. Eudo de ZOUCH the first person of honour Chancellor of Cambridge, Hist. of Camb. p. 57 ¶. 62. therefore not exacted obedience of the Bishop of Ely. ZURICH: the Congregation of English [most learned] Exiles therein in the days of Q. Marry, b. 8. S. 2. ¶. 41. who refuse to join with those at Frankford and why, ¶. 46. ERRATA. Book. pag. lin. 2 105 12 For Sarisbury, read Sheborn. 3 25 2 after, since the Conquest, add, which left any issue. 4 141 11 12 in these two lines transpose Harpsfield, for Alanus Copus. 185 22 read it thus, of his Predecessor Wickham, or Successor Wainfleet. 5 (156) 15 for Dr. Greenhil, read Dr. Daniel Greenwood. (187) 31 for But He, read Be He therefore. (196) 39 for 8. shillings, read, four shillings. (279) 30 for Impunity, read Impurity. 6 344 15 for Briston, read Bruiton. 369 21 for St. john's, read St. mary's. 7 388 15 for the second, read the sixth. 8 14 39 for Grandchild to Edward the fourth, read great Grandchild to Edward the fourth his Father. 40 40 for Faithful, read Thankful Owen. 9 70 43 for roasted, read wasted. 109 21 for Sr. james (in some copies not corrected) read Sr. Henry. 145 32 for Mr. Yeale, read Master Beale. 167 4 8 for Anthony, read Christopher. 185 22 for Detestation, read Detection. 10 21 21 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 93 12 for can thereof, read thereof can. 11 119 39 for he left, read fel. 40 for Sisters, read Brothers Son. 182 16 for greater, read lesser. 216 53 prebendary of Stanford, deal prebendary. 217 1 for Clochester, read Gloucester. 235 28 for Truth is to be, read belief is to be. Hist. of Camb. 158 41 for Sciarum, read Scientiarum. 160 30 for Majesty, read majoralty. Courteous Reader, I Am sensible of a mistake in the Catalogue of Vice-Chancellours and Proctors of Cambridge, (besides a needless repetition of two, twice) betwixt the years 1617., and 1620. inclusively. It arose from some difference betwixt the written Copies I used, and such (I believe, the truer) as are since printed. I see what, not whither, to fly, who can discover, do confess, but [for the present] cannot rectify the Error, craving the charitable assistance of my Mother's Sons herein. The best is, all the mistake lieth within the compass of three years, (all officers being right before and after) and the Fortunes of Greece, the Truth I mean of our Church-History,, is not concerned therein. FINIS.